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Title: The Three Voyages of Captain Cook Round the World. Vol. V. Being the First of the Third Voyage
Author: Cook, James
Language: English
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[Illustration: _A View of Christmas Harbour, in Kerguelen’s Land._]
THE
THREE
VOYAGES
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK
ROUND THE WORLD.
COMPLETE
In Seven Volumes.
_WITH MAP AND OTHER PLATES._
VOL. V.
BEING THE FIRST OF THE THIRD VOYAGE.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1821.
LONDON:
Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.
CONTENTS
OF
_THE FIFTH VOLUME_.
THIRD VOYAGE.
INTRODUCTION to the Third Voyage Page 3
Inscription to the Memory of Captain JAMES COOK. 85
BOOK I.
Transactions from the Beginning of the Voyage till our Departure from
New Zealand.
CHAP. I.
Various Preparations for the Voyage.—Omai’s Behaviour on
embarking.—Observations for determining the Longitude of
Sheerness and the North Foreland.—Passage of the Resolution
from Deptford to Plymouth.—Employments there.—Complements of
the Crews of both Ships, and Names of the Officers.—
Observations to fix the Longitude of Plymouth.—Departure of
the Resolution 89
CHAP. II.
Passage of the Resolution to Teneriffe.—Reception there.—
Description of Santa Cruz Road.—Refreshments to be met
with.—Observations for fixing the Longitude of Teneriffe.—
Some Account of the Island.—Botanical Observations.—Cities
of Santa Cruz and Laguna.—Agriculture.—Air and Climate.—
Commerce.—Inhabitants 101
CHAP. III.
Departure from Teneriffe.—Danger of the Ship near Bonavista.—
Isle of Mayo.—Port Praya.—Precautions against the Rain and
sultry Weather in the Neighbourhood of the Equator.—Position
of the Coast of Brazil.—Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.—
Transactions there.—Junction of the Discovery.—Mr.
Anderson’s Journey up the Country.—Astronomical
Observations.—Nautical Remarks on the Passage from England
to the Cape, with regard to the Currents and the Variation 115
CHAP. IV.
The two Ships leave the Cape of Good Hope.—Two Islands, named
Prince Edward’s, seen, and their appearance described.—
Kerguelen’s Land visited.—Arrival in Christmas Harbour.—
Occurrences there.—Description of it 135
CHAP. V.
Departure from Christmas Harbour.—Range along the Coast, to
discover its Position and Extent.—Several Promontories and
Bays, and a Peninsula, described and named.—Danger from
Shoals.—Another Harbour and a Sound.—Mr. Anderson’s
Observations on the natural Productions, Animals, Soil, &c.
of Kerguelen’s Land 153
CHAP. VI.
Passage from Kerguelen’s to Van Diemen’s Land.—Arrival in
Adventure Bay.—Incidents there.—Interviews with the
Natives.—Their Persons and Dress described.—Account of their
Behaviour.—Table of the Longitude, Latitude, and Variation.—
Mr. Anderson’s Observations on the natural Productions of
the Country, on the Inhabitants, and their Language 172
CHAP. VII.
The Passage from Van Diemen’s Land to New Zealand.—Employments
in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.—Transactions with the Natives
there.—Intelligence about the Massacre of the Adventure’s
Boat’s Crew.—Account of the Chief who headed the Party on
that Occasion.—Of the two young Men who embark to attend
Omai.—Various Remarks on the Inhabitants.—Astronomical and
Nautical Observations 197
CHAP. VIII.
Mr. Anderson’s Remarks on the Country near Queen Charlotte’s
Sound.—The Soil.—Climate.—Weather.—Winds.—Trees.—Plants.—
Birds.—Fish.—Other Animals.—Of the Inhabitants.—Description
of their Persons.—Their Dress.—Ornaments.—Habitations.—
Boats.—Food and Cookery.—Arts.—Weapons.—Cruelty to
Prisoners.—Various Customs.—Specimen of their Language 221
BOOK II.
From leaving New Zealand, to our Arrival at Otaheite, or the Society
Islands.
CHAP. I.
Prosecution of the Voyage.—Behaviour of the Two New Zealanders
on board.—Unfavourable Winds.—An Island called Mangeea
discovered.—The Coast of it examined.—Transactions with the
Natives.—An Account of their Persons, Dress, and Canoe.—
Description of the Island.—A Specimen of the Language.—
Disposition of the Inhabitants 240
CHAP. II.
The Discovery of an Island called Wateeoo.—Its Coasts
examined.—Visits from the Natives on board the Ships.—
Messrs. Gore, Burney, and Anderson, with Omai sent on
Shore.—Mr. Anderson’s Narrative of their Reception.—Omai’s
expedient to prevent their being detained.—His meeting with
some of his Countrymen, and their distressful Voyage.—
Further Account of Wateeoo, and of its Inhabitants 251
CHAP. III.
Wenooa-ette, or Otakootaia, visited.—Account of that Island,
and of its Produce.—Hervey’s Island, or Terougge mou Attooa,
found to be inhabited.—Transactions with the Natives, Their
Persons, Dress, Language, Canoes.—Fruitless Attempt to land
there.—Reasons for bearing away for the Friendly Islands.—
Palmerston’s Island touched at.—Description of the two
Places where the Boats landed.—Refreshments obtained there.—
Conjectures on the formation of such low Islands.—Arrival at
the Friendly Island 274
CHAP. IV.
Intercourse with the Natives of Komango, and other Islands.—
Arrival at Annamooka.—Transactions there.—Feenou, a
principal Chief from Tongataboo, comes on a Visit.—The
Manner of his Reception in the Island, and on board.—
Instances of the pilfering Disposition of the Natives.—Some
Account of Annamooka.—The Passage from it to Hapaee 292
CHAP. V.
Arrival of the Ships at Hapaee, and friendly Reception there.—
Presents and Solemnities on the Occasion.—Single Combats
with Clubs.—Wrestling and Boxing Matches.—Female
Combatants.—Marines exercised.—A Dance performed by Men.—
Fireworks exhibited.—The Night-entertainments of Singing and
Dancing particularly described 307
CHAP. VI.
Description of Lefooga.—Its cultivated State.—Its Extent.—
Transactions there.—A Female Oculist.—Singular Expedients
for shaving off the Hair.—The Ships change their Station.—A
remarkable Mount and Stone.—Description of Hoolaiva.—Account
of Poulaho, King of the Friendly Islands.—Respectful Manner
in which he is treated by his People.—Departure from the
Hapaee Islands.—Some Account of Kotoo.—Return of the Ships
to Annamooka.—Poulaho and Feenou meet.—Arrival at Tongataboo 320
CHAP. VII.
Friendly Reception at Tongataboo.—Manner of distributing a
baked Hog and Kava to Poulaho’s Attendants.—The Observatory,
&c. erected.—The Village where the Chiefs reside, and the
adjoining Country described.—Interviews with Mareewagee, and
Toobou, and the King’s Son—A grand Haiva, or Entertainment
of Songs and Dances, given by Mareewagee.—Exhibition of
Fireworks.—Manner of Wrestling and Boxing.—Distribution of
the Cattle.—Thefts committed by the Natives. Poulaho, and
the other Chiefs, confined on that Account.—Poulaho’s
Present, and Haiva 340
CHAP. VIII.
Some of the Officers plundered by the Natives.—A Fishing
Party.—A Visit to Poulaho.—A Fiatooka described.—
Observations on the Country Entertainment at Poulaho’s
House.—His Mourning Ceremony.—Of the Kava Plant, and the
Manner of preparing the Liquor.—Account of Onevy, a little
Island.—One of the Natives wounded by a Sentinel.—Messrs.
King and Anderson visit the King’s Brother.—Their
Entertainment.—Another Mourning Ceremony.—Manner of passing
the Night.—Remarks on the Country they passed through.—
Preparations made for sailing.—An Eclipse of the Sun,
imperfectly observed.—Mr. Anderson’s Account of the Island,
and its Productions 368
CHAP. IX.
A grand Solemnity called NATCHE, in Honour of the King’s Son,
performed.—The Processions and other Ceremonies, during the
first day, described.—The Manner of passing the Night at the
King’s House.—Continuation of the Solemnity, the next Day.—
Conjectures about the Nature of it.—Departure from
Tongataboo, and Arrival at Eooa.—Account of that Island, and
Transactions there 393
CHAP. X.
Advantages derived from visiting the Friendly Islands.—Best
Articles for Traffic.—Refreshments that may be procured.—The
Number of the Islands, and their Names.—Keppel’s and
Boscawen’s Islands belong to them.—Account of Vavaoo,—of
Hamoa,—of Feejee.—Voyages of the Natives in their Canoes.
Difficulty of procuring exact Information.—Persons of the
Inhabitants of both Sexes.—Their Colour.—Diseases.—Their
general Character.—Manner of wearing their Hair,—of
puncturing their Bodies.—Their Clothing and Ornaments.—
Personal Cleanliness 418
CHAP. XI.
Employments of the Women at the Friendly Islands.—Of the Men.—
Agriculture.—Construction of their Houses.—Their working
Tools.—Cordage, and fishing Implements.—Musical
Instruments.—Weapons.—Food, and Cookery.—Amusements.—
Marriage.—Mourning Ceremonies for the Dead.—Their
Divinities.—Notions about the Soul, and a future State.—
Their Places of Worship.—Government.—Manner of paying
Obeisance to the King.—Account of the Royal Family.—Remarks
on their Language, and a Specimen of it.—Nautical, and other
Observations 443
A
VOYAGE
TO THE
PACIFIC OCEAN,
TO DETERMINE
THE POSITION AND EXTENT OF THE WEST SIDE OF NORTH AMERICA;
ITS DISTANCE FROM ASIA; AND THE PRACTICABILITY
OF A NORTHERN PASSAGE TO EUROPE.
PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
CAPTAINS COOK, CLERKE, AND GORE,
IN HIS MAJESTY’S SHIPS THE RESOLUTION AND DISCOVERY,
IN THE YEARS 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780.
--------------
VOL. I.
WRITTEN BY CAPTAIN COOK.
INTRODUCTION
TO THE
VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
The spirit of discovery, which had long animated the European nations,
having, after its arduous and successful exertions during the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries, gradually subsided, and for a considerable time
lain dormant, began to revive in Great Britain in the late reign[1]; and
recovered all its former activity, under the cherishing influence, and
munificent encouragement, of his present Majesty.
Soon after his accession to the throne, having happily closed the
destructive operations of war, he turned his thoughts to enterprizes
more humane, but not less brilliant, adapted to the season of returning
peace. While every liberal art, and useful study, flourished under his
patronage at home, his superintending care was extended to such branches
of knowledge as required distant examination and inquiry; and his ships,
after bringing back victory and conquest from every quarter of the known
world, were now employed in opening friendly communications with its
hitherto unexplored recesses.
In the prosecution of an object so worthy of the Monarch of a great
commercial people, one voyage followed another in close succession; and
we may add, in regular gradation. What Byron[2] had begun, Wallis[3] and
Carteret[4] soon improved. Their success gave birth to a far more
extensive plan of discovery, carried into execution, in two subsequent
voyages, conducted by Cook.[5] And that nothing might be left
unattempted, though much had been already done, the same commander,
whose professional skill could only be equalled by the persevering
diligence with which he had exerted it, in the course of his former
researches, was called upon, once more, to resume, or rather to
complete, the survey of the globe. Accordingly, another voyage was
undertaken in 1776; which, though last in the order of time, was far
from being the least considerable, with respect to the extent and
importance of its objects; yet, still, far less fortunate than any of
the former, as those objects were not accomplished, but at the expence
of the valuable life of its conductor.
When plans, calculated to be of general utility, are carried into
execution with partial views, and upon interested motives, it is natural
to attempt to confine, within some narrow circle, the advantages which
might have been derived to the world at large by an unreserved
disclosure of all that had been effected. And, upon this principle, it
has too frequently been considered as sound policy, perhaps, in this
country, as well as amongst some of our neighbours, to affect to draw a
veil of secrecy over the result of enterprizes to discover and explore
unknown quarters of the globe. It is to the honour of the present reign,
that more liberal views have been now adopted. Our late voyages, from
the very extensive objects proposed by them, could not but convey useful
information to every European nation; and, indeed, to every nation,
however remote, which cultivates commerce, and is acquainted with
navigation: and that information has most laudably been afforded. The
same enlarged and benevolent spirit, which ordered these several
expeditions to be undertaken, has also taken care that the result of
their various discoveries should be authentically recorded. And the
transactions of the five first voyages round the world having, in due
time, been communicated[6], under the authority of his Majesty’s naval
minister; those of the sixth, which, besides revisiting many of the
former discoveries in the Southern, carried its operations into
untrodden paths in the Northern hemisphere, are, under the same
sanction, now submitted to the public in these volumes.
One great plan of nautical investigation having been pursued throughout,
it is obvious, that the several voyages have a close connection, and
that an exact recollection of what had been aimed at, and effected, in
those that preceded, will throw considerable light on our period. With a
view, therefore, to assist the reader in forming a just estimate of the
additional information conveyed by this publication, it may not be
improper to lay before him a short, though comprehensive, abstract of
the principal objects that had been previously accomplished, arranged in
such a manner, as may serve to unite, into one point of view, the
various articles which lie scattered through the voluminous Journals
already in the hands of the public; those compiled by Dr. Hawkesworth;
and that which was written by Captain Cook himself. By thus shewing what
had been formerly done, how much still remained for subsequent
examination, will be more apparent; and it will be better understood on
what grounds, though the ships of his Majesty had already
circumnavigated the world five different times, in the course of about
ten years, another voyage should still be thought expedient.
There will be a farther use in giving such an abstract a place in this
Introduction. The plan of discovery, carried on in so many successive
expeditions, being now, we may take upon us to say, in a great measure
completed; by summing up the final result, we shall be better able to do
justice to the benevolent purposes it was designed to answer; and a
solid foundation will be laid, on which we may build a satisfactory
answer to a question, sometimes asked by a peevish refinement and
ignorant malevolence, What beneficial consequences, if any, have
followed, or are likely to follow, to the discoverers, or to the
discovered, to the common interests of humanity, or to the increase of
useful knowledge, from all our boasted attempts to explore the distant
recesses of the globe?
The general object of the several voyages round the world, undertaken by
the command of his Majesty, prior to that related in this work, was to
search for unknown tracts of land that might exist within the bosom of
the immense expanse of ocean that occupies the whole southern
hemisphere.
Within that space, so few researches had been made, before our time, and
those few researches had been made so imperfectly, that the result of
them, as communicated to the world in any narration, had rather served
to create uncertainty, than to convey information; to deceive the
credulous, rather than to satisfy the judicious inquirer; by blending
the true geography of above half the superficies of the earth, with an
endless variety of plausible conjectures, suggested by ingenious
speculation; of idle tales, handed down by obscure tradition; or of bold
fictions, invented by deliberate falsehood.
It would have been very unfortunate, indeed, if five different
circumnavigators of the globe, some of them at least, if not all, in
tracks little known, and less frequented, had produced no discoveries,
to reward the difficulties and perils unavoidably encountered. But the
following review will furnish the most satisfactory proofs, that his
Majesty’s instructions have been executed with ability; and that the
repeated visits of his ships to the southern hemisphere have very
considerably added to our stock of geographical knowledge.
I.
The South Atlantic Ocean was the first scene of our operations.
Falkland’s Islands had been hitherto barely known to exist; but their
true position and extent, and every circumstance which could render
their existence of any consequence, remained absolutely undecided, till
Byron visited them in 1764. And Captain Macbride, who followed him
thither two years after, having circumnavigated their coasts, and taken
a complete survey, a chart of Falkland’s Islands has been constructed,
with so much accuracy, that the coasts of Great Britain itself are not
more authentically laid down upon our maps.
How little was really known of the islands in the South Atlantic, even
so late as the time of Lord Anson, we have the most remarkable proofs,
in the history of his voyage. Unavoidably led into mistake, by the
imperfect materials then in the possession of the world, he had
considered Pepys’s Island, and Falkland Isles, as distinct places,
distant from each other about five degrees of latitude.[7] Byron’s
researches have rectified this capital error; and it is now decided,
beyond all contradiction, that _future navigators will mispend their
time, if they look for Pepys’s Island in latitude 47°; it being now
certain, that Pepys’s Island is no other than these islands of
Falkland_.[8]
Besides the determination of this considerable point, other lands,
situated in the South Atlantic, have been brought forward into view. If
the isle of Georgia had been formerly seen by La Roche, in 1675, and by
Mr. Guyot, in the ship Lion, in 1756, which seems to be probable,
Captain Cook, in 1775, has made us fully acquainted with its extent and
true position; and, in the same year, he added to the map of the world
Sandwich Land, hitherto not known to exist, and the most southern
discovery that has been ever accomplished.[9]
II.
Though the Strait of Magalhaens had been frequently visited, and sailed
through, by ships of different nations, before our time, a careful
examination of its bays, and harbours, and headlands; of the numerous
islands it contains, and of the coasts, on both sides, that inclose it;
and an exact account of the tides, and currents, and soundings, through
its whole extent, was a task, which, if Sir John Narborough, and others,
had not totally omitted, they cannot be said to have recorded so fully,
as to preclude the utility of future investigation. This task has been
ably and effectually performed by Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, whose
transactions in this Strait, and the chart of it, founded on their
observations and discoveries, are a most valuable accession to
geography.
III.
If the correct information, thus obtained, about every part of this
celebrated Strait, should deter future adventurers from involving
themselves in the difficulties and embarrassments of a labyrinth, now
known to be so intricate, and the unavoidable source of danger and
delay, we have the satisfaction to have discovered, that a safer and
more expeditious entrance into the Pacific Ocean, may be reasonably
depended upon. The passage round Cape Horn has been repeatedly tried,
both from the east and from the west, and stript of its terrors. We
shall, for the future, be less discouraged by the labours and distresses
experienced by the squadrons of Lord Anson and Pizarro, when we
recollect, that they were obliged to attempt the navigation of those
seas at an unfavourable season of the year; and that there was nothing
very formidable met with there, when they were traversed by Captain
Cook.
To this distinguished navigator was reserved the honour of being the
first, who, from a series of the most satisfactory observations,
beginning at the west entrance of the Strait of Magalhaens, and carried
on, with unwearied diligence, round Tierra del Fuego, through the Strait
of Le Maire, has constructed a chart of the southern extremity of
America, from which it will appear, how much former navigators must have
been at a loss to guide themselves, and what advantages will now be
enjoyed by those who shall hereafter sail round Cape Horn.
IV.
As the voyages of discovery, undertaken by his Majesty’s command, have
facilitated the access of ships into the Pacific Ocean, they have also
greatly enlarged our knowledge of its contents.
Though the immense expanse usually distinguished by this appellation,
had been navigated by Europeans for near two centuries and a half[10],
by far the greater part of it, particularly to the south of the equator,
had remained, during all this time, unexplored.
The great aim of Magalhaens, and of the Spaniards in general, its first
navigators being merely to arrive, by this passage, at the Moluccas, and
the other Asiatic Spice Islands, every intermediate part of the ocean
that did not lie contiguous to their western track, which was on the
north side of the equator, of course escaped due examination; and if
Mendana and Quiros, and some nameless conductors of voyages before
them[11], by deviating from this track, and holding a westerly one from
Callao, within the southern tropic, were so fortunate as to meet with
various islands there, and so sanguine as to consider those islands as
marks of the existence of a neighbouring southern continent; in the
exploring of which they flattered themselves they should rival the fame
of De Gama and Columbus; these feeble efforts never led to any effectual
disclosure of the supposed hidden mine of the New World. On the
contrary, their voyages being conducted without a judicious plan, and
their discoveries being left imperfect without immediate settlement, or
subsequent examination, and scarcely recorded in any well-authenticated
or accurate narrations, had been almost forgot; or were so obscurely
remembered, as only to serve the purpose of producing perplexing debates
about their situation and extent; if not to suggest doubts about their
very existence.
It seems, indeed, to have become a very early object of policy in the
Spanish councils, to discontinue and to discourage any farther
researches in that quarter. Already masters of a larger empire on the
continent of America than they could conveniently govern, and of richer
mines of the precious metals on that continent than they could convert
into use, neither avarice nor ambition furnished reasons for aiming at a
fresh accession of dominions. And thus, though settled all along the
shores of this ocean, in a situation so commodious for prosecuting
discoveries throughout its wide extent, the Spaniards remained satisfied
with a coasting intercourse between their own ports; never stretching
across the vast gulph that separates that part of America from Asia, but
in an unvarying line of navigation; perhaps in a single annual ship,
between Acapulco and Manilla.
The tracks of other European navigators of the South Pacific Ocean,
were, in a great measure, regulated by those of the Spaniards; and
consequently limited within the same narrow bounds. With the exception,
perhaps, of two instances only, those of Le Maire and Roggewein, no
ships of another nation had entered this sea, through the Strait of
Magalhaens, or round Cape Horn, but for the purposes of clandestine
trade with the Spaniards, or of open hostility against them: purposes
which could not be answered, without precluding any probable chance of
adding much to our stock of discovery. For it was obviously incumbent on
all such adventurers, to confine their cruises within a moderate
distance of the Spanish settlements; in the vicinity of which alone they
could hope to exercise their commerce, or to execute their predatory and
military operations. Accordingly, soon after emerging from the Strait,
or completing the circuit of Tierra del Fuego, they began to hold a
northerly course, to the uninhabited island of Juan Fernandez, their
usual spot of rendezvous and refreshment. And, after ranging along the
continent of America, from Chili to California, they either reversed
their course back to the Atlantic; or, if they ventured to extend their
voyage, by stretching over to Asia, they never thought of trying
experiments in the unfrequented and unexplored parts of the ocean; but
chose the beaten path (if the expression may be used), within the limits
of which it was likely they might meet with a Philippine galleon, to
make their voyage profitable to themselves; but could have little
prospect, if they had been desirous, of making it useful to the world,
by gaining any accession of new land to the map of the world.
By the natural operation of these causes, it could not but happen, that
little progress should be made toward obtaining a full and accurate
knowledge of the South Pacific Ocean. Something, however, had been
attempted by the industrious and once enterprising Dutch; to whom we are
indebted for three voyages, undertaken for the purposes of discovery;
and whose researches, in the southern latitudes of this ocean, are much
better ascertained than are those of the earlier Spanish navigators
above mentioned.
Le Maire and Schouten, in 1616, and Roggewein, in 1722, wisely judging,
that nothing new could be gained by adhering to the usual passage on the
north side of the line, traversed this ocean from Cape Horn to the East
Indies, crossing the South tropic; a space which had been so seldom, and
so ineffectually visited; though popular belief, fortified by
philosophical speculation, expected there to reap the richest harvest of
discovery.
Tasman, in 1642, in his extensive circuit from Batavia, through the
South Indian Ocean, entered the South Pacific, at its greatest distance
from the American side, where it never had been examined before. And his
range continued from a high Southern latitude, Northward to New Guinea,
and the islands to the East of it, near the equator, produced
intermediate discoveries, that have rendered his voyage memorable in the
annals of navigation.
But still, upon the whole, what was effected in these three expeditions,
served only to show how large a field was reserved for future and more
persevering examination. Their results had, indeed, enabled geographers
to diversify the vacant uniformity of former charts of this Ocean, by
the insertion of some new islands. But the number, and the extent of
these insertions were so inconsiderable, that they may be said to
appear,
Rari, nantes in gurgite vasto.
And if the discoveries were few, those few were made very imperfectly.
Some coasts were approached but not landed upon; and passed without
waiting to examine their extent and connection with those that might
exist at no great distance. If others were landed upon, the visits were,
in general, so transient, that it was scarcely possible to build upon a
foundation so weakly laid, any information that could even gratify idle
curiosity; much less satisfy philosophical inquiry, or contribute
greatly to the safety, or to the success of future navigation.
Let us, however, do justice to these beginnings of discovery. To the
Dutch, we must, at least ascribe the merit of being our harbingers,
though we afterward went beyond them in the road they had first ventured
to tread. And with what success his Majesty’s ships have, in their
repeated voyages, penetrated into the obscurest recesses of the South
Pacific Ocean, will appear from the following enumeration of their
various and very extensive operations, which have drawn up the veil that
had hitherto been thrown over the geography of so great a proportion of
the globe.
1. The several lands, of which any account had been given, as seen by
any of the preceding navigators, Spanish or Dutch, have been carefully
looked for; and most of them (at least such as seemed to be of any
consequence) found out and visited; and not visited in a cursory manner,
but every means used to correct former mistakes, and to supply former
deficiencies, by making accurate inquiries ashore, and taking skilful
surveys of their coasts, by sailing round them. Who has not heard, or
read, of the boasted _Tierra Australia del Espiritu Santo_ of Quiros?
But its bold pretensions to be a part of a southern continent, could not
stand Captain Cook’s examination, who sailed round it, and assigned it
its true position and moderate bounds, in the Archipelago of the New
Hebrides.[12]
2. Besides perfecting many of the discoveries of their predecessors, our
late navigators have enriched geographical knowledge with a long
catalogue of their own. The Pacific Ocean, within the South tropic,
repeatedly traversed, in every direction, was found to swarm with a
seemingly endless profusion of habitable spots of land. Islands,
scattered through the amazing space of near fourscore degrees of
longitude, separated at various distances, or grouped in numerous
clusters, have, at their approach, as it were, started into existence;
and such ample accounts have been brought home concerning them and their
inhabitants, as may serve every useful purpose of inquiry; and, to use
Captain Cook’s words, who bore so considerable a share in those
discoveries, _have left little more to be done in that part_.[13]
3. Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, had each of them contributed toward
increasing our knowledge of the islands that exist in the Pacific Ocean,
within the limits of the southern tropic; but how far that ocean reached
to the west, what lands bounded it on that side, and the connection of
those lands with the discoveries of former navigators, was still the
reproach of geographers, and remained absolutely unknown, till Captain
Cook, during his first voyage in 1770[14], brought back the most
satisfactory decision of this important question. With a wonderful
perseverance, and consummate skill, amidst an uncommon combination of
perplexities and dangers, he traced this coast near two thousand miles
from the 38° of South latitude, cross the tropic, to its northern
extremity, within 10-1/2° of the equinoctial, where it was found to join
the lands already explored by the Dutch, in several voyages from their
Asiatic settlements, and to which they have given the name of New
Holland. Those discoveries made in the last century, before Tasman’s
voyage, had traced the north and the west coasts of this land; and
Captain Cook, by his extensive operations on its east side, left little
to be done toward completing the full circuit of it. Between Cape Hicks,
in latitude 38°, where his examination of this coast began, and that
part of Van Diemen’s Land, from whence Tasman took his departure, was
not above fifty-five leagues. It was highly probable, therefore, that
they were connected; though Captain Cook cautiously says, that _he could
not determine whether_ his New South Wales, that is, the East Coast of
New Holland, _joins to Van Diemen’s Land, or no_.[15] But what was thus
left undetermined by the operations of his first voyage, was, in the
course of his second, soon cleared up; Captain Furneaux, in the
Adventure, during his separation from the Resolution (a fortunate
separation as it thus turned out) in 1773, having explored Van Diemen’s
Land, from its southern point, along the east coast, far beyond Tasman’s
station, and on to the latitude 38°, where Captain Cook’s examination of
it in 1770 had commenced.[16]
It is no longer, therefore, a doubt, that we have now a full knowledge
of the whole circumference of this vast body of land, this fifth part of
the world (if I may so speak), which our late voyages have discovered to
be of so amazing a magnitude, that, to use Captain Cook’s words, _it is
of a larger extent than any other country in the known world, that does
not bear the name of a continent_.[17]
4. Tasman having entered the Pacific Ocean, after leaving Van Diemen’s
Land, had fallen in with a coast to which he gave the name of New
Zealand. The extent of this coast, and its position in any direction but
a part of its west side, which he sailed along in his course northward,
being left absolutely unknown, it had been a favourite opinion amongst
geographers, since his time, that New Zealand was a part of a Southern
continent, running north and South, from the 33° to the 64° of South
latitude, and its northern coast, stretching cross the South Pacific to
an immense distance, where its eastern boundary had been seen by Juan
Fernandez, half a century before. Captain Cook’s voyage in the Endeavour
has totally destroyed this supposition. Though Tasman must still have
the credit of having first seen New Zealand, to Captain Cook solely
belongs that of having really explored it. He spent near six months upon
its coasts in 1769 and 1770[18], circumnavigated it completely, and
ascertained its extent and division into two islands.[19] Repeated
visits since that have perfected this important discovery, which, though
now known to be no part of a Southern continent, will, probably, in all
future charts of the world, be distinguished as the largest islands that
exist in that part of the Southern hemisphere.
5. Whether New Holland did or did not join to New Guinea, was a question
involved in much doubt and uncertainty, before Captain Cook’s sailing
between them, through Endeavour Strait, decided it. We will not hesitate
to call this an important acquisition to geography. For though the great
sagacity and extensive reading of Mr. Dalrymple had discovered some
traces of such a passage having been found before[20], yet these traces
were so obscure, and so little known in the present age, that they had
not generally regulated the construction of our charts; the President De
Brosses[21], who wrote in 1756, and was well versed in geographical
researches, had not been able to satisfy himself about them; and Mons.
de Bougainville, in 1768, who had ventured to fall in with the south
coast of New Guinea, near ninety leagues to the westward of its
south-east point, chose rather to work those ninety leagues directly to
windward, at a time when his people were in such distress for provisions
as to eat the seal-skins from off the yards and rigging, than to run the
risk of finding a passage, of the existence of which he entertained the
strongest doubts, by persevering in his westerly course.[22] Captain
Cook therefore in this part of his voyage (though he modestly disclaims
all merit[23]), has established, beyond future controversy, a fact of
essential service to navigation, by opening, if not a new, at least an
unfrequented and forgotten communication between the South Pacific and
Indian Oceans.
6. One more discovery, for which we are indebted to Captain Carteret, as
similar in some degree to that last mentioned, may properly succeed it
in this enumeration. Dampier, in sailing round what was supposed to be
part of the coast of New Guinea, discovered it to belong to a separate
island, to which he gave the name of New Britain. But that the land
which he named New Britain, should be sub-divided again into two
separate large islands, with many smaller intervening, is a point of
geographical information, which, if ever traced by any of the earliest
navigators of the South Pacific, had not been handed down to the present
age: and its having been ascertained by Captain Carteret, deserves to be
mentioned as a discovery, in the strictest sense of the word; a
discovery of the utmost importance to navigation. St. George’s Channel,
through which his ship found a way, between New Britain and New Ireland,
from the Pacific into the Indian Ocean, to use the Captain’s own
words[24], “is a much better and shorter passage, whether from the
eastward or westward, than round all the islands and lands of the
northward.”[25]
V.
The voyages of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, were principally confined to
a favourite object of discovery in the South Atlantic; and though
accessions to geography were procured by them in the South Pacific, they
could do but little toward giving the world a complete view of the
contents of that immense expanse of ocean, through which they only held
a direct track, on their way homeward, by the East Indies. Cook, indeed,
who was appointed to the conduct of the succeeding voyage, had a more
accurate examination of the South Pacific intrusted to him. But as the
improvement of astronomy went hand in hand, in his instructions, with
that of geography, the Captain’s solicitude to arrive at Otaheite time
enough to observe the _transit_ of Venus, put it out of his power to
deviate from his direct track, in search of unknown lands that might lie
to the south-east of that island. By this unavoidable attention to his
duty, a very considerable part of the South Pacific, and that part where
the richest mine of discovery was supposed to exist, remained unvisited
and unexplored, during that voyage in the Endeavour. To remedy this, and
to clear up a point which, though many of the learned were confident of,
upon principles of speculative reasoning, and many of the unlearned
admitted, upon what they thought to be credible testimony, was still
held to be very problematical, if not absolutely groundless, by others
who were less sanguine or more incredulous; his Majesty, always ready to
forward every inquiry that can add to the stock of interesting knowledge
in every branch, ordered another expedition to be undertaken. The signal
services performed by Captain Cook during his first voyage, of which we
have given the outlines, marked him as the fittest person to finish an
examination which he had already so skilfully executed in part.
Accordingly, he was sent out in 1772, with two ships, the Resolution and
Adventure, upon the most enlarged plan of discovery known in the annals
of navigation; for he was instructed, not only to circumnavigate the
whole globe, but to circumnavigate it in high southern latitudes, making
such traverses, from time to time, into every corner of the Pacific
Ocean not before examined, as might finally and effectually resolve the
much agitated question about the existence of a southern continent in
any part of the southern hemisphere accessible by navigation.
The ample accessions to geography, by the discovery of many islands
within the tropic in the Pacific Ocean, in the course of this voyage,
which was carried on with singular perseverance between three and four
years, have been already stated to the reader. But the general search
now made throughout the whole southern hemisphere, as being the
principal object in view, hath been reserved for this separate article.
Here, indeed, we are not to take notice of lands that have been
discovered, but of seas sailed through, where lands had been supposed to
exist. In tracing the route of the Resolution and Adventure throughout
the South Atlantic, the South Indian, and the South Pacific Oceans that
environ the globe, and combining it with the route of the Endeavour, we
receive what may be called ocular demonstration, that Captain Cook, in
his persevering researches, sailed over many an extensive continent,
which, though supposed to have been seen by former navigators, at the
approach of his ships, sunk into the bosom of the ocean, and, “_like the
baseless fabric of a vision, left not a wreck behind._”[26] It has been
urged, that the existence of a southern continent is necessary to
preserve an _equilibrium_ between the two hemispheres. But however
plausible this theory may seem at first sight, experience has abundantly
detected its fallacy. In consequence of Captain Cook’s voyage, now under
consideration, we have a thorough knowledge of the state of the southern
hemisphere, and can pronounce with certainty, that the _equilibrium_ of
the globe is effectually preserved, though the proportion of sea
actually sailed through, leaves no sufficient space for the
corresponding mass of land, which, on speculative arguments, had been
maintained to be necessary.[36]
If former navigators have added more land to the known globe than
Captain Cook, to him, at least, was reserved the honour of being
foremost in disclosing to us the extent of sea that covers its surface.
His own summary view of the transactions of this voyage, will be a
proper conclusion to these remarks: “I had now made the circuit of the
Southern Ocean in a high latitude, and traversed it in such a manner as
to leave not the least room for there being a continent, unless near the
pole, and out of the reach of navigation. By twice visiting the Tropical
Sea, I had not only settled the situation of some old discoveries, but
made there many new ones, and left, I conceive, very little to be done,
even in that part. Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of the
voyage has, in every respect, been fully answered; the southern
hemisphere sufficiently explored; and a final end put to the searching
after a southern continent, which has, at times, engrossed the attention
of some of the Maritime Powers for near two centuries past, and been a
favourite theory amongst the geographers of all ages.”[37]
Thus far, therefore, the voyages to disclose new tracks of navigation,
and to reform old defects in geography, appear to have been prosecuted
with a satisfactory share of success. A perusal of the foregoing summary
of what had been done, will enable every one to judge what was still
wanting to complete the great plan of discovery. The southern hemisphere
had, indeed, been repeatedly visited, and its utmost accessible
extremities been surveyed. But much uncertainty, and, of course, great
variety of opinion, subsisted, as to the navigable extremities of our
own hemisphere; particularly, as to the existence, or, at least, as to
the practicability of a northern passage between the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans, either by sailing eastward, round Asia, or westward,
round North America.
It was obvious, that if such a passage could be effected, voyages to
Japan and China, and, indeed, to the East Indies in general, would be
much shortened; and consequently become more profitable, than by making
the tedious circuit of the Cape of Good Hope. Accordingly, it became a
favourite object of the English to effectuate this above two centuries
ago; and (to say nothing of Cabot’s original attempt, in 1497, which
ended in the discovery of Newfoundland, and the Labradore coast) from
Frobisher’s first voyage to find a western passage, in 1576, to those of
James and of Fox, in 1631, repeated trials had been made by our
enterprising adventurers. But though farther knowledge of the northern
extent of America was obtained in the course of these voyages by the
discovery of Hudson’s and Baffin’s Bays, the wished-for passage, on that
side, into the Pacific Ocean, was still unattained. Our countrymen, and
the Dutch, were equally unsuccessful, in various attempts, to find this
passage in an eastern direction. Wood’s failure, in 1676, seems to have
closed the long list of unfortunate northern expeditions in that
century; and the discovery, if not absolutely despaired of, by having
been so often missed, ceased, for many years, to be sought for.
Mr. Dobbs, a warm advocate for the probability of a north-west passage
through Hudson’s Bay, in our own time, once more recalled the attention
of this country to that undertaking; and, by his active zeal and
persevering solicitation, renewed the spirit of discovery. But it was
renewed in vain. For Captain Middleton, sent out by Government in 1741,
and Captains Smith and Moore, by a private society, in 1746, though
encouraged by an act of parliament passed in the preceding year, that
annexed a reward of twenty thousand pounds to the discovery of a
passage, returned from Hudson’s Bay with reports of their proceedings
that left the accomplishment of this favourite object at as great a
distance as ever.
When researches of this kind, no longer left to the solicitations of an
individual, or to the subscriptions of private adventurers, became
cherished by the Royal attention, in the present reign, and warmly
promoted by the Minister at the head of the naval department, it was
impossible, while so much was done toward exploring the remotest corners
of the southern hemisphere, that the northern passage should not be
attempted. Accordingly, while Captain Cook was prosecuting his voyage
toward the south pole, in 1773, Lord Mulgrave sailed with two ships, _to
determine how far navigation was practicable toward the north pole_. And
though his Lordship met with the same insuperable bar to his progress,
which former navigators had experienced[38], the hopes of opening a
communication between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, by a northerly
course, were not abandoned; and a voyage for that purpose was ordered to
be undertaken.
The operations proposed to be pursued were so new, so extensive, and so
various, that the skill and experience of Captain Cook, it was thought,
would be requisite to conduct them. Without being liable to any charge
of want of zeal for the public service, he might have passed the rest of
his days in the command to which he had been appointed in Greenwich
Hospital, there to enjoy the fame he had dearly earned in two
circumnavigations of the world. But he cheerfully relinquished this
honourable station at home; and, happy that the Earl of Sandwich had not
cast his eye upon any other commander, engaged in the conduct of the
expedition, the history of which is presented to the public in these
volumes; an expedition that would expose him to the toils and perils of
a third circumnavigation, by a track hitherto unattempted. Every former
navigator round the globe had made his passage home to Europe by the
Cape of Good Hope; the arduous task was now assigned to Captain Cook, of
attempting it, by reaching the high northern latitudes between Asia and
America. So that the usual plan of discovery was reversed; and, instead
of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, one from the latter into
the former was to be tried. For it was wisely foreseen, that whatever
openings or inlets there might be on the east side of America, which lie
in a direction which could give any hopes of a passage, the ultimate
success of it would still depend upon there being an open sea between
the west side of that continent, and the extremities of Asia. Captain
Cook, therefore, was ordered to proceed into the Pacific Ocean, through
the chain of his new islands in the southern tropic, and having crossed
the equator into its northern parts, then to hold such a course as might
probably fix many interesting points in geography, and produce
intermediate discoveries, in his progress northward to the principal
scene of his operations.
But the plan of the voyage, and the various objects it embraced, will
best appear from the instructions under which Captain Cook sailed; and
the insertion of them here will convey such authentic information, as
may enable the reader to judge with precision how far they have been
carried into execution.
----------------------------
“By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord
High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.
“Secret Instructions for Captain James Cook, Commander
of his Majesty’s sloop the Resolution.
“WHEREAS, the Earl of Sandwich has signified to us his Majesty’s
pleasure that an attempt should be made to find out a northern passage
by sea from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and whereas we have, in
pursuance thereof, caused his Majesty’s sloops Resolution and Discovery
to be fitted, in all respects, proper to proceed upon a voyage for the
purpose above-mentioned, and, from the experience we have had of your
abilities and good conduct in your late voyages, have thought fit to
intrust you with the conduct of the present intended voyage, and with
that view appointed you to command the first-mentioned sloop, and
directed Captain Clerke, who commands the other, to follow your orders
for his further proceedings; you are hereby required and directed to
proceed with the said two sloops directly to the Cape of Good Hope,
unless you shall judge it necessary to stop at Madeira, the Cape de
Verd, or Canary Islands, to take in wine for the use of their companies;
in which case you are at liberty to do so, taking care to remain there
no longer than may be necessary for that purpose.
“On your arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, you are to refresh the
sloops’ companies, and to cause the sloops to be supplied with as much
provisions and water as they can conveniently stow.
“You are, if possible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end of
October, or the beginning of November next, and proceed to the southward
in search of some islands said to have been lately seen by the French,
in the latitude of 48° 0ʹ south, and about the meridian of Mauritius. In
case you find those islands, you are to examine them thoroughly for a
good harbour; and upon discovering one, make the necessary observations
to facilitate the finding it again; as a good port, in that situation,
may hereafter prove very useful, although it should afford little or
nothing more than shelter, wood, and water. You are not, however, to
spend too much time in looking out for those islands, or in the
examination of them, if found, but proceed to Otaheite, or the Society
Isles (touching at New Zealand in your way thither, if you should judge
it necessary and convenient), and taking care to arrive there time
enough to admit of your giving the sloops’ companies the refreshment
they may stand in need of, before you prosecute the farther object of
these instructions.
“Upon your arrival at Otaheite, or the Society Isles, you are to land
Omiah at such of them as he may choose, and to leave him there.
“You are to distribute among the chiefs of those islands such part of
the presents with which you have been supplied, as you shall judge
proper, reserving the remainder to distribute among the natives of the
countries you may discover in the northern hemisphere: and having
refreshed the people belonging to the sloops under your command, and
taken on board such wood and water as they may respectively stand in
need of, you are to leave those islands in the beginning of February, or
sooner, if you shall judge it necessary, and then proceed in as direct a
course as you can to the coast of New Albion, endeavouring to fall in
with it in the latitude of 45° 0ʹ north; and taking care in your way
thither, not to lose any time in search of new lands, or to stop at any
you may fall in with, unless you find it necessary to recruit your wood
and water.
“You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch upon
any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America,
unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident; in which case you
are to stay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and to
be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the
inhabitants or subjects of his Catholic Majesty. And if, in your farther
progress to the northward, as hereafter directed, you find any subjects
of any European Prince or State, upon any part of the coast you may
think proper to visit, you are not to disturb them, or give them any
just cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility
and friendship.
“Upon your arrival on the coast of New Albion, you are to put into the
first convenient port to recruit your wood and water, and procure
refreshments, and then to proceed northward along the coast, as far as
the latitude of 65°, or farther, if you are not obstructed by lands or
ice; taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or
upon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitude
of 65°, where we could wish you to arrive in the month of June next.
When you get that length, you are very carefully to search for, and to
explore, such rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a considerable
extent, and pointing towards Hudson’s or Baffin’s Bays; and if, from
your own observations, or from any information you may receive from the
natives (who, there is reason to believe, are the same race of people,
and speak the same language, of which you are furnished with a
Vocabulary, as the Esquimaux), there shall appear to be a certainty, or
even a probability, of a water passage into the afore-mentioned bays, or
either of them, you are, in such case, to use your utmost endeavours to
pass through with one or both of the sloops, unless you shall be of
opinion that the passage may be effected with more certainty, or with
greater probability, by smaller vessels; in which case you are to set up
the frames of one or both the small vessels with which you are provided,
and, when they are put together, and are properly fitted, stored, and
victualled, you are to dispatch one or both of them, under the care of
proper officers, with a sufficient number of petty officers, men, and
boats, in order to attempt the same passage; with such instructions for
their rejoining you, if they should fail, or for their farther
proceedings, if they should succeed in the attempt, as you shall judge
most proper. But, nevertheless, if you shall find it more eligible to
pursue any other measures than those above pointed out in order to make
a discovery of the before-mentioned passage (if any such there be), you
are at liberty, and we leave it to your discretion, to pursue such
measures accordingly.
“In case you shall be satisfied that there is no passage through to the
above-mentioned bays, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, you
are, at the proper season of the year, to repair to the port of St.
Peter and St. Paul in Kamtschatka, or wherever else you shall judge more
proper, in order to refresh your people and pass the winter; and, in the
spring of the ensuing year 1773, to proceed from thence to the
northward, as far as, in your prudence, you may think proper, in further
search of a north-east, or north-west passage, from the Pacific Ocean
into the Atlantic Ocean, or the North Sea: and if, from your own
observation, or any information you may receive, there shall appear to
be a probability of such passage, you are to proceed as above directed:
and, having discovered such passage, or failed in the attempt, make the
best of your way back to England, by such route as you may think best
for the improvement of geography and navigation; repairing to Spithead
with both sloops, where they are to remain till further order.
“At whatever places you may touch in the course of your voyage, where
accurate observations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not already
been made, you are, as far as your time will allow, very carefully to
observe the true situation of such places, both in latitude and
longitude; the variation of the needle; bearings of headlands; height,
direction, and course of the tides and currents; depths and soundings of
the sea; shoals, rocks, &c.; and also to survey, make charts, and take
views of such bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast, and to
make such notations thereon, as may be useful either to navigation or
commerce. You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil, and
the produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it;
the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and in
what plenty; and, in case there are any peculiar to such places, to
describe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them, as
you can: and, if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, or
any extraneous fossils, you are to bring home specimens of each; as also
of the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, and grains, peculiar
to those places, as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them to
our Secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made of
them. You are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and
number of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any; and to
endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship with them;
making them presents of such trinkets as you may have on board, and they
may like best; inviting them to traffic; and showing them every kind of
civility and regard; but taking care, nevertheless, not to suffer
yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always on your guard against
any accidents.
“You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession, in
the name of the King of Great Britain, of convenient situations in such
countries as you may discover, that have not already been discovered or
visited by any other European power; and to distribute among the
inhabitants such things as will remain as traces and testimonies of your
having been there; but if you find the countries so discovered are
uninhabited, you are to take possession of them for his Majesty, by
setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers and
possessors.
“But forasmuch as, in undertakings of this nature, several emergencies
may arise not to be foreseen, and therefore not particularly to be
provided for by instructions before-hand, you are, in all such cases, to
proceed as you shall judge most advantageous to the service on which you
are employed.
“You are, by all opportunities, to send to our Secretary, for our
information, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the surveys and
drawings you shall have made; and upon your arrival in England, you are
immediately to repair to this office, in order to lay before us a full
account of your proceedings in the whole course of your voyage; taking
care, before you leave the sloop, to demand from the officers and petty
officers, the log-books and journals they may have kept, and to seal
them up for our inspection; and enjoining them, and the whole crew, not
to divulge where they have been, until they shall have permission so to
do: and you are to direct Captain Clerke to do the same, with respect to
the officers, petty officers, and crew of the Discovery.
“If any accident should happen to the Resolution in the course of the
voyage, so as to disable her from proceeding any farther, you are, in
such case, to remove yourself and her crew into the Discovery, and to
prosecute your voyage in her; her commander being hereby strictly
required to receive you on board, and to obey your orders, the same, in
every respect, as when you were actually on board the Resolution: and,
in case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these
instructions into execution, you are to be careful to leave them with
the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in
the best manner he can.
“Given under our hands the 6th day of July, 1776,
SANDWICH.
C. SPENCER.
H. PALLISER.
“By command of their Lordships,
“PH. STEPHENS.”
----------------------------
Besides ordering Captain Cook to sail on this important voyage,
government, in earnest about the object of it, adopted a measure, which,
while it could not but have a powerful operation on the crews of the
Resolution and Discovery, by adding the motives of interest, to the
obligations of duty; at the same time encouraged all his Majesty’s
subjects to engage in attempts toward the proposed discovery. By the act
of parliament, passed in 1745[39], a reward of twenty thousand pounds
had been held out. But it had been held out only to the ships _belonging
to any of his Majesty’s subjects_, exclusive of his Majesty’s own ships.
The act had a still more capital defect. It held out this reward only to
such ships as should discover a passage _through Hudson’s Bay_; and, as
we shall soon take occasion to explain, it was by this time pretty
certain, that no such passage existed within those limits. Effectual
care was taken to remedy both these defects, by passing a new law;
which, after reciting the provisions of the former, proceeds as follows:
“And, whereas, many advantages, both to commerce and science, may be
also expected from the discovery of _any Northern passage_ for vessels
by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans—be it enacted, That if
any ship belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects, or _to his
Majesty_, shall find out, and sail through, any passage by sea, between
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, _in any direction_, or parallel of the
northern hemisphere, to the northward of the 52° of northern latitude,
the owners of such ships, if belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects,
or _the commander, officers, and seamen, of such ship belonging to his
Majesty_, shall receive as a reward for such discovery, the sum of
twenty thousand pounds.
“And whereas ships employed, both in the Spitzbergen Seas, and in
Davis’s Straits, have frequent opportunities of approaching the North
Pole, though they have not time, during the course of one summer, to
penetrate into the Pacific Ocean; and whereas, such approaches may
greatly tend to the discovery of a communication between the Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans, as well as be attended with many advantages to
commerce and science, &c. be it enacted, That if any ship shall approach
to within 1° of the North Pole, the owner, &c. or commander, &c. so
approaching, shall receive, as a reward for such first approach, the sum
of five thousand pounds.”[40]
That nothing might be omitted that could facilitate the success of
Captain Cook’s expedition, some time before he sailed, in the beginning
of the summer of 1776, Lieutenant Pickersgill, appointed commander of
his Majesty’s armed brig the Lion, was ordered “to proceed to Davis’s
Straits, for the protection of the British whale-fishers;” and that
first object being secured, he was then “required and directed to
proceed up Baffin’s Bay, and explore the coasts thereof, as far as, in
his judgment, the same could be done without apparent risk, taking care
to leave the above mentioned bay so timely as to secure his return to
England in the fall of the year;” and it was farther enjoined to him,
“to make nautical remarks of every kind, and to employ Mr. Lane (master
of the vessel under his command) in surveying, making charts, and taking
views of the several bays, harbours, and different parts of the coasts
which he might visit, and in making such notations thereon as might be
useful to geography and navigation.”[41]
Pickersgill, we see, was not to attempt the discovery of the passage. He
was directed to explore the coasts of Baffin’s Bay, with a view only to
bring back, the same year, some information, which might be a useful
direction toward planning an intended voyage into that bay the ensuing
summer, to try for the discovery of a passage on that side, with a view
to co-operate with Captain Cook, who, it was supposed (from the tenor of
his instructions) would be trying for this passage, about the same time,
from the opposite side of America.
Pickersgill, obeying his instructions, at least in this instance, did
return that year; but there were sufficient reasons for not sending him
out again; and the command of the next expedition into Baffin’s Bay was
conferred on Lieutenant Young; whose instructions, having an immediate
connection with our voyage, are here inserted.
----------------------------
“Extract of Instructions to Lieutenant Young, commanding
the Lion armed Vessel, dated 13th March, 1777.
“WHEREAS, in pursuance of the King’s pleasure, signified to us by the
Earl of Sandwich, his Majesty’s sloops, the Resolution and Discovery,
have been sent out under the command of Captain Cook, in order, during
this and the ensuing year, to attempt a discovery of a northern passage,
by sea, from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and, for that purpose,
to run up as high as the latitude of 65° north, where, it is hoped, he
will be able to arrive in the month of June next; and there, and as much
further to the northward as in his prudence he shall think proper, very
carefully to search for, and explore such rivers, or inlets, as may
appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing to Hudson’s or
Baffin’s Bays, or the North Sea; and, upon finding any passage through,
sufficient for the purposes of navigation, to attempt such passage with
one or both of the sloops; or, if they are judged to be too large, with
smaller vessels, the frames of which have been sent out with him for
that purpose: And, whereas, in pursuance of his Majesty’s further
pleasure, signified as aforesaid, the armed vessel under your command
hath been fitted in order to proceed to Baffin’s Bay, with a view to
explore the western parts thereof, and to endeavour to find a passage,
on that side, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, and we have
thought fit to intrust you with the conduct of that voyage; you are
therefore hereby required and directed to put to sea in the said armed
vessel, without a moment’s loss of time, and make the best of your way
into Baffin’s Bay, and so use your best endeavours to explore the
western shores thereof, as far as in your judgment the same can be done,
without apparent risk, and to examine such considerable rivers or inlets
as you may discover; and, in case you find any, through which there may
be a probability of passing into the Pacific Ocean, you are to attempt
such passage; and if you succeed in the attempt, and shall be able to
repass it again, so as to return to England this year, you are to make
the best of your way to Spithead, or the Nore, and remain there until
you receive further order; sending us an account of your arrival and
proceedings. But if you shall succeed in the attempt, and shall find the
season too far advanced for you to return the same way, you are then to
look out for the most convenient place to winter in, and to endeavour to
return by the said passage as early in the next year as the season will
admit, and then to make the best of your way to England, as above
directed.
“In case, however, you should not find, or should be satisfied there is
not any probability of finding, any such passage; or, finding it, you
should not be able to get through in the vessel you command, you are
then to return to England, as before mentioned, unless you shall find
any branch of the sea leading to the westward which you shall judge
likely to afford a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific
Oceans, and which you shall not be able to explore in the course of this
year, it being, in that case, left to your discretion to stay the winter
in the most commodious situation you can find, in order to pursue the
discovery next year, if you shall find it adviseable so to do; and,
having discovered such passage, or not succeeded in the attempt, you are
to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.”
----------------------------
It was natural to hope, that something would have been done in one or
other, or in both these voyages of the Lion, that might have opened our
views with regard to the practicability of a passage from this side of
America. But, unfortunately, the execution did not answer the
expectations conceived. Pickersgill, who had acquired professional
experience when acting under Captain Cook, justly merited the censure he
received, for improper behaviour when intrusted with command in Davis’s
Straits; and the talents of Young, as it afterward appeared, were more
adapted to contribute to the glory of a victory, as commander of a
line-of-battle ship, than to add to geographical discoveries, by
encountering mountains of ice, and exploring unknown coasts.[42]
Both Pickersgill and Young having been ordered to proceed into Baffin’s
Bay; and Captain Cook being directed not to begin his search till he
should arrive in the latitude of 65°, it may not be improper to say
something here of the reasons which weighed with those who planned the
voyages, and framed the instructions, to carry their views so far
northward, as the proper situation, where the passage, if it existed at
all, was likely to be attempted with success. It may be asked, why was
Hudson’s Bay neglected on our side of America? and why was not Captain
Cook ordered to begin his search on its opposite side, in much lower
latitudes? particularly, why not explore the strait leading into the
Western sea of John de Fuca, between the latitudes of 47° and 48°; the
Archipelago of St. Lazarus of Admiral de Fonte, between 50° and 55°; and
the rivers and lakes through which he found a passage north-eastward,
till he met with a ship from Boston?
As to the pretended discoveries of de Fuca, the Greek pilot, or of de
Fonte, the Spanish admiral, though they have sometimes found their way
into fictitious maps, or have been warmly contended for by the espousers
of fanciful systems, to have directed Captain Cook to spend any time in
tracing them, would have been as wise a measure as if he had been
directed to trace the situation of Lilliput or Brobdignac. The latter
are, indeed, confessedly, mere objects of imagination; and the former,
destitute of any sufficient external evidence, bear so many striking
marks of internal absurdity, as warrant our pronouncing them to be the
fabric of imposture. Captain Cook’s instructions were founded on an
accurate knowledge of what had been already done, and of what still
remained to do; and this knowledge pointed out the inutility of
beginning his search for a passage till his arrival in the latitude of
65°; of which every fair and capable inquirer will be abundantly
convinced, by an attention to the following particulars.
Middleton, who commanded the expedition in 1741 and 1742, into Hudson’s
Bay, had proceeded farther north than any of his predecessors in that
navigation. But though, from his former acquaintance with that Bay, to
which he had frequently sailed in the service of the company, he had
entertained hopes of finding out a passage through it into the Pacific
Ocean, the observations which he was now enabled to make, induced him to
change his opinion; and, on his return to England, he made an
unfavourable report. Mr. Dobbs, the patron of the enterprize, did not
acquiesce in this; and, fortified in his original idea of the
practicability of the passage, by the testimony of some of Middleton’s
officers, he appealed to the public, accusing him of having
misrepresented facts, and of having, from interested motives, in concert
with the Hudson’s Bay Company, decided against the practicability of the
passage, though the discoveries of his own voyage had put it within his
reach.
He had, between the latitude of 65° and 66°, found a very considerable
inlet running westward, into which he entered with his ships; and,
“after repeated trials of the tides, and endeavours to discover the
nature and course of the opening, for three weeks successively, he found
the flood constantly to come from the eastward; and that it was a large
river he had got into;” to which he gave the name of Wager River.[43]
The accuracy, or rather the fidelity of this report was denied by Mr.
Dobbs, who contended that this opening _is a strait, and not a fresh
water river_, and that Middleton, if he had examined it properly, would
have found a passage through it to the Western American Ocean. The
failure of this voyage, therefore, only served to furnish our zealous
advocate for the discovery, with new arguments for attempting it once
more; and he had the good fortune, after getting the reward of twenty
thousand pounds established by act of parliament, to prevail upon a
society of gentlemen and merchants to fit out the Dobbs and California;
which ships, it was hoped, would be able to find their way into the
Pacific Ocean, by the very opening which Middleton’s voyage had pointed
out, and which he was believed to have misrepresented.
This renovation of hope only produced fresh disappointment. For it is
well known, that the voyage of the Dobbs and California, instead of
confuting, strongly confirmed all that Middleton had asserted. The
supposed strait was found to be nothing more than a fresh water river,
and its utmost western navigable boundaries were now ascertained, by
accurate examination. But though Wager’s Strait had thus disappointed
our hopes, as had also done Rankin’s Inlet, which was now found to be a
close bay; and though other arguments, founded on the supposed course of
the tides in Hudson’s Bay appeared to be groundless, such is our
attachment to an opinion once adopted, that, even after the unsuccessful
issue of the voyage of the Dobbs and California, a passage through some
other place in that bay was, by many, considered as attainable; and,
particularly, Chesterfield’s (formerly called Bowden’s) Inlet, lying
between latitude 63° and 64°, succeeded Wager’s Strait, in the sanguine
expectations of those who remained unconvinced by former
disappointments. Mr. Ellis, who was on board the ships, and who wrote
the history of the voyage, holds up this as one of the places where the
passage may be sought for, _upon very rational grounds, and with very
good effects_.[44] He also mentions Repulse Bay, nearly in latitude 67°;
but as to this he speaks less confidently; only saying, that by an
attempt there, we might probably _approach nearer to the discovery_.[45]
He had good reason for thus guarding his expression; for the committee
who directed this voyage, admitting the impracticability of effecting a
passage at Repulse Bay, had refused allowing the ships to go into it,
_being satisfied as to that place_.[46]
Setting Repulse Bay, therefore, aside, within which we have no reason
for believing that any inlet exists, there remained no part of Hudson’s
Bay to be searched, but Chesterfield’s Inlet, and a small track of coast
between the latitude 62°, and what is called the South Point of Main,
which had been left unexplored by the Dobbs and California.
But this last gleam of hope has now disappeared. The aversion of the
Hudson’s Bay Company to contribute any thing to the discovery of a
north-west passage, had been loudly reported by Mr. Dobbs; and the
public seemed to believe that the charge was well founded. But still, in
justice to them, it must be allowed, that, in 1720, they had sent
Messrs. Knight and Barlow in a sloop on this very discovery; but these
unfortunate people were never more heard of. Mr. Scroggs, who sailed in
search of them, in 1722, only brought back proofs of their shipwreck,
but no fresh intelligence about a passage, which he was also to look
for. They also sent a sloop and a shallop, to try for this discovery, in
1737; but to no purpose. If obstructions were thrown in the way of
Captain Middleton, and of the commanders of the Dobbs and California,
the Governor and Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, since that time,
we must acknowledge, have made amends for the narrow prejudices of their
predecessors; and we have it in our power to appeal to facts, which
abundantly testify, that every thing has been done by them, that could
be required by the public, toward perfecting the search for a north-west
passage.
In the year 1761, Captain Christopher sailed from Fort Churchill, in the
sloop Churchill; and his voyage was not quite fruitless: for he sailed
up Chesterfield’s Inlet, through which a passage had, by Mr. Ellis’s
account of it, been so generally expected. But when the water turned
brackish, which marked that he was not in a strait, but in a river, he
returned.
To leave no room for a variety of opinion, however, he was ordered to
repeat the voyage the ensuing summer, in the same sloop, and Mr. Norton,
in a cutter, was appointed to attend him. By the favour of the Governor
and Committee of the Company, the Journals of Captain Christopher, and
of Mr. Norton, and Captain Christopher’s chart of the Inlet, have been
readily communicated. From these authentic documents, it appears that
the search and examination of Chesterfield’s Inlet was now completed. It
was found to end in a fresh water lake, at the distance of about one
hundred and seventy miles from the sea. This lake was found also to be
about twenty-one leagues long, and from five to ten broad, and to be
completely closed up on every side, except to the west, where there was
a little rivulet; to survey the state of which, Mr. Norton and the crew
of the cutter having landed, and marched up the country, saw that it
soon terminated in three falls, one above another, and not water for a
small boat over them; and ridges, mostly dry from side to side, for five
or six miles higher.
Thus ends Chesterfield’s Inlet, and all Mr. Ellis’s expectations of a
passage through it to the Western Ocean. The other part of the coast,
from latitude 62°, to the South Point of Main, within which limits hopes
were also entertained of finding a passage, have, of late years, been
thoroughly explored. It is here that Pistol Bay is situated; which the
author who has writ last in this country, on the _probability of a
north-west passage_[47], speaks of as the only remaining part of
Hudson’s Bay where this western communication may exist. But this has
been also examined; and, on the authority of Captain Christopher, we can
assure the reader, that there is no inlet of any consequence in all that
part of the coast. Nay, he has, in an open boat, sailed round the bottom
of what is called Pistol Bay, and, instead of a passage to a western
sea, found it does not run above three or four miles inland.
Besides these voyages by sea, which satisfy us that we must not look for
a passage to the South of 67° of latitude; we are indebted to the
Hudson’s Bay Company for a journey by land which has thrown much
additional light on this matter, by affording what may be called
demonstration, how much farther north, at least in some part of their
voyage, ships must hold their course, before they can pass from one side
of America to the other. The Northern Indians, who come down to the
Company’s forts for trade, had brought to the knowledge of our people,
the existence of a river; which, from copper abounding near it, had got
the name of the _Copper-mine River_. We read much about this river in
Mr. Dobbs’s publications, and he considers the Indian accounts of it as
favourable to his system. The Company being desirous of examining the
matter with precision, ordered their Governor of Prince of Wales’s Fort,
to send a proper person to travel by land, under the escort of some
trusty Northern Indians, with orders to proceed to this famous river, to
take an accurate survey of its course, and to trace it to the sea, into
which it empties itself. Mr. Hearne, a young gentleman in their service,
who, having been an officer in the navy, was well qualified to make
observations for fixing the longitude and latitude, and make drawings of
the country he shall pass through, and of the river which he was to
examine, was appointed for this service.
Accordingly, he set out from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill River,
in latitude 58° 50ʹ, on the 7th of December, 1770; and the whole of his
proceedings, from time to time, are faithfully preserved in his written
Journal. The publication of this would not be an unacceptable present to
the world, as it draws a plain artless picture of the savage modes of
life, the scanty means of subsistence, and indeed of the singular
wretchedness, in every respect, of the various tribes, who, without
fixed habitations, pass their miserable lives, roving throughout the
dreary deserts, and over the frozen lakes of the immense track of
continent through which Mr. Hearne passed, and which he may be said to
have added to the geography of the globe. His general course was to the
north-west, in the month of June, 1771, being then at a place called
_Conge catha wha Chaga_, he had, to use his own words, _two good
observations, both by meridian and double altitudes, the mean of which
determines this place to be in latitude 68° 46ʹ north, and, by account,
in longitude 24° 2ʹ west of Churchill River_. On the 13th of July
(having left _Conge catha wha Chaga_ by the 2d, and travelling still to
the west of north) he reached the Copper-mine River: and was not a
little surprized to find it differ so much from the descriptions given
of it by the natives at the fort; for, instead of being likely to be
navigable for a ship, it is, at this part, scarcely navigable for an
Indian canoe; three falls being in sight, at one view, and being choked
up with shoals and stony ridges.
Here Mr. Hearne began his survey of the river. This he continued till he
arrived at its mouth, near which his Northern Indians massacred
twenty-one Esquimaux, whom they surprized in their tents. We shall give
Mr. Hearne’s account of his arrival at the sea, in his own words. “After
the Indians had plundered the tents of the Esquimaux of all the copper,
&c. they were then again ready to assist me in making an end to the
survey; the sea then in sight from the north-west by west to the
north-east, distant about eight miles. It was then about five in the
morning of the 17th, when I again proceeded to survey the river to the
mouth, still found, in every respect, no ways likely, or a possibility
of being made navigable, being full of shoals and falls: and, at the
entrance, the river emptying itself over a dry flat of the shore. For
the tide was then out, and seemed, by the edges of the ice, to flow
about twelve or fourteen feet, which will only reach a little within the
river’s mouth. That being the case, the water in the river had not the
least brackish taste. But I am sure of its being the sea, or some part
thereof, by the quantity of whale-bone and seal-skins the Esquimaux had
at their tents; as also the number of seals which I saw upon the ice.
The sea, at the river’s mouth, was full of islands and shoals, as far as
I could see, by the assistance of a pocket telescope; and the ice was
not yet broken up, only thawed away about three quarters of a mile from
the shore, and a little way round the islands and shoals.
“By the time I had completed this survey it was about one in the morning
of the 18th; but in these high latitudes, and this time of the year, the
sun is always a good height above the horizon. It then came on a thick
drizzling rain, with a thick fog; and, as finding the river and sea, in
every respect, not likely to be of any utility, I did not think it worth
while to wait for fair weather, to determine the latitude exactly by an
observation. But, by the extraordinary care I took in observing the
courses and distances, walked from _Congecathawhachaaga_, where I had
two good observations, the latitude may be depended on, within twenty
miles at farthest.”
From the map which Mr. Hearne constructed of the country through which
he passed, in this singular journey, and which we have been permitted to
copy upon our general chart, it appears that the mouth of the
Copper-mine river lies in the latitude 72°, and above 25° West longitude
from the fort, from whence he took his departure.[48]
The consequences resulting from this extensive discovery are obvious. We
now see that the continent of North America stretches from Hudson’s Bay
so far to the north-west that Mr. Hearne had travelled near thirteen
hundred miles before he arrived at the sea. His most western distance
from the coast of Hudson’s Bay was near six hundred miles[49]; and that
his Indian guides were well apprized of a vast tract of continent
stretching farther on in that direction is certain from many
circumstances mentioned in his journal; one of which, as besides
establishing this fact, it presents us with a very striking picture of
savage life, has been transcribed in the following note.[50]
What is now for the first time authentically laid before the public,
with regard to the discoveries made by the Hudson’s Bay Company, was
well known to the noble lord who presided at the Board of Admiralty,
when this voyage was undertaken; and the intimate connection of those
discoveries with the plan of the voyage, of course regulated the
instructions given to Captain Cook.
And now, may we not take it upon us to appeal to every candid and
capable inquirer, whether that part of the instructions which directed
the captain _not to lose time, in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon
any other account, till he got into the latitude_ of 65°, was not framed
judiciously: as there were such indubitable proofs that no passage
existed so far to the south as any part of Hudson’s Bay, and that if a
passage could be effected at all, part of it at least must be traversed
by the ships as far to the northward as the latitude 72°, where Mr.
Hearne arrived at the sea?
We may add as a farther consideration, in support of this article of the
instructions, that Beering’s Asiatic discoveries, in 1728, having traced
that continent to the latitude of 67°, Captain Cook’s approach toward
that latitude was to be wished for, that he might be enabled to bring
back more authentic information than the world had hitherto obtained,
about the relative situation and vicinity of the two continents, which
was absolutely necessary to be known, before the practicability of
sailing between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, in any northern
direction, could be ascertained.
After all that search in a lower latitude which they who give credit (if
any such there now be) to the pretended discoveries of de Fonte, affect
to wish had been recommended to Captain Cook, has (if that will cure
them of their credulity,) been satisfactorily made. The Spaniards,
roused from their lethargy by our voyages, and having caught a spark of
enterprize from our repeated visits to the Pacific Ocean, have followed
us more than once into the line of our discoveries within the Southern
tropic; and have also fitted out expeditions to explore the American
continent to the north of California. It is to be lamented, that there
should be any reasons why the transactions of those Spanish voyages have
not been fully disclosed, with the same liberal spirit of information
which other nations have adopted. But, fortunately, this excessive
caution of the court of Spain has been defeated, at least in one
instance, by the publication of an authentic Journal of their last
voyage of discovery upon the coast of America, in 1775; for which the
world is indebted to the Honourable Mr. Daines Barrington. This
publication, which conveys some information of real consequence to
geography, and has therefore been referred to more than once in the
following work, is particularly valuable in this respect, that some
parts of the coast which Captain Cook, in his progress northward, was
prevented by unfavourable winds from approaching, were seen and examined
by the Spanish ships who preceded him; and the perusal of the following
extract from their Journal, may be recommended to those (if any such
there be) who would represent it as an imperfection in Captain Cook’s
voyage, that he had not an opportunity of examining the coast of
America, in the latitude assigned to the discoveries of Admiral Fonte.
“We now attempted to find out the Straits of Admiral Fonte, though, as
yet, we had not discovered the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, through which
he is said to have sailed. With this intent, we searched every bay and
recess of the coast, and sailed round every headland, lying to in the
night, that we might not lose sight of this entrance. _After these pains
taken, and being favoured by a north-west wind, it may be pronounced
that no such straits are to be found._[51]”
In this Journal, the Spaniards boast of “having reached so high a
latitude as 58°, beyond what any other navigators had been able to
effect in those seas.”[52] Without diminishing the merit of their
performance, we may be permitted to say that it will appear very
inconsiderable, indeed, in comparison of what Captain Cook effected, in
the voyage of which an account is given in these volumes. Besides
exploring the land in the South Indian Ocean, of which Kerguelen, in two
voyages, had been able to obtain but a very imperfect knowledge; adding
also many considerable accessions to the geography of the Friendly
Islands, and discovering the noble group, now called Sandwich Islands,
in the Northern part of the Pacific Ocean, of which not the faintest
trace can be met with in the account of any former voyage; besides these
preliminary discoveries, the reader of the following work will find,
that in one summer, our English navigator discovered a much larger
proportion of the north-west coast of America than the Spaniards, though
settled in the neighbourhood, had, in all their attempts for above two
hundred years, been able to do; that he has put it beyond all doubt that
Beering and Tscherikoff had really discovered the continent of America
in 1741, and has also established the prolongation of that continent
westward opposite Kamtschatka, which speculative writers, wedded to
favourite systems, had affected so much to disbelieve[53], and which,
though admitted by Muller, had, since he wrote, been considered as
disproved by later Russian discoveries[54]; that, besides ascertaining
the true position of the western coasts of America, with some
inconsiderable interruptions, from latitude 44° up to beyond the
latitude 70°, he has also ascertained the position of the north-eastern
extremity of Asia, by confirming Beering’s discoveries in 1728, and
adding extensive accessions of his own; that he has given us more
authentic information concerning the islands lying between the two
continents, than the Kamtschatka traders, ever since Beering first
taught them to venture on this sea, had been able to procure[55]; that,
by fixing the relative situation of Asia and America, and discovering
the narrow bounds of the strait that divides them, he has thrown a blaze
of light upon this important part of the geography of the globe, and
solved the puzzling problem about the peopling of America, by tribes
destitute of the necessary means to attempt long navigations; and,
lastly, that, though the principal object of the voyage failed, the
world will be greatly benefited even by the failure, as it has brought
us to the knowledge of the existence of the impediments which future
navigators may expect to meet with in attempting to go to the East
Indies through Beering’s Strait.
The extended review we have taken of the preceding voyages, and the
general outline we have sketched out, of the transactions of the last,
which are recorded at full length in these volumes, will not, it is
hoped, be considered as a prolix or unnecessary detail. It will serve to
give a just notion of the whole plan of discovery executed by his
Majesty’s commands. And it appearing that much was aimed at, and much
accomplished, in the unknown parts of the globe, in both hemispheres,
there needs no other consideration, to give full satisfaction to those
who possess an enlarged way of thinking, that a variety of useful
purposes must have been effected by these researches. But there are
others, no doubt, who, too diffident of their own abilities, or too
indolent to exert them, would wish to have their reflections assisted,
by pointing out what those useful purposes are. For the use of such, the
following enumeration of particulars is entered upon. And if there
should be any, who affect to undervalue the plan, or the execution of
our voyages, what shall now be offered, if it do not convince them, may,
at least, check the influence of their unfavourable decision.
1. It may be fairly considered, as one great advantage accruing to the
world from our late surveys of the globe, that they have confuted
fanciful theories, too likely to give birth to impracticable
undertakings.
After Captain Cook’s persevering and fruitless traverses through every
corner of the southern hemisphere, who, for the future, will pay any
attention to the ingenious reveries of Campbell, de Brosses, and de
Buffon? or hope to establish an intercourse with such a continent as
Maupertuis’s fruitful imagination had pictured? A continent equal, at
least, in extent, to all the civilized countries in the known northern
hemisphere, where new men, new animals, new productions of every kind,
might be brought forward to our view, and discoveries be made, which
would open inexhaustible treasures of commerce.[56] We can now boldly
take it upon us to discourage all expeditions, formed on such reasonings
of speculative philosophers, into a quarter of the globe where our
persevering English navigator, instead of this promised fairy land,
found nothing but barren rocks, scarcely affording shelter to penguins
and seals; and dreary seas, and mountains of ice, occupying the immense
space allotted to imaginary paradises, and the only treasures there to
be discovered, to reward the toil, and to compensate the dangers of the
unavailing search.
Or, if we carry our reflections into the northern hemisphere, could Mr.
Dobbs have made a single convert, much less could he have been the
successful solicitor of two different expeditions, and have met with
encouragement from the legislature, with regard to his favourite passage
through Hudson’s Bay, if Captain Christopher had previously explored its
coasts, and if Mr. Hearne had walked over the immense continent behind
it? Whether, after Captain Cook’s and Captain Clerke’s discoveries on
the west side of America, and their report of the state of Beering’s
Strait, there can be sufficient encouragement to make future attempts to
penetrate into the Pacific Ocean in any northern direction, is a
question, for the decision of which the public will be indebted to this
work.
2. But our voyages will benefit the world, not only by discouraging
future unprofitable searches, but also by lessening the dangers and
distresses formerly experienced in those seas, which are within the line
of commerce and navigation, now actually subsisting. In how many
instances have the mistakes of former navigators, in fixing the true
situations of important places, been rectified? What accession to the
variation chart? How many nautical observations have been collected, and
are now ready to be consulted, in directing a ship’s course, along rocky
shores, through narrow straits, amidst perplexing currents, and
dangerous shoals? But, above all, what numbers of new bays, and
harbours, and anchoring-places, are now, for the first time, brought
forward, where ships may be sheltered and their crews find tolerable
refreshments? To enumerate all these would be to transcribe great part
of the journals of our several commanders, whose labours will endear
them to every navigator whom trade or war may carry into their tracks.
Every nation that sends a ship to sea, will partake of the benefit; but
Great Britain herself, whose commerce is boundless, must take the lead
in reaping the full advantage of her own discoveries.
In consequence of all these various improvements lessening the
apprehensions of engaging in long voyages, may we not reasonably indulge
the pleasing hope that fresh branches of commerce may, even in our time,
be attempted, and successively carried on? Our hardy adventurers in the
whale-fishery have already found their way, within these few years, into
the South Atlantic; and who knows what fresh sources of commerce may
still be opened, if the prospect of gain can be added, to keep alive the
spirit of enterprise? If the situation of Great Britain be too remote,
other trading nations will assuredly avail themselves of our
discoveries. We may soon expect to hear that the Russians, now
instructed by us where to find the American continent, have extended
their voyages from the Fox Islands to Cook’s River, and Prince William’s
Sound. And if Spain itself should not be tempted to trade from its most
northern Mexican ports, by the fresh mine of wealth discovered in the
furs of King George’s Sound, which they may transport in their Manilla
ships, as a favourite commodity for the Chinese market, that market may
probably be supplied by a direct trade to America, from Canton itself,
with those valuable articles which the inhabitants of China have
hitherto received only by the tedious and expensive circuit of
Kamtschatka and Kiachta.
These and many other commercial improvements may reasonably be expected
to result from the British discoveries, even in our own times. But if we
look forward to future ages, and to future changes in the history of
commerce, by recollecting its various past revolutions and migrations,
we may be allowed to please ourselves with the idea of its finding its
way, at last, throughout the extent of the regions with which our
voyages have opened an intercourse; and there will be abundant reason to
subscribe to Captain Cook’s observation with regard to New Zealand,
which may be applied to other tracks of land explored by him, that
“although they be far remote from the present trading world, we can, by
no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveries made by
the present.”[57] In this point of view, surely, the utility of the late
voyages must stand confessed; and we may be permitted to say, that the
history of their operations, which will be completed in these volumes,
has the justest pretensions to be called κτῆμα ἐς ἀεὶ, as it will convey
to latest posterity a treasure of interesting information.
3. Admitting, however, that we may have expressed too sanguine
expectations of commercial advantages, either within our own reach, or
gradually to be unfolded at some future period, as the result of our
voyages of discovery, we may still be allowed to consider them as a
laudable effort to add to the stock of human knowledge, with regard to
an object which cannot but deserve the attention of enlightened man. To
exert our faculties in devising ingenious modes of satisfying ourselves
about the magnitude and distance of the sun; to extend our acquaintance
with the system to which that luminary is the common centre, by tracing
the revolutions of a new planet, or the appearance of a new comet; to
carry our bold researches through all the immensity of space, where
world beyond world rises to the view of the astonished observer; these
are employments which none but those incapable of pursuing them can
depreciate, and which every one capable of pursuing them must delight
in, as a dignified exercise of the powers of the human mind. But while
we direct our studies to distant worlds, which, after all our exertions,
we must content ourselves with having barely discovered to exist, it
would be a strange neglect, indeed, and would argue a most culpable want
of rational curiosity, if we did not use our best endeavours to arrive
at a full acquaintance with the contents of our own planet; of that
little spot in the immense universe, on which we have been placed, and
the utmost limits of which, at least its habitable parts, we possess the
means of ascertaining, and describing, by actual examination.
So naturally doth this reflection present itself, that to know something
of the terraqueous globe is a favourite object with every one who can
taste the lowest rudiments of learning. Let us not, therefore, think so
meanly of the times in which we live, as to suppose it possible, that
full justice will not be done to the noble plan of discovery so steadily
and so successfully carried on since the accession of his Majesty; which
cannot fail to be considered, in every succeeding age, as a splendid
period in the history of our country, and to add to our national glory,
by distinguishing Great Britain as taking the lead in the most arduous
undertakings for the common benefit of the human race. Before these
voyages took place, nearly half the surface of the globe we inhabit was
hid in obscurity and confusion. What is still wanting to complete our
geography, may justly be termed the _minutiæ_ of that science.
4. Let us now carry our thoughts somewhat farther. It is fortunate for
the interests of knowledge, that acquisitions in any one branch
generally, and indeed unavoidably, lead to acquisitions in other
branches, perhaps of still greater consequence; and that we cannot even
gratify mere curiosity, without being rewarded with valuable
instruction. This observation applies to the subject before us. Voyages,
in which new oceans have been traversed, and in which new countries have
been visited, can scarcely ever be performed, without bringing forward
to our view fresh objects of science. Even when we are to take our
report of what was discovered, from the mere sailor, whose knowledge
scarcely goes beyond the narrow limits of his own profession, and whose
inquiries are not directed by philosophical discernment, it will be
unfortunate indeed, if something hath not been remarked, by which the
scholar may profit, and useful accessions be made to our old stock of
information. And if this be the case in general, how much more must be
gained by the particular voyages now under consideration? Besides naval
officers equally skilled to examine the coasts they might approach, as
to delineate them accurately upon their charts, artists[58] were
engaged, who, by their drawings, might illustrate what could only be
imperfectly described; mathematicians[59] who might treasure up an
extensive series of scientific observations; and persons versed in the
various departments of the history of nature, who might collect, or
record, all that they should find new and valuable, throughout the wide
extent of their researches. But while most of these associates of our
naval discoverers were liberally rewarded by the public, there was one
gentleman, who thinking it the noblest reward he could receive, to have
an opportunity of making the ample fortune he inherited from his
ancestors subservient to the improvement of science, stepped forward of
his own accord, and, submitting to the hardships and dangers of a
circumnavigation of the globe, accompanied Captain Cook in the
Endeavour. The learned world, I may also say the unlearned, will never
forget the obligations which it owes to Sir Joseph Banks.
What real acquisitions have been gained, by this munificent attention to
science, cannot be better expressed than in the words of Mr. Wales, who
engaged in one of these voyages himself, and contributed largely to the
benefits derived from them.
“That branch of natural knowledge which may be called _nautical
astronomy_, was undoubtedly in its infancy, when these voyages were
first undertaken. Both instruments and observers, which deserved the
name, were very rare; and so late as the year 1770, it was found
necessary, in the appendix to _Meyer’s Tables_, published by the Board
of Longitude, to state facts, in contradiction to the assertions of so
celebrated an astronomer as the Abbé de la Caille, that the altitude of
the sun at noon, the easiest and most simple of all observations, could
not be taken with certainty to a less quantity than five, six, seven, or
even eight minutes.[60] But those who will give themselves the trouble
to look into the _astronomical observations_ made in Captain Cook’s last
voyage, will find, that there were few, even of the petty officers, who
could not observe the distance of the moon from the sun, or a star, the
most delicate of all observations, with sufficient accuracy. It may be
added, that the method of making and computing observations for finding
the variation of the compass, is better known, and more frequently
practised by those who have been on these voyages, than by most others.
Nor is there, perhaps, a person who ranks as an officer, and has been
concerned in them, who would not, whatever his real skill may be, feel
ashamed to have it thought that he did not know how to observe for, and
compute the time at sea; though, but a short while before these voyages
were set on foot, such a thing was scarcely ever heard of amongst
seamen; and even first-rate astronomers doubted the possibility of doing
it with sufficient exactness.[61]
“The number of places, at which the rise and times of flowing of tides
have been observed, in these voyages, is very great; and hence an
important article of useful knowledge is afforded. In these
observations, some very curious and even unexpected circumstances have
offered themselves to our consideration. It will be sufficient to
instance the exceedingly small height to which the tide rises in the
middle of the great Pacific Ocean; where it falls short, two-thirds at
least, of what might have been expected from theory and calculation.
“The direction and force of currents at sea make also an important
object. These voyages will be found to contain much useful information
on this head; as well relating to seas nearer home, and which, in
consequence, are navigated every day, as to those which are more remote,
but where, notwithstanding, the knowledge of these things may be of
great service to those who are destined to navigate them hereafter. To
this head also we may refer the great number of experiments which have
been made for enquiring into the depth of the sea, its temperature, and
saltness at different depths, and in a variety of places and climates.
“An extensive foundation has also been laid for improvements in
magnetism, for discovering the cause and nature of the polarity of the
needle, and a theory of its variations, by the number and variety of the
observations and experiments which have been made, both on the variation
and dip, in almost all parts of the world. Experiments also have been
made, in consequence of the late voyages, on the effects of gravity, in
different and very distant places, which may serve to increase our stock
of natural knowledge. From the same source of information we have
learned that the phænomenon, usually called the _aurora borealis_ is not
peculiar to high northern latitudes, but belongs equally to all cold
climates, whether they be north or south.
“But perhaps no part of knowledge has been so great a gainer by the late
voyages, as that of botany. We are told[62] that, at least twelve
hundred new plants have been added to the known system; and that very
considerable additions have been made to every other branch of natural
history, by the great skill and industry of Sir Joseph Banks, and the
other gentlemen[63] who have accompanied Captain Cook for that purpose.”
To our naval officers in general, or to their learned associates in the
expeditions, all the foregoing improvements of knowledge may be traced;
but there is one very singular improvement indeed, still behind, for
which, as we are solely indebted to Captain Cook, let us state it in his
own words: “Whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it
is with real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of
attention to my duty, that I can conclude this account with an
observation, which facts enable me to make, that our having discovered
the possibility of preserving health amongst a numerous ship’s company,
for such a length of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such
continued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable, in
the opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about a
southern continent shall have ceased to engage the attention, and to
divide the judgment of philosophers.”[64]
5. But while our late voyages have opened so many channels to an
increase of knowledge in the several articles already enumerated; while
they have extended our acquaintance with the contents of the globe;
while they have facilitated old tracks, and have opened new ones for
commerce; while they have been the means of improving the skill of the
navigator, and the science of the astronomer; while they have procured
to us so valuable accessions in the several departments of natural
history, and furnished such opportunities of teaching us how to preserve
the healths and lives of seamen, let us not forget another very
important object of study, for which they have afforded to the
speculative philosopher ample materials: I mean the study of human
nature in various situations, equally interesting as they are uncommon.
However remote or secluded from frequent intercourse with more polished
nations the inhabitants of any parts of the world be, if history or our
own observation should make it evident that they have been formerly
visited, and that foreign manners and opinions, and languages, have been
blended with their own, little use can be made of what is observed
amongst such people, toward drawing a real picture of man in his natural
uncultivated state. This seems to be the situation of the inhabitants of
most of the islands that lie contiguous to the continent of Asia, and of
whose manners and institutions the Europeans, who occasionally visit
them, have frequently given us accounts. But the islands which our
enterprising discoverers visited in the centre of the South Pacific
Ocean, and are, indeed, the principal scenes of their operations, were
untrodden ground. The inhabitants, as far as could be observed, were
unmixed with any different tribe, by occasional intercourse, subsequent
to their original settlement there; left entirely to their own powers
for every art of life; and to their own remote traditions for every
political or religious custom or institution; uninformed by science;
unimproved by education; in short, a fit soil from whence a careful
observer could collect facts for forming a judgment, how far unassisted
human nature will be apt to degenerate; and in what respects it can ever
be able to excel. Who could have thought, that the brutal ferocity of
feeding upon human flesh, and the horrid superstition of offering human
sacrifices, should be found to exist amongst the natives lately
discovered in the Pacific Ocean, who, in other respects, appear to be no
strangers to the fine feelings of humanity, to have arrived at a certain
stage of social life, and to be habituated to subordination and
government which tend so naturally to repress the ebullitions of wild
passion, and expand the latent powers of the understanding?
Or, if we turn from this melancholy picture, which will suggest copious
matter for philosophical speculation, can we without astonishment
observe to what a degree of perfection the same tribe (and, indeed, we
may here join, in some of those instances, the American tribes visited
in the course of the present voyage) have carried their favourite
amusements; the plaintive songs of their women; their dramatic
entertainments; their dances; their Olympian games, as we may call them;
the orations of their chiefs; the chants of their priests; the solemnity
of their religious processions; their arts and manufactures; their
ingenious contrivances to supply the want of proper materials, and of
effective tools and machines; and the wonderful productions of their
persevering labour under a complication of disadvantages; their cloth
and their mats; their weapons; their fishing instruments; their
ornaments; their utensils; which, in design and execution, may vie with
whatever modern Europe, or classical antiquity can exhibit.
It is a favourite study with the scholar to trace the remains of Grecian
or Roman workmanship: he turns over his Montfaucon with learned
satisfaction; and he gazes with rapture on the noble collection of Sir
William Hamilton. The amusement is rational and instructive. But will
not his curiosity be more awakened, will he not find even more real
matter for important reflection, by passing an hour in surveying the
numerous specimens of the ingenuity our newly-discovered friends brought
from the utmost recesses of the globe to enrich the British Museum, and
the valuable repository of Sir Ashton Lever? If the curiosities of Sir
Ashton’s Sandwich-room alone, were the only acquisition gained by our
visits to the Pacific Ocean, who that has taste to admire, or even eyes
to behold, could hesitate to pronounce, that Captain Cook had not sailed
in vain? The expence of his three voyages did not perhaps far exceed
that of digging out the buried contents of Herculaneum. And we may add,
that the _novelties_ of the Society or Sandwich islands, seem better
calculated to engage the attention of the studious in our times than the
_antiquities_, which exhibit proofs of Roman magnificence.
The grounds for making this remark cannot be better explained, than in
the words of a very ingenious writer; “In an age (says Mr. Warton[65]),
advanced to the highest degree of refinement, that species of curiosity
commences, which is busied in contemplating the progress of social life,
in displaying the gradations of society, and in tracing the gradations
from barbarism to civility. That these speculations should become the
favourite topics of such a period is extremely natural. We look back on
the savage condition of our ancestors with the triumph of superiority;
and are pleased to mark the steps by which we have been raised from
rudeness to elegance; and our reflections on this subject are
accompanied with a conscious pride, arising, in a great measure, from a
tacit comparison of the infinite disproportion between the feeble
efforts of remote ages, and our present improvements in knowledge. In
the mean time, the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinions
of antiquity, by forming so strong a contrast with those of our own
times, and by exhibiting human nature and human inventions in new
lights, in unexpected appearances, and in various forms, are objects
which forcibly strike a feeling imagination. Nor does this spectacle
afford nothing more than a fruitless gratification to the fancy. It
teaches us to set a just estimation on our own acquisitions, and
encourages us to cherish that cultivation which is so closely connected
with the existence and the exercise of every social virtue.” We need not
here observe, that the _manners, monuments, customs, practices, and
opinions_ of the present inhabitants of the Pacific Ocean, or of the
West side of North America, form the _strongest contrast_ with those of
our own time in enlightened Europe; and that _a feeling imagination_
will probably be more struck with the narration of the ceremonies of a
_Naiche_ at Tongataboo, than of a Gothic tournament at London; with the
contemplation of the colossuses of Easter Island, than of the mysterious
remains of Stonehenge.
Many singularities respecting what may be called the natural history of
the human species, in different climates, will, on the authority of our
late navigators, open abundant sources for philosophical discussion. One
question of this sort, in particular, which had formerly divided the
opinions of the inquisitive, as to the existence, if not of “giants on
the earth,” at least of a race (inhabiting a district bordering on the
north side of the strait of Magalhaens), whose stature considerably
exceeds that of the bulk of mankind, will no longer be doubted or
disbelieved. And the ingenious objections of the sceptical author of
_Recherches sur les Américains_[66], will weigh nothing in the balance
against the concurrent and accurate testimony of Byron, Wallis and
Carteret.
Perhaps there cannot be a more interesting inquiry than to trace the
migrations of the various families or tribes that have peopled the
globe; and in no respect have our late voyages been more fertile in
curious discoveries. It was known in general (and I shall use the words
of Kæmpfer[67]), that the Asiatic nation called Malayans, “in former
times had by much the greatest trade in the Indies, and frequented with
their merchant ships, not only all the coasts of Asia, but ventured even
over to the coasts of Africa, particularly to the great island of
Madagascar.[68] The title which the king of the Malayans assumed to
himself, of _Lord of the Winds and Seas to the East and to the West_, is
an evident proof of this; but much more the Malayan language, which
spread most all over the east, much after the same manner as formerly
the Latin, and of late the French, did all over Europe.” Thus far, I
say, was known. But that from Madagascar to the Marqueses and Easter
Island, that is, nearly from the east side of Africa, till we approach
towards the west side of America, a space including above half the
circumference of the globe, the same tribe or nation, the Phœnicians, as
we may call them, of the Oriental World, should have made their
settlements, and founded colonies throughout almost every intermediate
stage of this immense tract, in islands at amazing distances from the
mother continent, and ignorant of each others’ existence; this is an
historical fact, which could be but very imperfectly known before
Captain Cook’s two first voyages discovered so many new inhabited spots
of land lurking in the bosom of the South Pacific Ocean; and it is a
fact which does not rest solely on similarity of customs and
institutions, but has been established by the most satisfactory of all
proofs, that drawn from affinity of language. Mr. Marsden, who seems to
have considered this curious subject with much attention, says, that
_the links of the latitudinal chain remain yet to be traced_.[69] The
discovery of the Sandwich islands in this last voyage has added some
links to the chain. But Captain Cook had not an opportunity of carrying
his researches into the more westerly parts of the North Pacific. The
reader, therefore, of the following work will not, perhaps, think that
the Editor was idly employed when he subjoined some notes, which contain
abundant proof that the inhabitants of the Ladrones, or Marianne
islands, and those of the Carolines, are to be traced to the same common
source, with those of the islands visited by our ships. With the like
view, of exhibiting a striking picture of the amazing extent of this
oriental language, which marks, if not a common original, at least an
intimate intercourse between the inhabitants of places so very remote
from each other, he has inserted a comparative table of their numerals,
upon a more enlarged plan than any that has hitherto been executed.[70]
Our British discoverers have not only thrown a blaze of light on the
migrations of the tribe which has so wonderfully spread itself
throughout the islands in the Eastern Ocean; but they have also favoured
us with much curious information concerning another of the families of
the earth whose lot has fallen in less hospitable climates. We speak of
the Esquimaux, hitherto only found seated on the coasts of Labradore and
Hudson’s Bay, and who differ in several characteristic marks from the
inland inhabitants of North America. That the Greenlanders and they
agree in every circumstance of customs, and manners, and language, which
are demonstrations of an original identity of nation, had been
discovered about twenty years ago.[71] Mr. Hearne, in 1772, traced this
unhappy race farther back, toward that part of the globe from whence
they had originally coasted along in their skin boats, having met with
some of them at the mouth of the Coppermine River, in the latitude of
72°, and near five hundred leagues farther W. than Pickersgill’s most
westerly station in Davis’s Strait. Their being the same tribe who now
actually inhabit the islands and coasts on the west side of North
America, opposite Kamtschatka, was a discovery, the completion of which
was reserved for Captain Cook. The reader of the following work will
find them at Norton Sound, and at Oonalashka, and Prince William’s
Sound; that is, near 1500 leagues distant from their stations in
Greenland, and on the Labradore coast. And lest similitude of manners
should be thought to deceive us, a table exhibiting proofs of affinity
of language, which was drawn up by Captain Cook, and is inserted in this
work[72], will remove every doubt from the mind of the most scrupulous
inquirer after truth.
There are other doubts of a more important kind, which it may be hoped
will now no longer perplex the ignorant, or furnish matter of cavil to
the ill-intentioned. After the great discovery, or at least the full
confirmation of the great discovery of the vicinity of the two
continents of Asia and America, we trust that we shall not be any more
ridiculed, for believing that the former could easily furnish its
inhabitants to the latter. And thus, to all the various good purposes
already enumerated, as answered by our late voyages, we may add this
last, though not the least important, that they have done service to
religion, by robbing infidelity of a favourite objection to the
credibility of the Mosaic account of _the peopling of the earth_.[73]
6. Hitherto we have considered our voyages as having benefited the
_discoverers_. But it will be asked, have they conveyed, or are they
likely ever to convey any benefit to the _discovered_? It would afford
exquisite satisfaction to every benevolent mind to be instructed in
facts which might enable us, without hesitation, to answer this question
in the affirmative. And yet, perhaps, we may indulge the pleasing hope,
that, even in this respect, our ships have not sailed in vain. Other
discoveries of new countries have, in effect, been wars, or rather
massacres; nations have been no sooner found out, than they have been
extirpated; and the horrid cruelties of the conquerors of Mexico and
Peru can never be remembered, without blushing for religion and human
nature; but when the recesses of the globe are investigated, not to
enlarge private dominion, but to promote general knowledge; when we
visit new tribes of our fellow-creatures as friends, and wish only to
learn that they exist, in order to bring them within the pale of the
offices of humanity, and to relieve the wants of their imperfect state
of society, by communicating to them our superior attainments; voyages
of discovery, planned with such benevolent views by George the Third,
and executed by Cook, have not, we trust, totally failed in this
respect. Our repeated visits, and long continued intercourse with the
natives of the Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, cannot but have
darted some rays of light on the infant minds of those poor people. The
uncommon objects they have thus had opportunities of observing and
admiring, will naturally tend to enlarge their stock of ideas, and to
furnish new materials for the exercise of their reason. Comparing
themselves with their visitors, they cannot but be struck with the
deepest conviction of their own inferiority, and be impelled, by the
strongest motives, to strive to emerge from it, and to rise nearer to a
level with those children of the sun who deigned to look upon them, and
left behind so many specimens of their generous and humane attention.
The very introduction of our useful animals and vegetables, by adding
fresh means of subsistence, will have added to their comforts of life
and immediate enjoyments; and if this be the only benefit they are ever
to receive, who will pronounce that much has not been gained? But may we
not carry our wishes and our hopes still farther? Great Britain itself,
when first visited by the Phœnicians, was inhabited by painted savages,
not perhaps blessed with higher attainments than are possessed by the
present natives of New Zealand; certainly less civilized than those of
Tongataboo or Otaheite. Our having opened an intercourse with them is
the first step toward their improvement. Who knows, but that our late
voyages may be the means appointed by Providence, of spreading, in due
time, the blessings of civilization, amongst the numerous tribes of the
South Pacific Ocean; of abolishing their horrid repasts and their horrid
rites; and of laying the foundation for future and more effectual plans,
to prepare them for holding an honourable station amongst the nations of
the earth? This, at least is certain that our having, as it were,
brought them into existence by our extensive researches, will suggest to
us fresh motives of devout gratitude to the Supreme Being, for having
blessed us with advantages hitherto withheld from so great a proportion
of the human race; and will operate powerfully to incite us to persevere
in every feasible attempt, to be his instruments in rescuing millions of
fellow-creatures from their present state of humiliation.
The several topics which occurred, as suitable to this general
Introduction, being now discussed, nothing remains but to state a few
particulars, about which the reader of these volumes has a right to
expect some information.
Captain Cook, knowing, before he sailed upon this last expedition, that
it was expected from him to _relate_, as well as to _execute_, its
operations, had taken care to prepare such a journal as might be made
use of for publication. This journal, which exists in his own
hand-writing, has been faithfully adhered to. It is not a bare extract
from his log-books, but contains many remarks which it appears had not
been inserted by him in the nautical register; and it is also enriched
with considerable communications from Mr. Anderson, surgeon of the
Resolution. The confessed abilities and great assiduity of Mr. Anderson,
in observing every thing that related either to natural history, or to
manners and language; and the desire which, it is well known, Captain
Cook, on all occasions, showed to have the assistance of that gentleman,
stamped a great value on his collections. That nothing, therefore, might
be wanting to convey to the public the best possible account of the
transactions of the voyage, his journal, by the order of Lord Sandwich,
was also put into the hands of the editor, who was authorized and
directed to avail himself of the information it might be found to
contain, about matters imperfectly touched, or altogether omitted, in
Captain Cook’s manuscript. This task has been executed in such a manner,
that the reader will scarcely ever be at a loss to distinguish in what
instances recourse has been had to Mr. Anderson. To preclude, if
possible, any mistake, the copy of the first and second volumes, before
it went to the printer, was submitted to Captain King; and after it had
been read over and corrected by one so well qualified to point out any
inaccuracies, the Earl of Sandwich had the goodness to give it a
perusal. As to the third volume, nothing more need be said than that it
was completely prepared for the press by Captain King himself. All that
the editor of the work has to answer for, are the notes occasionally
introduced in the course of the two volumes, contributed by Captain
Cook; and this introduction, which was intended as a kind of epilogue to
our voyages of discovery. He must be permitted, however, to say, that he
considers himself as intitled to no inconsiderable share of candid
indulgence from the public; having engaged in a very tedious and
troublesome undertaking upon the most _disinterested_ motives; his only
reward being the satisfaction he feels, in having been able to do an
essential service to the family of our great navigator, who had honoured
him in the journal of this voyage, with the appellation of friend.
They who have repeatedly asked why this publication has been so long
delayed, need only look at the volumes, and their attendant
illustrations and ornaments, to be satisfied that it might, with at
least equal reason, be wondered at, that it has not been delayed longer.
The journal of Captain Cook, from the first moment that it came into the
hands of the editor had been ready for the press; and Captain King had
left with him his part of the narrative, so long ago as his departure
for the West Indies, when he commanded the Resistance man-of-war. But
much besides remained to be done. The charts, particularly the general
one, were to be prepared by Mr. Roberts, who gives an account of his
work in the note[74]; the very numerous and elegant drawings of Mr.
Webber were to be reduced by him to the proper size; artists were next
to be found out who would undertake to engrave them; the prior
engagements of those artists were to be fulfilled before they could
begin; the labour and skill to be exerted in finishing many of them,
rendered this a tedious operation; paper fit for printing them upon was
to be procured from abroad; and after all these various and unavoidable
difficulties were surmounted, much time was necessarily required for
executing a numerous impression of the long list of plates, with so much
care as might do justice both to Mr. Webber and to his several
engravers. When all these circumstances are taken into consideration, we
trust that we shall hear no more of the delay; and only be grateful to
that munificent Patron of Science, who not only directed the history of
the voyage to be published, but to be published with such a splendid
train of ornaments, at the public expense, as will still add to the
merit of having ordered the voyage itself to be undertaken.
And here it seems to be incumbent upon us to add, as another instance of
munificent attention, that care has been taken to mark, in the most
significant manner, the just sense entertained of the humane and liberal
relief afforded to our ships in Kamtschatka. Colonel Behm, the
commandant of that province, has not been rewarded merely by the
pleasure which a benevolent mind feels in reflecting upon the blessings
it confers; but has been thanked in a manner equally consistent with the
dignity of his own sovereign and of ours, to whose subjects he extended
protection. A magnificent piece of plate was presented to him with an
inscription, worthy of a place in the same book where the history of his
humanity to our countrymen is recorded, and which, while it does honour
to our national gratitude, deserves also to be preserved as a monument
of our national taste for elegant composition. It is as follows:
VIRO EGREGIO MAGNO DE BEHM; qui, Imperatricis Augustissimæ Catherinæ
auspiciis, summâque animi benignitate, sæva, quibus præerat, Kamtschatkæ
littora, navibus nautisque Britannicis, hospita præbuit; eosque, in
terminis, si qui essent Imperio Russico, frustrà explorandis, mala multa
perpessos, iteratâ vice excepit, refecit, recreavit, & commeatû omni
cumulatè auctos dimisit; REI NAVALIS BRITANNICÆ SEPTEMVIRI in aliquam
benevolentiæ tam insignis memoriam, amicissimo, gratissimoque animo,
suo, patriæque nomine, D.D.D.
MDCCLXXXI.
This public testimony of gratitude reminds the editor, that there are
similar calls upon himself. He owes much to Captain King for his advice
and direction, in a variety of instances, where Captain Cook’s Journal
required explanation; for filling up several blanks with the proper
longitude and latitude; of and for supplying deficiencies in the tables
of astronomical observations.
Lieutenant Roberts was also frequently consulted, and was always found
to be a ready and effectual assistant, when any nautical difficulties
were to be cleared up.
But particular obligations are due to Mr. Wales, who besides the
valuable communications which have been adopted in this Introduction,
seconded most liberally the editor’s views of serving Mrs. Cook, by
cheerfully taking upon himself the whole trouble of digesting, from the
log-books, the tables of the route of the ships, which add so greatly to
the intrinsic merit of this publication.
Mr. Wegg, besides sharing in the thanks so justly due to the committee
of the Hudson’s Bay Company, for their unreserved communications, was
particularly obliging to the editor, by giving him repeated
opportunities of conversing with Governor Hearne, and Captain
Christopher.
The honourable Mr. Daines Barrington had the goodness to interest
himself, with his usual zeal for every work of public utility, in
procuring some necessary information, and suggesting some valuable hints
which were adopted.
It would be great injustice not to express our acknowledgments to Mr.
Pennant, who, besides enriching the third volume with references to his
_Arctic Zoology_, the publication of which will be an important
accession to Natural History, also communicated some very authentic and
satisfactory manuscript accounts of the Russian discoveries.
The vocabularies of the Friendly and Sandwich Islands, and of the
natives of Nootka, had been furnished to Captain Cook, by his most
useful associate in the voyage, Mr. Anderson; and a fourth, in which the
language of the Esquimaux is compared with that of the Americans on the
opposite side of the continent, had been prepared by the Captain
himself. But the comparative Table of Numerals, which is marked No. 2 in
the Appendix, was very obligingly drawn up, at the request of the
editor, by Mr. Bryant, who, in his study, has followed Captain Cook,
and, indeed, every traveller and historian, of every age, into every
part of the globe. The public will consider this table as a very
striking illustration of the wonderful migrations of a nation, about
whom so much additional information has been gained by our voyages, and
be ready to acknowledge it as a very useful communication.
One more communication remains to be not only acknowledged, but to be
inserted at the close of this Introduction. The _testimonies_ of learned
contemporaries, in commendation of a deceased author, are frequently
displayed in the front of his book. It is with the greatest propriety,
therefore, that we prefix to this posthumous work of Captain Cook the
_testimony_ of one of his own profession, not more distinguished by the
elevation of rank, than by the dignity of private virtues. As he wishes
to remain concealed, perhaps this allusion, for which we intreat his
indulgence, may have given too exact direction to the eyes of the public
where to look for such a character. Let us, however, rest satisfied with
the intrinsic merit of a composition, conveyed under the injunction of
secrecy; and conclude our long preliminary dissertation with expressing
a wish, or rather a well-grounded hope, that this volume may not be the
only place where posterity can meet with a monumental inscription,
commemorative of a man, in recounting and applauding whose services, the
whole of enlightened Europe will equally concur with Great Britain.
TO
THE MEMORY
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK,
THE ABLEST AND MOST RENOWNED NAVIGATOR THIS OR ANY COUNTRY HATH
PRODUCED.
He raised himself, solely by his merit, from a very obscure birth, to
the rank of Post-Captain in the royal navy, and was unfortunately killed
by the savages of the island Owhyhee on the 14th of February, 1779;
which island he had not long before discovered, when prosecuting his
third voyage round the globe.
He possessed, in an eminent degree, all the qualifications requisite for
his profession and great undertakings; together with the amiable and
worthy qualities of the best men.
Cool and deliberate in judging: sagacious in determining: active in
executing: steady and persevering in enterprising from vigilance and
unremitting caution: unsubdued by labour, difficulties, and
disappointments: fertile in expedients: never wanting presence of mind:
always possessing himself, and the full use of a sound understanding.
Mild, just, but exact in discipline, he was a father to his people, who
were attached to him from affection, and obedient from confidence.
His knowledge, his experience, his sagacity, rendered him so intirely
master of his subject, that the greatest obstacles were surmounted, and
the most dangerous navigations became easy, and almost safe, under his
direction.
He explored the Southern hemisphere to a much higher latitude than had
ever been reached, and with fewer accidents than frequently befall those
who navigate the coasts of this island.
By his benevolent and unabating attention to the welfare of his ship’s
company, he discovered and introduced a system for the preservation of
the health of seamen in long voyages, which has proved wonderfully
efficacious: for in his second voyage round the world, which continued
upwards of three years, he lost only one man by distemper, of one
hundred and eighteen, of which his company consisted.
The death of this eminent and valuable man was a loss to mankind in
general; and particularly to be deplored by every nation that respects
useful accomplishments, that honours science, and loves the benevolent
and amiable affections of the heart. It is still more to be deplored by
this country, which may justly boast of having produced a man hitherto
unequalled for nautical talents; and that sorrow is farther aggravated
by the reflection, that his country was deprived of this ornament by the
enmity of a people, from whom, indeed, it might have been dreaded, but
from whom it was not deserved. For, actuated always by the most
attentive care and tender compassion for the savages in general, this
excellent man was ever assiduously endeavouring, by kind treatment, to
dissipate their fears and court their friendship; overlooking their
thefts and treacheries, and frequently interposing, at the hazard of his
life, to protect them from the sudden resentment of his own injured
people.
The object of his last mission was to discover and ascertain the
boundaries of Asia and America, and to penetrate into the Northern Ocean
by the North East Cape of Asia.
Traveller! contemplate, admire, revere, and emulate this great master in
his profession; whose skill and labours have enlarged natural
philosophy; have extended nautical science; and have disclosed the
long-concealed and admirable arrangements of the Almighty in the
formation of this globe, and, at the same time, the arrogance of
mortals, in presuming to account, by their speculations, for the laws by
which he was pleased to create it. It is now discovered, beyond all
doubt, that the same Great Being who created the universe by his _fiat_,
by the same ordained our earth to keep a just poise, without a
corresponding Southern continent—and it does so! “He stretches out the
North over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing.” JOB,
xxvi. 7.
If the arduous but exact researches of this extraordinary man have not
discovered a new world, they have discovered seas unnavigated and
unknown before. They have made us acquainted with islands, people, and
productions, of which we had no conception. And if he has not been so
fortunate as Americus to give his name to a continent, his pretensions
to such a distinction remain unrivalled; and he will be revered, while
there remains a page of his own modest account of his voyages, and as
long as mariners and geographers shall be instructed, by his new map of
the Southern hemisphere, to trace the various courses and discoveries he
has made.
If public services merit public acknowledgments; if the man who adorned
and raised the fame of his country is deserving of honours, then Captain
COOK deserves to have a monument raised to his memory, by a generous and
grateful nation.
_Virtutis uberrimum alimentum est honos._
VAL. MAXIMUS, lib. ii. cap. 6.
A
VOYAGE
TO
THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
BOOK I.
TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROM
NEW ZEALAND.
CHAP. I.
VARIOUS PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE.—OMAI’S BEHAVIOUR ON EMBARKING.—
OBSERVATIONS FOR DETERMINING THE LONGITUDE OF SHEERNESS, AND THE NORTH
FORELAND.—PASSAGE OF THE RESOLUTION FROM DEPTFORD TO PLYMOUTH.—
EMPLOYMENTS THERE.—COMPLEMENTS OF THE CREWS OF BOTH SHIPS, AND NAMES
OF THE OFFICERS.—OBSERVATIONS TO FIX THE LONGITUDE OF PLYMOUTH.—
DEPARTURE OF THE RESOLUTION.
Having, on the ninth day of February, 1776, received a commission to
command his Majesty’s sloop the Resolution, I went on board the next
day, hoisted the pendant, and began to enter men. At the same time, the
Discovery, of three hundred tons’ burthen, was purchased into the
service, and the command of her given to Captain Clerke, who had been my
second Lieutenant on board the Resolution, in my second voyage round the
world, from which we had lately returned.
These two ships were, at this time, in the dock at Deptford, under the
hands of the shipwrights; being ordered to be equipped to make farther
discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, under my direction.
On the 9th of March, the Resolution was hauled out of dock into the
river; where we completed her rigging, and took on board the stores and
provisions requisite for a voyage of such duration. Both ships, indeed,
were supplied with as much of every necessary article as we could
conveniently stow, and with the best of every kind that could be
procured. And, besides this, every thing that had been found, by the
experience acquired during our former extensive voyages, to be of any
utility in preserving the health of seamen, was supplied in abundance.
It was our intention to have sailed to Long Reach on the 6th of May,
when a pilot came on board to carry us thither; but it was the 29th
before the wind would permit us to move; and the 30th before we arrived
at that station, where our artillery, powder, shot, and other ordnance
stores were received.
While we lay in Long Reach, thus employed, the Earl of Sandwich, Sir
Hugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty, as the least mark
of the very great attention they had all along shown to this equipment,
paid us a visit on the 8th of June, to examine whether every thing had
been completed conformably to their intentions and orders, and to the
satisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage.
They, and several other noblemen and gentlemen, their friends, honoured
me with their company at dinner on that day; and, on their coming on
board, and also on their going ashore, we saluted them with seventeen
guns, and three cheers.
With the benevolent view of conveying some permanent benefit to the
inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands in the Pacific Ocean,
whom we might happen to visit, his Majesty having commanded some useful
animals to be carried out, we took on board, on the 10th, a bull, two
cows with their calves, and some sheep, with hay and corn for their
subsistence; intending to add to these, other useful animals, when I
should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope.
I was also, from the same laudable motives, furnished with a sufficient
quantity of such of our European garden seeds, as could not fail to be a
valuable present to our newly-discovered islands, by adding fresh
supplies of food to their own vegetable productions.
Many other articles, calculated to improve the condition of our friends
in the other hemisphere in various ways, were, at the same time,
delivered to us by order of the Board of Admiralty. And both ships were
provided with a proper assortment of iron tools and trinkets, as the
means of enabling us to traffic and to cultivate a friendly intercourse
with the inhabitants of such new countries as we might be fortunate
enough to meet with.
The same humane attention was extended to our own wants. Some additional
clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was ordered for our crews: and
nothing was denied to us, that could be supposed in the least conducive
to health, or even to convenience.
Nor did the extraordinary care of those at the head of the naval
department stop here. They were equally solicitous to afford us every
assistance towards rendering our voyage of public utility. Accordingly,
we received on board, next day, several astronomical and nautical
instruments, which the Board of Longitude intrusted to me, and to Mr.
King, my second lieutenant; we having engaged to that board to make all
the necessary observations during the voyage, for the improvement of
astronomy and navigation; and, by our joint labours, to supply the place
of a professed observator. Such a person had been originally intended to
be sent out in my ship.
The Board, likewise, put into our possession the same watch, or
time-keeper, which I had carried out in my last voyage, and had
performed its part so well. It was a copy of Mr. Harrison’s, constructed
by Mr. Kendall. This day, at noon, it was found to be too slow for mean
time at Greenwich, by 3ʹ, 31ʺ, 890; and by its rate of going, it lost on
mean time, 1ʺ, 209 per day.
Another time-keeper, and the same number and sort of instruments for
making observations, were put on board the Discovery, under the care of
Mr. William Bailey; who, having already given satisfactory proofs of his
skill and diligence as an observator, while employed in Captain
Furneaux’s ship, during the late voyage, was engaged a second time, in
that capacity, to embark with Captain Clerke.
Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, who, to skill in his immediate profession,
added great proficiency in natural history, was as willing as he was
qualified to describe every thing in that branch of science which should
occur worthy of notice. As he had already visited the South Sea Islands
in the same ship, and been of singular service, by enabling me to enrich
my relation of that voyage with various useful remarks on men and
things[75], I reasonably expected to derive considerable assistance from
him in recording our new proceedings.
I had several young men amongst my sea-officers who, under my direction,
could be usefully employed in constructing charts, in taking views of
the coasts and headlands near which we should pass, and in drawing plans
of the bays and harbours in which we should anchor. A constant attention
to this I knew to be highly requisite, if we would render our
discoveries profitable to future navigators.
And, that we might go out with every help that could serve to make the
result of our voyage entertaining to the generality of readers, as well
as instructive to the sailor and scholar, Mr. Webber was pitched upon,
and engaged to embark with me, for the express purpose of supplying the
unavoidable imperfections of written accounts, by enabling us to
preserve, and to bring home, such drawings of the most memorable scenes
of our transactions, as could only be executed by a professed and
skilful artist.
Every preparation being now completed, I received an order to proceed to
Plymouth, and to take the Discovery under my command. I accordingly gave
Captain Clerke two orders; one to put himself under my command, and the
other to carry his ship round to Plymouth.
On the 15th, the Resolution sailed from Long Reach, with the Discovery
in company, and the same evening they anchored at the Nore. Next day the
Discovery proceeded, in obedience to my order; but the Resolution was
ordered to remain at the Nore till I should join her, being at this time
in London.
As we were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Islands, in our way to
the intended scene of our fresh operations, it had been determined not
to omit this opportunity (the only one ever likely to happen) of
carrying Omai back to his native country. Accordingly, every thing being
ready for our departure, he and I set out together from London on the
24th, at six o’clock in the morning. We reached Chatham between ten and
eleven o’clock; and after dining with Commissioner Proby, he very
obligingly ordered his yacht to carry us to Sheerness, where my boat was
waiting to take us on board.
Omai left London with a mixture of regret and satisfaction. When we
talked about England, and about those who, during his stay, had honoured
him with their protection or friendship, I could observe that his
spirits were sensibly affected, and that it was with difficulty he could
refrain from tears. But, the instant the conversation turned to his own
islands, his eyes began to sparkle with joy. He was deeply impressed
with a sense of the good treatment he had met with in England, and
entertained the highest ideas of the country and of the people. But the
pleasing prospect he now had before him of returning home, loaded with
what he well knew would be esteemed invaluable treasures there, and the
flattering hope which the possession of these gave him, of attaining to
a distinguished superiority amongst his countrymen, were considerations
which operated by degrees to suppress every uneasy sensation; and he
seemed to be quite happy when he got on board the ship.
He was furnished, by his Majesty, with an ample provision of every
article which, during our intercourse with his country, we had observed
to be in any estimation there, either as useful or as ornamental. He
had, besides, received many presents of the same nature from Lord
Sandwich, Mr. Banks[76], and several other gentlemen and ladies of his
acquaintance. In short, every method had been employed, both during his
abode in England, and at his departure, to make him the instrument of
conveying to the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, the
most exalted opinion of the greatness and generosity of the British
nation.
While the Resolution lay at the Nore, Mr. King made several observations
for finding the longitude by the watch. The mean of them all gave O° 44ʹ
Oʺ, for the longitude of the ship. This, reduced to Sheerness, by the
bearing and estimated distance, will make that place to be O° 37ʹ Oʺ
east of Greenwich; which is more by seven miles than Mr. Lyons made it,
by the watch which Lord Mulgrave had with him, on his voyage towards the
North Pole. Whoever knows any thing of the distance between Sheerness
and Greenwich, will be a judge which of these two observations is
nearest the truth.
The variation of the needle here, by a mean of different sets, taken
with different compasses, was 20° 37ʹ west.
On the 25th, about noon, we weighed anchor, and made sail for the Downs,
through the Queen’s Channel, with a gentle breeze at north-west by west.
At nine in the evening we anchored, with the North Foreland bearing
south by east, and Margate Point south-west by south.
Next morning, at two o’clock, we weighed and stood round the Foreland;
and when it bore north, allowing for the variation of the compass, the
watch gave 1° 24ʹ east longitude, which, reduced to the Foreland, will
be 1° 21ʹ east. Lunar observations made the preceding evening, fixed it
at 1° 20ʹ east. At eight o’clock the same morning, we anchored in the
Downs. Two boats had been built for us at Deal, and I immediately sent
on shore for them. I was told that many people had assembled there to
see Omai; but to their great disappointment he did not land.
Having received the boats on board, and a light breeze at south
south-east springing up, we got under sail the next day at two o’clock
in the afternoon. But the breeze soon died away, and we were obliged to
anchor again till ten o’clock at night. We then weighed, with the wind
at east, and proceeded down the channel.
On the 30th, at three o’clock in the afternoon, we anchored in Plymouth
Sound, where the Discovery had arrived only three days before. I saluted
Admiral Amherst, whose flag was flying on board the Ocean, with thirteen
guns, and he returned the compliment, with eleven.
It was the first object of our care, on arriving at Plymouth, to replace
the water and provisions that we had expended, and to receive on board a
supply of Port wine. This was the employment which occupied us on the
1st and 2d of July.
During our stay here, the crews were served with fresh beef every day:
and I should not do justice to Mr. Ommanney, the agent-victualler, if I
did not take this opportunity to mention, that he showed a very obliging
readiness to furnish me with the best of every thing that lay within his
department. I had been under the like obligations to him on my setting
out upon my last voyage. Commissioner Ourry, with equal zeal for the
service, gave us every assistance that we wanted from the naval yard.
It could not but occur to us as a singular and affecting circumstance,
that at the very instant of our departure upon a voyage, the object of
which was to benefit Europe by making fresh discoveries in North
America, there should be the unhappy necessity of employing others of
his Majesty’s ships, and of conveying numerous bodies of land forces, to
secure the obedience of those parts of that continent which had been
discovered and settled by our countrymen in the last century. On the
6th, his Majesty’s ships Diamond, Ambuscade, and Unicorn, with a fleet
of transports, consisting of sixty-two sail, bound to America, with the
last division of the Hessian troops, and some horse, were forced into
the Sound by a strong north-west wind.
On the 8th, I received, by express, my instructions[77] for the voyage,
and an order to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope with the Resolution. I
was also directed to leave an order for Captain Clerke to follow us, as
soon as he should join his ship; he being, at this time, detained in
London.
Our first discoverers of the New World, and navigators of the Indian and
Pacific Oceans, were justly thought to have exerted such uncommon
abilities, and to have accomplished such perilous enterprises, that
their names have been handed down to posterity as so many Argonauts.
Nay, even the hulks of the ships that carried them, though not converted
into constellations in the heavens, used to be honoured and visited as
sacred relics upon earth. We, in the present age of improved navigation,
who have been instructed by their labours, and have followed them as our
guides, have no such claim to fame. Some merit, however, being still, in
the public opinion, considered as due to those who sail to unexplored
quarters of the globe, in conformity to this favourable judgment, I
prefixed to the account of my last voyage the names of the officers of
both my ships, and a table of the number of their respective crews. The
like information will be expected from me at present.
The Resolution was fitted out with the same complement of officers and
men she had before; and the Discovery’s establishment varied from that
of the Adventure, in the single instance of her having no marine officer
on board. This arrangement was to be finally completed at Plymouth; and,
on the 9th, we received the party of marines allotted for our voyage.
Colonel Bell, who commanded the division at this port, gave me such men
for the detachment as I had reason to be satisfied with. And the
supernumerary seamen, occasioned by this reinforcement, being turned
over into the Ocean man-of-war, our several complements remained fixed,
as represented in the following table:
+----------------------------------------------+-------------------------+
| RESOLUTION. | DISCOVERY. |
+-------------------+-----+--------------------+----+--------------------+
|_Officers and Men._| N^o.| _Officers’ Names._ |N^o.| _Officers’ Names._ |
+-------------------+-----+--------------------+----+--------------------+
| Captain | 1 | James Cook | 1 | Charles Clerke |
| Lieutenants | 3 | John Gore | 2 | James Burney |
| | | James King | | John Rickman |
| | | John Williamson | | |
| Master | 1 | William Bligh | 1 | Thomas Edgar |
| Boatswain | 1 | William Ewin | 1 | Eneas Atkins |
| Carpenter | 1 | James Clevely | 1 | Peter Reynolds |
| Gunner | 1 | Robert Anderson | 1 | William Peckover |
| Surgeon | 1 | William Anderson | 1 | John Law |
| Master’s Mates | 3 | | 2 | |
| Midshipmen | 6 | | 4 | |
| Surgeon’s Mates | 2 | | 2 | |
| Captain’s Clerk | 1 | | 1 | |
| Master at Arms | 1 | | 1 | |
| Corporal | 1 | | | |
| Armourer | 1 | | 1 | |
| Ditto Mate | 1 | | 1 | |
| Sail Maker | 1 | | 1 | |
| Ditto Mate | 1 | | 1 | |
| Boatswain’s Mates | 3 | | 2 | |
| Carpenter’s Ditto | 3 | | 2 | |
| Gunner’s Ditto | 2 | | 1 | |
| Carpenter’s Crew | 4 | | 4 | |
| Cook | 1 | | 1 | |
| Ditto Mate | 1 | | | |
| Quarter Masters | 6 | | 4 | |
| Able Seamen | 45 | | 33 | |
| | | | | |
| | | _Marines._ | | |
| | | | | |
| Lieutenant | 1 | Molesworth Philips | | |
| Serjeant | 1 | | 1 | |
| Corporals | 2 | | 1 | |
| Drummer | 1 | | 1 | |
| Privates | 15 | | 8 | |
| |-----| |----| |
| Total | 112 | | 80 | |
+-------------------+-----+--------------------+----+--------------------+
On the 10th, the commissioner and pay-clerks came on board, and paid the
officers and crew up to the 30th of last month. The petty officers and
seamen had, besides, two months’ wages in advance. Such indulgence to
the latter, is no more than what is customary in the navy. But the
payment of what was due to the superior officers was humanely ordered by
the Admiralty, in consideration of our peculiar situation, that we might
be better able to defray the very great expense of furnishing ourselves
with a stock of necessaries for a voyage which, probably, would be of
unusual duration, and to regions where no supply could be expected.
Nothing now obstructing my departure but a contrary wind, which blew
strong at south-west, in the morning of the 11th I delivered into the
hands of Mr. Burney, first lieutenant of the Discovery, Captain Clerke’s
sailing orders; a copy of which I also left with the officer[78]
commanding his Majesty’s ships at Plymouth, to be delivered to the
Captain immediately on his arrival. In the afternoon, the wind
moderating, we weighed with the ebb, and got farther out, beyond all the
shipping in the Sound; where, after making an unsuccessful attempt to
get to sea, we were detained most of the following day, which was
employed in receiving on board a supply of water; and, by the same
vessel that brought it, all the empty casks were returned.
As I did not imagine my stay at Plymouth would have been so long as it
proved, we did not get our instruments on shore to make the necessary
observations for ascertaining the longitude by the watch. For the same
reason, Mr. Baily did not set about this, till he found that the
Discovery would probably be detained some days after us. He then placed
his quadrant upon Drake’s Island; and had time, before the Resolution
sailed, to make observations sufficient for the purpose we had in view.
Our watch made the island to lie 4° 14ʹ, and his, 4° 13-1/2ʹ west of
Greenwich. Its latitude, as found by Messrs. Wales and Baily, on the
last voyage, is 50° 21ʹ 30ʺ north.
We weighed again at eight in the evening, and stood out of the Sound,
with a gentle breeze at north-west by west.
CHAP. II.
PASSAGE OF THE RESOLUTION TO TENERIFFE.—RECEPTION THERE.—DESCRIPTION OF
SANTA CRUZ ROAD.—REFRESHMENTS TO BE MET WITH.—OBSERVATIONS FOR FIXING
THE LONGITUDE OF TENERIFFE.—SOME ACCOUNT OF THE ISLAND.—BOTANICAL
OBSERVATIONS.—CITIES OF SANTA CRUZ AND LAGUNA.—AGRICULTURE.—AIR AND
CLIMATE.—COMMERCE.—INHABITANTS.
We had not been long out of Plymouth Sound, before the wind came more
westerly, and blew fresh, so that we were obliged to ply down the
Channel; and it was not till the 14th, at eight in the evening, that we
were off the Lizard.
On the 16th, at noon, St. Agnes’s lighthouse on the Isles of Scilly,
bore north-west by west, distant seven or eight miles. Our latitude was
now 49° 53ʹ 30ʺ north, and our longitude, by the watch, 6° 11ʹ west.
Hence, I reckon that St. Agnes’s light-house is in 49° 57ʹ 30ʺ north
latitude, and in 6° 20ʹ of west longitude.
On the 17th[79] and 18th we were off Ushant, and found the longitude of
the island to be, by the watch, 5° 18ʹ 37ʺ west. The variation was 23°
0ʹ 50ʺ, in the same direction.
With a strong gale at south, on the 19th, we stood to the westward, till
eight o’clock in the morning; when, the wind shifting to the west and
north-west, we tacked and stretched to the southward. At this time, we
saw nine sail of large ships, which we judged to be French men-of-war.
They took no particular notice of us, nor we of them.
At ten o’clock in the morning of the 22d, we saw Cape Ortegal; which at
noon bore south-east, half south, about four leagues distant. At this
time we were in the latitude of 44° 6ʹ north; and our longitude, by the
watch, was 8° 23ʹ west.
After two days of calm weather we passed Cape Finisterre, on the
afternoon of the 24th, with a fine gale at north north-east. The
longitude of this Cape, by the watch, is 9° 29ʹ west; and, by the mean
of forty-one lunar observations, made before and after we passed it, and
reduced to it by the watch, the result was 9° 19ʹ 12ʺ.
On the 30th, at six minutes and thirty-eight seconds past ten o’clock at
night, apparent time, I observed with a night-telescope, the moon
totally eclipsed. By the _ephemeris_, the same happened at Greenwich at
nine minutes past eleven o’clock: the difference being one hour, two
minutes, and twenty-two seconds, or 15° 35ʹ 30ʺ of longitude. The watch,
for the same time, gave 15° 26ʹ 45ʺ longitude west; and latitude 31° 10ʹ
north. No other observation could be made on this eclipse, as the moon
was hid behind the clouds the greater part of the time; and, in
particular, when the beginning and end of total darkness, and the end of
the eclipse, happened.
Finding that we had not hay and corn sufficient for the subsistence of
the stock of animals on board, till our arrival at the Cape of Good
Hope, I determined to touch at Teneriffe, to get a supply of these, and
of the usual refreshments for ourselves; thinking that island, for such
purposes, better adapted than Madeira. At four in the afternoon of the
31st, we saw Teneriffe, and steered for the eastern part. At nine, being
near it, we hauled up, and stood off and on during the night.
At day-light, on the morning of the 1st of August, we sailed round the
east Point of the island; and, about eight o’clock, anchored on the
south-east side of it, in the road of Santa Cruz, in twenty-three
fathoms water; the bottom, sand and owze. Punta de Nago, the east point
of the road, bore north 64° east; St. Francis’s church, remarkable for
its high steeple, west south-west; the Pic, south 65° west; and the
south-west point of the road, on which stands a fort or castle, south
39° west. In this situation, we moored north-east and south-west, with a
cable each way, being near half a mile from the shore.
We found, riding in this road, La Boussole, a French frigate, commanded
by the _Chevalier de Borda_; two brigantines of the same nation; an
English brigantine from London, bound to Senegal; and fourteen sail of
Spanish vessels.
No sooner had we anchored, than we were visited by the master of the
port, who satisfied himself with asking the ship’s name. Upon his
leaving us, I sent an officer ashore to present my respects to the
Governor; and to ask his leave to take in water, and to purchase such
articles as we were in want of. All this he granted with the greatest
politeness: and, soon after, sent an officer on board, to compliment me
on my arrival. In the afternoon, I waited upon him in person,
accompanied by some of my officers; and, before I returned to my ship,
bespoke some corn and straw for the live stock; ordered a quantity of
wine from Mr. M’Carrick, the contractor, and made an agreement with the
master of a Spanish boat to supply us with water, as I found that we
could not do it ourselves.
The road of Santa Cruz is situated before the town of the same name, on
the south-east side of the island. It is, as I am told, the principal
road of Teneriffe, for shelter, capacity, and the goodness of its
bottom. It lies entirely open to the south-east and south winds. But
these winds are never of long continuance; and, they say, there is not
an instance[80] of a ship driving from her anchors on shore. This may,
in part, be owing to the great care they take in mooring them: for I
observed, that all the ships we met with there, had four anchors out;
two to the north-east, and two to the south-west: and their cables
buoyed up with casks. Ours suffered a little by not observing this last
precaution.
At the south-west part of the road, a stone pier runs out into the sea
from the town, for the convenience of loading and landing of goods. To
this pier, the water that supplies the shipping is conveyed. This, as
also what the inhabitants of Santa Cruz use, is derived from a rivulet
that runs from the hills, the greatest part of which comes into the town
in wooden spouts or troughs, that are supported by slender posts, and
the remainder doth not reach the sea; though it is evident, from the
size of the channel, that sometimes large torrents rush down. At this
time these troughs were repairing, so that fresh water, which is very
good here, was scarce.
Were we to judge from the appearance of the country in the neighbourhood
of Santa Cruz, it might be concluded that Teneriffe is a barren spot,
insufficient to maintain even its own inhabitants. The ample supplies,
however, which we received, convinced us that they had enough to spare
for visitors. Besides wine, which is the chief produce of the island,
beef may be had at a moderate price. The oxen are small and boney, and
weigh about ninety pounds a quarter. The meat is but lean, and was, at
present, sold for half a bit (three-pence sterling) a pound. I,
unadvisedly, bought the bullocks alive, and paid considerably more.
Hogs, sheep, goats, and poultry, are likewise to be bought at the same
moderate rate: and fruits are in great plenty. At this time we had
grapes, figs, pears, mulberries, plantains, and musk-melons. There is a
variety of other fruits produced here, though not in season at this
time. Their pumpkins, onions, and potatoes, are exceedingly good of
their kind, and keep better at sea than any I ever before met with.
The Indian corn, which is also their produce, cost me about three
shillings and sixpence a bushel; and the fruits and roots were, in
general, very cheap. They have not any plentiful supply of fish from the
adjoining sea; but a very considerable fishery is carried on by their
vessels upon the coast of Barbary; and the produce of it sells at a
reasonable price. Upon the whole, I found Teneriffe to be a more
eligible place than Madeira for ships bound on long voyages to touch at;
though the wine of the latter, according to my taste, is as much
superior to that of the former, as strong beer is to small. To
compensate for this, the difference of prices is considerable; for the
best Teneriffe wine was now sold for twelve pounds a pipe; whereas a
pipe of the best Madeira would have cost considerably more than double
that sum.[81]
The Chevalier de Borda, commander of the French frigate now lying in
Santa Cruz road, was employed, in conjunction with Mr. Varila, a Spanish
gentleman, in making astronomical observations for ascertaining the
going of two time-keepers which they had on board their ship. For this
purpose, they had a tent pitched on the pier head, where they made their
observations, and compared their watches, every day at noon, with the
clock on shore, by signals. These signals the Chevalier very obligingly
communicated to us; so that we could compare our watch at the same time.
But our stay was too short to profit much by his kindness.
The three days’ comparisons which we made, assured us that the watch had
not materially, if at all, altered her rate of going; and gave us the
same longitude, within a very few seconds, that was obtained by finding
the time from observations of the sun’s altitude from the horizon of the
sea. The watch, from a mean of these observations, on the 1st, 2d, and
3d of August, made the longitude 16° 31ʹ west; and, in like manner, the
latitude was found to be 28° 30ʹ 11ʺ north.
Mr. Varila informed us, that the true longitude was 18° 35ʹ 30ʺ, from
Paris, which is only 16° 16ʹ 30ʺ from Greenwich; less than what our
watch gave by 14ʹ 30ʺ. But, far from looking upon this as an error in
the watch, I rather think it a confirmation of its having gone well; and
that the longitude by it may be nearer the truth than any other. It is
farther confirmed by the lunar observations that we made in the road,
which gave 16° 37ʹ 10ʺ. Those made before we arrived, and reduced to the
road by the watch, gave 16° 33ʹ 30ʺ. And those made after we left it,
and reduced back in the same manner, gave 16° 28ʹ. The mean of the three
is 16° 30ʹ 40ʺ.
To reduce these several longitudes, and the latitude, to the Pic of
Teneriffe, one of the most noted points of land with geographers (to
obtain the true situation of which, I have entered into this particular
discussion), I had recourse to the bearing, and a few hours of the
ship’s run after leaving Santa Cruz road; and found it to be 12ʹ 11ʺ
south of the road, and 29ʹ 30ʺ of longitude west of it. As the base,
which helped to determine this, was partly estimated, it is liable to
some error; but I think I cannot be much mistaken. Dr. Maskelyne, in his
_British Mariner’s Guide_, places the Pic in the latitude of 28° 12ʹ
54ʺ. This, with the bearing from the road, will give the difference of
longitude 43ʹ, which considerably exceeds the distance they reckon the
Pic to be from Santa Cruz. I made the latitude of the Pic to be 28° 18ʹ
north. Upon that supposition, its longitude will be as follows:
{ the time-keeper 17° 0ʹ 30ʺ }
By { lunar observations 16° 30ʹ 20ʺ } west.
{ Mr. Varila 16° 46ʹ 0ʺ }
But if the latitude of it is 28° 12ʹ 54ʺ, as in the _British Mariner’s
Guide_, its longitude will be 13ʹ 30ʺ more westerly.
The variation, when we were at anchor in the road, by the mean of all
our compasses, was found to be 14° 41ʹ 20ʺ west. The dip of the north
end of the needle was 61° 52ʹ 30ʺ.
Some of Mr. Anderson’s remarks on the natural appearances of Teneriffe,
and its productions; and what he observed himself, or learnt by
information, about the general state of the island, will be of use,
particularly in marking what changes may have happened there since Mr.
Glas visited it. They here follow in his own words:
“While we were standing in for the land, the weather being perfectly
clear, we had an opportunity of seeing the celebrated Pic of Teneriffe.
But, I own, I was much disappointed in my expectation with respect to
its appearance. It is, certainly, far from equalling the noble figure of
Pico, one of the western isles which I have seen; though its
perpendicular height may be greater. This circumstance, perhaps, arises
from its being surrounded by other very high hills; whereas Pico stands
without a rival.
“Behind the city of Santa Cruz, the country rises gradually, and is of a
moderate height. Beyond this, to the south westward, it becomes higher,
and continues to rise towards the Pic, which, from the road, appears but
little higher than the surrounding hills. From thence it seems to
decrease, though not suddenly, as far as the eye can reach. From a
supposition that we should not stay above one day, I was obliged to
contract my excursions into the country; otherwise, I had proposed to
visit the top of this famous mountain.[82]
“To the eastward of Santa Cruz, the island appears perfectly barren.
Ridges of hills run towards the sea; between which ridges are deep
valleys, terminating at mountains or hills that run across, and are
higher than the former. Those that run towards the sea, are marked by
impressions on their sides, which make them appear as a succession of
conic hills, with their tops very rugged. The higher ones that run
across, are more uniform in their appearance.
“In the forenoon of the 1st of August, after we had anchored in the
road, I went on shore to one of these valleys, with an intention to
reach the top of the remoter hills, which seemed covered with wood; but
time would not allow me to get further than their foot. After walking
about three miles, I found no alteration in the appearance of the lower
hills; which produce great quantities of the _euphorbia Canariensis_. It
is surprising that this large succulent plant should thrive on so
burnt-up a soil. When broken, which is easily done, the quantity of
juice is very great; and it might be supposed that, when dried, it would
shrivel to nothing; yet it is a pretty tough, though soft and light
wood. The people here believe its juice to be so caustic as to erode the
skin[83]: but I convinced them, though with much difficulty, to the
contrary, by trusting my finger into the plant full of it, without
afterwards wiping it off. They break down the bushes of _euphorbia_, and
suffering them to dry, carry them home for fuel. I met with nothing else
growing there, but two or three small shrubs, and a few fig-trees near
the bottom of the valley.
“The basis of the hills is a heavy, compact, blueish stone, mixed with
some shining particles; and, on the surface, large masses of red friable
earth, or stone, are scattered about. I also often found the same
substance disposed in thick _strata_; and the little earth, strewed here
and there, was a blackish mould. There were likewise some pieces of
slag; one of which, from its weight and smooth surface, seemed almost
wholly metalline.
“The mouldering state of these hills is, doubtless, owing to the
perpetual action of the sun, which calcines their surface. This
mouldered part being afterwards washed away by the heavy rains, perhaps
is the cause of their sides being so uneven. For, as the different
substances of which they are composed, are more or less easily affected
by the sun’s heat, they will be carried away in the like proportions.
Hence, perhaps, the tops of the hills, being of the hardest rock, have
stood, while the other parts on a declivity have been destroyed. As I
have usually observed, that the tops of most mountains that are covered
with trees have a more uniform appearance, I am inclined to believe that
this is owing to their being shaded.
“The city of Santa Cruz, though not large, is tolerably well built. The
churches are not magnificent without; but within are decent, and
indifferently ornamented. They are inferior to some of the churches at
Madeira; but, I imagine, this rather arises from the different
disposition of the people, than from their inability to support them
better. For the private houses, and dress of the Spanish inhabitants of
Santa Cruz, are far preferable to those of the Portuguese at Madeira;
who, perhaps, are willing to strip themselves, that they may adorn their
churches.
“Almost facing the stone pier at the landing-place, is a handsome marble
column lately put up, ornamented with some human figures, that do no
discredit to the artist; with an inscription in Spanish, to commemorate
the occasion of the erection, and the date.
“In the afternoon of the 2d, four of us hired mules to ride to the city
of Laguna[84], so called from an adjoining lake, about four miles from
Santa Cruz. We arrived there between five and six in the evening; but
found a sight of it very unable to compensate for our trouble, as the
road was very bad, and the mules but indifferent. The place is, indeed,
pretty extensive, but scarcely deserves to be dignified with the name of
city. The disposition of its streets is very irregular; yet some of them
are of a tolerable breadth, and have some good houses. In general,
however, Laguna is inferior in appearance to Santa Cruz, though the
latter is but small, if compared with the former. We were informed,
likewise, that Laguna is declining fast; there being, at present, some
vineyards where houses formerly stood; whereas Santa Cruz is encreasing
daily.
“The road leading from Santa Cruz to Laguna runs up a steep hill, which
is very barren; but, lower down, we saw some fig-trees, and several corn
fields. These are but small, and not thrown into ridges, as is practised
in England. Nor does it appear that they can raise any corn here without
great labour, as the ground is so encumbered with stones, that they are
obliged to collect and lay them in broad rows, or walls, at small
distances. The large hills that run to the south-west, appeared to be
pretty well furnished with trees. Nothing else worth noticing presented
itself during this excursion, except a few aloe plants in flower, near
the side of the road, and the cheerfulness of our guides, who amused us
with songs by the way.
“Most of the laborious work in this island is performed by mules; horses
being to appearance scarce, and chiefly reserved for the use of the
officers. They are of a small size, but well-shaped and spirited. Oxen
are also employed to drag their casks along upon a large clumsy piece of
wood; and they are yoked by the head; though it doth not seem that this
has any peculiar advantage over our method of fixing the harness on the
shoulders. In my walks and excursions, I saw some hawks, parrots, which
are natives of the island, the sea-swallow or tern, sea-gulls,
partridges, wagtails, swallows, martins, blackbirds, and canary birds in
large flocks. There are also lizards of the common, and another sort;
some insects, as locusts; and three or four sorts of dragon-flies.
“I had an opportunity of conversing with a sensible and well-informed
gentleman residing here, and whose veracity I have not the least reason
to doubt. From him I learnt some particulars, which, during the short
stay of three days, did not fall within my own observation. He informed
me, that a shrub is common here, agreeing exactly with the description
given by Tournefort and Linnæus, of the _tea shrub_, as growing in China
and Japan. It is reckoned a weed, and he roots out thousands of them
every year, from his vineyards. The Spaniards, however, of the island,
sometimes use it as tea, and ascribe to it all the qualities of that
imported from China. They also give it the name of tea; but what is
remarkable, they say it was found here when the islands were first
discovered.
“Another botanical curiosity, mentioned by him, is what they call the
_impregnated lemon_.[85] It is a perfect and distinct lemon, inclosed
within another, differing from the outer one only in being a little more
globular. The leaves of the tree that produces this sort, are much
longer than those of the common one; and it was represented to me as
being crooked, and not equal in beauty.
“From him I learnt also, that a certain sort of grape growing here, is
reckoned an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints. And the air and
climate, in general, are remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted
to give relief in such diseases. This he endeavoured to account for, by
it’s being always in one’s power to procure a different temperature of
the air, by residing at different heights in the island; and he
expressed his surprise that the English physicians should never have
thought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead of
Nice or Lisbon. How much the temperature of the air varies here, I
myself could sensibly perceive, only in riding from Santa Cruz up to
Laguna; and you may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable. I was
assured that no person can live comfortably within a mile of the
perpendicular height of the Pic, after the month of August.[86]
“Although some smoke constantly issues from near the top of the Pic,
they have had no earthquake or eruption of a volcano since 1704, when
the port of Garrachica, where much of their trade was formerly carried
on, was destroyed.[87]
“Their trade, indeed, must be considered as very considerable; for they
reckon that forty thousand pipes of wine are annually made; the greatest
part of which is either consumed in the island, or made into brandy, and
sent to the Spanish West Indies.[88] About six thousand pipes were
exported every year to North America, while the trade with it was
uninterrupted; at present, they think not above half the quantity. The
corn they raise is, in general, insufficient to maintain the
inhabitants; but the deficiency used to be supplied by importation from
the North Americans, who took their wines in return.
“They make a little silk; but unless we reckon the filtering-stones,
brought in great numbers from Grand Canary, the wine is the only
considerable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe.
“None of the race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniards
discovered the Canaries now remain a distinct people[89], having
intermarried with the Spanish settlers; but their descendants are known,
from their being remarkably tall, large-boned, and strong. The men are,
in general, of a tawny colour, and the women have a pale complexion,
entirely destitute of that bloom which distinguishes our northern
beauties. The Spanish custom of wearing black clothes continues amongst
_them_; but the men seem more indifferent about this, and, in some
measure, dress like the French. In other respects, we found the
inhabitants of Teneriffe to be a decent and very civil people, retaining
that grave cast which distinguishes those of their country from other
European nations. Although we do not think that there is a great
similarity between our manners and those of the Spaniards, it is worth
observing, that Omai did not think there was much difference. He only
said, that they seemed not so friendly as the English; and that, in
their persons, they approached those of his countrymen.”
CHAP. III.
DEPARTURE FROM TENERIFFE.—DANGER OF THE SHIP NEAR BONAVISTA.—ISLE OF
MAYO.—PORT PRAYA.—PRECAUTIONS AGAINST THE RAIN AND SULTRY WEATHER IN
THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF THE EQUATOR.—POSITION OF THE COAST OF BRAZIL.—
ARRIVAL AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—TRANSACTIONS THERE.—JUNCTION OF THE
DISCOVERY.—MR. ANDERSON’S JOURNEY UP THE COUNTRY.—ASTRONOMICAL
OBSERVATIONS.—NAUTICAL REMARKS ON THE PASSAGE FROM ENGLAND TO THE
CAPE, WITH REGARD TO THE CURRENTS AND THE VARIATION.
Having completed our water, and got on board every other thing we wanted
at Teneriffe, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, and proceeded on
our voyage, with a fine gale at north-east.
At nine o’clock in the evening on the 10th[90], we saw the island of
Bonavista bearing S., distant little more than a league; though, at this
time, we thought ourselves much farther off; but this proved a mistake.
For, after hauling to the east-ward till twelve o’clock, to clear the
sunken rocks that lie about a league from the S. E. point of the island,
we found ourselves, at that time, close upon them, and did but just
weather the breakers. Our situation, for a few minutes, was very
alarming. I did not choose to sound, as that might have heightened the
danger without any possibility of lessening it. I make the N. end of the
island of Bonavista to lie in the latitude of 16° 17ʹ N., and in the
longitude of 22° 59ʹ W.
As soon as we were clear of the rocks, we steered S. S. W., till
day-break next morning, and then hauled to the westward, to go between
Bonavista and the isle of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for
the Discovery, as I had told Captain Clerke that I should touch there,
and did not know how soon he might sail after me. At one in the
afternoon, we saw the rocks that lie on the S. W. side of Bonavista,
bearing S. E., distant three or four leagues.
Next morning, at six o’clock, the isle of Mayo bore S. S. E., distant
about five leagues. In this situation we sounded, and found ground at
sixty fathoms. At the same time the variation, by the mean of several
azimuths taken with three different compasses, was 9° 32-1/2ʹ W. At
eleven o’clock, one extreme of Mayo bore E. by N., and the other S. E.
by S. In this position, two roundish hills appeared near its N. E. part;
farther on, a large and higher hill; and, at about two-thirds of its
length, a single one that is peaked. At the distance we now saw this
island, which was three or four miles, there was not the least
appearance of vegetation, nor any relief to the eye from that lifeless
brown which prevails in countries under the torrid zone that are
unwooded.
Here I cannot help remarking that Mr. Nichelson, in his Preface to
_Sundry Remarks and Observations made in a Voyage to the East
Indies_[91], tells us, that “with eight degrees W. variation, or any
thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands
night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to
the eastward of them.” Such an assertion might prove of dangerous
consequence, were there any that would implicitly trust to it. We also
tried the current, and found one setting S. W. by W., something more
than half a mile an hour. We had reason to expect this, from the
differences between the longitude given by the watch and dead reckoning,
which, since our leaving Teneriffe, amounted to one degree.
While we were amongst these islands we had light breezes of wind,
varying from the S. E. to E., and some calms. This shows that the Cape
de Verde Islands, are either extensive enough to break the current of
the trade-wind, or that they are situated just beyond its verge, in that
space where the variable winds, found on getting near the line, begin.
The first supposition, however, is the most probable, as Dampier[92]
found the wind westerly here in the month of February; at which time the
trade-wind is supposed to extend farthest towards the equinoctial. The
weather was hot and sultry, with some rain; and, for the most part, a
dull whiteness prevailed in the sky, that seems a medium between fog and
clouds. In general, the tropical regions seldom enjoy that clear
atmosphere observable where variable winds blow; nor does the sun shine
with such brightness. This circumstance, however, seems an advantage;
for otherwise, perhaps, the rays of the sun, being uninterrupted, would
render the heat quite unsupportable. The nights are, nevertheless, often
clear and serene.
At nine o’clock in the morning of the 13th, we arrived before Port
Praya, in the island of St. Jago, where we saw two Dutch East India
ships, and a small brigantine at anchor. As the Discovery was not there,
and we had expended but little water in our passage from Teneriffe, I
did not think proper to go in, but stood to the southward. Some
altitudes of the sun were now taken, to ascertain the true time. The
longitude by the watch, deduced therefrom, was 23° 48ʹ W.; the little
island in the bay bore W. N. W., distant near three miles, which will
make its longitude 23° 51ʹ. The same watch, on my late voyage, made the
longitude to be 23° 30ʹ W.; and we observed the latitude to be 14° 53ʹ
30ʺ N.
The day after we left the Cape de Verde Islands, we lost the N. E.
trade-wind; but did not get that which blows from the S. E. till the
30th, when we were in the latitude of 2° N., and in the twenty-fifth
degree of W. longitude.
During this interval[93], the wind was mostly in the S. W. quarter.
Sometimes it blew fresh, and in squalls; but for the most part a gentle
breeze. The calms were few, and of short duration. Between the latitude
of 12° and of 7° N., the weather was generally dark and gloomy, with
frequent rains, which enabled us to save as much water as filled most of
our empty casks.
These rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them, too often
bring on sickness in this passage. Every bad consequence, at least, is
to be apprehended from them; and commanders of ships cannot be too much
upon their guard, by purifying the air between decks with fires and
smoke, and by obliging the people to dry their clothes at every
opportunity. These precautions were constantly observed on board the
Resolution[94] and Discovery; and we certainly profited by them, for we
had now fewer sick than on either of my former voyages. We had, however,
the mortification to find our ship exceedingly leaky in all her upper
works. The hot and sultry weather we had just passed through, had opened
her seams, which had been badly caulked at first, so wide, that they
admitted the rain-water through as it fell. There was hardly a man that
could lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were all
driven out of their cabins, by the water that came through the sides.
The sails in the sail-room got wet; and before we had weather to dry
them, many of them were much damaged, and a great expense of canvas and
of time became necessary to make them in some degree serviceable. Having
experienced the same defect in our sail-rooms on my late voyage, it had
been represented to the yard-officers, who undertook to remove it. But
it did not appear to me that any thing had been done to remedy the
complaint. To repair these defects the caulkers were set to work, as
soon as we got into fair settled weather, to caulk the decks and inside
weather works of the ship; for I would not trust them over the sides
while we were at sea.
On the first of September[95] we crossed the equator, in the longitude
of 27° 38ʹ W., with a fine gale at S. E. by S.; and notwithstanding my
apprehensions of falling in with the coast of Brazil in stretching to
the S. W., I kept the ship a full point from the wind. However, I found
my fears were ill grounded; for on drawing near that coast, we met with
the wind more and more easterly; so that, by the time we were in the
latitude of 10° S., we could make a south-easterly course good.
On the 8th we were in the latitude of 8° 57ʹ S.; which is a little to
the southward of Cape St. Augustine, on the coast of Brazil. Our
longitude, deduced from a very great number of lunar observations, was
34° 16ʹ W.; and by the watch 34° 47ʹ. The former is 1° 43ʹ, and the
latter 2° 14ʹ more westerly than the island of Fernando de Noronha, the
situation of which was pretty well determined during my late voyage.[96]
Hence I concluded that we could not now be farther from the continent
than twenty or thirty leagues at most; and perhaps not much less, as we
neither had soundings, nor any other signs of land. Dr. Halley, however,
in his voyage, published by Mr. Dalrymple, tells us[97], that _he made
no more than one hundred and two miles, meridian distance, from the
island_ [Fernando de Noronha] _to the coast of Brazil_; and seems to
think that _currents could not be the whole cause_ of his making so
little. But I rather think that he was mistaken, and that the currents
had hurried him far to the westward of his intended course. This was, in
some measure, confirmed by our own observations; for we had found,
during three or four days preceding the 8th, that the currents set to
the westward; and, during the last twenty-four hours, it had set strong
to the northward, as we experienced a difference of twenty-nine miles
between our observed latitude and that by dead reckoning. Upon the
whole, till some better astronomical observations are made on shore on
the eastern coast of Brazil, I shall conclude that its longitude is
thirty-five degrees and a half, or thirty-six degrees west, at most.
We proceeded on our voyage, without meeting with any thing of note, till
the 6th of October. Being then in the latitude of 35° 15ʹ S., longitude
7° 45ʹ W., we met with light airs and calms by turns, for three days
successively. We had, for some days before, seen albatrosses, pintadoes,
and other petrels; and here we saw three penguins, which occasioned us
to sound; but we found no ground with a line of one hundred and fifty
fathoms. We put a boat in the water, and shot a few birds; one of which
was a black petrel, about the size of a crow, and, except as to the bill
and feet, very like one. It had a few white feathers under the throat;
and the under-side of the quill-feathers were of an ash-colour. All the
other feathers were jet black, as also the bill and legs.
On the 8th, in the evening, one of those birds which sailors call
noddies, settled on our rigging, and was caught. It was something larger
than an English black-bird, and nearly as black, except the upper part
of the head, which was white, looking as if it were powdered; the
whitest feathers growing out from the base of the upper bill, from which
they gradually assumed a darker colour, to about the middle of the upper
part of the neck, where the white shade was lost in the black, without
being divided by any line. It was web-footed; had black legs and a black
bill, which was long, and not unlike that of a curlew. It is said these
birds never fly far from land. We knew of none nearer the station we
were in, than Gough’s or Richmond Island, from which our distance could
not be less than one hundred leagues. But it must be observed that the
Atlantic Ocean, to the southward of this latitude, has been but little
frequented; so that there may be more islands there than we are
acquainted with.
We frequently, in the night, saw those luminous marine animals mentioned
and described in my first voyage.[98] Some of them seemed to be
considerably larger than any I had before met with; and sometimes they
were so numerous, that hundreds were visible at the same moment.
This calm weather was succeeded by a fresh gale from the N. W., which
lasted two days. Then we had again variable light airs for about
twenty-four hours; when the N. W. wind returned, and blew with such
strength, that on the 17th we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope; and
the next day anchored in Table Bay, in four fathoms water, with the
church bearing S. W. 1/4 S., and Green Point N. W. 1/4 W.
As soon as we had received the usual visit from the master attendant and
the surgeon, I sent an officer to wait on Baron Plettenberg, the
governor; and, on his return, saluted the garrison with thirteen guns,
which complement was returned with the same number.
We found in the bay two French East India ships; the one outward, and
the other homeward bound. And two or three days before our arrival,
another homeward bound ship of the same nation had parted from her
cable, and been driven on shore at the head of the bay, where she was
lost. The crew were saved; but the greatest part of the cargo shared the
same fate with the ship, or (which amounted to the same) was plundered
and stolen by the inhabitants, either out of the ship, or as it was
driven or carried on shore. This is the account the French officers gave
to me; and the Dutch themselves could not deny the fact. But, by way of
excusing themselves from being guilty of a crime disgraceful to every
civilised state, they endeavoured to lay the whole blame on the French
captain, for not applying in time for a guard.
As soon as we had saluted, I went on shore, accompanied by some of my
officers, and waited on the governor, the lieutenant-governor, the
fiscal, and the commander of the troops. These gentlemen received me
with the greatest civility; and the governor, in particular, promised me
every assistance that the place afforded. At the same time I obtained
his leave to set up our observatory on any spot I should think most
convenient; to pitch tents for the sailmakers and coopers; and to bring
the cattle on shore, to graze near our encampment. Before I returned on
board, I ordered soft bread, fresh meat, and greens, to be provided,
every day, for the ship’s company.
On the 22d, we set up the tents and observatory, and began to send the
several articles out of the ship which I wanted on shore. This could not
be done sooner, as the militia of the place were exercising on, or near
the ground which we were to occupy.
The next day, we began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order
to ascertain the rate of the watch, or, which is the same thing, to find
whether it had altered its rate. These observations were continued every
day, whenever the weather would permit, till the time of our departure
drew near. But before this, the caulkers had been set to work to caulk
the ship; and I had concerted measures with Messrs. Brandt and Chiron,
for supplying both ships with such provisions as I should want. Bakers,
likewise, had been ordered, immediately after our arrival, to bake such
a quantity of bread as I thought would be requisite. As fast as the
several articles destined for the Resolution were got ready, they were
carried on board.
On the 26th, the French ship sailed for Europe, and by her, we sent
letters to England. The next day, the Hampshire, East India ship, from
Bencoolen, anchored in the bay, and saluted us with thirteen guns, which
we returned with eleven.
Nothing remarkable happened till the evening of the 31st, when it came
on to blow excessively hard at S. E., and continued for three days;
during which time there was no communication between the ship and the
shore. The Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out the
gale without dragging her anchors. We felt its effects as sensibly on
shore. Our tents and observatory were torn to pieces; and our
astronomical quadrant narrowly escaped irreparable damage. On the 3d of
November the storm ceased, and the next day we resumed our different
employments.
On the 6th, the Hampshire India ship, sailed for England. In her I sent
home an invalid, whom Captain Trimble was so obliging as to receive on
board. I was afterwards sorry that I had not availed myself of this
opportunity to part with two or three more of my crew, who were troubled
with different complaints; but, at this time, there was some hope of
their health being re-established.
In the morning of the 10th, the Discovery arrived in the bay. Captain
Clerke informed me that he had sailed from Plymouth on the 1st of
August, and should have been with us here a week sooner if the late gale
of wind had not blown him off the coast. Upon the whole, he was seven
days longer in his passage from England than we had been. He had the
misfortune to lose one of his marines, by falling over-board; but there
had been no other mortality amongst his people, and they now arrived
well and healthy.
Captain Clerke having represented to me that his ship was in want of
caulking; that no time might be lost in repairing this defect, next day
I sent all my workmen on board her, having already completed this
service on board the Resolution. I lent every other assistance to the
captain to expedite his supply of provisions and water, having given him
an order to receive on board as much of both articles as he could
conveniently stow. I now found that the bakers had failed in baking the
bread I had ordered for the Discovery. They pretended a want of flour;
but the truth was, they were doubtful of her coming, and did not care to
begin till they saw her at anchor in the bay.
I have before made mention of our getting our cattle on shore. The bull
and two cows, with their calves, were sent to graze along with some
other cattle; but I was advised to keep our sheep, sixteen in number,
close to our tents, where they were penned up every night. During the
night preceding the 14th, some dogs having got in amongst them, forced
them out of the pen, killing four, and dispersing the rest. Six of them
were recovered the next day; but the two rams, and two of the finest
ewes in the whole flock, were amongst those missing. Baron Plettenberg
being now in the country, I applied to the lieutenant-governor, Mr.
Hemmy, and to the fiscal. Both these gentlemen promised to use their
endeavours for the recovery of the lost sheep. The Dutch, we know, boast
that the police at the Cape is so carefully executed, that it is hardly
possible for a slave, with all his cunning and knowledge of the country,
to effectuate his escape. Yet my sheep evaded all the vigilance of the
fiscal’s officers and people. However, after much trouble and expence,
by employing some of the meanest and lowest scoundrels in the place
(who, to use the phrase of the person who recommended this method to me,
would, for a ducatoon, cut their master’s throat, burn the house over
his head, and bury him and the whole family in the ashes), I recovered
them all but the two ewes. Of these I never could hear the least
tidings: and I gave over all inquiry after them, when I was told, that
since I had got the two rams, I might think myself very well off. One of
these, however, was so much hurt by the dogs, that there was reason to
believe he would never recover.
Mr. Hemmy very obligingly offered to make up this loss, by giving me a
Spanish ram, out of some that he had sent for from Lisbon. But I
declined the offer, under a persuasion that it would answer my purpose
full as well, to take with me some of the Cape rams; the event proved,
that I was under a mistake. This gentleman has taken some pains to
introduce European sheep at the Cape; but his endeavours, as he told me,
have been frustrated by the obstinacy of the country people, who hold
their own breed in greater estimation, on account of their large tails,
of the fat of which they sometimes make more money than of the whole
carcass besides[99]; and think that the wool of European sheep will, by
no means, make up for their deficiency in this respect. Indeed, I have
heard some sensible men here make the same observation. And there seems
to be foundation for it. For, admitting that European sheep were to
produce wool of the same quality here as in Europe, which experience has
shown not to be the case, the Dutch have not hands, at the Cape of Good
Hope, to spare for the manufacturing even their own clothing. It is
certain that, were it not for the continual importation of slaves, this
settlement would be thinner of people than any other inhabited part of
the world.
While the ships were getting ready for the prosecution of our voyage,
some of our officers made an excursion to take a view of the
neighbouring country. Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, who was one of the
party, gave me the following relation of their proceedings[100]:
“On the 16th, in the forenoon, I set out in a waggon, with five more, to
take a view of some part of the country. We crossed the large plain that
lies to the eastward of the town, which is entirely a white sand, like
that commonly found on beaches, and produces only heath, and other small
plants of various sorts. At five in the afternoon we passed a large
farm-house, with some corn-fields, and pretty considerable vineyards,
situated beyond the plain, near the foot of some low hills, where the
soil becomes worth cultivating. Between six and seven we arrived at
Stellenbosh, the colony next to that of the Cape for its importance.
“The village does not consist of more than thirty houses, and stands at
the foot of the range of lofty mountains, above twenty miles to the
eastward of the Cape Town. The houses are neat; and, with the advantage
of a rivulet which runs near, and the shelter of some large oaks,
planted at its first settling, forms what may be called a rural prospect
in this desert country. There are some vineyards and orchards about the
place, which, from their thriving appearance, seem to indicate an
excellent soil; though, perhaps, they owe much to climate, as the air
here has an uncommon serenity.
“I employed the next day in searching for plants and insects about
Stellenbosh, but had little success. Few plants are in flower here at
this season, and insects but scarce. I examined the soil in several
places, and found it to consist of yellowish clay, mixed with a good
deal of sand. The sides of the low hills, which appear brown, seem to be
constituted of a sort of stone marle.
“We left Stellenbosh next morning, and soon arrived at the house we had
passed on Saturday; the owner of which, Mr. Cloeder, had sent us an
invitation, the evening before, to visit him. This gentleman entertained
us with the greatest hospitality, and in a manner very different from
what we expected. He received us with music; and a band also played
while we were at dinner; which, considering the situation of the place,
might be reckoned elegant. He shewed us his wine-cellars, his orchards,
and vineyards; all which, I must own, inspired me with a wish to know in
what manner these industrious people could create such plenty in a spot
where, I believe, no other European nation would have attempted to
settle.
“In the afternoon we crossed the country, and passed a few plantations,
one of which seemed very considerable, and was laid out in a taste
somewhat different from any other we saw. In the evening we arrived at a
farm-house, which is the first in the cultivated tract called the
_Pearl_. We had, at the same time, a view of Drakenstein, the third
colony of this country, which lies along by the foot of the lofty hills
already mentioned, and contains several farms or plantations, not very
extensive.
“I went, on the 19th in the forenoon, in quest of plants and insects,
which I found almost as scarce as at Stellenbosh; but I met with more
shrubs or small trees, naturally produced, in the valleys, than in any
part of the country I had hitherto seen.
“In the afternoon, we went to see a stone of a remarkable size, called
by the inhabitants the Tower of Babylon, or the Pearl Diamond.[101] It
lies, or stands, upon the top of some low hills, at the foot of which
our farm-house was situated; and though the road to it is neither very
steep nor rugged, we were above an hour and a half in walking to it. It
is of an oblong shape, rounded on the top, and lies nearly south and
north. The east and west sides are steep, and almost perpendicular. The
south end is likewise steep, and its greatest height is there; from
whence it declines gently to the north part, by which we ascended to its
top, and had an extensive view of the whole country.
“Its circumference, I think, must be at least half a mile; as it took us
above half an hour to walk round it, including every allowance for the
bad road, and stopping a little. At its highest part, which is the south
end, comparing it with a known object, it seems to equal the dome of St.
Paul’s church. It is one uninterrupted mass of stone, if we except some
fissures, or rather impressions, not above three or four feet deep, and
a vein which runs across near its north end. It is of that sort of stone
called, by mineralogists, _Saxum conglutinatum_, and consists chiefly of
pieces of coarse _quartz_ and _glimmer_, held together by a clayey
cement. But the vein which crosses it, though of the same materials, is
much compacter. This vein is not above a foot broad or thick; and its
surface is cut into little squares or oblongs, disposed obliquely, which
makes it look like the remains of some artificial work. But I could not
observe whether it penetrated far into the large rock, or was only
superficial. In descending, we found at its foot a very rich black
mould; and on the sides of the hills, some trees of a considerable size,
natives of the place, which are a species of _olea_.[102]
“In the morning on the 20th, we set out from the _Pearl_; and going a
different road from that by which we came, passed through a country,
wholly uncultivated, till we got to the _Tyger_ hills, when some
tolerable corn-fields appeared. At noon, we stopped in a hollow for
refreshment; but, in walking about here, were plagued with a vast number
of musquitoes or sand-flies, which were the first I saw in the country.
In the afternoon we set out again, and in the evening arrived at the
Cape Town, tired with the jolting waggon.”
On the 23d, we got on board the observatory, clock, &c. By a mean of the
several results of the equal altitudes of the sun, taken with the
astronomical quadrant, the astronomical clock was found to lose on
sidereal time, 1ʹ 8ʺ, 368 each day. The pendulum was kept at the same
length as at Greenwich, where the daily loss of the clock on sidereal
time, was 4ʺ.
The watch, by the mean of the results of fifteen days’ observations, was
found to be losing 2ʺ 261, on mean time, each day; which is 1ʺ 052 more
than at Greenwich: and on the 21st, at noon, she was too slow for mean
time by 1^h 20ʹ 57ʺ 66. From this, 6ʹ 48ʺ, 956, is to be subtracted, for
what she was too slow on the 11th of June at Greenwich, and her daily
rate since; and the remainder, viz. 1^h 14ʹ 08ʺ 704, or 18° 32ʹ 10ʺ,
will be the longitude of the Cape Town by the watch. Its true longitude,
as found by Messrs. Mason and Dixon, is 18° 23ʹ 15ʺ. As our observations
were made about half a mile to the east of theirs, the error of the
watch, in longitude, is no more than 8ʹ 25ʺ. Hence we have reason to
conclude, that she had gone well all the way from England, and that the
longitude, thus given, may be nearer the truth than any other.
If this be admitted, it will, in a great measure, enable me to find the
direction and strength of the currents we met with on this passage from
England. For, by comparing the latitude and longitude by dead reckoning,
with those by observation and the watch, we shall from time to time,
have, very accurately, the error of the ship’s reckoning, be the cause
what it will. But as all imaginable care was taken in having and keeping
the log, and every necessary allowance made for lee-way, heave of the
sea, and other such circumstances, I cannot attribute those errors that
did happen, to any other cause but currents; but more particularly when
the error was constantly the same way, for several days successively.
On the contrary, if we find the ship ahead of the reckoning on one day,
and astern of it on another, we have reason to believe that such errors
are owing to accidental causes, and not to currents. This seems to have
been the case in our passage between England and Teneriffe. But, from
the time of our leaving that island, till the 15th of August, being then
in the latitude of 12° N., and longitude 24° W., the ship was carried 1°
20ʹ of longitude to the westward of her reckoning. At this station, the
currents took a contrary direction, and set to E. S. E., at the rate of
twelve or fourteen miles a day, or twenty-four hours, till we arrived
into the latitude of 5° N., and longitude of 20° W.; which was our most
easterly situation after leaving the Cape de Verde Islands, till we got
to the southward. For in this situation the wind came southerly, and we
tacked and stretched to the westward; and for two or three days could
not find that our reckoning was affected by any current. So that, I
judged, we were between the current that generally, if not constantly,
sets to the east upon the coast of Guinea, and that which sets to the
west towards the coast of Brasil.
This westerly current was not considerable till we got into 2° N., and
25° W. From this station, to 3° S. and 30° W., the ship, in the space of
four days, was carried one hundred and fifteen miles in the direction of
S. W. by W., beyond her reckoning; an error by far too great to have any
other cause but a strong current running in the same direction. Nor did
its strength abate here; but its course was, afterward, more westerly,
and to the N. of W.; and off Cape Augustine, north, as I have already
mentioned. But this northerly current did not exist at twenty or thirty
leagues to the southward of that Cape, nor any other, that I could
perceive, in the remaining part of the passage. The little difference we
afterward found between the reckoning and observations, might very well
happen without the assistance of currents; as will appear by the Table
of Days’ Works.
In the account of my last voyage[103], I remarked, that the currents one
meets with in this passage generally balance each other. It happened so
then; because we crossed the line about 20° more to the eastward than we
did now; so that we were, of consequence, longer under the influence of
the easterly current, which made up for the westerly one.
And this, I apprehend, will generally be the case, if you cross the line
10° or 15° to the east of the meridian of St. Jago.
From these remarks I shall draw the following conclusion, that, after
passing the Cape de Verde Island, if you do not make above 4° or 5°
easting, and cross the line in, or to the westward of, the meridian of
St. Jago, you may expect to find your ship 3° or 4° to the westward of
her reckoning, by the time you get into the latitude of 10° S. If, on
the other hand, you keep well to the east, and cross the line 15° or 20°
to the east of St. Jago, you will be then as much to the east of your
reckoning; and the more you keep to the eastward, the greater will be
your error; as has been experienced by some India ships, whose people
have found themselves close upon the coast of Angola, when they thought
its distance was above two hundred leagues.
During the whole of our passage from England, no opportunity was
admitted of observing, with all the attention and accuracy that
circumstances would permit, the variation of the compass, which I have
inserted in a table, with the latitude and longitude of the ship at the
time of observation. As the longitude may be depended upon, to a quarter
or half a degree at most, this table will be of use to those navigators
who correct their reckoning by the variation. It will also enable Mr.
Dun to correct his new Variation Chart, a thing very much wanted.
It seems strange to me, that the advocates for the variation should not
agree amongst themselves. We find one[104] of them telling us, as I have
already observed, _that with 8° west variation, or any thing above that,
you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands, by night or day,
being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of
them_. Another, in his chart[105], lays down this variation ninety
leagues to the westward of them. Such a disagreement as this, is a
strong proof of the uncertainty of both. However, I have no doubt, the
former found here, as well as in other places, the variation he
mentions. But he should have considered, that at sea, nay even on land,
the results of the most accurate observations will not always be the
same. Different compasses will give different variations; and even the
same compass will differ from itself two degrees, without our being able
to discover, much less to remove, the cause.
Whoever imagines he can find the variation within a degree, will very
often see himself much deceived. For, besides the imperfection which may
be in the construction of the instrument, or in the power of the needle,
it is certain that the motion of the ship, or attraction of the
ironwork, or some other cause not yet discovered, will frequently
occasion far greater errors than this. That the variation may be found,
with a share of accuracy more than sufficient to determine the ship’s
course, is allowed; but that it can be found so exactly as to fix the
longitude within a degree, or sixty miles, I absolutely deny.
CHAP. IV.
THE TWO SHIPS LEAVE THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—TWO ISLANDS, NAMED PRINCE
EDWARD’S, SEEN, AND THEIR APPEARANCE DESCRIBED.—KERGUELEN’S LAND
VISITED.—ARRIVAL IN CHRISTMAS HARBOUR.—OCCURRENCES THERE.—DESCRIPTION
OF IT.
After the disaster which happened to our sheep, it may be well supposed
I did not trust those that remained long on shore; but got them, and the
other cattle, on board as fast as possible. I also added to my original
stock, by purchasing two young bulls, two heifers, two young
stone-horses, two mares, two rams, several ewes and goats, and some
rabbits and poultry. All of them were intended for New Zealand,
Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands, or any other places, in the
course of our voyage, where there might be a prospect that the leaving
any of them would be useful to posterity.
Towards the latter end of November, the calkers had finished their work
on board the Discovery, and she had received all her provisions and
water. Of the former, both ships had a supply sufficient for two years
and upwards. And every other article we could think of, necessary for
such a voyage, that could be had at the Cape, was procured; neither
knowing when, or where, we might come to a place where we could furnish
ourselves so well.
Having given Captain Clerke a copy of my instructions, and an order
directing him how to proceed in case of separation; in the morning of
the 30th, we repaired on board. At five in the afternoon, a breeze
sprung up at S. E., with which we weighed, and stood out of the bay. At
nine it fell calm, and we anchored between Penguin Island and the east
shore, where we lay till three o’clock next morning. We then weighed and
put to sea, with a light breeze at south; but did not get clear of the
land till the morning of the 3d, when with a fresh gale at W. N. W., we
stood to the S. E. to get more into the way of these winds.
On the 5th, a sudden squall of wind carried away the Resolution’s mizen
top-mast. Having another to replace it, the loss was not felt;
especially as it was a bad stick, and had often complained. On the 6th,
in the evening, being then in the latitude of 39° 14ʹ S., and in the
longitude of 23° 56ʹ E., we passed through several small spots of water
of reddish colour. Some of this was taken up; and it was found to abound
with a small animal, which the microscope discovered to be like a
cray-fish, of a reddish hue.
We continued our course to the south-east, with a very strong gale from
the westward, followed by a mountainous sea; which made the ship roll
and tumble exceedingly, and gave us a great deal of trouble to preserve
the cattle we had on board. Notwithstanding all our care, several goats,
especially the males, died; and some sheep. This misfortune was, in a
great measure, owing to the cold, which we now began most sensibly to
feel.
On the 12th, at noon, we saw land extending from S. E. by S. to S. E. by
E. Upon a nearer approach, we found it to be two islands. That which
lies most to the south, and is also the largest, I judged to be about
fifteen leagues in circuit; and to be in the latitude of 46° 53ʹ S., and
in the longitude of 37° 46ʹ E. The most northerly one is about nine
leagues in circuit; and lies in the latitude of 46° 40ʹ S., and in 38°
8ʹ E. longitude. The distance from the one to the other is about five
leagues.
We passed through this channel, at equal distance from both islands; and
could not discover, with the assistance of our best glasses, either tree
or shrub on either of them. They seemed to have a rocky and bold shore;
and, excepting the south-east parts, where the land is rather low and
flat, a surface composed of barren mountains, which rise to a
considerable height, and whose summits and sides were covered with snow,
which in many places seemed to be of a considerable depth. The
south-east parts had a much greater quantity on them than the rest;
owing probably, to the sun acting for a less space of time on these than
on the north and north-west parts. The ground, where it was not hid by
the snow, from the various shades it exhibited, may be supposed to be
covered with moss, or, perhaps, such a coarse grass as is found in some
parts of Falkland’s Islands. On the north side of each of the islands is
a detached rock: that near the south island is shaped like a tower, and
seemed to be at some distance from the shore. As we passed along, a
quantity of sea-weed was seen, and the colour of the water indicated
soundings. But there was no appearance of an inlet, unless near the rock
just mentioned; and that, from its smallness, did not promise a good
anchoring-place.
These two islands, as also four others which lie from nine to twelve
degrees of longitude more to the east, and nearly in the same latitude,
were discovered, as I have mentioned in my late voyage[106], by Captains
Marion du Fresne, and Crozet, French navigators, in January 1772, on
their passage in two ships from the Cape of Good Hope to the Philippine
Islands. As they have no names in the French chart of the southern
hemisphere, which Captain Crozet communicated to me in 1775[107], I
shall distinguish the two we now saw, by calling them Prince Edward’s
Islands, after his Majesty’s fourth son; and the other four, by the name
of Marion’s and Crozet’s Islands, to commemorate their discoveries.
We had now, for the most part, strong gales between the north and west,
and but very indifferent weather; not better, indeed, than we generally
have in England in the very depth of winter, though it was now the
middle of summer in this hemisphere. Not discouraged, however, by this,
after leaving Prince Edward’s Islands, I shaped our course to pass to
the southward of the others, that I might get into the latitude of the
land discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen.
I had applied to the Chevalier de Borda, whom, as I have mentioned, I
found at Teneriffe, requesting, that if he knew any thing of the island
discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen, between the Cape of Good Hope and
New Holland, he would be so obliging as to communicate it to me.
Accordingly, just before we sailed from Santa Cruz Bay, he sent me the
following account of it, viz. “That the pilot of the Boussole, who was
in the voyage with Monsieur de Kerguelen, had given him the latitude and
longitude of a little island, which Monsieur de Kerguelen called the
Isle of Rendezvous, and which lies not far from the great island which
he saw. Latitude of the little isle, by seven observations, 48° 26ʹ
south; longitude, by seven observations of the distance of the sun and
moon, 64° 57ʹ east from Paris.” I was very sorry I had not sooner known
that there was on board the frigate at Teneriffe an officer who had been
with Monsieur de Kerguelen, especially the pilot; because from him I
might have obtained more interesting information about this land than
the situation alone, of which I was not before entirely ignorant.[108]
My instructions directing me to examine it, with a view to discover a
good harbour, I proceeded in the search; and on the 16th, being then in
the latitude of 48° 45ʹ and in the longitude of 52° E., we saw penguins
and divers, and rock-weed floating in the sea. We continued to meet with
more or less of these every day, as we proceeded to the eastward; and on
the 21st, in the latitude of 48° 27ʹ S., and in the longitude of 65° E.,
a very large seal was seen. We had now much foggy weather, and, as we
expected to fall in with the land every hour, our navigation became both
tedious and dangerous.
At length, on the 24th, at six o’clock in the morning, as we were
steering to the eastward, the fog clearing away a little, we saw
land[113], bearing S. S. E., which, upon a nearer approach, we found to
be an island of considerable height, and about three leagues in
circuit.[114] Soon after, we saw another of the same magnitude, one
league to the eastward[115], and between these two, in the direction of
S. E., some smaller ones.[116] In the direction of S. by E. 1/2 E., from
the E. end of the first island, a third[117] high island was seen. At
times, as the fog broke away, we had the appearance of land over the
small islands; and I had thoughts of steering for it, by running in
between them. But, on drawing near, I found this would be a dangerous
attempt, while the weather continued foggy. For, if there should be no
passage, or if we should meet with any sudden danger, it would have been
impossible for us to get off; the wind being right astern, and a
prodigious sea running, that broke on all the shores in a frightful
surf. At the same time, seeing another island in the N. E. direction,
and not knowing but that there might be more, I judged it prudent to
haul off, and wait for clearer weather, lest we should get intangled
amongst unknown lands in a thick fog.
We did but just weather the island last mentioned. It is a high round
rock, which was named Bligh’s Cap. Perhaps this is the same that
Monsieur de Kerguelen called the Isle of Rendezvous[118]; but I know
nothing that can rendezvous at it, but fowls of the air; for it is
certainly inaccessible to every other animal.
At eleven o’clock the weather began to clear up, and we immediately
tacked, and steered in for the land. At noon we had a pretty good
observation, which enabled us to determine the latitude of Bligh’s Cap,
which is the northermost island, to be 48° 29ʹ S., and its longitude 68°
40ʹ E.[119] We passed it at three o’clock, standing to the S. S. E.,
with a fresh gale at W.
Soon after we saw the land, of which we had a faint view in the morning;
and at four o’clock it extended from S. E. 1/2 E., to S. W. by S.,
distant about four miles. The left extreme, which I judged to be the
northeren point of this land called, in the French chart of the southern
hemisphere, Cape St. Louis[120], terminated in a perpendicular rock of a
considerable height; and the right one (near which is a detached rock)
in a high indented point.[121] From this point the coast seemed to turn
short round to the southward; for we could see no land to the westward
of the direction in which it now bore to us, but the islands we had
observed in the morning; the most southerly[122] of them lying nearly W.
from the point, about two or three leagues distant.
About the middle of the land there appeared to be an inlet, for which we
steered; but, on approaching, found it was only a bending on the coast,
and therefore bore up, to go round Cape St. Louis.[123] Soon after, land
opened off the Cape, in the direction of S. 53° E., and appeared to be a
point at a considerable distance; for the trending of the coast from the
Cape was more southerly. We also saw several rocks and islands to the
eastward of the above directions, the most distant of which was about
seven leagues from the Cape, bearing S. 88° E.[124]
We had no sooner got off the Cape, than we observed the coast, to the
southward, to be much indented by projecting points and bays; so that we
now made sure of soon finding a good harbour. Accordingly, we had not
run a mile farther, before we discovered one behind the Cape, into which
we began to ply; but after making one board, it fell calm, and we
anchored at the entrance, in forty-five fathoms water, the bottom black
sand; as did the Discovery soon after. I immediately dispatched Mr.
Bligh, the master, in a boat to sound the harbour; who, on his return,
reported it to be safe and commodious, with good anchorage in every
part; and great plenty of fresh water, seals, penguins, and other birds,
on the shore; but not a stick of wood. While we lay at anchor, we
observed that the flood-tide came from the south-east, running two
knots, at least, in an hour.
At day-break, in the morning of the 25th, we weighed with a gentle
breeze at west; and having wrought into the harbour, to within a quarter
of a mile of the sandy beach at its head, we anchored in eight fathoms’
water, the bottom a fine dark sand. The Discovery did not get in till
two o’clock in the afternoon; when Captain Clerke informed me, that he
had narrowly escaped being driven on the south point of the harbour, his
anchor having started before they had time to shorten in the cable. This
obliged them to set sail, and drag the anchor after them, till they had
room to heave it up; and then they found one of its palms was broken
off.
As soon as we had anchored, I ordered all the boats to be hoisted out;
the ship to be moored with a kedge-anchor; and the water-casks to be got
ready to send on shore. In the mean time I landed, to look for the most
convenient spot where they might be filled, and to see what else the
place afforded.
I found the shore, in a manner, covered with penguins and other birds,
and seals. These latter were not numerous, but so insensible of fear
(which plainly indicated that they were unaccustomed to such visitors),
that we killed as many as we chose, for the sake of their fat or
blubber, to make oil for our lamps, and other uses. Fresh water was in
no less plenty than were birds; for every gully afforded a large stream.
But not a single tree or shrub, nor the least sign of any, was to be
discovered, and but very little herbage of any sort. The appearances, as
we sailed into the harbour, had flattered us with the hope of meeting
with something considerable growing here, as we observed the sides of
many of the hills to be of a lively green. But I now found that this was
occasioned by a single plant, which, with the other natural productions,
shall be described in another place. Before I returned to my ship, I
ascended the first ridge of rocks, which rise in a kind of amphitheatre
above one another. I was in hopes, by this means, of obtaining a view of
the country; but before I reached the top, there came on so thick a fog,
that I could hardly find my way down again. In the evening, we hauled
the seine at the head of the harbour, but caught only half-a-dozen small
fish. We had no better success next day, when we tried with hook and
line. So that our only resource here, for fresh provisions, were birds,
of which there was an inexhaustible store.
The morning of the 26th proved foggy, with rain. However, we went to
work to fill water, and to cut grass for our cattle, which we found in
small spots near the head of the harbour. The rain which fell swelled
all the rivulets to such a degree, that the sides of the hills, bounding
the harbour, seemed to be covered with a sheet of water. For the rain,
as it fell, ran into the fissures and crags of the rocks that composed
the interior parts of the hills, and was precipitated down their sides
in prodigious torrents.
The people having wrought hard the two preceding days, and nearly
completed our water, which we filled from a brook at the left corner of
the beach, I allowed them the 27th, as a day of rest, to celebrate
Christmas. Upon this indulgence, many of them went on shore, and made
excursions, in different directions, into the country, which they found
barren and desolate in the highest degree. In the evening, one of them
brought to me a quart-bottle which he had found, fastened with some wire
to a projecting rock on the north side of the harbour. This bottle
contained apiece of parchment, on which was written the following
inscription:
_Ludovico XV. Galliarum
rege, et d.[125] de Boynes
regi a Secretis ad res
maritimas annis 1772 et
1773._
From this inscription, it is clear, that we were not the first Europeans
who had been in this harbour. I supposed it to be left by Monsieur de
Boisguehenneu, who went on shore in a boat, on the 13th of February,
1772, the same day that Monsieur de Kerguelen discovered this land; as
appears by a note in the French chart of the southern hemisphere,
published the following year.[126]
As a memorial of our having been in this harbour, I wrote on the other
side of the parchment,
_Naves Resolution
et Discovery
de Rege Magnæ Britanniæ,
Decembris, 1776_.
I then put it again into a bottle, together with a silver two-penny
piece of 1772; and having covered the mouth of the bottle with a leaden
cap, I placed it, the next morning, in a pile of stones erected for the
purpose, upon a little eminence on the north shore of the harbour, and
near to the place where it was first found; in which position it cannot
escape the notice of any European, whom chance or design may bring into
this port. Here I displayed the British flag, and named the place
_Christmas Harbour_, from our having arrived in it on that festival.
It is the first, or northernmost inlet that we meet with on the
south-east side of Cape St. Louis[127], which forms the north side of
the harbour, and is also the northern point of this land. The situation
alone is sufficient to distinguish it from any of the other inlets; and,
to make it more remarkable, its south point terminates in a high rock,
which is perforated quite through, so as to appear like the arch of a
bridge. We saw none like this upon the whole coast.[128] The harbour has
another distinguishing mark within, from a single stone or rock, of a
vast size, which lies on the top of a hill on the south side, near its
bottom; and opposite this, on the north side, there is another hill,
much like it, but smaller. There is a small beach at its bottom, where
we commonly landed; and, behind it, some gently rising ground, on the
top of which is a large pool of fresh water. The land on both sides of
the inlet is high, and it runs in west, and W. N. W., about two miles.
Its breadth is one mile and a quarter, for more than half its length;
above which, it is only half a mile. The depth of water, which is
forty-five fathoms at the entrance, varies, as we proceed farther in,
from thirty to five and four fathoms, as marked upon the plan. The
shores are steep; and the bottom is every where a fine dark sand, except
in some places close to the shore, where there are beds of sea-weed,
which always grows on rocky ground. The head of the harbour lies open
only to two points of the compass; and even these are covered by islands
in the offing, so that no sea can fall in to hurt a ship. The
appearances on shore confirmed this; for we found grass growing close to
high-water mark, which is a sure sign of a pacific harbour.[129] It is
high water here, at the full and change days, about ten o’clock; and the
tide rises and falls about four feet.
After I had finished this business of the inscription, I went, in my
boat, round the harbour, and landed in several places, to examine what
the shore afforded; and, particularly, to look for drift wood. For,
although the land here was totally destitute of trees, this might not be
the case in other parts; and if there were any, the torrents would force
some, or, at least, some branches, into the sea, which would afterward
throw them upon the shores; as in all other countries where there is
wood, and in many where there is none: but, throughout the whole extent
of the harbour, I found not a single piece.
In the afternoon, I went upon Cape St. Louis[130], accompanied by Mr.
King, my second lieutenant. I was in hopes, from this elevation, to have
had a view of the sea-coast, and of the islands lying off it. But, when
I got up, I found every distant object below me hid in a thick fog. The
land on the same plain, or of a greater height, was visible enough, and
appeared naked and desolate in the highest degree; except some hills to
the southward, which were covered with snow.
When I got on board, I found the launch hoisted in, the ships unmoored,
and ready to put to sea; but our sailing was deferred till five o’clock
the next morning, when we weighed anchor.
CHAP. V.
DEPARTURE FROM CHRISTMAS HARBOUR.—RANGE ALONG THE COAST, TO DISCOVER ITS
POSITION AND EXTENT.—SEVERAL PROMONTORIES AND BAYS, AND A PENINSULA,
DESCRIBED AND NAMED.—DANGER FROM SHOALS.—ANOTHER HARBOUR AND A SOUND.—
MR. ANDERSON’S OBSERVATIONS ON THE NATURAL PRODUCTIONS, ANIMALS, SOIL,
&C. OF KERGUELEN’S LAND.
As soon as the ships were out of Christmas Harbour, we steered S. E. 1/2
S., along the coast, with a fine breeze at N. N. W., and clear weather.
This we thought the more fortunate, as, for some time past, fogs had
prevailed, more or less, every day; and the continuance of them would
have defeated our plan of extending Kerguelen’s discovery. We kept the
lead constantly going; but seldom struck ground with a line of fifty or
sixty fathoms.
About seven or eight o’clock, we were off a promontory, which I called
Cape Cumberland. It lies a league and a half from the south point of
Christmas Harbour, in the direction of S. E. 1/2 S. Between them is a
bay with two arms, both of which seemed to afford good shelter for
shipping. Off Cape Cumberland is a small but pretty high island, on the
summit of which is a rock like a sentry-box, which occasioned our giving
that name to the island. Two miles farther to the eastward, lies a
groupe of small islands and rocks, with broken ground about them; we
sailed between these and Sentry-Box Island, the channel being a full
mile broad, and more than forty fathoms deep; for we found no bottom
with that length of line.
Being through this channel, we discovered, on the south side of Cape
Cumberland, a bay, running in three leagues to the westward. It is
formed by this Cape to the N., and by a promontory to the S., which I
named Point Pringle, after my good friend Sir John Pringle, President of
the Royal Society. The bottom of this bay was called Cumberland Bay; and
it seemed to be disjoined from the sea, which washes the N. W. coast of
this country, by a narrow neck of land. Appearances, at least, favoured
such a conjecture.
To the southward of Point Pringle, the coast is formed into a fifth bay;
of which this point is the northern extreme; and from it, to the
southern extreme, is about four miles in the direction of S. S. E. 1/2
E. In this bay, which obtained the name of White Bay, on account of some
white spots of land or rocks in the bottom of it, are several lesser
bays or coves, which seemed to be sheltered from all winds. Off the S.
point are several rocks which raise their heads above water, and,
probably, many more that do not.
Thus far our course was in a direction parallel to the coast, and not
more than two miles from it. Thither our glasses were continually
pointed; and we could easily see that, except the bottoms of the bays
and coves, which, for the most part, terminated in sandy beaches, the
shores were rocky, and, in many places, swarmed with birds; but the
country had the same barren and naked appearance as in the neighbourhood
of Christmas Harbour.
We had kept on our larboard bow the land which first opened off Cape St.
Louis[131], in the direction of S. 53° E., thinking that it was an
island, and that we should find a passage between it and the main. We
now discovered this to be a mistake; and found that it was a peninsula,
joined to the rest of the coast by a low isthmus. I called the bay,
formed by this peninsula, Repulse Bay; and a branch of it seemed to run
a good way inland towards the S. S. W. Leaving this, we steered for the
northern point of the peninsula, which we named Howe’s Foreland, in
honour of Admiral Lord Howe.
As we drew near it, we perceived some rocks and breakers near the N. W.
part; and two islands a league and a half to the eastward of it, which,
at first, appeared as one. I steered between them and the Foreland[132],
and was in the middle of the channel by noon. At that time our latitude,
by observation, was 48° 51ʹ S., and we had made twenty-six miles of E.
longitude from Cape St. Louis.[133]
From this situation, the most advanced land to the southward bore S. E.;
but the trending of the coast from the foreland was more southerly. The
islands which lie off Christmas Harbour bore N.; and the N. point of the
foreland, N. 60° W., distant three miles. The land of this peninsula, or
foreland, is of a moderate height, and of a hilly and rocky substance.
The coast is low, with rocky points shooting out from it; between which
points are little coves, with sandy beaches; and these, at this time,
were mostly covered with sea birds. We also saw upon them some seals.
As soon as we were clear of the rocks and islands before mentioned, I
gave orders to steer S. E. by S., along the coast. But before these
orders could be carried into execution, we discovered the whole sea
before us to be chequered with large beds of rock-weed, which we knew to
be fast to the bottom, and to grow on rocky shoals. I had often found a
great depth of water on such shoals; and I had as often found rocks that
have raised their heads nearly to the surface of the water. It is always
dangerous, therefore, to sail over them before they are well examined;
but more especially, when there is no surge of the sea to discover the
danger. This was the case at present, for the sea was as smooth as a
mill-pond. Consequently we endeavoured to avoid them, by steering
through the winding channels by which they were separated. We kept the
lead continually going; but never struck ground with a line of sixty
fathoms. This circumstance increased the danger, as we could not anchor,
whatever necessity there might be for it. After running in this manner
above an hour, we discovered a lurking rock, just even with the surface
of the sea. It bore N. E. 1/2 E., distant three or four miles, and lay
in the middle of one of these large beds of weeds. This was a sufficient
warning to make us use every precaution to prevent our coming upon them.
We were now across the mouth of a large bay, that lies about eight miles
to the southward of Howe’s Foreland. In and before the entrance of this
bay are several low islands, rocks, and those beds of sea-weed. But
there seemed to be winding channels between them. After continuing our
course half an hour longer, we were so much embarrassed with these
shoals, that I resolved to haul off to the eastward, as the likeliest
means of extricating ourselves from the danger that threatened us. But
so far was this from answering the intended purpose, that it brought us
into more. I therefore found it absolutely necessary to secure the
ships, if possible, in some place before night, especially as the
weather had now become hazy, and a fog was apprehended. And seeing some
inlets to the south-west of us, I ordered Captain Clerke, as the
Discovery drew less water than the Resolution, to lead in for the shore;
which was accordingly done.
In standing in, it was not possible to avoid running over the edges of
some of the shoals, on which we found from ten to twenty fathoms’ water;
and the moment we were over, had no ground at the depth of fifty
fathoms. After making a few boards to weather a spit that run out from
an island on our lee, Captain Clerke made the signal for having
discovered an harbour; in which, about five o’clock, we anchored in
fifteen fathoms’ water, over a bottom of fine dark sand, about three
quarters of a mile from the shore; the north point of the harbour
bearing N. by E. 1/2 E. one mile distant; and the small islands in the
entrance, within which we anchored, extending from E. to S. E.
Scarcely were the ships secured, when it began to blow very strong; so
that we thought it prudent to strike top-gallant yards. The weather,
however, continued fair; and the wind dispersing the fog that had
settled on the hills, it was tolerably clear also. The moment,
therefore, we had anchored, I hoisted out two boats; in one of which I
sent Mr. Bligh, the master, to survey the upper part of the harbour, and
look for wood; for not a shrub was to be seen from the ship. I also
desired Captain Clerke to send his master to sound the channel that is
on the south side of the small isles, between them and a pretty large
island which lies near the south point of the harbour. Having given
these directions, I went myself, in my other boat, accompanied by Mr.
Gore, my first lieutenant, and Mr. Bailey, and landed on the north
point, to see what I could discover from thence.
From the highest hill over the point, we had a pretty good view of the
sea-coast, as far as Howe’s Foreland. It is much indented, and several
rocky points seemed to shoot out from it, with coves and inlets of
unequal extent. One of the latter, the end of which I could not see, was
disjoined from that in which the ships were at anchor, by the point we
then stood upon. A great many small islands, rocks, and breakers
appeared scattered along the coast, as well to the southward as
northward; and I saw no better channel to get out of the harbour than by
the one through which we had entered it.
While Mr. Bailey and I were making the observations, Mr. Gore
encompassed the hill; and joined us by a different route, at the place
where I had ordered the boat to wait for us. Except the craggy
precipices, we met with nothing to obstruct our walk. For the country
was, if possible, more barren and desolate than about Christmas Harbour.
And yet, if there be the least fertility in any part of this land, we
ought to have found it in this, which is completely sheltered from the
predominating bleak southerly and westerly winds. I observed, with
regret, that there was neither food nor covering for cattle of any sort;
and that, if I left any, they must inevitably perish. In the little cove
where the boat waited for us (which I called Penguin Cove, as the beach
was covered with these birds,) is a fine rivulet of fresh water, that
may be easily come at. Here were also some large seals, shags, and a few
ducks; and Mr. Baily had a transient sight of a very small land bird;
but it flew amongst the rocks, and we lost it. About nine o’clock we got
on board.
Soon after, Mr. Bligh returned, and reported that he had been four miles
up the harbour, and, as he judged, not far from the head of it. He found
that its direction was W. S. W.; and that its breadth, a little above
the ships, did not exceed a mile; but grew narrower towards the head.
The soundings were very irregular, being from thirty-seven to ten
fathoms; and, except under the beds of sea-weed, which in many places
extended from the shore near half channel over, the bottom was a fine
sand. He landed on both shores, which he found barren and rocky, without
the least signs of tree or shrub, and with very little verdure of any
kind. Penguins, and other oceanic birds and seals, occupied part of the
coast; but not in such numbers as at Christmas Harbour.
Finding no encouragement to continue our researches, and the next
morning both wind and weather being favourable, I weighed anchor and put
to sea. To this harbour I gave the name of Port Palliser, in honour of
my worthy friend Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser. It is situated in the
latitude of 49° 3ʹ S. in the longitude of 69° 37ʹ E., and five leagues
from Howe’s Foreland, in the direction of S. 25° E. There are several
islands, rocks, and breakers lying in and without the entrance, for
which the annexed chart of the coast, and sketch of the harbour, may be
consulted. We went in and out between them and the north head; but I
have no doubt that there are other channels.
As we were standing out of Port Palliser, we discovered a round hill,
like a sugar-loaf, in the direction of S. 72° E., about nine leagues
distant. It had the appearance of an island lying at some distance from
the coast; but we afterwards found it was upon the main land. In getting
out to sea, we had to steer through the winding channels amongst the
shoals. However, we ventured to run over some of them, on which we never
found less than eighteen fathoms, and often did not strike ground with
twenty-four; so that, had it not been for the sea-weed growing upon all
of them, they would not have been discovered.
After we had got about three or four leagues from the coast, we found a
clear sea, and then steered east till nine o’clock, when the Sugar-loaf
hill, above mentioned, which I named Mount Campbell, bore S. E., and a
small island that lies to the northward of it, S. S. E., distant four
leagues. I now steered more southerly, in order to get in with the land.
At noon, the latitude by double altitudes was 49° 8ʹ S.; and we had made
eighty miles of E. longitude from Cape St. Louis.[134] Mount Campbell
bore S. 47° W., distant about four leagues; a low point, beyond which no
land was to be seen, bore S. S. E., at the distance of about twenty
miles; and we were about two leagues from the shore.
The land here is low and level.[135] The mountains ending about five
leagues from the low point, a great extent of low land is left, on which
Mount Campbell is situated, about four miles from the foot of the
mountains, and one from the sea-coast. These mountains have a
considerable elevation, as also most of the inland ones. They seemed to
be composed of naked rocks, whose summits were capt with snow. Nor did
the valleys appear to greater advantage. To whatever quarter we directed
our glasses, nothing but sterility was to be seen.
We had scarcely finished taking the bearings at noon, before we observed
low land opening off the low point just mentioned, in the direction of
S. S. E., and eight miles beyond it. This new point proved to be the
very eastern extremity of this land, and it was named Cape Digby. It is
situated in the latitude of 49° 23ʹ S., and in the longitude of 70° 34ʹ
E.
Between Howe’s Foreland and Cape Digby, the shore forms (besides the
several lesser bays and harbours) one great bay that extends several
leagues to the south-west, where it seemed to lose itself in various
arms running in between the mountains. A prodigious quantity of sea-weed
grows all over it, which seemed to be the same sort of weed that Mr.
Banks distinguished by the name of _fucus giganteus_.[136] Some of this
weed is of a most enormous length, though the stem is not much thicker
than a man’s thumb. I have mentioned, that on some of the shoals upon
which it grows, we did not strike ground with a line of twenty-four
fathoms. The depth of water, therefore, must have been greater. And as
this weed does not grow in a perpendicular direction, but makes a very
acute angle with the bottom, and much of it afterwards spreads many
fathoms on the surface of the sea, I am well warranted to say, that some
of it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and upward.
At one o’clock (having run two leagues upon a S. E. 1/2 E. course, from
noon) we sounded, and found eighteen fathoms’ water, and a bottom of
fine sand. Seeing a small bending in the coast, on the north side of
Cape Digby, I steered for it. It was my intention to anchor there, if I
should find it might be done with safety, and to land on the Cape, to
examine what the low land within it produced. After running in one
league, we sounded again, and found thirteen fathoms; and, immediately
after, saw a shoal right before us, that seemed to extend off from the
shore, from which we were distant about two miles. This discovery
obliged us to haul off, E. by S., one league, where our depth of water
encreased to twenty-five fathoms. We then steered along shore, and
continued in the same depth, over a bottom of fine sand, till Cape Digby
bore west, two leagues distant, when we found twenty-six fathoms.
After this we did not strike ground, though we tried several times; but
the ship having a good deal of way, ran the line out before the lead
could reach the bottom; and being disappointed in my views both of
anchoring and of landing, I would not shorten sail, but pushed forward,
in order to see as much of the coast as possible before night. From Cape
Digby, it trends nearly S. W. by S. for about four or five leagues, or
to a low point, to which, in honour of her Majesty, I gave the name of
Point Charlotte; and it is the southernmost on the low coast.
Six leagues from Cape Digby, in the direction of S. S. W. 1/2 W., is a
pretty high projecting point, which was called Prince of Wales’s
Foreland; and six leagues beyond that, in the same direction, and in the
latitude of 49° 54ʹ S., and the longitude of 70° 13ʹ E., is the most
southerly point of the whole coast, which I distinguished by the name of
Cape George, in honour of his Majesty.
Between Point Charlotte and Prince of Wales’s Foreland, where the
country to the south-west began again to be hilly, is a deep inlet,
which was called Royal Sound. It runs in west, quite to the foot of the
mountains which bound it on the south-west, as the low land before
mentioned does on the north. There are islands lying in the entrance,
and others higher up, as far as we could distinguish. As we advanced to
the south, we observed, on the south-west side of Prince of Wales’s
Foreland, another inlet into Royal Sound; and it then appeared, that the
Foreland was the east point of a large island lying in the mouth of it.
There are several small islands in this inlet; and one about a league to
the southward of Prince of Wales’s Foreland.
All the land on the south-west side of Royal Sound, quite to Cape
George, is composed of elevated hills, that rise directly from the sea,
one behind another, to a considerable height. Most of the summits were
capt with snow, and they appeared as naked and barren as any we had
seen. The smallest vestige of a tree or shrub was not discoverable,
either inland or on the coast; and, I think, I may venture to pronounce
that the country produces none. The low land about Cape Digby, when
examined through our glasses, resembled the rest of the low land we had
before met with; that is, it appeared to be partly naked, and partly
covered with a green turf; a description of which shall be given in its
proper place. The shore is composed of sandy beaches, on which were many
penguins and other oceanic birds; and an immense number of shags kept
perpetually flying about the ships as we sailed along.
Being desirous of getting the length of Cape George, to be assured
whether or no it was the most southerly point of the whole land, I
continued to stretch to the south, under all the sail we could carry,
till half an hour past seven o’clock; when, seeing no likelihood of
accomplishing my design, as the wind had, by this time, shifted to W. S.
W., the very direction in which we wanted to go, I took the advantage of
the shifting of the wind, and stood away from the coast.
At this time Cape George bore south 53° W. distant about seven leagues.
A small island that lies off the pitch of the Cape, was the only land we
could see to the south of it; and we were farther confirmed that there
was no more in that quarter, by a south-west swell which we met as soon
as we brought the Cape to bear in this direction.
But we have still a stronger proof that no part of this land can extend
much, if at all, to the southward of Cape George; and that is, Captain
Furneaux’s tract in February 1773, after his separation from me during
my late voyage. His log-book is now lying before me; and I find from it,
that he crossed the meridian of this land only about seventeen leagues
to the southward of Cape George; a distance at which it may very well be
seen in clear weather. This seems to have been the case when Captain
Furneaux passed it. For his log-book makes no mention of fogs or hazy
weather; on the contrary, it expressly tells us, that, when in this
situation, they had it in their power to make observations, both for
latitude and longitude, on board his ship; so that, if this land extends
farther south than Cape George, it would have been scarcely possible
that he should have passed without seeing it.
From these circumstances we are able to determine, within a very few
miles, the quantity of latitude that this land occupies; which does not
much exceed one degree and a quarter. As to its extent from east to
west, that still remains undecided. We only know, that no part of it can
reach so far to the west as the meridian of 65°; because, in 1773, under
that meridian, I searched for it in vain.[137]
The French discoverers, with some reason, imagined Cape St. Louis[138]
to be the projecting point of a southern continent. The English have
since proved that no such continent exists; and that the land in
question is an island of no great extent[139]; which, from its
sterility, I should, with great propriety, call the Island of
Desolation, but that I would not rob Monsieur de Kerguelen of the honour
of its bearing his name.[140]
Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, who, as I have already mentioned, had made
natural history a part of his studies, lost no opportunity, during the
short time we lay in Christmas Harbour, of searching the country in
every direction. He afterwards communicated to me the observations he
made on its natural productions; and I shall insert them here in his own
words.
“Perhaps no place, hitherto discovered in either hemisphere, under the
same parallel of latitude, affords so scanty a field for the naturalist
as this barren spot. The verdure which appears, when at a little
distance from the shore, would flatter one with the expectation of
meeting with some herbage; but in this we were much deceived. For on
landing, we saw that this lively colour was occasioned only by one small
plant, not much unlike some sorts of _saxifrage_, which grows in large
spreading tufts, to a considerable way up the hills. It forms a surface
of a pretty large texture, and grows on a kind of rotten turf, into
which one sinks a foot or two at every step. This turf, dried, might, in
cases of necessity, serve for fuel, and is the only thing we met with
here that could possibly be applied to this use.
“There is another plant, plentifully enough scattered about the boggy
declivities, which grows to near the height of two feet, and not much
unlike a small cabbage, when it has shot into seeds. The leaves about
the root are numerous, large, and rounded; narrower at the base, and
ending in a small point. Those on the stalks are much smaller, oblong,
and pointed. The stalks, which are often three or four, all rise
separately from the root, and run into long cylindrical heads, composed
of small flowers. It has not only the appearance, but the watery acrid
taste of the antiscorbutic plants, and yet differs materially from the
whole tribe; so that we looked upon it as a production entirely peculiar
to the place. We ate it frequently raw, and found it almost like the New
Zealand scurvy-grass. But it seemed to acquire a rank flavour by being
boiled; which, however, some of our people did not perceive, and
esteemed it good. If it could be introduced into our kitchen-gardens, it
would, in all probability, improve so far by cultivation, as to be an
excellent pot-herb. At this time, none of its seeds were ripe enough to
be preserved, and brought home, to try the experiment.
“Two other small plants were found near the brooks and boggy places,
which were eaten as sallad; the one almost like garden cresses, and very
fiery; and the other very mild. This last, though but small, is in
itself a curiosity; having not only male and female, but what the
botanists call _androgynous_ plants.
“A coarse grass, which we cut down for the cattle, grows pretty
plentifully in a few small spots about the sides of the harbour, with a
smaller sort which is rarer; and, upon the flat ground, a sort of
goose-grass, and another small plant much like it. In short, the whole
catalogue of plants does not exceed sixteen or eighteen, including some
sorts of moss, and a beautiful species of _lichen_, which grows upon the
rocks, higher up than the rest of the vegetable productions. Nor is
there even the least appearance of a shrub in the whole country.
“Nature has rather been more bountiful in furnishing it with animals;
though, strictly speaking, they are not inhabitants of the place, being
all of the marine kind; and, in general, only using the land for
breeding, and for a resting-place. The most considerable are seals, or
(as we used to call them) sea-bears; being that sort called the ursine
seal. These come ashore to rest or breed; but they were not very
numerous, which is not to be wondered at, as it is known that these
animals rather frequent out-rocks, and little islands lying off coasts,
than bays or inlets. They were, at this time, shedding their hair, and
so tame, that we killed what number we chose.
“No other quadruped, either of the sea or of the land kind, was seen;
but a great number of birds, _viz._ ducks, petrels, albatrosses, shags,
gulls, and sea-swallows.
“The ducks are about the size of a teal or widgeon; but somewhat
different in colour from either. They were in tolerable plenty about the
sides of the hills, or even lower; and we killed a considerable number,
which were good, and without the least fishy taste. We met with some of
the same sort at the island of Georgia, in our late voyage.
“The Cape petrel, or Pintado bird; the small blue one, which is always
seen at sea; and the small black one, or Mother Carey’s chicken, are not
here in great numbers. But we found a nest of the first with an egg in
it, about the size of a pullet’s; and the second, though scarce, was met
with in some holes like rabbit-burrows.
“Another sort, which is the largest of all the petrels, and called by
the seamen Mother Carey’s goose, is in greater numbers; and so tame,
that at first we could kill them with a stick upon the beach. They are
not inferior in size to an albatross, and are carnivorous, feeding on
the dead carcasses of seals or birds that were thrown into the sea.
Their colour is a sootty brown, with a greenish bill and feet; and,
doubtless, they are the same that the Spaniards call _quebrantahuessos_,
whose head is figured in Pernetty’s Voyage to Falkland Islands.
“Of the albatrosses, none were found on shore except the grey one, which
is commonly met with at sea in the higher southern latitudes. Once I saw
one of these sitting in the cliff of a rock, but they were frequently
flying about the harbour; and the common large sort, as well as a
smaller with a black face, were seen farther out.
“Penguins form, by far, the greatest number of birds here; and are of
three sorts: The first, or largest, I have seen formerly at the island
of Georgia.[141] It is also mentioned by Bougainville[142]; but it does
not seem to be so solitary as he represents it, for we found
considerable numbers flocking together. The head is black, the upper
part of the body a leaden grey, and the under part white, with black
feet. It has two broad stripes of fine yellow, that begin on the sides
of the head, and descending by each side of the neck, meet above its
breast. The bill is partly reddish, and longer than in the other sorts.
“The second sort of penguin scarcely exceeds half the size of the
former. The upper part of the body is a blackish grey, with a white spot
on the upper part of the head, growing broader at each side. The bill
and feet are yellowish. A very accurate figure and description, both of
this and of the preceding, is given by Mr. Sonnerat.[143]
“The third sort of penguin met with here, had never been seen by any of
us before. Its length is twenty-four inches, and its breadth twenty. The
upper part of the body and throat are black; the rest white, except the
upper part of the head, which has a fine yellow arch, looking backward,
and ending on each side in long soft feathers, which it can erect as two
crests.
“The two first sorts were found together on the beach; the large ones
keeping by themselves, and walking in small flocks amongst the others,
which were more numerous, and were sometimes seen a considerable way up
the sides of the hills. The third sort were only found by themselves,
but in great numbers, on the outer shores of the harbour. They were
breeding at this time; and they lay, on the bare stones, only one white
egg, larger than that of a duck. All the three sorts of penguins were so
tame, that we took as many as we pleased with our hands.
“The shags of this place are of two sorts; the lesser corvorant or
water-crow, and another, which is black above, with a white belly; the
same that is found in New Zealand, Terra del Fuego, and the island of
Georgia.
“We also met with here the common sea-gull, sea-swallow, tern, and
Port-Egmont hen; the last of which were tame and numerous.
“Another sort of white bird, flocks of which flew about the bay, is very
singular; having the base of the bill covered with a horny crust.[144]
It is larger than a pigeon, with the bill black and the feet white, made
like those of a curlew. Some of our people put it in competition with
the duck as food.
“The seine was hauled once; but we found only a few fish about the size
of a small haddock; though quite different from any we knew. The snout
is lengthened; the head armed with some strong spines; the rays of the
back-fin long, and very strong; the belly is large; and the body without
scales. The only shell fish are a few limpets and muscles; and, amongst
the stones, a few small star-fish, and sea-anemonies, were found.
“The hills are of a moderate height; yet many of their tops were covered
with snow at this time, though answering to our June. Some of them have
large quantities of stones, irregularly heaped together at their foot,
or on their sides. The sides of others, which form steep cliffs towards
the sea, are rent from the top downward, and seem ready to fall off,
having stones of a considerable size lying in the fissures. Some were of
opinion that frost might be the cause of these fissures, which I shall
not dispute; but how others of the appearances could be effected, but by
earthquakes, or some such severe shocks, I cannot say.
“It appears that rain must be almost constant here, not only from the
marks of large torrents having rushed down, but from the disposition of
the country, which, even on the hills, is almost an entire bog or swamp,
the ground sinking at every step.
“The rocks, or foundations of the hills, are composed chiefly of a dark
blue, and very hard stone, intermixed with small particles of glimmer or
quartz. This seems to be one of the most universal productions of
nature, as it constitutes whole mountains in Sweden, in Scotland, at the
Canary Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, and at this place. Another
brownish brittle stone forms here some considerable rocks; and one which
is blacker, and found in detached pieces, incloses bits of coarse
quartz. A red, a dull yellow, and a purplish sand-stone, are also found
in small pieces; and pretty large lumps of semi-transparent quartz,
disposed irregularly in polyedral pyramidal crystals of long shining
fibres. Some small pieces of the common sort are met with in the brooks,
made round by attrition; but none hard enough to resist a file. Nor were
any of the other stones acted on by aqua fortis, or attracted by the
magnet.
“Nothing that had the least appearance of an ore or metal was seen.”
CHAP. VI.
PASSAGE FROM KERGUELEN’S TO VAN DIEMEN’S LAND.—ARRIVAL IN ADVENTURE
BAY.—INCIDENTS THERE.—INTERVIEWS WITH THE NATIVES.—THEIR PERSONS AND
DRESS DESCRIBED.—ACCOUNT OF THEIR BEHAVIOUR.—TABLE OF THE LONGITUDE,
LATITUDE, AND VARIATION.—MR. ANDERSON’S OBSERVATIONS ON THE NATURAL
PRODUCTIONS OF THE COUNTRY, ON THE INHABITANTS, AND THEIR LANGUAGE.
After leaving Kerguelen’s Land, I steered E. by N., intending, in
obedience to my instructions, to touch next at New Zealand, to recruit
our water, to take in wood, and to make hay for the cattle. Their
number, by this time, had been considerably diminished; two young bulls,
one of the heifers, two rams, and several of the goats, having of late
died, while we were employed in exploring this desolate coast.
The 31st, in the morning, being the day after we stood out to sea, we
had several observations of the sun and moon. Their results gave the
longitude 72° 33ʹ 36ʺ E. The time-keeper, in this situation, gave 72°
38ʹ 15ʺ. These observations were the more useful, as we had not been
able to get any for some time before, and they now served to assure us
that no material error had crept into the time-keeper.
On the 1st of January, being then in the latitude of 48° 41ʹ S.
longitude 76° 50ʹ E. the variation was 30° 39ʹ W. and the next day, in
the latitude of 48° 22ʹ S., longitude 80° 22ʹ E., it was 30° 47ʹ 18ʺ W.
This was the greatest variation we found in this passage; for afterward
it began to decrease, but so slowly, that, on the 3d, in the evening,
being then in the latitude of 48° 16ʹ S. longitude 85° E. it was 29° 38ʹ
W.
Thus far we had fresh gales from the W. and S. W. and tolerably clear
weather. But now the wind veered to the N. where it continued eight
days, and was attended with a thick fog. During this time, we ran above
three hundred leagues in the dark. Now and then the weather would clear
up, and give us a sight of the sun; but this happened very seldom, and
was always of short continuance. On the 7th, I hoisted out a boat, and
sent an order to Captain Clerke, appointing Adventure Bay, in Van
Diemen’s Land, as our place of rendezvous, in case of separation before
we arrived in the meridian of that land. But we were fortunate enough,
amidst all this foggy weather, by frequently firing guns as signals,
though we seldom saw each other, not to lose company.
On the 12th, being in the latitude of 48° 40ʹ S., longitude 110° 26ʹ E.,
the northerly winds ended in a calm; which, after a few hours, was
succeeded by a wind from the southward. This, with rain, continued for
twenty-four hours; when it freshened, and veered to the west and
north-west, and brought on fair and clear weather.
We continued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thing
worthy of notice, till four o’clock in the morning of the 19th; when, in
a sudden squall of wind, though the Discovery received no damage, our
fore-top-mast went by the board, and carried the main-top-gallant-mast
with it. This occasioned some delay, as it took us up the whole day to
clear the wreck, and to fit another top-mast. The former was
accomplished without losing any part of it, except a few fathoms of
small rope. Not having a spare main-top-gallant-mast on board, the
fore-top-gallant-mast was converted into one for our immediate use.
The wind continued westerly, blew a fresh gale, and was attended with
clear weather; so that scarcely a day passed without being able to get
observations for fixing the longitude, and the variation of the compass.
The latter decreased in such a manner, that in the latitude of 44° 18ʹ
S., longitude 132° 2ʹ E., it was no more than 5° 34ʹ 18ʺ W.; and on the
22d, being then in the latitude of 43° 27ʹ S., longitude 141° 50ʹ E., it
was 1° 24ʹ 15ʺ E. So that we had crossed the line where the compass has
no variation.
On the 24th, at three o’clock in the morning, we discovered the coast of
Van Diemen’s Land, bearing N. 1/2 W. At four o’clock, the south-west
Cape bore N. N. W. 1/2 W.; and the Mewstone, N. E. by E. three leagues
distant. There are several islands and high rocks lying scattered along
this part of the coast, the southernmost of which is the Mewstone. It is
a round elevated rock, five or six leagues distant from the south-west
Cape, in the direction of S. 55° E.
At noon, our latitude was 43° 47ʹ S., longitude 147° E; and the
situation of the lands round us, as follows: An elevated round-topped
hill bore N. 17° W.; the south-west Cape N. 74° W.; the Mewstone, W. 1/2
N.; Swilly Isle or Rock, S. 49° E.; and the south-east or South Cape, N.
40° E. distant near three leagues. The land between the south-west and
the south capes is broken and hilly, the coast winding, with points
shooting out from it; but we were too far off; to be able to judge
whether the bays formed by these points were sheltered from the
sea-winds. The bay which appeared to be the largest and deepest, lies to
the westward of the peaked hill above-mentioned. The variation of the
compass here, was 5° 15ʹ E.
At six o’clock in the afternoon we sounded, and found sixty fathoms’
water, over a bottom of broken coral and shells. The South Cape then
bore N. 75° W., two or three leagues distant; Tasman’s Head N. E.; and
Swilly Rock S. by W. 1/2 W. About a league to the eastward of Swilly, is
another elevated rock, that is not taken notice of by Captain Furneaux.
I called it the Eddystone, from its very great resemblance to that
light-house. Nature seems to have left these two rocks here, for the
same purpose that the Eddystone light-house was built by man, viz. to
give navigators notice of the dangers around them. For they are the
conspicuous summits of a ledge of rocks under water, on which the sea,
in many places, breaks very high. Their surface is white with the dung
of sea-fowls; so that they may be seen at some distance, even in the
night. On the north-east side of Storm Bay, which lies between the South
Cape and Tasman’s Head, there are some coves or creeks, that seemed to
be sheltered from the sea-winds: and I am of opinion, that were this
coast examined, there would be found some good harbours.
Soon after we had sight of land, the westerly winds left us, and were
succeeded by variable light airs and alternate calms, till the 26th at
noon. At that time a breeze sprung up and freshened at south-east, which
put it in my power to carry into execution the design I had, upon due
consideration, formed, of carrying the ships into Adventure Bay, where I
might expect to get a supply of wood, and of grass for the cattle; of
both which articles we should, as I now found, have been in great want,
if I had waited till our arrival in New Zealand. We therefore stood for
the bay, and anchored in it at four o’clock in the afternoon, in twelve
fathoms’ water, over a bottom of sand and ouse. Penguin Island, which
lies close to the east point of the bay, bore N. 84° E.; the
southernmost point of Maria’s Islands bore N. 76° 1/2 E.; and Cape
Frederic Henry, or the north point of the bay, bore N. 33° E. Our
distance from the nearest shore was about three quarters of a mile.
As soon as we had anchored, I ordered the boats to be hoisted out. In
one of them I went myself, to look for the most commodious place for
furnishing ourselves with the necessary supplies; and Captain Clerke
went in his boat upon the same service. Wood and water we found in
plenty, and in situations convenient enough, especially the first. But
grass, of which we stood most in need, was scarce, and also very coarse.
Necessity, however, obliged us to take such as we could get.
Next morning early, I sent Lieutenant King to the east side of the bay,
with two parties; one to cut wood, and the other to cut grass, under the
protection of the marines, whom I judged it prudent to land as a guard.
For although, as yet, none of the natives had appeared, there could be
no doubt that some were in our neighbourhood, as we had seen columns of
smoke, from the time of our approaching the coast; and some now was
observed, at no great distance up in the woods. I also sent the launch
for water; and afterwards visited all the parties myself. In the
evening, we drew the seine at the head of the bay, and, at one haul,
caught a great quantity of fish. We should have got many more, had not
the net broken in drawing it ashore. Most of them were of that sort
known to seamen by the name of elephant fish. After this every one
repaired on board with what wood and grass we had cut, that we might be
ready to sail whenever the wind should serve.
This not happening next morning, the people were sent on shore again, on
the same duty as the day before. I also employed the carpenter, with
part of his crew, to cut some spars for the use of the ship; and
dispatched Mr. Roberts, one of the mates, in a small boat, to survey the
bay.
In the afternoon, we were agreeably surprised, at the place where we
were cutting wood, with a visit from some of the natives; eight men and
a boy. They approached us from the woods, without betraying any marks of
fear, or rather with the greatest confidence imaginable; for none of
them had any weapons, except one, who held in his hand a stick about two
feet long, and pointed at one end.
They were quite naked, and wore no ornaments; unless we consider as
such, and as a proof of their love of finery, some large punctures or
ridges raised on different parts of their bodies, some in straight, and
others in curved lines.
They were of the common stature, but rather slender. Their skin was
black, and also their hair, which was as woolly as that of any native of
Guinea; but they were not distinguished by remarkably thick lips, nor
flat noses. On the contrary, their features were far from being
disagreeable. They had pretty good eyes; and their teeth were tolerably
even, but very dirty. Most of them had their hair and beards smeared
with a red ointment; and some had their faces also painted with the same
composition.
They received every present we made to them without the least appearance
of satisfaction. When some bread was given, as soon as they understood
that it was to be eaten, they either returned it, or threw it away,
without even tasting it. They also refused some elephant fish, both raw
and dressed, which we offered to them. But upon giving some birds to
them, they did not return these, and easily made us comprehend that they
were fond of such food. I had brought two pigs ashore, with a view to
leave them in the woods. The instant these came within their reach, they
seized them, as a dog would have done, by the ears, and were for
carrying them off immediately; with no other intention, as we could
perceive, but to kill them.
Being desirous of knowing the use of the stick which one of our visitors
carried in his hand, I made signs to them to shew me; and so far
succeeded, that one of them set up a piece of wood as a mark, and threw
at it, at the distance of about twenty yards. But we had little reason
to commend his dexterity; for after repeated trials, he was still very
wide from the object. Omai, to shew them how much superior our weapons
were to their’s, then fired his musket at it; which alarmed them so
much, that notwithstanding all we could do or say, they ran instantly
into the woods. One of them was so frightened, that he let drop an axe
and two knives, that had been given to him. From us, however, they went
to the place where some of the Discovery’s people were employed in
taking water into their boat. The officer of that party, not knowing
that they had paid us so friendly a visit, nor what their intent might
be, fired a musket in the air, which sent them off with the greatest
precipitation.
Thus ended our first interview with the natives. Immediately after their
final retreat, judging that their fears would prevent their remaining
near enough to observe what was passing, I ordered the two pigs, being a
boar and sow, to be carried about a mile within the woods, at the head
of the bay. I saw them left there, by the side of a fresh-water brook. A
young bull and a cow, and some sheep and goats, were also, at first,
intended to have been left by me, as an additional present to Van
Diemen’s Land. But I soon laid aside all thoughts of this, from a
persuasion that the natives, incapable of entering into my views of
improving their country, would destroy them. If ever they should meet
with the pigs, I have no doubt this will be their fate. But as that race
of animals soon becomes wild, and is fond of the thickest cover of the
woods, there is great probability of their being preserved. An open
place must have been chosen for the accommodation of the other cattle;
and in such a situation, they could not possibly have remained concealed
many days.
The morning of the 29th was ushered in with a dead calm, which continued
all day, and effectually prevented our sailing. I therefore sent a party
over to the east point of the bay to cut grass; having been informed
that some of a superior quality grew there. Another party, to cut wood,
was ordered to go to the usual place, and I accompanied them myself. We
had observed several of the natives, this morning, sauntering along the
shore, which assured us, that though their consternation had made them
leave us so abruptly the day before, they were convinced that we
intended them no mischief, and were desirous of renewing the
intercourse. It was natural that I should wish to be present on the
occasion.
We had not been long landed, before about twenty of them, men and boys,
joined us, without expressing the least sign of fear or distrust. There
was one of this company conspicuously deformed; and who was not more
distinguishable by the hump upon his back, than by the drollery of his
gestures, and the seeming humour of his speeches; which he was very fond
of exhibiting, as we supposed, for our entertainment. But,
unfortunately, we could not understand him; the language spoken here
being wholly unintelligible to us. It appeared to me to be different
from that spoken by the inhabitants of the more northern parts of this
country, whom I met with in my first voyage; which is not extraordinary,
since those we now saw, and those we then visited, differ in many other
respects.[145] Nor did they seem to be such miserable wretches as the
natives whom Dampier mentions to have seen on its western coast.[146]
Some of our present groupe wore loose round their necks three or four
folds of small cord, made of the fur of some animal; and others of them
had a narrow slip of the _kangooroo_ skin tied round their ancles. I
gave to each of them a string of beads, and a medal; which I thought
they received with some satisfaction. They seemed to set no value on
iron, or on iron tools. They were even ignorant of the use of
fish-hooks, if we might judge from their manner of looking at some of
our’s which we shewed to them.
We cannot, however, suppose it to be possible that a people who inhabit
a sea-coast, and who seem to derive no part of their sustenance from the
productions of the ground, should not be acquainted with some mode of
catching fish, although we did not happen to see any of them thus
employed; nor observe any canoe or vessel, in which they could go upon
the water. Though they absolutely rejected the sort of fish that we
offered to them, it was evident that shell-fish, at least, made a part
of their food, from the many heaps of muscle-shells we saw in different
parts near the shore, and about some deserted habitations near the head
of the bay. These were little sheds or hovels built of sticks, and
covered with bark. We could also perceive evident signs of their
sometimes taking up their abode in the trunks of large trees, which had
been hollowed out by fire, most probably for this very purpose. In or
near all these habitations, and wherever there was a heap of shells,
there remained the marks of fire; an indubitable proof that they do not
eat their food raw.
After staying about an hour with the wooding party and the natives, as I
could now be pretty confident that the latter were not likely to give
the former any disturbance, I left them, and went over to the
grass-cutters on the east point of the bay, and found that they had met
with a fine patch. Having seen the boats loaded, I left that party, and
returned on board to dinner; where, some time after, Lieutenant King
arrived.
From him I learnt, that I had but just left the shore, when several
women and children made their appearance, and were introduced to him by
some of the men who attended them. He gave presents to all of them, of
such trifles as he had about him. These females wore a _kangooroo_ skin
(in the same shape as it came from the animal) tied over the shoulders,
and round the waist. But its only use seemed to be, to support their
children when carried on their backs; for it did not cover those parts
which most nations conceal; being, in all other respects, as naked as
the men, and as black, and their bodies marked with scars in the same
manner. But in this they differed from the men, that though their hair
was of the same colour and texture, some of them had their heads
completely shorn or shaved; in others this operation had been performed
only on one side, while the rest of them had all the upper part of the
head shorn close, leaving a circle of hair all round, somewhat like the
tonsure of the Romish ecclesiastics.[147] Many of the children had fine
features, and were thought pretty; but of the persons of the women,
especially those advanced in years, a less favourable report was made.
However, some of the gentlemen belonging to the Discovery, I was told,
paid their addresses, and made liberal offers of presents, which were
rejected with great disdain; whether from a sense of virtue, or the fear
of displeasing their men, I shall not pretend to determine. That this
gallantry was not very agreeable to the latter, is certain: for an
elderly man, as soon as he observed it, ordered all the women and
children to retire, which they obeyed, though some of them shewed a
little reluctance.
This conduct of Europeans amongst savages to their women, is highly
blameable; as it creates a jealousy in their men, that may be attended
with consequences fatal to the success of the common enterprize, and to
the whole body of adventurers, without advancing the private purpose of
the individual, or enabling him to gain the object of his wishes. I
believe it has been generally found amongst uncivilized people, that
where the women are easy of access, the men are the first to offer them
to strangers; and that, where this is not the case, neither the
allurement of presents, nor the opportunity of privacy, will be likely
to have the desired effect. This observation, I am sure, will hold good
throughout all the parts of the South Sea where I have been. Why then
should men act so absurd a part, as to risk their own safety, and that
of all their companions, in pursuit of a gratification which they have
no probability of obtaining?
In the afternoon I went again to the grass-cutters, to forward their
work. I found them then upon Penguin Island, where they had met with a
plentiful crop of excellent grass. We laboured hard till sunset, and
then repaired on board, satisfied with the quantity we had collected,
and which I judged sufficient to last till our arrival in New Zealand.
During our whole stay, we had either calms or light airs from the
eastward. Little or no time, therefore, was lost by my putting in at
this place. For if I had kept the sea, we should not have been twenty
leagues advanced farther on our voyage. And, short as our continuance
was here, it has enabled me to add somewhat to the imperfect
acquaintance that hath hitherto been acquired with this part of the
globe.
Van Diemen’s Land has been twice visited before. It was so named by
Tasman, who discovered it in November 1642. From that time it had
escaped all farther notice by European navigators, till Captain Furneaux
touched at it in March 1773. I hardly need say, that it is the southern
point of New Holland, which, if it doth not deserve the name of a
continent, is by far the largest island in the world.
The land is, for the most part, of a good height, diversified with hills
and valleys, and every where of a greenish hue. It is well wooded; and
if one may judge from appearances, and from what we met with in
Adventure Bay, is not ill supplied with water. We found plenty of it in
three or four places in this bay. The best, or what is most convenient
for ships that touch here, is a rivulet, which is one of several that
fall into a pond that lies behind the beach at the head of the bay. It
there mixes with the sea-water; so that it must be taken up above this
pond, which may be done without any great trouble. Fire-wood is to be
got with great ease in several places.
The only wind to which this bay is exposed, is the N. E. But as this
wind blows from Maria’s islands, it can bring no very great sea along
with it; and, therefore, upon the whole, this may be accounted a very
safe road. The bottom is clean, good holding ground; and the depth of
water from twelve to five and four fathoms. But the annexed chart will
convey a better idea of every thing necessary to be known about
Adventure Bay, than any description.
Captain Furneaux’s sketch of Van Diemen’s Land, published with the
Narrative of my last Voyage[148], appears to me to be without any
material error, except with regard to Maria’s Islands, which have a
different situation from what is there represented. What my idea of them
is, will be seen in the sketch of that coast here inserted; and I insert
it, not as the result of a more faithful, but merely of a second
examination. The longitude was determined by a great number of lunar
observations which we had before we made the land, while we were in
sight of it, and after we had left it; and reduced to Adventure Bay, and
the several principal points, by the time-keeper. The following Table
will exhibit both the longitude and latitude at one view:
Latitude south. Longitude east.
Adventure Bay, 43° 21ʹ 20ʺ 147° 29ʹ 0ʺ
Tasman’s Head, 43 33 0 147 28 0
South Cape, 43 42 0 146 56 0
South-west Cape, 43 37 0 146 7 0
Swilly Isle, 43 55 0 147 6 0
Adventure Bay, Variation of the compass 5° 15ʹ
east. Dip of the south-end of
the needle 70° 15-1/2ʹ.
We had high-water on the 29th, being two days before the last quarter of
the moon, at nine in the morning. The perpendicular rise then was
eighteen inches; and there was no appearance of its having ever exceeded
two feet and a half. These are all the memorials useful to navigation,
which my short stay has enabled me to preserve, with respect to Van
Diemen’s Land.
Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, with his usual diligence, spent the few days
we remained in Adventure Bay, in examining the country. His account of
its natural productions, with which he favoured me, will more than
compensate for my silence about them: some of his remarks on the
inhabitants will supply what I may have omitted or represented
imperfectly; and his specimen of their language, however short, will be
thought worth attending to, by those who wish to collect materials for
tracing the origin of nations. I shall only premise, that the tall
straight forest trees which Mr. Anderson describes in the following
account, are of a different sort from those which are found in the more
northern parts of this coast. The wood is very long and close-grained;
extremely tough; fit for spars, oars, and many other uses; and would, on
occasion, make good masts (perhaps none better), if a method could be
found to lighten it.
“At the bottom of Adventure Bay is a beautiful sandy beach, which seems
to be wholly formed by the particles washed by the sea from a very fine
white sand-stone, that in many places bounds the shore, and of which
Fluted Cape, in the neighbourhood, from its appearance, seems to be
composed. This beach is about two miles long, and is excellently adapted
for hauling a seine, which both ships did repeatedly with success.
Behind this, is a plain or flat, with a salt, or rather brackish lake
(running in length parallel with the beach), out of which we caught,
with angling rods, many whitish bream, and some small trout. The other
parts of the country adjoining the bay are quite hilly; and both those
and the flat are an entire forest of very tall trees, rendered almost
impassible by shrubs, brakes of fern, and fallen trees; except on the
sides of some of the hills, where the trees are but thin, and a coarse
grass is the only interruption.
“To the northward of the bay, there is low land, stretching farther than
the eye can reach, which is only covered with wood in certain spots; but
we had no opportunity to examine in what respects it differed from the
hilly country. The soil on the flat land is either sandy, or consists of
a yellowish mould, and, in some places, of a reddish clay. The same is
found on the lower part of the hills; but farther up, especially where
there are few trees, it is of a gray tough cast, to appearance very
poor.
“In the valleys between the hills, the water drains down from their
sides; and at last, in some places, forms small brooks; such indeed as
were sufficient to supply us with water, but by no means of that size we
might expect in so extensive a country, especially as it is both hilly
and well wooded. Upon the whole, it has many marks of being naturally a
very dry country; and perhaps might (independent of its wood) be
compared to Africa, about the Cape of Good Hope, though that lies ten
degrees farther northward, rather than to New Zealand, on its other
side, in the same latitude, where we find every valley, however small,
furnished with a considerable stream of water. The heat too appears to
be great, as the thermometer stood at 64, 70, and once at 74. And it was
remarked, that birds were seldom killed an hour or two, before they were
almost covered with small maggots, which I would rather attribute merely
to the heat; as we had not any reason to suppose there is a peculiar
disposition in the climate to render substances soon putrid.
“No mineral bodies, nor indeed stones of any other sort, but the white
sand one already mentioned, were observed.
“Amongst the vegetable productions, there is not one, that we could
find, which afforded the smallest subsistence for man.
“The forest trees are all of one sort, growing to a great height, and in
general quite straight, branching but little, till towards the top. The
bark is white, which makes them appear, at a distance, as if they had
been peeled; it is also thick; and within it are sometimes collected,
pieces of a reddish transparent gum or resin, which has an astringent
taste. The leaves of this tree are long, narrow, and pointed; and it
bears clusters of small white flowers, whose cups were, at this time,
plentifully scattered about the ground, with another sort resembling
them somewhat in shape, but much larger; which makes it probable that
there are two _species_ of this tree. The bark of the smaller branches,
fruit, and leaves, have an agreeable pungent taste, and aromatic smell,
not unlike peppermint; and in its nature, it has some affinity to the
_myrtus_ of botanists.
“The most common tree, next to this, is a small one about ten feet high,
branching pretty much, with narrow leaves, and a large, yellow,
cylindrical flower, consisting only of a vast number of filaments;
which, being shed, leave a fruit like a pine-top. Both the
above-mentioned trees are unknown in Europe.
“The underwood consists chiefly of a shrub somewhat resembling a myrtle,
and which seems to be the _leptospermum scoparium_, mentioned in Dr.
Forster’s _Char. Gen. Plant._; and, in some places, of another, rather
smaller, which is a new _species_ of the _melaleuca_ of Linnæus.
“Of other plants, which are by no means numerous, there is a _species_
of _gladiolus_, rush, bell-flower, samphire, a small sort of
wood-sorrel, milk-wort, cudweed, and Job’s tears; with a few others,
peculiar to the place. There are several kinds of fern, as polypody,
spleenwort, female fern, and some mosses; but the _species_ are either
common, or at least found in some other countries, especially New
Zealand.
“The only animal of the quadruped kind we got, was a sort of _opossum_,
about twice the size of a large rat; and is, most probably, the male of
that _species_ found at Endeavour River, as mentioned in Hawkesworth’s
Collection of Voyages.[149] It is of a dusky colour above, tinged with a
brown or rusty cast, and whitish below. About a third of the tail,
towards its tip, is white, and bare underneath; by which it probably
hangs on the branches of trees, as it climbs these, and lives on
berries. The _kangooroo_, another animal found farther northward in New
Holland, as described in the same Voyage[150], without all doubt also
inhabits here, as the natives we met with had some pieces of their
skins; and we several times saw animals, though indistinctly, run from
the thickets when we walked in the woods, which, from the size, could be
no other. It should seem also, that they are in considerable numbers,
from the dung we saw almost every where, and from the narrow tracks or
paths they have made amongst the shrubbery.
“There are several sorts of birds, but all so scarce and shy, that they
are evidently harassed by the natives, who, perhaps, draw much of their
subsistence from them. In the woods, the principal sorts are large brown
hawks or eagles; crows, nearly the same as ours in England; yellowish
paroquets; and large pigeons. There are also three or four small birds,
one of which is of the thrush kind; and another small one, with a pretty
long tail, has part of the head and neck of a most beautiful azure
colour; from whence we named it _motacilla cyanea_. On the shore were
several common and sea gulls; a few black oyster catchers, or sea pies;
and a pretty plover of a stone colour, with a black hood. About the pond
or lake behind the beach, a few wild ducks were seen; and some shags
used to perch upon the high leafless trees near the shore.
“Some pretty large blackish snakes were seen in the woods; and we killed
a large, hitherto unknown, lizard, fifteen inches long and six round,
elegantly clouded with black and yellow; besides a small sort, of a
brown gilded colour above, and rusty below.
“The sea affords a much greater plenty, and at least as great a variety
as the land. Of these the elephant fish, or _pejegallo_, mentioned in
Frezier’s Voyage[151], are the most numerous; and though inferior to
many other fish, were very palatable food. Several large rays, nurses,
and small leather-jackets, were caught; with some small white bream,
which were firmer and better than those caught in the lake. We likewise
got a few soles and flounders; two sorts of gurnards, one of them a new
_species_; some small spotted mullet; and, very unexpectedly, the small
fish with a silver band on its side, called _atherina hepsetus_ by
Hasselquist.[152]
“But that next in number, and superior in goodness, to the elephant
fish, was a sort none of us recollected to have seen before. It partakes
of the nature both of a round and of a flat fish, having the eyes placed
very near each other; the fore-part of the body much flattened or
depressed, and the rest rounded. It is of a brownish sandy colour, with
rusty spots on the upper part, and whitish below. From the quantity of
slime it was always covered with, it seems to live after the manner of
flat fish, at the bottom.
“Upon the rocks are plenty of muscles, and some other small shell-fish.
There are also great numbers of sea-stars; some small limpets; and large
quantities of sponge; one sort of which, that is thrown on shore by the
sea, but not very common, has a most delicate texture; and another, is
the _spongia dichotoma_.
“Many pretty _Medusa’s heads_ were found upon the beach; and the
stinking _laplysia_, or sea-hare, which, as mentioned by some authors,
has the property of taking off the hair by the acrimony of its juice;
but this sort was deficient in this respect.
“Insects, though not numerous, are here in considerable variety. Amongst
them are grashoppers, butterflies, and several sorts of small moths,
finely variegated. There are two sorts of dragon-flies, gad-flies,
camel-flies; several sorts of spiders; and some scorpions; but the last
are rather rare. The most troublesome, though not very numerous tribe of
insects, are the musquitoes; and a large black ant, the pain of whose
bite is almost intolerable, during the short time it lasts. The
musquitoes, also, make up the deficiency of their number, by the
severity of their venemous _proboscis_.
“The inhabitants whom we met with here, had little of that fierce or
wild appearance common to people in their situation; but, on the
contrary, seemed mild and cheerful, without reserve or jealousy of
strangers. This, however, may arise from their having little to lose or
care for.
“With respect to personal activity or genius, we can say but little of
either. They do not seem to possess the first in any remarkable degree;
and as for the last, they have, to appearance, less than even the
half-animated inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, who have not invention
sufficient to make clothing for defending themselves from the rigor of
their climate, though furnished with the materials. The small stick,
rudely pointed, which one of them carried in his hand, was the only
thing we saw that required any mechanical exertion, if we except the
fixing on the feet of some of them pieces of _kangooroo_ skin, tied with
thongs; though it could not be learnt whether these were in use as
shoes, or only to defend some sore. It must be owned, however, they are
masters of some contrivance, in the manner of cutting their arms and
bodies in lines of different lengths and directions, which are raised
considerably above the surface of the skin, so that it is difficult to
guess the method they use in executing this embroidery of their persons.
Their not expressing that surprize which one might have expected from
their seeing men so much unlike themselves, and things to which, we were
well assured, they had been hitherto utter strangers, their indifference
for our presents, and their general inattention, were sufficient proofs
of their not possessing any acuteness of understanding.
“Their colour is a dull black, and not quite so deep as that of the
African Negroes. It should seem also, that they sometimes heightened
their black colour, by smutting their bodies; as a mark was left behind
on any clean substance, such as white paper, when they handled it. Their
hair, however, is perfectly woolly, and it is clotted or divided into
small parcels, like that of the Hottentots, with the use of some sort of
grass, mixed with a red paint or ochre, which they smear in great
abundance over their heads. This practice, as some might imagine, has
not the effect of changing their hair into the frizzling texture we
observed; for, on examining the head of a boy, which appeared never to
have been smeared, I found the hair to be of the same kind. Their noses,
though not flat, are broad and full. The lower part of the face projects
a good deal, as is the case of most Indians I have seen; so that a line
let fall from the forehead, would cut off a much larger portion than it
would in Europeans. Their eyes are of a middling size, with the white
less clear than in us; and though not remarkably quick or piercing, such
as give a frank cheerful cast to the whole countenance. Their teeth are
broad, but not equal, nor well set; and either from nature or from dirt,
not of so true a white as is usual among people of a black colour. Their
mouths are rather wide; but this appearance seems heightened by wearing
their beards long, and clotted with paint, in the same manner as the
hair on their heads. In other respects, they are well-proportioned;
though the belly seems rather projecting. This may be owing to the want
of compression there, which few nations do not use, more or less. The
posture of which they seem fondest, is to stand with one side forward,
or the upper part of the body gently reclined, and one hand grasping
(across the back) the opposite arm, which hangs down by the projecting
side.
“What the ancient poets tell us of _Fauns_ and _Satyrs_ living in hollow
trees, is here realized. Some wretched constructions of sticks, covered
with bark, which do not even deserve the name of huts, were indeed found
near the shore in the bay; but these seemed only to have been erected
for temporary purposes; and many of their largest trees were converted
into more comfortable habitations. These had their trunks hollowed out
by fire, to the height of six or seven feet; and that they take up their
abode in them sometimes, was evident from the hearths, made of clay, to
contain the fire in the middle, leaving room for four or five persons to
sit round it.[153] At the same time, these places of shelter are
durable; for they take care to leave one side of the tree sound, which
is sufficient to keep it growing as luxuriantly as those which remain
untouched.
“The inhabitants of this place are, doubtless, from the same stock with
those of the northern parts of New Holland. Though some of the
circumstances mentioned by Dampier, relative to those he met with on the
western coast of this country, such as their defective sight, and want
of fore-teeth, are not found here; and though Hawkesworth’s account of
those met with by Captain Cook on the east side, shows also that they
differ in many respects; yet still, upon the whole, I am persuaded that
distance of place, entire separation, diversity of climate, and length
of time, all concurring to operate, will account for greater
differences, both as to their persons and as to their customs, than
really exist between our Van Diemen’s Land natives, and those described
by Dampier, and in Captain Cook’s first voyage. This is certain, that
the figure of one of those seen in Endeavour River, and represented in
Sidney Parkinson’s Journal of that voyage, very much resembles our
visitors in Adventure Bay. That there is not the like resemblance in
their language, is a circumstance that need not create any difficulty.
For though the agreement of the languages of people living distant from
each other, may be assumed as a strong argument for their having sprung
from one common source; disagreement of language is by no means a proof
of the contrary.[154]
“However, we must have a far more intimate acquaintance with the
languages spoken here and in the more northern parts of New Holland,
before we can be warranted to pronounce that they are totally different.
Nay, we have good grounds for the opposite opinion; for we found that
the animal called _kangooroo_ at Endeavour River, was known under the
same name here; and I need not observe that it is scarcely possible to
suppose that this was not transmitted from one another, but accidentally
adopted by two nations, differing in language and extraction. Besides,
as it seems very improbable that the Van Diemen’s Land inhabitants
should have ever lost the use of canoes or sailing vessels, if they had
been originally conveyed thither by sea, we must necessarily admit that
they, as well as the _kangooroo_ itself, have been stragglers by land
from the more northern parts of the country. And if there be any force
in this observation, while it traces the origin of the people, it will,
at the same time, serve to fix another point, if Captain Cook and
Captain Furneaux have not already decided it, that New Holland is no
where totally divided by the sea into islands, as some have
imagined.[155]
“As the New Hollanders seem all to be of the same extraction, so neither
do I think there is any thing peculiar in them. On the contrary, they
much resemble many of the inhabitants whom I have seen at the islands
Tanna and Manicola. Nay, there is even some foundation for hazarding a
supposition, that they may have originally come from the same place with
all the inhabitants of the South Sea. For, of only about ten words which
we could get from them, that which expresses _cold_, differs little from
that of New Zealand and Otaheite; the first being _Mallareede_, the
second _Makka’reede_, and the third _Ma’reede_. The rest of our very
scanty Van Diemen’s Land Vocabulary is as follows:
Quadne, _A woman._
Eve’rai, _The eye._
Muidje, _The nose._
Ka’my, _The teeth, mouth, or tongue._
Lae’renne, _A small bird, a native of the woods here._
Koy’gee, _The ear._
No’onga, _Elevated scars on the body._
Teegera, _To eat._
Toga’rago, _I must be gone_, or _I will go_.
“Their pronunciation is not disagreeable, but rather quick; though not
more so than is that of other nations of the South Sea; and, if we may
depend upon the affinity of languages as a clue to guide us in
discovering the origin of nations, I have no doubt but we shall find, on
a diligent inquiry, and when opportunities offer to collect accurately a
sufficient number of these words, and to compare them, that all the
people from New Holland, eastward to Easter Island, have been derived
from the same common root.”[156]
CHAP. VII.
THE PASSAGE FROM VAN DIEMEN’S LAND TO NEW ZEALAND.—EMPLOYMENTS IN QUEEN
CHARLOTTE’S SOUND.—TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES THERE.—INTELLIGENCE
ABOUT THE MASSACRE OF THE ADVENTURE’S BOAT’S CREW.—ACCOUNT OF THE
CHIEF WHO HEADED THE PARTY ON THAT OCCASION.—OF THE TWO YOUNG MEN WHO
EMBARK TO ATTEND OMAI.—VARIOUS REMARKS ON THE INHABITANTS.—
ASTRONOMICAL AND NAUTICAL OBSERVATIONS.
At eight o’clock in the morning of the 30th of January, a light breeze
springing up at W., we weighed anchor, and put to sea from Adventure
Bay. Soon after, the wind veered to the southward, and increased to a
perfect storm. Its fury abated in the evening, when it veered to the E.
and N. E.
This gale was indicated by the barometer, for the wind no sooner began
to blow, than the mercury in the tube began to fall. Another remarkable
thing attended the coming on of this wind, which was very faint at
first. It brought with it a degree of heat that was almost intolerable.
The mercury in the thermometer rose, as it were instantaneously, from
about 70° to near 90°. This heat was of so short a continuance, that it
seemed to be wafted away before the breeze that brought it; so that some
on board did not perceive it.
We pursued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thing
worthy of note, till the night between the 6th and 7th of February, when
a marine belonging to the Discovery fell over board, and was never seen
afterward. This was the second misfortune of the kind that had happened
to Captain Clerke since he left England.
On the 10th, at four in the afternoon, we discovered the land of New
Zealand. The part we saw proved to be Rock’s Point, and bore S. E. by
S., about eight or nine leagues distant. During this run from Van
Diemen’s Land, the wind, for the first four or five days, was at N. E.,
N., and N. N. W., and blew, for the most part, a gentle breeze. It
afterward veered to S. E., where it remained twenty-four hours. It then
came to W. and S. W.; in which points it continued, with very little
deviation, till we reached New Zealand.
After making the land, I steered for Cape Farewell, which at day-break,
the next morning, bore S. by W., distant about four leagues. At eight
o’clock, it bore S. W. by S., about five leagues distant; and, in this
situation, we had forty-five fathoms’ water over a sandy bottom. In
rounding the Cape we had fifty fathoms, and the same sort of bottom.
I now steered for Stephen’s Island, which we came up with at nine
o’clock at night; and at ten, next morning, anchored in our old station,
in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.[157] Unwilling to lose any time, our
operations commenced that very afternoon, when we landed a number of
empty water-casks, and began to clear a place where we might set up the
two observatories, and tents for the reception of a guard, and of such
of our people whose business might make it necessary for them to remain
on shore.
We had not been long at anchor before several canoes, filled with
natives, came along-side of the ships; but very few of them would
venture on board; which appeared the more extraordinary, as I was well
known to them all. There was one man in particular amongst them, whom I
had treated with remarkable kindness, during the whole of my stay when I
was last here. Yet now, neither professions of friendship, nor presents,
could prevail upon him to come into the ship. This shyness was to be
accounted for only upon this supposition, that they were apprehensive we
had revisited their country, in order to revenge the death of Captain
Furneaux’s people. Seeing Omai on board my ship now, whom they must have
remembered to have seen on board the Adventure when the melancholy
affair happened, and whose first conversation with them, as they
approached, generally turned on that subject, they must be well assured
that I was no longer a stranger to it. I thought it necessary,
therefore, to use every endeavour to assure them of the continuance of
my friendship, and that I should not disturb them on that account. I do
not know whether this had any weight with them; but certain it is, that
they very soon laid aside all manner of restraint and distrust.
On the 13th we set up two tents, one from each ship; on the same spot
where he had pitched them formerly. The observatories were at the same
time erected; and Messrs. King and Bayly began their operations
immediately, to find the rate of the time-keeper, and to make other
observations. The remainder of the empty water-casks were also sent on
shore, with the cooper to trim, and a sufficient number of sailors to
fill them. Two men were appointed to brew spruce beer; and the carpenter
and his crew were ordered to cut wood. A boat, with a party of men,
under the direction of one of the mates, was sent to collect grass for
our cattle; and the people that remained on board were employed in
refitting the ship, and arranging the provisions. In this manner, we
were all profitably busied during our stay. For the protection of the
party on shore, I appointed a guard of ten marines, and ordered arms for
all the workmen; and Mr. King, and two or three petty officers,
constantly remained with them. A boat was never sent to any considerable
distance from the ships without being armed, and under the direction of
such officers as I could depend upon, and who were well acquainted with
the natives. During my former visits to this country, I had never taken
some of these precautions; nor were they, I firmly believe, more
necessary now than they had been formerly. But after the tragical fate
of the Adventure’s boat’s crew in this Sound, and of Captain Marion du
Fresne, and of some of his people, in the Bay of Islands[158], it was
impossible totally to divest ourselves of all apprehension of
experiencing a similar calamity.
If the natives entertained any suspicion of our revenging these acts of
barbarity, they very soon laid it aside. For, during the course of this
day, a great number of families came from different parts of the coast,
and took up their residence close to us; so that there was not a spot in
the cove where a hut could be put up, that was not occupied by them,
except the place where we had fixed our little encampment. This they
left us in quiet possession of; but they came and took away the ruins of
some old huts that were there, as materials for their new erections.
It is curious to observe with what facility they build these occasional
places of abode. I have seen above twenty of them erected on a spot of
ground, that, not an hour before, was covered with shrubs and plants.
They generally bring some part of the materials with them; the rest they
find upon the premises. I was present when a number of people landed,
and built one of these villages. The moment the canoes reached the
shore, the men leaped out, and at once took possession of a piece of
ground, by tearing up the plants and shrubs, or sticking up some part of
the framing of a hut. They then returned to their canoes, and secured
their weapons, by setting them up against a tree, or placing them in
such a position, that they could be laid hold of in an instant. I took
particular notice that no one neglected this precaution. While the men
were employed in raising the huts, the women were not idle. Some were
stationed to take care of the canoes; others to secure the provisions,
and the few utensils in their possession; and the rest went to gather
dry sticks, that a fire might be prepared for dressing their victuals.
As to the children, I kept them, as also some of the more aged,
sufficiently occupied in scrambling for beads, till I had emptied my
pockets, and then I left them.
These temporary habitations are abundantly sufficient to afford shelter
from the wind and rain, which is the only purpose they are meant to
answer. I observed that, generally, if not always, the same tribe or
family, though it were ever so large, associated and built together; so
that we frequently saw a village, as well as their larger towns, divided
into different districts, by low pallisades, or some similar mode of
separation.
The advantage we received from the natives coming to live with us, was
not inconsiderable. For, every day, when the weather would permit, some
of them went out to catch fish; and we generally got, by exchanges, a
good share of the produce of their labours. This supply, and what our
own nets and lines afforded us, was so ample, that we seldom were in
want of fish. Nor was there any deficiency of other refreshments.
Celery, scurvy-grass, and portable soup, were boiled with the peas and
wheat, for both ships’ companies, every day during our whole stay; and
they had spruce-beer for their drink. So that, if any of our people had
contracted the seeds of the scurvy, such a regimen soon removed them.
But the truth is, when we arrived here, there were only two invalids
(and these on board the Resolution) upon the sick lists in both ships.
Besides the natives who took up their abode close to us, we were
occasionally visited by others of them, whose residence was not far off;
and by some who lived more remote. Their articles of commerce were,
curiosities, fish, and women. The two first always came to a good
market; which the latter did not. The seamen had taken a kind of dislike
to these people; and were either unwilling, or afraid, to associate with
them; which produced this good effect, that I knew no instance of a
man’s quitting his station, to go to their habitations.
A connection with women I allow, because I cannot prevent it; but never
encourage, because I always dread its consequences. I know, indeed, that
many men are of opinion, that such an intercourse is one of our greatest
securities amongst savages; and perhaps they who, either from necessity
or choice, are to remain and settle with them, may find it so. But with
travellers and transient visitors, such as we were, it is generally
otherwise; and, in our situation, a connection with their women betrays
more men than it saves. What else can be reasonably expected, since all
their views are selfish, without the least mixture of regard or
attachment? My own experience, at least, which hath been pretty
extensive, hath not pointed out to me one instance to the contrary.
Amongst our occasional visitors, was a chief named Kahoora, who, as I
was informed, headed the party that cut off Captain Furneaux’s people,
and himself killed Mr. Rowe, the officer who commanded. To judge of the
character of Kahoora, by what I heard from many of his countrymen, he
seemed to be more feared than beloved amongst them. Not satisfied with
telling me that he was a very bad man, some of them even importuned me
to kill him; and, I believe, they were not a little surprised that I did
not listen to them; for, according to their ideas of equity, this ought
to have been done. But if I had followed the advice of all our pretended
friends, I might have extirpated the whole race; for the people of each
hamlet or village, by turns, applied to me to destroy the other. One
would have almost thought it impossible, that so striking a proof of the
divided state in which this miserable people live, could have been
assigned. And yet I was sure that I did not misconceive the meaning of
those who made these strange applications to me; for Omai, whose
language was a dialect of their own, and perfectly understood all that
they said, was our interpreter.
On the 15th, I made an excursion in my boat to look for grass, and
visited the Hippah, or fortified village, at the south-west point of
Motuara, and the places where our gardens had been planted on that
island. There were no people at the former; but the houses and
pallisades had been rebuilt, and were now in a state of good repair; and
there were other evident marks of its having been inhabited not long
before. It would be unnecessary, at present, to give a particular
account of this Hippah, sufficient notice having been taken of it in the
Account of my first Voyage, to which I refer.[159]
When the Adventure arrived first at Queen Charlotte’s Sound, in
1773[160], Mr. Bayly, fixed upon this place for making his observations;
and he, and the people with him, at their leisure hours, planted several
spots with English garden seeds. Not the least vestige of these now
remained. It is probable that they had been all rooted out to make room
for buildings, when the village was re-inhabited; for, at all the other
gardens then planted by Captain Furneaux, although now wholly over-run
with the weeds of the country, we found cabbages, onions, leeks,
purslain, radishes, mustard, &c. and a few potatoes. These potatoes,
which were first brought from the Cape of Good Hope, had been greatly
improved by change of soil; and, with proper cultivation, would be
superior to those produced in most other countries. Though the New
Zealanders are fond of this root, it was evident that they had not taken
the trouble to plant a single one (much less any other of the articles
which we had introduced); and if it were not for the difficulty of
clearing ground where potatoes had been once planted, there would not
have been any now remaining.
On the 16th, at day-break, I set out with a party of men, in five boats,
to collect food for our cattle. Captain Clerke, and several of the
officers, Omai, and two of the natives, accompanied me. We proceeded
about three leagues up the Sound, and then landed on the east side, at a
place where I had formerly been. Here we cut as much grass as loaded the
two launches.
As we returned down the Sound, we visited Grass Cove, the memorable
scene of the massacre of Captain Furneaux’s people. Here I met with my
old friend Pedro, who was almost continually with me the last time I was
in this Sound, and is mentioned in my History of that Voyage.[161] He,
and another of his countrymen, received us on the beach, armed with the
pa-too and spear. Whether this form of reception was a mark of their
courtesy or of their fear, I cannot say; but I thought they betrayed
manifest signs of the latter. However, if they had any apprehensions, a
few presents soon removed them, and brought down to the beach two or
three more of the family; but the greatest part of them remained out of
sight.
Whilst we were at this place, our curiosity prompted us to inquire into
the circumstances attending the melancholy fate of our countrymen; and
Omai was made use of as our interpreter for this purpose. Pedro, and the
rest of the natives present, answered all the questions that were put to
them on the subject, without reserve, and like men who are under no
dread of punishment for a crime of which they are not guilty. For we
already knew that none of them had been concerned in the unhappy
transaction. They told us, that while our people were sitting at dinner,
surrounded by several of the natives, some of the latter stole, or
snatched from them, some bread and fish, for which they were beat. This
being resented, a quarrel ensued, and two New Zealanders were shot dead,
by the only two muskets that were fired. For before our people had time
to discharge a third, or to load again those that had been fired, the
natives rushed in upon them, overpowered them with their numbers, and
put them all to death. Pedro and his companions, besides relating the
history of the massacre, made us acquainted with the very spot that was
the scene of it. It is at the corner of the cove on the right hand. They
pointed to the place of the sun, to mark to us at what hour of the day
it happened; and, according to this, it must have been late in the
afternoon. They also showed us the place where the boat lay; and it
appeared to be about two hundred yards distant from that where the crew
were seated. One of their number, a black servant of Captain Furneaux,
was left in the boat to take care of her.
We were afterward told that this black was the cause of the quarrel,
which was said to have happened thus: One of the natives stealing
something out of the boat, the negro gave him a severe blow with a
stick. The cries of the fellow being heard by his countrymen at a
distance, they imagined he was killed, and immediately began the attack
on our people; who, before they had time to reach the boat, or to arm
themselves against the unexpected impending danger, fell a sacrifice to
the fury of their savage assailants.
The first of these accounts, was confirmed by the testimony of many of
the natives, whom we conversed with, at different times, and who, I
think, could have no interest in deceiving us. The second manner of
relating the transaction, rests upon the authority of the young New
Zealander, who chose to abandon his country and go away with us, and
who, consequently, could have no possible view in disguising the truth.
All agreeing that the quarrel happened when the boat’s crew were sitting
at their meal, it is highly probable that both the accounts are true, as
they perfectly coincide. For we may very naturally suppose, that while
some of the natives were stealing from the man who had been left in the
boat, others of them might take the same liberties with the property of
our people who were on shore.
Be this as it will, all agree, that the quarrel first took its rise from
some thefts, in the commission of which the natives were detected. All
agree, also, that there was no premeditated plan of bloodshed, and that,
if these thefts had not been, unfortunately, too hastily resented, no
mischief would have happened. For Kahoora’s greatest enemies, those who
solicited his destruction most earnestly, at the same time confessed
that he had no intention to quarrel, much less to kill, till the fray
had actually commenced. It also appears that the unhappy victims were
under no sort of apprehension of their fate; otherwise they never would
have ventured to sit down to a repast at so considerable a distance from
their boat, amongst people who were the next moment to be their
murderers. What became of the boat I never could learn. Some said she
was pulled to pieces and burnt; others told us that she was carried,
they knew not whither, by a party of strangers.
We stayed here till the evening, when, having loaded the rest of the
boats with grass, celery, scurvy-grass, &c. we embarked to return to the
ships. We had prevailed upon Pedro to launch his canoe, and accompany
us; but we had scarcely put off from the shore, when the wind began to
blow very hard at north-west, which obliged him to put back. We
proceeded ourselves, but it was with a good deal of difficulty that we
could reach the ships; where some of the boats did not arrive till one
o’clock the next morning; and it was fortunate that they got on board
then, for it afterward blew a perfect storm, with abundance of rain, so
that no manner of work could go forward that day. In the evening the
gale ceased, and the wind having veered to the east, brought with it
fair weather.
The next day we resumed our works; the natives ventured out to catch
fish; and Pedro, with all his family, came and took up his abode near
us. This chief’s proper name is Matahouah; the other being given him by
some of my people during my last voyage, which I did not know till now.
He was, however, equally well known amongst his countrymen by both
names.
On the 20th, in the forenoon, we had another storm from the north-west.
Though this was not of so long continuance as the former, the gusts of
wind from the hills were far more violent, insomuch that we were obliged
to strike the yards and top-masts to the very utmost; and, even with all
this precaution, it was with difficulty that we rode it out. These
storms are very frequent here, and sometimes violent and troublesome.
The neighbouring mountains, which at these times are always loaded with
vapours, not only increase the force of the wind, but alter its
direction in such a manner, that no two blasts follow each other from
the same quarter; and the nearer the shore, the more their effects are
felt.
The next day we were visited by a tribe or family, consisting of about
thirty persons, men, women, and children, who came from the upper part
of the Sound. I had never seen them before. The name of their chief was
Tomatongeauooranuc; a man of about forty-five years of age, with a
cheerful open countenance. And, indeed, the rest of his tribe were, in
general, the handsomest of the New Zealand race I had ever met with.
By this time more than two-thirds of the inhabitants of the Sound had
settled themselves about us. Great numbers of them daily frequented the
ships, and the encampment on shore: but the latter became, by far, the
most favourite place of resort, while our people there were melting some
seal blubber. No Greenlander was ever fonder of train-oil, than our
friends here seem to be. They relished the very skimmings of the kettle,
and dregs of the casks; but a little of the pure stinking oil was a
delicious feast, so eagerly desired, that I supposed it is seldom
enjoyed.
Having got on board as much hay and grass as we judged sufficient to
serve the cattle till our arrival at Otaheite, and having completed the
wood and water of both ships, on the 23d we struck our tents, and
carried every thing off from the shore; and next morning we weighed
anchor, and stood out of the cove. But the wind not being very fair, and
finding that the tide of ebb would be spent before we could get out of
the Sound, we cast anchor again a little without the island Motuara, to
wait for a more favourable opportunity of putting into the strait.
While we were unmooring and getting under sail, Tomatongeauooranuc,
Matahouah, and many more of the natives, came to take their leave of us,
or rather to obtain, if they could, some additional present from us
before we left them. These two chiefs became suitors to me for some
goats, and hogs. Accordingly, I gave to Matahouah two goats, a male and
female with kid; and to Tomatongeauooranuc two pigs, a boar, and a sow.
They made me a promise not to kill them; though I must own I put no
great faith in this. The animals which Captain Furneaux sent on shore
here, and which soon after fell into the hands of the natives, I was now
told were all dead; but I could get no intelligence about the fate of
those I had left in West Bay, and in Cannibal Cove, when I was here in
the course of my last voyage. However, all the natives whom I conversed
with agreed, that poultry are now to be met with wild in the woods
behind Ship Cove; and I was afterward informed, by the two youths who
went away with us, that Tiratou, a popular chief amongst them, had a
great many cocks and hens in his separate possession, and one of the
sows.
On my present arrival at this place, I fully intended to have left not
only goats and hogs, but sheep, and a young bull, with two heifers, if I
could have found either a chief powerful enough to protect and keep
them, or a place where there might be a probability of their being
concealed from those who would ignorantly attempt to destroy them. But
neither the one nor the other presented itself to me. Tiratou was now
absent; and Tringoboohee, whom I had met with during my last
voyage[162], and who seemed to be a person of much consequence at that
time, had been killed five months ago, with about seventy persons of his
tribe; and I could not learn that there now remained in our
neighbourhood any tribe, whose numbers could secure to them a
superiority of power over the rest of their countrymen. To have given
the animals to any of the natives who possessed no such power, would not
have answered the intention. For, in a country like this, where no man’s
property is secure, they would soon have fallen a prey to different
parties, and been either separated or killed; but most likely both. This
was so evident, from what we had observed since our arrival, that I had
resolved to leave no kind of animal, till Matahouah and the other chief
solicited me for the hogs and goats. As I could spare them, I let them
go, to take their chance. I have, at different times, left in New
Zealand no less than ten or a dozen hogs, besides those put on shore by
Captain Furneaux. It will be a little extraordinary, therefore, if this
race should not increase and be preserved here, either in a wild or in a
domestic state, or in both.
We had not been long at anchor near Motuara, before three or four
canoes, filled with natives, came off to us from the south-east side of
the Sound; and a brisk trade was carried on with them for the
curiosities of this place. In one of these canoes was Kahoora, whom I
have already mentioned as the leader of the party who cut off the crew
of the Adventurer’s boat. This was the third time he had visited us,
without betraying the smallest appearance of fear. I was ashore when he
now arrived, but had got on board just as he was going away. Omai, who
had returned with me, presently pointed him out, and solicited me to
shoot him. Not satisfied with this, he addressed himself to Kahoora,
threatening to be his executioner, if ever he presumed to visit us
again.
The New Zealander paid so little regard to these threats, that he
returned, the next morning, with his whole family, men, women, and
children, to the number of twenty and upwards. Omai was the first who
acquainted me with his being along-side the ship, and desired to know if
he should ask him to come on board. I told him he might; and accordingly
he introduced the chief into the cabin, saying, “There is Kahoora; kill
him!” But, as if he had forgot his former threats, or were afraid that I
should call upon him to perform them, he immediately retired. In a short
time, however, he returned; and seeing the chief unhurt, he expostulated
with me very earnestly, saying, “Why do you not kill him? You tell me,
if a man kills another in England, that he is hanged for it. This man
has killed ten, and yet you will not kill him; though many of his
countrymen desire it, and it would be very good.” Omai’s arguments,
though specious enough, having no weight with me, I desired him to ask
the chief, why he had killed Captain Furneaux’s people? At this
question, Kahoora folded his arms, hung down his head, and looked like
one caught in a trap; and, I firmly believe, he expected instant death.
But no sooner was he assured of his safety, than he became cheerful. He
did not, however, seem willing to give me an answer to the question that
had been put to him, till I had, again and again, repeated my promise
that he should not be hurt. Then he ventured to tell us, that one of his
countrymen having brought a stone-hatchet to barter, the man to whom it
was offered took it, and would neither return it nor give any thing for
it; on which the owner of it snatched up the bread as an equivalent; and
then the quarrel began.
The remainder of Kahoora’s account of this unhappy affair differed very
little from what we had before learned from the rest of his countrymen.
He mentioned the narrow escape he had during the fray, a musket being
levelled at him, which he avoided by skulking behind the boat; and
another man, who stood close to him, was shot dead. As soon as the
musket was discharged, he instantly seized the opportunity to attack Mr.
Rowe, who commanded the party, and who defended himself with his hanger
(with which he wounded Kahoora in the arm), till he was overpowered by
numbers.
Mr. Burney, who was sent by Captain Furneaux the next day[163] with an
armed party, to look for his missing people, upon discovering the horrid
proofs of their shocking fate, had fired several vollies amongst the
crowds of natives who still remained assembled on the spot, and were,
probably, partaking of the detestable banquet. It was natural to suppose
that he had not fired in vain; and that, therefore, some of the
murderers and devourers of our unhappy countrymen had suffered under our
just resentment. Upon enquiry, however, into this matter, not only from
Kahoora, but from others who had opportunities of knowing, it appeared
that our supposition was groundless, and that not one of the shot fired
by Mr. Burney’s people had taken effect, so as to kill, or even to hurt,
a single person.
It was evident, that most of the natives we had met with since our
arrival, as they knew I was fully acquainted with the history of the
massacre, expected I should avenge it with the death of Kahoora. And
many of them seemed not only to wish it, but expressed their surprise at
my forbearance. As he could not be ignorant of this, it was a matter of
wonder to me, that he put himself so often in my power. When he visited
us while the ships lay in the Cove, confiding in the number of his
friends that accompanied him, he might think himself safe. But his two
last visits had been made under such circumstances, that he could no
longer rely upon this. We were then at anchor in the entrance of the
Sound, and at some distance from any shore; so that he could not have
any assistance from thence, nor flatter himself he could have the means
of making his escape, had I determined to detain him. And yet, after his
first fears, on being interrogated, were over, he was so far from
entertaining any uneasy sensations, that, on seeing a portrait of one of
his countrymen hanging up in the cabin, he desired to have his own
portrait drawn; and sat till Mr. Webber had finished it, without marking
the least impatience. I must confess, I admired his courage, and was not
a little pleased to observe the extent of the confidence he put in me.
For he placed his whole safety in the declarations I had uniformly made
to those who solicited his death, that I had always been a friend to
them all, and would continue so, unless they gave me cause to act
otherwise; that as to their inhuman treatment of our people, I should
think no more of it, the transaction having happened long ago, and when
I was not present; but that, if ever they made a second attempt of that
kind, they might rest assured of feeling the weight of my resentment.
For some time before we arrived at New Zealand, Omai had expressed a
desire to take one of the natives with him to his own country. We had
not been there many days, before he had an opportunity of being
gratified in this; for a youth about seventeen or eighteen years of age,
named Taweiharooa, offered to accompany him; and took up his residence
on board. I paid little attention to this at first, imagining that he
would leave us when we were about to depart, and after he had got what
he could from Omai. At length, finding that he was fixed in his
resolution to go with us, and having learnt that he was the only son of
a deceased chief, and that his mother, still living, was a woman much
respected here, I was apprehensive that Omai had deceived him and his
friends, by giving them hopes and assurances of his being sent back. I
therefore caused it to be made known to them all, that if the young man
went away with us, he would never return. But this declaration seemed to
make no sort of impression. The afternoon before we left the Cove,
Tiratoutou, his mother, came on board, to receive her last present from
Omai. The same evening, she and Taweiharooa parted, with all the marks
of tender affection that might be expected between a parent and a child,
who were never to meet again. But she said she would cry no more; and,
sure enough, she kept her word. For when she returned the next morning,
to take her last farewell of him, all the time she was on board she
remained quite cheerful, and went away wholly unconcerned.
That Taweiharooa might be sent away in a manner becoming his birth,
another youth was to have gone with him as his servant; and, with this
view, as we supposed, he remained on board till we were about to sail,
when his friends took him ashore. However, his place was supplied, next
morning, by another, a boy of about nine or ten years of age, named
Kokoa. He was presented to me by his own father, who, I believe, would
have parted with his dog with far less indifference. The very little
clothing the boy had, he stripped him of, and left him as naked as he
was born. It was to no purpose that I endeavoured to convince these
people of the improbability, or rather of the impossibility, of these
youths ever returning home. Not one, not even their nearest relations,
seemed to trouble themselves about their future fate. Since this was the
case, and I was well satisfied that the boys would be no losers by
exchange of place, I the more readily gave my consent to their going.
From my own observations, and from the information of Taweiharooa and
others, it appears to me that the New Zealanders must live under
perpetual apprehensions of being destroyed by each other; there being
few of their tribes that have not, as they think, sustained wrongs from
some other tribe, which they are continually upon the watch to revenge.
And, perhaps, the desire of a good meal may be no small incitement. I am
told that many years will sometimes elapse before a favourable
opportunity happens, and that the son never loses sight of an injury
that has been done to his father. Their method of executing their
horrible designs is by stealing upon the adverse party in the night; and
if they find them unguarded, (which, however, I believe, is very seldom
the case,) they kill every one indiscriminately, not even sparing the
women and children. When the massacre is completed, they either feast
and gorge themselves on the spot, or carry off as many of the dead
bodies as they can, and devour them at home, with acts of brutality too
shocking to be described. If they are discovered before they can execute
their bloody purpose, they generally steal off again; and sometimes are
pursued and attacked by the other party, in their turn. To give quarter,
or to take prisoners, makes no part of their military law; so that the
vanquished can only save their lives by flight. This perpetual state of
war, and destructive method of conducting it, operates so strongly in
producing habitual circumspection, that one hardly ever finds a New
Zealander off his guard, either by night or by day. Indeed no other man
can have such powerful motives to be vigilant, as the preservation both
of body and of soul depends upon it. For, according to their system of
belief, the soul of the man whose flesh is devoured by the enemy is
doomed to a perpetual fire, while the soul of the man whose body has
been rescued from those who killed him, as well as the souls of all who
die a natural death, ascend to the habitations of the gods. I asked,
whether they ate the flesh of such of their friends as had been killed
in war, but whose bodies were saved from falling into the enemy’s hands?
They seemed surprised at the question, which they answered in the
negative, expressing some abhorrence at the very idea. Their common
method of disposing of their dead is by depositing their bodies in the
earth; but if they have more of their slaughtered enemies than they can
eat, they throw them into the sea.
They have no such thing as _morais_, or other places of public worship;
nor do they ever assemble together with this view. But they have
priests, who alone address the gods in prayers for the prosperity of
their temporal affairs; such as an enterprise against a hostile tribe, a
fishing party, or the like.
Whatever the principles of their religion may be, of which we remain
very ignorant, its instructions are very strongly inculcated into them
from their very infancy. Of this I saw a remarkable instance, in the
youth who was first destined to accompany Taweiharooa. He refrained from
eating the greatest part of the day, on account of his hair being cut;
though every method was tried to induce him to break his resolution, and
he was tempted with the offer of such victuals as he was known to esteem
the most. He said, if he ate any thing that day, the _Eatooa_ would kill
him. However, towards evening, the cravings of nature got the better of
the precepts of his religion, and he ate, though but sparingly. I had
often conjectured, before this, that they had some superstitious notions
about their hair, having frequently observed quantities of it tied to
the branches of trees near some of their habitations; but what these
notions are, I never could learn.
Notwithstanding the divided and hostile state in which the New
Zealanders live, travelling strangers, who come with no ill design, are
well received and entertained during their stay; which, however, it is
expected, will be no longer than is requisite to transact the business
they come upon. Thus it is that a trade for _poenammoo_, or green talc,
is carried on throughout the whole northern island. For they tell us,
that there is none of this stone to be found, but at a place which bears
its name, somewhere about the head of Queen Charlotte’s Sound, and not
above one or two days’ journey, at most, from the station of our ships.
I regretted much that I could not spare time sufficient for paying a
visit to the place; as we were told a hundred fabulous stories about
this stone, not one of which carried with it the least probability of
truth, though some of their most sensible men would have us believe
them. One of these stories is, that this stone is originally a fish,
which they strike with a gig in the water, tie a rope to it, and drag it
to the shore, to which they fasten it, and it afterward becomes stone.
As they all agree, that it is fished out of a large lake, or collection
of waters, the most probable conjecture is, that it is brought from the
mountains, and deposited in the water, by the torrents. This lake is
called by the natives _Tavai Poenammoo_; that is, the water of Green
Talc; and it is only the adjoining part of the country, and not the
whole southern island of New Zealand, that is known to them by the name
which hath been given to it on my chart.
Polygamy is allowed amongst these people; and it is not uncommon for a
man to have two or three wives. The women are marriagable at a very
early age; and it should seem that one who is unmarried is but in a
forlorn state. She can with difficulty get a subsistence; at least she
is, in a great measure, without a protector, though in constant want of
a powerful one.
The New Zealanders seem to be a people perfectly satisfied with the
little knowledge they are masters of, without attempting, in the least,
to improve it; nor are they remarkably curious, either in their
observations or their enquiries. New objects do not strike them with
such a degree of surprise as one would naturally expect; nor do they
even fix their attention for a moment. Omai, indeed, who was a great
favourite with them, would sometimes attract a circle about him; but
they seemed to listen to his speeches like persons who neither
understood, nor washed to understand, what they heard.
One day, on our enquiring of Taweiharooa how many ships, such as ours,
had ever arrived in Queen Charlotte’s Sound, or in any part of its
neighbourhood? he began with giving an account of one absolutely unknown
to us. This, he said, had put into a port on the north-west coast of
Teerawitte, but a very few years before I arrived in the Sound in the
Endeavour, which the New Zealanders distinguish, by calling Tupia’s
ship. At first, I thought he might have been mistaken as to the time and
place; and that the ship in question might be either Monsieur
Surville’s, who is said to have touched upon the north-east coast of
Eaheinomauwe, the same year I was there in the Endeavour, or else
Monsieur Marion du Fresne’s, who was in the Bay of Islands, on the same
coast, a few years after; but he assured us that he was not mistaken,
either as to the time or as to the place of this ship’s arrival; and
that it was well known to every body about Queen Charlotte’s Sound and
Teerawitte. He said, that the captain of her, during his stay here,
cohabited with a woman of the country; and that she had a son by him
still living, and about the age of Kokoa; who, though not born then,
seemed to be equally well acquainted with the story. We were also
informed by Taweiharooa, that this ship first introduced the venereal
disease amongst the New Zealanders. I wish that subsequent visitors from
Europe may not have their share of guilt, in leaving so dreadful a
remembrance of them amongst this unhappy race. The disorder now is but
too common here, though they do not seem to regard it, saying, that its
effects are not near so pernicious at present as they were at its first
appearance. The only method, as far as I ever heard, that they make use
of as a remedy, is by giving the patient the use of a sort of hot bath,
which they produce by the steam of certain green plants laid over hot
stones.
I regretted much that we did not hear of this ship while we were in the
Sound; as, by means of Omai, we might have had full and correct
information about her from eye-witnesses. For Taweiharooa’s account was
only from what he had been told, and therefore liable to many mistakes.
I have not the least doubt, however, that his testimony may so far be
depended upon, as to induce us to believe that a ship really had been at
Teerawitte prior to my arrival in the Endeavour, as it corresponds with
what I had formerly heard. For in the latter end of 1773, the second
time I visited New Zealand, during my last voyage, when we were
continually making enquiries about the Adventure, after our separation,
some of the natives informed us of a ship’s having been in a port on the
coast of Teerawitte. But, at that time, we thought we must have
misunderstood them, and took no notice of the intelligence.
The arrival of this unknown ship has been marked by the New Zealanders
with more cause of remembrance than the unhappy one just mentioned.
Taweiharooa told us, their country was indebted to her people for the
present of an animal, which they left behind them. But as he had not
seen it himself, no sort of judgment could be formed, from his
description, of what kind it was.
We had another piece of intelligence from him, more correctly given,
though not confirmed by our own observations, that there are snakes and
lizards there of an enormous size. He described the latter as being
eight feet in length, and as big round as a man’s body. He said, they
sometimes seize and devour men; that they burrow in the ground; and that
they are killed by making fires at the mouths of the holes. We could not
be mistaken as to the animal; for with his own hand he drew a very good
representation of a lizard on a piece of paper; as also of a snake, in
order to show what he meant.
Though much has been said, in the narratives of my two former voyages,
about this country and its inhabitants, Mr. Anderson’s remarks, as
serving either to confirm or to correct our former accounts, may not be
superfluous. He had been three times with me in Queen Charlotte’s Sound,
during my last voyage; and, after this fourth visit, what he thought
proper to record, may be considered as the result of sufficient
observation. The reader will find it in the next chapter; and I have
nothing farther to add, before I quit New Zealand, but to give some
account of the astronomical and nautical observations made during our
stay there.
The longitude of the Observatory in Ship
Cove, by a mean of 103 sets of
observations, each set consisting of
six or more observed distances, was 174° 25ʹ 15ʺ east.
By the time-keeper, at Greenwich rate,
it was 175 26 30
By ditto, at the Cape rate, it was 174 56 12
Variation of the compass, being the mean
of six needles, observed on board the
ship 12 40 0 east.
By the same needles on shore, it was 13 53 0
The dip of the south end, observed on
shore, was 63 42 0
By a mean of the results of eleven days observations, the time-keeper
was too slow for mean time, on February 22. at noon, by 11^h 50ʹ 37ʺ,
396; and she was found to be losing, on mean time, at the rate of 2ʺ,
913 _per_ day. From this rate the longitude will be computed, till some
other opportunity offers to ascertain her rate anew. The astronomical
clock, with the same length of pendulum as at Greenwich, was found to be
losing on sidereal time 40ʺ, 239 _per_ day.
It will not be amiss to mention, that the longitude, by lunar
observations, as above, differs only 6ʹ 45ʺ from what Mr. Wales made it
during my last voyage; his being so much more to the W., or 174° 18ʹ
30ʺ.
The latitude of Ship Cove is 41° 6ʹ 0ʺ, as found by Mr. Wales.
CHAP. VIII.
MR. ANDERSON’S REMARKS ON THE COUNTRY NEAR QUEEN CHARLOTTE’S SOUND.—THE
SOIL.—CLIMATE.—WEATHER.—WINDS.—TREES.—PLANTS.—BIRDS.—FISH.—OTHER
ANIMALS.—OF THE INHABITANTS.—DESCRIPTION OF THEIR PERSONS.—THEIR
DRESS.—ORNAMENTS.—HABITATIONS.—BOATS.—FOOD AND COOKERY.—ARTS.—
WEAPONS.—CRUELTY TO PRISONERS.—VARIOUS CUSTOMS.—SPECIMEN OF THEIR
LANGUAGE.
The land every where about Queen Charlotte’s Sound is uncommonly
mountainous, rising immediately from the sea into large hills with
blunted tops. At considerable distances are valleys, or rather
impressions on the sides of the hills, which are not deep; each
terminating toward the sea in a small cove, with a pebbly or sandy
beach; behind which are small flats, where the natives generally build
their huts, at the same time hauling their canoes upon the beaches. This
situation is the more convenient, as in every cove a brook of very fine
water (in which are some small trout) empties itself into the sea.
The bases of these mountains, at least toward the shore, are constituted
of a brittle, yellowish sand-stone, which acquires a bluish cast, where
the sea washes it. It runs, at some places, in horizontal, and, at other
places, in oblique _strata_; being frequently divided, at small
distances, by thin veins of coarse _quartz_, which commonly follow the
direction of the other, though they sometimes intersect it. The mould,
or soil, which covers this, is also of a yellowish cast, not unlike
marl; and is commonly from a foot to two, or more, in thickness.
The quality of this soil is best indicated by the luxuriant growth of
its productions. For the hills (except a few toward the sea, which are
covered with smaller bushes) are one continued forest of lofty trees,
flourishing with a vigour almost superior to any thing that imagination
can conceive, and affording an august prospect to those who are
delighted with the grand and beautiful works of nature.
The agreeable temperature of the climate, no doubt, contributes much to
this uncommon strength in vegetation. For at this time, though answering
to our month of August, the weather was never disagreeably warm; nor did
it raise the thermometer higher than 66°. The winter, also, seems
equally mild with respect to cold: for in June, 1773, which corresponds
to our December, the mercury never fell lower than 48°; and the trees,
at that time, retained their verdure, as if in the summer season; so
that, I believe, their foliage is never shed, till pushed off by the
succeeding leaves in spring.
The weather, in general, is good, but sometimes windy, with heavy rain;
which, however, never lasts above a day, nor does it appear that it is
ever excessive. For there are no marks of torrents rushing down the
hills, as in many countries; and the brooks, if we may judge from their
channels, seem never to be greatly increased. I have observed, in the
four different times of my being here, that the winds from the S.
eastward are commonly moderate, but attended with cloudy weather, or
rain. The S. W. winds blow very strong, and are also attended with rain;
but they seldom last long. The N. W. winds are the most prevailing; and
though often pretty strong, are almost constantly connected with fine
weather. In short, the only obstacle to this being one of the finest
countries upon earth is its great hilliness, which, allowing the woods
to be cleared away, would leave it less proper for pasturage than flat
land, and still more improper for cultivation, which could never be
effected here by the plough.
The large trees which cover the hills are chiefly of two sorts. One of
them, of the size of our largest firs, grows much after their manner;
but the leaves, and small berries on their points, are much liker the
yew. It was this which supplied the place of spruce in making beer;
which we did with a strong decoction of its leaves, fermented with
treacle or sugar. And this liquor, when well prepared, was acknowledged
to be little inferior to the American spruce-beer, by those who had
experience of both. The other sort of tree is not unlike a maple; and
grows often to a great size; but it only served for fuel, as the wood,
both of this and of the preceding, was found to be rather too heavy for
masts, yards, and other similar repairs.
There is a greater variety of trees on the small flat spots behind the
beaches. Amongst these are two that bear a kind of plum of the size of
prunes, the one yellow, called _karraca_; and the other black, called
_maitao_; but neither of them of a very agreeable taste, though the
natives ate both, and our people did the same. Those of the first sort
grow on small trees, always facing the sea; but the others belong to
larger trees that stand farther within the wood, and which we frequently
cut down for fuel.
A species of _Philadelphus_ grows on the eminences which jut out into
the sea; and also a tree bearing flowers almost like myrtle, with
roundish-spotted leaves of a disagreeable smell. We drank the leaves of
the _Philadelphus_ as tea; and found that they had a pleasant taste and
smell, and might make an excellent substitute for the oriental sort.
Among other plants that were useful to us, may be reckoned wild celery,
which grows plentifully in almost every cove; especially if the natives
have ever resided there before; and one that we used to call
scurvy-grass, though entirely different from the plant to which we give
that name. This, however, is far preferable to ours for common use; and
may be known by its jagged leaves, and small clusters of white flowers
on the top. Both sorts were boiled every morning, with wheat ground in a
mill, and with portable soup, for the people’s breakfast, and also
amongst their pease-soup, for dinner. Sometimes they were used as salad,
or dressed as greens. In all which ways they are good; and together with
the fish, with which we were constantly supplied, they formed a sort of
refreshment, perhaps little inferior to what is to be met with in places
most noted by navigators for plentiful supplies of animal and vegetable
food.
Amongst the known kinds of plants met with here, are common and rough
bindweed; night-shade and nettles, both which grow to the size of small
trees; a shrubby speedwell, found near all the beaches; sow-thistles,
virgin’s bower, vanelloe, French willow, euphorbia, and crane’s bill;
also cudweed, rushes, bull-rushes, flax, all-heal, American night-shade,
knot-grass, brambles, eye-bright, and groundsel; but the _species_ of
each are different from any we have in Europe. There is also polypody,
spleenwort, and about twenty other different sort of ferns, entirely
peculiar to the place; with several sorts of mosses, either rare, or
produced only here; besides a great number of other plants, whose uses
are not yet known, and subjects fit only for botanical books.
Of these, however, there is one which deserves particular notice here,
as the natives make their garments of it; and it produces a fine silky
flax, superior in appearance to any thing we have, and, probably, at
least as strong. It grows every where near the sea, and in some places a
considerable way up the hills, in bunches or tufts, with sedge-like
leaves, bearing, on a long stalk, yellowish flowers, which are succeeded
by a long roundish pod, filled with very thin shining black seeds. A
species of long pepper is found in great plenty; but it has little of
the aromatic flavour that makes spices valuable; and a tree much like a
palm at a distance, is pretty frequent in the woods, though the deceit
appears as you come near it. It is remarkable that, as the greatest part
of the trees and plants had, at this time, lost their flowers, we
perceived they were generally of the berry-bearing kind; of which, and
other seeds, I brought away about thirty different sorts. Of these, one
in particular, which bears a red berry, is much like the supple jack,
and grows about the trees, stretching from one to another, in such a
manner as to render the woods almost wholly impassable.
The birds, of which there is a tolerable stock, as well as the vegetable
productions, are almost entirely peculiar to the place. And though it be
difficult to follow them, on account of the quantity of underwood and
the climbing plants, that render travelling, for pleasure alone,
uncommonly fatiguing, yet a person, by remaining in one place, may shoot
as many in a day as would serve six or eight others. The principal sorts
are, large brown parrots, with white or greyish heads; green paroquets
with red foreheads; large wood pigeons, brown above, with white bellies,
the rest green, and the bill and feet red. Two sorts of cuckoos, one as
large as our common sort, of a brown colour, variegated with black; the
other not larger than a sparrow, of a splendid green cast above, and
elegantly varied with waves of golden, green, brown, and white colours
below. Both these are scarce; but several others are in greater plenty;
one of which, of a black colour, with a greenish cast, is remarkable for
having a tuft of white curled feathers hanging under the throat, and was
called the _Poy_ bird by our people. Another sort, rather smaller, is
black, with a brown back and wings, and two small gills under the root
of the bill. This we called the small wattle-bird, to distinguish it
from another, which we called the large one, of the size of a common
pigeon, with two large yellow and purple membranes also, at the root of
the bill. It is black, or rather blue, and has no resemblance of the
other but in name; for the bill is thick, short, and crooked, and has
altogether an uncommon appearance. A gross-beak, about the size of a
thrush, of a brown colour, with a reddish tail, is frequent; as is also
a small greenish bird, which is almost the only musical one here, but is
sufficient by itself to fill the woods with a melody, that is not only
sweet, but so varied, that one would imagine he was surrounded by a
hundred different sorts of birds, when the little warbler is near. From
this circumstance we named it the mocking-bird. There are likewise three
or four sorts of smaller birds; one of which, in figure and tameness,
exactly resembles our robin, but is black where that is brown, and white
where that is red. Another differs but little from this, except in being
smaller; and a third sort has a long tail, which it expands as a fan on
coming near, and makes a chirping noise when it perches. King-fishers
are seen, though rare, and are about the size of our English ones, but
with an inferior plumage.
About the rocks are seen black sea-pies with red bills; and crested
shags of a leaden colour, with small black spots on the wings and
shoulders, and the rest of the upper part of a velvet black tinged with
green. We frequently shot both these, and also a more common sort of
shags, black above and white underneath, that build their nests upon
trees, on which sometimes a dozen or more sit at once. There are also,
about the shore, a few sea-gulls; some blue herons; and sometimes,
though very rarely, wild ducks; a small sandy-coloured plover, and some
sand-larks; and small penguins, black above, with a white belly, as well
as numbers of little black divers, swim often about the Sound. We
likewise killed two or three rails of a brown or yellowish colour,
variegated with black, which feed about the small brooks, and are nearly
as large as a common fowl. No other sort of game was seen, except a
single snipe, which was shot, and differs but little from that of
Europe.
The principal fish we caught by the seine were mullets and elephant
fish, with a few soles and flounders; but those that the natives mostly
supplied us with, were a sort of sea-bream of a silver colour with a
black spot on the neck, large conger-eels, and a fish in shape much like
the bream, but so large as to weigh five, six, or seven pounds. It is
blackish with thick lips, and called _Mogge_ by the natives. With hook
and line we caught chiefly a blackish fish of the size of a haddock,
called cole-fish by the seamen, but differing much from that known by
the same name in Europe; and another of the same size, of a reddish
colour with a little beard, which we called night-walkers, from the
greatest number being caught in the night. Sometimes we got a sort of
small salmon, gurnards, skate, and nurses; and the natives, now and
then, brought hake, paracutas, a small sort of mackerel, parrot-fish,
and leather-jackets; besides another fish which is very rare, shaped
almost like a dolphin, of a black colour, with strong bony jaws, and the
back-fin, as well as those opposite to it, much lengthened at the end.
All these sorts, except the last, which we did not try, are excellent to
eat; but the _Mogge_, small salmon, and cole-fish, are superior to the
rest.
The rocks are abundantly furnished with great quantities of excellent
muscles; one sort of which, that is not very common, measures above a
foot in length. There are also cockles buried in the sand of the small
beaches; and in some places oysters, which, though very small, are well
tasted. Of other shell-fish, there are ten or twelve sorts, such as
periwincles, wilks, limpets, and some very beautiful sea-ears; also
another sort which stick to the weeds; with some other things, as
sea-eggs, star-fish, &c. several of which are peculiar to the place. The
natives likewise sometimes brought us very fine cray-fish, equal to our
largest lobsters, and cuttle-fish, which they eat themselves.
Insects are very rare. Of these, we only saw two sorts of dragon flies,
some butterflies, small grashoppers, several sorts of spiders, some
small black ants, and vast numbers of scorpion flies, with whose
chirping the woods resound. The only noxious one is the sand-fly, very
numerous here, and almost as troublesome as the musquitoe; for we found
no reptile here, except two or three sorts of small harmless
lizards.[164]
It is remarkable, that, in this extensive land, there should not even be
the traces of any quadruped, only excepting a few rats, and a sort of
fox-dog, which is a domestic animal with the natives.
Neither is there any mineral worth notice, but a green jasper or
serpent-stone, of which the New Zealanders make their tools and
ornaments. This is esteemed a precious article by them; and they have
some superstitious notions about the method of its generation, which we
could not perfectly understand. It is plain, however, that wherever it
may be found (which, they say, is in the channel of a large river far to
the southward), it is disposed in the earth in thin layers, or, perhaps,
in detached pieces, like our flints; for the edges of those pieces,
which have not been cut, are covered with a whitish crust like these. A
piece of this sort was purchased, about eighteen inches long, a foot
broad, and near two inches thick; which yet seemed to be only the
fragment of a larger piece.
The natives do not exceed the common stature of Europeans; and, in
general, are not so well made, especially about the limbs. This is,
perhaps, the effect of sitting, for the most part, on their hams; and of
being confined, by the hilly disposition of the country, from using that
sort of exercise which contributes to render the body straight and
well-proportioned. There are, however, several exceptions to this; and
some are remarkable for their large bones and muscles; but few that I
have seen are corpulent.
Their colour is of different casts, from a pretty deep black to a
yellowish or olive tinge; and their features also are various, some
resembling Europeans. But, in general, their faces are round, with their
lips full, and also their noses towards the point; though the first are
not uncommonly thick, nor the last flat. I do not, however, recollect to
have seen an instance of the true aquiline nose amongst them. Their
teeth are commonly broad, white, and well set; and their eyes large,
with a very free motion, which seems the effect of habit. Their hair is
black, straight, and strong, commonly cut short on the hind part, with
the rest tied on the crown of the head: but some have it of a curling
disposition, or of a brown colour. In the young, the countenance is
generally free or open; but in many of the men it has a serious cast,
and sometimes a sullenness or reserve, especially if they are strangers.
The women are, in general, smaller than the men; but have few peculiar
graces, either in form or features, to distinguish them.
The dress of both sexes is alike; and consists of an oblong garment
about five feet long, and four broad, made from the silky flax already
mentioned. This seems to be their most material and complex manufacture,
which is executed by knotting; and their work is often ornamented with
pieces of dog-skin, or chequered at the corners. They bring two corners
of this garment over the shoulders, and fasten it on the breast with the
other part, which covers the body; and about the belly, it is again tied
with a girdle made of mat. Sometimes they cover it with large feathers
of birds (which seem to be wrought into the piece of cloth when it is
made), or with dog-skin; and that alone we have seen worn as a covering.
Over this garment, many of them wear mats, which reach from the
shoulders to near the heels. But the most common outer-covering is a
quantity of the above sedgy plant, badly dressed, which they fasten on a
string to a considerable length, and, throwing it about the shoulders,
let it fall down on all sides, as far as the middle of the thighs. When
they sit down with this upon them, either in their boats, or upon the
shore, it would be difficult to distinguish them from large grey stones,
if their black heads, projecting beyond their coverings, did not engage
one to a stricter examination.
By way of ornament, they fix in their heads feathers, or combs of bone,
or wood, adorned with pearl shell, or the thin inner skin of some leaf.
And in the ears, both of men and women, which are pierced, or rather
slit, are hung small pieces of jasper, bits of cloth, or beads when they
can get them. A few also have the _septum_ of the nose bored in its
lower part; but no ornament was worn there that we saw; though one man
passed a twig through it, to show us that it was sometimes used for that
purpose. They wear long beards, but are fond of having them shaved.
Some are punctured or stained in the face with curious spiral and other
figures, of a black or deep blue colour; but it is doubtful whether this
be ornamental, or intended as a mark of particular distinction; and the
women, who are marked so, have the puncture only on their lips, or a
small spot on their chins. Both sexes often besmear their faces and
heads with a red paint, which seems to be a martial ochre mixed with
grease; and the women sometimes wear necklaces of shark’s teeth, or
bunches of long beads, which seem to be made of the leg-bones of small
birds, or a particular shell. A few also have small triangular aprons
adorned with the feathers of parrots, or bits of pearl shells, furnished
with a double or treble set of cords to fasten them about the waist. I
have sometimes seen caps or bonnets made of the feathers of birds, which
may be reckoned as ornaments; for it is not their custom to wear any
covering on their heads.
They live in the small coves formerly described, in companies of forty
or fifty, or more; and sometimes in single families, building their huts
contiguous to each other; which, in general, are miserable
lodging-places. The best I ever saw was about thirty feet long, fifteen
broad, and six high, built exactly in the manner of one of our country
barns. The inside was both strong and regularly made of supporters at
the sides, alternately large and small, well fastened by means of
withes, and painted red and black. The ridge pole was strong; and the
large bull-rushes, which composed the inner part of the thatching, were
laid with great exactness parallel to each other. At one end was a small
square hole, which served as a door to creep in at; and near it another
much smaller, seemingly for letting out the smoke, as no other vent for
it could be seen. This, however, ought to be considered as one of the
best, and the residence of some principal person; for the greatest part
of them are not half the above size, and seldom exceed four feet in
height; being, besides, indifferently built, though proof against wind
and rain.
No other furniture is to be seen in them, than a few small baskets or
bags, in which they put their fishing-hooks, and other trifles; and they
sit down in the middle round a small fire, where they also probably
sleep, without any other covering than what they wear in the day, or
perhaps without that; as such confined places must be very warm, though
inhabited but by a few persons.
They live chiefly by fishing, making use either of nets of different
kinds, or of wooden fish-hooks pointed with bone; but so oddly made,
that a stranger is at a loss to know how they can answer such a purpose.
It also appears, that they remove their habitations from one place to
another when the fish grow scarce, or for some other reason; for we
found houses now built in several parts, where there had been none when
we were here during our last voyage, and even these have been already
deserted.
Their boats are well built, of planks raised upon each other, and
fastened with strong withes, which also bind a long narrow piece on the
outside of the seams to prevent their leaking. Some are fifty feet long,
and so broad as to be able to sail without an outrigger; but the smaller
sort commonly have one; and they often fasten two together by rafters,
which we then call a double canoe. They carry from five to thirty men or
more; and have often a large head ingeniously carved, and painted with a
figure at the point, which seems intended to represent a man, with his
features distorted by rage. Their paddles are about four or five feet
long, narrow, and pointed; with which, when they keep time, the boat is
pushed along pretty swiftly. Their sail, which is seldom used, is made
of a mat of a triangular shape, having the broadest part above.
The only method of dressing their fish, is by roasting, or rather
baking, for they are entirely ignorant of the art of boiling. In the
same manner they dress the root, and part of the stalk, of the large
fern-tree, in a great hole dug for that purpose, which serves as an
oven. After which they split it, and find within a fine gelatinous
substance, like boiled sago-powder, but firmer. They also use another
smaller fern root, which seems to be their substitute for bread, as it
is dried and carried about with them, together with dried fish in great
quantities, when they remove their families, or go far from home. This
they beat with a stick till it becomes pretty soft, when they chew it
sufficiently, and spit out the hard fibrous part, the other having a
sweetish mealy taste not at all disagreeable.
When they dare not venture to sea, or perhaps from choice, they supply
the place of other fish with muscles and sea-ears; great quantities of
the shells of which lie in heaps near their houses. And they sometimes,
though rarely, find means to kill rails, penguins, and shags, which help
to vary their diet. They also breed considerable numbers of the dogs,
mentioned before, for food; but these cannot be considered as a
principal article of diet. From whence we may conclude, that as there is
not the least sign of cultivation of land, they depend principally for
their subsistence on the sea, which, indeed, is very bountiful in its
supply.
Their method of feeding corresponds with the nastiness of their persons,
which often smell disagreeably from the quantity of grease about them,
and their clothes never being washed. We have seen them eat the vermin,
with which their heads are sufficiently stocked.
They also used to devour, with the greatest eagerness, large quantities
of stinking train oil, and blubber of seals, which we were melting at
the tent, and had kept near two months; and, on board the ships, they
were not satisfied with emptying the lamps, but actually swallowed the
cotton and fragrant wick with equal voracity. It is worthy of notice,
that though the inhabitants of Van Diemen’s land appear to have but a
scanty subsistence, they would not even taste our bread, though they saw
us eat it; whereas these people devoured it greedily, when both mouldy
and rotten. But this must not be imputed to any defect in their
sensations; for I have observed them throw away things which we eat,
with evident disgust, after only smelling to them.
They show as much ingenuity, both in invention and execution, as any
uncivilized nations under similar circumstances. For, without the use of
any metal tools, they make every thing by which they procure their
subsistence, clothing, and warlike weapons, with a degree of neatness,
strength, and convenience, for accomplishing their several purposes.
Their chief mechanical tool is formed exactly after the manner of our
adzes; and is made, as are also the chissel and goudge, of the green
serpent-stone or jasper already, mentioned; though sometimes they are
composed of a black, smooth, and very solid stone. But their
master-piece seems to be carving, which is found upon the most trifling
things; and, in particular, the heads of their canoes are sometimes
ornamented with it in such a manner, as not only shows much design, but
is also an example of their great labour and patience in execution.
Their cordage for fishing-lines is equal, in strength and evenness, to
that made by us; and their nets not at all inferior. But what must cost
them more labour than any other article, is the making the tools we have
mentioned; for the stone is exceedingly hard, and the only method of
fashioning it, we can guess at, is by rubbing one stone upon another,
which can have but a slow effect. Their substitute for a knife is a
shell, a bit of flint, or jasper. And, as an auger, to bore holes, they
fix a shark’s tooth in the end of a small piece of wood. It is true,
they have a small saw made of some jagged fishes’ teeth, fixed on the
convex edge of a piece of wood nicely carved. But this, they say, is
only used to cut up the bodies of their enemies whom they kill in
battle.
No people can have a quicker sense of an injury done to them, and none
are more ready to resent it. But, at the same time, they will take an
opportunity of being insolent when they think there is no danger of
punishment; which is so contrary to the spirit of genuine bravery, that,
perhaps, their eagerness to resent injuries is to be looked upon rather
as an effect of a furious disposition than of great courage. They also
appear to be of a suspicious or mistrustful temper (which, however, may
rather be acquired than natural), for strangers never came to our ships
immediately, but lay in their boats at a small distance, either to
observe our motions, or consult whether or no they should risk their
safety with us. To this they join a great degree of dishonesty; for they
steal every thing they can lay their hands on, if there be the least
hope of not being detected; and, in trading, I have little doubt but
they would take advantages, if they thought it could be done with
safety; as they not only refuse to trust a thing in one’s hand for
examination, but exult, if they think they have tricked you in the
bargain.
Such conduct, however, is in some measure to be expected where there
appears to be but little subordination, and consequently few, if any
laws, to punish transgressions. For no man’s authority seems to extend
farther than his own family; and when, at any time, they join for mutual
defence, or any other purpose, those amongst them who are eminent for
courage or prudence, are directors. How their private quarrels are
terminated is uncertain; but, in the few we saw, which were of little
consequence, the parties concerned were clamorous and disorderly.
Their public contentions are frequent, or rather perpetual; for it
appears, from their number of weapons, and dexterity in using them, that
war is their principal profession. These weapons are spears, _patoos_
and halberts, or sometimes stones. The first are made of hard wood
pointed, of different lengths, from five to twenty, or even thirty feet
long. The short ones are used for throwing as darts. The _patoo_ or
_emeete_ is of an elliptical shape, about eighteen inches long, with a
handle made of wood, stone, the bone of some sea animal, or green
jasper, and seems to be their principal dependance in battle. The
halbert, or long club, is about five or six feet long, tapering at one
end with a carved head, and at the other, broad or flat, with sharp
edges.
Before they begin the onset, they join in a war-song, to which they all
keep the exactest time, and soon raise their passion to a degree of
frantic fury, attended with the most horrid distortion of their eyes,
mouths, and tongues, to strike terror into their enemies; which, to
those who have not been accustomed to such a practice, makes them appear
more like demons than men, and would almost chill the boldest with fear.
To this succeeds a circumstance, almost foretold in their fierce
demeanor, horrid, cruel, and disgraceful to human nature; which is,
cutting in pieces, even before being perfectly dead, the bodies of their
enemies, and, after dressing them on a fire, devouring the flesh, not
only without reluctance, but with peculiar satisfaction.
One might be apt to suppose, that people, capable of such excess of
cruelty, must be destitute of every humane feeling, even amongst their
own party. And yet we find them lamenting the loss of their friends,
with a violence of expression which argues the most tender remembrance
of them. For both men and women, upon the death of those connected with
them, whether in battle or otherwise, bewail them with the most doleful
cries; at the same time cutting their foreheads and cheeks, with shells
or pieces of flint, in large gashes, until the blood flows plentifully
and mixes with their tears. They also carve pieces of their green stone,
rudely shaped as human figures, which they ornament with bright eyes of
pearl shell, and hang them about their necks, as memorials of those whom
they held most dear; and their affections of this kind are so strong,
that they even perform the ceremony of cutting, and lamenting for joy,
at the return of any of their friends, who have been absent but for a
short time.
The children are initiated, at a very early age, into all the practices,
good or bad, of their fathers; so that you find a boy or girl, nine or
ten years old, able to perform all the motions, and to imitate the
frightful gestures, by which the more aged use to inspire their enemies
with terror, keeping the strictest time in their song. They likewise
sing, with some degree of melody, the traditions of their forefathers,
their actions in war, and other indifferent subjects; of all which they
are immoderately fond, and spend much of their time in these amusements,
and in playing on a sort of flute.
Their language is far from being harsh or disagreeable, though the
pronunciation is frequently guttural; and whatever qualities are
requisite in any other language to make it musical, certainly obtain to
a considerable degree here, if we may judge from the melody of some
sorts of their songs. It is also sufficiently comprehensive, though, in
many respects, deficient, if compared with our European languages, which
owe their perfection to long improvement. But a small specimen is here
subjoined, from which some judgment may be formed. I collected a great
many of their words, both now and in the course of our former voyage;
and being equally attentive, in my inquiries, about the languages of the
other islands throughout the South Sea, I have the amplest proof of
their wonderful agreement, or rather identity. This general observation
has indeed been already made in the accounts of the former voyages.[165]
I shall be enabled, however, to confirm and strengthen it, by a fresh
list of words, selected from a large vocabulary in my possession; and by
placing in the opposite column, the corresponding words as used at
Otaheite, the curious reader will, at one view, be furnished with
sufficient materials for judging by what subordinate changes the
difference of dialect has been effected.
English. _New Zealand._ _Otaheite._
_Water_, Ewy, Evy.
_A tail of a dog_, Wyeroo, Ero.
_Death, dead_, Kaoo, matte, Matte, roa.
_To fly_, Ererre, Eraire.
_A house_, Ewharre, Ewharre.
_To sleep_, Moea, Moe.
_A fish-hook_, Makoee, Matou.
_Shut_, Opanee, Opanee.
_A bed_, Moenga, Moera.
_A butterfly_, Epaipe, Pepe.
_To chew_ or _eat_, Hekaee, Ey.
_Cold_, Makkareede, Mareede.
_To-day_, Agooanai, Aooanai.
_The hand_, Reenga, Ereema.
_Large_, Keeerahoi, Erahoi.
_Red_, Whairo, Oora, oora.
_We_, Taooa, Taooa.
_Where is it?_ Kahaia, Tehaia.
_A stone_, Powhy, Owhy.
_A man_, Tangata, Taata.
_Black_, Purra, purra, Ere, ere.
_White_, Ema, Ooama.
_To reside_, or Nohoanna, Nohonoa.
_dwell_,
_Out, not within_, Woho, Woho.
_Male kind_ (of any Toa, Etoa.
animal),
_Female_, Eoowha, Eooha.
_A shark_, Mango, Mao.
_To understand_, Geetaia, Eetea.
_Forgot_, Warre, Ooaro.
_Yesterday_, Taeninnahoi, Ninnahoi.
_One_, Tahaee, Atahay.
_Two_, Rooa, Erooa.
_Three_, Toroo, Toroo.
_Four_, Faa, Ahaa.
_Five_, Reema, Ereema.
_Six_, Ono, Aono.
_Seven_, Heetoo, Aheitoo.
_Eight_, Waroo, Awaroo.
_Nine_, Eeva, Aeeva.
_Ten_, Angahoora, Ahooroo.
The New Zealanders to these numerals prefix _Ma_; as,
_Eleven_, Matahee.
_Twelve, &c. &c._ Marooa, &c. &c.
_Twenty_, Mangahoora.
BOOK II.
FROM LEAVING NEW ZEALAND TO OUR ARRIVAL AT OTAHEITE, OR THE SOCIETY
ISLANDS.
CHAP. I.
PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE.—BEHAVIOUR OF THE TWO NEW ZEALANDERS ON
BOARD.—UNFAVOURABLE WINDS.—AN ISLAND CALLED MANGEEA DISCOVERED.—THE
COAST OF IT EXAMINED.—TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES.—AN ACCOUNT OF
THEIR PERSONS, DRESS, AND CANOE.—DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND.—A SPECIMEN
OF THE LANGUAGE.—DISPOSITION OF THE INHABITANTS.
On the 25th, at ten o’clock in the morning, a light breeze springing up
at N. W. by W., we weighed, stood out of the Sound, and made sail
through the strait, with the Discovery in company. We had hardly got the
length of Cape Tierawhitte, when the wind took us aback at S. E. It
continued in this quarter till two o’clock the next morning, when we had
a few hours’ calm. After which we had a breeze at N.; but here it fixed
not long, before it veered to the E., and after that to the S. At
length, on the 27th at eight o’clock in the morning, we took our
departure from Cape Palliser, which, at this time, bore W., seven or
eight leagues distant. We had a fine gale, and I steered E. by N.
We had no sooner lost sight of the land than our two New Zealand
adventurers, the sea-sickness they now experienced giving a turn to
their reflections, repented heartily of the step they had taken. All the
soothing encouragement we could think of, availed but little. They wept
both in public and in private; and made their lamentations in a kind of
song, which, as far as we could comprehend the meaning of the words, was
expressive of their praises of their country and people, from which they
were to be separated for ever. Thus they continued for many days, till
their sea-sickness wore off, and the tumult of their minds began to
subside. Then these fits of lamentation became less and less frequent,
and at length entirely ceased. Their native country and their friends
were, by degrees, forgot, and they appeared to be as firmly attached to
us, as if they had been born amongst us.
The wind had not remained many hours at S., before it veered to S. E.
and E.; and, with this, we stood to the N., till the 28th at noon. Being
then in the latitude of 41° 17ʹ, and in longitude of 177° 17ʹ E., we
tacked and stood to the S. E., with a gentle breeze at E. N. E. It
afterward freshened, and came about to N. E.; in which quarter it
continued two days, and sometimes blew a fresh gale with squalls,
accompanied with showers of rain.
On the 2d of March at noon, being in the latitude of 42° 35ʹ 30ʺ,
longitude 180° 8ʹ E. the wind shifted to north-west; afterward to
south-west; and between this point and north it continued to blow,
sometimes a strong gale with hard squalls, and at other times very
moderate. With this wind we steered north-east by east and east, under
all the sail we could carry, till the 11th at noon, at which time we
were in the latitude of 39° 29ʹ, longitude 196° 4ʹ E.
The wind now veered to north-east and south-east, and I stood to the
north, and to the north-east, as the wind would admit, till one o’clock
in the morning on the 16th, when having a more favourable gale from the
north, I tacked and stood to the east, the latitude being 33° 40ʹ, and
the longitude 198° 50ʹ E. We had light airs and calms by turns, till
noon the next day, when the wind began to freshen at east south-east,
and I again stood to the north-east. But as the wind often veered to
east and east north-east, we frequently made no better than a northerly
course; nay sometimes to the westward of north. But the hopes of the
wind coming more southerly, or of meeting with it from the westward, a
little without the tropic, as I had experienced in my former visits to
this ocean, encouraged me to continue this course. Indeed it was
necessary that I should run all risks, as my proceeding to the north
this year, in prosecution of the principal object of the voyage,
depended entirely on my making a quick passage to Otaheite, or the
Society Islands.
The wind continued invariably fixed at east south-east, or seldom
shifting above two points on either side. It also blew very faint, so
that it was the 27th before we crossed the tropic, and then we were only
in the longitude of 201° 23ʹ east, which was nine degrees to the
westward of our intended port. In all this run we saw nothing, except
now and then a tropic bird, that could induce us to think we had sailed
near any land. In the latitude of 34° 20ʹ, longitude 199°, we passed the
trunk of a large tree, which was covered with barnacles, a sign that it
had been long at sea.
On the 29th, at ten in the morning, as we were standing to the
north-east, the Discovery made the signal of seeing land. We saw it from
the mast-head almost the same moment, bearing north-east by east by
compass. We soon discovered it to be an island of no great extent, and
stood for it till sunset, when it bore north north-east, distant about
two or three leagues.
The night was spent in standing off and on, and at day-break the next
morning, I bore up for the lee or west side of the island, as neither
anchorage nor landing appeared to be practicable on the south side, on
account of a great surf[166], which broke every where with violence
against the shore, or against the reef that surrounded it.
We presently found that the island was inhabited, and saw several
people, on a point of the land we had passed, wading to the reef, where,
as they found the ship leaving them quickly, they remained. But others,
who soon appeared in different parts, followed her course, and sometimes
several of them collected into small bodies, who made a shouting noise
altogether, nearly after the manner of the inhabitants of New Zealand.
Between seven and eight o’clock, we were at the west north-west part of
the island, and being near the shore, we could perceive with our
glasses, that several of the natives, who appeared upon a sandy beach,
were all armed with long spears and clubs, which they brandished in the
air with signs of threatening, or, as some on board interpreted their
attitudes, with invitations to land. Most of them appeared naked, except
having a sort of girdle, which being brought up between the thighs,
covered that part of the body. But some of them had pieces of cloth of
different colours, white, striped, or chequered, which they wore as a
garment thrown about their shoulders. And almost all of them had a white
wrapper about their heads, not much unlike a turban; or, in some
instances, like a high conical cap. We could also perceive that they
were of a tawny colour, and in general of a middling stature, but
robust, and inclining to corpulence.
At this time, a small canoe was launched in a great hurry from the
further end of the beach, and a man getting into it, put off, as with a
view to reach the ship. On perceiving this, I brought to, that we might
receive the visit; but the man’s resolution failing, he soon returned
toward the beach, where, after some time, another man joined him in the
canoe; and then they both paddled towards us. They stopt short, however,
as if afraid to approach, until Omai, who addressed them in the Otaheite
language, in some measure quieted their apprehensions. They then came
near enough to take some beads and nails, which were tied to a piece of
wood, and thrown into the canoe. They seemed afraid to touch these
things, and put the piece of wood aside without untying them. This,
however, might arise from superstition; for Omai told us, that when they
saw us offering them presents, they asked something for their _Eatooa_,
or god. He also, perhaps improperly, put the question to them, whether
they ever ate human flesh? which they answered in the negative, with a
mixture of indignation and abhorrence. One of them, whose name was
Mourooa, being asked how he came by a scar on his forehead, told us that
it was the consequence of a wound he had got in fighting with the people
of an island which lies to the north-eastward, who sometimes came to
invade them. They afterward took hold of a rope. Still, however, they
would not venture on board; but told Omai, who understood them pretty
well, that their countrymen on shore had given them this caution, at the
same time directing them to inquire, from whence our ship came, and to
learn the name of the captain. On our part, we inquired the name of the
island, which they called _Mangya_ or _Mangeea_; and sometimes added to
it _Nooe, nai, naiwa_. The name of their chief, they said, was
Orooaeeka.
Mourooa was lusty and well made, but not very tall. His features were
agreeable, and his disposition seemingly no less so; for he made several
droll gesticulations, which indicated both good nature and a share of
humour. He also made others which seemed of a serious kind, and repeated
some words with a devout air, before he ventured to lay hold of the rope
at the ship’s stern; which was probably to recommend himself to the
protection of some divinity. His colour was nearly of the same cast with
that common to the most southern Europeans. The other man was not so
handsome. Both of them had strong, straight hair, of a jet colour, tied
together on the crown of the head with a bit of cloth. They wore such
girdles as we had perceived about those on shore, and we found they were
a substance made from the _Morus papyrifera_, in the same manner as at
the other islands of this ocean. It was glazed like the sort used by the
natives of the Friendly Islands; but the cloth on their heads was white,
like that which is found at Otaheite. They had on a kind of sandals,
made of a grassy substance interwoven, which we also observed were worn
by those who stood upon the beach; and, as we supposed, intended to
defend their feet against the rough coral rock. Their beards were long;
and the inside of their arms, from the shoulder to the elbow, and some
other parts, were punctured or _tatooed_, after the manner of the
inhabitants of almost all the other islands in the South Sea. The lobe
of their ears was pierced, or rather slit, and to such a length, that
one of them stuck there a knife and some beads, which he had received
from us; and the same person had two polished pearl shells, and a bunch
of human hair, loosely twisted, hanging about his neck, which was the
only ornament we observed. The canoe they came in (which was the only
one we saw), was not above ten feet long, and very narrow; but both
strong and neatly made. The forepart had a flat board fastened over it,
and projecting out, to prevent the sea getting in on plunging, like the
small _Evaas_ at Otaheite; but it had an upright stern, about five feet
high, like some in New Zealand; and the upper end of this stern-post was
forked. The lower part of the canoe was of white wood, but the upper was
black, and their paddles, made of wood of the same colour, not above
three feet long, broad at one end, and blunted. They paddled either end
of the canoe forward indifferently; and only turned about their faces to
paddle the contrary way.
We now stood off and on; and as soon as the ships were in a proper
station, about ten o’clock I ordered two boats, one of them from the
Discovery, to sound the coast, and to endeavour to find a landing-place.
With this view, I went in one of them myself, taking with me such
articles to give the natives, as I thought might serve to gain their
good-will. I had no sooner put off from the ship, than the canoe with
the two men, which had left us not long before, paddled towards my boat;
and, having come alongside, Mourooa stept into her without being asked,
and without a moment’s hesitation.
Omai, who was with me, was ordered to inquire of him, where we could
land; and he directed us to two different places. But I saw, with
regret, that the attempt could not be made at either place, unless at
the risk of having our boats filled with water, or even staved to
pieces. Nor were we more fortunate in our search for anchorage; for we
could find no bottom, till within a cable’s length of the breakers.
There we met with from forty to twenty fathoms depth, over sharp coral
rocks; so that anchoring would have been attended with much more danger
than landing.
While we were thus employed in reconnoitring the shore, great numbers of
the natives thronged down upon the reef, all armed as above mentioned.
Mourooa, who was now in my boat, probably thinking that this warlike
appearance hindered us from landing, ordered them to retire back. As
many of them complied, I judged he must be a person of some consequence
among them. Indeed if we understood him right, he was the king’s
brother. So great was the curiosity of several of them, that they took
to the water, and swimming off to the boats, came on board them without
reserve. Nay, we found it difficult to keep them out; and still more
difficult to prevent their carrying off every thing they could lay their
hands upon. At length, when they perceived that we were returning to the
ships, they all left us, except our original visitor Mourooa. He, though
not without evident signs of fear, kept his place in my boat, and
accompanied me on board the ship.
The cattle and other new objects that presented themselves to him there,
did not strike him with so much surprise as one might have expected.
Perhaps his mind was too much taken up about his own safety to allow him
to attend to other things. It is certain that he seemed very uneasy; and
the ship, on our getting on board, happening to be standing off shore,
this circumstance made him the more so. I could get but little new
information from him; and, therefore, after he had made a short stay, I
ordered a boat to carry him in toward the land. As soon as he got out of
the cabin, he happened to stumble over one of the goats: his curiosity
now overcoming his fear, he stopped, looked at it, and asked Omai what
bird this was? and not receiving an immediate answer from him, he
repeated the question to some of the people upon deck. The boat having
conveyed him pretty near to the surf, he leaped into the sea and swam
ashore. He had no sooner landed, than the multitude of his countrymen
gathered round him, as if with an eager curiosity to learn from him what
he had seen; and in this situation they remained when we lost sight of
them. As soon as the boat returned, we hoisted her in, and made sail
from the land to the northward.
Thus were we obliged to leave unvisited, this fine island, which seemed
capable of supplying all our wants. It lies in the latitude of 21° 57ʹ
S. and in the longitude of 201° 53ʹ E. Such parts of the coast as fell
under our observation, are guarded by a reef of coral rock, on the
outside of which the sea is of an unfathomable depth. It is full five
leagues in circuit, and of a moderate and pretty equal height; though in
clear weather it may be certainly seen at the distance of ten leagues;
for we had not lost sight of it at night when we had run above seven
leagues, and the weather was cloudy. In the middle it rises into little
hills, from whence there is a gentle descent to the shore, which at the
south-west part is steep, though not above ten or twelve feet high; and
has several excavations made by the beating of the waves against a
brownish sand-stone of which it is composed. The descent here is covered
with trees of a deep green colour, very thick, but not high, which seem
all of one sort, unless nearest the shore, where there are great numbers
of that species of _dracæna_ found in the woods of New Zealand, which
are also scattered in some other places. On the north-west part, the
shore, as we mentioned above, ends in a sandy beach; beyond which the
land is broken down into small chasms or gullies, and has a broad border
of trees resembling tall willows; which, from its regularity, might be
supposed a work of art, did not its extent forbid us to think so.
Farther up on the ascent, the trees were of the deep green mentioned
before. Some of us supposed these to be the _rima_, intermixed with low
cocoa palms, and a few of some other sorts. They seemed not so thick as
on the south-west part, and higher; which appearance might be owing to
our nearer approach to the shore. On the little hills were some trees of
a taller sort, thinly scattered; but the other parts of them were either
bare and of a reddish colour, or covered with something like fern. Upon
the whole, the island has a pretty aspect, and might be made a beautiful
spot by cultivation.
As the inhabitants seemed to be both numerous and well fed, such
articles of provision as the island produces must be in great plenty. It
might, however, be a matter of curiosity to know, particularly, their
method of subsistence; for our friend Mourooa told us, that they had no
animals, as hogs and dogs, both which, however, they had heard of; but
acknowledged they had plantains, bread-fruit, and taro. The only birds
we saw, were some white egg-birds, terns, and noddies; and one white
heron, on the shore.
The language of the inhabitants of Mangeea is a dialect of that spoken
at Otaheite; though their pronunciation, as that of the New Zealanders,
be more guttural. Some of their words, of which two or three are perhaps
peculiar to this island, are here subjoined, as taken, by Mr. Anderson,
from Omai, who had learnt them in his conversations with Mourooa. The
Otaheite words, where there is any resemblance, are placed opposite.
English. _Mangeea._ _Otaheite._
_A cocoa-nut_, Eakkaree, Aree.
_Bread-fruit_, Kooroo, Ooroo.
_A canoe_, Ewakka, Evaa.
_Friend_, Naoo, mou.
_A man_, Taata, _or_ Tangata, Taata.
_Cloth_, or Taia, taia aoutee, Eoute.
_cloth-plant_,
_Good_, Mata, Myty.
_A club_, Pooroohee.
_Yes_, Aee, Ai.
_No_, Aoure, Aoure.
_A spear_, Heyhey.
_A fight_, or Etamagee, Tamaee.
_battle_,
_A woman_, Waheine, Waheine.
_A daughter_, Maheine, Maheine.
_The sun_, Heetaia matooa.
_I_, Ou, Wou.
_The shore_, Euta, Euta.
_What is that?_ Ehataieee? Owytaieeoa?
_There_, Oo.
_A chief_, Ereekee, Eree.
_Great_ or Manna (_an adjunct
_powerful_, to the last_.)
_To kiss_, Ooma.
The natives of Mangeea seem to resemble those of Otaheite and the
Marquesas in the beauty of their persons, more than any other nation I
have seen in these seas; having a smooth skin, and not being muscular.
Their general disposition also corresponds, as far as we had
opportunities of judging, with that which distinguishes the first
mentioned people. For they are not only cheerful, but, as Mourooa showed
us, are acquainted with all the lascivious gesticulations which the
Otaheiteans practise in their dances. It may also be supposed, that
their method of living is similar. For, though the nature of the country
prevented our seeing many of their habitations, we observed one house
near the beach, which much resembled, in its mode of construction, those
of Otaheite. It was pleasantly situated in a grove of trees, and
appeared to be about thirty feet long, and seven or eight high, with an
open end, which represented an ellipse divided transversely. Before it,
was spread something white on a few bushes; which we conjectured to be a
fishing-net, and, to appearance, of a very delicate texture.
They salute strangers much after the manner of the New Zealanders, by
joining noses; adding, however, the additional ceremony of taking the
hand of the person to whom they are paying civilities, and rubbing it
with a degree of force upon their nose and mouth.[167]
CHAP. II.
THE DISCOVERY OF AN ISLAND CALLED WATEEOO.—ITS COASTS EXAMINED.—VISITS
FROM THE NATIVES ON BOARD THE SHIPS.—MESS. GORE, BURNEY, AND ANDERSON,
WITH OMAI, SENT ON SHORE.—MR. ANDERSON’S NARRATIVE OF THEIR
RECEPTION.—OMAI’S EXPEDIENT TO PREVENT THEIR BEING DETAINED.—HIS
MEETING WITH SOME OF HIS COUNTRYMEN, AND THEIR DISTRESSFUL VOYAGE.—
FARTHER ACCOUNT OF WATEEOO, AND OF ITS INHABITANTS.
After leaving Mangeea, on the afternoon of the 30th, we continued our
course northward all that night, and till noon on the 31st; when we
again saw land, in the direction of N. E. by N., distant eight or ten
leagues.
Next morning, at eight o’clock, we had got abreast of its north end,
within four leagues of it, but to leeward; and could now pronounce it to
be an island, nearly of the same appearance and extent with that we had
so lately left. At the same time, another island, but much smaller, was
seen right ahead. We could have soon reached this; but the largest one
had the preference, as most likely to furnish a supply of food for the
cattle, of which we began to be in great want.
With this view, I determined to work up to it; but as there was but
little wind, and that little was unfavourable, we were still two leagues
to leeward at eight o’clock the following morning. Soon after, I sent
two armed boats from the Resolution, and one from the Discovery, under
the command of Lieutenant Gore, to look for anchoring-ground, and a
landing-place. In the mean time, we plied up under the island with the
ships.
Just as the boats were putting off, we observed several single canoes
coming from the shore. They went first to the Discovery, she being the
nearest ship. It was not long after, when three of these canoes came
alongside of the Resolution, each conducted by one man. They are long
and narrow, and supported by outriggers. The stern is elevated about
three or four feet, something like a ship’s stern-post. The head is flat
above, but prow-like below, and turns down at the extremity, like the
end of a violin. Some knives, beads, and other trifles were conveyed to
our visitors; and they gave us a few cocoa-nuts, upon our asking for
them. But they did not part with them by way of exchange for what they
had received from us. For they seemed to have no idea of bartering; nor
did they appear to estimate any of our presents at a high rate.
With a little persuasion, one of them made his canoe fast to the ship,
and came on board; and the other two, encouraged by his example, soon
followed him. Their whole behaviour marked that they were quite at their
ease, and felt no sort of apprehension of our detaining, or using them
ill.
After their departure, another canoe arrived, conducted by a man who
brought a bunch of plantains as a present to me; asking for me by name,
having learnt it from Omai, who was sent before us in the boat with Mr.
Gore. In return for this civility, I gave him an axe, and a piece of red
cloth; and he paddled back to the shore well satisfied. I afterward
understood from Omai, that this present had been sent from the king, or
principal chief of the island.
Not long after, a double canoe, in which were twelve men, came toward
us. As they drew near the ship, they recited some words in concert, by
way of chorus[168], one of their number first standing up, and giving
the word before each repetition. When they had finished their solemn
chant, they came alongside, and asked for the chief. As soon as I showed
myself, a pig and a few cocoa-nuts were conveyed up into the ship; and
the principal person in the canoe made me an additional present of a
piece of matting, as soon as he and his companions got on board.
Our visitors were conducted into the cabin, and to other parts of the
ship. Some objects seemed to strike them with a degree of surprise; but
nothing fixed their attention for a moment. They were afraid to come
near the cows and horses; nor did they form the least conception of
their nature. But the sheep and goats did not surpass the limits of
their ideas; for they gave us to understand that they knew them to be
birds. It will appear rather incredible, that human ignorance could ever
make so strange a mistake; there not being the most distant similitude
between a sheep or goat, and any winged animal. But these people seemed
to know nothing of the existence of any other land-animals, besides
hogs, dogs, and birds. Our sheep and goats, they could see, were very
different creatures from the two first, and therefore they inferred,
that they must belong to the latter class, in which they knew there is a
considerable variety of species. I made a present to my new friend of
what I thought might be most acceptable to him; but, on his going away,
he seemed rather disappointed than pleased. I afterward understood that
he was very desirous of obtaining a dog, of which animal this island
could not boast, though its inhabitants knew that the race existed in
other islands of their ocean. Captain Clerke had received the like
present, with the same view, from another man, who met with from him the
like disappointment.
The people in these canoes were in general of a middling size, and not
unlike those of Mangeea; though several were of a blacker cast than any
we saw there. Their hair was tied on the crown of the head, or flowing
loose about the shoulders; and though in some it was of a frizzling
disposition, yet, for the most part, that, as well as the straight sort,
was long. Their features were various, and some of the young men rather
handsome. Like those of Mangeea, they had girdles of glazed cloth, or
fine matting, the ends of which, being brought betwixt their thighs,
covered the adjoining parts. Ornaments, composed of a sort of broad
grass, stained with red, and strung with berries of the night-shade,
were worn about their necks. Their ears were bored, but not slit; and
they were punctured upon the legs, from the knee to the heel, which made
them appear as if they wore a kind of boots. They also resembled the
inhabitants of Mangeea in the length of their beards, and like them,
wore a sort of sandals upon their feet. Their behaviour was frank and
cheerful, with a great deal of good-nature.
At three o’clock in the afternoon, Mr. Gore returned with the boat, and
informed me, that he had examined all the west side of the island,
without finding a place where a boat could land, or the ships could
anchor, the shore being every where bounded by a steep coral rock,
against which the sea broke in a dreadful surf. But as the natives
seemed very friendly, and to express a degree of disappointment when
they saw that our people failed in their attempts to land, Mr. Gore was
of opinion, that by means of Omai, who could best explain our request,
they might be prevailed upon to bring off to the boats, beyond the surf,
such articles as we most wanted; in particular, the stems of plantain
trees, which make good food for the cattle. Having little or no wind,
the delay of a day or two was not of any moment; and therefore I
determined to try the experiment, and got every thing ready against the
next morning.
Soon after day-break, we observed some canoes coming off to the ships,
and one of them directed its course to the Resolution. In it was a hog,
with some plantains and cocoa nuts, for which the people, who brought
them demanded a dog from us, and refused every other thing that we
offered in exchange. One of our gentlemen on board, happened to have a
dog and a bitch, which were great nuisances in the ship, and might have
been disposed of on this occasion for a purpose of real utility, by
propagating a race of so useful an animal in this island. But their
owner had no such views, in making them the companions of his voyage.
However, to gratify these people, Omai parted with a favourite dog he
had brought from England; and with this acquisition they departed highly
satisfied.
About ten o’clock I dispatched Mr. Gore with three boats, two from the
Resolution and one from the Discovery, to try the experiment he had
proposed. And, as I could confide in his diligence and ability, I left
it entirely to himself, to act as from circumstances he should judge to
be most proper. Two of the natives who had been on board accompanied
him; and Omai went with him in his boat as an interpreter. The ships
being a full league from the island when the boats put off, and having
but little wind, it was noon before we could work up to it. We then saw
our three boats riding at their grapplings, just without the surf, and a
prodigious number of the natives on the shore abreast of them. By this
we concluded that Mr. Gore and others of our people had landed, and our
impatience to know the event may be easily conceived. In order to
observe their motions, and to be ready to give them such assistance as
they might want, and our respective situations would admit of, I kept as
near the shore as was prudent. I was sensible, however, that the reef
was as effectual a barrier between us and our friends who had landed,
and put them as much beyond the reach of our protection, as if half the
circumference of the globe had intervened. But the islanders, it was
probable, did not know this so well as we did. Some of them now and then
came off to the ships in their canoes with a few cocoa-nuts, which they
exchanged for whatever was offered to them, without seeming to give the
preference to any particular article.
These occasional visits served to lessen my solicitude about our people
who had landed. Though we could get no information from our visitors;
yet their venturing on board seemed to imply, at least, that their
countrymen on shore had not made an improper use of the confidence put
in them. At length, a little before sun-set, we had the satisfaction of
seeing the boats put off. When they got on board, I found that Mr. Gore
himself, Omai, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Burney, were the only persons who
had landed. The transactions of the day were now fully reported to me by
Mr. Gore; but Mr. Anderson’s account of them being very particular, and
including some remarks on the island and its inhabitants, I shall give
it a place here nearly in his own words.
“We rowed toward a small sandy beach, upon which, and upon the adjacent
rocks, a great number of the natives had assembled, and came to an
anchor within a hundred yards of the reef, which extends about as far,
or a little farther from the shore. Several of the natives swam off,
bringing cocoa-nuts; and Omai, with their countrymen, whom we had with
us in the boats, made them sensible of our wish to land. But their
attention was taken up for a little time by the dog which had been
carried from the ship, and was just brought on shore, round whom they
flocked with great eagerness. Soon after, two canoes came off; and, to
create a greater confidence in the islanders, we determined to go
unarmed, and run the hazard of being treated well or ill.
“Mr. Burney, the first lieutenant of the Discovery, and I went in one
canoe a little time before the other; and our conductors, watching
attentively the motions of the surf, landed us safely upon the reef. An
islander took hold of each of us, obviously with an intention to support
us in walking over the rugged rocks to the beach, where several of the
others met us, holding the green boughs of a species of _Mimosa_ in
their hands, and saluted us by applying their noses to ours.
“We were conducted from the beach by our guides, amidst a great crowd of
people, who flocked with very eager curiosity to look at us, and would
have prevented our proceeding, had not some men, who seemed to have
authority, dealt blows with little distinction amongst them to keep them
off. We were then led up an avenue of cocoa-palms, and soon came to a
number of men arranged in two rows, armed with clubs, which they held on
their shoulders much in the manner we rest a musket. After walking a
little way amongst these, we found a person who seemed a chief, sitting
on the ground cross-legged, cooling himself with a sort of triangular
fan, made from a leaf of the cocoa-palm, with a polished handle of black
wood fixed to one corner. In his ears were large bunches of beautiful
red feathers which pointed forward. But he had no other mark or ornament
to distinguish him from the rest of the people, though they all obeyed
him with the greatest alacrity. He either naturally had, or at this time
put on a serious but not severe countenance; and we were desired to
salute him as he sat by some people who seemed of consequence.
“We proceeded still amongst the men armed with clubs, and came to a
second chief, who sat fanning himself, and ornamented as the first. He
was remarkable for his size and uncommon corpulence, though to
appearance not above thirty years of age. In the same manner we were
conducted to a third chief, who seemed older than the two former, and,
though not so fat as the second, was of a large size. He also was
sitting, and adorned with red feathers; and after saluting him as we had
done the others, he desired us both to sit down, which we were very
willing to do, being pretty well fatigued with walking up, and with the
excessive heat we felt amongst the vast crowd that surrounded us.
“In a few minutes the people were ordered to separate; and we saw, at
the distance of thirty yards, about twenty young women, ornamented as
the chiefs with red feathers, engaged in a dance, which they performed
to a slow and serious air sung by them all. We got up and went forward
to see them; and though we must have been strange objects to them, they
continued their dance without paying the least attention to us. They
seemed to be directed by a man who served as a prompter, and mentioned
each motion they were to make. But they never changed the spot as we do
in dancing; and though their feet were not at rest, this exercise
consisted more in moving the fingers very nimbly, at the same time
holding their hands in a prone position near the face, and now and then
also clapping them together.[169] Their motions and song were performed
in such exact concert, that it should seem they had been taught with
great care; and probably they were selected for this ceremony, as few of
those whom we saw in the crowd equalled them in beauty. In general they
were rather stout than slender, with black hair flowing in ringlets down
the neck, and of an olive complexion. Their features were rather fuller
than what we allow to perfect beauties, and much alike; but their eyes
were of a deep black, and each countenance expressed a degree of
complacency and modesty peculiar to the sex in every part of the world,
but perhaps more conspicuous here, where Nature presented us with her
productions in the fullest perfection, unbiassed in sentiment by custom,
or unrestrained in manner by art. Their shape and limbs were elegantly
formed; for, as their dress consisted only of a piece of glazed cloth
fastened about the waist, and scarcely reaching so low as the knees, in
many we had an opportunity of observing every part. This dance was not
finished when we heard a noise as if some horses had been gallopping
toward us; and, on looking aside, we saw the people armed with clubs,
who had been desired, as we supposed, to entertain us with the sight of
their manner of fighting. This they now did, one party pursuing another
who fled.
“As we supposed the ceremony of being introduced to the chiefs was at an
end, we began to look about for Mr. Gore and Omai; and though the crowd
would hardly suffer us to move, we at length found them coming up, as
much incommoded by the number of people as we had been, and introduced
in the same manner to the three chiefs, whose names were Otteroo, Taroa,
and Fatouweera. Each of these expected a present; and Mr. Gore gave them
such things as he had brought with him from the ship for that purpose.
After this, making use of Omai as his interpreter, he informed the
chiefs with what intention we had come on shore; but was given to
understand, that he must wait till the next day, and then he should have
what was wanted.
“They now seemed to take some pains to separate us from each other; and
every one of us had his circle to surround and gaze at him. For my own
part, I was at one time above an hour apart from my friends; and when I
told the chief, with whom I sat, that I wanted to speak to Omai, he
peremptorily refused my request. At the same time I found the people
began to steal several trifling things which I had in my pocket; and
when I took the liberty of complaining to the chief of this treatment,
he justified it. From these circumstances, I now entertained
apprehensions, that they might have formed the design of detaining us
amongst them. They did not, indeed, seem to be of a disposition so
savage, as to make us anxious for the safety of our persons; but it was,
nevertheless, vexing to think we had hazarded being detained by their
curiosity. In this situation I asked for something to eat; and they
readily brought me some cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, and a sort of sour
pudding, which was presented by a woman. And on my complaining much of
the heat, occasioned by the crowd, the chief himself condescended to fan
me, and gave me a small piece of cloth, which he had round his waist.
“Mr. Burney happened to come to the place where I was, I mentioned my
suspicions to him, and, to put it to the test, whether they were
well-founded, we attempted to get to the beach. But we were stopped when
about half way, by some men, who told us that we must go back to the
place which we had left. On coming up, we found Omai entertaining the
same apprehensions. But he had, as he fancied, an additional reason for
being afraid, for he had observed that they had dug a hole in the ground
for an oven, which they were now heating; and he could assign no other
reason for this, than that they meant to roast and eat us, as is
practised by the inhabitants of New Zealand. Nay, he went so far as to
ask them the question; at which they were greatly surprised, asking in
return, whether that was a custom with us? Mr. Burney and I were rather
angry that they should be thus suspected by him, there having as yet
been no appearances in their conduct toward us, of their being capable
of such brutality.
“In this manner we were detained the greatest part of the day, being
sometimes together, and sometimes separated; but always in a crowd; who,
not satisfied with gazing at us, frequently desired us to uncover parts
of our skin, the sight of which commonly produced a general murmur of
admiration. At the same time, they did not omit these opportunities of
rifling our pockets; and at last, one of them snatched a small bayonet
from Mr. Gore, which hung in its sheath by his side. This was
represented to the chief, who pretended to send some person in search of
it. But in all probability, he countenanced the theft; for soon after,
Omai had a dagger stolen from his side in the same manner, though he did
not miss it immediately.
“Whether they observed any signs of uneasiness in us, or that they
voluntarily repeated their emblems of friendship when we expressed a
desire to go, I cannot tell; but, at this time, they brought some green
boughs, and sticking their ends in the ground, desired we might hold
them as we sat. Upon our urging again the business we came upon, they
gave us to understand that we must stay and eat with them; and a pig
which we saw soon after lying near the oven, which they had prepared and
heated, removed Omai’s apprehensions of being put into it himself, and
made us think it might be intended for our repast. The chief also
promised to send some people to procure food for the cattle, but it was
not till pretty late in the afternoon, that we saw them return with a
few plantain-trees, which they carried to our boats.
“In the mean time Mr. Burney and I attempted again to go to the beach,
but when we arrived, found ourselves watched by people, who, to
appearance, had been placed there for this purpose. For when I tried to
wade in upon the reef, one of them took hold of my clothes and dragged
me back. I picked up some small pieces of coral, which they required me
throw down again; and on my refusal, they made no scruple to take them
forcibly from me. I had gathered some small plants, but these also I
could not be permitted to retain; and they took a fan from Mr. Burney,
which he had received as a present on coming ashore. Omai said we had
done wrong in taking up any thing, for it was not the custom here to
permit freedoms of that kind to strangers, till they had in some measure
naturalized them to the country, by entertaining them with festivity for
two or three days.
“Finding that the only method of procuring better treatment was to yield
implicit obedience to their will, we went up again to the place we had
left, and they now promised, that we should have a canoe to carry us off
to our boats, after we had eaten of a repast which had been prepared for
us.
“Accordingly the second chief, to whom we had been introduced in the
morning, having seated himself upon a low broad stool of blackish hard
wood, tolerably polished, and directing the multitude to make a pretty
large ring, made us sit down by him. A considerable number of cocoa-nuts
were now brought; and shortly after, a long green basket with a
sufficient quantity of baked plantains to have served a dozen persons. A
piece of the young hog that had been dressed, was then set before each
of us, of which we were desired to eat. Our appetites, however, had
failed from the fatigue of the day; and though we did eat a little to
please them, it was without satisfaction to ourselves.
“It being now near sun-set, we told them it was time to go on board.
This they allowed; and sent down to the beach the remainder of the
victuals that had been dressed, to be carried with us to the ships. But
before we set out, Omai was treated with a drink he had been used to in
his own country; which, we observed, was made here as at other islands
in the South Sea, by chewing the root of a sort of pepper. We found a
canoe ready to put us off to our boats; which the natives did with the
same caution as when we landed. But even here their thievish disposition
did not leave them; for a person of some consequence among them, who
came with us, took an opportunity, just as they were pushing the canoe
into the surf, to snatch a bag out of her which I had, with the greatest
difficulty, preserved all the day, there being in it a small
pocket-pistol which I was unwilling to part with. Perceiving him, I
called out, expressing as much displeasure as I could; on which he
thought proper to return, and swim with the bag to the canoe, but denied
he had stolen it, though detected in the very act. They put us on board
our boats, with the cocoa-nuts, plantains, and other provisions which
they had brought; and we rowed to the ships very well pleased that we
had at last got out of the hands of our troublesome masters.
“We regretted much, that our restrained situation gave us so little
opportunity of making observations on the country. For, during the whole
day, we were seldom a hundred yards from the place where we were
introduced to the chiefs on landing; and, consequently, were confined to
the surrounding objects. The first thing that presented itself worthy of
our notice was the number of people, which must have been at least two
thousand. For those who welcomed us on the shore bore no proportion to
the multitude we found amongst the trees, on proceeding a little way up.
“We could also observe that, except a few, those we had hitherto seen on
board were of the lower class; for a great number of those we now met
with, had a superior dignity in their air, and were of a much whiter
cast. In general they had the hair tied on the crown of the head, long,
black, and of a most luxuriant growth. Many of the young men were
perfect models in shape, of a complexion as delicate as that of the
women, and, to appearance, of a disposition as amiable. Others who were
more advanced in years, were corpulent; and all had a remarkable
smoothness of the skin. Their general dress was a piece of cloth or mat
wrapped about the waist, and covering the parts which modesty conceals.
But some had pieces of mats most curiously varied with black and white,
made into a sort of jacket without sleeves; and others wore conical caps
of cocoa-nut core, neatly interwoven with small beads made of a shelly
substance. Their ears were pierced; and in them they hung bits of the
membraneous part of some plant, or stuck there an odoriferous flower,
which seemed to be a species of _gardenia_. Some who were of a superior
class, and also the chiefs, had two little balls with a common base,
made from the bone of some animal which was hung round the neck, with a
great many folds of small cord. And after the ceremony of introduction
to the chiefs was over, they then appeared without their red feathers;
which are certainly considered here as a particular mark of distinction,
for none but themselves and the young women who danced assumed them.
“Some of the men were punctured all over the sides and back in an
uncommon manner; and some of the women had the same ornament on their
legs. But this method was confined to those who seemed to be of a
superior rank; and the men, in that case, were also generally
distinguished by their size and corpulence, unless very young. The women
of an advanced age had their hair cropped short; and many were cut in
oblique lines all over the fore part of the body; and some of the
wounds, which formed rhomboidal figures, had been so lately inflicted,
that the coagulated blood still remained in them.
“The wife of one of the chiefs appeared with her child laid in a piece
of red cloth which had been presented to her husband, and seemed to
carry it with great tenderness, suckling it much after the manner of our
women. Another chief introduced his daughter, who was young and
beautiful, but appeared with all the timidity natural to the sex, though
she gazed on us with a kind of anxious concern, that seemed to struggle
with her fear, and to express her astonishment at so unusual a sight.
Others advanced with more firmness, and, indeed, were less reserved than
we expected, but behaved with a becoming modesty. We did not observe any
personal deformities amongst either sex, except in a few who had scars
of broad superficial ulcers remaining on the face and other parts. In
proportion to the number of people assembled, there appeared not many
old men or women; which may easily be accounted for, by supposing that
such as were in an advanced period of life might neither have the
inclination nor the ability to come from the more distant parts of the
island. On the other hand, the children were numerous; and both these
and the men climbed the trees to look at us when we were hid by the
surrounding crowd.
“About a third part of the men were armed with clubs and spears; and,
probably, these were only the persons who had come from a distance, as
many of them had small baskets, mats, and other things, fastened to the
ends of their weapons. The clubs were generally about six feet long,
made of a hard black wood, lance-shaped at the end, but much broader,
with the edge nicely scolloped, and the whole neatly polished. Others of
them were narrower at the point, much shorter and plain; and some were
even so small as to be used with one hand. The spears were made of the
same wood, simply pointed; and, in general, above twelve feet long;
though some were so short, that they seemed intended to be thrown as
darts.
“The place where we were all the day was under the shade of various
trees, in which they preserved their canoes from the sun. About eight or
ten of them were here, all double ones; that is, two single ones
fastened together (as is usual throughout the whole extent of the
Pacific Ocean), by rafters lashed across. They were about twenty feet
long, about four feet deep, and the sides rounded with a plank raised
upon them, which was fastened strongly by means of withes. Two of these
canoes were most curiously stained or painted all over with black, in
numberless small figures, as squares, triangles, &c. and excelled by far
any thing of that kind I had ever seen at any other island in this
ocean. Our friends here, indeed, seemed to have exerted more skill in
doing this than in puncturing their own bodies. The paddles were about
four feet long, nearly elliptical, but broader at the upper end than the
middle. Near the same place was a hut or shed about thirty feet long,
and nine or ten high, in which perhaps these boats are built, but at
this time it was empty.
“The greatest number of the trees around us were _cocoa-palms_; some
sorts of _hibiscus_; a species of _euphorbia_; and, toward the sea,
abundance of the same kind of trees we had seen at Mangeea Nooe
Nainaiwa; and which seemed to surround the shores of this island in the
same manner. They are tall and slender, not much unlike a cypress; but
with bunches of long, round, articulated leaves. The natives call them
_etoa_. On the ground we saw some grass; a species of _convolvulus_; and
a good deal of _treacle-mustard_. There are also, doubtless, other
fruit-trees and useful plants which we did not see. For, besides several
sorts of _plantains_, they brought, at different times, roots which they
call _taro_ (the _coccos_ of other countries); a bread-fruit; and a
basket of roasted nuts, of a kidney-shape, in taste like a chesnut, but
coarser.
“What the soil of the island may be, further inland, we could not tell.
But, toward the sea, it is nothing more than a bank of coral, ten or
twelve feet high, steep, and rugged; except where there are small sandy
beaches, at some clefts where the ascent is gradual. The coral, though
it has, probably, been exposed to the weather for many centuries, has
undergone no farther change than becoming black on the surface; which,
from its irregularity, is not much unlike large masses of a burnt
substance. But, on breaking some pieces off, we found that, at the depth
of two or three inches, it was just as fresh as the pieces that had been
lately thrown upon the beach by the waves. The reef or rock, that lines
the shore entirely, runs to different breadths into the sea, where it
ends, all at once, and becomes like a high, steep wall. It is nearly
even with the surface of the water, and of a brown or brick colour; but
the texture is rather porous, yet sufficient to withstand the washing of
the surf, which continually breaks upon it.”
Though the landing of our gentlemen proved the means of enriching my
journal with the foregoing particulars, the principal object I had in
view was, in a great measure, unattained; for the day was spent without
getting any one thing from the island worth mentioning. The natives,
however, were gratified with a sight they never before had; and,
probably, will never have again. And mere curiosity seems to have been
their chief motive for keeping the gentlemen under such restraint, and
for using every art to prolong their continuance amongst them.
It has been mentioned, that Omai was sent upon this expedition; and,
perhaps, his being Mr. Gore’s interpreter was not the only service he
performed this day. He was asked by the natives a great many questions
concerning us, our ships, our country, and the sort of arms we used;
and, according to the account he gave me, his answers were not a little
upon the marvellous. As, for instance, he told them, that our country
had ships as large as their island; on board which were instruments of
war (describing our guns), of such dimensions, that several people might
sit within them; and that one of them was sufficient to crush the whole
island at one shot. This led them to inquire of him, what sort of guns
we actually had in our two ships. He said, that though they were but
small, in comparison with those he had just described, yet, with such as
they were, we could, with the greatest ease, and at the distance the
ships were from the shore, destroy the island, and kill every soul in
it. They persevered in their inquiries, to know by what means this could
be done; and Omai explained the matter as well as he could. He happened
luckily to have a few cartridges in his pocket. These he produced; the
balls, and the gunpowder which was to set them in motion, were submitted
to inspection; and to supply the defects of his description, an appeal
was made to the senses of the spectators. It has been mentioned above,
that one of the chiefs had ordered the multitude to form themselves into
a circle. This furnished Omai with a convenient stage for his
exhibition. In the centre of this amphitheatre, the inconsiderable
quantity of gunpowder, collected from his cartridges, was properly
disposed upon the ground, and, by means of a bit of burning wood from
the oven, where dinner was dressing, set on fire. The sudden blast, and
loud report, the mingled flame and smoke, that instantly succeeded, now
filled the whole assembly with astonishment; they no longer doubted the
tremendous power of our weapons, and gave full credit to all that Omai
had said.
If it had not been for the terrible ideas they conceived of the guns of
our ships, from this specimen of their mode of operation, it was thought
that they would have detained the gentlemen all night. For Omai assured
them, that if he and his companions did not return on board the same
day, they might expect that I would fire upon the island. And as we
stood in nearer the land in the evening than we had done any time
before, of which position of the ships they were observed to take great
notice, they, probably, thought we were meditating this formidable
attack; and therefore suffered their guests to depart; under the
expectation, however, of seeing them again on shore next morning. But I
was too sensible of the risk they had already run, to think of a
repetition of the experiment.
This day, it seems, was destined to give Omai more occasions than one of
being brought forward to bear a principal part in its transactions. The
island, though never before visited by Europeans, actually happened to
have other strangers residing in it; and it was entirely owing to Omai’s
being one of Mr. Gore’s attendants, that this curious circumstance came
to our knowledge.
Scarcely had he been landed upon the beach, when he found amongst the
crowd there assembled, three of his own countrymen, natives of the
Society Islands. At the distance of about two hundred leagues from those
islands, an immense unknown ocean intervening, with such wretched
sea-boats as their inhabitants are known to make use of, and fit only
for a passage where sight of land is scarcely ever lost, such a meeting,
at such a place, so accidentally visited by us, may well be looked upon
as one of those unexpected situations, with which the writers of feigned
adventures love to surprise their readers, and which, when they really
happen in common life, deserve to be recorded for their singularity.
It may easily be guessed with what mutual surprise and satisfaction Omai
and his countrymen engaged in conversation. Their story, as related by
them, is an affecting one. About twenty persons in number, of both
sexes, had embarked on board a canoe at Otaheite, to cross over to the
neighbouring island Ulietea. A violent contrary wind arising, they could
neither reach the latter, nor get back to the former. Their intended
passage being a very short one, their stock of provisions was scanty and
soon exhausted; the hardships they suffered, while driven along by the
storm, they knew not whither, are not to be conceived; they passed many
days without having any thing to eat or drink; their numbers gradually
diminished, worn out by famine and fatigue; four men only survived, when
the canoe overset, and then the perdition of this small remnant seemed
inevitable. However, they kept hanging by the side of their vessel
during some of the last days, till Providence brought them in sight of
the people of this island, who immediately sent out canoes, took them
off their wreck, and brought them ashore. Of the four who were thus
saved, one was since dead; the other three, who lived to have this
opportunity of giving an account of their almost miraculous
transplantation, spoke highly of the kind treatment they here met with;
and so well satisfied were they with their situation, that they refused
the offer made to them by our gentlemen, at Omai’s request, of giving
them a passage on board our ships, to restore them to their native
islands. The similarity of manners and language had more than
naturalized them to this spot; and the fresh connexions which they had
here formed, and which it would have been painful to have broken off,
after such a length of time, sufficiently account for their declining to
revisit the places of their birth. They had arrived upon this island at
least twelve years ago. For I learnt from Mr. Anderson, that he found
they knew nothing of Captain Wallis’s visit to Otaheite in 1765; nor of
several other memorable occurrences, such as the conquest of Ulietea by
those of Bolabola, which had preceded the arrival of the Europeans. To
Mr. Anderson I am also indebted for their names, Orououte, Otirreroa,
and Tavee; the first, born at Matavai in Otaheite; the second, at
Ulietea; and the third, at Huaheine.
The landing of our gentlemen on this island, though they failed in the
object of it, cannot but be considered as a very fortunate circumstance.
It has proved, as we have seen, the means of bringing to our knowledge a
matter of fact, not only very curious, but very instructive. The
application of the above narrative is obvious. It will serve to explain,
better than a thousand conjectures of speculative reasoners, how the
detached parts of the earth, and, in particular, how the islands of the
South Sea, may have been first peopled; especially those that lie remote
from any inhabited continent, or from each other.[170]
This island is called Wateeoo by the natives. It lies in the latitude of
20° 1ʹ S. and in the longitude 201° 45ʹ E. and is about six leagues in
circumference. It is a beautiful spot, with a surface composed of hills
and plains, and covered with verdure of many hues. Our gentlemen found
the soil where they passed the day to be light and sandy; but farther up
the country a different sort perhaps prevails, as we saw from the ship,
by the help of our glasses, a reddish cast upon the rising grounds.
There the inhabitants have their houses, for we could perceive two or
three which were long and spacious. Its produce, with the addition of
hogs, we found to be the same as at the last island we had visited,
which the people of this, to whom we pointed out its position, called
Owhavarouah; a name so different from Mangeea Nooe Nainaiwa, which we
learnt from its own inhabitants, that it is highly probable Owhavarouah
is another island.
From the circumstances already mentioned, it appears, that Wateeoo can
be of little use to any ship that wants refreshment, unless in a case of
the most absolute necessity. The natives, knowing now the value of some
of our commodities, might be induced to bring off fruits and hogs to a
ship standing off and on, or to boats lying off the reef, as ours did.
It is doubtful, however, if any fresh water could be procured. For,
though some was brought in cocoa-nut shells to the gentlemen, they were
told that it was at a considerable distance; and probably it is only to
be met with in some stagnant pool, as no running stream was any where
seen.
According to Omai’s report of what he learnt in conversation with his
three countrymen, the manners of these islanders, their method of
treating strangers, and their general habits of life, are much like
those that prevail at Otaheite, and its neighbouring isles. Their
religious ceremonies and opinions are also nearly the same. For upon
seeing one man, who was painted all over of a deep black colour, and
inquiring the reason, our gentlemen were told that he had lately been
paying the last good offices to a deceased friend, and they found that
it was upon similar occasions the women cut themselves, as already
mentioned. From every circumstance, indeed, it is indubitable, that the
natives of Wateeoo sprung, originally, from the same stock, which hath
spread itself so wonderfully all over the immense extent of the South
Sea. One would suppose, however, that they put in their claim to a more
illustrious extraction, for Omai assured us, that they dignified their
island with the appellation of _Wenooa no te Eatooa_, that is, a land of
gods; esteeming themselves a sort of divinities, and possessed with the
spirit of the Eatooa. This wild enthusiastic notion Omai seemed much to
approve of, telling us there were instances of its being entertained at
Otaheite, but that it was universally prevalent amongst the inhabitants
of Mataia, or Osnaburg Island.
The language spoken at Wateeoo was equally well understood by Omai, and
by our two New Zealanders. What its peculiarities may be when compared
with the other dialects, I am not able to point out; for though Mr.
Anderson had taken care to note down a specimen of it, the natives, who
made no distinction of the objects of their theft, stole the
memorandum-book.
CHAP. III.
WENOOA-ETTE, OR OTAKOOTAIA, VISITED.—ACCOUNT OF THAT ISLAND, AND OF ITS
PRODUCE.—HERVEY’S ISLAND, OR TEROUGGE MOU ATTOOA, FOUND TO BE
INHABITED.—TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES.—THEIR PERSONS, DRESS,
LANGUAGE, CANOES.—FRUITLESS ATTEMPT TO LAND THERE.—REASONS FOR BEARING
AWAY FOR THE FRIENDLY ISLANDS.—PALMERSTON’S ISLAND TOUCHED AT.—
DESCRIPTION OF THE TWO PLACES WHERE THE BOATS LANDED.—REFRESHMENTS
OBTAINED THERE.—CONJECTURES ON THE FORMATION OF SUCH LOW ISLANDS.—
ARRIVAL AT THE FRIENDLY ISLANDS.
Light airs and calms having prevailed, by turns, all the night of the
3d, the easterly swell had carried the ships some distance from Wateeoo,
before day-break. But as I had failed in my object of procuring, at that
place, some effectual supply, I saw no reason for staying there any
longer. I therefore quitted it, without regret, and steered for the
neighbouring island, which, as has been mentioned, we discovered three
days before.
With a gentle breeze at east, we got up with it before ten o’clock in
the morning, and I immediately dispatched Mr. Gore, with two boats, to
endeavour to land, and get some food for our cattle. As there seemed to
be no inhabitants here to obstruct our taking away whatever we might
think proper, I was confident of his being able to make amends for our
late disappointment, if the landing could be effected. There was a reef
here surrounding the land, as at Wateeoo, and a considerable surf
breaking against the rocks; notwithstanding which, our boats no sooner
reached the lee, or west side of the island, but they ventured in, and
Mr. Gore and his party got safe on shore. I could, from the ship, see
that they had succeeded so far; and I immediately sent a small boat to
know what farther assistance was wanting. She did not return till three
o’clock in the afternoon, having waited to take in a lading of what
useful produce the island afforded. As soon as she was cleared she was
sent again for another cargo; the jolly boat was also dispatched, and
Mr. Gore was ordered to be on board, with all the boats, before night;
which was complied with.
The supply obtained here, consisted of about a hundred cocoa-nuts for
each ship; and besides this refreshment for ourselves, we got for our
cattle some grass, and a quantity of the leaves and branches of young
cocoa-trees, and of the _wharra_ tree, as it is called at Otaheite, the
_pandanus_ of the East Indies. This latter being of a soft, spungy,
juicy nature, the cattle ate it very well, when cut into small pieces;
so that it might be said, without any deviation from truth, that we fed
them upon billet wood.
This island lies in the latitude of 19° 51ʹ S. and the longitude of 201°
37ʹ E. about three or four leagues from Wateeoo, the inhabitants of
which called it Otakootaia; and sometimes they spoke of it under the
appellation of _Wenooa-ette_, which signifies little island. Mr.
Anderson who was on shore with our party, and walked round it, guessed
that it could not be much more than three miles in circuit. From him I
also learned the following particulars. The beach within the reef, is
composed of a white coral sand; above which, the land within does not
rise above six or seven feet, and is covered with a light reddish soil;
but is entirely destitute of water.
The only common trees found there were cocoa-palms, of which there were
several clusters; and vast numbers of the _wharra_. There were,
likewise, the _callophyllum, suriana, guettarda_, a species of
_tournefortia_, and _tabernæ montanæ_, with a few other shrubs; and some
of the _etoa_ tree seen at Wateeoo. A sort of _bind-weed_ over-ran the
vacant spaces; except in some places, where was found a considerable
quantity of _treacle-mustard_, a species of _spurge_, with a few other
small plants, and the _morinda citrifolia_; the fruit of which is eaten
by the natives of Otaheite in times of scarcity. Omai, who had landed
with the party, dressed some of it for their dinner; but it proved very
indifferent.
The only bird seen amongst the trees, was a beautiful cuckoo, of a
chestnut brown, variegated with black, which was shot. But, upon the
shore, were some egg-birds; a small sort of curlew; blue and white
herons; and great numbers of noddies; which last, at this time, laid
their eggs, a little farther up, on the ground, and often rested on the
_wharra_ tree.
One of our people caught a lizard of a most forbidding aspect, though
small, running up a tree; and many, of another sort, were seen. The
bushes toward the sea, were frequented by infinite numbers of a sort of
moth, elegantly speckled with red, black, and white. There were also
several other sorts of moths, as well as some pretty butterflies; and a
few other insects.
Though there were, at this time, no fixed inhabitants upon the island,
indubitable marks remained of its being, at least, occasionally
frequented. In particular, a few empty huts were found. There were also
several large stones erected, like monuments, under the shade of some
trees; and several spaces inclosed with smaller ones, where, probably,
the dead had been buried. And, in one place, a great many cockle-shells,
of a particular sort, finely grooved, and larger than the first, were to
be seen; from which it was reasonable to conjecture, that the island had
been visited by persons who feed partly on shell-fish. In one of the
huts, Mr. Gore left a hatchet and some nails, to the full value of what
we took away.
As soon as the boats were hoisted in, I made sail again to the
northward, with a light air of wind easterly; intending to try our
fortune at Hervey’s Island, which was discovered in 1773, during my last
voyage.[171] Although it was not above fifteen leagues distant, yet we
did not get sight of it till day-break in the morning of the 6th, when
it bore west south-west, at the distance of about three leagues. As we
drew near it, at eight o’clock, we observed several canoes put off from
the shore; and they came directly toward the ships. This was a sight
that, indeed, surprised me, as no signs of inhabitants were seen when
the island was first discovered, which might be owing to a pretty brisk
wind that then blew, and prevented their canoes venturing out, as the
ships passed to leeward; whereas now we were to windward.
As we still kept on toward the island, six or seven of the canoes, all
double ones, soon came near us. There were from three to six men in each
of them. They stopped at the distance of about a stone’s throw from the
ship; and it was some time before Omai could prevail upon them to come
alongside; but no intreaties could induce any of them to venture on
board. Indeed, their disorderly and clamorous behaviour by no means
indicated a disposition to trust us, or treat us well. We afterward
learnt that they had attempted to take some oars out of the Discovery’s
boat, that lay along-side, and struck a man who endeavoured to prevent
them. They also cut away, with a shell, a net with meat, which hung over
that ship’s stern, and absolutely refused to restore it; though we,
afterward, purchased it from them. Those who were about our ship,
behaved in the same daring manner; for they made a sort of hook, of a
long stick, with which they endeavoured openly to rob us of several
things; and, at last, actually got a frock belonging to one of our
people, that was towing overboard. At the same time, they immediately
showed a knowledge of bartering, and sold some fish they had (amongst
which was an extraordinary flounder, spotted like porphyry; and a
crame-coloured eel, spotted with black), for small nails, of which they
were immoderately fond, and called them _goore_. But, indeed, they
caught, with the greatest avidity, bits of paper, or any thing else that
was thrown to them; and if what was thrown fell into the sea, they made
no scruple to swim after it.
These people seemed to differ as much in person, as in disposition, from
the natives of Wateeoo; though the distance between the two islands is
not very great. Their colour was of a deeper cast; and several had a
fierce, rugged aspect, resembling the natives of New Zealand; but some
were fairer. They had strong black hair, which, in general, they wore
either hanging loose about the shoulders, or tied in a bunch on the
crown of the head. Some, however, had it cropped pretty short; and, in
two or three of them, it was of a brown, or reddish colour. Their only
covering was a narrow piece of mat, wrapt several times round the lower
part of the body, and which passed between the thighs; but a fine cap of
red feathers was seen lying in one of the canoes. The shell of a
pearl-oyster polished, and hung about the neck, was the only ornamental
fashion that we observed amongst them; for not one of them had adopted
that mode of ornament, so generally prevalent amongst the natives of
this Ocean of puncturing, or _tatooing_ their bodies.
Though singular in this, we had the most unequivocal proofs of their
being of the same common race. Their language approached still nearer to
the dialect of Otaheite, than that of Wateeoo, or Mangeea. Like the
inhabitants of these two islands, they inquired from whence our ships
came; and whither bound; who was our chief; the number of our men on
board; and even the ship’s name. And they very readily answered such
questions as we proposed to them. Amongst other things, they told us,
they had seen two great ships, like ours, before; but that they had not
spoken with them as they sailed past. There can be no doubt, that these
were the Resolution and Adventure. We learnt from them, that the name of
their island is Terouggemou Atooa; and that they were subject to
Teerevatooeah, king of Wateeoo.[172] According to the account that they
gave, their articles of food are cocoa-nuts, fish, and turtle; the
island not producing plantains, or bread-fruit; and being destitute of
hogs and dogs. Their canoes, of which near thirty were at one time in
sight, are pretty large and well built. In the construction of the
stern, they bear some resemblance to those of Wateeoo; and the head
projects out nearly in the same manner; but the extremity is turned up
instead of down.
Having but very little wind, it was one o’clock before we drew near the
north-west part of the island; the only part where there seemed to be
any probability of finding anchorage for our ships, or a landing-place
for our boats. In this position, I sent Lieutenant King, with two armed
boats, to sound and reconnoitre the coast, while we stood off and on
with the ships. The instant the boats were hoisted out, our visitors in
the canoes, who had remained alongside all the while, bartering their
little trifles, suspended their traffic, and pushing for the shore as
fast as they could, came near us no more.
At three o’clock, the boats returned; and Mr. King informed me, “That
there was no anchorage for the ships; and that the boats could only land
on the outer edge of the reef, which lay about a quarter of a mile from
the dry land. He said, that a number of the natives came down upon the
reef, armed with long pikes and clubs, as if they intended to oppose his
landing. And yet when he drew near enough, they threw some cocoa-nuts to
our people, and invited them to come on shore; though, at the very same
time, he observed, that the women were very busy bringing down a fresh
supply of spears and darts. But, as he had no motive to land, he did not
give them an opportunity to use them.”
Having received this report, I considered, that, as the ships could not
be brought to an anchor, we should find that the attempt to procure
grass here, would occasion much delay, as well as be attended with some
danger. Besides, we were equally in want of water; and though the
inhabitants had told us that there was water on their island, yet we
neither knew in what quantity, nor from what distance, we might be
obliged to fetch it. And, after all, supposing no other obstruction, we
were sure that to get over the reef, would be an operation equally
difficult and tedious.
Being thus disappointed at all the islands we had met with, since our
leaving New Zealand, and the unfavourable winds, and other unforeseen
circumstances, having unavoidably retarded our progress so much, it was
now impossible to think of doing any thing this year, in the high
latitudes of the northern hemisphere, from which we were still at so
great a distance, though the season for our operations there was already
begun. In this situation, it was absolutely necessary to pursue such
measures as were most likely to preserve the cattle we had on board, in
the first place; and, in the next place (which was still a more capital
object), to save the stores and provisions of the ships, that we might
be better enabled to prosecute our northern discoveries, which could not
now commence till a year later than was originally intended.
If I had been so fortunate as to have procured a supply of water, and of
grass, at any of the islands we had lately visited, it was my purpose to
have stood back to the south, till I had met with a westerly wind. But
the certain consequence of doing this without such a supply, would have
been the loss of all the cattle, before we could possibly reach
Otaheite, without gaining any one advantage with regard to the great
object of our voyage.
I therefore determined to bear away for the Friendly Islands, where I
was sure of meeting with abundance of every thing I wanted, and it being
necessary to run in the night as well as in the day, I ordered Captain
Clerke to keep about a league ahead of the Resolution. I used this
precaution, because his ship could best claw off the land, and it was
very possible we might fall in with some, in our passage.
The longitude of Hervey’s Island, when first discovered, deduced from
Otaheite, by the time-keeper, was found to be 201° 6ʹ E., and now, by
the same time-keeper, deduced from Queen Charlotte’s Sound, 200° 56ʹ E.
Hence I conclude, that the error of the time-keeper at this time, did
not exceed twelve miles in longitude.
When we bore away I steered west by south, with a fine breeze easterly.
I proposed to proceed first to Middleburgh, or Eooa, thinking, if the
wind continued favourable, that we had food enough on board for the
cattle, to last till we should reach that island. But about noon next
day, those faint breezes, that had attended and retarded us so long,
again returned, and I found it necessary to haul more to the north, to
get into the latitude of Palmerston’s and Savage Islands, discovered in
1774, during my last voyage[173], that if necessity required it, we
might have recourse to them.
This day, in order to save our water, I ordered the still to be kept at
work, from six o’clock in the morning to four in the afternoon, during
which time, we procured from thirteen to sixteen gallons of fresh water.
There has been lately made some improvement, as they are pleased to call
it, of this machine, which, in my opinion, is much for the worse.
These light breezes continued till the 10th, when we had for some hours
the wind blowing fresh from the north, and north north-west, being then
in the latitude of 18° 38ʹ, and longitude 198° 24ʹ E. In the afternoon,
we had some thunder squalls from the south, attended with heavy rain, of
which water, we collected enough to fill five puncheons. After these
squalls had blown over the wind came round to the north-east and
north-west; being very unsettled both in strength and in position, till
about noon the next day, when it fixed at north-west and north
north-west, and blew a fresh breeze with fair weather.
Thus were we persecuted with a wind in our teeth whichever way we
directed our course, and we had the additional mortification to find
here those very winds, which we had reason to expect 8° or 10° farther
south. They came too late; for I durst not trust their continuance, and
the event proved that I judged right.
At length, at day-break, in the morning of the 13th, we saw Palmerston
Island, bearing west by south, distant about five leagues. However, we
did not get up with it till eight o’clock the next morning. I then sent
four boats, three from the Resolution, and one from the Discovery, with
an officer in each, to search the coast for the most convenient
landing-place. For now we were under an absolute necessity of procuring
from this island some food for the cattle, otherwise we must have lost
them.
What is comprehended under the name of Palmerston’s Island, is a group
of small islots, of which there are, in the whole, nine or ten, lying in
a circular direction, and connected together by a reef of coral rocks.
The boats first examined the south easternmost of the islots which
compose this group, and failing there, ran down to the second, where we
had the satisfaction to see them land. I then bore down with the ships
till abreast of the place, and there we kept standing off and on; for no
bottom was to be found to anchor upon, which was not of much
consequence, as the party who had landed from our boats were the only
human beings upon the island.
About one o’clock, one of the boats came on board, laden with
scurvy-grass and young cocoa-nut trees, which at this time, was a feast
for the cattle. The same boat brought a message from Mr. Gore, who
commanded the party, informing me, that there was plenty of such produce
upon the island, as also of the _wharra_ tree, and some cocoa-nuts. This
determined me to get a good supply of these articles before I quitted
this station, and before evening, I went ashore in a small boat,
accompanied by Captain Clerke.
We found every body hard at work, and the landing-place to be in a small
creek, formed by the reef, of something more than a boat’s length in
every direction, and covered from the force of the sea by rocks
projecting out on each side of it. The island is scarcely a mile in
circuit; and not above three feet higher than the level of the sea. It
appeared to be composed entirely of a coral sand, with a small mixture
of blackish mould, produced from rotten vegetables. Notwithstanding this
poor soil, it is covered with trees and bushes of the same kind as at
Wenooa-ette, though with less variety; and amongst these are some
cocoa-palms. Upon the trees or bushes that front the sea, or even
farther in, we found a great number of men-of-war birds, tropic birds,
and two sorts of boobies, which, at this time were laying their eggs,
and so tame that they suffered us to take them off with our hands. Their
nests were only a few sticks loosely put together, and the tropic birds
laid their eggs on the ground, under the trees. These differ much from
the common sort, being entirely of a most splendid white, slightly
tinged with red, and having the two long tail-feathers of a deep crimson
or blood colour. Of each sort our people killed a considerable number,
and though not the most delicate food, they were acceptable enough to
us, who had been long confined on a salt diet, and who, consequently,
could not but be glad of the most indifferent variety. We met with vast
numbers of red crabs creeping about every where amongst the trees, and
we caught several fish that had been left in holes upon the reef, when
the sea retired.
At one part of the reef, which looks into or bounds the lake that is
within, there was a large bed of coral, almost even with the surface,
which afforded, perhaps, one of the most enchanting prospects, that
nature has any where produced. Its base was fixed to the shore, but
reached so far in that it could not be seen; so that it seemed to be
suspended in the water, which deepened so suddenly, that, at the
distance of a few yards, there might be seven or eight fathoms. The sea
was, at this time, quite unruffled; and the sun, shining bright, exposed
the various sorts of coral, in the most beautiful order; some parts
branching into the water with great luxuriance; others lying collected
in round balls, and in various other figures; all which were greatly
heightened by spangles of the richest colours, that glowed from a number
of large clams, which were every where interspersed. But the appearance
of these was still inferior to that of the multitude of fishes, that
glided gently along, seemingly with the most perfect security. The
colours of the different sorts were the most beautiful that can be
imagined; the yellow, blue, red, black, &c. far exceeding any thing that
art can produce. Their various forms, also, contributed to increase the
richness of this submarine grotto, which could not be surveyed without a
pleasing transport, mixed, however, with regret, that a work, so
stupendously elegant, should be concealed in a place where mankind could
seldom have an opportunity of rendering the praises justly due to so
enchanting a scene.
There were no traces of inhabitants having ever been here; if we except
a small piece of a canoe that was found upon the beach; which, probably,
may have drifted from some other island. But, what is pretty
extraordinary, we saw several small brown rats on this spot; a
circumstance, perhaps, difficult to account for, unless we allow that
they were imported in the canoe of which we saw the remains.
After the boats were laden, I returned on board, leaving Mr. Gore, with
a party, to pass the night on shore, in order to be ready to go to work
early the next morning.
That day, being the 15th, was accordingly spent, as the preceding one
had been, in collecting, and bringing on board, food for the cattle,
consisting chiefly of palm-cabbage, young cocoa-nut trees, and the
tender branches of the _wharra_ tree. Having got a sufficient supply of
these by sun-set, I ordered every body on board. But having little or no
wind, I determined to wait, and to employ the next day, by endeavouring
to get some cocoa-nuts for our people, from the next island to leeward,
where we could observe that those trees were in much greater abundance,
than upon that where we had already landed, and where only the wants of
our cattle had been relieved.
With this view, I kept standing off and on, all night; and, in the
morning, between eight and nine o’clock, I went with the boats to the
west side of the island, and landed with little difficulty. I
immediately set the people with me to work, to gather cocoa-nuts, which
we found in great abundance. But to get them to our boats was a tedious
operation; for we were obliged to carry them at least half a mile over
the reef, up to the middle in water. Omai, who was with me, caught, with
a scoop net, in a very short time, as much fish as served the whole
party on shore for dinner, besides sending some to both ships. Here were
also great abundance of birds, particularly men-of-war and tropic birds;
so that we fared sumptuously. And it is but doing justice to Omai to
say, that, in these excursions to the uninhabited islands, he was of the
greatest use. For he not only caught the fish, but dressed these, and
the birds we killed, in an oven, with heated stones, after the fashion
of his country, with a dexterity and good-humour that did him great
credit. The boats made two trips before night well laden; with the last,
I returned on board, leaving Mr. Williamson, my third lieutenant, with a
party of men, to prepare another lading for the boats which I proposed
to send next morning.
I, accordingly, dispatched them at seven o’clock, and they returned
laden by noon. No time was lost in sending them back for another cargo;
and they carried orders for every body to be on board by sunset. This
being complied with, we hoisted in the boats and made sail to the
westward, with a light air of wind from the north.
We found this islot near a half larger than the other, and almost
entirely covered with cocoa-palms; the greatest part of which abounded
with excellent nuts, having often both old and young on the same tree.
They were, indeed, too thick in many places to grow with freedom. The
other productions were, in general, the same as at the first islot. Two
pieces of board, one of which was rudely carved, with an elliptical
paddle, were found on the beach. Probably, these had belonged to the
same canoe, the remains of which were seen on the other beach, as the
two islots are not above half a mile apart. A young turtle had also been
lately thrown ashore here, as it was still full of maggots. There were
fewer crabs than at the last place; but we found some scorpions, a few
other insects, and a greater number of fish upon the reefs. Amongst
these were some large eels, beautifully spotted, which, when followed,
would raise themselves out of the water, and endeavour, with an open
mouth, to bite their pursuers. The other sorts were, chiefly,
parrot-fish, snappers, and a brown spotted rock-fish, about the size of
a haddock, so tame, that, instead of swimming away, it would remain
fixed, and gaze at us. Had we been in absolute want, a sufficient supply
might have been had; for thousands of the clams, already mentioned,
stuck upon the reef, some of which weighed two or three pounds. There
were, besides, some other sorts of shell-fish; particularly, the large
periwinkle. When the tide flowed, several sharks came in, over the reef,
some of which our people killed; but they rendered it rather dangerous
to walk in the water at that time.
The party who were left on shore with Mr. Williamson, were a good deal
pestered, (as Mr. Gore’s had been) with musquitoes, in the night. Some
of them, in their excursions, shot two curlews, exactly like those of
England; and saw some plovers, or sand-pipers, upon the shore; but, in
the wood, no other bird besides one or two of the cuckoos that were seen
at Wenooa-ette.
Upon the whole, we did not spend our time unprofitably at this islot;
for we got there about twelve hundred cocoa-nuts, which were equally
divided amongst the whole crew; and were, doubtless, of great use to
them, both on account of the juice and of the kernel. A ship, therefore,
passing this way, if the weather be moderate, may expect to succeed as
we did. But there is no water upon either of the islots where we landed.
Were that article to be had, and a passage could be got into the lake,
as we may call it, surrounded by the reef, where a ship could anchor, I
should prefer this to any of the inhabited islands, if the only want
were refreshment; for the quantity of fish that might be procured, would
be sufficient; and the people might roam about unmolested by the
petulance of any inhabitants.
The nine or ten low islots, comprehended under the name of Palmerston’s
Island, may be reckoned the heads or summits of the reef of coral rock,
that connects them together, covered only with a thin coat of sand, yet
clothed, as already observed, with trees and plants; most of which are
of the same sorts that are found on the low grounds of the high islands
of this ocean.
There are different opinions amongst ingenious theorists, concerning the
formation of such low islands as Palmerston’s. Some will have it, that,
in remote times, these little separate heads or islots were joined, and
formed one continued and more elevated tract of land, which the sea, in
the revolution of ages, has washed away, leaving only the higher
grounds; which, in time, also, will, according to this theory, share the
same fate. Another conjecture is, that they have been thrown up by
earthquakes, and are the effect of internal convulsions of the globe. A
third opinion, and which appears to me as the most probable one,
maintains, that they are formed from shoals, or coral banks, and of
consequence increasing. Without mentioning the several arguments made
use of in support of each of these systems, I shall only describe such
parts of Palmerston’s Island, as fell under my own observation when I
landed upon it.
The foundation is, every where, a coral rock; the soil is coral sand,
with which the decayed vegetables have, but in a few places, intermixed,
so as to form any thing like mould. From this, a very strong presumption
may be drawn, that these little spots of land, are not of very ancient
date, nor the remains of larger islands now buried in the ocean. For,
upon either of these suppositions, more mould must have been formed, or
some part of the original soil would have remained. Another circumstance
confirmed this doctrine of the increase of these islots. We found upon
them, far beyond the present reach of the sea, even in the most violent
storms, elevated coral rocks, which, on examination, appeared to have
been perforated, in the same manner that the rocks are, that now compose
the outer edge of the reef. This evidently shows, that the sea had
formerly reached so far; and some of these perforated rocks were almost
in the centre of the land.
But the strongest proof of the increase, and from the cause we have
assigned, was the gentle gradation observable in the plants round the
skirts of the islands; from within a few inches of high-water mark, to
the edge of the wood. In many places, the divisions of the plants, of
different growths, were very distinguishable, especially on the lee, or
west side. This, I apprehend, to have been the operation of
extraordinary high tides, occasioned by violent, accidental gales from
the westward; which have heaped up the sand beyond the reach of common
tides. The regular and gentle operation of these latter, again, throw up
sand enough to form a barrier against the next extraordinary high tide,
or storm, so as to prevent its reaching as far as the former had done,
and destroying the plants that may have begun to vegetate from
cocoa-nuts, roots, and seed brought thither by birds, or thrown up by
the sea. This, doubtless, happens very frequently; for we found many
cocoa-nuts, and some other things, just sprouting up, only a few inches
beyond where the sea reaches at present, in places where, it was
evident, they could not have had their origin from those, farther in,
already arrived at their full growth. At the same time, the increase of
vegetables will add fast to the height of this new-created land; as the
fallen leaves, and broken branches, are, in such a climate, soon
converted into a true black mould, or soil.[174]
Perhaps there is another cause, which, if allowed, will accelerate the
increase of these islands as much as any other; and will also account
for the sea having receded from those elevated rocks before mentioned.
This is, the spreading of the coral bank, or reef, into the sea; which,
in my opinion, is continually, though imperceptibly, affected. The waves
receding, as the reef grows in breadth and height, leave a dry rock
behind, ready for the reception of the broken coral and sand, and every
other deposit necessary for the formation of land fit for the vegetation
of plants.
In this manner, there is little doubt, that, in time, the whole reef
will become one island; and, I think, it will extend gradually inward,
either from the increase of the islots already formed, or from the
formation of new ones, upon the beds of coral, within the inclosed lake,
if once they increase so as to rise above the level of the sea.
After leaving Palmerston’s Island, I steered west, with a view to make
the best of my way to Annamooka. We still continued to have variable
winds, frequently between the north and west, with squalls, some
thunder, and much rain. During these showers, which were generally very
copious, we saved a considerable quantity of water; and finding that we
could get a greater supply by the rain, in one hour, than we could get
by distillation in a month, I laid aside the still, as a thing attended
with more trouble than profit.
The heat, which had been great for about a month, became now much more
disagreeable in this close rainy weather; and, from the moisture
attending it, threatened soon to be noxious; as the ships could not be
kept dry, nor the skuttles open, for the sea. However, it is remarkable
enough, that though the only refreshment we had received, since leaving
the Cape of Good Hope, was that at New Zealand, there was not, as yet, a
single person on board sick from the constant use of salt food, or
vicissitude of climate.
In the night between the 24th and 25th we passed Savage Island, which I
had discovered in 1774[175]; and on the 28th, at ten o’clock in the
morning, we got sight of the islands which lie to the eastward of
Annamooka, bearing north by west, about four or five leagues distant. I
steered to the south of these islands, and then hauled up for Annamooka;
which, at four in the afternoon, bore north-west by north, Fallafajeea
south-west by south, and Komango north by west, distant about five
miles. The weather being squally, with rain, I anchored, at the approach
of night, in fifteen fathoms deep water, over a bottom of coral, sand,
and shells; Komango bearing north-west, about two leagues distant.
CHAP. IV.
INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES OF KOMANGO, AND OTHER ISLANDS.—ARRIVAL AT
ANNAMOOKA.—TRANSACTIONS THERE.—FEENOU, A PRINCIPAL CHIEF, FROM
TONGATABOO, COMES ON A VISIT.—THE MANNER OF HIS RECEPTION IN THE
ISLAND, AND ON BOARD.—INSTANCES OF THE PILFERING DISPOSITION OF THE
NATIVES.—SOME ACCOUNT OF ANNAMOOKA.—THE PASSAGE FROM IT TO HAPAEE.
Soon after we had anchored, two canoes, the one with four, and the other
with three men, paddled toward us, and came along side without the least
hesitation. They brought some cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, plantains, and
sugar-cane, which they bartered with us for nails. One of the men came
on board; and when these canoes had left us, another visited us; but did
not stay long, as night was approaching. Komango, the island nearest to
us, was at least five miles off; which shows the hazard these people
would run, in order to possess a few of our most trifling articles.
Besides this supply from the shore, we caught this evening, with hooks
and lines, a considerable quantity of fish.
Next morning, at four o’clock, I sent Lieutenant King, with two boats,
to Komango, to procure refreshments; and, at five, made the signal to
weigh, in order to ply up to Annamooka, the wind being unfavourable at
north-west.
It was no sooner day-light, than we were visited by six or seven canoes
from different islands, bringing with them, besides fruits and roots,
two pigs, several fowls, some large wood-pigeons, small rails, and large
violet-coloured coots. All these they exchanged with us for beads,
nails, hatchets, &c. They had also other articles of commerce; such as
pieces of their cloth, fish-hooks, small baskets, musical reeds, and
some clubs, spears, and bows. But I ordered that no curiosities should
be purchased, till the ships should be supplied with provisions, and
leave given for that purpose. Knowing, also, from experience, that if
all our people might trade with the natives, according to their own
caprice, perpetual quarrels would ensue, I ordered that particular
persons should manage the traffic both on board and on shore,
prohibiting all others to interfere. Before mid-day, Mr. King’s boat
returned with seven hogs, some fowls, a quantity of fruit and roots for
ourselves, and some grass for the cattle. His party was very civilly
treated at Komango. The inhabitants did not seem to be numerous; and
their huts, which stood close to each other, within a plantain walk,
were but indifferent. Not far from them, was a pretty large pond of
fresh water, tolerably good; but there was not any appearance of a
stream. With Mr. King, came on board the chief of the island, named
Tooboulangee; and another, whose name was Taipa. They brought with them
a hog as a present to me, and promised more the next day.
As soon as the boats were aboard, I stood for Annamooka; and the wind
being scant, I intended to go between Annamooka-ette[176], and the
breakers to the south-east of it. But, on drawing near, we met with very
irregular soundings, varying, every cast, ten or twelve fathoms. This
obliged me to give up the design, and to go to the southward of all;
which carried us to leeward, and made it necessary to spend the night
under sail. It was very dark; and we had the wind, from every direction,
accompanied with heavy showers of rain. So that, at day-light the next
morning, we found ourselves much farther off than we had been the
evening before; and the little wind that now blew, was right in our
teeth.
We continued to ply, all day, to very little purpose; and, in the
evening, anchored in thirty-nine fathoms’ water; the bottom coral rocks,
and broken shells; the west point of Annamooka bearing E. N. E., four
miles distant. Tooboulangee and Taipa kept their promise, and brought
off to me some hogs. Several others were also procured by bartering,
from different canoes that followed us; and as much fruit as we could
well manage. It was remarkable, that, during the whole day, our visitors
from the islands would hardly part with any of their commodities to any
body but me. Captain Clerke did not get above one or two hogs.
At four o’clock next morning, I ordered a boat to be hoisted out, and
sent the master to sound the south-west side of Annamooka; where there
appeared to be a harbour, formed by the island on the north-east, and by
small islots and shoals, to the south-west and south-east. In the mean
time the ships were got under sail, and wrought up to the island.
When the master returned, he reported, that he had sounded between Great
and Little Annamooka, where he found ten and twelve fathoms’ depth of
water, the bottom coral sand; that the place was very well sheltered
from all winds; but that there was no fresh water to be found, except at
some distance inland; and that, even there, little of it was to be got,
and that little not good. For this reason only, and it was a very
sufficient one, I determined to anchor on the north side of the island,
where, during my last voyage, I had found a place fit both for watering
and landing.
It was not above a league distant; and yet we did not reach it till five
o’clock in the afternoon, being considerably retarded by the great
number of canoes that continually crowded round the ships, bringing to
us abundant supplies of the produce of their island. Amongst these
canoes, there were some double ones, with a large sail, that carried
between forty and fifty men each. These sailed round us apparently with
the same ease, as if we had been at anchor. There were several women in
the canoes, who were, perhaps, incited by curiosity to visit us; though,
at the same time, they bartered as eagerly as the men, and used the
paddle with equal labour and dexterity. I came to an anchor in eighteen
fathoms’ water, the bottom coarse coral sand; the island extending from
east to south-west; and the west point of the westernmost cove
south-east, about three quarters of a mile distant. Thus I resumed the
very same station which I had occupied when I visited Annamooka three
years before[177]; and, probably, almost in the same place where Tasman,
the first discoverer of this, and some of the neighbouring islands,
anchored in 1643.[178]
The following day, while preparations were making for watering, I went
ashore, in the forenoon, accompanied by Captain Clerke, and some of the
officers, to fix on a place where the observatories might be set up, and
a guard be stationed; the natives having readily given us leave. They
also accommodated us with a boat-house, to serve as a tent, and showed
us every other mark of civility. Toobou, the chief of the island,
conducted me and Omai to his house. We found it situated on a pleasant
spot, in the centre of his plantation. A fine grass plot surrounded it,
which he gave us to understand, was for the purpose of cleaning their
feet, before they went within doors. I had not before observed such an
instance of attention to cleanliness at any of the places I had visited
in this ocean; but afterward found, that it was very common at the
Friendly Islands. The floor of Toobou’s house was covered with mats; and
no carpet in the most elegant English drawing-room could be kept neater.
While we were on shore, we procured a few hogs, and some fruit, by
bartering; and, before we got on board again, the ships were crowded
with the natives. Few of them coming empty-handed, every necessary
refreshment was now in the greatest plenty.
I landed again in the afternoon, with a party of marines; and, at the
same time, the horses, and such of the cattle as were in a weakly state,
were sent on shore. Every thing being settled to my satisfaction, I
returned to the ship at sunset, leaving the command upon the island to
Mr. King. Taipa, who was now become our fast friend, and who seemed to
be the only active person about us, in order to be near our party in the
night, as well as the day, had a house brought on men’s shoulders a full
quarter of a mile, and placed close to the shed which our party
occupied.
Next day our various operations on shore began. Some were employed in
making hay for the cattle; others in filling our water-casks at the
neighbouring stagnant pool; and a third party in cutting wood. The
greatest plenty of this last article being abreast of the ships, and in
a situation the most convenient for getting it on board, it was natural
to make choice of this. But the trees here, which our people erroneously
supposed to be manchineel, but were a species of pepper, called
_faitanoo_ by the natives, yielded a juice of a milky colour, of so
corrosive a nature, that it raised blisters on the skin, and injured the
eyes of our workmen. They were, therefore, obliged to desist at this
place, and remove to the cove, in which our guard was stationed, and
where we embarked our water. Other wood, more suitable to our purposes,
was there furnished to us by the natives. These were not the only
employments we were engaged in, for Messrs. King and Bayly began this
day to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order to get the rate of
the time-keepers. In the evening, before the natives retired from our
post, Taipa harangued them for some time. We could only guess at the
subject; and judged, that he was instructing them how to behave toward
us, and encouraging them to bring the produce of the island to market.
We experienced the good effects of his eloquence, in the plentiful
supply of provisions which, next day, we received.
Nothing worth notice happened on the 4th and 5th, except that, on the
former of these days, the Discovery lost her small bower anchor, the
cable being cut in two by the rocks. This misfortune made it necessary
to examine the cables of the Resolution, which were found to be unhurt.
On the 6th we were visited by a great chief from Tongataboo, whose name
was Feenou, and whom Taipa was pleased to introduce to us as king of all
the Friendly Isles. I was now told, that on my arrival, a canoe had been
dispatched to Tongataboo with the news; in consequence of which, this
chief immediately passed over to Annamooka. The officer on shore
informed me, that when he first arrived, all the natives were ordered
out to meet him, and paid their obeisance by bowing their heads as low
as his feet, the soles of which they also touched with each hand, first
with the palm, and then with the back part. There could be little room
to suspect that a person, received with so much respect, could be any
thing less than the king.
In the afternoon, I went to pay this great man a visit, having first
received a present of two fish from him, brought on board by one of his
servants. As soon as I landed, he came up to me. He appeared to be about
thirty years of age, tall but thin, and had more of the European
features, than any I had yet seen here. When the first salutation was
over, I asked if he was the king; for, notwithstanding what I had been
told, finding he was not the man whom I remembered to have seen under
that character during my former voyage, I began to entertain doubts.
Taipa officiously answered for him, and enumerated no less than one
hundred and fifty-three islands, of which he said, Feenou was the
sovereign. After a short stay, our new visitor, and five or six of his
attendants, accompanied me on board. I gave suitable presents to them
all, and entertained them in such a manner, as I thought would be most
agreeable.
In the evening, I attended them on shore in my boat, into which the
chief ordered three hogs to be put, as a return for the presents he had
received from me. I was now informed of an accident which had just
happened, the relation of which will convey some idea of the extent of
the authority exercised here over the common people. While Feenou was on
board my ship, an inferior chief, for what reason our people on shore
did not know, ordered all the natives to retire from the post we
occupied. Some of them having ventured to return, he took up a large
stick and beat them most unmercifully. He struck one man, on the side of
the face, with so much violence, that the blood gushed out of his mouth
and nostrils; and, after lying some time motionless, he was at last
removed from the place in convulsions. The person who had inflicted the
blow, being told that he had killed the man, only laughed at it; and, it
was evident, that he was not in the least sorry for what had happened.
We heard, afterward, that the poor sufferer recovered.
The Discovery having found again her small bower anchor, shifted her
birth on the 7th; but not before her best bower cable had shared the
fate of the other. This day, I had the company of Feenou at dinner; and
also the next day, when he was attended by Taipa, Toobou, and some other
chiefs. It was remarkable, that none but Taipa was allowed to sit at
table with him, or even to eat in his presence. I own that I considered
Feenou as a very convenient guest, on account of this etiquette. For,
before his arrival, I had generally a larger company than I could well
find room for, and my table overflowed with crowds of both sexes. For it
is not the custom at the Friendly Islands, as it is at Otaheite, to deny
to their females the privilege of eating in company with the men.
The first day of our arrival at Annamooka, one of the natives had stolen
out of the ship a large junk axe. I now applied to Feenou to exert his
authority to get it restored to me; and so implicitly was he obeyed,
that it was brought on board while we were at dinner. These people gave
us very frequent opportunities of remarking what expert thieves they
were. Even some of their chiefs did not think this profession beneath
them. On the 9th, one of them was detected carrying out of the ship,
concealed under his clothes, the bolt belonging to the spun-yarn winch,
for which I sentenced him to receive a dozen lashes, and kept him
confined till he paid a hog for his liberty. After this we were not
troubled with thieves of rank. Their servants, or slaves however, were
still employed in this dirty work; and upon them a flogging seemed to
make no greater impression than it would have done upon the mainmast.
When any of them happened to be caught in the act, their masters, far
from interceding for them, would often advise us to kill them. As this
was a punishment we did not choose to inflict, they generally escaped
without any punishment at all; for they appeared to us to be equally
insensible of the shame and of the pain of corporal chastisement.
Captain Clerke at last hit upon a mode of treatment which we thought had
some effect. He put them under the hands of the barber, and completely
shaved their heads; thus pointing them out as objects of ridicule to
their countrymen, and enabling our people to deprive them of future
opportunities for a repetition of their rogueries, by keeping them at a
distance.
Feenou was so fond of associating with us, that he dined on board ever
day, though sometimes he did not partake of our fare. On the 10th, some
of his servants brought a mess which had been dressed for him on shore.
It consisted of fish, soup, and yams. Instead of common water to make
the soup, cocoa-nut liquor had been made use of, in which the fish had
been boiled or stewed, probably in a wooden vessel with hot stones; but
it was carried on board in a plantain leaf. I tasted of the mess, and
found it so good, that I afterwards had some fish dressed in the same
way. Though my cook succeeded tolerably well, he could produce nothing
equal to the dish he imitated.
Finding that we had quite exhausted the island of almost every article
of food that it afforded, I employed the 11th in moving off from the
shore the horses, observatories, and other things that we had landed, as
also the party of marines who had mounted guard at our station,
intending to sail as soon as the Discovery should have recovered her
best bower anchor. Feenou understanding that I meant to proceed directly
to Tongataboo, importuned me strongly to alter this plan, to which he
expressed as much aversion as if he had some particular interest to
promote by diverting me from it. In preference to it he warmly
recommended an island or rather a group of islands called Hapaee, lying
to the north-east. There he assured us we could be supplied plentifully
with every refreshment in the easiest manner; and to add weight to his
advice, he engaged to attend us thither in person. He carried his point
with me; and Hapaee was made choice of for our next station. As it had
never been visited by any European ships, the examination of it became
an object with me.
[Illustration: _View at Annamooka_]
The 12th and the 13th were spent in attempting the recovery of Captain
Clerke’s anchor, which, after much trouble, was happily accomplished;
and on the 14th in the morning we got under sail, and left Annamooka.
This island is somewhat higher than the other small isles that surround
it; but still it cannot be admitted to the rank of those of a moderate
height, such as Mangeea and Wateeoo. The shore, at that part where our
ships lay, is composed of a steep, rugged coral rock, nine or ten feet
high, except where there are two sandy beaches, which have a reef of the
same sort of rock extending cross their entrance to the shore, and
defending them from the sea. The salt-water lake that is in the centre
of the island is about a mile and a half broad; and round it the land
rises like a bank, with a gradual ascent. But we could not trace its
having any communication with the sea. And yet the land that runs across
to it from the largest sandy beach being flat and low, and the soil
sandy, it is most likely that it may have formerly communicated that
way. The soil on the rising parts of the island, and especially toward
the sea, is either of a reddish clayey disposition, or a black loose
mould; but there is no where any stream of fresh water.
The island is very well cultivated, except in a few places; and there
are some others which, though they appear to lie waste, are only left to
recover the strength exhausted by constant culture; for we frequently
saw the natives at work upon these spots to plant them again. The
plantations consist chiefly of yams and plantains. Many of them are very
extensive, and often inclosed with neat fences of reed, disposed
obliquely across each other, about six feet high. Within these we often
saw other fences of less compass surrounding the houses of the principal
people. The bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees are interspersed with little
order, but chiefly near the habitations of the natives; and the other
parts of the island, especially toward the sea, and about the sides of
the lake, are covered with trees and bushes of a most luxuriant growth;
the last place having a great many mangroves, and the first a vast
number of the _faitanoo_ trees already mentioned. There seem to be no
rocks or stones of any kind about the island that are not coral, except
in one place to the right of the sandy beach, where there is a rock
twenty or thirty feet high, of a calcareous stone of a yellowish colour,
and a very close texture. But even about that place, which is the
highest part of the land, are large pieces of the same coral rock that
composes the shore.
Besides walking frequently up into the country, which we were permitted
to do without interruption, we sometimes amused ourselves in shooting
wild ducks not unlike the widgeon, which are very numerous upon the salt
lake, and the pool where we got our water. In these excursions we found
the inhabitants had often deserted their houses to come down to the
trading place, without entertaining any suspicion that strangers
rambling about would take away or destroy any thing that belonged to
them. But though, from this circumstance, it might be supposed that the
greater part of the natives were sometimes collected at the beach, it
was impossible to form any accurate computation of their number, as the
continual resort of visitors from other islands mixing with them might
easily mislead one. However, as there was never to appearance, about a
thousand persons collected at one time, it would perhaps be sufficient
to allow double that number for the whole island.
To the north and north-east of Annamooka, and in the direct tract to
Hapaee, whither we were now bound, the sea is sprinkled with a great
number of small isles. Amidst the shoals and rocks adjoining to this
group, I could not be assured that there was a free or safe passage for
such large ships as ours, though the natives sailed through the
intervals in their canoes. For this substantial reason, when we weighed
anchor from Annamooka, I thought it necessary to go to the westward of
the above islands, and steered north north-west, towards Kao[179] and
Toofoa, the two most westerly islands in sight, and remarkable for their
great height. Feenou and his attendants remained on board the Resolution
till near noon, when he went into the large sailing canoe which had
brought him from Tongataboo, and stood in amongst the cluster of islands
above mentioned, of which we were now almost abreast, and a tide or
current from the westward had set us, since our sailing in the morning,
much over toward them.
They lie scattered at unequal distances, and are in general, nearly as
high as Annamooka, but only from two or three miles to half a mile in
length, and some of them scarcely so much. They have either steep rocky
shores like Annamooka, or reddish cliffs; but some have sandy beaches
extending almost their whole length. Most of them are entirely clothed
with trees, amongst which are many cocoa-palms, and each forms a
prospect like a beautiful garden placed in the sea. To heighten this,
the serene weather we now had, contributed very much; and the whole
might supply the imagination with an idea of some fairy land realized.
It should seem, that some of them at least may have been formed, as we
supposed Palmerston’s Island to have been, for there is one, which as
yet, is entirely sand, and another on which there is only one bush or
tree.
At four o’clock in the afternoon being the length of Kotoo, the
westernmost of the above cluster of small islands, we steered to the
north, leaving Toofoa and Kao on our larboard, keeping along the west
side of a reef of rocks, which lie to the westward of Kotoo, till we
came to their northern extremity, round which we hauled in for the
island. It was our intention to have anchored for the night, but it came
upon us before we could find a place in less than fifty-five fathoms’
water, and rather than come to in this depth, I chose to spend the night
under sail.
We had in the afternoon been within two leagues of Toofoa, the smoke of
which we saw several times in the day. The friendly islanders have some
superstitious notions about the volcano upon it, which they call
_Kollofeea_, and say it is an _Otooa_, or divinity. According to their
account, it sometimes throws up very large stones; and they compare the
_crater_ to the size of a small islot, which has never ceased smoking in
their memory, nor have they any tradition that it ever did. We sometimes
saw the smoke rising from the centre of the island, while we were at
Annamooka, though at the distance of at least ten leagues. Toofoa, we
were told, is but thinly inhabited, but the water upon it is good.
At day-break the next morning, being then not far from Kao, which is a
vast rock of a conic figure, we steered to the east for the passage
between the islands Footooha and Hafaiva, with a gentle breeze at
south-east. About ten o’clock, Feenou came on board, and remained with
us all day. He brought with him two hogs and a quantity of fruit; and,
in the course of the day, several canoes from the different islands
round us, came to barter quantities of the latter article, which was
very acceptable, as our stock was nearly expended. At noon, our latitude
was 19° 49ʹ 45ʺ S., and we had made seven miles of longitude from
Annamooka; Toofoa bore north, 88° W.; Kao north, 71° W.; Footooha north,
89° W.; and Hafaiva south, 12° W.
After passing Footooha, we met with a reef of rocks, and as there was
but little wind, it cost us some trouble to keep clear of them. This
reef lies between Footooha and Neeneeva, which is a small low isle in
the direction of east north-east from Footooha, at the distance of seven
or eight miles. Footooha is a small island of middling height, and
bounded all round by a steep rock. It lies south 67° E., distant six
leagues from Kao, and three leagues from Kotoo, in the direction of
north 33° E. Being past the reef of rocks just mentioned, we hauled up
for Neeneeva, in hopes of finding anchorage, but were again
disappointed, and obliged to spend the night in making short boards.
For, although we had land in every direction, the sea was unfathomable.
In the course of this night, we could plainly see flames issuing from
the volcano upon Toofoa, though to no great height.
At day-break in the morning of the 16th, with a gentle breeze at
south-east, we steered north-east for Hapaee, which was now in sight,
and we could judge it to be low land from the trees only appearing above
the water. About nine o’clock, we could see it plainly forming three
islands nearly of an equal size; and soon after, a fourth to the
southward of these, as large as the others. Each seemed to be about six
or seven miles long, and of a similar height and appearance. The
northernmost of them is called Haanno, the next Foa, the third Lefooga,
and the southernmost Hoolaiva; but all four are included by the natives
under the general name Hapaee.
The wind scanting upon us, we could not fetch the land, so that we were
forced to ply to windward. In doing this we once passed over some coral
rocks, on which we had only six fathoms water; but the moment we were
over them, found no ground with eighty fathoms of line. At this time,
the isles of Hapaee bore from north, 50° E., to south, 9° W. We got up
with the northernmost of these isles by sunset, and there found
ourselves in the very same distress for want of anchorage, that we had
experienced the two preceding evenings; so that we had another night to
spend under sail, with land and breakers in every direction. Toward the
evening Feenou, who had been on board all day, went forward to Hapaee,
and took Omai in the canoe with him. He did not forget our disagreeable
situation, and kept up a good fire all night, by way of a land-mark.
As soon as the day-light returned, being then close in with Foa, we saw
it was joined to Haanno, by a reef running even with the surface of the
sea, from the one island to the other. I now dispatched a boat to look
for anchorage. A proper place was soon found, and we came-to abreast of
a reef, being that which joins Lefooga to Foa, (in the same manner that
Foa is joined to Haanno), having twenty-four fathoms’ depth of water;
the bottom coral sand. In this station, the northern point of Hapaee, or
the north-end of Haanno, bore north, 16° E. The southern point of
Hapaee, or the south end of Hoolaiva, south, 29° W.; and the north end
of Lefooga, south, 65° E. Two ledges of rocks lay without us; the one
bearing south, 50° W.; and the other west by north one half north,
distant two or three miles. We lay before a creek in the reef, which
made it convenient landing at all times, and we were not above three
quarters of a mile from the shore.
CHAP. V.
ARRIVAL OF THE SHIPS AT HAPAEE, AND FRIENDLY RECEPTION THERE.—PRESENTS
AND SOLEMNITIES ON THE OCCASION.—SINGLE COMBATS WITH CLUBS.—WRESTLING
AND BOXING MATCHES.—FEMALE COMBATANTS.—MARINES EXERCISED.—A DANCE
PERFORMED BY MEN.—FIREWORKS EXHIBITED.—THE NIGHT ENTERTAINMENTS OF
SINGING AND DANCING PARTICULARLY DESCRIBED.
By the time we had anchored, the ships were filled with the natives, and
surrounded by a multitude of canoes, filled also with them. They brought
from the shore, hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots, which they exchanged for
hatchets, knives, nails, beads, and cloth. Feenou and Omai having come
on board after it was light, in order to introduce me to the people of
the island, I soon accompanied them on shore for that purpose, landing
at the north part of Lefooga, a little to the right of the ship’s
station.
The chief conducted me to a house, or rather a hut, situated close to
the sea-beach, which I had seen brought thither but a few minutes before
for our reception. In this Feenou, Omai and myself were seated. The
other chiefs and the multitude composed a circle on the outside,
fronting us, and they also sat down. I was then asked, how long I
intended to stay? On my saying five days, Taipa was ordered to come and
sit by me, and proclaim this to the people. He then harangued them in a
speech mostly dictated by Feenou. The purport of it, as I learned from
Omai, was, that they were all, both old and young, to look upon me as a
friend, who intended to remain with them a few days; that during my stay
they must not steal any thing, nor molest me any other way; and that it
was expected they should bring hogs, fowls, fruit, &c. to the ships,
where they would receive in exchange for them, such and such things,
which he enumerated. Soon after Taipa had finished this address to the
assembly, Feenou left us. Taipa then took occasion to signify to me,
that it was necessary I should make a present to the chief of the
island, whose name was Earoupa. I was not unprepared for this, and gave
him such articles as far exceeded his expectation. My liberality to him
brought upon me demands of the same kind, from two chiefs of other isles
who were present, and from Taipa himself. When Feenou returned, which
was immediately after I had made the last of these presents, he
pretended to be angry with Taipa for suffering me to give away so much;
but I looked upon this as a mere finesse, being confident that he acted
in concert with the others. He now took his seat again, and ordered
Earoupa to sit by him, and to harangue the people as Taipa had done, and
to the same purpose; dictating, as before, the heads of the speech.
These ceremonies being performed, the chief, at my request, conducted me
to three stagnant pools of fresh water, as he was pleased to call it:
and indeed, in one of these the water was tolerable, and the situation
not inconvenient for filling our casks. After viewing the
watering-place, we returned to our former station, where I found a baked
hog and some yams, smoking hot, ready to be carried on board for my
dinner. I invited Feenou and his friends to partake of it, and we
embarked for the ship; but none but himself sat down with us at the
table. After dinner I conducted them on shore, and before I returned on
board, the chief gave me a fine large turtle and a quantity of yams. Our
supply of provisions was copious, for, in the course of the day, we got
by barter alongside the ship, about twenty small hogs, beside fruit and
roots. I was told, that, on my first landing in the morning, a man came
off to the ships and ordered every one of the natives to go on shore.
Probably this was done with a view to have the whole body of inhabitants
present at the ceremony of my reception, for when that was over
multitudes of them returned again to the ships.
Next morning early, Feenou and Omai, who scarcely ever quitted the
chief, and now slept on shore, came on board. The object of the visit,
was to require my presence upon the island. After some time I
accompanied them, and upon landing was conducted to the same place where
I had been seated the day before, and where I saw a large concourse of
people already assembled. I guessed that something more than ordinary
was in agitation, but could not tell what, nor could Omai inform me.
I had not been long seated, before near a hundred of the natives
appeared in sight, and advanced laden with yams, bread-fruit, plantains,
cocoa-nuts, and sugar-canes. They deposited their burdens in two heaps
or piles, upon our left, being the side they came from. Soon after,
arrived a number of others from the right, bearing the same kind of
articles; which were collected into two piles upon that side. To these
were tied two pigs and six fowls, and to those upon the left six pigs
and two turtles. Earoupa seated himself before the several articles upon
the left, and another chief before those upon the right; they being as I
judged, the two chiefs who had collected them, by order of Feenou, who
seemed to be as implicitly obeyed here as he had been at Annamooka; and,
in consequence of his commanding superiority over the chiefs of Hapaee,
had laid his tax upon them for the present occasion.
As soon as this munificent collection of provisions was laid down in
order, and disposed to the best advantage, the bearers of it joined the
multitude, who formed a large circle round the whole. Presently after a
number of men entered this circle or area, before us, armed with clubs,
made of the green branches of the cocoa-nut tree. These paraded about
for a few minutes, and then retired, the one half to one side, and the
other half to the other side; seating themselves before the spectators.
Soon after they successively entered the lists, and entertained us with
single combats. One champion rising up and stepping forward from one
side, challenged those of the other side, by expressive gestures, more
than by words, to send one of their body to oppose him. If the challenge
was accepted, which was generally the case, the two combatants put
themselves in proper attitudes, and then began the engagement, which
continued till one or other owned himself conquered, or till their
weapons were broken. As soon as each combat was over, the victor
squatted himself down facing the chief, then rose up and retired. At the
same time some old men, who seemed to sit as judges, gave their plaudit
in a few words; and the multitude, especially those on the side to which
the victor belonged, celebrated the glory he had acquired in two or
three huzzas.
This entertainment was now and then suspended for a few minutes. During
these intervals, there were both wrestling and boxing matches. The first
were performed in the same manner as at Otaheite, and the second
differed very little from the method practised in England. But what
struck us with most surprise, was to see a couple of lusty wenches step
forth and begin boxing, without the least ceremony, and with as much art
as the men. This contest, however, did not last above half a minute
before one of them gave it up. The conquering heroine received the same
applause from the spectators, which they bestowed upon the successful
combatants of the other sex. We expressed some dislike at this part of
the entertainment, which, however, did not prevent two other females
from entering the lists. They seemed to be girls of spirit, and would
certainly have given each other a good drubbing, if two old women had
not interposed to part them. All these combats were exhibited in the
midst of at least three thousand people; and were conducted with the
greatest good humour on all sides, though some of the champions, women
as well as men, received blows, which, doubtless, they must have felt
for some time after.
As soon as these diversions were ended, the chief told me that the heaps
of provisions on our right hand were a present to Omai, and that those
on our left hand, being about two-thirds of the whole quantity, were
given to me. He added, that I might take them on board whenever it was
convenient; but that there would be no occasion to set any of our people
as guards over them, as I might be assured that not a single cocoa-nut
would be taken away by the natives. So it proved, for I left every thing
behind, and returned to the ship to dinner, carrying the chief with me;
and when the provisions were removed on board in the afternoon, not a
single article was missing. There was as much as loaded four boats; and
I could not but be struck with the munificence of Feenou; for this
present far exceeded any I had ever received from any of the sovereigns
of the various islands I had visited in the Pacific Ocean. I lost no
time in convincing my friend that I was not insensible of his
liberality; for before he quitted my ship, I bestowed upon him such of
our commodities as I guessed were most valuable in his estimation. And
the return I made was so much to his satisfaction, that as soon as he
got on shore, he left me still indebted to him, by sending me a fresh
present, consisting of two large hogs, a considerable quantity of cloth,
and some yams.
Feenou had expressed a desire to see the marines go through their
military exercise. As I was desirous to gratify his curiosity, I ordered
them all ashore from both ships, in the morning of the 20th. After they
had performed various evolutions, and fired several vollies, with which
the numerous body of spectators seemed well pleased, the chief
entertained us in his turn, with an exhibition, which, as was
acknowledged by us all, was performed with a dexterity and exactness far
surpassing the specimen we had given of our military manœuvres. It was a
kind of dance, so entirely different from any thing I had ever seen,
that I fear I can give no description that will convey any tolerable
idea of it to my readers. It was performed by men, and one hundred and
five persons bore their parts in it. Each of them had in his hand an
instrument neatly made, shaped somewhat liked a paddle, of two feet and
a half in length, with a small handle and a thin blade, so that they
were very light. With these instruments they made many and various
flourishes, each of which was accompanied with a different attitude of
the body, or a different movement. At first, the performers ranged
themselves in three lines; and by various evolutions, each man changed
his station in such a manner, that those who had been in the rear came
into the front. Nor did they remain long in the same position, but these
changes were made by pretty quick transitions. At one time they extended
themselves in one line; they then formed into a semicircle; and, lastly,
into two square columns. While this last movement was executing, one of
them advanced, and performed an antic dance before me, with which the
whole ended.
The musical instruments consisted of two drums, or rather two hollow
logs of wood, from which some varied notes were produced, by beating on
them with two sticks. It did not, however, appear to me, that the
dancers were much assisted or directed by these sounds, but by a chorus
of vocal music, in which all the performers joined at the same time.
Their song was not destitute of pleasing melody; and all their
corresponding motions were executed with so much skill, that the
numerous body of dancers seemed to act, as if they were one great
machine. It was the opinion of every one of us, that such a performance
would have met with universal applause on a European theatre; and it so
far exceeded any attempt we had made to entertain them, that they seemed
to picque themselves upon the superiority they had over us. As to our
musical instruments, they held none of them in the least esteem, except
the drum; and even that they did not think equal to their own. Our
French horns in particular, seemed to be held in great contempt; for
neither here, nor at any other of the islands, would they pay the
smallest attention to them.
In order to give them a more favourable opinion of English amusements,
and to leave their minds fully impressed with the deepest sense of our
superior attainments, I directed some fireworks to be got ready; and,
after it was dark, played them off in the presence of Feenou, the other
chiefs, and a vast concourse of their people. Some of the preparations
we found damaged; but others of them were in excellent order, and
succeeded so perfectly, as to answer the end I had in view. Our water
and sky-rockets, in particular, pleased and astonished them beyond all
conception; and the scale was now turned in our favour.
This, however, seemed only to furnish them with an additional motive to
proceed to fresh exertions of their very singular dexterity; and our
fireworks were no sooner ended, than a succession of dances, which
Feenou had got ready for our entertainment, began. As[180] a prelude to
them, a band of music, or chorus of eighteen men, seated themselves
before us, in the centre of the circle, composed by the numerous
spectators, the area of which was to be the scene of the exhibitions.
Four or five of this band, had pieces of large bamboo, from three to
five or six feet long, each managed by one man, who held it nearly in a
vertical position, the upper end open, but the other end closed by one
of the joints. With this close end, the performers kept constantly
striking the ground, though slowly, thus producing different notes,
according to the different lengths of the instruments, but all of them
of the hollow or base sort; to counteract which, a person kept striking
quickly, and with two sticks, a piece of the same substance, split, and
laid along the ground, and, by that means, furnishing a tone as acute as
those produced by the others were grave. The rest of the band, as well
as those who performed upon the bamboos, sung a slow and soft air, which
so tempted the harsher notes of the above instruments, that no
bye-stander, however accustomed to hear the most perfect and varied
modulation of sweet sounds, could avoid confessing the vast power, and
pleasing effect, of this simple harmony.
The concert having continued about a quarter of an hour, twenty women
entered the circle. Most of them had, upon their heads, garlands of the
crimson flowers of the China rose, or others; and many of them had
ornamented their persons with leaves of trees, cut with a great deal of
nicety about the edges. They made a circle round the chorus, turning
their faces toward it, and began by singing a soft air, to which
responses were made by the chorus in the same tone; and these were
repeated alternately. All this while, the women accompanied their song
with several very graceful motions of their hands toward their faces,
and in other directions at the same time, making constantly a step
forward, and then back again, with one foot, while the other was fixed.
They then turned their faces to the assembly, sung some time, and
retreated slowly in a body, to that part of the circle which was
opposite the hut where the principal spectators sat. After this, one of
them advanced from each side, meeting and passing each other in the
front, and continuing their progress round, till they came to the rest.
On which two advanced from each side, two of whom also passed each
other, and returned as the former; but the other two remained, and to
these came one from each side, by intervals, till the whole number had
again formed a circle about the chorus.
Their manner of dancing was now changed to a quicker measure, in which
they made a kind of half turn by leaping, and clapped their hands, and
snapped their fingers, repeating some words in conjunction with the
chorus. Toward the end, as the quickness of the music increased, their
gestures and attitudes were varied with wonderful vigour and dexterity;
and some of their motions, perhaps, would, with us, be reckoned rather
indecent. Though this part of the performance, most probably, was not
meant to convey any wanton ideas, but merely to display the astonishing
variety of their movements.
To this grand female ballet, succeeded one performed by fifteen men.
Some of them were old; but their age seemed to have abated little of
their agility or ardour for the dance. They were disposed in a sort of
circle, divided at the front, with their faces not turned out toward the
assembly, nor inward to the chorus; but one half of their circle faced
forward as they had advanced, and the other half in a contrary
direction. They sometimes sung slowly, in concert with the chorus; and,
while thus employed, they also made several very fine motions with their
hands, but different from those made by the women, at the same time
inclining the body to either side alternately, by raising one leg, which
was stretched outward, and resting on the other; the arm of the same
side being also stretched fully upward. At other times, they recited
sentences in a musical tone, which were answered by the chorus; and, at
intervals, increased the measure of the dance, by clapping the hands,
and quickening the motions of the feet, which, however, were never
varied. At the end, the rapidity of the music, and of the dancing,
increased so much, that it was scarcely possible to distinguish the
different movements; though one might suppose the actors were now almost
tired, as their performance had lasted near half an hour.
After a considerable interval, another act as we may call it, began.
Twelve men now advanced, who placed themselves in double rows fronting
each other, but on opposite sides of the circle; and, on one side a man
was stationed, who, as if he had been a prompter, repeated several
sentences, to which the twelve new performers, and the chorus, replied.
They then sung slowly; and afterward danced and sung more quickly, for
about a quarter of an hour, after the manner of the dancers whom they
had succeeded.
Soon after they had finished, nine women exhibited themselves, and sat
down fronting the hut where the chief was. A man then rose, and struck
the first of these women on the back, with both fists joined. He
proceeded, in the same manner, to the second and third; but when he came
to the fourth, whether from accident or design I cannot tell, instead of
the back, he struck her on the breast. Upon this, a person rose
instantly from the crowd, who brought him to the ground with a blow on
the head; and he was carried off without the least noise or disorder.
But this did not save the other five women from so odd a discipline, or
perhaps necessary ceremony; for a person succeeded him, who treated them
in the same manner. Their disgrace did not end here; for when they
danced, they had the mortification to find their performance, twice
disapproved of, and were obliged to repeat it. This dance did not differ
much from that of the first women, except in this one circumstance, that
the present set, sometimes raised the body upon one leg, by a sort of
double motion, and then upon the other alternately, in which attitude
they kept snapping their fingers; and, at the end, they repeated, with
great agility, the brisk movements, in which the former group of female
dancers had shown themselves so expert.
In a little time, a person entered unexpectedly, and said something in a
ludicrous way, about the fireworks that had been exhibited, which
extorted a burst of laughter from the multitude. After this, we had a
dance composed of the men who attended or had followed Feenou. They
formed a double circle (_i. e._ one within another) of twenty-four each,
round the chorus, and began a gentle soothing song, with corresponding
motions of the hands and head. This lasted a considerable time, and then
changed to a much quicker measure, during which they repeated sentences,
either in conjunction with the chorus, or in answer to some spoken by
that band. They then retreated to the back part of the circle, as the
women had done, and again advanced, on each side, in a triple row, till
they formed a semicircle, which was done very slowly, by inclining the
body on one leg, and advancing the other a little way, as they put it
down. They accompanied this, with such a soft air as they had sung at
the beginning; but soon changed it to repeat sentences in a harsher
tone, at the same time quickening the dance very much, till they
finished with a general shout and clap of the hands. The same was
repeated several times; but, at last, they formed a double circle, as at
the beginning, danced, and repeated very quickly, and finally closed
with several very dexterous transpositions of the two circles.
The entertainments of this memorable night concluded with a dance, in
which the principal people present exhibited. It resembled the
immediately preceding one, in some respects, having the same number of
performers, who began nearly in the same way; but their ending, at each
interval, was different. For they increased their motions to a
prodigious quickness, shaking their heads from shoulder to shoulder,
with such force, that a spectator, unaccustomed to the sight, would
suppose, that they ran a risk of dislocating their necks. This was
attended with a smart clapping of the hands, and a kind of savage holla,
or shriek, not unlike what is sometimes practised in the comic dances on
our European theatres. They formed the triple semi-circle, as the
preceding dancers had done; and a person who advanced at the head on one
side of the semi-circle, began by repeating something in a truly musical
recitative, which was delivered with an air so graceful, as might put to
the blush our most applauded performers. He was answered in the same
manner, by the person at the head of the opposite party. This being
repeated several times, the whole body on one side joined in the
responses to the whole corresponding body on the opposite side, as the
semi-circle advanced to the front; and they finished, by singing and
dancing as they had begun.
These two last dances were performed with so much spirit, and so great
exactness, that they met with universal approbation. The native
spectators, who no doubt were perfect judges whether the several
performances were properly executed, could not withhold their applauses
at some particular parts; and even a stranger, who never saw the
diversion before, felt similar satisfaction, at the same instant. For
though, through the whole, the most strict concert was observed, some of
the gestures were so expressive, that it might be said they spoke the
language that accompanied them, if we allow that there is any connection
between motion and sound. At the same time, it should be observed, that
though the music of the chorus and that of the dancers corresponded,
constant practice in these favourite amusements of our friends, seems to
have a great share in effecting the exact time they keep in their
performances. For we observed, that if any of them happened accidentally
to be interrupted, they never found the smallest difficulty in
recovering the proper place of the dance or song. And their perfect
discipline was, in no instance, more remarkable, than in the sudden
transitions, they so dexterously made from the ruder exertions, and
harsh sounds, to the softest arts and gentlest movements.[181]
The place where the dances were performed, was an open space amongst the
trees, just by the sea, with lights, at small intervals, placed round
the inside of the circle. The concourse of people was pretty large,
though not equal to the number assembled in the forenoon, when the
marines exercised. At that time, some of our gentlemen guessed there
might be present about five thousand persons; others thought there were
more; but they who reckoned that there were fewer, probably came nearer
to the truth.
CHAP. VI.
DESCRIPTION OF LEFOOGA.—ITS CULTIVATED STATE.—ITS EXTENT.—TRANSACTIONS
THERE.—A FEMALE OCULIST.—SINGULAR EXPEDIENTS FOR SHAVING OFF THE
HAIR.—THE SHIPS CHANGE THEIR STATION.—A REMARKABLE MOUNT AND STONE.—
DESCRIPTION OF HOOLAIVA.—ACCOUNT OF POULAHO, KING OF THE FRIENDLY
ISLANDS.—RESPECTFUL MANNER IN WHICH HE IS TREATED BY HIS PEOPLE.—
DEPARTURE FROM THE HAPAEE ISLANDS.—SOME ACCOUNT OF KOTOO.—RETURN OF
THE SHIPS TO ANNAMOOKA.—POULAHO AND FEENOU MEET.—ARRIVAL AT
TONGATABOO.
Curiosity on both sides being now sufficiently gratified, by the
exhibition of the various entertainments I have described, I began to
have time to look about me. Accordingly, next day, I took a walk into
the island of Lefooga, of which I was desirous to obtain some knowledge.
I found it to be in several respects superior to Annamooka. The
plantations were both more numerous, and more extensive. In many places,
indeed, toward the sea, especially on the east side, the country is
still waste, owing perhaps to the sandy soil; as it is much lower than
Annamooka, and its surrounding isles. But toward the middle of the
island, the soil is better; and the marks of considerable population,
and of improved cultivation, were very conspicuous. For we met here with
very large plantations, inclosed in such a manner, that the fences
running parallel to each other, from fine spacious public roads, that
would appear ornamental in countries where rural conveniencies have been
carried to the greatest perfection. We observed large spots covered with
the paper mulberry-trees; and the plantations in general were well
stocked with such roots and fruits as are the natural produce of the
island. To these I made some addition, by sowing the seeds of Indian
corn, melons, pumpkins, and the like. At one place was a house four or
five times as large as those of the common sort, with a large area of
grass before it; and I take it for granted, the people resort thither on
certain public occasions. Near the landing-place we saw a mount two or
three feet high, covered with gravel; and on it stood four or five small
huts, in which the natives told us, the bodies of some of their
principal people had been interred.
The island is not above seven miles long, and in some places not above
two or three broad. The east side of it, which is exposed to the
trade-wind, has a reef running to a considerable breadth from it, on
which the sea breaks with great violence. It is a continuation of this
reef that joins Lefooga to Foa, which is not above half a mile distant;
and at low water the natives can walk upon this reef, which is then
partly dry, from the one island to the other. The shore itself is either
a coral rock, six or seven feet high, or a sandy beach; but higher than
the west side, which in general is not more than three or four feet from
the level of the sea, with a sandy beach its whole length.
When I returned from my excursion into the country, and went on board to
dinner, I found a large sailing canoe fast to the ship’s stern. In this
canoe was Latooliboula, whom I had seen at Tongataboo, during my last
voyage, and who was then supposed by us to be the king of that island.
He sat in the canoe with all that gravity, by which, as I have mentioned
in my journal[182], he was so remarkably distinguished at that time; nor
could I by any entreaties, prevail upon him now to come into the ship.
Many of the islanders were present, and they all call him _Arekee_,
which signifies king. I had never heard any one of them give this title
to Feenou, however extensive his authority over them both here and at
Annamooka, had appeared to be; which had all along inclined me to
suspect that he was not the king, though his friend Taipa had taken
pains to make me believe he was. Latooliboula remained under the stern
till the evening, when he retired in his canoe to one of the islands.
Feenou was on board my ship at the same time; but neither of these great
men took the least notice of the other.
Nothing material happened the next day, except that some of the natives
stole a tarpaulin, and other things from off the deck. They were soon
missed and the thieves pursued, but a little too late. I applied,
therefore, to Feenou, who, if he was not king, was at least vested with
the highest authority here, to exert it, in order to have my things
restored. He referred me to Earoupa, who put me off from time to time;
and at last nothing was done.
In the morning of the 23d, as we were going to unmoor, in order to leave
the island, Feenou and his prime-minister Taipa, came alongside in a
sailing canoe, and informed me that they were setting out for Vavaoo, an
island, which they said, lies about two days’ sail to the northward of
Hapaee. The object of their voyage, they would have me believe, was to
get for me an additional supply of hogs, and some red-feathered caps for
Omai, to carry to Otaheite, where they are in high esteem. Feenou
assured me that he should be back in four or five days; and desired me
not to sail till his return, when he promised he would accompany me to
Tongataboo. I thought this a good opportunity to get some knowledge of
Vavaoo, and proposed to him to go thither with the ships. But he seemed
not to approve of the plan; and, by way of diverting me from it, told me
that there was neither harbour nor anchorage about it. I, therefore,
consented to wait in my present station for his return, and he
immediately set out.
The next day our attention was for some time taken up with a report,
industriously spread about by some of the natives, that a ship like
ours, had arrived at Annamooka since we left it, and was now at anchor
there. The propagators of the report were pleased to add, that Toobou,
the chief of that island, was hastening thither to receive these
newcomers; and as we knew that he had actually left us, we were the more
ready to believe there might be some foundation for the story of this
unexpected arrival. However, to gain some farther information, I went on
shore with Omai, in quest of the man, who, it was said, had brought the
first account of this event from Annamooka. We found him at the house of
Earoupa, where Omai put such questions to him as I thought necessary;
and the answers he gave were so clear and satisfactory, that I had not a
doubt remaining. But just about this time, a chief of some note, whom we
well knew, arrived from Annamooka, and declared that no ship was at that
island, nor had been since our leaving it. The propagator of the report,
finding himself detected in a falsehood, instantly withdrew, and we saw
no more of him. What end the invention of this tale could answer, it was
not easy to conjecture; unless we suppose it to have been artfully
contrived, to get us removed from the one island to the other.
In my walk on the 25th, I happened to step into a house, where a woman
was dressing the eyes of a young child, who seemed blind; the eyes being
much inflamed, and a thin film spread over them. The instruments she
used were two slender wooden probes, with which she had brushed the eyes
so as to make them bleed. It seems worth mentioning, that the natives of
these islands should attempt an operation of this sort; though I entered
the house too late, to describe exactly how this female oculist employed
the wretched tools she had to work with.
I was fortunate enough to see a different operation going on in the same
house, of which I can give a tolerable account. I found there another
woman shaving a child’s head with a shark’s tooth stuck into the end of
a piece of stick. I observed, that she first wet the hair with a rag
dipped in water, applying her instrument to that part which she had
previously soaked. The operation seemed to give no pain to the child,
although the hair was taken off as close as if one of our razors had
been employed. Encouraged by what I now saw, I soon after tried one of
these singular instruments upon myself, and found it to be an excellent
_succedaneum_. However, the men of these islands have recourse to
another contrivance when they shave their beards. The operation is
performed with two shells, one of which they place under a small part of
the beard, and with the other applied above, they scrape that part off.
In this manner they are able to shave very close. The process is,
indeed, rather tedious, but not painful; and there are men amongst them
who seem to profess this trade. It was as common, while we were here, to
see our sailors go ashore to have their beards scraped off, after the
fashion of Hapaee, as it was to see their chiefs come on board to be
shaved by our barbers.
Finding that little or nothing of the produce of the island was now
brought to the ships, I resolved to change our station, and to wait
Feenou’s return from Vavaoo, in some other convenient anchoring-place,
where refreshments might still be met with. Accordingly, in the forenoon
of the 26th, we got under sail, and stood to the southward along the
reef of the island; having fourteen and thirteen fathoms’ water, with a
sandy bottom. However, we met with several detached shoals. Some of them
were discovered by breakers; some by the water upon them appearing
discoloured; and others by the lead. At half past two in the afternoon,
having already passed several of these shoals, and seeing more of them
before us, I hauled into a bay that lies between the south end of
Lefooga, and the north end of Hoolaiva, and there anchored in seventeen
fathoms’ water, the bottom a coral sand; the point of Lefooga bearing
south-east by east, a mile and a half distant. The Discovery did not get
to an anchor till sunset. She had touched upon one of the shoals, but
backed off again without receiving any damage.
As soon as we had anchored, I sent Mr. Bligh to sound the bay where we
were now stationed; and myself, accompanied by Mr. Gore, landed on the
southern part of Lefooga, to examine the country, and to look for fresh
water; not that we now wanted a supply of this article, having filled
all the casks at our late station; but I had been told, that this part
of the island could afford us some, preferable to any we had got at the
former watering-place. This will not be the only time I shall have
occasion to remark, that these people do not know what good water is. We
were conducted to two wells; but the water in both of them proved to be
execrable; and the natives, our guides, assured us that they had none
better.
Near the south end of the island, and on the west side, we met with an
artificial mount. From the size of some trees that were growing upon it,
and from other appearances, I guessed that it had been raised in remote
times. I judged it to be about forty feet high, and the diameter of its
summit measured fifty feet. At the bottom of this mount stood a stone,
which must have been hewn out of coral rock. It was four feet broad, two
and a half thick, and fourteen high; and we were told by the natives
present, that not above half its length appeared above ground. They
called it _Tangata Arekee_[183]; and said that it had been set up, and
the mount raised, by some of their forefathers, in memory of one of
their kings; but how long since they could not tell.
Night coming on, Mr. Gore and I returned on board; and, at the same time
Mr. Bligh got back from sounding the bay, in which he found from
fourteen to twenty fathoms’ water; the bottom for the most part sand,
but not without some coral rocks. The place where we now anchored is
much better sheltered than that which we had lately come from; but
between the two is another anchoring station, much better than either.
Lefooga and Hoolaiva are divided from each other by a reef of coral
rocks, which is dry at low water; so that one may walk at that time,
from the one to the other without wetting a foot. Some of our gentlemen,
who landed in the latter island, did not find the least mark of
cultivation, or habitation upon it, except a single hut, the residence
of a man employed to catch fish and turtle. It is rather extraordinary
that it should be in this deserted state, communicating so immediately
with Lefooga, which is so perfectly cultivated; for though the soil is
quite sandy, all the trees and plants found in a natural state on the
neighbouring islands, are produced here with the greatest vigour. The
east side of it has a reef like Lefooga; and the west side has a bending
at the north part, where there seems to be good anchorage. Uninhabited
as Hoolaiva is, an artificial mount, like that at the adjoining island,
has been raised upon it, as high as some of the surrounding trees.
At day-break next morning I made the signal to weigh; and as I intended
to attempt a passage to Annamooka, in my way to Tongataboo, by the
south-west, amongst the intervening islands, I sent the master in a boat
to sound before the ships. But before we could get under sail, the wind
became unsettled; which made it unsafe to attempt a passage in this way,
till we were better acquainted with it. I therefore lay fast, and made
the signal for the master to return; and afterward sent him and the
master of the Discovery, each in a boat, with instructions to examine
the channels as far as they could, allowing themselves time to get back
to the ships before the close of the day.
About noon a large sailing canoe came under our stern, in which was a
person named Futtafaihe, or Poulaho, or both; who, as the natives then
on board told us, was king of Tongataboo, and of all the neighbouring
islands that we had seen or heard of. It was a matter of surprize to me
to have a stranger introduced under this character, which I had so much
reason to believe really belonged to another. But they persisted in
their account of the supreme dignity of this new visitor; and now, for
the first time, they owned to me that Feenou was not the king, but only
a subordinate chief, though of great power, as he was often sent from
Tongataboo to the other islands on warlike expeditions, or to decide
differences. It being my interest as well as my inclination to pay court
to all the great men, without making inquiry into the validity of their
assumed titles; I invited Poulaho on board, as I understood he was very
desirous to come. He could not be an unwelcome guest; for he brought
with him, as a present to me, two good fat hogs, though not so fat as
himself. If weight of body could give weight in rank or power, he was
certainly the most eminent man in that respect we had seen; for, though
not very tall, he was very unwieldy, and almost shapeless with
corpulence. He seemed to be about forty years of age, had straight hair,
and his features differed a good deal from those of the bulk of his
people. I found him to be a sedate sensible man. He viewed the ship and
the several new objects with uncommon attention; and asked many
pertinent questions, one of which was, what could induce us to visit
these islands? After he had satisfied his curiosity in looking at the
cattle, and other novelties which he met with upon deck, I desired him
to walk down into the cabin. To this some of his attendants objected,
saying, that if he were to accept of that invitation, it must happen
that people would walk over his head, which could not be permitted. I
directed my interpreter Omai to tell them, that I would obviate their
objection, by giving orders that no one should presume to walk upon that
part of the deck which was over the cabin. Whether this expedient would
have satisfied them was far from appearing; but the chief himself, less
scrupulous in this respect than his attendants, waved all ceremony, and
walked down without any stipulation. He now appeared to be as solicitous
himself as his people were, to convince us that he was king, and not
Feenou, who had passed with us as such, for he soon perceived that we
had some doubts about it; which doubts Omai was not very desirous of
removing. The closest connection had been formed between him and Feenou,
in testimony of which they had exchanged names; and, therefore, he was
not a little chagrined that another person now put in his claim to the
honours which his friend had hitherto enjoyed.
Poulaho sat down with us to dinner; but he ate little, and drank less.
When we arose from the table, he desired me to accompany him ashore.
Omai was asked to be of the party; but he was too faithfully attached to
Feenou to show any attention to his competitor; and therefore excused
himself. I attended the chief in my own boat, having first made presents
to him of such articles as I could observe he valued much, and were even
beyond his expectation to receive. I was not disappointed in my view of
thus securing his friendship; for the moment the boat reached the beach,
and before he quitted her, he ordered two more hogs to be brought and
delivered to my people to be conveyed on board. He was then carried out
of the boat by some of his own people upon a board resembling a
hand-barrow, and went and seated himself in a small house near the
shore, which seemed to have been erected there for his accommodation. He
placed me at his side; and his attendants, who were not numerous, seated
themselves in a semi-circle before us on the outside of the house.
Behind the chief, or rather on one side, sat an old woman with a sort of
fan in her hand, whose office it was to prevent his being pestered with
the flies.
The several articles which his people had got by trading on board the
ships were now displayed before him. He looked over them all with
attention, inquired what they had given in exchange, and seemed pleased
with the bargains they had made. At length he ordered every thing to be
restored to the respective owners, except a glass bowl, with which he
was so much pleased that he reserved it for himself. The persons who
brought these things to him first squatted themselves down before him,
then they deposited their several purchases, and immediately rose up and
retired. The same respectful ceremony was observed in taking them away;
and not one of them presumed to speak to him standing. I stayed till
several of his attendants left him, first paying him obeisance, by
bowing the head down to the sole of his foot, and touching or tapping
the same with the upper and under side of the fingers of both hands.
Others who were not in the circle came, as it seemed, on purpose, and
paid him this mark of respect, and then retired without speaking a word.
I was quite charmed with the decorum that was observed. I had no where
seen the like, not even amongst more civilized nations.
I found the master returned from his expedition when I got on board. He
informed me, that, as far as he had proceeded, there was anchorage and a
passage for the ships; but that towards the south and south-east he saw
a number of small isles, shoals, and breakers. Judging from this report
that my attempting a passage that way would be attended with some risk,
I now dropped all thoughts of it, thinking it better to return toward
Annamooka by the same route, which we had so lately experienced to be a
safe one.
Having come to this resolution, I should have sailed next morning, if
the wind had not been too far southerly, and, at the same time, very
unsettled. Poulaho, the king, as I shall now call him, came on board
betimes, and brought as a present to me, one of their caps, made, or at
least covered with red feathers. These caps were much sought after by
us, for we knew they would be highly valued at Otaheite. But though very
large prices were offered, not one was ever brought for sale; which
showed that they were no less valuable in the estimation of the people
here; nor was there a person in either ship that could make himself the
proprietor of one, except myself, Captain Clerke, and Omai. These caps,
or rather bonnets, are composed of the tail feathers of the tropic bird,
with the red feathers of the parroquets wrought upon them, or jointly
with them. They are made so as to tie upon the forehead without any
crown, and have the form of a semicircle, whose _radius_ is eighteen or
twenty inches. The chief stayed on board till the evening, when he left
us; but his brother, whose name was also Futtafaihe, and one or two or
more of his attendants, continued in the ship all night.
At day-break the next morning, I weighed with a fine breeze at east
north-east, and stood to the westward, with a view to return to
Annamooka, by the track we had already experienced. We were followed by
several sailing canoes, in one of which was the king. As soon as he got
on board the Resolution he inquired for his brother, and the others who
had remained with us all night. It now appeared that they had staid
without his leave; for he gave them, in a very few words, such a
reprimand as brought tears from their eyes; and yet they were men not
less than thirty years of age. He was, however, soon reconciled to their
making a longer stay; for, on quitting us, he left his brother and five
of his attendants on board. We had also the company of a chief just then
arrived from Tongataboo, whose name was Tooboueitoa. The moment he
arrived, he sent his canoe away, and declared that he and five more who
came with him would sleep on board; so that I had now my cabin filled
with visitors. This, indeed, was some inconvenience; but I bore with it
more willingly, as they brought plenty of provisions with them as
presents to me, for which they always had suitable returns.
About one o’clock in the afternoon, the easterly wind was succeeded by a
fresh breeze at south south-east. Our course, now being south
south-west, or more southerly, we were obliged to ply to windward, and
did but just fetch the north side of Footooha, by eight o’clock, where
we spent the night, making short boards.
The next morning, we plied up to Lofanga, where, according to the
information of our friends, there was anchorage. It was one o’clock, in
the afternoon, before we got soundings, under the lee or north-west
side, in forty fathoms’ water, near half a mile from the shore; but the
bank was steep, and the bottom rocky, and a chain of breakers lay to
leeward. All these circumstances being against us, I stretched away for
Kotoo, with the expectation of finding better anchoring ground under
that island. But so much time had been spent in plying up to Lofanga,
that it was dark before we reached the other; and, finding no place to
anchor in, the night was spent as the preceding one.
At day-break, on the 31st, I stood for the channel which is between
Kotoo, and the reef of rocks that lie to the westward of it; but on
drawing near, I found the wind too scant to lead us through. I,
therefore, bore up on the outside of the reef, and stretched to the
south west, till near noon, when perceiving that we made no progress to
windward, and being apprehensive of losing the islands, with so many of
the natives on board, I tacked and stood back, intending to wait till
some more favourable opportunity. We did but just fetch in with
Footooha, between which and Kotoo we spent the night, under reefed
topsails and foresail. The wind blew fresh, and by squalls, with rain;
and we were not without apprehensions of danger. I kept the deck till
midnight, when I left it to the master, with such directions as, I
thought, would keep the ships clear of the shoals and rocks that lay
round us. But, after making a trip to the north, and standing back again
to the south, our ship, by a small shift of the wind, fetched farther to
the windward than was expected. By this means she was very near running
full upon a low sandy isle, called Pootoo Pootooa, surrounded with
breakers. It happened very fortunately that the people had just been
ordered upon the deck, to put the ship about, and the most of them were
at their stations; so that the necessary movements were not only
executed with judgment, but also with alertness; and this alone saved us
from destruction. The Discovery being astern, was out of danger. Such
hazardous situations are the unavoidable companions of the man, who goes
upon a voyage of discovery.
This circumstance frightened our passengers so much, that they expressed
a strong desire to get ashore. Accordingly, as soon as day-light
returned, I hoisted out a boat, and ordered the officer who commanded
her, after landing them at Kotoo, to sound along the reef that spits off
from that island, for anchorage. For I was full as much tired as they
could be, with beating about amongst the surrounding isles and shoals,
and determined to get to an anchor somewhere or other if possible. While
the boat was absent, we attempted to turn the ships through the channel,
between the sandy isle and the reef of Kotoo, in expectation of finding
a moderate depth of water behind them to anchor in. But, meeting with a
tide or current against us, we were obliged to desist, and anchor in
fifty fathoms’ water, with the sandy isle bearing east by north, one
mile distant.
We lay here till the 4th. While in this station we were, several times,
visited by the king, by Tooboueitoa, and by people from the neighbouring
islands, who came off to trade with us, though the wind blew very fresh
most of the time. The master was now sent to sound the channels between
the islands that lie to the eastward; and I landed on Kotoo, to examine
it in the forenoon of the 2d.
This island is scarcely accessible by boats, on account of coral reefs
that surround it. It is not more than a mile and half, or two miles,
long; and not so broad. The north west end of it is low, like the
islands of Hapaee; but it rises suddenly in the middle, and terminates
in reddish clayey cliffs, at the south-east end, about thirty feet high.
The soil, in that quarter, is of the same sort as in the cliffs; but, in
the other parts, it is a loose, black mould. It produces the same fruits
and roots which we found at the other islands; is tolerably cultivated,
but thinly inhabited. While I was walking all over it, our people were
employed in cutting some grass for the cattle; and we planted some melon
seeds, with which the natives seemed much pleased, and inclosed them
with branches. On our return to the boat, we passed by two or three
ponds of dirty water, which was more or less brackish in each of them;
and saw one of their burying-places, which was much neater than those
that were met with at Hapaee.
On the 4th, at seven in the morning, we weighed; and, with a fresh gale
at east south-east, stood away for Annamooka, where we anchored, next
morning, nearly in the same station which we had so lately occupied.
I went on shore soon after, and found the inhabitants very busy in their
plantations, digging up yams to bring to market; and, in the course of
the day, about two hundred of them had assembled on the beach, and
traded with as much eagerness as during our late visit. Their stock
appeared to have been recruited much, though we had returned so soon;
but, instead of bread-fruit, which was the only article we could
purchase on our first arrival, nothing was to be seen now but yams, and
a few plantains. This shows the quick succession of the seasons, at
least of the different vegetables produced here, at the several times of
the year. It appeared also that they had been very busy, while we were
absent, in cultivating; for we now saw several large plantain fields, in
places which we had, so lately seen lying waste. The yams were now in
the greatest perfection; and we procured a good quantity, in exchanges
for pieces of iron.
These people in the absence of Toobou, whom we left behind us, at Kotoo,
with Poulaho and the other chiefs, seemed to be under little
subordination. For we could not perceive, this day, that one man assumed
more authority than another. Before I returned on board, I visited the
several places where I had sown melon seeds, and had the mortification
to find, that most of them were destroyed by a small ant; but some
pine-apple plants, which I had also left, were in a thriving state.
About noon next day, Feenou arrived from Vavaoo. He told us that several
canoes, laden with hogs, and other provisions, which had sailed with him
from that island, had been lost, owing to the late blowing weather; and
that every body on board them had perished. This melancholy tale did not
seem to affect any of his countrymen who heard it; and as to ourselves,
we were by this time too well acquainted with his character, to give
much credit to such a story. The truth, probably was, that he had not
been able to procure at Vavaoo the supplies which he expected; or, if he
got any there, that he had left them at Hapaee, which lay in his way
back, and where he could not but receive intelligence that Poulaho had
been with us; who therefore, he knew, would, as his superior, have all
the merit and reward of procuring them, though he had not any share of
the trouble. The invention of this loss at sea was, however, well
imagined; for there had lately been very blowing weather; in so much,
that the king and other chiefs, who had followed us from Hapaee to
Kotoo, had been left there, not caring to venture to sea when we did;
but desired I might wait for them at Annamooka, which was the reason of
my anchoring there, this second time, and of my not proceeding directly
to Tongataboo.
The following morning Poulaho, and the other chiefs who had been
wind-bound with him, arrived. I happened at this time to be ashore in
company with Feenou, who now seemed to be sensible of the impropriety of
his conduct, in assuming a character that did not belong to him. For he
not only acknowledged Poulaho to be king of Tongataboo, and the other
isles; but affected to insist much on it, which, no doubt, was with a
view to make amends for his former presumption. I left him to visit this
greater man, whom I found sitting with a few people before him. But,
every one hastening to pay court to him, the circle increased pretty
fast. I was very desirous of observing Feenou’s behaviour on this
occasion; and had the most convincing proof of his superiority; for he
placed himself amongst the rest that sat before Poulaho, as attendants
on his majesty. He seemed at first rather abashed; as some of us were
present who had been used to see him act a different part; but he soon
recovered himself. Some little conversation passed between these two
chiefs which none of us understood; nor were we satisfied with Omai’s
interpretation of it. We were, however, by this time sufficiently
undeceived as to Feenou’s rank. Both he and Poulaho went on board with
me to dinner; but only the latter sat at table. Feenou, having made his
obeisance in the usual way, saluting his sovereign’s foot with his head
and hands, retired out of the cabin.[184] The king had before told us,
that this would happen; and it now appeared that Feenou could not even
eat or drink in his royal presence.
At eight o’clock next morning, we weighed and steered for Tongataboo,
having a gentle breeze at north-east. About fourteen or fifteen sailing
vessels, belonging to the natives, set out without us; but every one of
them outrun the ships considerably. Feenou was to have taken his passage
in the Resolution, but preferred his own canoe; and put two men on
board, to conduct us to the best anchorage. We steered south by west by
compass.
At five in the afternoon we saw two small islands bearing west, about
four leagues distant. Our pilots called the one Hoonga Hapaee, and the
other Hoonga Tonga. They lie in the latitude of 20° 36ʹ; and ten or
eleven leagues from the west point of Annamooka, in the direction of
south, 46° west. According to the account of the islanders on board,
only five men reside upon Hoonga Hapaee; and Hoonga Tonga is
uninhabited; but both of them abound with sea-fowl.
We continued the same course till two o’clock next morning, when, seeing
some lights ahead, and not knowing whether they were on shore, or on
board the canoes, we hauled the wind, and made a short trip each way
till day-break. We then resumed our course to the south by west; and
presently after, saw several small islands before us, and Eooa and
Tongataboo beyond them. We had at this time twenty-five fathoms’ water,
over a bottom of broken coral and sand. The depth gradually decreased as
we drew near the isles above mentioned, which lie ranged along the
north-east side of Tongataboo. By the direction of our pilots we steered
for the middle of it, and for the widest space between the small isles
which we were to pass; having our boats ahead, employed in sounding. We
were insensibly drawn upon a large flat, upon which lay innumerable
coral rocks, of different depths, below the surface of the water.
Notwithstanding all our care and attention to keep the ship clear of
them, we could not prevent her from striking on one of these rocks. Nor
did the Discovery, though behind us, escape any better. Fortunately,
neither of the ships stuck fast, nor received any damage. We could not
get back without increasing the danger, as we had come in almost before
the wind. Nor could we cast anchor, but with the certainty of having our
cables instantly cut in two by the rocks. We had no other resource but
to proceed. To this indeed, we were encouraged, not only by being told,
but by seeing, that there was deeper water between us and the shore.
However, that we might be better informed, the moment we found a spot
where we could drop the anchor clear of rocks, we came-to; and sent the
masters with the boats, to sound.
Soon after we had anchored, which was about noon, several of the
inhabitants of Tongataboo came off in their canoes to the ships. These,
as well as our pilots, assured us, that we should find deep water
farther in, and a bottom free from rocks. They were not mistaken; for
about four o’clock, the boats made the signal for having found good
anchorage. Upon this we weighed, and stood in till dark, and then
anchored in nine fathoms, having a fine, clear, sandy bottom.
During the night we had some showers of rain; but toward the morning,
the wind shifted to the south, and south-east, and brought on fair
weather. At day-break we weighed, and working in to the shore, met with
no obstructions, but such as were visible, and easily avoided.
While we were plying up to the harbour, to which the natives directed
us, the king kept sailing round us in his canoe. There were at the same
time, a great many small canoes about the ships. Two of these, which
could not get out of the way of his royal vessel, he run quite over,
with as little concern, as if they had been bits of wood. Amongst many
others who came on board the Resolution, was Otago, who had been so
useful to me when I visited Tongataboo during my last voyage; and one
Toobou, who, at that time, had attached himself to Captain Furneaux.
Each of them brought a hog and some yams, as a testimony of his
friendship; and I was not wanting, on my part, in making a suitable
return.
At length, about two in the afternoon, we arrived at our intended
station. It was a very snug place, formed by the shore of Tongataboo on
the south-east, and two small islands on the east and north-east. Here
we anchored in ten fathoms’ water, over a bottom of oozy sand; distant
from the shore one-third of a mile.
CHAP. VII.
FRIENDLY RECEPTION AT TONGATABOO.—MANNER OF DISTRIBUTING A BAKED HOG AND
KAVA TO POULAHO’S ATTENDANTS.—THE OBSERVATORY, &C. ERECTED.—THE
VILLAGE WHERE THE CHIEFS RESIDE, AND THE ADJOINING COUNTRY,
DESCRIBED.—INTERVIEWS WITH MAREEWAGEE AND TOOBOU, AND THE KING’S SON.—
A GRAND HAIVA, OR ENTERTAINMENT OF SONGS AND DANCES, GIVEN BY
MAREEWAGEE.—EXHIBITION OF FIREWORKS.—MANNER OF WRESTLING AND BOXING.—
DISTRIBUTION OF THE CATTLE.—THEFTS COMMITTED BY THE NATIVES.—POULAHO,
AND THE OTHER CHIEFS, CONFINED ON THAT ACCOUNT.—POULAHO’S PRESENT, AND
HAIVA.
Soon after we had anchored, having first dined, I landed, accompanied by
Omai, and some of the officers. We found the king waiting for us upon
the beach. He immediately conducted us to a small neat house, situated a
little within the skirts of the woods, with a fine large area before it.
This house, he told me, was at my service, during our stay at the
island; and a better situation we could not wish for.
We had not been long in the house, before a pretty large circle of the
natives were assembled before us, and seated upon the area. A root of
the _kava_ plant being brought, and laid down before the king, he
ordered it to be split into pieces, and distributed to several people of
both sexes, who began the operation of chewing it; and a bowl of their
favourite liquor was soon prepared. In the mean time, a baked hog, and
two baskets of baked yams, were produced, and afterward divided into ten
portions. These portions were then given to certain people present; but
how many were to share in each, I could not tell. One of them, I
observed, was bestowed upon the king’s brother; and one remained
undisposed of, which, I judged, was for the king himself, as it was a
choice bit. The liquor was next served out; but Poulaho seemed to give
no directions about it. The first cup was brought to him, which he
ordered to be given to one who sat near him. The second was also brought
to him, and this he kept. The third was given to me; but their manner of
brewing having quenched my thirst, it became Omai’s property. The rest
of the liquor was distributed to different people, by direction of the
man who had the management of it. One of the cups being carried to the
king’s brother, he retired with this, and with his mess of victuals.
Some others also quitted the circle with their portions; and the reason
was, they could neither eat nor drink in the royal presence; but there
were others present, of a much inferior rank, of both sexes, who did
both. Soon after, most of them withdrew, carrying with them what they
had not ate of their share of the feast.
I observed, that not a fourth part of the company had tasted either the
victuals or the drink; those who partook of the former, I supposed to be
of the king’s household. The servants who distributed the baked meat,
and the _kava_, always delivered it out of their hand sitting, not only
to the king, but to every other person. It is worthy of remark, though
this was the first time of our landing, and a great many people were
present who had never seen us before, yet no one was troublesome; but
the greatest good order was preserved throughout the whole assembly.
Before I returned on board, I went in search of a watering place, and
was conducted to some ponds, or rather holes, containing fresh water, as
they were pleased to call it. The contents of one of these, indeed, were
tolerable; but it was at some distance inland, and the supply to be got
from it was very inconsiderable. Being informed that the little island
of Pangimodoo, near which the ships lay, could better furnish this
necessary article, I went over to it next morning, and was so fortunate
as to find there a small pool, that had rather fresher water than any we
had met with amongst these islands. The pool being very dirty, I ordered
it to be cleaned; and here it was that we watered the ships.
As I intended to make some stay at Tongataboo, we pitched a tent, in the
forenoon, just by the house which Poulaho had assigned for our use. The
horses, cattle, and sheep, were afterward landed, and a party of
marines, with their officer, stationed there as a guard. The observatory
was then set up, at a small distance from the other tent; and Mr. King
resided on shore, to attend the observations, and to superintend the
several operations necessary to be conducted there. For the sails were
carried thither, to be repaired; a party was employed in cutting wood
for fuel, and plank for the use of the ships; and the gunners of both
were ordered to remain upon the spot, to conduct the traffic with the
natives, who thronged from every part of the island, with hogs, yams,
cocoa-nuts, and other articles of their produce. In a short time, our
land post was like a fair, and the ships were so crowded with visitors,
that we had hardly room to stir upon the decks.
Feenou had taken up his residence in our neighbourhood; but he was no
longer the leading man. However, we still found him to be a person of
consequence, and we had daily proofs of his opulence and liberality, by
the continuance of his valuable presents. But the king was equally
attentive in this respect; for scarcely a day passed, without receiving
from him some considerable donation. We now heard, that there were other
great men of the island, whom we had not as yet seen. Otago and Toobou,
in particular mentioned a person named Mareewagee, who, they said, was
of the first consequence in the place, and held in great veneration;
nay, if Omai did not misunderstand them, superior even to Poulaho, to
whom he was related; but, being old, lived in retirement; and,
therefore, would not visit us. Some of the natives even hinted that he
was too great a man to confer that honour upon us. This account exciting
my curiosity, I this day mentioned to Poulaho, that I was very desirous
of waiting upon Mareewagee; and he readily agreed to accompany me to the
place of his residence, the next morning.
Accordingly we set out pretty early in the pinnace; and Captain Clerke
joined me in one of his own boats. We proceeded round, that is, to the
eastward of the little isles that form the harbour, and then turning to
the south, according to Poulaho’s directions, entered a spacious bay or
inlet, up which we rowed about a league, and landed amidst a
considerable number of people, who received us with a sort of
acclamation, not unlike our huzzaing. They immediately separated, to let
Poulaho pass, who took us into a small inclosure, and shifted the piece
of cloth he wore, for a new piece, neatly folded, that was carried by a
young man. An old woman assisted in dressing him, and put a mat over his
cloth, as we supposed, to prevent its being dirtied when he sat down. On
our now asking him where Mareewagee was, to our great surprize, he said,
he had gone from the place to the ship, just before we arrived. However,
he desired us to walk with him to a _malaee_, or house of public resort,
which stood about half a mile up the country; but when we came to a
large area before it, he sat down in the path, and desired us to walk up
to the house. We did so, and seated ourselves in front, while the crowd
that followed us filled up the rest of the space. After sitting a little
while, we repeated our inquiries, by means of Omai, whether we were to
see Mareewagee? But receiving no satisfactory information, and
suspecting that the old chief was purposely concealed from us, we went
back to our boats, much piqued at our disappointment; and when I got on
board, I found that no such person had been there. It afterward
appeared, that, in this affair, we had laboured under some gross
mistakes, and that our interpreter Omai had either been misinformed, or,
which is more likely, had misunderstood what was told him about the
great man, on whose account we had made this excursion.
The place we went to was a village most delightfully situated on the
bank of the inlet, where all or most of the principal persons of the
island reside; each having his house in the midst of a small plantation,
with lesser houses, and offices for servants. These plantations are
neatly fenced round; and, for the most part, have only one entrance.
This is by a door, fastened on the inside by a prop of wood; so that a
person has to knock, before he can get admittance. Public roads, and
narrow lanes, lie between each plantation; so that no one trespasseth
upon another. Great part of some of these inclosures is laid out in
grass-plots, and planted with such things as seem more for ornament than
use. But hardly any where without the _kava_ plant, from which they make
their favourite liquor. Every article of the vegetable produce of the
island, abounded in others of these plantations; but these, I observed,
are not the residence of people of the first rank. There are some large
houses near the public roads, with spacious smooth grass-plots before
them, and uninclosed. These, I was told, belonged to the king; and
probably, they are the places where their public assemblies are held. It
was to one of these houses, as I have already mentioned, that we were
conducted, soon after our landing at this place.
About noon, the next day, this Mareewagee, of whom we had heard so much,
actually came to the neighbourhood of our post on shore; and, with him,
a very considerable number of people of all ranks. I was informed, that
he had taken this trouble, on purpose to give me an opportunity of
waiting upon him; having probably, heard of the displeasure I had shown,
on my disappointment the day before. In the afternoon, a party of us,
accompanied by Feenou, landed to pay him a visit. We found a person
sitting under a large tree, near the shore, a little to the right of the
tent. A piece of cloth, at least forty yards long, was spread before
him, round which a great number of people of both sexes were seated. It
was natural to suppose, that this was the great man; but we were
undeceived by Feenou; who informed us, that another, who sat on a piece
of mat, a little way from this chief, to the right hand, was Mareewagee,
and he introduced us to him, who received us very kindly, and desired us
to sit down by him. The person who sat under the tree, fronting us was
called Toobou; and when I have occasion to speak of him afterward, I
shall call him old Toobou, to distinguish him from his namesake, Captain
Furneaux’s friend. Both he and Mareewagee had a venerable appearance.
The latter is a slender man, and from his appearance, seems to be
considerably above threescore years of age. The former is rather
corpulent, and almost blind with a disorder of his eyes; though not so
old.
Not expecting to meet with two chiefs, on this occasion, I had only
brought on shore a present for one. This I now found myself under a
necessity of dividing between them; but it happened to be pretty
considerable, and both of them seemed satisfied. After this, we
entertained them for about an hour with the performance of two French
horns, and a drum. But they seemed most pleased with the firing off a
pistol, which Captain Clerke had in his pocket. Before I took my leave,
the large piece of cloth was rolled up, and, with a few cocoa-nuts,
presented to me.
The next morning, old Toobou returned my visit on board the ship. He
also visited Captain Clerke; and if the present we made to him, the
evening before, was scanty, the deficiency was now made up. During this
time, Mareewagee visited our people ashore; and Mr. King showed to him
every thing we had there. He viewed the cattle with great admiration;
and the cross-cut saw fixed his attention for some time.
Toward noon Poulaho returned from the place where we had left him two
days before, and brought with him his son, a youth about twelve years of
age. I had his company at dinner; but the son, though present, was not
allowed to sit down with him. It was very convenient to have him for my
guest. For when he was present, which was generally the case while we
staid here, every other native was excluded from the table, and but few
of them would remain in the cabin. Whereas, if by chance it happened
that neither he nor Feenou were on board, the inferior chiefs would be
very importunate to be of our dining-party, or to be admitted into the
cabin at that time; and then we were so crowded, that we could not sit
down to a meal with any satisfaction. The king was very soon reconciled
to our manner of cookery. But still I believe he dined thus frequently
with me, more for the sake of what we gave him to drink, than for what
we set before him to eat. For he had taken a liking to our wine, could
empty his bottle as well as most men, and was as cheerful over it. He
now fixed his residence at the house, or _Malaee_, by our tent; and
there he entertained our people this evening with a dance. To the
surprise of every body, the unwieldy Poulaho endeavoured to vie with
others in that active amusement.
In the morning of the 15th, I received a message from old Toobou that he
wanted to see me ashore. Accordingly Omai and I went to wait upon him.
We found him, like an ancient patriarch, seated under the shade of a
tree, with a large piece of a cloth made in the island, spread out at
full length before him, and a number of respectably looking people
sitting round it. He desired us to place ourselves by him; and then he
told Omai that the cloth, together with a piece of red feathers, and
about a dozen cocoa-nuts, were his present to me. I thanked him for the
favour, and desired he would go on board with me, as I had nothing on
shore to give him in return.
Omai now left me, being sent for by Poulaho; and, soon after, Feenou
came and acquainted me that young Futtafaihe, Poulaho’s son, desired to
see me. I obeyed the summons, and found the prince and Omai sitting
under a large canopy of the finer sort of cloth, with a piece of the
coarser sort spread under them and before them, that was seventy-six
yards long, and seven and a half broad. On one side was a large old
boar, and on the other side a heap of cocoa-nuts. A number of people
were seated round the cloth; and, amongst them, I observed Mareewagee
and others of the first rank. I was desired to sit down by the prince,
and then Omai informed me that he had been instructed by the king to
tell me, that as he and I were friends, he hoped that his son might be
joined in this friendship; and that, as a token of my consent, I would
accept of his present. I very readily agreed to the proposal; and it
being now dinner-time, I invited them all on board.
Accordingly, the young prince, Mareewagee, old Toobou, three or four
inferior chiefs, and two respectable old ladies of the first rank,
accompanied me. Mareewagee was dressed in a new piece of cloth, on the
skirts of which were fixed six pretty large patches of red feathers.
This dress seemed to have been made on purpose for this visit; for, as
soon as he got on board, he put it off, and presented it to me; having,
I guess, heard that it would be acceptable on account of the feathers.
Every one of my visitors received from me such presents as I had reason
to believe they were highly satisfied with. When dinner came upon table,
not one of them would sit down or eat a bit of any thing that was served
up. On expressing my surprize at this, they were all _taboo_, as they
said; which word has a very comprehensive meaning; but, in general,
signifies that a thing is forbidden. Why they were laid under such
restraints at present was not explained. Dinner being over, and, having
gratified their curiosity by showing to them every part of the ship, I
then conducted them ashore.
As soon as the boat reached the beach, Feenou and some others instantly
stepped out. Young Futtafaihe following them, was called back by
Mareewagee, who now paid the heir-apparent the same obeisance, and in
the same manner that I had seen it paid to the king. And when old
Toobou, and one of the old ladies had shown him the same marks of
respect, he was suffered to land. This ceremony being over, the old
people stepped from my boat into a canoe that was waiting to carry them
to their place of abode.
I was not sorry to be present on this occasion, as I was thus furnished
with the most unequivocal proofs of the supreme dignity of Poulaho and
his son over the other principal chiefs. Indeed, by this time I had
acquired some certain information about the relative situations of the
several great men, whose names have been so often mentioned. I now knew
that Mareewagee and old Toobou were brothers. Both of them were men of
great property in the island, and seemed to be in high estimation with
the people; the former in particular had the very honourable appellation
given to him, by every body, of _Motooa Tonga_; that is to say, Father
of Tonga, or of his country. The nature of his relationship to the king
was also no longer a secret to us; for we now understood that he was his
father-in-law, Poulaho having married one of his daughters, by whom he
had this son; so that Mareewagee was the prince’s grandfather. Poulaho’s
appearance having satisfied us that we had been under a mistake in
considering Feenou as the sovereign of these islands, we had been at
first much puzzled about his real rank; but that was by this time
ascertained. Feenou was one of Mareewagee’s sons; and Tooboueitoa was
another.
On my landing, I found the king in the house adjoining to our tent,
along with our people who resided on shore. The moment I got to him, he
bestowed upon me a present of a large hog and a quantity of yams. About
the dusk of the evening a number of men came, and having sat down in a
round group, began to sing in concert with the music of bomboo drums,
which were placed in the centre.[185] There were three long ones and two
short. With these they struck the ground end-ways as before described.
There were two others which lay on the ground, side by side, and one of
them was split or shivered; on these a man kept beating with two small
sticks. They sung three songs while I staid; and I was told, that after
I left them the entertainment lasted till ten o’clock. They burnt the
leaves of the _wharra_ palm for a light; which is the only thing I ever
saw them make use of for this purpose.
While I was passing the day in attendance on these great men, Mr.
Anderson, with some others, made an excursion into the country, which
furnished him with the following remarks: “To the westward of the tent,
the country is totally uncultivated for near two miles, though quite
covered with trees and bushes in a natural state, growing with the
greatest vigour. Beyond this is a pretty large plain, on which are some
cocoa-trees, and a few small plantations that appear to have been lately
made; and seemingly on ground that has never been cultivated before.
Near the creek which runs to the westward of the tent the land is quite
flat, and partly overflowed by the sea every tide. When that retires,
the surface is seen to be composed of coral rock, with holes of
yellowish mud scattered up and down; and toward the edges, where it is a
little firmer, are innumerable little openings, from which issue as many
small crabs of two or three different sorts, which swarm upon the spot
as flies upon a carcase; but are so nimble that, on being approached,
they disappear in an instant, and baffle even the natives to catch any
of them.
“At this place is a work of art, which shows that these people are
capable of some design and perseverance when they mean to accomplish any
thing. This work begins, on one side, as a narrow causeway, which,
becoming gradually broader, rises with a gentle ascent to the height of
ten feet, where it is five paces broad, and the whole length
seventy-four paces. Joined to this is a sort of circus, whose diameter
is thirty paces, and not above a foot or two higher than the causeway
that joins it, with some trees planted in the middle. On the opposite
side, another causeway of the same sort descends; but this is not above
forty paces long, and is partly in ruin. The whole is built with large
coral stones, with earth on the surface, which is quite overgrown with
low trees and shrubs; and, from its decaying in several places, seems to
be of no modern date. Whatever may have been its use formerly, it seems
to be of none now; and all that we could learn of it from the natives
was, that it belonged to Poulaho, and is called _Etchee_.”
On the 16th, in the morning, after visiting the several works now
carrying on ashore, Mr. Gore and I took a walk into the country; in the
course of which nothing remarkable appeared, but our having
opportunities of seeing the whole process of making cloth, which is the
principal manufacture of these islands as well as of many others in this
ocean. In the narrative of my first voyage[186], a minute description is
given of this operation as performed at Otaheite; but the process here
differing in some particulars, it may be worth while to give the
following account of it.
The manufacturers, who are females, take the slender stalks or trunks of
the paper-mulberry, which they cultivate for that purpose, and which
seldom grows more than six or seven feet in height, and about four
fingers in thickness. From these they strip the bark, and scrape off the
outer rind with a muscle-shell. The bark is then rolled up to take off
the convexity which it had round the stalk, and macerated in water for
some time (they say a night.) After this it is laid across the trunk of
a small tree squared, and beaten with a square wooden instrument about a
foot long, full of coarse grooves on all sides; but sometimes with one
that is plain. According to the size of the bark, a piece is soon
produced; but the operation is often repeated by another hand, or it is
folded several times and beat longer, which seems rather intended to
close than to divide its texture. When this is sufficiently effected, it
is spread out to dry; the pieces being from four to six or more feet in
length, and half as broad. They are then given to another person who
joins the pieces, by smearing part of them over with the viscous juice
of a berry called _tooo_, which serves as a glue. Having been thus
lengthened, they are laid over a large piece of wood, with a kind of
stamp made of a fibrous substance pretty closely interwoven, placed
beneath. They then take a bit of cloth and dip it in a juice expressed
from the bark of a tree called _kokka_, which they rub briskly upon the
piece that is making. This at once leaves a dull brown colour, and a dry
gloss upon its surface; the stamp, at the same time, making a slight
impression, that answers no other purpose that I could see but to make
the several pieces that are glued together stick a little more firmly.
In this manner they proceed, joining and staining by degrees, till they
produce a piece of cloth of such length and breadth as they want;
generally leaving a border of a foot broad at the sides, and longer at
the ends, unstained. Throughout the whole, if any parts of the original
pieces are too thin, or have holes, which is often the case, they glue
spare bits upon them, till they become of an equal thickness. When they
want to produce a black colour, they mix the soot procured from an oily
nut called _dooedooe_, with the juice of the _kokka_, in different
quantities, according to the proposed depth of the tinge. They say that
the black sort of cloth, which is commonly most glazed, makes a cold
dress, but the other a warm one; and, to obtain strength in both, they
are always careful to join the small pieces lengthwise, which makes it
impossible to tear the cloth in any direction but one.
On our return from the country we met with Feenou, and took him and
another young chief on board to dinner. When our fare was set upon the
table, neither of them would eat a bit, saying that they were _taboo
avy_. But, after enquiring how the victuals had been dressed, having
found that no _avy_ (water) had been used in cooking a pig and some
yams, they both sat down and made a very hearty meal; and, on being
assured that there was no water in the wine, they drank of it also. From
this we conjectured that, on some account or another, they were, at this
time, forbidden to use water; or, which was more probable, they did not
like the water we made use of, it being taken up out of one of their
bathing places. This was not the only time of our meeting with people
that were _taboo avy_; but for what reason we never could tell with any
degree of certainty.
Next day, the 17th, was fixed upon by Mareewagee for giving a grand
_Haiva_ or entertainment, to which we were all invited. For this
purpose, a large space had been cleared before the temporary hut of this
chief, near our post, as an area where the performances were to be
exhibited. In the morning great multitudes of the natives came in from
the country, every one carrying a pole about six feet long upon his
shoulder; and at each end of every pole a yam was suspended. These yams
and poles were deposited on each side of the area, so as to form two
large heaps, decorated with different sorts of small fish, and piled up
to the greatest advantage. They were Mareewagee’s present to Captain
Clerke and me; and it was hard to say whether the wood for fuel or the
yams for food were of most value to us. As for the fish, they might
serve to please the sight, but were very offensive to the smell, part of
them having been kept two or three days to be presented to us on this
occasion.
Every thing being thus prepared, about eleven o’clock they began to
exhibit various dances, which they call _mai_. The music[187] consisted
at first of seventy men as a chorus, who sat down; and amidst them were
placed three instruments which we called drums, though very unlike them.
They are large cylindrical pieces of wood, or trunks of trees from three
to four feet long, some twice as thick as an ordinary sized man, and
some smaller, hollowed entirely out, but close at both ends, and open
only by a chink about three inches broad, running almost the whole
length of the drums; by which opening, the rest of the wood is certainly
hollowed, though the operation must be difficult. This instrument is
called _naffa_; and, with the chink turned toward them, they sit and
beat strongly upon it with two cylindrical pieces of hard wood about a
foot long, and as thick as the wrist; by which means they produce a
rude, though loud and powerful sound. They vary the strength and rate of
their beating at different parts of the dance; and also change the tones
by beating in the middle, or near the end of their drum.
The first dance consisted of four ranks, of twenty-four men each,
holding in their hands a little, thin, light, wooden instrument, above
two feet long, and in shape not unlike a small oblong paddle. With
these, which are called _pagge_, they made a great many different
motions; such as pointing them toward the ground on one side, at the
same time inclining their bodies that way, from which they were shifted
to the opposite side in the same manner; then passing them quickly from
one hand to the other, and twirling them about very dexterously; with a
variety of other manœuvres, all which were accompanied by corresponding
attitudes of the body. Their motions were at first slow, but quickened
as the drums beat faster; and they recited sentences, in a musical tone
the whole time, which were answered by the chorus; but at the end of a
short space they all joined, and finished with a shout.
After ceasing about two or three minutes, they began as before, and
continued, with short intervals, above a quarter of an hour; when the
rear rank dividing, shifted themselves very slowly round each end, and,
meeting in the front, formed the first rank; the whole number continuing
to recite the sentences as before. The other ranks did the same
successively, till that which at first was the front, became the rear;
and the evolution continued, in the same manner, till the last rank
regained its first situation. They then began a much quicker dance
(though slow at first), and sung for about ten minutes, when the whole
body divided into two parts, retreated a little, and then approached,
forming a sort of circular figure, which finished the dance; the drums
being removed, and the chorus going off the field at the same time.
The second dance had only two drums, with forty men for a chorus; and
the dancers, or rather actors, consisted of two ranks, the foremost
having seventeen, and the other fifteen persons. Feenou was at their
head, or in the middle of the front rank, which is the principal place
in these cases. They danced and recited sentences, with some very short
intervals, for about half an hour, sometimes quickly, sometimes more
slowly, but with such a degree of exactness, as if all the motions were
made by one man, which did them great credit. Near the close, the back
rank divided, came round, and took the place of the front, which again
resumed its situation, as in the first dance; and when they finished,
the drums and chorus, as before, went off.
Three drums (which at least, took two, and sometimes three men to carry
them) were now brought in; and seventy men sat down as a chorus to the
third dance. This consisted of two ranks, of sixteen persons each, with
young Toobou at their head, who was richly ornamented with a sort of
garment covered with red feathers. These danced, sung, and twirled the
_pagge_, as before; but in general, much quicker, and performed so well,
that they had the constant applauses of the spectators. A motion that
met with particular approbation, was one in which they held the face
aside, as if ashamed, and the _pagge_ before it. The back rank closed
before the front one, and that again resumed its place, as in the two
former dances; but then they began again, formed a triple row, divided,
retreated to each end of the area, and left the greatest part of the
ground clear. At that instant, two men entered very hastily, and
exercised the clubs which they use in battle. They did this, by first
twirling them in their hands, and making circular strokes before them
with great force and quickness; but so skilfully managed, that, though
standing quite close, they never interfered. They shifted their clubs
from hand to hand, with great dexterity; and after continuing a little
time, kneeled, and made different motions, tossing the clubs up in the
air, which they caught as they fell, and then went off as hastily as
they entered. Their heads were covered with pieces of white cloth, tied
at the crown (almost like a night-cap) with a wreath of foliage round
the forehead; but they had only very small pieces of white cloth tied
about their waists; probably, that they might be cool, and free from
every incumbrance or weight. A person with a spear, dressed like the
former, then came in, and in the same hasty manner; looking about
eagerly, as if in search of somebody to throw it at. He then ran hastily
to one side of the crowd in the front, and put himself in a threatening
attitude, as if he meant to strike with his spear at one of them,
bending the knee a little, and trembling, as it were with rage. He
continued in this manner only a few seconds, when he moved to the other
side, and having stood in the same posture there, for the same short
time, retreated from the ground, as fast as when he made his appearance.
The dancers, who had divided into two parties, kept repeating something
slowly all this while; and now advanced, and joined again, ending with
universal applause. It should seem, that this dance was considered as
one of their capital performances, if we might judge from some of the
principal people being engaged in it. For one of the drums was beat by
Futtafaihe, the brother of Poulaho, another by Feenou, and the third,
which did not belong to the chorus, by Mareewagee himself, at the
entrance of his hut.
The last dance had forty men, and two drums, as a chorus. It consisted
of sixty men, who had not danced before, disposed in three rows, having
twenty-four in front. But, before they began, we were entertained with a
pretty long preliminary harangue, in which the whole body made responses
to a single person who spoke. They recited sentences (perhaps verses)
alternately with the chorus, and made many motions with the _pagge_, in
a very brisk mode, which were all applauded with _mareeai!_ and
_fyfogge!_ words expressing two different degrees of praise. They
divided into two bodies, with their backs to each other; formed again,
shifted their ranks as in the other dances; divided and retreated,
making room for two champions, who exercised their clubs as before; and
after them two others: the dancers, all the time, reciting slowly in
turn with the chorus; after which they advanced, and finished.
These dances, if they can properly be called so, lasted from eleven till
near three o’clock; and though they were doubtless intended particularly
either in honour of us, or to show a specimen of their dexterity, vast
numbers of their own people attended as spectators. Their numbers could
not be computed exactly, on account of the inequality of the ground;
but, by reckoning the inner circle, and the number in depth, which was
between twenty and thirty in many places, we supposed that there must be
near four thousand. At the same time, there were round the trading place
at the tent, and straggling about, at least as many more; and some of us
computed, that, at this time, there were not less than ten or twelve
thousand people, in our neighbourhood; that is, within the compass of a
quarter of a mile; drawn together, for the most part, by mere curiosity.
It is with regret I mention, that we could not understand what was
spoken, while we were able to see what was acted, in these amusements.
This, doubtless, would have afforded us much information, as to the
genius and customs of these people, It was observable, that, though the
spectators always approved of the various motions, when well made, a
great share of the pleasure they received seemed to arise from the
sentimental part, or what the performers delivered in their speeches.
However, the mere acting part, independently of the sentences repeated,
was well worth our notice, both with respect to the extensive plan on
which it was executed, and to the various motions, as well as the exact
unity, with which they were performed. But neither pencil nor pen can
describe the numerous actions and motions, the singularity of which was
not greater, than was the ease and gracefulness with which they were
performed.
At night we were entertained with the _bomai_, or night dances, on a
space before Feenou’s temporary habitation. They lasted about three
hours; in which time we had about twelve of them performed, much after
the same manner as those at Hapaee. But in two that were performed by
women, a number of men came and formed a circle within theirs. And, in
another, consisting of twenty-four men, there were a number of motions
with the hands, that we had not seen before, and were highly applauded.
The music was also once changed, in the course of the night; and in one
of the dances, Feenou appeared at the head of fifty men who had
performed at Hapaee, and he was well dressed with linen, a large piece
of gauze, and some little pictures hung round his neck. But it was
evident, after the diversions were closed, that we had put these poor
people, or rather that they had put themselves, to much inconvenience.
For being drawn together on this uninhabited part of their island,
numbers of them were obliged to lie down and sleep under the bushes, by
the side of a tree, or of a canoe; nay, many either lay down in the open
air, which they are not fond of, or walked about all the night.
The whole of this entertainment was conducted with far better order,
than could have been expected in so large an assembly. Amongst such a
multitude, there must be a number of ill-disposed people; and we hourly
experienced it. All our care and attention did not prevent their
plundering us, in every quarter; and that, in the most daring and
insolent manner. There was hardly any thing that they did not attempt to
steal; and yet, as the crowd was always so great, I would not allow the
sentries to fire, lest the innocent should suffer for the guilty. They
once, at noon day, ventured to aim at taking an anchor from off the
Discovery’s bows; and they would certainly have succeeded, if the flook
had not hooked one of the chain-plates in lowering down the ship’s side,
from which they could not disengage it by hand; and tackles were things
they were unacquainted with. The only act of violence they were guilty
of, was the breaking the shoulder-bone of one of our goats, so that she
died soon after. This loss fell upon themselves, as she was one of those
that I intended to leave upon the island; but of this, the person who
did it, was ignorant.
Early in the morning of the 18th, an incident happened, that strongly
marked one of their customs. A man got out of a canoe into the quarter
gallery of the Resolution, and stole from thence a pewter bason. He was
discovered, pursued, and brought along side the ship. On this occasion,
three old women, who were in the canoe, made loud lamentations over the
prisoner, beating their breasts and faces in a most violent manner, with
the inside of their fists; and all this was done without shedding a
tear. This mode of expressing grief is what occasions the mark which
almost all this people bear on the face, over the cheek bones. The
repeated blows which they inflict upon this part, abrade the skin, and
make even the blood flow out in a considerable quantity; and when the
wounds are recent, they look as if a hollow circle had been burnt in. On
many occasions, they actually cut this part of the face with an
instrument; in the same manner as the people of Otaheite cut their
heads.
This day, I bestowed on Mareewagee some presents, in return for those we
had received from him the day before; and as the entertainments which he
had then exhibited for our amusement, called upon us to make some
exhibition in our way, I ordered the party of marines to go through
their exercise, on the spot where his dances had been performed; and, in
the evening, played off some fire-works at the same place. Poulaho, with
all the principal chiefs, and a great number of people, of all
denominations, were present. The platoon firing, which was executed
tolerably well, seemed to give them pleasure; but they were lost in
astonishment when they beheld our water rockets. They paid but little
attention to the fife and drum, or French horns, that played during the
intervals. The king sat behind every body, because no one is allowed to
sit behind him; and that his view might not be obstructed, nobody sat
immediately before him; but a lane, as it were, was made by the people
from him, quite down to the space allotted for the fire-works.
In expectation of this evening show, the circle of natives about our
tent being pretty large, they engaged, the greatest part of the
afternoon, in boxing and wrestling; the first of which exercises they
call _fangatooa_ and the second _foohoo_. When any of them chooses to
wrestle, he gets up from one side of the ring, and crosses the ground in
a sort of measured pace, clapping smartly on the elbow-joint of one arm,
which is bent, and produces a hollow sound; that is reckoned the
challenge. If no person comes out from the opposite side to engage him,
he returns, in the same manner, and sits down; but sometimes stands
clapping in the midst of the ground, to provoke someone to come out. If
an opponent appear, they come together with marks of the greatest
good-nature, generally smiling, and taking time to adjust the piece of
cloth which is fastened round the waist. They then lay hold of each
other by this girdle, with a hand on each side; and he who succeeds in
drawing his antagonist to him, immediately tries to lift him upon his
breast, and throw him upon his back; and if he be able to turn round
with him two or three times, in that position, before he throws him, his
dexterity never fails of procuring plaudits from the spectators. If they
be more equally matched, they close soon, and endeavour to throw each
other by entwining their legs, or lifting each other from the ground; in
which struggles they show a prodigious exertion of strength, every
muscle, as it were, being ready to burst with straining. When one is
thrown, he immediately quits the field, but the victor sits down for a
few seconds, then gets up, and goes to the side he came from, who
proclaim the victory aloud, in a sentence delivered slowly, and in a
musical cadence. After sitting a short space, he rises again and
challenges; when sometimes several antagonists make their appearance;
but he has the privilege of choosing which of them he pleases to wrestle
with; and has likewise, the preference of challenging again, if he
should throw his adversary, until he himself be vanquished; and then the
opposite side sing the song of victory in favour of their champion. It
also often happens, that five or six rise from each side, and challenge
together; in which case, it is common to see three or four couple
engaged on the field at once. But it is astonishing to see what temper
they preserve in this exercise; for we observed no instances of their
leaving the spot, with the least displeasure in their countenances. When
they find, that they are so equally matched as not to be likely to throw
each other, they leave off by mutual consent. And if the fall of one is
not fair, or if it does not appear very clearly who has had the
advantage, both sides sing the victory, and then they engage again. But
no person, who has been vanquished, can engage with his conqueror a
second time.
The boxers advance side-ways, changing the side at every pace, with one
arm stretched fully out before, the other behind; and holding a piece of
cord in one hand, which they wrap firmly about it, when they find an
antagonist, or else have done so before they enter. This, I imagine,
they do, to prevent a dislocation of the hand or fingers. Their blows
are directed chiefly to the head; but sometimes to the sides; and are
dealt out with great activity. They shift sides, and box equally well
with both hands. But one of their favourite and most dexterous blows,
is, to turn round on their heel, just as they have struck their
antagonist, and to give him another very smart one with the other hand
backward.
The boxing matches seldom last long; and the parties either leave off
together, or one acknowledges his being beat. But they never sing the
song of victory in these cases, unless one strikes his adversary to the
ground; which shows, that, of the two, wrestling is their most approved
diversion. Not only boys engage, in both the exercises, but frequently
little girls box very obstinately for a short time. In all which cases,
it doth not appear, that they ever consider it as the smallest disgrace
to be vanquished; and the person overcome sits down, with as much
indifference, as if he had never entered the lists. Some of our people
ventured to contend with them in both exercises, but were always
worsted; except in a few instances, where it appeared, that the fear
they were in of offending us, contributed more to the victory, than the
superiority of the person they engaged.
The cattle, which we had brought, and which were all on shore, however
carefully guarded, I was sensible, run no small risk, when I considered
the thievish disposition of many of the natives, and their dexterity in
appropriating to themselves by stealth, what they saw no prospect of
obtaining by fair means. For this reason, I thought it prudent to
declare my intention of leaving behind me some of our animals; and even
to make a distribution of them previously to my departure.
With this view, in the evening of the 19th, I assembled all the chiefs
before our house, and my intended presents to them were marked out. To
Poulaho, the king, I gave a young English bull and cow; to Mareewagee, a
Cape ram, and two ewes; and to Feenou, a horse and a mare. As my design,
to make such a distribution, had been made known the day before, most of
the people in the neighbourhood were then present, I instructed Omai to
tell them, that there were no such animals within many months sail of
their island; that we had brought them, for their use, from that immense
distance, at a vast trouble and expence; that, therefore, they must be
careful not to kill any of them till they had multiplied to a numerous
race; and, lastly, that they and their children ought to remember, that
they had received them from the men of _Britane_. He also explained to
them their several uses, and what else was necessary for them to know,
or rather as far as he knew; for Omai was not very well versed in such
things himself. As I intended that the above presents should remain with
the other cattle, till we were ready to sail, I desired each of the
chiefs to send a man or two to look after their respective animals,
along with my people, in order that they might be better acquainted with
them, and with the manner of treating them. The king and Feenou did so;
but neither Mareewagee, nor any other person for him, took the least
notice of the sheep afterward; nor did old Toobou attend at this
meeting, though he was invited, and was in the neighbourhood. I had
meant to give him the goats, _viz._ a ram and two ewes; which as he was
so indifferent about them, I added to the king’s share.
It soon appeared, that some were dissatisfied with this allotment of our
animals; for early next morning, one of our kids, and two turkey-cocks,
were missing. I could not be so simple as to suppose, that this was
merely an accidental loss; and I was determined to have them again. The
first step I took was to seize on three canoes that happened to be
alongside the ships. I then went ashore, and having found the king, his
brother, Feenou, and some other chiefs, in the house that we occupied, I
immediately put a guard over them, and gave them to understand, that
they must remain under restraint, till not only the kid and the turkeys,
but the other things, that had been stolen from us, at different times,
were restored. They concealed, as well as they could, their feelings, on
finding themselves prisoners; and, having assured me, that every thing
should be restored, as I desired, sat down to drink their _kava_,
seemingly much at their ease. It was not long before an axe, and an iron
wedge, were brought to me. In the meantime, some armed natives began to
gather behind the house; but, on a part of our guard marching against
them, they dispersed; and I advised the chiefs to give orders, that no
more should appear. Such orders were accordingly given by them, and they
were obeyed. On asking them to go aboard with me to dinner, they readily
consented. But some having afterward objected to the king’s going, he
instantly rose up, and declared he would be the first man. Accordingly
we came on board. I kept them there till near four o’clock, when I
conducted them ashore; and soon after, the kid, and one of the
turkey-cocks, were brought back. The other they said, should be restored
the next morning. I believed this would happen, and released both them
and the canoes.
After the chiefs had left us, I walked out with Omai, to observe how the
people about us fared; for this was the time of their meals. I found
that, in general, they were at short commons. Nor is this to be wondered
at, since most of the yams, and other provisions which they brought with
them, were sold to us; and they never thought of returning to their own
habitations, while they could find any sort of subsistence in our
neighbourhood. Our station was upon an uncultivated point of land; so
that there were none of the islanders, who, properly, resided within
half a mile of us. But even at this distance, the multitude of strangers
being so great, one might have expected that every house would have been
much crowded. It was quite otherwise. The families residing there were
as much left to themselves as if there had not been a supernumerary
visitor near them. All the strangers lived in little temporary sheds, or
under trees and bushes; and the cocoa-trees were stripped of their
branches to erect habitations for the chiefs.
In this walk we met with about half a dozen women in one place at
supper. Two of the company, I observed, being fed by the others, on our
asking the reason, they said _taboo mattee_. On farther inquiry we found
that one of them had, two months before, washed the dead corpse of a
chief; and that, on this account, she was not to handle any food for
five months. The other had performed the same office to the corpse of
another person of inferior rank, and was now under the same restriction,
but not for so long a time. At another place hard by, we saw another
woman fed; and we learnt that she had assisted in washing the corpse of
the above mentioned chief.
Early the next morning the king came on board to invite me to an
entertainment, which he proposed to give the same day. He had already
been under the barber’s hands; his head being all besmeared with red
pigment, in order to redden his hair, which was naturally of a dark
brown colour. After breakfast I attended him to the shore; and we found
his people very busy in two places, in the front of our area, fixing, in
an upright and square position, thus, [Illustration], four very long
posts, near two feet from each other. The space between the posts was
afterward filled up with yams; and as they went on filling it, they
fastened pieces of sticks across, from post to post, at the distance of
about every four feet, to prevent the posts from separating by the
weight of the inclosed yams, and also to get up by. When the yams had
reached the top of the first posts, they fastened others to them, and so
continued till each pile was the height of thirty feet or upward. On the
top of one they placed two baked hogs; and on the top of the other a
living one; and another they tied by the legs half way up. It was matter
of curiosity to observe with what facility and dispatch these two piles
were raised. Had our seamen been ordered to execute such a work, they
would have sworn that it could not be performed without carpenters; and
the carpenters would have called to their aid a dozen different sorts of
tools, and have expended, at least, a hundred weight of nails; and,
after all, it would have employed them as many days as it did these
people hours. But seamen, like most other amphibious animals, are always
the most helpless on land. After they had completed these two piles,
they made several other heaps of yams and bread-fruit on each side of
the area; to which were added a turtle and a large quantity of excellent
fish. All this, with a piece of cloth, a mat, and some red feathers, was
the king’s present to me; and he seemed to pique himself on exceeding,
as he really did, Feenou’s liberality, which I experienced at Hapaee.
About one o’clock they began the _mai_, or dances; the first of which
was almost a copy of the first that was exhibited at Mareewagee’s
entertainment. The second was conducted by Captain Furneaux’s Toobou,
who, as we mentioned, had also danced there; and in this, four or five
women were introduced, who went through the several parts with as much
exactness as the men. Toward the end, the performers divided to leave
room for two champions, who exercised their clubs as described on a
former occasion. And, in the third dance, which was the last now
presented, two more men with their clubs displayed their dexterity. The
dances were succeeded by wrestling and boxing; and one man entered the
lists with a sort of club made from the stem of a cocoa-leaf, which is
firm and heavy, but could find no antagonist to engage him at so rough a
sport. At night we had the _bomai_ repeated; in which Poulaho himself
danced, dressed in English manufacture. But neither these nor the dances
in the day-time were so considerable, nor carried on with so much
spirit, as Feenou’s or Mareewagee’s; and, therefore, there is less
occasion to be more particular in our description of them.
In order to be present the whole time, I dined ashore. The king sat down
with us; but he neither ate nor drank. I found that this was owing to
the presence of a female, whom, at his desire, I had admitted to the
dining party; and who, as we afterward understood, had superior rank to
himself. As soon as this great personage had dined, she stepped up to
the king, who put his hands to her feet, and then she retired. He
immediately dipped his fingers into a glass of wine, and then received
the obeisance of all her followers. This was the single instance we ever
observed of his paying this mark of reverence to any person. At the
king’s desire, I ordered some fire-works to be played off in the
evening; but, unfortunately, being damaged, this exhibition did not.
answer expectation.
CHAP. VIII.
SOME OF THE OFFICERS PLUNDERED BY THE NATIVES.—A FISHING PARTY.—A VISIT
TO POULAHO.—A FIATOOKA DESCRIBED.—OBSERVATIONS ON THE COUNTRY
ENTERTAINMENT AT POULAHO’S HOUSE.—HIS MOURNING CEREMONY.—OF THE KAVA
PLANT, AND THE MANNER OF PREPARING THE LIQUOR.—ACCOUNT OF ONEVY, A
LITTLE ISLAND.—ONE OF THE NATIVES WOUNDED BY A SENTINEL.—MESSRS. KING
AND ANDERSON VISIT THE KING’S BROTHER.—THEIR ENTERTAINMENT.—ANOTHER
MOURNING CEREMONY.—MANNER OF PASSING THE NIGHT.—REMARKS ON THE COUNTRY
THEY PASSED THROUGH.—PREPARATIONS MADE FOR SAILING.—AN ECLIPSE OF THE
SUN, IMPERFECTLY OBSERVED.—MR. ANDERSON’S ACCOUNT OF THE ISLAND, AND
ITS PRODUCTIONS.
As no more entertainments were to be expected, on either side, and the
curiosity of the populace was by this time pretty well satisfied; on the
day after Poulaho’s _haiva_, most of them left us. We still, however,
had thieves about us; and, encouraged by the negligence of our own
people, we had continual instances of their depredations.
Some of the officers, belonging to both ships, who had made an excursion
into the interior parts of the island, without my leave, and, indeed,
without my knowledge, returned this evening, after an absence of two
days. They had taken with them their muskets, with the necessary
ammunition, and several small articles of the favourite commodities; all
which the natives had the dexterity to steal from them, in the course of
their expedition. This affair was likely to be attended with
inconvenient consequences. For our plundered travellers upon their
return, without consulting me, employed Omai to complain to the king of
the treatment they had met with. He, not knowing what step I should
take, and, from what had already happened, fearing lest I might lay him
again under restraint, went off early the next morning. His example was
followed by Feenou; so that we had not a chief, of any authority,
remaining in our neighbourhood. I was very much displeased at this, and
reprimanded Omai for having presumed to meddle. This reprimand put him
upon his metal to bring his friend Feenou back; and he succeeded in the
negotiation; having this powerful argument to urge, that he might depend
upon my using no violent measures to oblige the natives to restore what
had been taken from the gentlemen. Feenou, trusting to this declaration,
returned toward the evening; and, encouraged by his reception, Poulaho
favoured us with his company the day after.
Both these chiefs, upon this occasion, very justly observed to me, that
if any of my people at any time wanted to go into the country, they
ought to be acquainted with it; in which case they would send proper
people along with them; and then they would be answerable for their
safety. And I am convinced, from experience, that by taking this very
reasonable precaution, a man and his property may be as safe among these
islanders, as in other parts of the more civilized world. Though I gave
myself no trouble about the recovery of the things stolen upon this
occasion, most of them, through Feenou’s interposition, were recovered;
except one musket, and a few other articles of inferior value. By this
time also, we had recovered the turkey-cock, and most of the tools, and
other matters, that had been stolen from our workmen.
On the 25th, two boats, which I had sent to look for a channel, by which
we might most commodiously get to sea, returned. The masters, who
commanded them, reported that the channel to the north, by which we came
in, was highly dangerous, being full of coral rocks from one side to the
other; but that, to the eastward, there was a very good channel; which,
however, was very much contracted in one place by the small islands; so
that a leading wind would be requisite to get through it; that is, a
westerly wind, which we had found did not often blow here. We had now
recruited the ships with wood and water; we had finished the repairs of
our sails; and had little more to expect from the inhabitants of the
produce of their island. However, as an eclipse of the sun was to happen
upon the 5th of the next month, I resolved to defer sailing till that
time had elapsed, in order to have a chance of observing it.
Having, therefore, some days of leisure before me, a party of us,
accompanied by Poulaho, set out early next morning in a boat, for Mooa,
the village where he and the other great men usually reside. As we rowed
up the inlet, we met with fourteen canoes fishing in company; in one of
which was Poulaho’s son. In each canoe was a triangular net, extended
between two poles; at the lower end of which was a cod to receive and
secure the fish. They had already caught some fine mullets; and they put
about a dozen into our boat. I desired to see their method of fishing;
which they readily complied with. A shoal of fish was supposed to be
upon one of the banks, which they instantly inclosed in a long net like
a seine, or set-net. This the fishers, one getting into the water out of
each boat, surrounded with the triangular nets in their hands; with
which they scooped the fish out of the seine, or caught them as they
attempted to leap over it. They showed us the whole process of this
operation (which seemed to be a sure one), by throwing in some of the
fish they had already caught; for, at this time, there happened to be
none upon the bank that was inclosed.
Leaving the prince and his fishing party, we proceeded to the bottom of
the bay, and landed where we had done before, on our fruitless errand to
see Mareewagee. As soon as we got on shore, the king desired Omai to
tell me, that I need be under no apprehensions about the boat, or any
thing in her, for not a single article would be touched by any one; and
we afterward found this to be the case. We were immediately conducted to
one of Poulaho’s houses not far off, and near the public one, or
_malaee_, in which we had been when we first visited Mooa. This, though
pretty large, seemed to be his private habitation, and was situated
within a plantation. The king took his seat at one end of the house, and
the people, who came to visit him, sat down as they arrived, in a
semicircle at the other end. The first thing done, was to prepare a bowl
of _kava_, and to order some yams to be baked for us. While these were
getting ready, some of us, accompanied by a few of the king’s
attendants, and Omai as our interpreter, walked out to take a view of a
_fiatooka_, or burying-place, which we had observed to be almost close
by the house, and was much more extensive, and seemingly of more
consequence, than any we had seen at the other islands. We were told,
that it belonged to the king. It consisted of three pretty large houses,
situated upon a rising ground, or rather just by the brink of it, with a
small one at some distance, all ranged longitudinally. The middle house
of the three first was by much the largest, and placed in a square,
twenty-four paces by twenty-eight, raised about three feet. The other
houses were placed on little mounts, raised artificially to the same
height. The floors of these houses, as also the tops of the mounts round
them, were covered with loose fine pebbles, and the whole was inclosed
by large flat stones[188] of hard coral rock, properly hewn, placed on
their edges; one of which stones measured twelve feet in length, two in
breadth, and above one in thickness. One of the houses, contrary to what
we had seen before, was open on one side; and within it were two rude
wooden busts of men; one near the entrance, and the other farther in. On
inquiring of the natives who had followed us to the ground, but durst
not enter here, what these images were intended for, they made us as
sensible as we could wish, that they were merely memorials of some
chiefs who had been buried there, and not the representations of any
deity. Such monuments, it should seem, are seldom raised; for these had
probably been erected several ages ago. We were told that the dead had
been buried in each of these houses, but no marks of this appeared. In
one of them was the carved head of an Otaheite canoe, which had been
driven ashore on their coast, and deposited here. At the foot of the
rising ground was a large area, or grass-plot, with different trees
planted about it; amongst which were several of those called _etoa_,
very large. These, as they resemble the cypress, had a fine effect in
such a place. There was also a row of low palms near one of the houses,
and behind it a ditch, in which lay a great number of old baskets.
After dinner, or rather after we had refreshed ourselves with some
provisions which we had brought with us from our ship, we made an
excursion into the country, taking a pretty large circuit, attended by
one of the king’s ministers. Our train was not great, as he would not
suffer the rabble to follow us. He also obliged all those whom we met
upon our progress, to sit down till we had passed; which is a mark of
respect due only to their sovereigns. We found by far the greatest part
of the country cultivated, and planted with various sorts of
productions; and most of these plantations were fenced round. Some
spots, where plantations had been formerly, now produced nothing, lying
fallow; and there were places that had never been touched, but lay in a
state of nature; and yet, even these were useful in affording them
timber, as they were generally covered with trees. We met with several
large uninhabited houses, which we were told belonged to the king. There
were many public and well-beaten roads, and abundance of foot-paths
leading to every part of the island. The roads being good and the
country level, travelling was very easy. It is remarkable, that when we
were on the most elevated parts, at least a hundred feet above the level
of the sea, we often met with the same coral rock which is found at the
shore, projecting above the surface, and perforated and cut into all
those inequalities which are usually seen in rocks that lie within the
wash of the tide. And yet these very spots, with hardly any soil upon
them, were covered with luxuriant vegetation. We were conducted to
several little pools, and to some springs of water; but in general, they
were either stinking or brackish, though recommended to us by the
natives as excellent. The former were mostly inland, and the latter,
near the shore of the bay, and below high-water mark; so that tolerable
water could be taken up from them only when the tide was out.
When we returned from our walk, which was not till the dusk of the
evening, our supper was ready. It consisted of a baked hog, some fish,
and yams, all excellently well cooked, after the method of these
islands. As there was nothing to amuse us after supper, we followed the
custom of the country, and lay down to sleep, our beds being mats spread
upon the floor, and cloth to cover us. The king, who had made himself
very happy with some wine and brandy which we had brought, slept in the
same house, as well as several others of the natives. Long before
day-break, he and they all rose, and sat conversing by moon-light. The
conversation, as might well be guessed, turned wholly upon us; the king
entertaining his company with an account of what he had seen, or
remarked. As soon as it was day they dispersed, some one way and some
another; but it was not long before they all returned, and with them
several more of their countrymen.
They now began to prepare a bowl of _kava_; and, leaving them so
employed, I went to pay a visit to Toobou, Captain Furneaux’s friend,
who had a house hard by, which, for size and neatness, was exceeded by
few in the place. As I had left the others, so I found here a company
preparing a morning draught. This chief made a present to me of a living
hog, a baked one, a quantity of yams, and a large piece of cloth. When I
returned to the king, I found him and his circle of attendants, drinking
the second bowl of _kava_. That being emptied, he told Omai, that he was
going presently to perform a mourning ceremony, called _Tooge_, on
account of a son who had been dead some time; and he desired us to
accompany him. We were glad of the opportunity, expecting to see
somewhat new or curious.
The first thing the chief did, was to step out of the house, attended by
two old women, and put on a new suit of clothes, or rather a new piece
of cloth, and over it an old ragged mat, that might have served his
great grandfather on some such occasion. His servants, or those who
attended him, were all dressed in the same manner, excepting that none
of their mats could vie in antiquity with that of their master. Thus
equipped we marched off, preceded by about eight or ten persons, all in
the above habits of ceremony, each of them besides, having a small green
bough about his neck. Poulaho held his bough in his hand till we drew
near the place of rendezvous, when he also put it about his neck. We now
entered a small inclosure in which was a neat house, and we found one
man sitting before it. As the company entered they pulled off the green
branches from round their necks, and threw them away. The king having
first seated himself, the others sat down before him in the usual
manner. The circle increased by others dropping in to the number of a
hundred or upward, mostly old men, all dressed as above described. The
company being completely assembled, a large root of _kava_, brought by
one of the king’s servants, was produced, and a bowl which contained
four or five gallons. Several persons now began to chew the root, and
this bowl was made brimful of liquor. While it was preparing others were
employed in making drinking cups of plantain leaves. The first cup that
was filled was presented to the king, and he ordered it to be given to
another person. The second was also brought to him, which he drank, and
the third was offered to me. Afterward as each cup was filled, the man
who filled it asked who was to have it? Another then named the person,
and to him it was carried. As the bowl grew low, the man who distributed
the liquor seemed rather at a loss to whom cups of it should be next
sent, and frequently consulted those who sat near him. This mode of
distribution continued while any liquor remained; and though not half
the company had a share, yet no one seemed dissatisfied. About half a
dozen cups served for all; and each as it was emptied, was thrown down
upon the ground, where the servants picked it up, and carried it to be
filled again. During the whole time the chief and his circle sat, as was
usually the case, with a great deal of gravity, hardly speaking a word
to each other.
We had long waited in expectation each moment of seeing the mourning
ceremony begin; when, soon after the _kava_ was drank out, to our great
surprise and disappointment they all rose up and dispersed; and Poulaho
told us he was now ready to attend us to the ships. If this was a
mourning ceremony, it was a strange one. Perhaps it was the second,
third, or fourth mourning; or, which was not very uncommon, Omai might
have misunderstood what Poulaho said to him. For, excepting the change
of dress, and the putting the green bough round their necks, nothing
seemed to have passed at this meeting but what we saw them practise too
frequently every day.
“[189]We had seen the drinking of _kava_ sometimes at the other island,
but by no means so frequently as here, where it seems to be the only
forenoon employment of the principal people. The _kava_ is a species of
pepper which they cultivate for this purpose, and esteem it a valuable
article, taking great care to defend the young plants from any injury;
and it is commonly planted about their houses. It seldom grows to more
than a man’s height; though I have seen some plants almost double that.
It branches considerably, with large heart-shaped leaves and jointed
stalks. The root is the only part that is used at the Friendly Islands,
which being dug up, is given to the servants that attend, who, breaking
it in pieces, scrape the dirt off with a shell or bit of stick, and then
each begins and chews his portion, which he spits into a piece of
plantain leaf. The person who is to prepare the liquor, collects all
these mouthfuls, and puts them into a large wooden dish or bowl, adding
as much water as will make it of a proper strength. It is then well
mixed up with the hands; and some loose stuff, of which mats are made,
is thrown upon the surface, which intercepts the fibrous part, and is
wrung hard to get as much liquid out from it as is possible. The manner
of distributing it need not be repeated. The quantity which is put into
each cup, is commonly about a quarter of a pint. The immediate effect of
this beverage is not perceptible on these people who use it so
frequently; but on some of ours who ventured to try it, though so
hastily prepared, it had the same power as spirits have in intoxicating
them; or rather, it produced that kind of stupefaction which is the
consequence of using opium, or other substances of that kind. It should
be observed, at the same time, that though these islanders have this
liquor always fresh prepared, and I have seen them drink it seven times
before noon, it is, nevertheless, so disagreeable, or at least seems so,
that the greatest part of them cannot swallow it without making wry
faces, and shuddering afterward.”
As soon as this mourning ceremony was over, we left Mooa, and set out to
return to the ships. While we rowed down the _lagoon_ or inlet, we met
with two canoes coming in from fishing. Poulaho ordered them to be
called alongside our boat, and took from them every fish and shell they
had got. He afterward stopped two other canoes and searched them, but
they had nothing. Why this was done I cannot say, for we had plenty of
provisions in the boat. Some of this fish he gave to me; and his
servants sold the rest on board the ship. As we proceeded down the
inlet, we overtook a large sailing canoe. Every person on board her that
was upon his legs when we came up, sat down till we had passed; even the
man who steered, though he could not manage the helm except in a
standing posture.
Poulaho and others having informed me that there was some excellent
water on Onevy, a little island which lies about a league off the mouth
of the inlet, and on the north side of the eastern channel, we landed
there in order to taste it. But I found it to be as brackish as most
that we had met with. This island is quite in a natural state, being
only frequented as a fishing place, and has nearly the same productions
as Palmerston’s Island, with some _etoa_ trees. After leaving Onevy,
where we dined, in our way to the ship, we took a view of a curious
coral rock, which seems to have been thrown upon the reef where it
stands. It is elevated about ten or twelve feet above the surface of the
sea that surrounds it. The base it rests upon is not above one-third of
the circumference of its projecting summit, which I judged to be about
one hundred feet, and is covered with _etoa_ and _pandanus_ trees.
When we got on board the ship, I found that every thing had been quiet
during my absence, not a theft having been committed; of which Feenou
and Futtafaihe, the king’s brother, who had undertaken the management of
his countrymen, boasted not a little. This shows what power the chiefs
have when they have the will to execute it, which we were seldom to
expect, since whatever was stolen from us, generally, if not always, was
conveyed to them.
The good conduct of the natives was of short duration; for the next day
six or eight of them assaulted some of our people who were sawing
planks. They were fired upon by the sentry; and one was supposed to be
wounded, and three others taken. These I kept confined till night, and
did not dismiss them without punishment. After this they behaved with a
little more circumspection, and gave us much less trouble. This change
of behaviour was certainly occasioned by the man being wounded; for,
before they had only been told of the effect of fire-arms, but now they
had felt it. The repeated insolence of the natives had induced me to
order the muskets of the sentries to be loaded with small shot, and to
authorize them to fire on particular occasions. I took it for granted,
therefore, that this man had only been wounded with small shot. But Mr.
King and Mr. Anderson, in an excursion into the country, met with him,
and found indubitable marks of his having been wounded, but not
dangerously, with a musket ball. I never could find out how this musket
happened to be charged with ball; and there were people enough ready to
swear that its contents were only small shot.
Mr. Anderson’s account of the excursion just mentioned, will fill up an
interval of two days, during which nothing of note happened at the
ships: “Mr. King and I went, on the 30th, along with Futtafaihe as
visitors to his house, which is at Mooa, very near that of his brother
Poulaho. A short time after we arrived, a pretty large hog was killed;
which is done by repeated strokes on the head. The hair was then scraped
off very dexterously with the sharp edge of pieces of split bamboo;
taking the entrails out at a large oval hole cut in the belly by the
same simple instrument. Before this, they had prepared an oven; which is
a large hole dug in the earth, filled at the bottom with stones about
the size of the first, over which a fire is made till they are red hot.
They took some of these stones wrapt up in leaves of the bread-fruit
tree, and filled the hog’s belly, stuffing in a quantity of leaves to
prevent their falling out, and putting a plug of the same kind in the
_anus_. The carcase was then placed on some sticks laid across the
stones in a standing posture, and covered with a great quantity of
plantain leaves. After which they dug up the earth all round; and having
thus effectually closed the oven, the operation of baking required no
farther interference.
“In the mean time we walked about the country, but met with nothing
remarkable except a _fiatooka_ of one house, standing on an artificial
mount, at least thirty feet high. A little on one side of it was a
pretty large open area; and, not far off, was a good deal of
uncultivated ground; which, on inquiring why it lay waste, our guides
seemed to say, belonged to the _fiatooka_ (which was Poulaho’s), and was
not, by any means to be touched. There was also, at no great distance, a
number of _etoa_ trees, on which clung vast numbers of the large
_ternate_ bats, making a disagreeable noise. We could not kill any at
this time for want of muskets; but some that were got at Annamooka
measured near three feet when the wings were extended. On our returning
to Futtafaihe’s house, he ordered the hog that had been dressed to be
produced, with several baskets of baked yams, and some cocoa-nuts. But
we found, that instead of his entertaining us, we were to entertain him;
the property of the feast being entirely transferred to us as his
guests, and we were to dispose of it as we pleased. The same person who
cleaned the hog in the morning now cut it up (but not before we desired
him,) in a very dexterous manner, with a knife of split bamboo; dividing
the several parts, and hitting the joints with a quickness and skill
that surprised us very much. The whole was set down before us, though at
least fifty pounds weight, until we took a small piece away, and desired
that they would share the rest amongst the people sitting round. But it
was not without a great many scruples they did that at last; and then
they asked what particular persons they should give it to. However they
were very well pleased when they found that it was not contrary to any
custom of ours; some carrying off the portion they had received, and
others eating it upon the spot. It was with great difficulty that we
could prevail upon Futtafaihe himself to eat a small bit.
“After dinner we went with him and five or six people, his attendants,
toward the place where Poulaho’s mourning ceremony was transacted, the
last time we were at Mooa; but we did not enter the inclosure. Every
person who went with us, had the mat tied over his cloth, and some
leaves about the neck, as had been done on the former occasion; and when
we arrived at a large open boat-house, where a few people were, they
threw away their leaves, sat down before it, and gave their cheeks a few
gentle strokes with the first; after which they continued sitting for
about ten minutes, with a very grave appearance, and then dispersed
without having spoken a single word. This explained what Poulaho had
mentioned about _Tooge_; though, from the operation only lasting a few
seconds, he had not been observed to perform it. And this seems to be
only a continuation of the mourning ceremony by way of condolence. For,
upon inquiring on whose account it was now performed, we were told that
it was for a chief who had died at Vavavoo some time ago; that they had
practised it ever since, and should continue to do so for a considerable
time longer.
“In the evening we had a pig dressed as the hog, with yams and
cocoa-nuts, brought for supper; and Futtafaihe finding that we did not
like the scruples they had made before, to accept of any part of the
entertainment, asked us immediately to share it, and give it to whom we
pleased. When supper was over, abundance of cloth was brought for us to
sleep in; but we were a good deal disturbed by a singular instance of
luxury, in which their principal men indulge themselves, that of being
beat while they are asleep. Two women sat by Futtafaihe and performed
this operation, which is called _tooge tooge_, by beating briskly on his
body and legs with both fists as on a drum, till he fell asleep, and
continuing it the whole night with some short intervals. When once the
person is asleep they abate a little in the strength and quickness of
the beating; but resume it, if they observe any appearance of his
awaking. In the morning, we found that Futtafaihe’s women relieved each
other, and went to sleep by turns. In any other country it would be
supposed that such a practice would put an end to all rest; but here it
certainly acts as an opiate, and is a strong proof of what habit may
effect. The noise of this, however, was not the only thing that kept us
awake; for the people who passed the night in the house, not only
conversed amongst each other frequently, as in the day, but all got up
before it was light, and made a hearty meal on fish and yams, which were
brought to them by a person who seemed to know very well the appointed
time for this nocturnal refreshment.
“Next morning we set out with Futtafaihe, and walked down the east side
of the bay to the point. The country all along this side is well
cultivated; but, in general, not so much inclosed as at Mooa; and
amongst many other plantain fields that we passed, there was one at
least a mile long, which was in excellent order, every tree growing with
great vigour. We found that, in travelling, Futtafaihe exercised a
power, though by no means wantonly, which pointed out the great
authority of such principal men; or is, perhaps, only annexed to those
of the royal family. For he sent to one place for fish, to another for
yams, and so on, at other places; and all his orders were obeyed with
the greatest readiness, as if he had been absolute master of the
people’s property. On coming to the point, the natives mentioned
something of one who, they said, had been fired at by some of our
people; and, upon our wishing to see him, they conducted us to a house,
where we found a man who had been shot through the shoulder, but not
dangerously, as the ball had entered a little above the inner part of
the collar bone, and passed out obliquely backward. We were sure, from
the state of the wound, that he was the person who had been fired at by
one of the centinels, three days before; though positive orders had been
given, that none of them should load their pieces with any thing but
small shot. We gave some directions to his friends how to manage the
wound, to which no application had been made; and they seemed pleased
when we told them it would get well in a certain time. But, on our going
away, they asked us to send the wounded man some yams and other things
for food; and in such a manner, that we could not help thinking they
considered it to be our duty to support him till he should get well.
“In the evening we crossed the bay to our station, in a canoe which
Futtafaihe had exercised his prerogative in procuring, by calling to the
first that passed by. He had also got a large hog at this place; and
brought a servant from his house with a bundle of cloth, which he wanted
us to take with us as a present from him. But the boat being small, we
objected; and he ordered it to be brought over to us the next day.”
I had prolonged my stay at this island on account of the approaching
eclipse; but, on the second of July, on looking at the micrometer
belonging to the board of longitude, I found some of the rack work
broken, and the instrument useless till repaired; which there was not
time to do before it was intended to be used. Preparing now for our
departure, I got on board this day all the cattle, poultry, and other
animals, except such as were destined to remain. I had designed to leave
a turkey-cock and hen; but having now only two of each undisposed of,
one of the hens, through the ignorance of one of my people, was
strangled, and died upon the spot. I had brought three turkey-hens to
these islands. One was killed as above mentioned; and the other by an
useless dog belonging to one of the officers. These two accidents put it
out of my power to leave a pair here; and, at the same time, to carry
the breed to Otaheite, for which island they were originally intended. I
was sorry afterward that I did not give the preference to Tongataboo, as
the present would have been of more value there than at Otaheite; for
the natives of the former island, I am persuaded, would have taken more
pains to multiply the breed.
The next day we took up our anchor, and moved the ships behind
Pangimodoo, that we might be ready to take the advantage of the first
favourable wind to get through the narrows. The king, who was one of our
company this day at dinner, I observed took particular notice of the
plates. This occasioned me to make him an offer of one, either of
pewter, or of earthen ware. He chose the first; and then began to tell
us the several uses to which he intended to apply it. Two of them are so
extraordinary, that I cannot omit mentioning them. He said, that
whenever he should have occasion to visit any of the other islands, he
would leave this plate behind him at Tongataboo, as a sort of
representative in his absence, that the people might pay it the same
obeisance they do to himself in person. He was asked what had been
usually employed for this purpose before he got this plate; and we had
the satisfaction of learning from him that this singular honour had
hitherto been conferred on a wooden bowl in which he washed his hands.
The other extraordinary use to which he meant to apply it in the room of
his wooden bowl, was to discover a thief. He said, that when any thing
was stolen, and the thief could not be found out, the people were all
assembled before him, when he washed his hands in water in this vessel;
after which it was cleaned, and then the whole multitude advanced, one
after another, and touched it in the same manner that they touch his
foot when they pay him obeisance. If the guilty person touched it, he
died immediately upon the spot; not by violence, but by the hand of
Providence; and if any one refused to touch it, his refusal was a clear
proof that he was the man.
In the morning of the 5th, the day of the eclipse, the weather was dark
and cloudy, with showers of rain; so that we had little hopes of an
observation. About nine o’clock the sun broke out at intervals for about
half an hour; after which it was totally obscured till within a minute
or two of the beginning of the eclipse. We were all at our telescopes,
viz. Mr. Bayly, Mr. King, Captain Clerke, Mr. Bligh, and myself. I lost
the observation by not having a dark glass at hand, suitable to the
clouds that were continually passing over the sun; and Mr. Bligh had not
got the sun into the field of his telescope; so that the commencement of
the eclipse was only observed by the other three gentlemen, and by them
with an uncertainty of several seconds, as follows:
H. M. S.
By Mr. Bayly, at 11 46 23-1/2}
Mr. King, at 11 46 28 } Apparent time.
Capt. Clerke, at 11 47 5 }
Mr. Bayly and Mr. King observed with the achromatic telescopes,
belonging to the board of longitude, of equal magnifying powers; and
Captain Clerke observed with one of the reflectors. The sun appeared at
intervals, till about the middle of the eclipse; after which it was seen
no more during the day; so that the end could not be observed. The
disappointment was of little consequence, since the longitude was more
than sufficiently determined, independently of this eclipse, by lunar
observations, which will be mentioned hereafter.
As soon as we knew the eclipse to be over, we packed up the instruments,
took down the observatories, and sent every thing on board that had not
been already removed. As none of the natives had taken the least notice
or care of the three sheep allotted to Mareewagee, I ordered them to be
carried back to the ships. I was apprehensive, that, if I had left them
here, they run great risk of being destroyed by dogs. That animal did
not exist upon this island, when I first visited it in 1773; but I now
found they had got a good many, partly from the breed then left by
myself, and partly from some, imported since that time, from an island
not very remote, called Feejee. The dogs, however, at present, had not
found their way into any of the Friendly Islands, except Tongataboo; and
none but the chiefs there had as yet got possession of any.
Being now upon the eve of our departure from this Island, I shall add
some particulars about it, and its productions, for which I am indebted
to Mr. Anderson. And, having spent as many weeks there, as I had done
days[190] when I visited it in 1773, the better opportunities that now
occurred, of gaining more accurate information, and the skill of that
gentleman, in directing his inquiries, will, in some measure, supply the
imperfection of my former account of this island.
“Amsterdam, Tongataboo, or (as the natives also very frequently call it)
Tonga, is about twenty leagues in circuit, somewhat oblong, though, by
much, broadest at the east end; and its greatest length from east to
west. The south shore, which I saw in 1773, is straight, and consists of
coral rocks, eight or ten feet high, terminating perpendicularly, except
in some places, where it is interrupted by small sandy beaches; on
which, at low water, a range of black rocks may be seen. The west end is
not above five or six miles broad, but has a shore somewhat like that of
the south side; whereas the whole north side is environed with shoals
and islands, and the shore within them low and sandy. The east side or
end is, most probably, like the south; as the shore begins to assume a
rocky appearance toward the north east point, though not above seven or
eight feet high.
“The island may, with the greatest propriety, be called a low one, as
the trees, on the west part, where we now lay at anchor, only appeared;
and the only eminent part, which can be seen from a ship, is the south
east point; though many gently rising and declining grounds are
observable by one who is ashore. The general appearance of the country
does not afford that beautiful kind of landscape that is produced from a
variety of hills and valleys, lawns, rivulets, and cascades; but, at the
same time, it conveys to the spectator an idea of the most exuberant
fertility, whether we respect the places improved by art, or those still
in a natural state; both which yield all their vegetable productions
with the greatest vigour, and perpetual verdure. At a distance, the
surface seems entirely clothed with trees of various sizes; some of
which are very large. But above the rest, the tall cocoa-palms always
raise their tufted heads; and are far from being the smallest ornament
to any country that produces them. The _boogo_, which is a species of
fig, with narrow-pointed leaves, is the largest sized tree of the
island; and on the uncultivated spots, especially toward the sea, the
most common bushes and small trees are the _pandanus_; several sorts of
_hibiscus_; the _faitanoo_, mentioned more than once in the course of
our voyage; and a few others. It ought also to be observed, that though
the materials for forming grand landscapes are wanting, there are many
of what might, at least, be called neat prospects, about the cultivated
grounds and dwelling-places; but more especially about the _fiatookas_;
where sometimes art, and sometimes nature, has done much to please the
eye.
“From the situation of Tongataboo, toward the tropic, the climate is
more variable, than in countries farther within that line; though,
perhaps, that might be owing to the season of the year, which was now
the winter solstice. The winds are, for the most part from some point
between south and east; and, when moderate, are commonly attended with
fine weather. When they blow fresher, the weather is often cloudy,
though open; and, in such cases, there is frequently rain. The wind
sometimes veers to the north-east, north north-east, or even north
north-west, but never lasts long, nor blows strong from thence; though
it is commonly accompanied by heavy rain, and close sultry weather. The
quick succession of vegetables has been already mentioned; but I am not
certain that the changes of weather, by which it is brought about, are
considerable enough to make them perceptible to the natives as to their
method of life, or rather that they should be very sensible of the
different seasons. This perhaps, may be inferred from the state of their
vegetable productions, which are never so much affected, with respect to
the foliage, as to shed that all at once; for every leaf is succeeded by
another, as fast as it falls; which causes that appearance of universal
and continual spring found here.
“The basis of the island, as far as we know, is entirely a coral rock,
which is the only sort that presents itself on the shore. Nor did we see
the least appearance of any other stone, except a few small blue pebbles
strewed about the _fiatookas_; and the smooth, solid black stone,
something like the _lapis lydius_, of which the natives make their
hatchets. But these may, probably, have been brought from other islands
in the neighbourhood; for a piece of slatey, iron-coloured stone was
bought at one of them, which was never seen here. Though the coral
projects in many places above the surface, the soil is, in general, of a
considerable depth. In all cultivated places, it is commonly of a loose
black colour; produced, seemingly, in a great measure, from the rotten
vegetables that are planted there. Underneath which is, very probably, a
clayey _stratum_; for a soil of that kind is often seen both in the low,
and in the rising grounds; but especially in several places toward the
shore, where it is of any height; and, when broken off, appears
sometimes of a reddish, though oftener of a brownish yellow colour, and
of a pretty stiff consistence. Where the shore is low, the soil is
commonly sandy, or rather composed of triturated coral; which, however,
yields bushes growing with great luxuriance; and is sometimes planted,
not unsuccessfully, by the natives.
“Of cultivated fruits, the principal are plantains; of which they have
fifteen different sorts or varieties; bread-fruit; two sorts of fruit
found at Otaheite, and known there under the names of _jambu_ and
_eeevee_; the latter a kind of plumb; and vast numbers of shaddocks,
which, however, are found as often in a natural state as planted.
“The roots are yams, of which are two sorts; one black, and so large,
that it often weighs twenty or thirty pounds; the other white and long,
seldom weighing a pound; a large root called _kappe_; one not unlike our
white potatoes, called _mawhaha_; the _talo_, or _coccos_ of other
places; and another, named _jeejee_.
“Besides vast numbers of cocoa-nut trees, they have three other sorts of
palms, two of which are very scarce. One of them is called _beeoo_;
which grows almost as high as the cocoa-tree, has very large leaves
platted like a fan, and clusters or bunches of globular nuts, not larger
than a small pistol ball, growing amongst the branches, with a very hard
kernel, which is sometimes eaten. The other is a kind of cabbage-tree,
not distinguishable from the cocoa, but by being rather thicker, and by
having its leaves more ragged. It has a cabbage three or four feet long;
at the top of which are the leaves, and at the bottom the fruit, which
is scarcely two inches long, resembling an oblong cocoa-nut, with an
insipid tenacious kernel, called, by the natives, _neeoogoola_, or red
cocoa-nut, as it assumes a reddish cast when ripe. The third sort is
called _ongo ongo_, and much commoner, being generally found planted
about their _fiatookas_. It seldom grows higher than five feet, though
sometimes to eight; and has a vast number of oval compressed nuts, as
large as a pippin, sticking immediately to the trunk, amongst the
leaves, which are not eaten. There is plenty of excellent sugar-cane,
which is cultivated; gourds; bamboo; turmeric; and a species of fig,
about the size of a small cherry, called _matte_, which, though wild, is
sometimes eaten. But the catalogue of uncultivated plants is too large
to be enumerated here. Besides the _pemphis decaspermum_, _mallococca_,
_maba_, and some other new genera, described by Doctor Foster[191],
there are a few more found here; which perhaps the different seasons of
the year, and his short stay, did not give him an opportunity to take
notice of. Although it did not appear, during our longer stay, that
above a fourth part of the trees, and other plants, were in flower; a
circumstance absolutely necessary to enable one to distinguish the
various kinds.
“The only quadrupeds besides hogs are a few rats, and some dogs, which
are not natives of the place, but produced from some left by us in 1773,
and by others got from Feejee. Fowls, which are of a large breed, are
domesticated here.
“Amongst the birds are parrots, somewhat smaller than the common grey
ones, of an indifferent green on the back and wings, the tail blueish,
and the rest of a sooty or chocolate brown; parroquets not larger than a
sparrow, of a fine yellowish green, with bright azure on the crown of
the head, and the throat and belly red; besides another sort as large as
a dove, with a blue crown and thighs, the throat and under part of the
head crimson, as also part of the belly, and the rest a beautiful green.
“There are owls about the size of our common sort, but of a finer
plumage; the cuckoos mentioned at Palmerston’s Island; king-fishers
about the size of a thrush, of a greenish blue, with a white ring about
the neck; and a bird of the thrush kind, almost as big, of a dull green
colour, with two yellow wattles at the base of the bill, which is the
only singing one we observed here; but it compensates a good deal for
the want of others by the strength and melody of its notes, which fill
the woods at dawn, in the evening, and at the breaking up of bad
weather.
“The other land birds are rails as large as a pigeon, of a variegated
grey colour, with a rusty neck; a black sort with red eyes, not larger
than a lark; large violet coloured coots with red bald crowns; two sorts
of fly-catchers; a very small swallow; and three sorts of pigeons, one
of which is _le ramier cuivre_ of Mons. Sonnerat[192]; another, half the
size of the common sort, of a light green on the back and wings, with a
red forehead; and a third, somewhat less of a purple brown, but whitish
underneath.
“Of water-fowl, and such as frequent the sea, are the ducks seen at
Annamooka, though scarce here; blue and white herons; tropic birds;
common noddies; white terns; a new species of a leaden colour, with a
black crest; a small blueish curlew; and a large plover, spotted with
yellow. Besides the large bats, mentioned before, there is also the
common sort.
“The only noxious or disgusting animals of the reptile or insect tribe,
are sea snakes, three feet long, with black and white circles
alternately, often found on shore; some scorpions and _centipedes_.
There are fine green _guanoes_, a foot and a half long; another brown
and spotted lizard about a foot long; and two other small sorts. Amongst
the other insects are some beautiful moths; butterflies; very large
spiders; and others; making in the whole, about fifty different sorts.
“The sea abounds with fish, though the variety is less than might be
expected. The most frequent sorts are mullets; several sorts of
parrot-fish; silver fish; old wives; some beautifully spotted soles;
leather jackets; bonnetos; and albicores; besides the eels mentioned at
Palmerston’s Island; some sharks; rays; pipe-fish; a sort of pike; and
some curious devil-fish.
“The many reefs and shoals on the north side of the island, afford
shelter for an endless variety of shell-fish; amongst which are many
that are esteemed precious in Europe. Such as the true hammer oyster; of
which, however, none could be obtained entire; a large indentated
oyster; and several others, but none of the common sort; panamas; cones;
a sort of gigantic cockle, found also in the East Indies; pearl shell
oysters, and many others; several of which I believe, have been hitherto
unknown to the most diligent inquirers after that branch of natural
history. There are likewise, several sorts of sea-eggs; and many very
fine star-fish; besides a considerable variety of corals; amongst which
are two red sorts, the one most elegantly branched, the other tubulous.
And there is no less variety amongst the crabs and cray fish, which are
very numerous. To which may be added, several sorts of sponge; the sea
hare, _holothuriæ_, and the like.”
CHAP. IX.
A GRAND SOLEMNITY CALLED NATCHE, IN HONOUR OF THE KING’S SON,
PERFORMED.—THE PROCESSIONS AND OTHER CEREMONIES, DURING THE FIRST DAY,
DESCRIBED.—THE MANNER OF PASSING THE NIGHT AT THE KING’S HOUSE.—
CONTINUATION OF THE SOLEMNITY, THE NEXT DAY.—CONJECTURES ABOUT THE
NATURE OF IT.—DEPARTURE FROM TONGATABOO, AND ARRIVAL AT EOOA.—ACCOUNT
OF THAT ISLAND, AND TRANSACTIONS THERE.
We were now ready to sail, but the wind being easterly, we had not
sufficient day-light to turn through the narrows, either with the
morning or with the evening flood; the one falling out too early and the
other too late. So that without a leading wind, we were under a
necessity of waiting two or three days.
I took the opportunity of this delay to be present at a public
solemnity, to which the king had invited us when we went last to visit
him, and which he had informed us, was to be performed on the 8th. With
a view to this, he and all the people of note quitted our neighbourhood
on the 7th, and repaired to Mooa, where the solemnity was to be
exhibited. A party of us followed them the next morning. We understood,
from what Poulaho had said to us, that his son and heir was now to be
initiated into certain privileges; amongst which was that of eating with
his father; an honour he had not as yet been admitted to.
We arrived at Mooa about eight o’clock, and found the king, with a large
circle of attendants sitting before him, within an inclosure so small
and dirty, as to excite my wonder that any such could be found in that
neighbourhood. They were intent upon their usual morning occupation, in
preparing a bowl of _kava_. As this was no liquor for us, we walked out
to visit some of our friends, and to observe what preparations might be
making for the ceremony, which was soon to begin. About ten o’clock the
people began to assemble in a large area, which is before the _malaee_,
or great house, to which we had been conducted the first time we visited
Mooa. At the end of a road that opens into this area, stood some men
with spears and clubs, who kept constantly reciting or chanting short
sentences, in a mournful tone, which conveyed some idea of distress, and
as if they called for something. This was continued about an hour; and,
in the mean time, many people came down the road, each of them bringing
a yam tied to the middle of a pole, which they laid down before the
persons who continued repeating the sentences. While this was going on,
the king and prince arrived, and seated themselves upon the area; and we
were desired to sit down by them, but to pull off our hats, and to untie
our hair. The bearers of the yams being all come in, each pole was taken
up between two men, who carried it over their shoulders. After forming
themselves into companies of ten or twelve persons each, they marched
across the place with a quick pace, each company, headed by a man
bearing a club or spear, and guarded on the right by several others
armed with different weapons. A man carrying a living pigeon on a perch,
closed the rear of the procession, in which about two hundred and fifty
persons walked.
Omai was desired by me to ask the chief to what place the yams were to
be thus carried with so much solemnity? but, as he seemed unwilling to
give us the information we wanted, two or three of us followed the
procession, contrary to his inclination. We found that they stopped
before a _morai_ or _fiatooka_[193] of one house standing upon a mount,
which was hardly a quarter of a mile from the place where they first
assembled. Here we observed them depositing the yams, and making them up
into bundles; but for what purpose, we could not learn. And, as our
presence seemed to give them uneasiness, we left them and returned to
Poulaho, who told us we might amuse ourselves by walking about, as
nothing would be done for some time. The fear of losing any part of the
ceremony, prevented our being long absent. When we returned to the king,
he desired me to order the boat’s crew not to stir from the boat; for,
as every thing would very soon be _taboo_, if any of our people, or of
their own, should be found walking about, they would be knocked down
with clubs; nay, _mateed_, that is, killed. He also acquainted us, that
we could not be present at the ceremony; but that we should be conducted
to a place where we might see every thing that passed. Objections were
made to our dress. We were told that, to qualify us to be present, it
was necessary that we should be naked as low as the breast with our hats
off, and our hair untied. Omai offered to conform to these requisites,
and began to strip; other objections were then started; so that the
exclusion was given to him equally with ourselves.
I did not much like this restriction; and, therefore, stole out to see
what might now be going forward. I found very few people stirring except
those dressed to attend the ceremony; some of whom had in their hands
small poles about four feet long, and to the under part of these were
fastened two or three other sticks not bigger than one’s finger, and
about six inches in length. These men were going toward the _morai_ just
mentioned. I took the same road, and was several times stopped by them,
all crying out _taboo_. However I went forward without much regarding
them, till I came in sight of the _morai_, and of the people who were
sitting before it. I was now urged very strongly to go back; and, not
knowing what might be the consequence of a refusal, I complied. I had
observed that the people who carried the poles passed this _morai_, or
what I may as well call temple; and guessing, from this circumstance,
that something was transacting beyond it which might be worth looking
at, I had thoughts of advancing, by making a round for this purpose; but
I was so closely watched by three men that I could not put my design in
execution. In order to shake these fellows off, I returned to the
_malaee_, where I had left the king, and, from thence made an elopement
a second time; but I instantly met with the same three men; so that it
seemed as if they had been ordered to watch my motions. I paid no regard
to what they said or did till I came within sight of the king’s
principal _fiatooka_ or _morai_, which I have already described[194],
before which a great number of men were sitting, being the same persons
whom I had just before seen pass by the other _morai_, from which this
was but a little distant. Observing that I could watch the proceedings
of this company from the king’s plantation, I repaired thither, very
much to the satisfaction of those who attended me.
As soon as I got in, I acquainted the gentlemen who had come with me
from the ships with what I had seen; and we took a proper station to
watch the result. The number of people at the _fiatooka_, continued to
increase for some time; and at length we could see them quit their
sitting posture, and march off in procession. They walked in pairs, one
after another, every pair carrying between them one of the small poles
above mentioned on their shoulders. We were told that the small pieces
of sticks fastened to the poles were yams; so that, probably, they were
meant to represent this root emblematically. The hindmost men of each
couple, for the most part, placed one of his hands to the middle of the
pole, as if, without this additional support, it were not strong enough
to carry the weight that hung to it, and under which they all seemed to
bend as they walked. This procession consisted of one hundred and eight
pairs, and all, or most of them, men of rank. They came close by the
fence behind which we stood; so that we had a full view of them.
Having waited here till they had all passed, we then repaired to
Poulaho’s house, and saw him going out. We could not be allowed to
follow him; but were forthwith conducted to the place allotted to us,
which was behind a fence, adjoining to the area of the _fiatooka_ where
the yams had been deposited in the forenoon. As we were not the only
people who were excluded from being publicly present at this ceremony,
but allowed to peep from behind the curtain, we had a good deal of
company; and I observed that all the other inclosures round the place
were filled with people. And yet all imaginable care seemed to be taken
that they should see as little as possible; for the fences had not only
been repaired that morning, but, in many places, raised higher than
common; so that the tallest man could not look over them. To remedy this
defect in our station, we took the liberty to cut holes in the fence
with our knives; and by this means we could see, pretty distinctly,
every thing that was transacting on the other side.
On our arrival at our station, we found two or three hundred people
sitting on the grass near the end of the road that opened into the area
of the _morai_, and the number continually increased, by others joining
them. At length arrived a few men carrying some small poles, and
branches or leaves of the cocoa-nut tree; and, upon their first
appearance, an old man seated himself in the road, and, with his face
toward them, pronounced a long oration in a serious tone. He then
retired back, and the others advancing to the middle of the area, began
to erect a small shed; employing for that purpose the materials above
mentioned. When they had finished their work, they all squatted down for
a moment before it, then rose up and retired to the rest of the company.
Soon after came Poulaho’s son, preceded by four or five men, and they
seated themselves a little aside from the shed, and rather behind it.
After them appeared twelve or fourteen women of the first rank, walking
slowly in pairs, each pair carrying between them a narrow piece of white
cloth extended about two or three yards in length. These marched up to
the prince, squatted down before him; and having wrapped some of the
pieces of the cloth they had brought round his body, they rose up and
retired in the same order, to some distance on his left, and there
seated themselves. Poulaho himself soon made his appearance, preceded by
four men, who walked two and two abreast, and sat down on his son’s left
hand about twenty paces from him. The young prince, then quitting his
first position, went and sat down under the shed with his attendants;
and a considerable number more placed themselves on the grass before
this royal canopy. The prince himself sat facing the people, with his
back to the _morai_. This being done, three companies, of ten or a dozen
men in each, started up from amongst the large crowd, a little after
each other, and running hastily to the opposite side of the area, sat
down for a few seconds, after which they returned in the same manner to
their former stations. To them succeeded two men, each of whom held a
small green branch in his hand, who got up and approached the prince,
sitting down for a few seconds three different times, as they advanced;
and then, turning their backs, retired in the same manner, inclining
their branches to each other as they sat. In a little time two more
repeated this ceremony.
The grand procession which I had seen march off from the other _morai_,
now began to come in. To judge of the circuit they had made, from the
time they had been absent, it must have been pretty large. As they
entered the area, they marched up to the right of the shed, and, having
prostrated themselves on the grass, deposited their pretended burthens
(the poles above mentioned), and faced round to the prince. They then
rose up and retired in the same order, closing their hands, which they
held before them, with the most serious aspect, and seated themselves
along the front of the area. During all the time that this numerous band
were coming in, and depositing their poles, three men, who sat under the
shed with the prince, continued pronouncing separate sentences in a
melancholy tone. After this a profound silence ensued for a little time,
and then a man, who sat in the front of the area, began an oration (or
prayer), during which, at several different times, he went and broke one
of the poles which had been brought in by those who had walked in
procession. When he had ended, the people sitting before the shed
separated, to make a lane, through which the prince and his attendants
passed, and the assembly broke up.
Some of our party, satisfied with what they had already seen, now
returned to the ships; but I, and two or three more of the officers,
remained at Mooa, to see the conclusion of the solemnity, which was not
to be till the next day; being desirous of omitting no opportunity which
might afford any information about the religious or the political
institutions of this people. The small sticks or poles which had been
brought into the area by those who walked in procession, being left
lying on the ground after the crowd had dispersed, I went and examined
them. I found, that, to the middle of each, two or three small sticks
were tied, as has been related. Yet we had been repeatedly told by the
natives who stood near us, that they were young yams; insomuch that some
of our gentlemen believed them rather than their own eyes. As I had the
demonstration of my senses to satisfy me that they were not real yams,
it is clear that we ought to have understood them, that they were only
the artificial representations of these roots.
Our supper was got ready about seven o’clock. It consisted of fish and
yams. We might have had pork also; but we did not choose to kill a large
hog, which the king had given to us for that purpose. He supped with us,
and drank pretty freely of brandy and water; so that he went to bed with
a sufficient dose. We passed the night in the same house with him and
several of his attendants.
About one or two o’clock in the morning, they waked and conversed for
about an hour, and then went to sleep again. All but Poulaho himself
rose at day-break, and went I know not whither. Soon after, a woman, one
of those who generally attended upon the chief, came in and inquired
where he was. I pointed him out to her; and she immediately sat down by
him, and began the same operation which Mr. Anderson had seen practised
upon Futtafaihe, tapping or beating gently with her clenched fists on
his thighs. This, instead of prolonging his sleep, as was intended, had
the contrary effect; however, though he awaked, he continued to lie
down.
Omai and I now went to visit the prince, who had parted from us early in
the evening. For he did not lodge with the king, but in apartments of
his own, or at least, such as had been allotted to him, at some distance
from his father’s house. We found him with a circle of boys, or youths
about his own age, sitting before him; and an old woman and an old man,
who seemed to have the care of him, sitting behind. There were others,
both men and women, employed about their necessary affairs in different
departments; who, probably, belonged to his household.
From the prince we returned to the king. By this time he had got up, and
had a crowded circle before him, composed chiefly of old men. While a
large bowl of _kava_ was preparing, a baked hog and yams, smoking hot,
were brought in; the greatest part of which fell to our share, and was
very acceptable to the boat’s crew: for these people eat very little in
the morning; especially the _kava_ drinkers. I afterward walked out and
visited several other chiefs; and found that all of them were taking
their morning draught, or had already taken it. Returning to the king, I
found him asleep in a small retired hut, with two women tapping on his
breech. About eleven o’clock he arose again; and then some fish and
yams, which tasted as if they had been stewed in cocoa-nut milk, were
brought to him. Of these he ate a large portion, and lay down once more
to sleep. I now left him, and carried to the prince a present of cloth,
beads, and other articles, which I had brought with me from the ship for
the purpose. There was a sufficient quantity of cloth to make him a
complete suit; and he was immediately decked out with it. Proud of his
dress, he first went to show himself to his father, and then conducted
me to his mother; with whom were about ten or a dozen other women of a
respectable appearance. Here the prince changed his apparel, and made me
a present of two pieces of the cloth manufactured in the island. By this
time, it was past noon, when, by appointment, I repaired to the palace
to dinner. Several of our gentleman had returned this morning from the
ships; and we were all invited to the feast, which was presently served
up, and consisted of two pigs and yams. I roused the drowsy monarch to
partake of what he had provided for our entertainment. In the mean time,
two mullets and some shell-fish were brought to him, as I supposed, for
his separate portion. But he joined it to our fare, sat down with us,
and made a hearty meal.
When dinner was over, we were told that the ceremony would soon begin;
and were strictly enjoined not to walk out. I had resolved, however, to
peep no longer from behind the curtain, but to mix with the actors
themselves, if possible. With this view I stole out from the plantation,
and walked toward the _morai_, the scene of the solemnity. I was several
times desired to go back by people whom I met; but I paid no regard to
them; and they suffered me to pass on. When I arrived at the _morai_, I
found a number of men seated on the side of the area on each side of the
road that leads up to it. A few were sitting on the opposite side of the
area; and two men in the middle of it, with their faces turned to the
_morai_. When I got into the midst of the first company, I was desired
to sit down, which I accordingly did. Where I sat, there were lying a
number of small bundles or parcels, composed of cocoa-nut leaves, and
tied to sticks made into the form of hand-barrows. All the information I
could get about them was, that they were _taboo_. Our number kept
continually increasing; every one coming from the same quarter. From
time to time, one or another of the company turned himself to those who
were coming to join us, and made a short speech, in which I could remark
that the word _arekee_, that is, king, was generally mentioned. One man
said something that produced bursts of hearty laughter from all the
crowd; others of the speakers met with public applause. I was several
times desired to leave the place; and, at last, when they found that I
would not stir, after some seeming consultation, they applied to me to
uncover my shoulders as theirs were. With this request I complied; and
then they seemed to be no longer uneasy at my presence.
I sat a full hour without any thing more going forward beside what I
have mentioned. At length the prince, the women, and the king, all came
in, as they had done the day before. The prince, being placed under the
shed, after his father’s arrival, two men, each carrying a piece of mat,
came, repeating something seriously, and put them about him. The
assembled people now began their operations; and first, three companies
ran backward and forward across the area, as described in the account of
the proceedings of the former day. Soon after, the two men who sat in
the middle of the area, made a short speech or prayer; and then the
whole body, amongst whom I had my place, started up, and ran and seated
themselves before the shed under which the prince, and three or four
men, were sitting. I was now partly under the management of one of the
company, who seemed very assiduous to serve me. By his means, I was
placed in such a situation, that if I had been allowed to make use of my
eyes, nothing that passed could have escaped me. But it was necessary to
sit with down-cast looks, and demure as maids.
Soon after, the procession came in, as on the day before; each two
persons bearing on their shoulders a pole, round the middle of which, a
cocoa-nut leaf was platted. These were deposited with ceremonies similar
to those observed on the preceding day. This first procession was
followed by a second; the men composing which brought baskets, such as
are usually employed by this people to carry provisions in, and made of
palm leaves. These were followed by a third procession, in which were
brought different kinds of small fish; each fixed at the end of a forked
stick. The baskets were carried up to an old man, whom I took to be the
chief priest, and who sat on the prince’s right hand, without the shed.
He held each in his hand, while he made a short speech or prayer; then
laid it down, and called for another, repeating the same words as
before; and thus he went through the whole number of baskets. The fish
were presented, one by one on the forked sticks, as they came in, to two
men who sat on the left; and who, till now, held green branches in their
hands. The first fish they laid down on their right, and the second on
their left. When the third was presented, a stout looking man, who sat
behind the other two, reached his arm over between them, and made a
snatch at it; as also did the other two, at the very same time. Thus
they seemed to contend for every fish that was presented; but as there
were two hands against one, besides the advantage of situation, the man
behind got nothing but pieces; for he never quitted his hold, till the
fish was torn out of his hand; and what little remained in it, he shook
out behind him. The others laid what they got, on the right and left
alternately. At length, either by accident or design, the man behind got
possession of a whole fish, without either of the other two so much as
touching it. At this, the word _mareeai_, which signifies _very good_,
or _well done_, was uttered in a low voice throughout the whole crowd.
It seemed, that he had performed now all that was expected from him; for
he made no attempt upon the few fish that came after. These fish, as
also the baskets, were all delivered, by the persons who brought them
in, sitting; and in the same order and manner the small poles, which the
first procession carried, had been laid upon the ground.
The last procession being closed, there was some speaking or praying, by
different persons. Then, on some signal being given, we all started up,
ran several paces to the left, and sat down with our backs to the
prince, and the few who remained with him. I was desired not to look
behind me. However, neither this injunction, nor the remembrance of
Lot’s wife, discouraged me from facing about. I now saw that the prince
had turned his face to the _morai_. But this last movement had brought
so many people between him and me, that I could not perceive what was
doing. I was afterward assured, that at this very time, the prince was
admitted to the high honour of eating with his father; which, till now,
had never been permitted to him; a piece of roasted yam being presented
to each of them for this purpose. This was the more probable, as we had
been told, before-hand, that this was to happen during the solemnity;
and as all the people turned their backs to them, at this time, which
they always do when their monarch eats.
After some little time, we all faced about, and formed a semicircle
before the prince, leaving a large open space between us. Presently
there appeared some men coming toward us, two and two, bearing large
sticks, or poles, upon their shoulders, making a noise that might be
called singing, and waving their hands as they advanced. When they had
got close up to us, they made a show of walking very fast, without
proceeding a single step. Immediately after, three or four men started
up from the crowd, with large sticks in their hands, who ran toward
those newcomers. The latter instantly threw down the poles from their
shoulders and scampered off; and the others attacked the poles; and,
having beat them most unmercifully, returned to their places. As the
pole-bearers ran off; they gave the challenge that is usual here in
wrestling; and not long after, a number of stout fellows came from the
same quarter, repeating the challenge as they advanced. These were
opposed by a party, who came from the opposite side almost at the same
instant. The two parties paraded about the area for a few minutes, and
then retired, each to their own side. After this, there were wrestling
and boxing-matches for about half an hour. Then two men seated
themselves before the prince, and made speeches, addressed, as I
thought, entirely to him. With this the solemnity ended, and the whole
assembly broke up.
I now went and examined the several baskets which had been presented; a
curiosity that I was not allowed before to indulge; because every thing
was then _taboo_. But the solemnity being now over, they became simply
what I found them to be, empty baskets. So that, whatever they were
supposed to contain, was emblematically represented. And so, indeed, was
every other thing which had been brought in procession, except the fish.
We endeavoured in vain to find out the meaning, not only of the ceremony
in general, which is called _Natche_, but of its different parts. We
seldom got any other answer to our inquiries, but _taboo_; a word which
I have before observed, is applied to many other things. But as the
prince was evidently the principal person concerned in it; and as we had
been told by the king, ten days before the celebration of the _Natche_,
that the people would bring in yams for him and his son to eat together;
and as he even described some part of the ceremony, we concluded, from
what he had then said, and from what we now saw, that an oath of
allegiance, if I may so express myself, or solemn promise, was on this
occasion made to the prince, as the immediate successor to the regal
dignity, to stand by him, and to furnish him with the several articles
that were here emblematically represented. This seems the more probable,
as all the principal people of the island, whom we had ever seen,
assisted in the processions. But, be this as it may, the whole was
conducted with a great deal of mysterious solemnity; and that there was
a mixture of religion in the institution, was evident, not only from the
place where it was performed, but from the manner of performing it. Our
dress and deportment had never been called in question upon any former
occasion whatever. Now, it was expected that we should be uncovered as
low as the waist; that our hair should be loose, and flowing over our
shoulders; that we should, like themselves, sit cross-legged; and at
times in the most humble posture, with down-cast eyes, and hands locked
together; all which requisites were most devoutly observed by the whole
assembly. And, lastly, every one was excluded from the solemnity, but
the principal people, and those who assisted in the celebration. All
these circumstances were to me a sufficient testimony, that, upon this
occasion, they considered themselves as acting under the immediate
inspection of a Supreme Being.
The present _Natche_ may be considered from the above account of it as
merely figurative. For the small quantity of yams, which we saw the
first day, could not be intended as a general contribution; and, indeed,
we were given to understand, that they were a portion consecrated to the
_Otooa_ or divinity. But we were informed, that in about three months
there would be performed, on the same account, a far more important and
grander solemnity; on which occasion, not only the tribute of
Tongataboo, but that of Hapaee, Vavaoo, and of all the other islands,
would be brought to the chief, and confirmed more awfully, by
sacrificing ten human victims from amongst the inferior sort of people.
A horrid solemnity, indeed! and which is a most significant instance of
the influence of gloomy and ignorant superstition, over the minds of one
of the most benevolent and humane nations upon earth. On inquiring into
the reasons of so barbarous a practice, they only said, that it was a
necessary part of the _Natche_; and that if they omitted it, the deity
would certainly destroy their king.
Before the assembly broke up, the day was far spent; and as we were at
some distance from the ships, and had an intricate navigation to go
through, we were in haste to set out from Mooa. When I took leave of
Poulaho, he pressed me much to stay till the next day, to be present at
a funeral ceremony. The wife of Mareewagee, who was mother-in-law to the
king, had lately died; and her corpse had, on account of the _Natche_,
been carried on board a canoe that lay in the _lagoon_. Poulaho told me,
that as soon as he had paid the last offices to her, he would attend me
to Eooa; but, if I did not wait, that he would follow me thither. I
understood at the same time, that, if it had not been for the death of
this woman, most of the chiefs would have accompanied us to that island;
where, it seems all of them have possessions. I would gladly have waited
to see this ceremony also, had not the tide been now favourable for the
ships to get through the narrows. The wind, besides which, for several
days past, had been very boisterous, was now moderate and settled; and
to have lost this opportunity, might have detained us a fortnight
longer. But what was decisive against my waiting, we understood that the
funeral ceremonies would last five days, which was too long a time, as
the ships lay in such a situation, that I could not get to sea at
pleasure. I, however, assured the king, that if we did not sail, I
should certainly visit him again the next day. And so we all took leave
of him, and set out for the ships, where we arrived about eight o’clock
in the evening.
I had forgot to mention that Omai was present at the second day’s
ceremony, as well as myself; but we were not together; nor did I know
that he was there, till it was almost over. He afterward told me, that
as soon as the king saw that I had stolen out from the plantation, he
sent several people, one after another, to desire me to come back.
Probably, these messengers were not admitted to the place where I was;
for I saw nothing of them. At last, intelligence was brought to the
chief, that I had actually stripped, in conformity to their custom; and
then he told Omai, that he might be present also, if he would comply
with all the necessary forms. Omai had no objection, as nothing was
required of him, but to conform to the custom of his own country.
Accordingly, he was furnished with a proper dress, and appeared at the
ceremony as one of the natives. It is likely, that one reason of our
being excluded at first, was an apprehension, that we would not submit
to the requisites to qualify us to assist.
While I was attending the _Natche_ at Mooa, I ordered the horses, bull
and cow, and goats, to be brought thither; thinking that they would be
safer there, under the eyes of the chiefs, than at a place that would
be, in a manner, deserted, the moment after our departure. Besides the
above-mentioned animals, we left, with our friends here, a young boar,
and three young sows, of the English breed. They were exceedingly
desirous of them, judging, no doubt, that they would greatly improve
their own breed, which is rather small. Feenou also got from us two
rabbits, a buck and a doe; and, before we sailed, we were told, that
young ones had been already produced. If the cattle succeed, of which I
make no doubt, it will be a vast acquisition to these islands; and, as
Tongataboo is a fine level country, the horses cannot but be useful.
On the 10th, at eight o’clock in the morning, we weighed anchor, and
with a steady gale at south east, turned through the channel, between
the small isles called Makkahaa and Monooafai; it being much wider than
the channel between the last mentioned island and Pangimodoo. The flood
set strong in our favour, till we were the length of the channel leading
up to the _lagoon_, where the flood from the eastward meets that from
the west. This, together with the indraught of the _lagoon_, and of the
shoals before it, causeth strong riplings and whirlpools. To add to
these dangers, the depth of water in the channel exceeds the length of a
cable; so that there is no anchorage, except close to the rocks, where
we met with forty and forty-five fathoms, over a bottom of dark sand.
But, then, here a ship would be exposed to the whirlpools. This
frustrated the design which I had formed, of coming to an anchor, as
soon as we were through the narrows, and of making an excursion to see
the funeral. I chose rather to lose that ceremony, than to leave the
ships in a situation, in which I did not think them safe. We continued
to ply to windward, between the two tides, without either gaining or
losing an inch, till near high water, when, by a favourable slant, we
got into the eastern tide’s influence. We expected there to find the ebb
to run strong to the eastward in our favour; but it proved so
inconsiderable, that, at any other time, it would not have been noticed.
This informed us, that most of the water, which flows into the _lagoon_,
comes from the north west, and returns the same way. About five in the
afternoon, finding that we could not get to sea before it was dark, I
came to an anchor, under the shore of Tongataboo, in forty-five fathoms’
water; and about two cables length from the reef, that runs along that
side of the island. The Discovery dropped anchor under our stern; but
before the anchor took hold, she drove off the bank, and did not recover
it till after midnight.
We remained at this station, till eleven o’clock the next day, when we
weighed, and plyed to the eastward. But it was ten at night before we
weathered the east end of the island, and were enabled to stretch away
for Middleburg, or Eooa (as it is called by the inhabitants), where we
anchored at eight o’clock the next morning, in forty fathoms’ water,
over a bottom of sand, interspersed with coral rocks; the extremes of
the island extending, from N. 40° E. to S. 22° W.; the high land of
Eooa, S. 45° E.; and Tongataboo, from N. 70° W. to N. 19° W.; distant
about half a mile from the shore; being nearly the same place where I
had my station in 1773, and then named by me, _English Road_.
We had no sooner anchored, than Taoofa the chief, and several other
natives, visited us on board, and seemed to rejoice much at our arrival.
This Taoofa[195] had been my _Tayo_, when I was here, during my last
voyage; consequently, we were not strangers to each other. In a little
time, I went ashore with him, in search of fresh water; the procuring of
which, was the chief object that brought me to Eooa. I had been told at
Tongataboo, that there was here a stream, running from the hills into
the sea; but this was not the case now. I was first conducted to a
brackish spring, between low and high water mark, amongst rocks, in the
cove where we landed, and where no one would ever have thought of
looking for what we wanted. However, I believe the water of this spring
might be good, were it possible to take it up, before the tide mixes
with it. Finding that we did not like this, our friends took us a little
way into the island; where, in a deep chasm, we found very good water;
which, at the expence of some time and trouble, might be conveyed down
to the shore, by means of spouts or troughs, that could be made with
plantain leaves, and the stem of the tree. But, rather than to undertake
that tedious task, I resolved to rest contented with the supply the
ships had got at Tongataboo.
Before I returned on board, I set on foot a trade for hogs and yams. Of
the former we could procure but few; but of the latter, plenty. I put
ashore, at this island, the ram and two ewes, of the Cape of Good Hope
breed of sheep; intrusting them to the care of Taoofa, who seemed proud
of his charge. It was fortunate, perhaps, that Mareewagee, to whom I had
given them, as before-mentioned, slighted the present. Eooa, not having
as yet got any dogs upon it, seems to be a properer place than
Tongataboo for the rearing of sheep.
As we lay at anchor, this island bore a very different aspect from any
we had lately seen, and formed a most beautiful landscape. It is higher
than any we had passed, since leaving New Zealand (as Kao may justly be
reckoned an immense rock), and from its top, which is almost flat,
declines very gently toward the sea. As the other isles of this cluster
are level, the eye can discover nothing but the trees that cover them;
but here the land, rising gently upward, presents us with an extensive
prospect, where groves of trees are only interspersed at irregular
distances, in beautiful disorder, and the rest covered with grass. Near
the shore, again, it is quite shaded with various trees, amongst which
are the habitations of the natives; and to the right of our station, was
one of the most extensive groves of cocoa-palms we had ever seen.
The 13th, in the afternoon, a party of us made an excursion to the
highest part of the island, which was a little to the right of our
ships, in order to have a full view of the country. About half way up,
we crossed a deep valley, the bottom and sides of which, though composed
of hardly any thing but coral rock, were clothed with trees. We were now
about two or three hundred feet above the level of the sea, and yet,
even here, the coral was perforated into all the holes and inequalities,
which usually diversify the surface of this substance within the reach
of the tide. Indeed, we found the same coral, till we began to approach
the summits of the highest hills; and it was remarkable, that these were
chiefly composed of a yellowish, soft, sandy stone. The soil there, is,
in general, a reddish clay; which, in many places, seemed to be very
deep. On the most elevated part of the whole island, we found a round
platform, or mount of earth, supported by a wall of coral stones; to
bring which to such a height, must have cost much labour. Our guides
told us, that this mount had been erected by order of their chief; and
that they sometimes met there to drink _kava_. They called it _Etchee_;
by which name, an erection, which we had seen at Tongataboo, as already
mentioned, was distinguished. Not many paces from it, was a spring of
excellent water; and, about a mile lower down, a running stream, which
we were told found its way to the sea, when the rains were copious. We
also met with water, in many little holes; and, no doubt, great plenty
might be found, by digging.
From the elevation to which we had ascended, we had a full view of the
whole island, except a part of the south point. The south-east side,
from which the highest hills we were now upon are not far distant, rises
with very great inequalities, immediately from the sea; so that the
plains and meadows, of which there are here some of great extent, lie
all on the north-west side; and, as they are adorned with tufts of
trees, intermixed with plantations, they form a very beautiful landscape
in every point of view. While I was surveying this delightful prospect,
I could not help flattering myself with the pleasing idea that some
future navigator may, from the same station, behold these meadows
stocked with cattle, brought to these islands by the ships of England;
and that the completion of this single benevolent purpose, independently
of all other considerations, would sufficiently mark to posterity that
our voyages had not been useless to the general interests of humanity.
Besides the plants common on the other neighbouring islands, we found,
on the height, a species of _acrosticum_, _melastoma_, and fern tree;
with a few other ferns and plants, not common lower down.
Our guides informed us, that all, or most of the land on this island,
belonged to the great chiefs of Tongataboo; and that the inhabitants
were only tenants or vassals to them. Indeed, this seemed to be the case
at all the other neighbouring isles, except Annamooka, where there were
some chiefs, who seemed to act with some kind of independence. Omai, who
was a great favourite with Feenou, and these people in general, was
tempted with the offer of being made chief of this island if he would
have staid amongst them; and it is not clear to me, that he would not
have been glad to stay, if the scheme had met with my approbation. I own
I did disapprove of it; but not because I thought that Omai would do
better for himself in his own native isle.
On returning from my country expedition, we were informed that a party
of the natives had, in the circle where our people traded, struck one of
their own countrymen with a club, which laid bare, or, as others said,
fractured his skull, and then broke his thigh with the same, when our
men interposed. He had no signs of life when carried to a neighbouring
house; but afterward recovered a little. On my asking the reason of so
severe a treatment, we were informed that he had been discovered in a
situation rather indelicate with a woman who was _tabooed_. We, however,
understood that she was no otherwise _tabooed_, than by belonging to
another person, and rather superior in rank to her gallant. From this
circumstance we had an opportunity of observing how these people treat
such infidelities. But the female sinner has, by far, the smaller share
of punishment for her misdemeanor; as they told us that she would only
receive a slight beating.
The next morning I planted a pine-apple, and sowed the seeds of melons
and other vegetables in the chief’s plantation. I had some
encouragement, indeed, to flatter myself that my endeavours of this kind
would not be fruitless; for, this day, there was served up at my dinner
a dish of turnips, being the produce of the seeds I had left here during
my last voyage.
I had fixed upon the 15th for sailing, till Taoofa pressed me to stay a
day or two longer, to receive a present he had prepared for me. This
reason, and the daily expectation of seeing some of our friends from
Tongataboo, induced me to defer my departure.
Accordingly, the next day, I received the chief’s present; consisting of
two small heaps of yams, and some fruit, which seemed to be collected by
a kind of contribution, as at the other isles. On this occasion, most of
the people of the island had assembled at the place; and, as we had
experienced on such numerous meetings amongst their neighbours, gave us
not a little trouble to prevent them from pilfering whatever they could
lay their hands upon. We were entertained with cudgelling, wrestling,
and boxing-matches; and in the latter, both male and female combatants
exhibited. It was intended to have finished the show with the _bomai_,
or night-dance; but an accident either put a total stop to it, or, at
least, prevented any of us from staying ashore to see it. One of my
people, walking a very little way, was surrounded by twenty or thirty of
the natives, who knocked him down, and stripped him of every thing he
had on his back. On hearing of this, I immediately seized two canoes and
a large hog; and insisted on Taoofa’s causing the clothes to be
restored, and on the offenders being delivered up to me. The chief
seemed much concerned at what had happened; and forthwith took the
necessary steps to satisfy me. This affair so alarmed the assembled
people, that most of them fled. However, when they found that I took no
other measures to revenge the insult, they returned. It was not long
before one of the offenders was delivered up to me, and a shirt and a
pair of trowsers restored. The remainder of the stolen goods not coming
in before night, I was under the necessity of leaving them to go aboard;
for the sea run so high, that it was with the greatest difficulty the
boats could get out of the creek with day-light, much less in the dark.
The next morning I landed again, having provided myself with a present
for Taoofa, in return for what he had given me. As it was early, there
were but few people at the landing-place, and those few not without
their fears. But on my desiring Omai to assure them that we meant no
harm; and, in confirmation of this assurance, having restored the canoes
and released the offender, whom they had delivered up to me, they
resumed their usual gaiety; and, presently, a large circle was formed,
in which the chief and all the principal men of the island took their
places. The remainder of the clothes were now brought in; but, as they
had been torn off the man’s back by pieces, they were not worth carrying
on board. Taoofa, on receiving my present, shared it with three or four
other chiefs, keeping only a small part for himself. This present
exceeded their expectation so greatly, that one of the chiefs, a
venerable old man, told me that they did not deserve it, considering how
little they had given to me, and the ill treatment one of my people had
met with. I remained with them till they had finished their bowl of
_kava_; and having then paid for the hog which I had taken the day
before, returned on board with Taoofa, and one of Poulaho’s servants, by
whom I sent, as a parting mark of my esteem and regard for that chief, a
piece of bar iron; being as valuable a present as any I could make to
him.
Soon after we weighed, and, with a light breeze at south-east, stood out
to sea; and then Taoofa, and a few other natives that were in the ship,
left us. On heaving up the anchor, we found that the cable had suffered
considerably by the rocks; so that the bottom in this road is not to be
depended upon. Besides this, we experienced that a prodigious swell
rolls in there from the south-west.
We had not been long under sail, before we observed a sailing canoe
coming from Tongataboo, and entering the creek before which we had
anchored. Some hours after, a small canoe conducted by four men, came
off to us; for, as we had but little wind, we were still at no great
distance from the land. These men told us that the sailing canoe, which
we had seen arrive from Tongataboo, had brought orders to the people of
Eooa, to furnish us with a certain number of hogs; and that in two days,
the king and other chiefs would be with us. They, therefore, desired we
would return to our former station. There was no reason to doubt the
truth of what these men told us. Two of them had actually come from
Tongataboo in the sailing canoe; and they had no view in coming off to
us, but to give this intelligence. However, as we were now clear of the
land, it was not a sufficient inducement to bring me back; especially as
we had already on board a stock of fresh provisions, sufficient, in all
probability, to last during our passage to Otaheite. Besides Taoofa’s
present, we had got a good quantity of yams at Eooa, in exchange chiefly
for small nails. Our supply of hogs was also considerably increased
there; though doubtless, we should have got many more if the chiefs of
Tongataboo had been with us, whose property they mostly were. At the
approach of night, these men finding that we would not return, left us;
as also some others, who had come off in two canoes, with a few
cocoa-nuts and shaddocks, to exchange them for what they could get; the
eagerness of these people to get into their possession more of our
commodities, inducing them to follow the ships out to sea, and to
continue their intercourse with us to the last moment.
CHAP. X.
ADVANTAGES DERIVED FROM VISITING THE FRIENDLY ISLANDS.—BEST ARTICLES FOR
TRAFFIC.—REFRESHMENTS THAT MAY BE PROCURED.—THE NUMBER OF THE ISLANDS,
AND THEIR NAMES.—KEPPEL’s AND BOSCAWEN’S ISLANDS BELONG TO THEM.—
ACCOUNT OF VAVAOO.—OF HAMOA.—OF FEEJEE.—VOYAGES OF THE NATIVES IN
THEIR CANOES.—DIFFICULTY OF PROCURING EXACT INFORMATION.—PERSONS OF
THE INHABITANTS OF BOTH SEXES.—THEIR COLOUR.—DISEASES.—THEIR GENERAL
CHARACTER.—MANNER OF WEARING THEIR HAIR.—OF PUNCTURING THEIR BODIES.—
THEIR CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS.—PERSONAL CLEANLINESS.
Thus we took leave of the Friendly Islands and their inhabitants, after
a stay of between two and three months; during which time, we lived
together in the most cordial friendship. Some accidental differences, it
is true, now and then happened, owing to their great propensity to
thieving; but, too often encouraged by the negligence of our own people.
But these differences were never attended with any fatal consequences;
to prevent which, all my measures were directed; and, I believe, few on
board our ships left our friends here without some regret. The time
employed amongst them was not thrown away. We expended very little of
our sea provisions; subsisting in general upon the produce of the
islands, while we staid; and carrying away with us a quantity of
refreshments sufficient to last till our arrival at another station,
where we could depend upon a fresh supply. I was not sorry, besides, to
have had an opportunity of bettering the condition of these good people,
by leaving the useful animals before-mentioned among them; and, at the
same time, those designed for Otaheite, received fresh strength in the
pastures of Tongataboo. Upon the whole, therefore, the advantages we
received by touching here were very great; and I had the additional
satisfaction to reflect, that they were received, without retarding one
moment the prosecution of the great object of our voyage; the season for
proceeding to the north being, as has been already observed, lost,
before I took the resolution of bearing away for these islands.
But, besides the immediate advantages, which both the natives of the
Friendly Islands, and ourselves, received by this visit, future
navigators from Europe, if any such should ever tread our steps, will
profit by the knowledge I acquired of the geography of this part of the
Pacific Ocean; and the more philosophical reader, who loves to view
human nature in new situations, and to speculate on singular, but
faithful representations of the persons, the customs, the arts, the
religion, the government, and the language of uncultivated man, in
remote and fresh discovered quarters of the globe, will, perhaps, find
matter of amusement, if not of instruction, in the information which I
have been enabled to convey to him, concerning the inhabitants of this
Archipelago. I shall suspend my narrative, of the progress of the
voyage, while I faithfully relate what I had opportunities of collecting
on these several topics.
We found by our experience, that the best articles for traffic, at these
islands, are iron tools in general. Axes and hatchets; nails, from the
largest spike down to tenpenny ones; rasps, files, and knives, are much
sought after. Red cloth, and linen, both white and coloured;
looking-glasses, and beads, are also in estimation; but of the latter,
those that are blue are preferred to all others; and white ones are
thought the least valuable. A string of large blue beads would, at any
time, purchase a hog. But it must be observed, that such articles as are
merely ornaments, may be highly esteemed at one time, and not so at
another. When we first arrived at Annamooka, the people there would
hardly take them in exchange even for fruit; but when Feenou came, this
great man set the fashion, and brought them into vogue, till they rose
in their value to what I have just mentioned.
In return for the favourite commodities which I have enumerated, all the
refreshments may be procured that the islands produce. These are hogs,
fowls, fish, yams, bread-fruit, plantains, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane, and,
in general, every such supply as can be met with at Otaheite, or any of
the Society Islands. The yams of the Friendly Islands are excellent, and
when grown to perfection, keep very well at sea. But their pork,
bread-fruit, and plantains, though far from despicable, are,
nevertheless, much inferior in quality to the same articles at Otaheite,
and in its neighbourhood.
Good water, which ships on long voyages stand so much in need of, is
scarce at these islands. It may be found, it is true, on them all; but,
still, either in too inconsiderable quantities, or in situations too
inconvenient to serve the purposes of navigators. However, as the
islands afford plenty of provisions, and particularly of cocoa-nuts,
ships may make a tolerable shift with such water as is to be got; and if
one is not over nice, there will be no want. While we lay at anchor
under Kotoo, on our return from Hapaee, some people from Kao informed us
that there was a stream of water there, which, pouring down from the
mountain, runs into the sea on the south-west side of the island; that
is, on the side that faces Toofoa, another island remarkable for its
height, as also for having a considerable volcano in it, which, as has
been already mentioned, burnt violently all the time that we were in its
neighbourhood. It may be worth while for future navigators to attend to
this intelligence about the stream of water at Kao; especially as we
learned that there was anchorage on that part of the coast. The black
stone, of which the natives of the Friendly Islands make their hatchets
and other tools, we were informed, is the production of Toofoa.
Under the denomination of Friendly Islands, we must include not only the
group at Hapaee, which I visited, but also all those islands that have
been discovered nearly under the same meridian to the north, as well as
some others that have never been seen, hitherto, by any European
navigators; but are under the dominion of Tongataboo, which, though not
the largest, is the capital, and seat of government.
According to the information that we received there, this Archipelago is
very extensive. Above one hundred and fifty islands were reckoned up to
us by the natives, who made use of bits of leaves to ascertain their
number; and Mr. Anderson, with his usual diligence, even procured all
their names. Fifteen of them are said to be high or hilly, such as
Toofoa and Eooa; and thirty-five of them large. Of these only three were
seen this voyage; Hapaee (which is considered by the natives as one
island), Tongataboo and Eooa: of the size of the unexplored thirty-two,
nothing more can be mentioned, but that they must be all larger than
Annamooka; with those, from whom we had our information, ranked amongst
the smaller isles. Some, or indeed several, of this latter denomination,
are mere spots, without inhabitants. Sixty-one of these islands have
their proper places and names marked upon our chart of the Friendly
Islands, and upon the sketch of the harbour of Tongataboo, to both which
I refer the reader. But it must be left to future navigators to
introduce into the geography of this part of the South Pacific Ocean,
the exact situation and size of near a hundred more islands in this
neighbourhood, which we had not an opportunity to explore, and whose
existence we only learnt from the testimony of our friends, as above
mentioned. On their authority the following list of them was made; and
it may serve as a ground work for farther investigation.
_Names of the Friendly Islands and others in that Neighbourhood,
mentioned by the Inhabitants of Annamooka, Hapaee, and
Tongataboo._[196]
Komooefeeva,
Kollalona,
Felongaboonga,
Kovereetoa,
Fonogooeatta,
Modooanoogoo noogoo,
Tongooa,
Koooa,
Fonooa eeka,
_Vavaoo_,
Koloa,
Fafeene,
Taoonga,
Kobakeemotoo,
Kongahoonoho,
Komalla,
Konoababoo,
Konnetalle,
Komongoraffa,
Kotoolooa,
Kologobeele,
Kollokolahee,
Matageefaia,
Mallajee,
Noogoofaeeou,
Koreemou,
Failemaia,
Koweeka,
Konookoonama,
Kooonoogoo,
Geenageena,
Kowourogoheefo,
Kottejeea,
Kokabba,
Boloa,
Toofagga,
Loogoobahanga,
Taoola,
Maneeneeta,
Fonooaooma,
Fonooonneonne,
Wegaffa,
Fooamotoo,
Fonooalaiee,
Tattahoi,
Latte,
_Neuafo_,
_Feejee_,
_Oowaia_,
Novababoo,
Golabbe,
Vagaeetoo,
Gowakka,
_Goofoo_,
Mafanna,
Kolloooa,
Tabanna,
Motooha,
Looakabba,
Toofanaetollo,
Toofanaelaa,
_Kogoopoloo_,
_Havaeeeeke_,
_Tootooeela_,
_Manooka_,
_Leshainga_,
_Pappataia_,
_Loubatta_,
_Oloo_,
_Takounove_,
_Kopaoo_,
_Kovooeea_,
_Kongaireekee_,
_Tafeedoowaia_,
Mallalahee,
Gonoogoolaiee,
Toonabai,
Konnevy,
Konnevao,
Moggodoo,
Looamoggo,
_Kongaiarahoi_,
_Kotoobooo_,
_Komotte_,
_Komoarra_,
_Kolaiva_,
_Kofoona_,
_Konnagillelaivoo_,
_Hamoa_,
_Neeootabootaboo_,
_Fotoona_,
_Vytooboo_,
_Lotooma_,
_Toggelao_,
_Talava_.
I have not the least doubt that Prince William’s Islands, discovered and
so named by Tasman, are included in the foregoing list. For while we lay
at Hapaee, one of the natives told me, that, three or four days’ sail
from thence to the north-west, there was a cluster of small islands,
consisting of upward of forty. This situation corresponds very well with
that assigned in the accounts we have of Tasman’s voyage to his Prince
William’s Islands.[197]
We have also very good authority to believe that Keppel’s and Boscawen’s
Islands, two of Captain Wallis’s discoveries in 1765, are comprehended
in our list; and that they are not only well known to these people, but
are under the same sovereign. The following information seemed to me
decisive as to this. Upon my inquiring one day of Poulaho, the king, in
what manner the inhabitants of Tongataboo had acquired the knowledge of
iron, and from what quarter they had procured a small iron tool, which I
had seen amongst them, when I first visited their island, during my
former voyage, he informed me that they had received this iron from an
island, which he called Neeootabootaboo. Carrying my inquiries further,
I then desired to know whether he had ever been informed from whom the
people of Neeootabootaboo had got it. I found him perfectly acquainted
with its history. He said that one of those islanders sold a club for
five nails to a ship which had touched there; and that these five nails
afterward were sent to Tongataboo. He added that this was the first iron
known amongst them; so that, what Tasman left of that metal must have
been worn out, and forgot long ago. I was very particular in my
inquiries about the situation, size, and form of the island; expressing
my desire to know when this ship had touched there; how long she staid;
and whether any more were in company. The leading facts appeared to be
fresh in his memory. He said that there was but one ship; that she did
not come to an anchor, but left the island after her boat had been on
shore. And from many circumstances which he mentioned, it could not be
many years since this had happened. According to his information, there
are two islands near each other, which he himself had been at. The one
he described as high and peaked like Kao, and he called it Kootahee; the
other, where the people of the ship landed, called Neeootabootaboo, he
represented as much lower. He added, that the natives of both are the
same sort of people with those of Tongataboo; built their canoes in the
same manner; that their islands had hogs and fowls; and, in general, the
same vegetable productions. The ship so pointedly referred to in this
conversation could be no other than the Dolphin; the only single ship
from Europe, as far as we have ever learned, that had touched, of late
years, at any island in this part of the Pacific Ocean, prior to my
former visit to the Friendly Islands.[198]
But the most considerable islands in this neighbourhood that we now
heard of (and we heard a great deal about them), are Hamoa, Vavaoo, and
Feejee. Each of these was represented to us as larger than Tongataboo.
No European, that we know of, has as yet seen any one of them. Tasman,
indeed, lays down in his chart an island nearly in the situation where I
suppose Vavaoo to be; that is, about the latitude of 19°.[199] But,
then, that island is there marked as a very small one; whereas Vavaoo,
according to the united testimony of all our friends at Tongataboo,
exceeds the size of their own island, and has high mountains. I should
certainly have visited it; and have accompanied Feenou from Hapaee, if
he had not then discouraged me, by representing it to be very
inconsiderable, and without any harbour. But Poulaho, the king,
afterward assured me, that it was a large island; and that it not only
produced every thing in common with Tongataboo, but had the peculiar
advantage of possessing several streams of fresh water, with as good a
harbour as that which we found at his capital island. He offered to
attend me if I would visit it; adding, that, if I did not find every
thing agreeing with his representation, I might kill him. I had not the
least doubt of the truth of his intelligence; and was satisfied that
Feenou, from some interested view, attempted to deceive me.
Hamoa, which is also under the dominion of Tongataboo, lies two days’
sail north-west from Vavaoo. It was described to me as the largest of
all their islands, as affording harbours and good water; and as
producing, in abundance, every article of refreshment found at the
places we visited. Poulaho himself frequently resides there. It should
seem that the people of this island are in high estimation at
Tongataboo; for we were told that some of the songs and dances with
which we were entertained, had been copied from theirs; and we saw some
houses said to be built after their fashion. Mr. Anderson, always
inquisitive about such matters, learnt the three following words of the
dialect of Hamoa.
_Tamolao_[200], a chief man.
_Tamaety_, a chief woman.
_Solle_, a common man.
Feejee, as we were told, lies three days’ sail from Tongataboo, in the
direction of north-west by west. It was described to us as a high, but
very fruitful island; abounding with hogs, dogs, fowls, and all the
kinds of fruit and roots that are found in any of the others; and as
much larger than Tongataboo; to the dominion of which, as was
represented to us, it is not subject as the other islands of this
archipelago are. On the contrary, Feejee and Tongataboo frequently make
war upon each other. And it appeared, from several circumstances, that
the inhabitants of the latter are much afraid of this enemy. They used
to express their sense of their own inferiority to the Feejee men, by
bending the body forward, and covering the face with their hands. And it
is no wonder that they should be under this dread; for those of Feejee
are formidable on account of the dexterity with which they use their
bows and slings; but much more so, on account of the savage practice to
which they are addicted, like those of New Zealand, of eating their
enemies whom they kill in battle. We were satisfied that this was not a
misrepresentation. For we met with several Feejee people at Tongataboo,
and, on inquiring of them, they did not deny the charge.
Now that I am again led to speak of cannibals, let me ask those who
maintain that the want of food first brings men to feed on human flesh,
what is it that induceth the Feejee people to keep it up in the midst of
plenty? This practice is detested very much by those of Tongataboo, who
cultivate the friendship of their savage neighbours of Feejee,
apparently out of fear; though they sometimes venture to skirmish with
them on their own ground; and carry off red feathers as their booty,
which are in great plenty there, and, as has been frequently mentioned,
are in great estimation amongst our Friendly Islanders. When the two
islands are at peace, the intercourse between them seems to be pretty
frequent; though they have, doubtless, been but lately known to each
other; or we may suppose that Tongataboo and its adjoining islands would
have been supplied, before this, with a breed of dogs which abound at
Feejee, and had not been introduced at Tongataboo so late as 1773, when
I first visited it. The natives of Feejee, whom we met with here, were
of a colour that was a full shade darker than that of the inhabitants of
the Friendly Islands in general. One of them had his left ear slit, and
the lobe was so distended, that it almost reached his shoulder; which
singularity I had met with at other islands of the South Sea during my
second voyage. It appeared to me that the Feejee men, whom we now saw,
were much respected here; not only, perhaps, from the power, and cruel
manner of their nation’s going to war, but also from their ingenuity.
For they seem to excel the inhabitants of Tongataboo in that respect, if
we might judge from several specimens of their skill in workmanship
which we saw; such as clubs and spears, which were carved in a very
masterly manner; cloth beautifully chequered; variegated mats; earthen
pots, and some other articles; all which had a cast of superiority in
the execution.
I have mentioned that Feejee lies three days’ sail from Tongataboo,
because these people have no other method of measuring the distance from
island to island, but by expressing the time required to make the voyage
in one of their canoes. In order to ascertain this with some precision,
or, at least, to form some judgment how far these canoes can sail in a
moderate gale, in any given time, I went on board one of them when under
sail, and, by several trials with the log, found that she went seven
knots or miles in an hour, close hauled, in a gentle gale. From this I
judge that they will sail, on a medium, with such breezes as generally
blow in their sea, about seven or eight miles in an hour. But the length
of each day is not to be reckoned at twenty-four hours. For when they
spoke of one day’s sail, they mean no more than from the morning to the
evening of the same day; that is, ten or twelve hours at most. And two
days’ sail, with them, signifies from the morning of the first day to
the evening of the second; and so for any other number of days. In these
navigations the sun is their guide by day, and the stars by night. When
these are obscured, they have recourse to the points from whence the
winds and the waves came upon the vessel. If, during the obscuration,
both the wind and the waves should shift (which, within the limits of
the trade-wind, seldom happens at any other time), they are then
bewildered, frequently miss their intended port, and are never heard of
more. The history of Omai’s countrymen, who were driven to Wateeoo,
leads us to infer, that those not heard of are not always lost.
Of all the harbours and anchoring places I have met with amongst these
islands, that of Tongataboo is by far the best; not only on account of
its great security, but of its capacity, and of the goodness of its
bottom. The risk that we ran in entering it from the north, ought to be
a sufficient caution to every future commander not to attempt that
passage again with a ship of burden; since the other, by which we left
it, is so much more easy and safe. To sail into it by this eastern
channel, steer in for the north-east point of the island, and keep along
the north shore, with the small isles on your starboard, till you are
the length of the east point of the entrance into the _lagoon_; then
edge over for the reef of the small isles; and, on following its
direction, it will conduct you through between Makkahaaa and Monooafai,
or the fourth and fifth isles, which you will perceive to lie off the
west point of the _lagoon_. Or you may go between the third and fourth
islands, that is, between Pangimodoo and Monooafai; but this channel is
much narrower than the other. There runs a very strong tide in both. The
flood, as I have observed before, comes in from the north-west, and the
ebb returns the same way; but I shall speak of the tides in another
place. As soon as you are through either of these channels, haul in for
the shore of Tongataboo, and anchor between it and Pangimodoo, before a
creek leading into the _lagoon_; into which boats can go at half flood.
Although Tongataboo has the best harbour, Annamooka furnishes the best
water; and yet it cannot be called good. However, by digging holes near
the side of the pond, we can get what may be called tolerable. This
island too, is the best situated for drawing refreshments from all the
others, as being nearly in the centre of the whole group. Besides the
road in which we anchored, and the harbour within the south-west point,
there is a creek in the reef, before the eastern sandy cove on the north
side of the island, in which two or three ships may lie very securely,
by mooring head and stern, with their anchors or moorings fast to the
rocks.
I have already described the Hapaee islands; and shall only add to that
description by mentioning, that they extend south-west by south, and
north-east by north, about nineteen miles. The north end lies in the
latitude of 19° 39ʹ S. and 33ʹ of longitude to the east of Annamooka.
Between them are a great many small islands, sand-banks, and breakers;
so that the safest way to arrive at Hapaee is either by the course I
held, or round by the north; according to the situation of the ship
bound thither. Lefooga, off which we anchored, is the most fertile isle
of those that are called Hapaee; and, consequently, is the best
inhabited. There is anchorage along the north-west side of this island;
but it will be necessary to examine the ground well before you moor.
For, although the lead may bring up fine sand, there are, nevertheless,
some sharp coral rocks that would soon destroy the cables.
They who want a more particular description of the Friendly Islands,
must have recourse to the chart that we constructed. There every thing
is delineated with as much accuracy as circumstances would permit.
Recourse must also be had to the same chart for the better tracing the
several stations of the ships, and their route from the one island to
the other. To have swelled my journal with a minute account of bearings,
tackings, and the like, would neither have been entertaining nor
instructive.
What has been here omitted, concerning the geography of these islands,
will be found in the narrative of my last voyage.[201] To that narrative
I must also refer[202] for such particulars concerning the inhabitants,
their manners, and arts, as I had observed then, and about which I saw
no reason to change my judgment. At present I shall confine myself to
such interesting particulars, as either were not mentioned in that
narrative, or were imperfectly and incorrectly represented there; and to
such as may serve to explain some passages in the foregoing account of
our transactions with the natives.
It may, indeed, be expected that, after spending between two and three
months amongst them, I should be enabled to clear up every difficulty,
and to give a tolerably satisfactory account of their customs, opinions,
and institutions, both civil and religious; especially as we had a
person on board, who might be supposed qualified to act the part of an
interpreter, by understanding their language and ours. But poor Omai was
very deficient. For unless the object or thing we wanted to inquire
about was actually before us, we found it difficult to gain a tolerable
knowledge of it from information only, without falling into a hundred
mistakes; and to such mistakes Omai was more liable than we were. For,
having no curiosity, he never gave himself the trouble to make remarks
for himself; and, when he was disposed to explain matters to us, his
ideas appeared to be so limited, and, perhaps, so different from ours,
that his accounts were often so confused, as to perplex, instead of
instructing us. Add to this, that it was very rare that we found,
amongst the natives, a person who united the ability and the inclination
to give us the information we wanted; and we found that most of them
hated to be troubled with what they probably thought idle questions. Our
situation at Tongataboo, where we remained the longest, was likewise
unfavourable. It was in a part of the country where there were few
inhabitants except fishers. It was always holiday with our visitors, as
well as with those we visited; so that we had but few opportunities of
observing what was really the domestic way of living of the natives.
Under these disadvantages it is not surprising that we should not be
able to bring away with us satisfactory accounts of many things; but
some of us endeavoured to remedy those disadvantages by diligent
observation; and I am indebted to Mr. Anderson for a considerable share
of what follows in this and in the following chapter. In other matters I
have only expressed, nearly in his words, remarks that coincided with
mine; but what relates to the religion and language of these people, is
entirely his own.
The natives of the Friendly Islands seldom exceed the common stature
(though we have measured some who were above six feet); but are very
strong and well made, especially as to their limbs. They are generally
broad about the shoulders; and though the muscular disposition of the
men, which seems a consequence of much action, rather conveys the
appearance of strength than of beauty, there are several to be seen who
are really handsome. Their features are very various; insomuch, that it
is scarcely possible to fix on any general likeness by which to
characterize them, unless it be a fulness at the point of the nose,
which is very common. But, on the other hand, we met with hundreds of
truly European faces, and many genuine Roman noses amongst them. Their
eyes and teeth are good; but the last neither so remarkably white, nor
so well set, as is often found amongst Indian nations; though, to
balance that, few of them have any uncommon thickness about the lips, a
defect as frequent as the other perfection.
The women are not so much distinguished from the men by their features
as by their general form, which is, for the most part destitute of that
strong fleshy firmness that appears in the latter. Though the features
of some are so delicate, as not only to be a true index of their sex,
but to lay claim to a considerable share of beauty and expression, the
rule is by no means, so general as in many other countries. But, at the
same time, this is frequently the most exceptionable part; for the
bodies and limbs of most of the females are well proportioned; and some
absolutely perfect models of a beautiful figure. But the most remarkable
distinction in the women, is the uncommon smallness and delicacy of
their fingers, which may be put in competition with the finest in
Europe.
The general colour is a cast deeper than the copper brown; but several
of the men and women have a true olive complexion; and some of the last
are even a great deal fairer; which is probably the effect of being less
exposed to the sun; as a tendency to corpulence, in a few of the
principal people, seems to be the consequence of a more indolent life.
It is also amongst the last, that a soft clear skin is most frequently
observed. Amongst the bulk of the people, the skin is more commonly of a
dull hue, with some degree of roughness, especially the parts that are
not covered; which, perhaps, may be occasioned by some cutaneous
disease. We saw a man and boy at Hapaee, and a child at Annamooka,
perfectly white. Such have been found amongst all black nations; but, I
apprehend that their colour is rather a disease than a natural
phenomenon.
There are, nevertheless, upon the whole, few natural defects or
deformities to be found amongst them; though we saw two or three with
their feet bent inward; and some afflicted with a sort of blindness,
occasioned by a disease of the _cornea_. Neither are they exempt from
some other diseases. The most common of which is the tetter, or
ring-worm, that seems to affect almost one half of them, and leaves
whitish serpentine marks every where behind it. But this is of less
consequence than another disease, which is very frequent, and appears on
every part of the body, in large broad ulcers, with thick white edges,
discharging a thin clear matter; some of which had a very virulent
appearance, particularly those on the face, which were shocking to look
at; and yet we met with some who seemed to be cured of it, and others in
a fair way of being cured; but this was not affected without the loss of
the nose, or of the best part of it. As we know for a certainty[203]
(and the fact is acknowledged by themselves), that the people of these
islands were subject to this loathsome disease before the English first
visited them, notwithstanding the similarity of symptoms, it cannot be
the effect of the venereal contagion; unless we adopt a supposition,
which I could wish had sufficient foundation in truth, that the venereal
disorder was not introduced here from Europe, by our ships in 1773. It
assuredly was now found to exist amongst them; for we had not been long
there before some of our people received the infection; and I had the
mortification to learn from thence, that all the care I took, when I
first visited these islands, to prevent this dreadful disease from being
communicated to their inhabitants, had proved ineffectual. What is
extraordinary, they do not seem to regard it much; and as we saw few
signs of its destroying effects, probably the climate, and the way of
living of these people, greatly abate its virulence. There are two other
diseases frequent amongst them; one of which is an indolent firm
swelling, which affects the legs and arms, and increases them to an
extraordinary size in their whole length. The other is a tumour of the
same sort in the testicles, which sometimes exceed the size of the two
fists. But, in other respects, they may be considered as uncommonly
healthy; not a single person having been seen, during our stay, confined
to the house by sickness of any kind. On the contrary, their strength
and activity are every way answerable to their muscular appearance; and
they exert both, in their usual employment, and in their diversions, in
such a manner, that there can be no doubt of their being as yet little
debilitated by the numerous diseases that are the consequence of
indolence, and an unnatural method of life.
The graceful air and firm step with which these people walk, are not the
least obvious proof of their personal accomplishments. They consider
this as a thing so natural or so necessary to be acquired, that nothing
used to excite their laughter sooner than to see us frequently stumbling
upon the roots of trees, or other inequalities of the ground.
Their countenances very remarkably express the abundant mildness or good
nature which they possess; and are entirely free from that savage
keenness which marks nations in a barbarous state. One would indeed be
apt to fancy, that they had been bred up under the severest
restrictions, to acquire an aspect so settled, and such a command of
their passions as well as steadiness in conduct. But they are at the
same time, frank, cheerful, and good-humoured; though sometimes, in the
presence of their chiefs, they put on a degree of gravity, and such a
serious air as becomes stiff and awkward, and has an appearance of
reserve.
Their peaceable disposition is sufficiently evinced, from the friendly
reception all strangers have met with who have visited them. Instead of
offering to attack them openly or clandestinely, as has been the case
with most of the inhabitants of these seas, they have never appeared in
the smallest degree hostile; but, on the contrary, like the most
civilized people, have courted an intercourse with their visitors by
bartering, which is the only medium that unites all nations in a sort of
friendship. They understand barter (which they call _fukkatou_) so
perfectly, that at first we imagined they might have acquired this
knowledge of it by commercial intercourse with the neighbouring islands;
but we were afterward assured that they had little or no traffic, except
with Feejee, from which they get the red feathers, and the few other
articles mentioned before. Perhaps, no nation in the world traffic with
more honesty and less distrust. We could always safely permit them to
examine our goods, and to hand them about, one to another; and they put
the same confidence in us. If either party repented of the bargain, the
goods were re-exchanged with mutual consent and good-humour. Upon the
whole, they seem possessed of many of the most excellent qualities that
adorn the human mind; such as industry, ingenuity, perseverance,
affability, and, perhaps other virtues which our short stay with them
might prevent our observing.
The only defect sullying their character, that we knew of, is a
propensity to thieving; to which we found those of all ages and both
sexes addicted, and to an uncommon degree. It should, however, be
considered, that this exceptionable part of their conduct seemed to
exist merely with respect to us; for, in their general intercourse with
one another, I had reason to be of opinion, that thefts do not happen
more frequently (perhaps less so) than in other countries, the dishonest
practices of whose worthless individuals are not supposed to authorize
any indiscriminate censure on the whole body of the people. Great
allowances should be made for the foibles of these poor natives of the
Pacific Ocean, whose minds we overpowered with the glare of objects
equally new to them as they were captivating. Stealing amongst the
civilized and enlightened nations of the world, may well be considered
as denoting a character deeply stained with moral turpitude, with
avarice unrestrained by the known rules of right, and with profligacy
producing extreme indigence, and neglecting the means of relieving it.
But at the Friendly and other islands which we visited, the thefts so
frequently committed by the natives, of what we had brought along with
us, may be fairly traced to less culpable motives. They seemed to arise,
solely from an intense curiosity or desire to possess something which
they had not been accustomed to before, and belonging to a sort of
people so different from themselves. And, perhaps, if it were possible,
that a set of beings seemingly as superior in our judgment as we are in
theirs, should appear amongst us, it might be doubted, whether our
natural regard to justice would be able to restrain many from falling
into the same error. That I have assigned the true motive for their
propensity to this practice, appears from their stealing every thing
indiscriminately at first sight, before they could have the least
conception of converting their prize to any one useful purpose. But, I
believe, with us, no person would forfeit his reputation, or expose
himself to punishment, without knowing before-hand, how to employ the
stolen goods. Upon the whole, the pilfering disposition of these
islanders, though certainly disagreeable and troublesome to strangers,
was the means of affording us some information as to the quickness of
their intellects. For their small thefts were committed with much
dexterity; and those of greater consequence with a plan or scheme suited
to the importance of the objects. An extraordinary instance of the last
sort, their attempts to carry away one of the Discovery’s anchors at
mid-day, has been already related.
Their hair is in general straight, thick, and strong; though a few have
it bushy or frizzled. The natural colour, I believe, almost without
exception, is black; but the greatest part of the men, and some of the
women, have it stained of a brown or purple colour; and a few of an
orange cast. The first colour is produced by applying a sort of plaster
of burnt coral, mixed with water; the second by the raspings of a
reddish wood, which is made up with water into a poultice, and laid over
the hair; and the third is, I believe, the effect of _turmeric_ root.
When I first visited these islands, I thought it had been an universal
custom for both men and women to wear the hair short; but, during our
present longer stay, we saw a great many exceptions. Indeed they are so
whimsical in their fashions of wearing it, that it is hard to tell which
is most in vogue. Some have it cut off one side of the head, while that
on the other side remains long; some have only a portion of it cut
short, or perhaps shaved; others have it entirely cut off, except a
single lock, which is left commonly on one side, or it is suffered to
grow to its full length without any of these mutilations. The women in
general wear it short. The men have their beards cut short, and both men
and women strip the hair from their arm-pits. The operation by which
this is performed has been already described. The men are stained from
about the middle of the belly, to about half way down the thighs, with a
deep blue colour. This is done with a flat bone instrument cut full of
fine teeth, which being dipped in the staining mixture, prepared from
the juice of the _dooe dooe_, is struck into the skin with a bit of
stick, and by that means indelible marks are made. In this manner they
trace lines and figures, which, in some are very elegant, both from the
variety, and from the arrangement. The women have only a few small lines
or spots, thus imprinted on the inside of their hands. Their kings, as a
mark of distinction, are exempted from this custom, as also from
inflicting on themselves any of those bloody marks of mourning, which
shall be mentioned in another place.
The men are all circumcised, or rather supercised; as the operation
consists in cutting off only a small piece of the foreskin at the upper
part; which by that means, is rendered incapable, ever after, of
covering the _glans_. This is all they aim at; as they say the operation
is practised from a notion of cleanliness.
The dress of both men and women is the same; and consists of a piece of
cloth or matting (but mostly the former), about two yards wide, and two
and a half long; at least so long as to go once and a half round the
waist, to which it is confined by a girdle or cord. It is double before,
and hangs down like a petticoat, as low as the middle of the leg. The
upper part of the garment above the girdle, is plaited into several
folds; so that when unfolded, there is cloth sufficient to draw up and
wrap round the shoulders, which is very seldom done. This, as to form,
is the general dress; but large pieces of cloth and fine matting, are
worn only by the superior people. The inferior sort are satisfied with
small pieces; and very often wear nothing but a covering made of leaves
of plants, or the _maro_ which is a narrow piece of cloth or matting,
like a sash. This they pass between the thighs and wrap round the waist;
but the use of it is chiefly confined to the men. In their great
_haivas_, or entertainments, they have various dresses made for the
purpose; but the form is always the same; and the richest dresses are
covered, more or less, with red feathers. On what particular occasion
their chiefs wear their large red feather-caps, I could not learn. Both
men and women sometimes shade their faces from the sun with little
bonnets, made of various materials.
As the clothing, so are the ornaments, worn by those of both sexes, the
same. The most common of these are necklaces made of the fruit of the
_pandanus_, and various sweet-smelling flowers, which go under the
general name of _kahulla_. Others are composed of small shells, the wing
and leg-bones of birds, shark’s teeth, and other things; all which hang
loose upon the breast. In the same manner, they often wear a
mother-of-pearl shell neatly polished, or a ring of the same substance
carved on the upper part of the arm; rings of tortoise-shell on the
fingers; and a number of these joined together as bracelets on the
wrists.
The lobes of the ears (though, most frequently, only one,) are
perforated with two holes, in which they wear cylindrical bits of ivory,
about three inches long, introduced at one hole, and brought out of the
other; or bits of reed of the same size, filled with a yellow pigment.
This seems to be a fine powder of _turmeric_, with which the women rub
themselves all over, in the same manner as our ladies use their dry
rouge upon the cheeks.
Nothing appears to give them greater pleasure than personal cleanliness;
to produce which, they frequently bathe in the ponds, which seem to
serve no other purpose.[204] Though the water in most of them stinks
intolerably, they prefer them to the sea; and they are so sensible that
salt water hurts their skin, that when necessity obliges them to bathe
in the sea, they commonly have some cocoa-nut shells filled with fresh
water, poured over them to wash it off. They are immoderately fond of
cocoa-nut oil for the same reason; a great quantity of which they not
only pour upon their head and shoulders, but rub the body all over,
briskly, with a smaller quantity. And none but those who have seen this
practice, can easily conceive how the appearance of the skin is improved
by it. This oil, however, is not to be procured by every one; and the
inferior sort of people, doubtless, appear less smooth for want of it.
CHAP. XI.
EMPLOYMENTS OF THE WOMEN AT THE FRIENDLY ISLANDS.—OF THE MEN.—
AGRICULTURE.—CONSTRUCTION OF THEIR HOUSES.—THEIR WORKING TOOLS.—
CORDAGE, AND FISHING IMPLEMENTS.—MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.—WEAPONS.—FOOD
AND COOKERY.—AMUSEMENTS.—MARRIAGE.—MOURNING CEREMONIES FOR THE DEAD.—
THEIR DIVINITIES.—NOTIONS ABOUT THE SOUL AND A FUTURE STATE.—THEIR
PLACES OF WORSHIP.—GOVERNMENT.—MANNER OF PAYING OBEISANCE TO THE
KING.—ACCOUNT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.—REMARKS ON THEIR LANGUAGE, AND A
SPECIMEN OF IT.—NAUTICAL AND OTHER OBSERVATIONS.
Their domestic life is of that middle kind, neither so laborious as to
be disagreeable, nor so vacant as to suffer them to degenerate into
indolence. Nature has done so much for their country, that the first can
hardly occur, and their disposition seems to be a pretty good bar to the
last. By this happy combination of circumstances, their necessary labour
seems to yield in its turn to their recreations, in such a manner, that
the latter are never interrupted by the thoughts of being obliged to
recur to the former, till satiety makes them wish for such a transition.
The employment of the women is of the easy kind, and, for the most part,
such as may be executed in the house. The manufacturing their cloth, is
wholly consigned to their care. Having already described the process, I
shall only add, that they have this cloth of different degrees of
fineness. The coarser sort, of which they make very large pieces, does
not receive the impression of any pattern. Of the finer sort they have
some that is striped and chequered, and of other patterns differently
coloured. But how these colours are laid on, I cannot say, as I never
saw any of this sort made. The cloth in general will resist water for
some time; but that which has the strongest glaze will resist longest.
The manufacture next in consequence, and also within the department of
the women, is that of their mats, which excel every thing I have seen at
any other place, both as to their texture and their beauty. In
particular, many of them are so superior to those made at Otaheite, that
they are not a bad article to carry thither by way of trade. Of these
mats, they have seven or eight different sorts, for the purposes of
wearing or sleeping upon, and many are merely ornamental. The last are
chiefly made from the tough membraneous part of the stock of the
plantain tree; those that they wear from the _pandanus_, cultivated for
that purpose, and never suffered to shoot into a trunk; and the coarser
sort, which they sleep upon, from a plant called _evarra_. There are
many other articles of less note, that employ the spare time of their
females; as combs of which they make vast numbers; and little baskets
made of the same substance as the mats, and others of the fibrous
cocoa-nut husk, either plain or interwoven with small beads; but all
finished with such neatness and taste in the disposition of the various
parts, that a stranger cannot help admiring their assiduity and
dexterity.
The province allotted to the men is, as might be expected, far more
laborious and extensive than that of the women. Agriculture,
architecture, boat-building, fishing, and other things that relate to
navigation, are the objects of their care.[205] Cultivated roots and
fruits being their principal support, this requires their constant
attention to agriculture, which they pursue very diligently, and seem to
have brought almost to as great perfection as circumstances will permit.
The large extent of the plantain fields has been taken notice of
already; and the same may be said of the yams; these two together being
at least as ten to one with respect to all the other articles. In
planting both these, they dig small holes for their reception, and
afterward root up the surrounding grass, which, in this hot country is
quickly deprived of its vegetating power, and soon rotting, becomes a
good manure. The instruments they use for this purpose, which they call
_hooo_, are nothing more than pickets or stakes of different lengths,
according to the depth they have to dig. These are flattened and
sharpened to an edge at one end; and the largest have a short piece
fixed transversely, for pressing it into the ground with the foot. With
these, though they are not more than from two to four inches broad, they
dig and plant ground of many acres in extent. In planting the plantains
and yams, they observe so much exactness, that whichever way you look,
the rows present themselves regular and complete.
The cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees are scattered about without any
order, and seem to give them no trouble after they have attained a
certain height. The same may be said of another large tree which
produces great numbers of a large roundish compressed nut, called
_eeefee_; and of a smaller tree that bears a rounded oval nut two inches
long, with two or three triangular kernels, tough and insipid, called
_mabba_, most frequently planted near their houses.
The _kappe_ is commonly regularly planted, and in pretty large spots;
but the _mawhaha_ is interspersed amongst other things, as the _jeejee_
and _yams_ are; the last of which, I have frequently seen in the
interspaces of the plantain trees at their common distance. Sugar-cane
is commonly in small spots, crowded closely together; and the mulberry,
of which the cloth is made, though without order, has sufficient room
allowed for it, and is kept very clean. The only other plant, that they
cultivate for their manufactures, is the _pandanus_; which is generally
planted in a row close together at the sides of the other fields; and
they consider it as a thing so distinct in this state, that they have a
different name for it; which shows that they are very sensible of the
great changes brought about by cultivation.
It is remarkable that these people, who in many things show much taste
and ingenuity, should show little of either in building their houses;
though the defect is rather in the design, than in the execution. Those
of the lower people are poor huts, scarcely sufficient to defend them
from the weather, and very small. Those of the better sort are larger
and more comfortable; but not what one might expect. The dimensions of
one of a middling size are about thirty feet long, twenty broad, and
twelve high. Their house is, properly speaking a thatched roof or shed,
supported by posts and rafters disposed in a very judicious manner. The
floor is raised with earth smoothed, and covered with strong thick
matting, and kept very clean. The most of them are closed on the weather
side (and some more than two-thirds round), with strong mats or with
branches of the cocoa-nut tree, platted or woven into each other. These
they fix up edgewise, reaching from the eaves to the ground; and thus
they answer the purpose of a wall. A thick strong mat about two and one
half or three feet broad, bent into the form of a semi-circle, and set
upon its edge, with the ends touching the side of the house, in shape
resembling the fender of a fire-hearth, encloses a space for the master
and mistress of the family to sleep in. The lady, indeed, spends most of
her time during the day within it. The rest of the family sleep upon the
floor, wherever they please to lie down; the unmarried men and women
apart from each other; or, if the family be large, there are small huts
adjoining to which the servants retire in the night; so that privacy is
as much observed here, as one could expect. They have mats made on
purpose for sleeping on; and the clothes that they wear in the day,
serve for their covering in the night. Their whole furniture consists of
a bowl or two, in which they make _kava_; a few gourds; cocoa-nut
shells; some small wooden stools which serve them for pillows; and,
perhaps, a large stool for the chief or master of the family to sit
upon.
The only probable reason I can assign for their neglect of ornamental
architecture in the construction of their houses, is their being fond of
living much in the open air. Indeed, they seem to consider their houses,
within which they seldom eat, as of little use but to sleep in, and to
retire to in bad weather. And the lower sort of people who spend a great
part of their time in close attendance upon the chiefs, can have little
use for their own houses, but in the last case.
They make amends for the defects of their houses, by their great
attention to, and dexterity in naval architecture, if I may be allowed
to give it that name. But I refer to the narrative of my last voyage for
an account of their canoes, and their manner of building and navigating
them.[206]
The only tools which they use to construct these boats, are hatchets, or
rather thick adzes, of a smooth black stone that abounds at Toofoa;
augres, made of shark’s teeth, fixed on small handles; and rasps of a
rough skin of a fish, fastened on flat pieces of wood thinner on one
side, which also have handles. The labour and time employed in finishing
their canoes, which are the most perfect of their mechanical productions
will account for their being very careful of them. For they are built
and preserved under sheds; or they cover the decked part of them with
cocoa-leaves, when they are hauled on shore to prevent their being hurt
by the sun.
The same tools are all they have for other works; if we except different
shells, which they use as knives. But there are few of their productions
that require these, unless it be some of their weapons; the other
articles being chiefly their fishing materials, and cordage.
The cordage is made from the fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, which, though
not more than nine or ten inches long, they plat about the size of a
quill or less, to any length that they please, and roll it up in balls;
from which the larger ropes are made, by twisting several of these
together. The lines that they fish with are as strong and even as the
best cord we make, resembling it almost in every respect. The other
fishing implements are large and small hooks. The last are composed
entirely of pearl-shell; but the first are only covered with it on the
back; and the points of both commonly of tortoise-shell; those of the
small being plain, and the others barbed. With the large ones they catch
bonnetos and albicores, by putting them to a bamboo rod twelve or
fourteen feet long, with a line of the same length, which rests in a
notch of a piece of wood, fixed in the stern of the canoe for that
purpose, and is dragged on the surface of the sea, as she rows along,
without any other bait than a tuft of flaxy stuff near the point. They
have also great numbers of pretty small seines, some of which are of a
very delicate texture. These they use to catch fish with, in the holes
on the reefs when the tide ebbs.
The other manual employments consist chiefly in making musical reeds,
flutes, warlike weapons, and stools, or rather pillows, to sleep on. The
reeds have eight, nine, or ten pieces placed parallel to each other, but
not in any regular progression; having the longest sometimes in the
middle, and several of the same length; so that I have seen none with
more than six notes; and they seem incapable of playing any music on
them that is distinguishable by our ears. The flutes are a joint of
bamboo, close at both ends, with a hole near each, and four others; two
of which, and one of the first only, are used in playing. They apply the
thumb of the left hand to close the left nostril, and blow into the hole
at one end with the other. The middle finger of the left hand is applied
to the first hole on the left, and the fore-finger of the right to the
lowest hole on that side. In this manner, though the notes are only
three, they produce a pleasing, yet simple music, which they vary much
more than one would think possible with so imperfect an instrument.
Their being accustomed to a music which consists of so few notes, is
perhaps the reason why they do not seem to relish any of ours, which is
so complex. But they can taste what is more deficient than their own;
for we observed that they used to be well pleased with hearing the chant
of our two young New Zealanders, which consisted rather in mere strength
than in melody of expression.
The weapons which they make are clubs of different sorts (in the
ornamenting of which they spend much time), spears, and darts. They have
also bows and arrows; but these seemed to be designed only for
amusement, such as shooting at birds, and not for military purposes. The
stools are about two feet long, but only four or five inches high, and
near four broad, bending downward in the middle, with four strong legs
and circular feet; the whole made of one piece of black or brown wood,
neatly polished, and sometimes inlaid with bits of ivory. They also
inlay the handles of fly-flaps with ivory, after being neatly carved;
and they shape bones into small figures of men, birds, and other things,
which must be very difficult, as their carving instrument is only a
shark’s tooth.
Yams, plantains, and cocoa-nuts, compose the greatest part of their
vegetable diet. Of their animal food, the chief articles are hogs,
fowls, fish, and all sorts of shell-fish; but the lower people eat rats.
The two first vegetable articles, with bread-fruit, are what may be
called the basis of their food, at different times of the year, with
fish and shell-fish; for hogs, fowls, and turtle, seem only to be
occasional dainties reserved for their chiefs. The intervals between the
seasons of these vegetable productions must be, sometimes, considerable,
as they prepare a sort of artificial bread from plantains, which they
put under ground before ripe, and suffer them to remain, till they
ferment, when they are taken out, and made up into small balls; but so
sour and indifferent, that they often said our bread was preferable,
though somewhat musty.
Their food is generally dressed by baking, in the same manner as at
Otaheite; and they have the art of making, from different kinds of
fruit, several dishes, which most of us esteemed very good. I never saw
them make use of any kind of sauce; nor drink any thing at their meals
but water, or the juice of the cocoa-nut; for the _kava_ is only their
morning draught. I cannot say that they are cleanly either in their
cookery or manner of eating. The generality of them will lay their
victuals upon the first leaf they meet with, however dirty it may be;
but when food is served up to the chiefs, it is commonly laid upon green
plantain leaves. When the king made a meal, he was, for the most part,
attended upon by three or four persons. One cut large pieces of the
joint, or of the fish; another divided it into mouthfuls; and others
stood by with cocoa-nuts, and whatever else he might want. I never saw a
large company sit down to what we should call a sociable meal, by eating
from the same dish. The food, be what it will, is always divided into
portions, each to serve a certain number; these portions are again
subdivided; so that one seldom sees above two or three persons eating
together. The women are not excluded from eating with the men; but there
are certain ranks or orders amongst them, that can neither eat nor drink
together. This distinction begins with the king; but where it ends I
cannot say.
They seem to have no set time for meals; though it should be observed,
that, during our stay amongst them, their domestic economy was much
disturbed by their constant attention to us. As far as we could remark,
those of the superior rank only drink _kava_ in the forenoon, and the
others eat perhaps a bit of yam; but we commonly saw all of them eat
something in the afternoon. It is probable that the practice of making a
meal in the night is pretty common; and their rest being thus
interrupted, they frequently sleep in the day. They go to bed as soon as
it is dark, and rise with the dawn in the morning.[207]
They are very fond of associating together; so that it is common to find
several houses empty, and the owners of them convened in some other one,
or rather upon a convenient spot in the neighbourhood, where they
recreate themselves by conversing, and other amusements. Their private
diversions are chiefly singing, dancing, and music performed by the
women. When two or three women sing in concert, and snap their fingers,
it is called _oobai_; but when there is a greater number, they divide
into several parties, each of which sings on a different key, which
makes a very agreeable music, and is called _heeva_ or _haiva_. In the
same manner, they vary the music of their flutes, by playing on those of
a different size; but their dancing is much the same as when they
perform publicly. The dancing of the men (if it is to be called
dancing), although it does not consist much in moving the feet, as we
do, has a thousand different motions with the hands, to which we are
entire strangers; and they are performed with an ease and grace which
are not to be described, nor even conceived, but by those who have seen
them. But I need add nothing to what has been already said on this
subject, in the account of the incidents that happened during our stay
at the islands.[208]
Whether their marriages be made lasting by any kind of solemn contract,
we could not determine with precision; but it is certain, that the bulk
of the people satisfied themselves with one wife. The chiefs, however,
have commonly several women[209]; though some of us were of opinion that
there was only one that was looked upon as the mistress of the family.
As female chastity at first sight seemed to be held in no great
estimation, we expected to have found frequent breaches of their
conjugal fidelity; but we did them great injustice. I do not know that a
single instance happened during our whole stay.[210] Neither are those
of the better sort, that are unmarried, more free of their favours. It
is true there was no want of those of a different character; and,
perhaps, such are more frequently met with here, in proportion to the
number of people, than in many other countries. But it appeared to me
that the most, if not all of them, were of the lowest class; and such of
them as permitted familiarities to our people, were prostitutes by
profession.
Nothing can be a greater proof of the humanity of these people, than the
concern they show for the dead.[211] To use a common expression, their
mourning is not in words but deeds. For, besides the _tooge_ mentioned
before, and burnt circles and scars, they beat the teeth with stones,
strike a shark’s tooth into the head until the blood flows in streams,
and thrust spears into the inner part of the thigh, into their sides
below the arm-pits, and through the cheeks into the mouth. All these
operations convey an idea of such rigorous discipline, as must require
either an uncommon degree of affection or the grossest superstition, to
exact. I will not say that the last has no share in it; for, sometimes,
it is so universal, that many could not have any knowledge of the person
for whom the concern is expressed. Thus we saw the people of Tongataboo
mourning the death of a chief at Vavaoo; and other similar instances
occurred during our stay. It should be observed, however, that the more
painful operations are only practised on account of the death of those
most nearly connected with the mourners. When a person dies, he is
buried, after being wrapped up in mats and cloth, much after our manner.
The chiefs seem to have the _fiatookas_ appropriated to them as their
burial-places; but the common people are interred in no particular
spot.[212] What part of the mourning ceremony follows immediately after,
is uncertain; but, that there is something besides the general one,
which is continued for a considerable length of time, we could infer,
from being informed, that the funeral of Mareewagee’s wife, as mentioned
before, was to be attended with ceremonies that were to last five days;
and in which all the principal people were to commemorate her.
Their long and general mourning, proves that they consider death as a
very great evil. And this is confirmed by a very odd custom which they
practise to avert it. When I first visited these Islands, during my last
voyage, I observed that many of the inhabitants had one or both of their
little fingers cut off; and we could not then receive any satisfactory
account of the reason of this mutilation.[213] But we now learned that
this operation is performed when they labour under some grievous
disease, and think themselves in danger of dying. They suppose that the
deity will accept of the little finger, as a sort of sacrifice
efficacious enough to procure the recovery of their health. They cut it
off with one of their stone hatchets. There was scarcely one in ten of
them whom we did not find thus mutilated in one or both hands; which has
a disagreeable effect, especially as they sometimes cut so close, that
they encroach upon the bone of the hand which joins to the amputated
finger.[214]
From the rigid severity with which some of these mourning and religious
ceremonies are executed, one would expect to find that they meant
thereby to secure to themselves felicity beyond the grave; but their
principal object relates to things merely temporal. For they seem to
have little conception of future punishment for faults committed in this
life. They believe, however, that they are justly punished upon earth;
and, consequently, use every method to render their divinities
propitious. The Supreme Author of most things they call _Kallafootonga_;
who, they say, is a female residing in the sky, and directing the
thunder, wind, rain; and, in general, all the changes of weather. They
believe, that when she is angry with them, the productions of the earth
are blasted; that many things are destroyed by lightning; and that they
themselves are afflicted with sickness and death, as well as their hogs
and other animals. When this anger abates, they suppose that every thing
is restored to its natural order; and it should seem, that they have a
great reliance on the efficacy of their endeavours to appease their
offended divinity. They also admit a plurality of deities, though all
inferior to _Kallafootonga_. Amongst them, they mention
_Toofooa-boolootoo_, God of the clouds and fog; _Talleteboo_, and some
others, residing in the heavens. The first in rank and power, who has
the government of the sea and its productions, is called _Futtafaihe_,
or, as it was sometimes pronounced, _Footafooa_; who, they say, is a
male, and has for his wife _Fykava kajeea_; and here, as in heaven,
there are several inferior potentates, such as _Vahaa fonooa_,
_Tareeava_, _Mattaba_, _Evaroo_, and others. The same religious system,
however, does not extend all over the cluster of the Friendly Isles; for
the supreme god of _Hapaee_, for instance, is called _Alo Alo_; and
other isles have two or three, of different names. But their notions of
the power and other attributes of these beings, are so very absurd, that
they suppose they have no farther concern with them after death.
They have, however, very proper sentiments about the immateriality and
the immortality of the soul. They call it life, the living principle,
or, what is more agreeable to their notions of it, an _Otooa_; that is,
a divinity, or invisible being. They say, that, immediately upon death,
the souls of their chiefs separate from their bodies, and go to a place
called _Boolootoo_; the chief, or god of which is _Goleho_. This
_Gooleho_ seems to be a personification of death; for they used to say
to us, “You, and the men of Feejee (by this junction, meaning to pay a
compliment, expressive of their confession of our superiority over
themselves,) are also subject to the power and dominion of _Gooleho_.”
His country, the general receptacle of the dead, according to their
mythology, was never seen by any person; and yet, it seems, they know
that it lies to the westward of Feejee; and that they who are once
transported thither, live for ever; or, to use their own expression, are
not subject to death again; but feast upon all the favourite products of
their own country, with which this everlasting abode is supposed to
abound. As to the souls of the lower sort of people, they undergo a sort
of transmigration; or, as they say, are eaten up by a bird called
_loata_, which walks upon their graves for that purpose.
I think I may venture to assert, that they do not worship any thing that
is the work of their own hands, or any visible part of the creation.
They do not make offerings of hogs, dogs, and fruit, as at Otaheite,
unless it be emblematically; for their _morais_ were perfectly free from
every thing of the kind. But that they offer real human sacrifices, is
with me beyond a doubt. Their _morais_ or _fiatookas_ (for they are
called by both names, but mostly by the latter), are, as at Otaheite and
many other parts of the world, burying-grounds, and places of worship;
though some of them seemed to be only appropriated to the first purpose;
but these were small, and in every other respect inferior to the others.
Of the nature of their government, we know no more than the general
outline. A subordination is established among them, that resembles the
feudal system of our progenitors in Europe. But of its subdivisions, of
the constituent parts, and in what manner they are connected, so as to
form a body politic, I confess myself totally ignorant. Some of them
told us that the power of the king is unlimited, and that the life and
property of the subject is at his disposal. But the few circumstances
that fell under our observation, rather contradicted than confirmed the
idea of a despotic government. Mareewagee, old Tooboo, and Feenou, acted
each like petty sovereigns, and frequently thwarted the measures of the
king; of which he often complained. Neither was his court more splendid
than those of the two first, who are the most powerful chiefs in the
islands; and next to them, Feenou, Mareewagee’s son, seemed to stand
highest in authority. But, however independent on the despotic power of
the king the great men may be, we saw instances enough to prove, that
the lower order of people have no property, nor safety for their
persons, but at the will of the chiefs to whom they respectively belong.
Tongataboo is divided into many districts; of above thirty of which we
learned the names. Each of these has its particular chief, who decides
differences, and distributes justice within his own district. But we
could not form any satisfactory judgment about the extent of their power
in general, or their mode of proportioning punishments to crimes. Most
of these chiefs have possessions in other islands, from whence they draw
supplies. At least, we know this is so with respect to the king, who, at
certain established times, receives the product of his distant domains
at Tongataboo; which is not only the principal place of his residence,
but seemingly of all the people of consequence amongst these isles. Its
inhabitants, in common conversation, call it the Land of Chiefs; while
the subordinate isles are distinguished by the appellation of Lands of
Servants.
These chiefs are, by the people, styled not only lords of the earth, but
of the sun and sky; and the king’s family assume the name of Futtafaihe,
from the god so called, who is probably their tutelary patron, and
perhaps their common ancestor. The sovereign’s peculiar earthly title
is, however, simply _Tooee Tonga_.
There is a decorum observed in the presence of their principal men, and
particularly of their king, that is truly admirable. Whenever he sits
down, whether it be in a house or without, all the attendants seat
themselves at the same time, in a semicircle before him; leaving always
a convenient space between him and them, into which no one attempts to
come, unless he has some particular business. Neither is any one allowed
to pass or sit behind him, nor even near him, without his order or
permission; so that our having been indulged with this privilege, was a
significant proof of the great respect that was paid us. When any one
wants to speak with the king, he advances and sits down before him,
delivers what he has to say in a few words, and having received his
answer, retires again to the circle. But if the king speaks to any one,
that person answers from his seat, unless he is to receive some order,
in which case he gets up from his place and sits down before the chief
with his legs across; which is a posture to which they are so much
accustomed, that any other mode of sitting is disagreeable to them.[215]
To speak to the king standing would be accounted here as striking a mark
of rudeness, as it would be with us, for one to sit down and put on his
hat, when he addresses himself to his superior, and that superior on his
feet, and uncovered.
It does not indeed appear that any of the most civilized nations, have
ever exceeded this people in the great order observed on all occasions;
in ready compliance with the commands of their chiefs; and in the
harmony that subsists throughout all ranks, and unites them as if they
were all one man, informed with and directed by the same principle. Such
a behaviour is remarkably obvious, whenever it is requisite that their
chief should harangue any body of them collected together, which is
frequently done. The most profound silence and attention is observed
during the harangue, even to a much greater degree than is practised
amongst us, on the most interesting and serious deliberations of our
most respectable assemblies. And whatever might have been the subject of
the speech delivered, we never saw an instance when any individual
present showed signs of his being displeased, or that indicated the
least inclination to dispute the declared will of a person who had a
right to command. Nay, such is the force of these verbal laws, as I may
call them, that I have seen one of their chiefs express his being
astonished at a person’s having acted contrary to such orders; though it
appeared that the poor man could not possibly have been informed in time
to have observed them.[216]
Though some of the more potent chiefs may vie with the king in point of
actual possessions, they fall very short in rank, and in certain marks
of respect, which the collective body have agreed to pay the monarch. It
is a particular privilege annexed to his sovereignty, not to be
punctured nor circumcised as all his subjects are. Whenever he walks
out, every one whom he meets must sit down till he has passed. No one is
allowed to be over his head; on the contrary, all must come under his
feet; for there cannot be a greater outward mark of submission, than
that which is paid to the sovereign, and other great people of these
islands, by their inferiors. The method is this; the person who is to
pay obeisance squats down before the chief, and bows the head to the
sole of his foot; which, when he sits, is so placed that it can be
easily come at; and having tapped, or touched it with the under and
upper side of the fingers of both hands, he rises up and retires. It
should seem, that the king cannot refuse any one who chooses to pay him
this homage, which is called _moe moea_; for the common people would
frequently take it into their heads to do it when he was walking; and he
was always obliged to stop, and hold up one of his feet behind him, till
they had performed the ceremony. This, to a heavy unwieldy man, like
Poulaho, must be attended with some trouble and pain; and I have
sometimes seen him make a run, though very unable, to get out of the
way, or to reach a place where he might conveniently sit down. The
hands, after this application of them to the chief’s feet, are, in some
cases, rendered useless for a time; for, until they be washed, they must
not touch any kind of food. This interdiction in a country where water
is so scarce, would seem to be attended with some inconvenience; but
they are never at a loss for a succedaneum; and a piece of any juicy
plant, which they can easily procure immediately, being rubbed upon
them, this serves for the purpose of purification, as well as washing
them with water. When the hands are in this state, they call it _taboo
rema_. _Taboo_, in general, signifies forbidden, and _rema_ is their
word for hand.
When the _taboo_ is incurred by paying obeisance to a great personage,
it is thus easily washed off. But in some other cases it must
necessarily continue for a certain time. We have frequently seen women,
who have been _taboo rema_, fed by others. At the expiration of the
time, the interdicted person washes herself in one of their baths, which
are dirty holes, for the most part, of brackish water. She then waits
upon the king, and after making her obeisance in the usual way, lays
hold of his foot and applies it to her breast, shoulders, and other
parts of her body. He then embraces her on each shoulder; after which
she retires purified from her uncleanness. I do not know that it is
always necessary to come to the king for this purpose, though Omai
assured me it was. If this be so, it may be one reason why he is, for
the most part, travelling from island to island. I saw this ceremony
performed by him two or three times; and once by Feenou, to one of his
own women; but as Omai was not then with me, I could not ask the
occasion.
_Taboo_, as I have before observed, is a word of an extensive
signification. Human sacrifices are called _tangata taboo_; and when any
thing is forbidden to be eaten, or made use of, they say that it is
_taboo_. They tell us, that if the king should happen to go into a house
belonging to a subject, that house would be _taboo_, and could never
more be inhabited by the owner; so that wherever he travels, there are
particular houses for his reception. Old Toobou, at this time, presided
over the _taboo_; that is, if Omai comprehended the matter rightly, he
and his deputies inspected all the produce of the island; taking care
that every man should cultivate and plant his quota; and ordering what
should be eaten, and what not. By this wise regulation they effectually
guard against a famine; a sufficient quantity of ground is employed in
raising provisions; and every article thus raised, is secured from
unnecessary waste.
By another prudent regulation in their government, they have an officer
over the police, or something like it. This department, when we were
amongst them, was administered by Feenou; whose business we were told it
was to punish all offenders, whether against the state or against
individuals. He was also generalissimo, and commanded the warriors, when
called out upon service; but, by all accounts, this is very seldom. The
king frequently took some pains to inform us of Feenou’s office; and
among other things, told us that if he himself should become a bad man,
Feenou would kill him. What I understood by this expression of being a
bad man, was, that if he did not govern according to law or custom,
Feenou would be ordered, by the other great men, or by the people at
large, to put him to death. There should seem to be no doubt, that a
sovereign, thus liable to be controled and punished for an abuse of
power, cannot be called a despotic monarch.
When we consider the number of islands that compose this little state,
and the distance at which some of them lie from the seat of government,
attempts to throw off the yoke, and to acquire independency, it should
seem, might be apprehended; but they tell us that this never happens.
One reason why they are not thus disturbed, by domestic quarrels, may be
this; that all the powerful chiefs, as we have already mentioned, reside
at Tongataboo. They also secure the dependence of the other islands by
the celerity of their operations; for if, at any time, a troublesome and
popular man should start up in any of them, Feenou, or whoever holds his
office, is immediately dispatched thither to kill him. By this means,
they crush a rebellion in its very infancy.
The orders or classes amongst their chiefs, or those who call themselves
such, seemed to be almost as numerous as amongst us; but there are few
in comparison that are lords of large districts of territory, the rest
holding their lands under those principal barons, as they may be called.
I was indeed told that when a man of property dies, every thing he
leaves behind him falls to the king; but that it is usual to give it to
the eldest son of the deceased, with an obligation to make a provision
out of it for the rest of the children. It is not the custom here, as at
Otaheite, for the son, the moment he is born, to take from the father
the homage and title; but he succeeds to them at his decease; so that
their form of government is not only monarchical but hereditary.
The order of succession to the crown has not been of late interrupted;
for we know from a particular circumstance, that the Futtafaihes
(Poulaho being only an addition to distinguish the king from the rest of
his family) have reigned in a direct line, for at least one hundred and
thirty-five years. Upon inquiring whether any account had been preserved
amongst them of the arrival of Tasman’s ships, we found that this
history had been handed down to them from their ancestors, with an
accuracy which marks that oral tradition may sometimes be depended upon.
For they described the two ships as resembling ours, mentioning the
place where they had anchored; their having staid but a few days; and
their moving from that station to Annamooka. And by way of informing us
how long ago this had happened, they told us the name of the Futtafaihe
who was then king, and of those who had succeeded down to Poulaho, who
is the fifth since that period; the first being an old man, at the time
of the arrival of the ships.
From what has been said of the present king, it would be natural to
suppose, that he had the highest rank of any person in the islands. But
to our great surprise, we found it is not so; for Latoolibooloo, the
person who was pointed out to me as king when I first visited
Tongataboo, and three women, are, in some respects, superior to Poulaho
himself. On our inquiring who these extraordinary personages were, whom
they distinguish by the name and title of _Tammaha_[217]? we were told
that the late king, Poulaho’s father, had a sister of equal rank, and
elder than himself; that she, by a man who came from the island of
Feejee, had a son and two daughters; and that these three persons, as
well as their mother, rank above Futtafaihe the king. We endeavoured, in
vain, to trace the reason of this singular preeminence of the
_Tammahas_; for we could learn nothing besides this account of their
pedigree. The mother and one of the daughters, called Tooeela-kaipa,
live at Vavaoo. Latoolibooloo, the son, and the other daughter, whose
name is Moungoula-kaipa, reside at Tongataboo. The latter is the woman
who is mentioned to have dined with me on the 21st of June. This gave
occasion to our discovering her superiority over the king, who would not
eat in her presence, though she made no scruple to do so before him, and
received from him the customary obeisance, by touching her foot. We
never had an opportunity of seeing him pay this mark of respect to
Latoolibooloo; but we have observed him leave off eating, and have his
victuals put aside, when the latter came into the same house.
Latoolibooloo assumed the privilege of taking any thing from the people,
even if it belonged to the king; and yet in the ceremony called
_Natche_, he assisted only in the same manner as the other principal
men. He was looked upon by his countrymen, as a madman; and many of his
actions seemed to confirm this judgment. At Eooa, they showed me a good
deal of land, said to belong to him; and I saw there a son of his, a
child whom they distinguished by the same title as his father. The son
of the greatest Prince in Europe could not be more humoured and caressed
than this little _Tammaha_ was.
The language of the Friendly Islands has the greatest affinity
imaginable to that of New Zealand, of Wateeoo, and Mangeea; and,
consequently, to that of Otaheite, and the Society islands. There are
also many of their words the same with those used by the natives of
Cocos Island, as appears from the vocabulary collected there by Le Maire
and Schouten.[218] The mode of pronunciation differs, indeed,
considerably, in many instances, from that both of New Zealand and
Otaheite; but still a great number of words are either exactly the same,
or so little changed, that their common original may be satisfactorily
traced. The language, as spoken at the Friendly Islands, is sufficiently
copious for all the ideas of the people; and we had many proofs of its
being easily adapted to all musical purposes, both in song and in
recitative; besides being harmonious enough in common conversation. Its
component parts, as far as our scanty acquaintance with it enabled us to
judge, are not numerous; and in some of its rules, it agrees with other
known languages. As, for instance, we could easily discern the several
degrees of comparison, as used in the Latin; but none of the inflections
of nouns and verbs.
We were able to collect several hundreds of the words; and, amongst
these, are terms that express numbers as far as a hundred thousand;
beyond which they never would reckon. It is probable, indeed, that they
are not able to go farther; for, after having got thus far, we observed
that they commonly used a word which expresses an indefinite number. A
short specimen, selected from the larger vocabulary, is here inserted,
with the corresponding words, of the same signification as used at
Otaheite, on the opposite column; which, while it will give, as we may
say, ocular demonstration of their being dialects of the same language,
will, at the same time, point out the particular letters by the
insertion, omission, or alteration of which the variations of the two
dialects from each other have been effected.
It must be observed, however, that our vocabularies of this sort must
necessarily be liable to great mistakes. The ideas of those from whom we
were to learn the words were so different from ours, that it was
difficult to fix them to the object of inquiry. Or, if this could be
obtained, to learn an unknown tongue from an instructor who did not know
a single word of any language that his scholar was conversant with,
could not promise to produce much. But even, when these difficulties
were surmounted, there still remained a fruitful source of mistake. I
mean, inaccuracy in catching exactly the true sound of a word to which
our ears had never been accustomed, from persons whose mode of
pronunciation was, in general, so indistinct, that it seldom happened
that any two of us, in writing down the same word from the same mouth,
made use of the same vowels in representing it. Nay, we even very
commonly differed about consonants, the sounds of which are least liable
to ambiguity. Besides all this, we found, by experience, that we had
been led into strange corruptions of some of the most common words,
either from the natives endeavouring to imitate us, or from our having
misunderstood them. Thus, _cheeto_ was universally used by us to express
a thief, though totally different from the real word in the language of
Tongataboo. The mistake arose from a prior one into which we had ran
when at New Zealand; for though the word that signifies thief there, be
absolutely the same that belongs to the dialect of the Friendly Islands
(being _kaeehaa_ at both places), yet, by some blunder, we had used the
word _teete_ first at New Zealand, and afterward at Tongataboo, on our
arrival there. The natives, endeavouring to imitate us as nearly as they
could, and so fabricating the word _cheeto_, this, by a complication of
mistakes, was adopted by us as their own. All possible care has been
taken to make the following table as correct as possible:
English. _Friendly Islands._ _Otaheite._
_The sun_, Elaa, Eraa.
_Fire_, Eafoi, Eahoi.
_Thunder_, Fatoore, Pateere.
_Rain_, Ooha, Eooa.
_The wind_, Matangee, Mataee.
_Warm_, Mafanna, Mahanna.
_The clouds_, Ao, Eao.
_Land_, Fonooa, Fenooa.
_Water_, Avy, Evy.
_Sleep_, Mohe, Moe.
_A man_, Tangata, Taata.
_A woman_, Vefaine, Waheine.
_A young girl_, Taheine, Toonea.
_A servant_, or
_person of mean
rank_, Tooa, Toutou, _or_ teou.
_The dawn_, or
_day-break_, Aho, Aou.
_The hair_, Fooroo, Eroroo.
_The tongue_, Elelo, Erero.
_The ear_, Tareenga, Tareea.
_The beard_, Koomoo, Ooma.
_The sea_, Tahee, Taee.
_A boat_, or
_canoe_, Wakka, Evaa.
_Black_, Oole, Ere.
_Red_, Goola, Oora, oora.
_A lance or spear_, Tao, Tao.
_A parent_, Motooa, Madooa.
_What is that?_ Kohaeea? Yahaeea?
_To hold fast_, Amou, Mou.
_To wipe or clean
any thing_ Horo, Horoee.
_To rise up_, Etoo, Atoo.
_To cry or shed
tears_, Tangee, Taee.
_To eat_ or _chew_, Eky, Ey.
_Yes_, Ai, Ai.
_No_, Kaee, Aee.
_You_, Koe, Oe.
_I_, Ou, Wou.
_Ten_, Ongofooro, Ahooroo.
Having now concluded my remarks on these islands and people, I shall
take my final leave of them, after giving some account of the
astronomical and nautical observations that were made during our stay.
And first I must take notice, that the difference of longitude between
Annamooka and Tongataboo, is somewhat less than was marked in the chart
and narrative of my last voyage. This error might easily arise, as the
longitude of each was then found without any connection with the other.
But now the distance between them is determined to a degree of precision
that excludes all possibility of mistake; which the following table will
illustrate:
The latitude of the observatory at Tongataboo, by
the mean of several observations, 21° 8ʹ 19ʺ south.
The longitude, by the mean of one hundred and
thirty-one sets of lunar observations, amounting
to above a thousand observed distances, between
the moon, sun, and stars, 184° 55ʹ 18ʺ east.
The difference of longitude, made by the
time-keeper, between the above observatory, and
that at Annamooka, 0 16 0
Hence, the longitude of Annamooka is 185 11 18 east.
By the time-keeper it is, Greenwich rate, 186 12 27
New Zealand rate, 184 37 0
Its latitude 20 15 0
N. B.—The observatory at Tongataboo was near the middle of the north
side of the island; and that it Annamooka, on its west side; but the
chart will elucidate this.
The time-keeper was too slow for mean time at Greenwich, on the first of
July at noon, by 12^h 34^m 33^s,2; and her daily rate, at that time, was
loosing, on mean time, 1^m,783 _per_ day. This rate will now be used for
finding the longitude by the time-keeper; and 184° 55ʹ 18ʺ, or 12^h 19^m
41^s,2, will be taken as the true longitude of Tongataboo, east from
Greenwich.
By the mean of several observations, the south end of the needle was
found to dip
{Lefooga, one of the Hapaee
At { islands, 36° 55ʹ
{Tongataboo, 39 1-1/2
The variation of the compass was found to be,
{Annamooka, on board, 8° 30ʹ 3-1/2ʺ east.
{Anchor off Kotoo, between }
At { Annamooka and Hapaee, } 8 12 29-1/2
{Anchor off Lefooga, 10 11 40
{Tongataboo, on board, 9 44 5-1/2
{Ditto, on shore, 10 12 58
The variation of the compass was found to be,
I can assign no reason why the variation is so much less at and near
Annamooka, than at either of the other two places. I can only say, that
there is no fault in the observations; and that the variation ought to
be more at Annamooka than the above, as it has been found to be so to
the northward, southward, eastward, and westward of it. But
disagreements in the variation, greater than this, even in the same
needle, have been often observed. And I should not have taken notice of
this instance, but from a belief that the cause, whatever it is, exists
in the place, and not in the needles; for Mr. Bayly found the same, or
rather more difference.
The tides are more considerable at these islands, than at any other of
my discoveries in this ocean, that lie within the tropics. At Annamooka
it is high water, on the full and change days, nearly at six o’clock;
and the tide rises and falls there, upon a perpendicular, about six
feet. In the harbour of Tongataboo, it is high water, on the full and
change days, at fifty minutes past six. The tide rises and falls on
those days, four feet nine inches; and three feet six inches at the
Quadratures. In the channels between the islands, which lie in this
harbour, it flows near tide and half-tide; that is, the flood continues
to run up near three hours, after it is high water by the shore; and the
ebb continues to run down, after it is flood by the shore. It is only in
these channels, and in a few other places near the shores, that the
motion of the water or tide is perceivable; so that I can only guess at
the quarter from which the flood comes. In the road of Annamooka, it
sets west south-west, and the ebb the contrary; but it tails into the
harbour of Tongataboo from the north-west, passes through the two narrow
channels, on each side of Hoolaiva, where it runs with considerable
rapidity, and then spends itself in the _lagoon_. The ebb returns the
same way, and runs with rather greater force. The north-west tide is met
at the entrance of the _lagoon_, by one from the east; but this, as I
have before observed, was found to be very inconsiderable.
END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.
LONDON:
Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.
Footnotes
Footnote 1:
Two voyages for discovering a North-West passage, through Hudson’s
Bay, were then performed; one under the command of Captain Middleton,
in his Majesty’s ships the Furnace, and the Discovery Pink, in 1741
and 1742; the other under the direction of Captains Smith and Moore,
in the ships Dobbs and California, fitted out by subscription, in 1746
and 1747.
Footnote 2:
Captain, now Admiral, Byron had under his command the Dolphin and
Tamer. He sailed in June, 1764, and returned in May, 1766.
Footnote 3:
Captain Wallis had under his command the Dolphin and Swallow. He
sailed in August, 1766, and returned, with the Dolphin, in May, 1768.
Footnote 4:
The Swallow, commanded by Captain Carteret, having been separated from
Wallis, and, by keeping a different route, having made different
discoveries, this may be considered as a distinct voyage. The Swallow
returned to England in March 1769.
Footnote 5:
Captain Cook, in the Endeavour, sailed in August 1768, and returned in
July, 1771.
In his second voyage, he had the Resolution and Adventure under his
command. They sailed from England in July, 1772, and returned on the
30th of July, 1775.
Footnote 6:
The account of the four first of these voyages, compiled by Dr.
Hawkesworth, from the Journals of the several commanders, was
published in 1772, in three volumes quarto; and Captain Cook’s own
account of the fifth, in 1777, in two volumes quarto.
Footnote 7:
See Lord Anson’s Voyage, quarto edition, p. 91.
Footnote 8:
These are Captain Cook’s words, _Introduction to his Voyage_, vol.
iii. p. 7.; and the evidence on which he forms this judgment may be
met with in Hawkesworth’s Journal of Byron’s Voyage, vol. i. p. 23,
24, 51, 52, 53, 54.
Footnote 9:
See the Chart of Discoveries in the South Atlantic. Cook’s Voyage,
vol. iv. p. 211.
Footnote 10:
Magalhaen’s Voyage was undertaken in 1519.
Footnote 11:
See the particulars of their discoveries in Mr. Dalrymple’s valuable
Collection of Voyages in the South Pacific Ocean.
Footnote 12:
Bougainville, in 1768, did no more than discover that the land here
was not connected but composed of islands. Captain Cook, in 1774,
explored the whole group. See vol. iv. p. 88.
Footnote 13:
Vol. iv. p. 219.
Footnote 14:
See vols. i. and ii.
Footnote 15:
See vol. ii. p. 69.
Footnote 16:
Vol. iii. chap. 7.
Footnote 17:
Vol. ii. p. 202.
Footnote 18:
From October 6. 1769, to March 31. 1770.
Footnote 19:
Its southern extremity nearly in latitude 47°, and its northern in
35-1/2°. See Captain Cook’s chart, in Hawkesworth, vol. ii. p. 281.
Footnote 20:
See the track of Torré, in one of Quiros’s ships, in 1606, between New
Holland and New Guinea, upon Mr. Dalrymple’s Chart of Discoveries in
the South Pacific Ocean, before 1764.
Footnote 21:
M. de Brosses says of New Guinea: “C’est une longue isle, ou presqu’
isle, si elle touche à la Nouvelle Hollande.” _Navigations aux Terres
Australes_, tom. i. p. 434.
Footnote 22:
“Le triste état où nous étions réduits, ne nous permettoit de chercher
en faisant route a l’ouest, un passage au sud de la Nouvelle Guinée,
qui nous frayât par le Golfe de la Carpenterie une route nouvelle &
courte aux iles Moluques. _Rien n’étoit à la vérité plus problématique
que l’existence de ce passage._” Voyage autour du Monde, p. 259.
Footnote 23:
Hawkesworth, vol. iii. p. 660.
Footnote 24:
Hawkesworth, vol. i. p. 563.
Footnote 25:
The position of the Solomon Islands, Mendana’s celebrated discovery,
will no longer remain a matter in debate amongst geographers, Mr.
Dalrymple having, on the most satisfactory evidence, proved, that they
are the cluster of islands which comprizes what has since been called
New Britain, New Ireland, &c. The great light thrown on that cluster
by Captain Carteret’s discovery, is a strong confirmation of this. See
Mr. Dalrymple’s Collection of Voyages, vol. i. p. 16-21.
Footnote 26:
It must be observed, however, that Monsieur le Monier, in the Memoirs
of the French Academy of Sciences for 1776, pleads for the existence
of Cape Circumcision, seen by Bouvet in 1738, which our English
navigator sought for in vain, and supposes to have been only an island
of ice. Mr. Wales, in a paper read before the Royal Society, very
forcibly replied to M. le Monier’s objections; and the attack having
been repeated, he has drawn up a more extended defence of this part of
Captain Cook’s Journal, which he hath very obligingly communicated,
and is here inserted.
_Arguments, tending to prove that Captain Cook sought for Cape
Circumcision under the proper Meridian; and that the objections which
have been made to his conduct, in this respect, are not well founded._
In the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris for 1776,
printed in 1779, _M. Le Monier_ has made some remarks with a design to
show that Captain Cook sought the land, usually called Cape
Circumcision, in a wrong place; and that, instead of looking for it
under the meridian of 9-1/2° or 10° of east longitude, he ought to
have looked for it under a meridian which is only 3°, or 3-1/2° to the
eastward of the meridian of Greenwich; and consequently that this land
may exist, notwithstanding all that has yet been done to find it. _M.
Le Monier_ has also two additional Memoirs on the same subject, in the
volume for 1779, occasioned, as it appears, by some objections which
have been made to his former Memoir before the Academy. For some
reason or other, the Academy has not thought proper to print the
objections which have been made to _M. Le Monier_’s hypothesis; nor
has he been particular enough in his two Memoirs which reply to them,
to enable me to say of what importance the objections are. I can only
gather, that they contain some exceptions to the quantity by which _M.
Le Monier_ asserts the variation alters in 10° of longitude, under the
parallel of 54° south; and which, I conceive, has little to do in the
dispute.
Whether the land, usually called Cape Circumcision, exists or not, is
a point of small importance to geography; as the most strenuous
asserters of its existence must allow it to be a very inconsiderable
island, and of no use. This, therefore, is not in itself a matter
worthy of dispute; but in asserting this, _M. Le Monier_ has, and I am
sorry to observe it, with some asperity too, particularly in his
second Memoir, endeavoured to censure the judgment and conduct of
Captain Cook, whose memory I have every reason to revere, as well as
the judgment of those who were with him; and, on this account, I
cannot help feeling myself called on to explain the motives which
induced _Captain Cook_ to place no dependence on the arguments now
adduced by _M. Le Monier_ in support of his supposition; and which,
_M. Le Monier_ must know, were not unattended to at that time, from
what the Captain has said, p. 236. Vol. II. of his account of the
voyage. And it may be proper to observe here, that what fell from
_Captain Cook_ on this subject, was to show that this circumstance was
then attended to, and not to throw blame on _M. Bouvet_, for whose
memory and abilities _Captain Cook_ entertained great respect: nor is
it incompatible with the utmost respect, for a man to have a
favourable opinion of his own labours; or to endeavour to show why he
thinks the disagreement between them and those of another person, when
there is one, does not arise from an error committed by himself. There
could, therefore, be no occasion for _M. Le Monier_ to express himself
as he has done in several parts of his second Memoir.
The substance of _M. Le Monier_’s argument is this. In 1739, when _M.
Bouvet_’s discovery is supposed to have been made, the methods for
determining the longitude of a ship at sea were very defective; and,
of course, the longitude of any land which happened accidentally to be
seen by one, was equally uncertain. On a presumption that this was the
case with respect to Cape Circumcision, _M. Le Monier_ enquires into
the quantity of the variation of the magnetic needle, observed by M.
Bouvet at that place, and also into observations of the same kind,
made at other places in the neighbourhood of it, about the same time,
as well as both before and since. And by comparing these observations
together, he concludes, that at the time when Captain Cook was in
these seas, the variation of the needle at Cape Circumcision must have
been 10° westerly: whereas, in the most westerly point of Captain
Cook’s track, where he was sufficiently near the parallel of 54°
south, to have seen land situated in it, the variation was 13-1/2°
westerly. This difference of 3-1/2°, in the variation, answers to
about 7° of longitude, in this part of the parallel of 54° south: and
by so much did Captain Cook fall in with this parallel to the eastward
of what he ought to have done to see the land in question. “Hence (M.
Le Monier infers), that it is not surprising the British navigator
should not find Cape Circumcision under a meridian which is 28-1/2° to
the eastward of Ferro, when it is really situated under a meridian
which is but 21-1/2° to the eastward of it.”
In replying to these allegations, I shall first show, that, granting
the dependence which _M. Le Monier_ supposes may be placed on
observations of the variation made at sea, he has stated the quantity
of the variation observed on board the Resolution, very erroneously.
Secondly, I shall prove, beyond contradiction, that observations of
the variation, made at sea, cannot be depended on for the purposes to
which _M. Le Monier_ has applied them.
And, lastly, that no material error had crept into _M. Bouvet_’s
reckoning; but that if any error did exist, it must have been of a
contrary nature to that which _M. Le Monier_ supposes.
That _M. Le Monier_ has not given altogether a true representation of
the matter, will appear from hence. On the 16th of February, at
noon[27], the Resolution was in latitude 54° 31-1/2ʹ south, which is
sufficiently near the parallel of 54° south, to see high land, the
northern extremity of which lies to the southward of that parallel;
and at that time we were in 6° east of Greenwich, or 23-3/4° east of
the island of Ferro: that is, 4-3/4° less than is assigned for our
situation by _M. Le Monier_. On the evening of the same day, the ship
being in latitude 54° 24ʹ, and longitude 6° 30ʹ, or 24-1/4° east of
Ferro, the variation was no more than 12° 7ʹ west, which also is near
a degree and a half less then _M. Le Monier_ says it was, when we
first arrived in a proper parallel for seeing Cape Circumcision. It is
true, the next morning, in latitude 54° 21-1/2ʹ south, longitude 8° 6ʹ
east, we had 13° 42ʹ west variation; but this was after we had run
more than two degrees within sight of the parallel of 54° south. It
is, moreover, highly probable, that both these variations were too
great; for, on the 17th, in the evening, latitude 54° 25ʹ south, and
longitude 9° 20ʹ east; that is, 1-1/4° more to the eastward, and after
we had run 3-1/3° on the parallel we were then on, the variation was
no more than 13° 16ʹ west. It is also worthy of remark, that on the
14th, in the evening, latitude 56° 14-1/2ʹ south, and longitude 4° 50ʹ
east, which is but 1° 10ʹ to the westward of the point, where the
Resolution came first into a proper situation to see land, situated in
the parallel of 54° south, the variation observed was no more than 6°
50ʹ west. And we may further add, that on the 1st of March, 1774, the
Adventure had no more than 12-3/4° west variation, though she was then
considerably both to the northward and eastward of our situation on
the 17th of February in the morning, on both which accounts the
variation ought to have been greater, instead of a whole degree less.
From all these circumstances, there can be little doubt but that the
two variations, observed by us on the 16th and 17th of February, were
too great; or that the variation, at the point where the Resolution
first came sufficiently near the parallel of 54° south, to see land,
the northern extremity of which is situated in that parallel, could
not be more than 11-1/2° west, instead of 13-1/2°, as _M. le Monier_
has represented it.
Under this head of enquiry, I may also observe, that, although the
Resolution was too much to the southward of the parallel of 54° south,
when she crossed the meridian which is 21-1/2° to the eastward of
Ferro, that is, 3-3/4° east of Greenwich, the longitude which _M. Le
Monier_ assigns for Cape Circumcision, to see if it had been in that
situation, yet her consort, the Adventure, was for several degrees on
each side of that meridian; and especially when she had 10-1/2° of
west variation, full as near to the parallel of 54° south as _M.
Bouvet_ was to the land when he saw it[28]; and on the day that she
actually passed that meridian, had fine clear weather.[29] Hence,
therefore, granting _M. Le Monier_ his own arguments, which, however,
I have proved to be erroneous, and that observations made at sea, for
the variation of the compass, may be depended on for the purpose of
finding the longitude, it is utterly impossible that both the
Resolution and Adventure could have passed Cape Circumcision without
seeing it. But I shall now show, that these observations are liable to
a much greater error than the whole quantity, so vigorously insisted
on by this gentleman.
I will not here run the risk of incurring _M. Le Monier_’s
displeasure, by calling the accuracy of _M. Bouvet_’s observations in
question; but will admit every thing that he himself can think due to
the instruments and observations of that deserving navigator. It is
enough for my argument, and it is but too evident from the
observations themselves, that ours were by no means capable of
determining the variation to so small a quantity as that which _M. Le
Monier_ rests his whole cause upon; and if so, his arguments, which
depend wholly on a supposition, that not only they, but _M. Bouvet_’s
also, were capable of determining it with the utmost exactness, must
fall to the ground.
1st, It appears, from various instances, that the variations observed
by the same compass would differ 3° to 5°, 6°, and sometimes even 10°,
from no other cause whatever, but putting the ship’s head a contrary
way.[30]
2d, That the same compass, in the same situation in every respect,
within a few miles, but at two different times of the same day, would
give variations differing from one another, 3°, 4°, 5°, 6°, and even
7°[31].
3d, That the same compass, on the same day, and in the hands of the
same observer, will give variations differing from one another by 5°,
on board the same ship, when under sail, and when at anchor in a
road-stead.[32]
4th, Compasses made by the same artists at the same time and place,
but on board different ships, differed 3°, 4°, and even 5° in the
variation.[33]
5th, The same compasses, on board the same ship, and within a few
miles of the same situation, but at different times of our being
there, gave variations differing by 4° and 5°, or upwards.[34]
6th, Different compasses, at the same time, on board the same ship,
and in every respect under the same circumstances, will give
variations differing from one another, 3°, 4°, 5°, and 6°.[35]
These differences, several of which happened very near the place in
question, are all of them at least equal to, most of them much
greater, and some of them double that which _M. Le Monier_ founds his
argument on, even according to his own account of it, which I have
already shown is by no means admissible, and, therefore, totally
invalidate it. To allege that the instruments made use of in Captain
Cook’s two voyages were bad, or that the observers were not expert in
the use of them, will answer no purpose: they are the instruments and
observers which _M. Le Monier_’s argument must rest on; and,
therefore, let those of the French, or any other navigator, have been
ever so much better than they were (which few will be hardy enough to
assert, and fewer still found weak enough to believe), it will avail
nothing to the point in dispute, which must evidently fall to the
ground, if the observations made for finding the variation in Captain
Cook’s voyage are not sufficient to support it. What then must become
of it, if _M. Bouvet_’s observations, of this kind, were liable to an
equal, or a greater error? which, without any reasonable cause for
offence, we might suppose they were.
It is not necessary to account for these differences in the observed
variations in this place, nor yet to point out the reasons why such
anomalies have not been noticed in observations of this kind before. I
shall, however, remark, that I have hinted at some of the causes in my
introduction to the observations which were made in Captain Cook’s
second voyage; and many others will readily offer themselves to
persons who have had much practice in making these observations, and
who have attentively considered the principles on which the
instruments are constructed, and the manner in which they are
fabricated. Nor is it at all surprising, that the errors to which the
instruments and observations of this kind are liable, should not have
been discovered before, since no navigators before us ever gave the
same opportunity, by multiplying their observations, and making them
under such a variety of circumstances as we did.
Having now fully shown, that the circumstances, brought forward by _M.
Le Monier_, in support of his argument, are neither such as can be
depended on, nor yet fairly represented, I shall next attempt to
demonstrate, that it is utterly improbable M. Bouvet could be out, in
his account of longitude, so much as is here supposed, in the short
run which had been made from the island of St. Catherine, the place
they took their departure from: on the contrary, that there is
sufficient reason to believe the error, of whatever magnitude it might
be, was of a different nature from that contended for, and that the
two ships, instead of being to the westward of their account of
longitude, were actually to the eastward of it. For according to their
journals, extracted from the archives of the French East-India
Company, by _M. D’ Apres_, printed under his inspection, and published
by Mr. Dalrymple, F. R. S. amongst other voyages made for the purpose
of examining the southern parts of the Atlantic Ocean, the longitude,
according to the Eagle’s run from St. Catherine’s, was, 26° 27ʹ, and
according to the Mary’s, 26° 20ʹ east of Teneriff; that is, 9° 57ʹ,
and 9° 50ʹ east of Greenwich, or 27° 43ʹ, and 27° 36ʹ east of Ferro.
But the Mary, which went to the Cape of Good Hope, made 7° 13ʹ east
longitude from the land in question, to that place. Consequently the
Cape of Good Hope being in longitude 18° 23ʹ east of Greenwich, Cape
Circumcision will be in 11° 10ʹ east of Greenwich, or 1° 20ʹ more to
the eastward than the run by the same ship from the island of St.
Catherine’s makes it. Again the Eagle made the difference of longitude
between Cape Circumcision and the island of Rodrigues 49° 44ʹ; and by
the observations of _M. Pingre_, this island is in 62° 50ʹ of east
longitude from Greenwich: Cape Circumcision is therefore in 13° 6ʹ
east of Greenwich, or 2° 9ʹ more to the eastward than by the Eagle’s
run from St. Catherine’s. Hence, therefore, as the longitude of this
land resulting from a comparison of that shown by each of the ships,
on their making land at places where the longitude is exceedingly well
determined, is greater than that which results from their run from St.
Catherine’s, the longitude of which is not known with certainty within
several degrees, we may infer, with great safety, that whatever the
quantity of M. Bouvet’s error might be, when he is supposed to have
seen Cape Circumcision, it must have been in defect, and not in
excess, as _M. Le Monier_ supposes it.
CHRIST’S HOSPITAL,
April 20. 1784. W. WALES.
Footnote 27:
I here go by the dates in “The Original Astronomical Observations,”
printed by order of the Board of Longitude; which, after the 14th of
February, 1775, differ one day from Captain Cook’s date.
Footnote 28:
See The Original Astronomical Observations, p. 185., and Bouvet’s
Voyage, published by Mr. Dalrymple, p. 4. and 11.
Footnote 29:
See the Observations p. 218.
Footnote 30:
See the Original Astronomical Observations, made in the second voyage,
March 11. 1773, p. 372., January 24. 1774, p. 375., and July 28. p.
378.
Footnote 31:
Observations in the second voyage, February 2. 1773, p. 371., and
January 19. 1775, p. 382. Also observations in last voyage, July 17.
1776, p. 179 August 30. p. 131., January 24. 1777, p. 192., and
September 15. 1778 p. 205.
Footnote 32:
Astronomical Observations of second voyage, July 14. 1775, p. 385.
Footnote 33:
Compare the Astronomical Observations, made in the second voyage,
August 8. and 9. and September 4. 1772, p. 181., with those of the
same dates, p. 369. Those of January 11. and 14. and February 7. 1773,
p. 182., with those of the same dates, p. 371. Also Astronomical
Observations, made in the last voyage, of December 27. 1776, p. 191,
February 22. 1778, p. 201., May 5. and 8. p. 102, July 9. and 24.
1779, p. 209., and January 16. 1780, p. 212., with those of the same
dates, p. 291., 293., 294., 297., and 298.
Footnote 34:
Compare Astronomical Observations, made in the second Voyage, February
10. p. 375., with Observations of December 11. 1774, p. 381. Also
Observations made in the last Voyage, May 3. and June 18. 1779, p.
208.
Footnote 35:
Observations made in the second Voyage, February 2. 1773. p. 371.
March 18. p. 372., and January 24. 1774, p. 375. See also Observations
made last Voyage, August 18. 1776, p. 180. October 7. and 14. p. 189,
and 190. December 12. p. ibid. January 24. 1777, p. 192. March 10. p.
195. July 9. and 17. 1779, p. 209. January 16. 1780, p. 212. March 24.
p. 213. and May 19. p. 214.
Footnote 36:
The judgment of the ingenious Author of _Recherches sur les
Américains_, on this question, seems to be very deserving of a place
here: “Qu’on calcule, comme on voudra, on sera toujours contraint
d’avouer, qu’il y a une plus grande portion de continent située dans
la latitude septentrionale, que dans la latitude australe.
“C’est fort mal à-propos, qu’on a soutenu que cette répartition
inégale ne sauroit exister, sous prétexte que le globe perdroit son
équilibre, faute d’un contrepoids suffisant au pole méridionale. Il
est vrai qu’un pied cube d’eau salée ne pese pas autant qu’un pied
cube de terre; mais on auroit dû réfléchir, qu’il peut y avoir sous
l’ocean des lits & des couches de matières, dont la pésanteur
spécifique varie à l’infini, & que le peu de profondeur d’une mer,
versée sur une grande surface, contrebalance les endroits où il y a
moins de mer, mais où elle est plus profonde.” _Recherches
Philosophiques_, tom. ii. p. 375.
Footnote 37:
See Vol. IV. p. 219.
Footnote 38:
See the history of former attempts to sail toward the north pole, in
the introduction to Lord Mulgrave’s Journal. Mr. Barrington has
collected several instances of ships advancing to very high latitudes.
See his Miscellanies, p. 1-124.
Footnote 39:
See the Statutes at Large, 18 George II. chap. 17.
Footnote 40:
See the Statutes at Large, 1776, 16 George III. chap. 6.
Footnote 41:
From his MS. Instructions, dated May 14. 1776.
Footnote 42:
In the Philosophical Transactions, Vol. lxviii. p. 1057, we have the
track of Pickersgill’s voyage, which, probably, may be of use to our
Greenland ships, as it contains many observations for fixing the
longitude and latitude of the coasts in Davis’s Straits. But it
appears that he never entered Baffin’s Bay, the highest northern
latitude to which he advanced being 68° 14ʹ. As to Young’s
proceedings, having failed absolutely in making any discovery, it is
of less consequence, that no communication of his journal could be
procured.
Footnote 43:
See the Abstract of his Journal, published by Mr. Dobbs.
Footnote 44:
Ellis’s Voyage, p. 328.
Footnote 45:
Ibid. p. 330.
Footnote 46:
Account of the voyage, by the clerk of the California, Vol. ii. p.
273. Mr. Dobbs himself says, that _he thought the passage would be
impracticable, or, at least, very difficult, in case there was one
farther North than 67°_.—Account of Hudson’s Bay, p. 99.
Footnote 47:
Printed for Jeffreys, in 1768. His words are, “There remains then to
be searched for the discovery of a passage, the opening called Pistol
Bay, in Hudson’s Bay.” P. 122.
Footnote 48:
Mr. Hearne’s Journey, back from the Copper-mine river, to Fort Prince
of Wales, lasted till June 30. 1772. From his first setting out till
his return, he had employed near a year and seven months. The
unparalleled hardships he suffered, and the essential service he
performed, met with a suitable reward from his masters, and he is now
the Governor of Fort Prince of Wales, where he was taken prisoner by
the French in 1782; and last summer returned to his station.
Footnote 49:
The Hudson’s Bay Company have a trading post called _Hudson’s House_,
above five hundred miles up the country, in lat. 53° 0ʹ 32ʺ, and in
long. 106° 27ʹ 30ʺ.
Footnote 50:
This day, Jan. 11. 1772, as the Indians were hunting, some of them saw
a strange snow-shoe track, which they followed, and at a considerable
distance came to a little hut, where they found a young woman sitting
alone. They brought her to the tents; and, on examining her, found
that she was one of the western _Dog-ribbed_ Indians, and had been
taken prisoner by the _Arathapescow_ Indians in the summer 1770; and,
when the Indians who took her prisoner, were near this part in the
summer 1771, she eloped from them, with an intent to return to her own
country; but _it being so far off_, and, after being taken prisoner,
having come the whole way in canoes, with the winding of rivers and
lakes, she had forgot the way; and had been in this little hut ever
since the first setting in of the fall. By her account of the moons
past since her elopement, it appears to be the middle of last July
when she left the Arathapescow Indians, and had not seen a human face
ever since. She supported herself very well by snaring of rabbits,
partridges, and squirrels, and was now in good health and flesh; and,
I think, as fine a woman of a real Indian, as I have seen in any part
of North America. She had nothing to make snares of but the sinews of
rabbits’ legs and feet, which she twisted together for that purpose;
and of the rabbits’ skins had made herself a neat and warm winter’s
clothing. The stock of materials she took with her when she eloped,
consisted of about five inches of an iron hoop for a knife; a stone
steel, and other hard stones as flints, together with other
fire-tackle, as tinder, &c.; about an inch and half of the shank of
the shoeing of an arrow of iron, of which she made an awl. She had not
been long at the tents, when half a score of men wrestled to see who
should have her for their wife. She says, when the Arathapescow
Indians took her prisoner, that they stole on the tents in the night,
when the inhabitants were all asleep, and killed every soul except
herself and three other young women. Her father, mother, and husband
were in the same tent with her, and they were all killed. Her child,
of about five months old, she took with her, wrapped in a bundle of
her clothing, undiscovered, in the night. But, when arrived at the
place where the Arathapescows had left their wives, which was not far
off, it being then day-break, these Indian women immediately began to
examine her bundle; and having there found the child, took it from her
and killed it immediately. The relation of this shocking scene only
served the savages of my gang for laughter. _Her country is so far to
the Westward_, that she says she never saw any iron, or other kind of
metal, till taken prisoner; those of her tribe making their hatchets
and chisels of deers’ horns, and knives of stone and bone; their
arrows are shod with a kind of slate, bones, and deers’ horns; and
their instruments, to make their wood work, are nothing but beavers’
teeth. They have frequently heard of the useful materials the nations
to the east of them are supplied with from the English; but, instead
of drawing nearer to be in the way of trading for iron work, &c. are
obliged to retreat farther back, to avoid the Arathapescow Indians, as
they make surprising slaughter amongst them every year, both winter
and summer. HEARNE’s MS. Journal.
Footnote 51:
Journal of a Voyage in 1775 by Don Francisco Antonio Maurelle, in Mr.
Barrington’s Miscellanies, p. 508.
Footnote 52:
_Ibid._ p. 507. We learn from Maurelle’s Journal that another voyage
had been some time before performed upon the coast of America; but the
utmost northern progress of it was to latitude 55.
Footnote 53:
Dr. Campbell, speaking of Beering’s voyage in 1741, says, “Nothing can
be plainer than this truth, that his discovery does not warrant any
such supposition, as that the country he touched at was a great
continent making part of North America.”
Footnote 54:
See Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, pp. 26, 27, &c. The fictions of
speculative geographers in the Southern hemisphere, have been
continents; in the northern hemisphere, they have been seas. It may be
observed, therefore, that if Captain Cook in his first voyages
annihilated imaginary southern lands, he has made amends for the
havock in his third voyage, by annihilating imaginary northern seas,
and filling up the vast space, which had been allotted to them, with
the solid continents of his new discoveries of American land farther
west and north than had hitherto been traced.
Footnote 55:
The Russians seem to owe much to England in matters of this sort. It
is singular enough that one of our countrymen, Dr. Campbell [See his
edition of Harris’s voyages, vol. ii. p. 1021.] has preserved many
valuable particulars of Beering’s first voyage, of which Muller
himself, the historian of their earlier discoveries, makes no mention;
that it should be another of our countrymen, Mr. Coxe, who first
published a satisfactory account of their later discoveries; and that
the King of Great Britain’s ships should traverse the globe in 1778,
to confirm to the Russian empire the possession of near thirty
degrees, or above six hundred miles of continent, which Mr. Engel, in
his zeal for the practicability of a north-east passage, would prune
away from the length of Asia to the eastward. See his _Mémoires
Geographiques_, &c. Lausanne, 1765; which, however, contains much real
information; and many parts of which are confirmed by Captain Cook’s
American discoveries.
Footnote 56:
See Maupertuis’s Letter to the King of Prussia. The author of the
Preliminary Discourse to Bougainville’s _Voyage aux Isles Malouines_,
computes that the southern continent (for the existence of which, he
owns, we must depend more on the conjectures of philosophers, than on
the testimony of voyagers) contains eight or ten millions of square
leagues.
Footnote 57:
See Vol. III. p. 107.
Footnote 58:
Messrs. Hodges and Webber.
Footnote 59:
Mr. Green, in the Endeavour; Messrs. Wales and Bayly, in the
Resolution and Adventure; Mr. Bayly, a second time, jointly with
Captains Cook and King in this voyage; and Mr. Lyons, who accompanied
Lord Mulgrave. The observations of Messrs. Wales and Bayly during
Captain Cook’s second voyage are already in the hands of the public,
by the favour of the Board of Longitude; and those of Captains Cook
and King, and Mr. Bayly, during this last, will appear immediately
after our publication. [First Edit.]
Footnote 60:
The Abbe’s words are, “Si ceux qui promettent une si grande precision
dans ces sortes de methodes, avoient navigué quelque tems, ils
auroient vû souvent, que dans l’observation la plus simple de toutes,
qui est celle de la hauteur du soleil à midi, deux observations, munis
de bons quartiers de reflexion, bien rectifiés, different entr’eux,
lorsqu’ils observent chacun à part, de 5ʹ, 6ʹ, 7ʹ, & 8ʹ.”
_Ephémer_. 1755-1765. _Introduction_, p. 32.
It must be however mentioned, in justice to M. de la Caille, that he
attempted to introduce the lunar method of discovering the longitude,
and proposed a plan of calculations of the moon’s distance from the
sun and fixed stars; but, through the imperfection of his instruments,
his success was much less than that method was capable of affording.
The bringing it into general use was reserved for Dr. Maskelyne, our
astronomer royal. See the preface to the _Tables for correcting the
Effects of Refraction and Parallax_, published by the Board of
Longitude, under the direction of Dr. Shepherd, Plumian Professor of
Astronomy and Experimental Philosophy at Cambridge, in 1772.
Footnote 61:
In addition to Mr. Wales’s Remark, it may be observed, that the
proficiency of our naval officers in taking observations at sea, must
ultimately be attributed to the great attention paid to this important
object by the Board of Longitude at home; liberal rewards having been
given to mathematicians for perfecting the lunar tables, and
facilitating calculations; to artists for constructing more accurate
instruments for observing, and watches better adapted to keeping time
at sea. It appears, therefore, that the voyages of discovery, and the
operations of the Board of Longitude went hand in hand; and they must
be combined in order to form a just estimate of the extent of the plan
carried into execution since his Majesty’s accession, for improving
astronomy and navigation. But, besides the establishment of the Board
of Longitude on its present footing, which has had such important
consequences, it must also be ever acknowledged, that his present
Majesty has extended his royal patronage to every branch of the
liberal arts and useful science. The munificent present to the Royal
Society for defraying the expence of observing the _transit_ of
Venus;—the institution of the Academy of Painting and Sculpture;—the
magnificent apartments allotted to the Royal and Antiquary Societies,
and to the Royal Academy, at Somerset Place;—the support of the Garden
of Exotics at Kew, to improve which, Mr. Mason was sent to the
extremities of Africa;—the _substantial_ encouragement afforded to
learned men and learned works, in various departments; and
particularly that afforded to Mr. Herschell, which has enabled him to
devote himself entirely to the improvement of astronomy; these and
many other instances which might be enumerated, would have greatly
distinguished his Majesty’s reign, even if he had not been the patron
of those successful attempts to perfect geography and navigation by so
many voyages of discovery.
Footnote 62:
See Dr. Shepherd’s Preface, as above.
Footnote 63:
Dr. Solander, Dr. Foster and his son, and Dr. Sparman. Dr. Foster has
given us a specimen of the botanical discoveries of his voyage in the
_Characteres Generum Plantarum_, &c.; and much curious philosophical
matter is contained in his _Observations made on a Voyage round the
World_. Dr. Sparman also, on his return to Sweden, favoured us with a
publication, in which he expatiates on the advantages accruing to
natural history, to astronomy, geography, general physic, and
navigation, from our South-Sea voyages.
Footnote 64:
See Vol. IV. p. 266.
Footnote 65:
Preface to his History of English Poetry.
Footnote 66:
Tom. i. p. 331.
Footnote 67:
History of Japan, vol. i. p. 93.
Footnote 68:
That the Malayans have not only frequented Madagascar, but have also
been the progenitors of some of the present race of inhabitants there,
is confirmed to us by the testimony of Monsieur de Pages, who visited
that island so late as 1774. “Ils m’ont paru provenir des diverses
Races; leur couleur, leurs cheveux, et leur corps l’indiquent. Ceux
que je n’ai pas cru originaires des anciens naturels du pays, sont
petits et trapus; ils ont les cheveux presque unis, et sont _olivâtres
comme les Malayes, avec qui ils ont, en général, une espece de
resemblance_.”
_Voyages des M._ des Pages, T. ii. p. 90.
Footnote 69:
Archæolog. vol. vi. p. 155. See also his History of Sumatra, p. 166,
from which the following passage is transcribed. “Besides the Malaye,
there are a variety of languages spoken on Sumatra, which, however,
have not only a manifest affinity among themselves, but also to that
general language which is found to prevail in, and to be indigenous
to, all the islands of the eastern seas; from Madagascar to the
remotest of Captain Cook’s discoveries, comprehending a wider extent
than the Roman or any other tongue has yet boasted. In different
places, it has been more or less mixed and corrupted; but between the
most dissimilar branches, an eminent sameness of many radical words is
apparent; and in some very distant from each other, in point of
situation: As, for instance, the Philippines and Madagascar, the
deviation of the words is scarcely more than is observed in the
dialects of neighbouring provinces of the same kingdom.”
Footnote 70:
We are indebted to Sir Joseph Banks, for a general outline of this, in
Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. iii. p. 777. The reader will find our
enlarged Table at the end of the third volume, Appendix, No. 2.
Footnote 71:
See Crantz’s History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 262.; where we are told
that the Moravian Brethren, who, with the consent and furtherance of
Sir Hugh Palliser, then Governor of Newfoundland, visited the
Esquimaux on the Labradore coast, found that their language, and that
of the Greenlanders, do not differ so much as that of the High and Low
Dutch.
Footnote 72:
See Appendix, No. 6. The Greenlanders, as Crantz tells us, call
themselves _Karalit_; a word not very unlike _Kanagyst_, the name
assumed by the inhabitants of Kodiack, one of the Schumagin islands,
as Stæhlin informs us.
Footnote 73:
A contempt of revelation is generally the result of ignorance,
conceited of its possessing superior knowledge. Observe how the Author
of _Recherches Philosophiques sur les Américains_, expresses himself
on this very point. “Cette distance que Mr. Antermony veut trouver si
peu importante, est à-peu-près _de huit cent lieues Gauloises au
travers d’un ocean perilleux_, et impossible à franchir avec des
canots aussi chetifs et aussi fragiles que le sont, au rapport
d’Ysbrand Ides, les chaloupes des Tunguses,” &c. &c. t. i. p. 156. Had
this writer known that the two continents are not above _thirteen_
leagues (instead of _eight hundred_) distant from each other, and
that, even in that narrow space of sea, there are intervening islands,
he would not have ventured to urge this argument in opposition to Mr.
Bell’s notion of the quarter from which North America received its
original inhabitants.
Footnote 74:
Soon after our departure from England, I was instructed by Captain
Cook to complete a map of the world as a general chart, from the best
materials he was in possession of for that purpose; and before his
death this business was in a great measure accomplished: That is, the
grand outline of the whole was arranged, leaving only those parts
vacant or unfinished, which he expected to fall in with and explore.
But on our return home, when the fruits of our voyage were ordered by
the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to be published, the care of
the general chart being consigned to me, I was directed to prepare it
from the latest and best authorities; and also to introduce Captain
Cook’s three successive tracts, that all his discoveries, and the
different routs he had taken might appear together; by this means to
give a general idea of the whole. This task having been performed by
me, it is necessary, for the information of the reader, to state the
heads of the several authorities which I have followed in such parts
of the chart as differ from what was drawn up immediately under the
inspection of Captain Cook. And when the public are made acquainted,
that many materials, necessary to complete and elucidate the work,
were not at the time on board the Resolution, or in his possession,
the reason will appear very obvious, why these alterations and
additions were introduced contrary to the original drawing.
First, then, I have followed closely the very excellent and correct
charts of the Northern Atlantic Ocean, published by Messrs. de Verdun
de la Crenne, de Borda, et Pringre in 1775 and 1776; which comprise
the coast of Norway from the Sud Hoek, in the latitude of 62 degrees
north, to Trelleburg, Denmark, the coast of Holland, north coast of
Great Britain, Orkneys, Shetland, Ferro Isles, Iceland, coasts of
France, Spain, and Portugal, to Cape St. Maria on the coast of Africa;
including the Azores, Canaries, Cape de Verd, Antilles, and West
Indian islands from Barbadoes to the east end of Cuba; the north part
of Newfoundland and the Labradore coast, as far as the latitude of 57°
north.
Ireland, and part of the coast of Scotland, is laid down from Mr.
Mackenzie’s late surveys; and the south coast of England from a chart
published by Mr. Faden in 1780, taken from M. l’Abbé Dicquemare.
The north part of the coast of Labradore, from the latitude of 57°
north, to Button’s Islands in the entrance of Hudson’s Strait, is
taken from Monsieur Bellin’s chart, as is also the north coast of
Norway and Lapland, including the White Sea, Gulph of Bothnia, Baltic
Sea, and the east coast of Greenland.
The Gulf of Finland, from a large (MS.) chart, now engraving for the
use of some private merchants.
The West India islands, from the east end of Cuba to the west end,
including Jamaica and the Bahama islands, are from a chart published
in London by Sayer and Bennett in 1779.
The south side of Cuba, from Point Gorda to Cape de Cruz, is laid down
from Monsieur Bellin, in 1762.
The coasts of Newfoundland, and the Gulf of St. Laurence, from the
surveys made by Captain Cook, and Messrs. Gilbert and Lane.
Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Island of St. John, River St. Laurence,
Canada, and New England to the River Delaware, from J. F. W. des
Barres, Esq. in 1777 and 1778; and charts published in France by order
of the King, in 1780, intituled, Neptune Americo-Septrentrional, &c.
And from these charts also are taken the coast of Pennsylvania, New
Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, East
and West Florida, as well as the interior parts of the country to the
east side of Lake Ontario.
The other parts of this lake, as likewise Lakes Erie, Hurons,
Michigan, and Superior, were copied from Mr. Green’s maps of America:
The northern part of this last-mentioned lake is fixed from the
astronomical observations made by order of the Hudson’s Bay Company,
at Mishippicotton House.
The whole of Hudson’s Bay I took from a chart, compiled by Mr. Marly,
from all the most authentic maps he could procure of those parts, with
which I was favoured by Samuel Wegg, Esq. F. R. S. and Governor of
that Company, who also politely furnished me with Mr. Hearne’s
Journals, and the map of his route to the Coppermine River, which is
faithfully inserted on the chart, together with the survey of
Chesterfield Inlet made by Captain Christopher and Mr. Moses Norton,
in 1762; and the discoveries from York Fort to Cumberland, and Hudson
Houses (this last is the most western settlement belonging to the
company), extending to Lake Winipeg, from the drafts of Mr. Philip
Turnor, made in 1778 and 1779, corrected by astronomical observations.
And from this lake, the disposition of the other lakes to the
southward of it, and which communicate with it, is formed, and laid
down from a map constructed by Mr. Spurrel, in the company’s service.
The Albany and Moose rivers to Gloucester House, and to Lake Abitibbe
and Superior, are also drawn from a map of Mr. Turnor’s, adjusted by
observations for the longitudes.
The west coast of Greenland, as chiefly laid down from the
observations made by Lieut. R. Pickersgill in the Lion brig in 1776,
which determine the line of the coast only, as the immense quantities
of ice choke up every bay and inlet on this coast, which formerly
were, in the summer season, quite free and open.
From the mouth of the Mississippi River, including its source, and the
other rivers branching from it; all the coast of New Leon to Cape
Rozo, and the western coast of America, from Cape Corrienties to the
Great Bay of Tecoantepec, is taken from Monsieur D’Anville.
The Gulf of California I have laid down from a German publication in
1773, put into my hands by Sir Joseph Banks, Bart. P. R. S.; and the
western side of it is brought together from a Spanish MS. chart with
which A. Dalrymple, Esq. F. R. S. obliged me.
The coast of Brazil, from Sera to Cape Frio, is copied from a small
chart of that part by Mr. Dalrymple.
For the southern part of Africa, from the Cape of Good Hope to Point
Natal, I have taken the authority of the chart of Major J. Rennels, F.
R. S. shewing the extent of the bank of Lagullus.
For the existence of the small islands, shoals, and banks to the
eastward of Madagascar, together with the Archipelago of the Maldive
and Laccidive islands; for the coasts of Mallacca, part of Cambodia,
and the island Sumatra, I have used the latest authority of Monsieur
D’Après de Mannevillette’s publications in the Neptune Oriental.
The coasts of Guzerat, Malabar, Coromandel, and the opposite shore,
containing the Great Bay of Bengal, and the Island of Ceylon, and
exhibiting the Heads of the Ganges, and Barampooter or Sanpoo rivers,
are inserted from the work of the ingenious author of the map of
Hindoostan, published in 1782.
The China sea is laid down from the chart published by Mr. Dalrymple;
but the longitude of Pula Sapara, Pulo Condore, Pulo Timoan, Straits
of Banca and Sunda, and the parts we saw are, as settled by us,
together with the east coast of Niphon, the principal of the Japanese
islands.
The Jeso and Kurile islands, the east coast of Asia and Kamtschatka,
as well as the sea of Okotsk, and the islands lying between
Kamtschatka and America that were not seen in the voyage, are taken
from a Russian MS. chart, got by us at the island of Oonalashka.
The northern countries from Cape Kanin, near the White Sea, as far
east of the River Lena, I have given from the Great Russian map,
published at Petersburgh in 1776, including the Euxine, Caspian, and
Aral Seas, as also the principal lakes to the eastward; the intent of
which is to show the source of the large rivers that empty themselves
into the different oceans and seas.
Every other part of the chart not mentioned in this account, is as
originally placed by Captain Cook.
The whole has been corrected from the latest astronomical
observations, selected from the tables compiled by Mr. William Wales,
F. R. S. and mathematical master of Christ’s Hospital, for the
Nautical Almanacs: from those in the Mariner’s Guide by the Rev. Dr.
Maskelyne, F. R. S. and Astronomer Royal, published in 1763; from the
Connoissance des Tems for 1780 and 1781; From Professor Mayer’s
Geographical Table; from the Voyages of Messrs. d’Eveux de Fleurieu,
Verdun, de Borda, and Chabet, &c.; from the Table lately published by
Mr. Dalrymple for the use of the East India ships; from the
Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society; and from the
Observations of our late Navigators.
HEN. ROBERTS.
SHOREHAM, SUSSEX, May 18. 1784.
Footnote 75:
The very copious Vocabulary of the language of Otaheite, and the
comparative specimen of the languages of the several other islands
visited during the former voyage, and published in Captain Cook’s
account of it, were furnished by Mr. Anderson.
Footnote 76:
The late Sir Joseph.
Footnote 77:
See the instructions in the Introduction.
Footnote 78:
Captain Le Crass, Admiral Amherst having struck his flag some days
before.
Footnote 79:
It appears from Captain Cook’s log-book, that he began his judicious
operations for preserving the health of his crew, very early in the
voyage. On the 17th, the ship was smoked between decks with
gun-powder. The spare sails also were then well aired.
Footnote 80:
Though no such instance was known to those from whom Captain Cook had
this information, we learn from Glas, that _some years before_ he was
at Teneriffe, _almost all the shipping in the road were driven on
shore_. See _Glas’s Hist. of the Canary Islands_, p. 235. We may well
suppose the precautions now used, have prevented any more such
accidents happening. This will sufficiently justify Captain Cook’s
account.
Footnote 81:
Formerly, there was made at Teneriffe a great quantity of Canary sack,
which the French call _Vin de Malvesie_; and we, corruptly after them,
name Malmsey (from Malvesia, a town in the Morea, famous for such
luscious wine). In the last century, and still later, much of this was
imported into England; but little wine is now made there, but of the
sort described by Captain Cook. Not more than fifty pipes of the rich
Canary was annually made in Glas’s time; and he says, they now gather
the grapes when green, and make a dry hard wine of them, fit for hot
climates, p. 262.
Footnote 82:
See an account of a journey to the top of the Pic of Teneriffe, in
_Sprat’s History of the Royal Society_, p. 200, &c. _Glas_ also went
to the top of it. _History of the Canary Islands_, p. 252 to 259. In
the Philosophical Transactions, vol. xlvii. p. 353-356, we have
_Observations made, in going up the Pic of Teneriffe, by Dr. T.
Heberden_. The Doctor makes its height, about the level of the sea, to
be 2566 fathoms, or 15,396 English feet; and says, that this was
confirmed by two subsequent observations by himself, and another made
by Mr. Crosse, the consul. And yet, I find, that the Chevalier de
Borda, who measured the height of this mountain in August 1776, makes
it to be only 1931 French toises, or 12,340 English feet. See Dr.
Forster’s _Observations during a Voyage round the World_, p. 32.
Footnote 83:
_Glas_, p. 231., speaking of this plant, says, that _he cannot imagine
why the natives of the Canaries do not extract the juice, and use it
instead of pitch, for the bottoms of their boats_. We now learn from
Mr. Anderson their reason for not using it.
Footnote 84:
Its extended name is St. Christobal de la Laguna; and it used to be
reckoned the capital of the island, the gentry and lawyers living
there; though the Governor-General of the Canary Islands resides at
Santa Cruz, as being the centre of their trade, both with Europe and
America. See _Glas’s Hist._ p. 248.
Footnote 85:
The writer of the _Relation of Teneriffe, in Sprat’s History_, p. 207,
takes notice of this lemon as produced here, and calls it _Pregnada_.
Probably, _emprennada_, the Spanish word for _impregnated_, is the
name it goes by.
Footnote 86:
This agrees with Dr. T. Heberden’s account, who says that the
sugar-loaf part of the mountain, or _la pericosa_ (as it is called),
_which is an eighth part of a league_ (or 1980 feet) _to the top, is
covered with snow the greatest part of the year_. See _Philosophical
Transactions_, as quoted above.
Footnote 87:
This port was then filled up by the rivers of burning lava that flowed
into it from a volcano; insomuch that houses are now built where ships
formerly lay at anchor. See _Glas’s Hist._ p. 244.
Footnote 88:
_Glas_, p. 342., says, that they annually export no less than fifteen
thousand pipes of wine and brandy. In another place, p. 252, he tells
us, that the number of the inhabitants of Teneriffe, when the last
account was taken, was no less than 96,000. We may reasonably suppose
that there has been a considerable increase of population since Glas
visited the island, which is above thirty years ago. The quantity of
wine annually consumed, as the common beverage of at least one hundred
thousand persons, must amount to several thousand pipes. There must be
a vast expenditure of it, by conversion into brandy; to produce one
pipe of which, five or six pipes of wine must be distilled. An
attention to these particulars will enable every one to judge, that
the account given to Mr. Anderson, of an annual produce of 40,000
pipes of wine, has a foundation in truth.
Footnote 89:
It was otherwise in Glas’s time, when a few families of the _Guanches_
(as they are called) remained still in Teneriffe, not blended with the
Spaniards. _Glas_, p. 240.
Footnote 90:
As a proof of Captain Cook’s attention, both to the discipline and to
the health of his ship’s company, it may be worth while to observe
here, that it appears from his log-book, _he exercised them at great
guns and small arms, and cleared and smoked the ship below decks_,
twice in the interval between the 4th and the 10th of August.
Footnote 91:
On board his Majesty’s ship Elizabeth, from 1758 to 1764; by William
Nichelson, master of the said ship. London, 1773.
Footnote 92:
Dampier’s Voyages, vol. iii. p. 10.
Footnote 93:
On the 18th, I sunk a bucket with a thermometer seventy fathoms below
the surface of the sea, where it remained two minutes; and it took
three minutes more to haul it up. The mercury in the thermometer was
at 66, which before, in the air, stood at 78, and in the surface of
the sea at 79. The water which came up in the bucket contained, by Mr.
Cavendish’s table, 1/25, 7 part salt; and that at the surface of the
sea 1/29, 4. As this last was taken up after a smart shower of rain,
it might be lighter on that account. _Captain Cook’s log-book._
Footnote 94:
The particulars are mentioned in his log-book. On the 14th of August,
a fire was made in the well, to air the ship below. On the 15th, the
spare-sails were aired upon deck, and a fire made to air the
sail-room. On the 17th, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks, and the
bread-room aired with fires. On the 21st, cleaned and smoked betwixt
decks; and on the 22d, the men’s bedding was spread on deck to air.
Footnote 95:
The afternoon, as appears from Mr. Anderson’s Journal, was spent in
performing the old and ridiculous ceremony of ducking those who had
not crossed the equator before. Though Captain Cook did not suppress
the custom, he thought it too trifling to deserve the least mention of
it in his Journal, or even in his log-book. Pernetty, the writer of
Bougainville’s Voyage to the Falkland Islands, in 1763 and 1764,
thought differently; for his account of the celebration of this
childish festival on board his ship, is extended through seventeen
pages, and makes the subject of an entire chapter, under the title of
_Baptême de la Ligne_.
It may be worth while to transcribe his introduction to the
description of it. “C’est un usage qui ne remonte pas plus haut que ce
voyage célébre de Gama, qui a fourni au Camoens le sujet de la
Lusiade. L’Idée qu’on ne sçauroit être un bon marin, sans avoir
traversé l’Equateur, l’ennui inséparable d’une longue navigation, un
certain esprit republicain qui regne dans toutes les petites societés,
peut-être toutes ces causes reunies, on pu donner naissance à ces
especes de saturnales. Quoiqu’il en soit, elles furent adoptées, en un
instant, dans toutes les nations, et les hommes les plus eclairés
furent obligés de se soumettre à une coutume dont ils reconnoissoient
l’absurdité. Car, partout, des que le peuple parle, il faut que le
sage se mette à l’unison.” _Histoire d’un Voyage aux Isles Malouines_,
p. 107, 108.
Footnote 96:
See vol. IV. p. 252.
Footnote 97:
P. 11.
Footnote 98:
See Hawkesworth’s Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 15.
Footnote 99:
“The most remarkable thing in the Cape sheep, is the length and
thickness of their tails, which weigh from fifteen to twenty pounds.
The fat is not so tallowish as that of European mutton, and the poorer
sort use it for butter.” _Kolben’s Cape of Good Hope_ [English
translation], vol. ii. p. 65. De la Caille, who finds every thing
wrong in Kolben, says, the weight of the tails of the Cape sheep is
not above five or six pounds. _Voyage de la Caille_, p. 343. If the
information given to Captain Cook may be depended upon, it will prove
that, in this instance at least, Kolben is unjustly accused of
exaggeration.
Footnote 100:
In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxvi. p. 268 to 319, is an
_Account of Three Journies from the Cape Town into the Southern parts
of Africa_, in 1772, 1773, and 1774; by Mr. Francis Masson, who had
been sent from England for the discovery of new plants, towards the
improvement of the Royal Botanical Garden at Kew. Much curious
information is contained in Mr. Masson’s account of these journies. M.
de Pagés, who was at the Cape in 1773, gives some remarks on the state
of that settlement, and also the particulars of his journey from False
Bay to the Cape Town. _Voyage vers le Pole du Sud_, p. 17 to 32.
Footnote 101:
In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii. part I. p. 102, we
have a Letter from Mr. Anderson to Sir John Pringle, describing this
remarkable stone. The account sent home from the Cape, and read before
the Royal Society, is much the same with that now published, but
rather fuller. In particular, he tells Sir John, that he went to see
it _at Mr. Mason’s desire_, who, probably, had not had an opportunity
of sufficiently examining it himself. In the account of his journies,
above referred to, p. 270, he only says, “_there are two large solid
rocks on the Perel Berg, each of which (he believes) is more than a
mile in circumference at the base, and upwards of two hundred feet
high. Their surfaces are nearly smooth, without chink or fissures; and
they are found to be a species of granite, different from that which
composes the neighbouring mountains._”
Mr. Anderson having, with his letter to Sir John Pringle, also sent
home a specimen of the rock, it was examined by Sir William Hamilton,
whose opinion is, that “_this singular, immense fragment of granite,
most probably has been raised by a volcanic explosion, or some such
cause_.” See his Letter to Sir John Pringle, annexed to Mr.
Anderson’s, in the Philosophical Transactions.
Footnote 102:
It is strange that neither Kolben nor de la Caille should have thought
the _Tower of Babylon_ worthy of a particular description. The former
[vol. ii. p. 52, 53, English Translation,] only mentions it as a _high
mountain_. The latter contents himself with telling us, that it is a
very low hillock, _un très-bas monticule_. _Voyage de la Caille_, p.
341. We are much obliged to Mr. Anderson for his very accurate account
of this remarkable rock, which agrees with Mr. Sonnerat’s, who was at
the Cape of Good Hope so late as 1781. His words are, “La Montagne de
la _Perle_, merite d’être observée. C’est un des plus hautes des
environs du Cap. Elle n’est composée que d’un seul bloc de granit
crévassé dans plusieurs endroits.” _Voyage aux Indes_, tom. ii. p. 91.
Mr. Sonnerat tells us, that Mr. Gordon, commander of the troops at the
Cape, had lately made three journies up the country, from which, when
he publishes his Journal, we may expect much curious information.
Footnote 103:
Vol. III. p. 35.
Footnote 104:
Nichelson.
Footnote 105:
Mr. Dun.
Footnote 106:
See Vol. IV. p. 243. These islands are there said to be in the
latitude of 48° S., that is, two degrees farther south, than what here
appears to be their real position.
Footnote 107:
See Vol. IV. as above. Dr. Forster, in his _observations made during
that voyage_, p. 30., gives us this description of the chart then
communicated by Monsieur Crozet; that it was _published under the
patronage of the Duke de Croye, by Robert de Vaugondy_. Captain Cook
tells us lower in this chapter that it was published in 1773.
Footnote 108:
Captain Cook’s proceedings, as related in the remaining part of this
chapter, and in the next, being upon a coast newly discovered by the
French, it could not but be an object of his attention to trace the
footsteps of the original explorers. But no superiority of
professional skill, nor diligence in exerting it, could possibly
qualify him to do this successfully, without possessing, at the same
time, full and authentic intelligence of all that had been performed
here by his predecessors in the discovery. But that he was not so
fortunate as to be thus sufficiently instructed, will appear from the
following facts, which the reader is requested to attend to, before he
proceeds to the perusal of this part of the journal.
How very little was known, with any precision, about the operations of
Kerguelen, when Captain Cook sailed in 1776, may be inferred from the
following paragraph of his instructions: “You are to proceed in search
of some islands _said to have been lately seen_ by the French in the
latitude of 48° S., and in the meridian of Mauritius.”[109] This was,
barely, the amount of the very indefinite and imperfect information,
which Captain Cook himself had received from Baron Plettenberg at the
Cape of Good Hope, in November 1772[110]; in the beginning of which
year Kerguelen’s _first_ voyage had taken place.
The Captain, on his return homeward, in March 1775, heard, a second
time, something about this French discovery at the Cape, where he met
with Monsieur Crozet, who _very obligingly communicated to him_ a
chart of the southern hemisphere, _wherein were delineated not only
his own discoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen_.[111] But
what little information that chart could convey, was still necessarily
confined to the operations of the first voyage; the chart here
referred to, having been published in France in 1773; that is, before
any intelligence could possibly be conveyed from the southern
hemisphere of the result of Kerguelen’s second visit to this new land;
which we now know happened towards the close of the same year.
Of these latter operations, the only account (if that can be called an
account which conveys no particular information) received by Captain
Cook from Monsieur Crozet was, _that a later voyage had been
undertaken by the French, under the command of Captain Kerguelen,
which had ended much to the disgrace of that commander_.[112]
What Crozet had _not_ communicated to our author, and what we are
sure, from a variety of circumstances, he had _never_ heard of from
any other quarter, he missed an opportunity of learning at Teneriffe.
He expresses his being sorry, as we have just read, _that he did not
know sooner that there was on board the frigate an officer who had
been with Kerguelen, as he might have obtained from him more
interesting information about this land than its situation_. And,
indeed, if he had conversed with that officer he might have obtained
information _more interesting_ than he was aware of; he might have
learnt that Kerguelen had actually visited this southern land a second
time, and that the little isle of which he then received the name and
position from the Chevalier de Borda, was a discovery of this later
voyage. But the account conveyed to him being, as the reader will
observe, unaccompanied with any date, or other distinguishing
circumstance, he left Teneriffe, and arrived on the coasts of
Kerguelen’s Land, under a full persuasion that it had been visited
only _once_ before. And, even with regard to the operations of that
first voyage, he had nothing to guide him, but the very scanty
materials afforded to him by Baron Plettenberg and Monsieur Crozet.
The truth is, the French seem, for some reason or other, not surely
founded on the importance of Kerguelen’s discovery, to have been very
shy of publishing a full and distinct account of it. No such account
had been published while Captain Cook lived. Nay, even after the
return of his ships in 1780, the gentleman who obligingly lent his
assistance to give a view of the prior observations of the French, and
to connect them on the same chart with those of our author, though his
assiduity in procuring geographical information can be equalled only
by his readiness in communicating it, had not, it should seem, been
able to procure any materials for that purpose, but such as mark the
operations of the first French voyage; and even for these, he was
indebted to a MS. drawing.
But this veil of unnecessary secrecy is at length drawn aside.
Kerguelen himself has, very lately, published the journal of his
proceedings in two successive voyages in the years 1772 and 1773; and
has annexed to his Narrative a chart of the coasts of this land, as
far as he had explored them in both voyages. Monsieur de Pagés also,
much about the same time, favoured us with another account of the
second voyage, in some respects fuller than Kerguelen’s own, on board
whose ship he was then an officer.
From these sources of authentic information we are enabled to draw
every necessary material to correct what is erroneous, and to
illustrate what, otherwise, would have remained obscure, in this part
of Captain Cook’s Journal. We shall take occasion to do this in
separate notes on the passages as they occur, and conclude this
tedious, but, it is hoped, not unnecessary detail of facts, with one
general remark, fully expressive of the disadvantages our author
laboured under. He never saw that part of the coast upon which the
French had been in 1772; and he never knew that they had been upon
another part of it in 1773, which was the very scene of his own
operations. Consequently, what he knew of the _former_ voyage, as
_delineated_ upon Crozet’s chart, only served to perplex and mislead
his judgment; and his total ignorance of the _latter_, put it out of
his power to compare his own observations with those then made by
Kerguelen; though we, who are better instructed, can do this, by
tracing the plainest marks of coincidence and agreement.
Footnote 109:
See the Instructions in the Introduction.
Footnote 110:
See Vol. III. p. 36.
Footnote 111:
Vol. IV. p. 243.
Footnote 112:
Vol. IV. p. 244.
Footnote 113:
Captain Cook was not the original discoverer of these small islands
which he now fell in with. It is certain that they had been seen and
named by Kerguelen, on his second voyage, in December, 1773. Their
position, relatively to each other, and to the adjoining coasts of the
greater land, as represented on the annexed chart, bears a striking
resemblance to Kerguelen’s delineation of them; whose chart, however,
the public may be assured, was unknown in England till after our’s had
been engraved.
Footnote 114:
This is the isle to which Kerguelen gave the name of _Croy_ or
_Crouy_. Besides delineating it upon his chart, he has added a
particular view of it, exactly corresponding with Captain Cook’s
account of its being of _considerable height_.
Footnote 115:
Kerguelen called this _Isle Rolland_, after the name of his own ship.
There is also a particular view of it on the French chart.
Footnote 116:
The observations of the French and English navigators agree exactly,
as to the position of these smaller isles.
Footnote 117:
The situation of Kerguelen’s _Isle de Clugny_, as marked on his chart,
shows it to be the _third high island_ seen by Captain Cook.
Footnote 118:
This isle, or _rock_, was the single point about which Captain Cook
had received the least information at Teneriffe; and we may observe
how sagacious he was in tracing it. What he could only speak of as
_probable_, a comparison of his chart with that lately published by
Kerguelen, proves to be certain; and if he had even read and copied
what his predecessors in the discovery says of it, he could scarcely
have varied his account of its shape. Kerguelen’s words are, “_Isle de
Réunion_, qui n’est qu’une _roche_, nous servoit _de rendezvous_, ou
de point de ralliement; et resemble à un _coin de mire_.”
Footnote 119:
The French and English agree very nearly (as might be expected) in
their accounts of the latitude of this island; but the observations by
which they fix its longitude, vary considerably.
The pilot at Teneriffe made it only 64° 57ʹ E. from Paris, which is
about 67° 16ʹ E. from London; or 1° 24ʹ more, westerly than Captain
Cook’s observations fix it.
Monsieur de Pagés says it is 66° 47ʹ E. from Paris, that is 69° 6ʹ E.
from London, or twenty-six miles more easterly than it is placed by
Captain Cook.
Kerguelen himself only says that it is _about_ 68° of E. longitude,
_par 68° de longitude_.
Footnote 120:
Hitherto, we have only had occasion to supply defects, owing to
Captain Cook’s _entire_ ignorance of Kerguelen’s second voyage in
1773; we must now correct errors, owing to his very limited knowledge
of the operations of the first voyage in 1772. The chart of the
southern hemisphere, his only guide, having given him, as he tells us,
the name of Cape St. Louis (or Cape Louis) as the most northerly
promontory then seen by the French; and his own observations now
satisfying him that no part of the main land stretched further N. than
the _left extreme_ now before him; from this supposed similarity of
situation, he _judged_ that his own _perpendicular rock_ must be the
Cape Lewis of the first discoverers. By looking upon our chart, we
shall find Cape Louis lying upon a very different part of the coast;
and by comparing this chart with that lately published by Kerguelen,
it will appear, in the clearest manner, that the northern point now
described by Captain Cook, is the very same to which the French have
given the name of Cape François.
Footnote 121:
This _right extreme_ of the coast, as it now showed itself to Captain
Cook, seems to be what is represented on Kerguelen’s chart under the
name of Cape Aubert. It may be proper to observe here, that all that
extent of coast lying between Cape Louis and Cape François, of which
the French saw very little during their first visit in 1772, and may
be called the N. W. side of this land, they had it in their power to
trace the position of in 1773, and have assigned names to some of its
bays, rivers, and promontories, upon their chart.
Footnote 122:
Kerguelen’s Isle de Clugny.
Footnote 123:
Cape François, as already observed.
Footnote 124:
The observations of the French, round Cape François, remarkably
coincide with Captain Cook’s in this paragraph; and the rocks and
islands here mentioned by him, also appear upon their chart.
Footnote 125:
The (_d_), no doubt, is a contraction of the word _Domino_. The French
Secretary of the Marine was then Monsieur de Boynes.
Footnote 126:
On perusing this paragraph of the Journal, it will be natural to ask,
How could Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, in the beginning of 1772, leave
an inscription, which, upon the very face of it, commemorates a
transaction of the following year? Captain Cook’s manner of expressing
himself here, strongly marks, that he made this supposition only for
want of information to enable him to make any other. He had no idea
that the French had visited this land a second time; and, reduced to
the necessity of trying to accommodate what he saw himself, to what
little he had heard of their proceedings, he confounds a transaction
which we, who have been better instructed, know, for a certainty,
belongs to the second voyage, with a similar one, which his chart of
the Southern Hemisphere has recorded, and which happened in a
different year, and at a different place.
The bay, indeed, in which Monsieur de Boisguehenneu landed, is upon
the west side of this land, considerably to the south of Cape Louis,
and not far from another more southerly promontory, called Cape
Bourbon; a part of the coast which our ships were not upon. Its
situation is marked upon our chart; and a particular view of the bay
_du Lion Marin_ (for so Boisguehenneu called it), with the soundings,
is preserved by Kerguelen.
But if the bottle and inscription, found by Captain Cook’s people,
were not left here by Boisguehenneu, by whom and when were they left?
This we learn most satisfactorily, from the accounts of Kerguelen’s
second voyage, as published by himself and Monsieur de Pagés, which
present us with the following particulars: That they arrived on the
west side of this land on the 14th of December, 1773; that, steering
to the north-east, they discovered, on the 16th, the _Isle de
Réunion_, and the other small islands as mentioned above; that, on the
17th, they had before them the principal land (which they were sure
was connected with that seen by them on the 14th), and a high point of
that land, named by them Cape François; that beyond this Cape the
coast took a south-easterly direction, and behind it they found a bay,
called by them _Baie de l’Oiseau_, from the name of their frigate;
that they then endeavoured to enter it, but were prevented by contrary
winds and blowing weather, which drove them off the coast eastward;
but that, at last, on the 6th of January, Monsieur de Rosnevet,
Captain of the Oiseau, was able to send his boat on shore into this
bay, under the command of Monsieur de Rochegude, one of his officers,
_who took possession of that bay, and of all the country, in the name
of the King of France, with all the requisite formalities_.
Here, then, we trace, by the most unexceptionable evidence, the
history of the bottle and inscription; the leaving of which was, no
doubt, one of the requisite formalities observed by Monsieur de
Rochegude on this occasion. And though he did not land till the 6th of
January, 1774, yet, as Kerguelen’s ships arrived upon the coast on the
14th of December, 1773, and had discovered and looked into this very
bay on the 17th of that month, it was with the strictest propriety and
truth that 1773, and not 1774, was mentioned as the date of the
discovery.
We need only look at Kerguelen’s and Cook’s charts, to judge that the
_Baie de l’Oiseau_, and the harbour where the French inscription was
found, is one and the same place. But besides this agreement as to the
general position, the same conclusion results more decisively still,
from another circumstance worth mentioning: the French, as well as the
English visitors of this bay and harbour, have given us a particular
plan of it; and whoever compares ours, published in this volume, with
that to be met with in Kerguelen’s and de Pagés’s voyages, must be
struck with a resemblance that could only be produced by copying one
common original with fidelity. Nay, even the soundings are the same
upon the same spots in both plans, being forty-five fathoms between
the two Capes, before the entrance of the bay; sixteen fathoms farther
in, where the shores begin to contract; and eight fathoms up, near the
bottom of the harbour.
To these particulars, which throw abundant light on this part of our
author’s Journal, I shall only add, that the distance of our harbour
from that where Boisguehenneu landed, in 1772, is forty leagues. For
this we have the authority of Kerguelen, in the following passage:
“Monsieur de Boisguehenneu descendit le 13 de Février, 1772, dans un
baie, qu il nommé Baie du Lion Marin, et prit possession de cette
terre au nom de Roi; il n’y vit aucune trace d’habitants. Monsieur de
Rochegude, en 1774, a descendu dans un autre baie, que nous avons
nommé Baie de l’Oiseau, et cette seconde rade est à quarantes lieues
de la première. Il en a également pris possession, et il n’y trouva
également aucune trace d’habitants.” _Kerguelen_, p. 92.
Footnote 127:
Cap François, for reasons already assigned.
Footnote 128:
If there could be the least doubt remaining of the identity of the
Baie de l’Oiseau, and Christmas Harbour, the circumstance of the
perforated rock, which divides it from another bay to the south, would
amount to a strict demonstration. For Monsieur de Pagés had observed
this discriminating mark before Captain Cook. His words are as follow:
“L’on vit que la côte de l’est, voisine du Cap François, avoit deux
baies; elles étoient separées par une pointe très-reconnoissable par
sa forme, _qui representoit une porte cochère, au travers de laquelle
l’on voyoit le jour_.” _Voyages du M. de Pagés_, vol. ii. p. 67. Every
one knows how exactly the form of a _porte cochère_, or arched
gateway, corresponds with that of the arch of a bridge. It is very
satisfactory to find the two navigators, neither of whom knew any
thing of the other’s description, adopting the same idea; which both
proves that they had the same uncommon object before their eyes, and
that they made an accurate report.
Footnote 129:
In the last note, we saw how remarkably Monsieur de Pagés and Captain
Cook agree about the appearance of the south point of the harbour; I
shall here subjoin another quotation from the former, containing his
account of the harbour itself, in which the reader may trace the same
distinguishing features observed by Captain Cook in the foregoing
paragraph.
“Le 6, l’on mit à terre dans la première baie à l’est du Cap François,
et l’on prit possession de ces contrées. Ce mouillage consiste en une
petite rade, qui a environs quatres encablures, ou quatre cents toises
de profondeur, sur un tiers en sus de largeur. En dedans de cette rade
est un petit port, dont l’entrée, de quatres encablures de largeur,
presente au sud-est. La sonde de la petite rade est depuis
quarante-cinq jusqu’à trente brasses; et celle du port depuis seize
jusqu’à huit. Le fond des deux est de sable noir et vaseux. La côte
des deux bords est haute, et par une pente très-rude; elle est
couverte de verdure, et il y a une quantité prodigieuse d’outardes. Le
fond du port est occupé par un monticule qui laisse entre lui, et la
mer une plage de sable. Une petite rivière, de très-bonne eau, coule à
la mer dans cet endroit; et elle est fournie par un lac qui est un peu
au loin, au-dessus du monticule. Il y avoit sur la plage beaucoup de
pinguoins et de lions marins. Ces deux espèces d’animaux ne fuyoient
pas, et l’on augura que le pays n’étoit point habité; la terre
rapportoit de l’herbe large, noire, et bien nourrie, qui n’avoit
cependant que cinque pouces ou plus de hauteur. L’on ne vit aucun
arbre, ni signe d’habitation.” _Voyage du Monsieur du Pagés_, tom. ii.
p. 69, 70.
Footnote 130:
Cap François.
Footnote 131:
Cap François.
Footnote 132:
Though Kerguelen’s ships, in 1773, did not venture to explore this
part of the coast, Monsieur de Pagés’ account of it answers well to
Captain Cook’s. “Du 17 au 23, l’on ne prit d’autre connoissance que
celle de la figure de la côte, qui, courant d’abord au S. E., et
revenant ensuite au N. E., formoit un grand golfe. Il étoit occupé par
des brisans et des rochers; il avoit aussi une isle basse, et assez
étendue, et l’on usa d’une bien soigneuse precaution, pour ne pas
s’affaler dans ce golfe.” _Voyage du M. de Pagés_, tom. ii. p. 67.
Footnote 133:
Cap François.
Footnote 134:
Cap François.
Footnote 135:
This part of the coast seems to be what the French saw on the 5th of
January, 1774. Monsieur de Pagés speaks of it thus: “Nous reconnumes
une nouvelle côte etendue de toute vue dans l’est, et dans le ouest.
Les terres de cette côte étoient moins elevées que celles que nous
avions vues jusques ici; elles étoient aussi d’un aspect moins rude.”
_De Pagés_, tom. ii. p. 68.
Footnote 136:
See Hawkesworth’s Collection of Voyages, Vol. ii. p. 42.
Footnote 137:
If the French observations, as marked upon Captain Cook’s chart, and
still more authentically upon that published by their own discoverers,
may be depended upon, this land doth not reach so far to the west as
the meridian of 68°; Cape Louis, which is represented as its most
westerly point, being laid down by them to the east of that meridian.
Footnote 138:
The idea of Cape Louis being this projecting point of a southern
continent, must have soon vanished, as Cape François, within a year
after, was found, by the same discoverer, to lie above one third of a
degree farther north upon the same land. But if Kerguelen entertained
any such imagination at first, we are sure that, at present, he thinks
very differently. This appears from the following explicit declaration
of his sentiments, which deserves to be transcribed from his late
publication, as it does equal honour to his candour, and to Captain
Cook’s abilities. “La terre que j’ai découverte est certainement _une
isle_; puisque le célèbre Capitaine Cook a passé au sud, lors de son
premier voyage, sans rien rencontrer. Je juge même, que cette isle
_n’est pas bien grande_. Il y a aussi apparence, d’après le Voyage de
Monsieur Cook, que toute cette étendue de mers meridionales, est semée
d’isles ou de rochers; mais qu’il n’y a _ni continent ni grande
terre_.” Kerguelen, p. 92.
Footnote 139:
Kerguelen, as we see in the last note, concurs with Captain Cook as to
this. However, he tells us, that he has reason to believe that it is
about two hundred leagues in circuit; and that he was acquainted with
about fourscore leagues of its coast. “J’en connois environs
quatre-vingt lieues des côtes; et j’ai lieu de croire, qu’elle a
environ deux cents lieues de circuit.” _Kerguelen_, ibid.
Footnote 140:
Some of Monsieur de Kerguelen’s own countrymen seem more desirous than
we are, to rob him of this honour. It is very remarkable that Monsieur
de Pagés never once mentions the name of his commander. And, though he
takes occasion to enumerate the several French explorers of the
southern hemisphere, from Gonneville down to Crozet, he affects to
preserve an entire silence about Kerguelen, whose first voyage, in
which the discovery of this considerable tract of land was made, is
kept as much out of sight, as if it never had taken place. Nay, not
satisfied with refusing to acknowledge the right of another, he almost
assumes it to himself. For, upon a Map of the World annexed to his
book, at the spot where the new land is delineated, we read this
inscription: _Isles nouvelles Australes vuées par Monsieur de Pagés,
en 1774_. He could scarcely have expressed himself in stronger terms,
if he had meant to convey an idea that he was the conductor of the
discovery. And yet we know, that he was only a lieutenant [enseigne de
vaisseau] on board one of the three ships commanded by Kerguelen; and
that the discovery had been already made in a former voyage,
undertaken while he was actually engaged in his singular journey round
the world.
After all, it cannot but be remarked that Kerguelen was peculiarly
unfortunate, in having done so little to complete what he had begun.
He discovered a new land indeed; but, in two expeditions to it, he
could not once bring his ships to an anchor upon any part of its
coasts. Captain Cook, as we have seen in this, and in the foregoing
chapter, had either fewer difficulties to struggle with, or was more
successful in surmounting them.
Footnote 141:
Pennant’s Patagonian penguin. See his _Genera of Birds_. Tab. 14. p.
66.
Footnote 142:
_Voyage autour du Monde_, p. 69.
Footnote 143:
_Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée_ p. 181, 182. Tab. 113. 115.
Footnote 144:
The sheath-bill. See _Pennant’s Genera of Birds_, p. 43.
Footnote 145:
The most striking difference seems to be with regard to the texture of
the hair. The natives whom Captain Cook met with at Endeavour River in
1769, are said, by him, to have _naturally long and black hair, though
it be universally cropped short. In general it is straight, but
sometimes it has a slight curl. We saw none that was not matted and
filthy. Their beards were of the same colour with the hair, and bushy
and thick._ See Vol. II. p. 211. of this Edition of Cook’s Voyages.
It may be necessary to mention here, on the authority of Captain King,
that Captain Cook was very unwilling to allow that the hair of the
natives now met with in Adventure Bay was _woolly_, fancying that his
people, who first observed this, had been deceived, from its being
clotted with grease and red ochre. But Captain King prevailed upon him
afterward to examine carefully the hair of the boys, which was
generally, as well as that of the women, free from this dirt; and then
he owned himself satisfied that it was naturally _woolly_. Perhaps we
may suppose it possible, that he himself had been deceived when he was
in Endeavour River, from this very circumstance; as he expressly says,
that _they saw none that was not matted and filthy_.
Footnote 146:
And yet Dampier’s New Hollanders, on the western coast, bear a
striking resemblance to Captain Cook’s at Van Diemen’s Land, in many
remarkable instances:
1st, As to their becoming familiar with the strangers.
2dly, As to their persons; being straight-bodied, and thin; their skin
black; and black, short, curled hair, like the negroes of Guinea; with
wide mouths.
3dly, As to their wretched condition; having no houses, no garment, no
canoes, no instrument to catch large fish; feeding on broiled muscles,
cockles, and periwinckles; having no fruits of the earth; their
weapons a straight pole, sharpened and hardened at the end, &c. &c.
The chief peculiarities of Dampier’s _miserable wretches_ are, 1st,
Their eye-lids being always half closed, to keep the flies out, which
were excessively troublesome there: and, 2dly, Their wanting the two
fore-teeth of the upper jaw, and their having no beards. See _Dampier
s Voyages_, vol. i. p. 464, &c. There seems to be no reason for
supposing that Dampier was mistaken in the above account of what he
saw.
Footnote 147:
Captain Cook’s account of the natives of Van Diemen’s Land, in this
chapter, no doubt proves that they differ, _in many respects_, as he
says, from the inhabitants of the more northerly parts of the east
coast of New Holland, whom he met with in his first voyage. It seems
very remarkable, however, that the only woman any of his people came
close to in Botany Bay, should have _her hair cropped short_; while
the man who was with her, is said to have had _the hair of his head
bushy, and his beard long and rough_. See Vol. II. p. 87. of this
Edition. Could the natives of Van Diemen’s Land be more accurately
described, than by saying that the hair of the men’s heads is _bushy,
and their beards long and rough, and that the women’s hair is cropped
short_? So far north, therefore, as Botany Bay, the natives of the
east coast of New Holland seem to resemble those of Van Diemen’s Land
in this circumstance.
Footnote 148:
Vol. III. chap. vii.
Footnote 149:
Vol. II. p. 167. of this Edition of Cook’s Voyages.
Footnote 150:
Ibid. p. 159.
Footnote 151:
Tom. ii. p. 211. 12mo. Planche xvii.
Footnote 152:
_Iter Palæstinum._
Footnote 153:
Tasman, when in the bay of Frederick Henry, adjoining to Adventure
Bay, found two trees, one of which was two fathoms, and the other two
fathoms and a half in girth, and sixty or sixty-five feet high, from
the root to the branches. See his _Voyage, in Harris’s Collection,
Campbell’s Edition_, vol. i. p. 326.
Footnote 154:
The ingenious Author of _Récherches sur les Américains_, illustrates
the grounds of this assertion in the following satisfactory manner:
“C’est quelque chose de surprenant, que la foule des idiomes, tous
variés entr’eux, que parlent les naturels de l’Amérique
Septentrionale. Qu’on réduise ces idiomes à des racines, qu’on les
simplifie, qu’on en sépare les dialectes et les jargons dérivés, il en
resulte toujours cinq ou six langues-mères, respectivement
incomprehensibles. On a observé la même singularité dans la Sibérie et
la Tartarie, où le nombre des idiomes, et des dialectes, est également
multiplié; et rien n’est plus commun, que d’y voir deux hordes
voisines qui ne se comprennent point. On rétrouve cette même
multiplicité de jargons dans toutes les Provinces de l’Amérique
Méridionale.” [He might also have included Africa.] “Il y a beaucoup
d’apparence que _la vie sauvage, en dispersant les hommes par petites
troupes isolées dans des bois épais, occasione nécessairement cette
grande diversité des langues_ dont le nombre diminue à mesure que la
société, en rassemblant les barbares vagabonds, en forme un corps de
nation. Alors l’idiome le plus riche, ou le moins pauvre en mots,
devient dominant, et absorbe les autres.” Tom. i. p. 159, 160.
Footnote 155:
Dampier seems to be of this opinion. Vol. iii, p. 104, 125.
Footnote 156:
We find Mr. Anderson’s notions on this subject conformable to those of
Mr. Marsden, who has remarked, “that one general language prevailed
(however mutilated and changed in the course of time) throughout all
this portion of the world, from Madagascar to the most distant
discoveries eastward; of which the Malay is a dialect, much corrupted
or refined by a mixture of other tongues. This very extensive
similarity of language indicates a common origin of the inhabitants;
but the circumstances and progress of their separation are wrapped in
the darkest veil of obscurity.” _History of Sumatra_, p. 35.
See also his very curious paper, read before the Society of
Antiquaries, and published in their _Archæologia_, vol. vi. p. 155;
where his sentiments on this subject are explained more at large, and
illustrated by two tables of corresponding words.
Footnote 157:
See the chart of Queen Charlotte’s Sound, in Hawkesworth’s Collection,
vol. ii. p. 385.
Footnote 158:
In 1772.
Footnote 159:
See Vol. I. p. 383.
Footnote 160:
See Vol. III. p. 132.
Footnote 161:
See Vol. IV. p. 145.
Footnote 162:
See Vol. IV. p. 144.
Footnote 163:
See his Narrative, Vol. IV. p. 232.
Footnote 164:
In a separate memorandum-book, Mr. Anderson mentions the monstrous
animal of the lizard kind, described by the two boys after they left
the island.
Footnote 165:
See Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. iii. p. 474, 475, and Captain
Cook’s Voyage, Vol. ii. p. 364.
Footnote 166:
A very ingenious and satisfactory account of the cause of the surf, is
to be met with in Marsden’s History of Sumatra, p. 29. 32.
Footnote 167:
The inhabitants of the Palaos, New Philippine, or rather Caroline
Islands, at the distance of almost fifteen hundred leagues from
Mangeea, have the same mode of salutation. “Leur civilité, et la
marque de leur respect, consiste à prendre la main ou le pied de celui
à qui ils veulent faire honneur, et s’en frotter doucement tout le
visage.” _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 208. Edit.
1781.
Footnote 168:
Something like this ceremony was performed by the inhabitants of the
Marquesas, when Captain Cook visited them in 1774. _See his 2d
Voyage_, Vol. III. It is curious to observe, at what immense distances
this mode of receiving strangers prevails.—Padillo, who sailed from
Manilla in 1710, on a voyage to discover the Palaos Islands, was thus
received there. The writer of the relation of his voyage says,
“Aussitôt qu’ils approchèrent de notre bord, ils se mirent à chanter.
Ils régloient la cadence, en frappant des mains sur leurs cuisses.”
_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 323.
Footnote 169:
The dances of the inhabitants of the Caroline Islands have a great
resemblance to those here described. See _Lettres Edif. et Curieuses_,
tom. xv. p. 315. See also, in the same volume, p. 207, what is said of
the singing and dancing of the inhabitants of the Palaos Islands,
which belong to the same group.
Footnote 170:
Such accidents as this here related, probably happen frequently in the
Pacific Ocean. In 1696, two canoes, having on board thirty persons of
both sexes, were driven by contrary winds and tempestuous weather, on
the isle of Samal, one of the Philippines, after being tost about at
sea seventy days, and having performed a voyage from an island called
by them Amorsot, 300 leagues to the east of Samal. Five of the number
who had embarked, died of the hardships suffered during this
extraordinary passage. See a particular account of them, and of the
islands they belonged to, in _Lettres Edifiantes and Curieuses_, tom.
xv. from p. 196 to p. 215. In the same volume, from p. 282 to p. 320,
we have the relation of a similar adventure, in 1721, when two canoes,
one containing twenty-four, and the other six persons, men, women, and
children, were driven from an island they called Farroilep, northward
to the isle of Guam, or Guahan, one of the Ladrones or Mariannes. But
these had not sailed so far as their countrymen, who reached Samal as
above, and they had been at sea only twenty days. There seems to be no
reason to doubt the general authenticity of these two relations. The
information contained in the letters of the Jesuits, about these
islands, now known under the name of the Carolines, and discovered to
the Spaniards by the arrival of the canoes at Samal and Guam, has been
adopted by all our later writers. See President de Brosse’s _Voyages
aux Terres Australes_, tom. ii. from p. 443. to p. 490. See also the
_Modern Universal History_.
Footnote 171:
See Vol. III. book ii. chap. 1., where this island is said to be about
six leagues in circuit.
Footnote 172:
The reader will observe, that this name bears little affinity to any
one of the names of the three chiefs of Wateeoo, as preserved by Mr.
Anderson.
Footnote 173:
See Vol. IV. p. 2., 5.
Footnote 174:
Mr. Anderson, in his journal, mentions the following particulars,
relative to Palmerston’s Island, which strongly confirm Captain Cook’s
opinion about its formation. “On the last of the two islots, where we
landed, the trees, being in great numbers, had already formed, by
their rotten parts, little risings or eminences, which, in time, from
the same cause, may become small hills. Whereas, on the first islot,
the trees being less numerous, no such thing had as yet happened.
Nevertheless, on that little spot, the manner of formation was more
plainly pointed out. For, adjoining to it, was a small isle, which
had, doubtless, been very lately formed; as it was not, as yet,
covered with any trees, but had a great many shrubs, some of which
were growing among pieces of coral, that the sea had thrown up. There
was still a more sure proof of this method of formation a little
farther on, where two patches of sand, about fifty yards long, and a
foot or eighteen inches high, lay upon the reef, but not, as yet,
furnished with a single bush or tree.”
Footnote 175:
For an account of the discovery of Savage Island; a description of it;
and the behaviour of its inhabitants, on Captain Cook’s landing, see
Vol. IV. p. 3. to p. 6.
Footnote 176:
That is, Little Annamooka.
Footnote 177:
See Captain Cook’s last Voyage, Vol. IV. p. 7.
Footnote 178:
See Tasman’s account of this island, in Mr. Dalrymple’s valuable
Collection of Voyages to the Pacific Ocean, vol. ii. p. 79, 80. The
few particulars mentioned by Tasman, agree remarkably with Captain
Cook’s more extended relation.
Footnote 179:
As a proof of the great difficulty of knowing accurately the exact
names of the South Sea Islands, as procured from the natives, I
observe that what Captain Cook calls _Aghao_, Mr. Anderson calls
_Kao_; and Tasman’s drawing, as I find it in Mr. Dalrymple’s
Collection of Voyages, gives the name of _Kaybay_ to the same island.
Tasman’s and Captain Cook’s _Amattafoa_, is, with Mr. Anderson,
_Tofoa_. Captain Cook’s _Komango_, is Tasman’s _Amango_. There is
scarcely an instance in which such variations are not observable. Mr.
Anderson’s great attention to matters of this sort being, as we learn
from Captain King, well known to every body on board, and admitted
always by Captain Cook himself, his mode of spelling has been adopted
on the engraved chart of the Friendly Islands, which has made it
necessary to adopt it also, in printing the journal.
Footnote 180:
Mr. Anderson’s account of the night dances being much fuller than
Captain Cook’s, the reader will not be displeased that it has been
adopted.
Footnote 181:
In a former note, at p. 258. it was observed, that the songs and
dances of the Caroline Islanders, in the north Pacific, bear a great
resemblance to those of the inhabitants of Wateeoo. The remark may be
now extended to those of the Friendly Islanders, described at large in
this chapter. That the reader may judge for himself, I have selected
the following particulars from Father Cantova’s account. “Pendant la
nuit, au clair de la lune, ils s’assemblent, de temps en temps, pour
chanter et danser devant la maison de leur _Tamole_. Leurs danses se
font au son de la voix, car ils n’ont point d’instrument de musique.
La beauté de la danse, consiste dans l’exacte uniformité des mouvemens
du corps. Les hommes, séparés des femmes, se postent vis-à-vis les uns
des autres; après quoi, ils remuent la tête, les bras, les mains, les
pieds, en cadence.—Leur tête est couverte de plumes, ou de fleurs; et
l’on voit, attachées à leurs oreilles, des feuilles de palmier tissues
avec assez d’art.—Les femmes, de leur côté, se regardant les unes les
autres, commencent un chant pathétique et langoureux, accompagnant le
son de leur voix du mouvement cadencé de la tête et des bras.”
_Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 314, 315.
Footnote 182:
See Vol. III. book ii. ch. 2. The name of this extraordinary personage
is there said to be _Kohagee-too Fallangou_; which cannot, by the most
skilful etymologist, be tortured into the least most distant
resemblance of _Latooliboula_. It is remarkable, that Captain Cook
should not take any notice of his having called the same person by two
names so very different. Perhaps we may account for this by supposing
one to be the name of the person, and the other the description of his
title or rank. This supposition seems well founded, when we consider,
that _Latoo_, in the language of these people, is sometimes used to
signify a great chief; and Dr. Foster, in his _Observations_, p. 378,
379, and elsewhere, speaks of the sovereign of Tongataboo, under the
title of their _Latoo_. This very person is called by Dr. Foster, p.
370, _Latoo-Nipooroo_; which furnishes a very striking instance of the
variations of our people in writing down the same word as pronounced
by the natives. However, we can easily trace the affinity between
_Nipooroo_ and _Liboula_, as the changes of the consonants are such as
are perpetually made, upon hearing a word pronounced, to which our
ears have not been accustomed. Mr. Anderson here agrees with Captain
Cook in writing Latooliboula.
Footnote 183:
_Tangata_, in their language is man; _Arekee_, king.
Footnote 184:
Marks of profound respect, very similar to those paid by natives of
the Friendly Islands to their sovereign, are also paid to the
principal chiefs, or _Tamoles_ of the Caroline Islands, as appears
from father Cantova’s account here transcribed. “Lorsqu’un _Tamole_
donne audience, il paroît assis sur une table élevée: les peuples
s’inclinent devant lui jusqu’à terre; et du plus loin qu’ils arrivent,
ils marchent, le corps tout courbé, et la tête presqu’entre les
génoux, jusqu’à ce qu’ils soient auprès de sa personne; alors ils
s’asséyent à plate terre; et, les yeux baissés, ils reçoivent ses
ordres avec le plus profond respect. Quand le _Tamole_ les congedie,
ils se retirent, en se courbant de la même manière que quand ils sont
venus, et ne se relèvent que lorsqu’ils sont hors de sa présence. Ses
paroles sont autant d’oracles qu’on revère; on rend à ses ordres une
obeissance aveugle; enfin, on baise les mains et les pieds, quand on
lui demande quelque grace.”
_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 312, 313.
Footnote 185:
The same sort of evening concert is performed round the house of the
chief, or _Tamole_, at the Caroline Islands. “Le _Tamole_ ne s’endort
qu’au bruit d’un concert de musique que forme une troupe de jeunes
gens, qui s’assemblent le soir, autour de sa maison, et qui chantent,
à leur manière, certaines poësies.” _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_,
tom. xv. p. 314.
Footnote 186:
See Vol. I. p. 209.
Footnote 187:
Mr. Anderson’s description of the entertainments of this day being
much fuller than Captain Cook’s, it has been adopted, as on a former
occasion.
Footnote 188:
The burying-places of the chiefs at the Caroline Islands, are also
inclosed in this manner. See _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom.
xv. p. 309.
Footnote 189:
The following account of _kava_, to the end of this paragraph, is
inserted from Mr. Anderson’s journal.
Footnote 190:
From the 4th to the 7th of October.
Footnote 191:
See his _Characteres Generum Plantarum_. Lond. 1776.
Footnote 192:
_Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée_, Tab. cii.
Footnote 193:
This is the _fiatooka_ mentioned above by Mr. Anderson, p. 379.
Footnote 194:
See p. 371.
Footnote 195:
In the account of Captain Cook’s former Voyage, he calls the only
chief he then met with at this place, _Tioony_. See Vol. III. p. 200.
Footnote 196:
Those islands; which the natives represented as large ones, are
distinguished in Italics.
Footnote 197:
Tasman saw eighteen or twenty of these small islands, every one of
which was surrounded with sands, shoals, and rocks. They are also
called, in some charts, _Heemskirk’s Banks_. See Dalrymple’s
Collection of Voyages to the South Pacific Ocean, vol. ii. p. 83.; and
Campbell’s edition of Harris’s, vol. i. p. 325.
Footnote 198:
See Captain Wallis’s Voyage, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. i. p.
492-494. Captain Wallis there calls both these islands _high ones_.
But the superior height of one of them may be inferred, from his
saying, that it appears _like a sugar-loaf_. This strongly marks its
resemblance to Kao. From comparing Poulaho’s intelligence to Captain
Cook, with Captain Wallis’s account, it seems to be past all doubt,
that Boscawen’s Island is our Kootahee, and Keppel’s Island our
Neeootabootaboo. The last is one of the large islands marked in the
foregoing list. The reader, who has been already apprized of the
variations of our people in writing down what the natives pronounced,
will hardly doubt that Kottejeea and Kootahee are the same.
Footnote 199:
Neither Dalrymple nor Campbell, in their accounts of Tasman’s voyage,
take any particular notice of his having seen such an island. The
chart here referred to by Captain Cook is probably Mr. Dalrymple’s, in
his Collection of Voyages, where Tasman’s track is marked accurately;
and several very small spots of land are laid down in the situation
here mentioned.
Footnote 200:
In two or three preceding notes, extracts have been made from the
_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, as marking a strong resemblance
between some of the customs of the inhabitants of the Caroline
Islands, and those which Captain Cook describes as prevailing at an
immense distance in the islands which he visited in the South Pacific
Ocean. Possibly, however, the presumption, arising from this
resemblance, that all these islands were peopled by the same nation,
or tribe, may be resisted under the plausible pretence, that customs
very similar prevail amongst very distant people, without inferring
any other common source, besides the general principles of human
nature, the same in all ages, and every part of the globe. The reader,
perhaps, will not think this pretence applicable to the matter before
us, if he attends to the following very obvious distinction: Those
customs which have their foundation in wants that are common to the
whole human species, and which are confined to the contrivance of
means to relieve those wants, may well be supposed to bear a strong
resemblance, without warranting the conclusion, that they who use them
have copied each other, or have derived them from one common source;
human sagacity being the same every where, and the means adapted to
the relief of any particular natural want, especially in countries
similarly uncultivated, being but few. Thus the most distant tribes,
as widely separated as Terra del Fuego is from the islands east of
Kamtschatka, may, both of them, produce their fire by rubbing two
sticks upon each other, without giving us the least foundation for
supposing, that either of them imitated the other, or derived the
invention from a source of instruction common to both. But this seems
not to be the case with regard to those customs to which no general
principle of human nature has given birth, and which have their
establishment solely from the endless varieties of local whim, and
national fashion. Of this latter kind, those customs obviously are,
that belong both to the North, and to the South Pacific Islands, from
which, we would infer, that they were originally one nation; and the
men of Mangeea, and the men of the New Philippines, who pay their
respects to a person whom they mean to honour, by rubbing his hand
over their faces, bid fair to have learned their mode of salutation in
the same school. But if this observation should not have removed the
doubts of the sceptical refiner, probably he will hardly venture to
persist in denying the identity of race, contended for in the present
instance, when he shall observe, that, to the proof drawn from
affinity of customs, we have it in our power to add that most
unexceptionable one, drawn from affinity of language. _Tamoloa_, we
now know, is the word used at Hamoa, one of the Friendly Islands, to
signify a chief; and whoever looks into the _Lettres Edifiantes et
Curieuses_, will see that this is the very name by which the
inhabitants of the Caroline Islands distinguish their principal men.
We have in two preceding notes, inserted passages from Father
Cantova’s account of them, where their _Tamoles_ are spoken of; and he
repeats the word at least a dozen times, in the course of a few pages.
But I cannot avoid transcribing from him, the following very decisive
testimony, which renders any other quotation superfluous. “L’autorité
du gouvernement se partage entre plusieurs familles nobles, dont les
chefs s’appellent _Tamoles_. Il y a outre cela, dans chaque province,
un principal _Tamole_, auquel tous les autres sont soumis.”
_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 312.
Footnote 201:
Vol. III. p. 218, 219.
Footnote 202:
Ibid. p. 220, &c.
Footnote 203:
See Vol. IV. p. 19., where Captain Cook gives a particular account of
meeting with a person afflicted with this disease, at Annamooka, on
his landing there in 1773.
Footnote 204:
So at the Caroline Islands. “Ils sont accoutumés à se baigner trois
fois le jour, le matin, à midi, et sur le soir.”
_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 314.
Footnote 205:
How remarkably does Captain Cook’s account of the employments of the
women and men here, agree with Father Cantova’s, of the Caroline
Islanders!—“La principale occupation des hommes, est de construire des
barques, de pêcher, et de cultiver la terre. L’affaire des femmes est
de faire la cuisine, et de mettre en œuvre un espèce de plante
sauvage, et un arbre, pour en faire de la toile.”
_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 313.
Footnote 206:
Vol. III. p. 222, 223. The reader, by comparing that account, with
what Cantova says of the sea-boats of the Caroline Islands, will find,
in this instance, also, the greatest similarity. See _Lettres
Edifiantes et Curieuses_, p. 286.
Footnote 207:
Cantova says of his islanders, “Ils prennent leur repos dès que le
soleil est couché, et ils se levent avec l’aurore.” _Lettres
Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 314.
Footnote 208:
If, to the copious descriptions that occur in the preceding pages, of
the particular entertainments exhibited in Hapaee and Tongataboo, we
add the general view of the usual amusements of the inhabitants of
these islands, contained in this paragraph, and compare it with the
quotations from the Jesuit’s Letters, in a former note (p. 255.), we
shall be still more forcibly struck with the reasonableness of tracing
such singularly resembling customs to one common source. The argument,
in confirmation of this, drawn from identity of language, has been
already illustrated, by observing the remarkable coincidence of the
name by which the chiefs at the Caroline Islands, and those at Hamao,
one of the Friendly ones, are distinguished. But the argument does not
rest on a single instance, though that happens to be a very striking
one. Another of the very few specimens of the dialect of the North
Pacific islanders, preserved by father Cantova, furnishes an
additional proof. Immediately after the passage above referred to, he
proceeds thus: “Ce divertissement s’appelle, en leur langue, _tanger
ifaifil_; qui veut dire, la plainte des femmes.” _Lettres Edifiantes
et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 315. Now, it is very remarkable, that we
learn from Mr. Anderson’s collection of words, which will appear in
this chapter, that _la plainte des femmes_, or, in English, _the
mournful song of the women_, which the inhabitants of the Caroline
Islands express in their language _tanger ifaifil_, would, by those of
Tongataboo, be expressed _tangee vefaine_.
If any one should still doubt, in spite of this evidence, it may be
recommended to his consideration, that long separation and other
causes have introduced greater variations in the mode of pronouncing
these two words, at places confessedly inhabited by the same race,
than subsist in the specimen just given. It appears, from Mr.
Anderson’s vocabulary, printed in Captain Cook’s second voyage, that
what is pronounced _tangee_ at the Friendly Islands, is _taee_ at
Otaheite: and the _vefaine_ of the former, is the _waheine_ of the
latter.
Footnote 209:
Cantova says of his Caroline islanders, “La pluralité des femmes est
non seulement permise à tous ces insulaires, elle est encore une
marque d’honneur et de distinction. Le _Tamole_ de l’isle d’Huogoleu
en a neuf.”—_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 310.
Footnote 210:
At the Caroline Islands, “Ils ont horreur de l’adultère, comme d’un
grand péché.” _Ibid._ tom. xv. p. 310.
Footnote 211:
How the inhabitants of the Caroline Islands express their grief on
such occasions, may be seen, _Ibid._ tom. xv. p. 308.
Footnote 212:
Cantova’s account of the practice of the Caroline Islands is as
follows: “Lorsqu’il meurt, quelque personne d’un rang distingu, ou qui
leur est chère par d’autres endroits, ses obsèques se font avec pompe.
Il y en a qui renferment le corps du défunct dans un petit édifice de
pierre, qu’ils gardent au-dedans de leurs maisons. D’autres les
enterrent loin de leurs habitations.”
_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 308, 309.
Footnote 213:
See Vol. III. p. 228.
Footnote 214:
It may be proper to mention here, on the authority of Captain King,
that it is common for the inferior people to cut off a joint of their
little finger, on account of the sickness of the chiefs to whom they
belong.
Footnote 215:
This is peculiar to the men; the women always sitting with both legs
thrown a little on one side. We owe this remark to Captain King.
Footnote 216:
Cantova gives us the same account of the profound submission of the
Caroline Islanders to the orders of the _Tamole_. “Ils reçoivent ses
ordres avec le plus profond respect. Ses paroles sont autant d’oracles
qu’on révère.”
_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 312.
Footnote 217:
The reader need not be reminded that _Tamoloa_, which signifies a
chief, in the dialect of Hamao and _Tammaha_, become the same word, by
the change of a single letter, the articulation of which is not very
strongly marked.
Footnote 218:
See this vocabulary, at the end of vol. ii. of Dalrymple’s Collection
of Voyages. And yet, though Tasman’s people used the words of this
vocabulary, in speaking to the natives of Tongataboo (his Amsterdam),
we are told in the accounts of his voyage, that they did not
understand one another; a circumstance worth observing, as it shows
how cautious we should be, upon the scanty evidence afforded by such
transient visits as Tasman’s, and, indeed, as those of most of the
subsequent navigators of the Pacific Ocean, to found any argument
about the affinity, or want of affinity, of the languages of the
different islands. No one now will venture to say, that a Cocos man,
and one of Tongataboo, could not understand each other. Some of the
words of Horn Island, another of Schouten’s discoveries, also belong
to the dialect of Tongataboo. See _Dalrymple_, as above.
Transcriber’s Note
This book uses inconsistent spelling and hyphenation, which were
retained in the ebook version. Some corrections have been made to the
text, including normalizing punctuation. Further corrections are noted
below:
p. iv: Specicimen of thier Language -> Specimen of their Language
p. 31: produce intermediate disovaries -> produce intermediate
discoveries
p. 32: in the the latitude of -> in the latitude of
p. 42: the fabric of inposture -> the fabric of imposture
p. 73: the name asumed by the inhabitants -> the name assumed by the
inhabitants
p. 95: the watch watch gave 1° -> the watch gave 1°
p. 112: China and japan -> China and Japan
p. 115: PRECAUTIONS AGANST THE RAIN -> PRECAUTIONS AGAINST THE RAIN
Footnote A p. 116: worth while to obseve here -> worth while o observe
here
p. 130: some artifical work -> some artificial work
p. 142: a prodigious sea runing -> a prodigious sea running
Footnote 91: not the orginal discoverer -> to the original discoverer
p. 155: which lie of Chrismas Harbour -> which lie of Christmas Harbour
Footnote 145: the most stiking difference -> the most striking
difference
Footnote 156: two tables of coresponding words -> two tables of
corresponding words
p. 183: gratification which they they have -> gratification which they
have
p. 217: which the New Zelanders distinguish -> which the New Zealanders
distinguish
p. 218: subsequent visiters from Europe -> subsequent visiors from
Europe
p. 229: and theirwork is often ornamented -> and their work is often
ornamented
p. 242: at day-dreak the next morning -> at day-break the next morning
p. 261: the busines we came upon -> the business we came upon
p. 263: victuals that that had been -> victuals that had been
p. 267: roots which they all _taro_ -> roots which they call _taro_
p. 269: the whole assemly -> the whole assembly
illustration facing p. 301: View at Anamooka -> View at Annamooka
p. 322: I applied to Fenou -> I applied to Feenou
p. 330: anchorage and a a passage -> anchorage and a passage
p. 332: fetch in with Fotooha -> fetch in with Footooha
p. 332; clear of the the shoals -> clear of the shoals
p. 348: Young Fattafaihe following -> Young Futtahaihe following
p. 357: had not danced defore -> had not danced before
p. 365: on our asking the reason, the said -> on our asking the reason,
they said
p. 408: it seems all of of them -> it seems all of them
p. 409: strong ripling and whirpools -> strong riplings and whirlpools
p. 443: EMPLOYMENTS OE THE WOMEN -> EMPLOYMENTS OF THE WOMEN
p. 447: unmaried men and women -> unmarried men and women
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