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Title: The History of Lynn, Vol. 1 [of 2]
Author: Richards, William
Language: English
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Transcribed from the 1812 W. G. Whittingham edition by David Price, email
ccx074@pglaf.org
[Picture: Book cover]
THE
HISTORY
OF
LYNN,
_Civil_, _Ecclesiastical_, _Political_, _Commercial_, _Biographical_,
_Municipal_, _and Military_,
FROM
THE EARLIEST ACCOUNTS TO THE PRESENT TIME;
INTERSPERSED
With occasional remarks on such national occurrences as may serve to
elucidate the real state of the town, or the manners, character,
and condition of the inhabitants at different periods.
TO WHICH IS PREFIXED
A COPIOUS INTRODUCTORY ACCOUNT
OF ITS
_Situation_, _Harbour_, _Rivers_, _Inland Trade and Navigation_,
_the Ancient and Modern State_
OF
Marshland, Wisbeach, and the Fens,
AND
Whatever is most remarkable, memorable, or interesting, in other
parts of the adjacent country.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
_BY WILLIAM RICHARDS_, _M.A._
_Honorary member of the Pennsylvania Society_, _for promoting the
Abolition_
_of Slavery_, _and the relief of free Negroes unlawfully held in
bondage_.
VOL. I.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
LYNN:
PRINTED BY W. G. WHITTINGHAM,
AND SOLD BY R. BALDWIN; PATERNOSTER ROW; LONDON.
1812.
PREFACE.
Materials for a history of Lynn have been collected as long ago as the
reign of Charles II. by _Guybon Goddard_, then recorder of this town, and
brother-in-law of Sir William Dugdale. At his death, which happened, if
we are not mistaken, about 1677, those materials came into the possession
of his son Tho. Goddard Esq; from whom our corporation soon after
endeavoured to obtain them; but we cannot learn that they then succeeded;
nor does it appear that they ever came into their hands. What became of
them, whether still in being or not, we have never been able to learn:
and it is presumed that all the present members of our body Corporate are
equally uninformed. See p. 831.
About forty years after the death of Guybon Goddard, another attempt was
made to produce or compile a history of this town, by a nameless person,
but evidently a learned, ingenious, and industrious man. Unfortunately
his attention was chiefly engaged about the churches, and especially the
monuments and monumental inscriptions which they contained. These he
took no small pains with, and made fair drawings of most of them. This
work he carefully arranged, and fairly wrote out. It forms a moderate
folio volume, and is now in the possession, or at least in the hands, of
Mr. _Thomas King_ of this town, for we are informed that Dr. _Adams_ is
the real owner of it. There are at the end of it some curious documents
relating to divers ancient customs and occurrences, of which the compiler
of the present history has in some measure availed himself. The volume
was finished in 1724, and the author, it seems, died soon after.
Within a few years after his death, the work fell into the hands of Mr.
B. _Mackerell_, who, after making a few paltry additions to it, actually
published the greatest part of it verbatim under his own name, and it
constitutes the bulk of that volume which has ever since been called,
_Mackerell’s History of Lynn_. This act or achievement is disreputable
to Mackerell’s memory; but the plagiarism has been scarcely known or
noticed till now. He makes, in his preface, some slight obscure mention
of the MS. but deigns not to tell the author’s name, though it must have
been well known to him. He also boasts of his having had free access to
the _town records_, and having “diligently searched and perused them, for
a considerable time together.” For aught we know, this may be all very
true; but if it be so, he must have laboured to very small purpose, as
all the discoveries he has been able to make amount to very little, and
may be comprised within a very narrow compass.
_Parkin_ also, in his _continuation of Bloomfield’s History of Norfolk_,
and in his _Topography of Freebridge Hundred and Half_, has published a
history of Lynn, of above fifty large folio pages. It is in few hands,
and little known; and though it contains much useful information, (very
ill arranged,) it has no pretension to the character of a complete
history of the town. The same may be said of what has since appeared, in
the octavo history of Norfolk published at Norwich, and, more recently,
in the Norfolk Tour, and the Beauties of England; the former from the pen
of Mr. _Beatniffe_, and the latter from that of Mr. _Britton_. All these
are mere Epitomes, and never fail to excite in their readers a wish to
see a more copious and complete history of the place. Such a wish has
been often and very generally expressed; and some years ago, a young man,
of the name of _Delamore_, offered to gratify it, and supply this
deficiency and lack of service. He accordingly circulated printed
proposals for publishing, by subscription, a larger account of the town
than any that had yet appeared. But not meeting with sufficient
encouragement, he dropt the design, and soon after quitted this vicinity.
What materials he possessed, or how competent he was for the undertaking,
the present writer is not able to say. But it is very clear that the
public were not disposed to favour his proposal.
For some years after the last mentioned occurrence, there was no talk or
expectation of a new history of Lynn. But somewhat more than seven years
ago, a sudden and severe domestic affliction (from the effects of which
he has never recovered) obliged the present writer to seek in solitude
some alleviation of his sorrow, which he despaired of finding in the way
of social intercourse, and even found himself incapable of attempting it,
without offering unbearable violence to his feelings. Thus shut up in
retirement, and buried among books, he tried to beguile his melancholy,
by forming and pursuing certain literary projects; among which was an
_ecclesiastical history of Wales_, which had often before employed his
thoughts; and likewise a _general history of Lynn_, which has been his
place of residence now near forty years, and whose history had also, not
unfrequently, engaged his attention. In both these works he made some
progress; which coming to the knowledge of his friends, they urged him to
publish, but they were not agreed which should be published first: some
called for the former work, of which some hundreds of copies were soon
subscribed for; others advised him to complete and publish the History of
Lynn first, and these prevailed—it being more convenient for him just
then to attend to this than to the other. An agreement was consequently
made with one of the book-sellers for its publication; and the public
manifested a disposition to encourage the undertaking.
When the work was sent to the press, it was fully intended that it should
all be comprised in one volume; and this intention was persisted in, till
7 or 800 pages had been printed off. By that time the author had
received a large and unexpected quantity of new matter, much of it very
curious and interesting, which many of his subscribers wished him to make
use of and insert. He was therefore induced and constrained to depart
from his original design, and extend the work to two volumes. But as it
was then too late to have the pages numbered accordingly, they were of
course continued in a regular series through both volumes, so as to
amount in all to above 1200.
The enlargement or extension of the work, beyond the original design, has
occasioned some derangement of the author’s first plan, so as to give the
latter part of the work somewhat of the appearance of disorder and
confusion; which the author sincerely regrets, but it was perhaps
unavoidable, as the case stood. Had he possessed at first all the
materials he has since obtained, he flatters himself that the task he
undertook had been much better executed. Some of the latter or lately
received documents were found to cast a new light on divers facts
previously stated, so as to convince the author that he had been in
several instances mistaken. He therefore never failed to seize the
earliest opportunity to rectify those mistakes; for he was fully resolved
to make his history the vehicle of truth, as far as it lay in his power.
Of this he thinks he has given frequent proofs. Yet even this very
practice, of rectifying, without loss of time, any mistakes which he
found he had previously fallen into, will probably be classed, by some,
among the defects of this performance. Be it so. He is more desirous of
being classed among honest men, and lovers of truth, than among polished
writers, or methodical and elegant historians.
As to the CRITICS, _annual_, and _quarterly_, as well as _monthly_, he
has but little to say to them. He is very sensible of the defects of the
work; many of which however were unavoidable, in existing circumstances,
or in a first attempt like his, where many of the necessary materials
were not in his possession, or at his command, and seemed for a long
while unobtainable. Should the work come before their high tribunal, he
asks no favour. They will doubtless see in it many defects, but not more
perhaps than he is himself conscious of. They are welcome however to be
as severe as they please, provided they deal fairly, or with reason and
justice. It may be less cruel to exercise their severity here, than upon
some young authors, who are in quest of, and panting for popular
applause, or literary fame; neither of which has ever been sought for by
the present writer.
The work being now finished, after many unforeseen delays, the author
respectfully submits it to the examination and judgment of the candid and
intelligent reader, by whom, he doubts not, both its merits and demerits
will be rightly estimated. Whatever may be said or thought of the
execution, he thinks it must be admitted, that there is here brought
together such a mass of interesting information relating to this town, as
few people could have expected to see, when the design of this
publication was first advertised. So that there may now be obtained as
much knowledge of the ancient and modern affairs of this town, as of most
towns in the county, or in the kingdom. He regrets that so many
typographical errors escaped him in revising the sheets; the chief of
which he has now pointed out, in a table of errata, (which will be found
in each volume,) by the direction of which he requests the subscribers
forthwith to correct the reading.
It may have been expected, that this work would contain a _list of our
mayors_; but as no such list was known of, that might be depended upon
for its correctness, it has been omitted: nor did it seem to be at all
material, unless it had also been accompanied with lists of the
_recorders_, and other functionaries, which appeared unobtainable.—It was
intended to add an _alphabetical Index_; but as it would take up some
time, and increase too much the size of the concluding number, (already
almost three times as large at any of the others,) the design was given
up. The _Table of contents_ it is hoped, will supply, in a great
measure, the want of an index. Be that as it may, the work is now left
to take its chance and make its own way in the world—the author consoling
himself with the consciousness of having faithfully and honestly
performed the task he had undertaken.
_Lynn_, _July_, 1812.
CONTENTS.
_OF THE FIRST VOLUME_.
PART I.—INTRODUCTION.
CHAP. I.
_Site of Lynn—account of its harbour_, _and that of Wisbeach—ancient
and present state of its rivers—inland navigation—drainage—projects
of improvement—state of its shipping_, _commerce_, _and population_,
_at different periods_.
Page
SECT. 1. Situation of the town—its distance from the sea. 1
&c.—its harbour—river Ouse and its tributary streams.
SECT. 2. Further account of the river Ouse—remarkable 8
phenomenon—the poet Cowper—supposed etymology of the name
of Wisbeach—the Ouse diverted from its ancient course and
outlet—king John’s disastrous passage over that river, in
his last progress from Lynn—Extracts from Vancouver.
SECT. 3. Effects of the desertion of the Ouse and Nene, on 15
Wisbeach and parts adjacent.
SECT. 4. Effects on Lynn and its harbour and navigation, 22
of the great accession of fresh waters in the reign of
Henry III.
SECT. 5. Eaubrink Cut and other projects of former 27
times—with slight hints on the comparative state of the
shipping, commercial consequence and population of Lynn at
different periods.
CHAP. II.
_Of Marshland and adjoining parts_, _or great Fen Country—View of
their situation and revolutions in remote ages_, _or sketch of their
ancient history_.
SECT. 1. Account of their state before and after the 32
arrival of the Romans—character of that
people—establishment of their power here—improvements made
by them in these parts.
SECT. 2. Further strictures on the ancient state of this 37
country, and on the wonderful change it appears to have
undergone at a very remote and unknown period; from De
Serra’s account of a submarine forest on the coast of
Lincolnshire.
SECT. 3. Further observations from same paper—Epoch of the 42
destruction of the said forest—agency by which it was
effected, &c.—similar appearances eastward along the
Norfolk coast.
SECT. 4. Some further geological observations relating to 49
the fens, extracted from Dugdale’s Letters to Sir Thomas
Browne.
SECT. 5. Concise view of the ancient and modern history of 52
the Fen country, from Pennant’s Preface to his 3rd. vol. of
Arctic Zoology.
SECT. 6. Further account of the Fens, from the Beauties of 58
England.
SECT. 7. Of the Fens from the time of Henry VIII, or 64
rather that of Elizabeth, to the Revolution; giving an
account of the different projects of improvement proposed
and carried on during that period.
SECT. 8. Same subject continued to the present time 70
SECT. 9. Miscellaneous observations on the present 74
appearance, produce, and state of the Fens.
SECT. 10. Miscellaneous observations continued—fen-reeds 77
and their uses—starlings—tame geese, and singular
management of them—insalubriousness of Marshland—ancient
celebrity of the smeeth—decoys.
SECT. 11. Brief remarks on the parish churches of 87
Marshland and Holland; with a short sketch of the history
of the castle and town of Wisbeach.
SECT. 12. History of Wisbeach continued. 99
SECT. 13. Additional account of Marshland—Parkin—bishop of 112
Ely’s manor in Terrington—queen Henrietta—admiral
Bentinck—cross keys demolishers of banks prosecuted and
suppressed—high tides—destructive inundations—principal
divisions of Marshland.
SECT. 14. Biographical sketches of some of the most 121
distinguished personages of other times in Marshland and
its vicinity.
CHAP. III.
_Of the parts about Lynn_, _on the eastern side of the Ouse_.
SECT. 1. Aspect of the country—its agriculture and rural 135
economy—Wayland wood—memoir of Shuckforth—parish churches
and other edifices, ancient and modern.
SECT. 2. Further account of cables, edifices, and places 146
of ancient note in these
parts—Brancaster—Rising—Hunston—Castle-acre—Wormegay—
Middleton—Gaywood, &c.
SECT. 3. Account of modern palaces, and other notable 162
mansions in these
parts—Houghton—Holkham—Rainham—Narford—Narborough—Oxborough
SECT. 4. Biographical sketches of some of the most 174
celebrated or memorable personages who were of this part of
the country—Coke—Sir Henry and Sir John
Spelman—L’Estrange—Walpole—Fountain—Folkes—Horace
Walpole—Nelson—Bewley.
SECT. 5. Of the animals, and particularly the birds, of 193
this country
SECT. 6. Brief account of places hereabout, before 201
omitted—Sechey—Runcton—Downham—Denver—Helgay—Southery—
Feltwell—Methwold—Stoke, &c. Feltwell
new-fen-district—Fincham—Swaffham—Babingley—Sharnborne—
great malthouse—Hunston Light-house &c.
PART II. OF THE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF LYNN, WITH A SKETCH OF THE
HISTORY FROM ITS FIRST RISE TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST.
CHAP. I.
_Of Lynn while Britain formed a part of the Roman empire_.
SECT. 1. Present town or borough of Lynn of no great 213
antiquity—its site not the same with that of the original
town—the probable site of the latter, and era of its
origin.
SECT. 2. Digression relating to the first introduction of 216
Christianity into Britain—Bardism.
SECT 3. Ancient history of Lynn continued—town supposed to 220
have been founded by a colony of foreigners introduced by
the Romans—etymology of its name—mistakes of Camden,
Spelman, &c.
SECT. 4. Lynn the mother-town of the fens—further account 223
of its supposed founders and original
inhabitants—remarkable works executed by them—great
improvers of the country—account continued to the
extinction of the Roman power.
CHAP. II.
_Immediate consequence of the abdication of the country by the
Romans_, _and probable fate of Lynn_.
SECT. 1. Character of the Anglo-Saxons, with general 228
observations on the invasion and conquest of this country
by them, and their barbarous treatment of the inhabitants.
SECT. 2. Of the ANGLES, from whom England and the English 235
language derive their names—they seize on the parts about
Lynn, and the whole province of the ancient ICENI, which
receives the denomination of East Anglia, and forms one of
the kingdoms of the Heptarchy—revival of Lynn in the mean
time—with remarks on the adjacent country.
SECT. 3. Of the _Saltworks_ formerly at and about 239
Lynn—paucity of appropriate materials to elucidate that
subject—apology.
CHAP. III.
_Of the religious profession of the first Anglian inhabitants of
Lynn—their renouncing heathenism_, _and assuming the christian
name—account of their conversion_, _and character of their
Christianity_.
SECT. 1. Heathenism the religion of this town at the 241
commencement of the Heptarchy—our townsmen and the rest of
the East Angles, with the other branches of the Heptarchy,
become professors of Christianity—account of their
conversion.
SECT. 2. Effects of the conversion of the East Angles, and 244
the sister kingdoms—character of their Christianity.
SECT. 3. Christianity of the ancient inhabitants of Lynn 248
and of this country further characterized—whether very
materially improved during the reign of ALFRED—remarks on
that reign—papal instructions to the first missionaries.
CHAP. IV.
_Miscellaneous observations_, _on the social distinctions and the
general state of the community among the Anglo-Saxons_.
SECT. 1. State of society at Lynn, and in this country, 253
before the conquest.
SECT. 2. Of the _Wittenagemote_ and other courts—maxims of 258
jurisprudence—institution of tythings—nuptial and funeral
rites—sacerdotal, domestic, and other customs among the
Anglo-Saxons.
SECT. 3. State of learning, and of the medical profession, 264
among the Anglo-Saxons.
SECT. 4. Expressive and remarkable names of the 266
months—state of the coinage or currency—general value of
different commodities in this country before the
conquest—slavery—comparison with the present course of
things.
SECT. 5. Probability that Lynn was formerly concerned in 270
the exportation of slaves—comparison between the ancient
and modern English slave dealers—_slaves_ and _horses_ the
chief exports of this country in those days—_corn_ not then
exported, though it had been formerly—imports, commerce,
miscellaneous hints and observations.
SECT. 6. Population of Lynn and the country in general, 277
before the conquest—condition of the bulk of the
inhabitants in the mean time—sufferings of the inhabitants
of Lynn and the adjacent country from the _Danes_—intrepid
and ferocious character of that people—instruments of
vengeance on the Anglo-Saxons—their despotism and character
not much changed by their conversion to Christianity, so
called—remarkable instances of imposition, superstition,
and credulity.
SECT. 7. Of the Heptarchy and its history—remarks on 284
_Egbert_, _Alfred_, and their most renowned
successors—character of _Canute_ and _Edward the
Confessor_—the latter the first of our monarchs that
touched for the Evil—remarks on that circumstance, and the
prevalence of that complaint in these parts.
SECT. 8. State of Lynn in the confessor’s time—chief sway 289
borne here then by Stigand, Ailmer, and Harold—great power
of the latter, and sketch of his character—obtains the
crown at the confessor’s death—is soon disturbed by two
formidable invasions; one from the Danish or Norwegian
shores under _Halfagar_, whom he vanquishes; the other from
France, under William the Norman bastard, in opposing whom
he is himself vanquished and slain, which places the
conqueror on the English throne without further struggle,
through the defection and machinations of our bishops and
clergy.
SECT. 9. Sketch of the practice of the _royal touch_ in 298
England, or a historical essay on the memorable _empiricism
of our English sovereigns_, from Edward the confessor to
George the first—credulity of _Whiston_ and
_Carte_—quackery, medical, political, and theological still
prevalent among us, though that of the _royal touch_ has
ceased—_Richard Brothers_, _Joanna Southcote_, and _William
Pitt_—memoir of the _Dumb doctor_.
PART III. HISTORY OF LYNN FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH OR
NORMANS IN ENGLAND TO THE REFORMATION.
CHAP. I.
Observations on the Conquest—account of the changes then 327
introduced—their effects on the kingdom in general, and on
Lynn and its vicinity in particular.
CHAP. II.
Further remarks on the revolutionary effects of the 342
Conquest, throughout the whole kingdom as well as at
Lynn—Catalogue of bishops to whose civil rule the town used
to be subject, or who bore temporal sway here till the
Reformation.
CHAP. III.
State of Lynn previously and subsequently to its becoming a 374
corporate town, or free burgh; or general remarks on that
event, and on the progressive state of society in the
cities and towns of this country, as well as at Lynn, in
those times—John, Henry III, and Henry VIII, great
benefactors to this town; the latter of whom put an end to
the temporal domination of the bishops here, and ought to
be held in grateful remembrance.
CHAP. IV.
Further observations on the history of Lynn during the same 390
period—horrid treatment of the Jews here—probable state of
the town as to its internal police and municipal economy
previously to its being declared a free burgh and receiving
its first royal charter—changes resulting from that
event—statement of subsequent occurrences.
CHAP. V.
State of society at Lynn during this period—the subject 408
elucidated from documents relative to the ancient
_gilds_—observations on the nature of those
institutions—very common in the country before the
reformation—names and number of those of Lynn.
SECT. 1. Observations on the origin of the gilds. 411
SECT. 2. Names and number of the Lynn gilds, with 415
additional observations.
SECT. 3. More particular account of some of our gilds. 419
SECT. 4. Account of the gilds continued. 439
SECT. 5. Account of the Holy Trinity company, or great 450
merchant’s gild.
SECT. 6. Account of the remaining gilds, and particularly 474
those of _St. Francis_ and _St. William_.
CHAP. VI.
_Account of the monasteries and religious houses formerly here_.
SECT. 1. Account of the house of _Benedictines_ in priory 489
lane, with a sketch of that religious order.
SECT. 2. Account of the convent of the _Carmelites_ or 493
White Friars, with a sketch of that order.
SECT. 3. Account of the convent of the _Franciscans_, 498
Friars Minors, or Grey Friars, with a sketch of that order.
SECT. 4. Account of the convent of the _Dominicans_ or 503
Black Friars, with a sketch of that order.
SECT. 5. Account of the convent of the Augustinians, or 513
Austin Friars, with a sketch of that older.
SECT. 6. Of the Friars de Penitentia, or brothers of 519
repentance, and their convent here—also the college of
Priests, and the hospital and church of St. John.
SECT. 7. Account of _St. Mary Magdalen’s Hospital_, Lazar 530
Houses, St. Lawrence’s Hospital &c.
SECT. 8. Of the _Red Mount_ and our Lady’s chapel 554
there—also her chapel by the Bridge, and the chapels of St.
Ann, St. Catherine, and St. Lawrence.
SECT. 9. Account of _St. James’s Chapel_ (now the 564
Workhouse) from its first erection, in the 12th. century,
to the present time; including an account of the
_management of the in-door pensioners there_, as well as
the out-door ones, and our present enormous _poor-rates_.
CHAP. VII.
_Brief_ Biographical _notices of the most remarkable and 585
distinguished personages who appeared among the inhabitants
of Lynn in the intervening period between the Conquest and
Reformation_. _Nicholas—Sawtre—Alan—Wallys—Baret—De
Bittering—Wentworth—Petipas—Miller_.
Postscript or supplement to the History of the Royal Touch
PART I.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAP. I.
Site of Lynn—Account of its harbour, and that of Wisbeach—Ancient and
present state of its rivers—Inland Navigation—Drainage—Projects of
improvement—State of its shipping, commerce, and population, at different
periods.
SECTION I.
_Situation of the town—its distance from the sea_, _&c.—its harbour—river
Ouse and its tributary streams_.
LYNN is situated on the eastern side of Marshland, and of the Great
Level, or Fen Country, about 12 miles from the Sea, 42 from Norwich, 46
from Cambridge, and 98 from London. {1} It stands partly on each side of
the Ouse, but chiefly on its eastern banks; though it is supposed to have
stood originally all on the opposite shore, and hence that part of it is
still called _Old Lynn_.
The Haven or Harbour is capacious, but the entrance to it is accounted
somewhat difficult, and even dangerous, owing to the numerous sandbanks,
and the frequent shiftings of the channel, occasioned by the loose and
light nature of the sandy and silty soil at the bottom. On which account
it is not deemed safe for ships to go in or out without pilots, who are,
or ought always to be well acquainted with the variations and actual
state of the channel. In the ages proceeding the 13th century this
harbour, compared with its present width, is said to have been very
narrow, being only a few perches over, though its depth of water was
then, probably, no less, if not greater than it is at present.
The Ouse over against the town, is reckoned about as wide as the Thames
above London Bridge. Its name is evidently of British origin, {2} and
corresponds with those of several others of our rivers; such as the
_Usk_, _Esk_, _Ex_, _Isis_, _&c._ The word signifies, a _stream_, or
_the river_, by way of eminence. It is called the _great Ouse_, to
distinguish it from that called the _little_ or _lesser Ouse_, which is
now one of its tributary streams, and joins it some way below _Ely_,
though it had formerly no connection with it. It is also called the
_eastern Ouse_, to distinguish it from the _northern_, or Yorkshire river
of the same name.
As Lynn owes most of its consequence to this river, which forms its
communication with the sea, and gives it so great an extent of inland
navigation, and consequently such a vast commercial intercourse with the
interior parts of the country, it will not be improper here to give some
account of it, together with its principal branches, or those tributary
streams which render it so considerable among the British navigable
rivers.
_Kinderley_, many years ago, has given the following account of this
river and its several branches: “The Ouse (says he) formerly _Usa or
Isa_, which is the most famous of all the rivers that pass through this
Level, has its original head on a gentle rising ground full of springs,
under Sisam in Northamptonshire, 54 miles from Erith bridge, at which
place it first touches the Isle of Ely. It falls by Brackley,
Buckingham, Newport Pagnel, Bedford, Huntingdon, and St. Ives, to Erith,
and so on till it comes to Lynn. It has 5 rivers emptying themselves
into it, beside many brooks and rills; _Grant_, _Mildenhall_, _Brandon_,
_Stoke_, and the river _Lenne_, or Sandringham Ea [otherwise _Nare_,]
which rises under Lycham, and comes by Castleacre, Narford, and Sechy.”
[He omits the _Nene_, which surely he ought to have mentioned.]
Afterward he adds, “That the Ouse by its situation, and having so many
navigable rivers falling into it from eight several counties, does
therefore afford a great advantage to trade and commerce, since hereby
two cities, and several great towns are therein served; as Peterborough,
Ely, Stamford, Bedford, St. Ives, Huntingdon, St. Neots, Northampton,
Cambridge, Bury St. Edmunds, Thetford, &c. with all sorts of heavy
commodities from Lynn, as Coals, Salt, Deals, Fir-timber, Iron, Pitch,
Tar, and Wine, thither imported; and from these parts great quantities of
Wheat, Rye, Coleseed, Barley, &c. are brought down these rivers, whereby
a great foreign and inland trade is carried on, and the breed of seamen
is increased. The Port of Lynn supplies _six_ counties wholly, and
_three_ in part.”
But of the Ouse and the other Lynn rivers, no one, perhaps, has given so
full and so good an account as Mr. _Skrine_, in his general account of
the British rivers.
“The Ouse (he says,) traverses a very considerable part of the
Midland counties of England, rising in two branches, not far from
Brackley and Towcester on the borders of Northamptonshire and
Oxfordshire, from whence its course is eastward, a little inclined to
the north, through Buckinghamshire, joined at Newport Pagnel by a
small stream from Ivinghoe in the south; to reach Bedford it descends
by many windings toward the south, and then joined by the _Hyee_ from
Woburn, and the _Ivel_ from Biggleswade, it pursues its original
direction to Huntingdon, where a combination of streams from the
south-west contributes to its increase. From thence it passes nearly
eastward through the centre of the Fens of Cambridgeshire, where it
receives the _Cam_ near Ely from the south-west, and afterwards the
_lesser Ouse_ from Woolpit and Ixworth in the south-east, joined by
the _Larke_ from Bury St. Edmunds; it then inclines more and more to
the north, till it falls into the great Gulph of the sea between the
projecting coasts of Norfolk and Lincolnshire, beneath the walls of
Lynn Regis.
“The Ouse is generally a stagnant stream, neither giving nor
receiving much beauty in all the great tract through which it passes.
Its course is uniformly dull and unimportant to Buckingham; nor is it
at all an object from the princely territory of _Stowe_, which
abounds in grand scenes and buildings.”
This river “does not improve much,” (he further observes) “as it
traverses the plain counties of Bedford and Huntingdon, though it
adds some consequence to their capitals, being there navigable; at
St. Ives it sinks into those great marshes which abound on this part
of the eastern coast, through Norfolk, Huntingdonshire,
Cambridgeshire, Northamptonshire and Lincolnshire.
“The _Hyee_ which meets it a little below Bedford, passes near the
Duke of Bedford’s noble domain at Woburn Abbey, and the _Ivel_ flows
northward to it through a dull uninteresting tract of country.
“The _Cam_ is composed of two branches, one of which rises on the
borders of Bedfordshire, and unites with the other, which bears the
classic name of _Granta_, flowing from the confines of Essex, through
the highly ornamented grounds of Audley End. They unite near
Cambridge, and then run nearly eastward till the Ouse receives them,
a little way from Ely.
“The _Cam_ receives no small portion of beauty from the academical
shades of Cambridge, being crossed by bridges from most of the
principal Colleges, whose gardens join the public walks on its banks,
which are finely planted and laid out. The stream itself is but
stagnant and muddy, yet it adds something to the peculiar traits of
the landscape, with the several stone bridges; nor do the fronts of
the colleges, as they appear in succession, intermixed with thick
groves, any where shew themselves to such advantage. The Area in
front of Clare Hall, and the new building of King’s College, with its
superb chapel, matchless in that species of Gothic Architecture which
has been called “_the improved_,” exhibit one of the most striking
displays in England. Soon afterward the Cam sinks into the Fens,
where the proud pile and towers of Ely Cathedral appear finely
elevated over the level, just above the junction of the Cam and the
Ouse.
“A dreary tract of Marsh accompanies these united rivers to Downham
in Norfolk; nor does the country much improve afterwards, but the
channel becomes very considerable, and the exit of these rivers is
splendid, where the flourishing port and great trade of Lynn present
a croud of vessels.”
To the above account by Skrine, which is but imperfect, other rivers
might be added, which join the Ouse in the latter part of its progress,
and which ought not to be left here unnoticed; as the _Nene_, from
Peterborough, Whittlesea, and March; the _Wissey_ or _Winson_, from
Stoke, and the _Lenne_ or _Nare_, from Narborough and Sechhithe. The
former, a large branch of which joins the Ouse at Salter’s Lode, is a
Northamptonshire river, and rises near Catesby, under Anby Hill, in that
county, and making Northampton in its way, passes from thence to
Wellingborough, and along by Higham Ferrers, Thrapston, Oundle, Walmsford
or Wandesford, Castor, Peterborough, Whittlesea, March, and on to
Salter’s Lode and Lynn. The Wissey or Winson rises in the neighbourhood
of Necton and Bradenham, in Norfolk, and running by Pickingham,
Cressingham, Ikborough, Northwould, Stoke, and Helgay, enters the Ouse
some way above Downham. The Lenne or Nare, otherwise Sandringham Ea, is
also a Norfolk river, which after running by Litcham, Lexham, Castleacre,
Westacre, Narford, Narborough, Pentney, and Sechhithe enters the Ouse at
the South or upper end of the town of Lynn. It is a narrow, but in some
places a deep and rapid river, and navigable a good way into the country;
but has no very beautiful or striking sceneries any where upon or near
its banks. {7} Like all the rivers of this low, flat, and dull country,
it presents nothing that can be called striking or very remarkable,
unless it be, a perpetual succession, or uniformity of dullness.
SECTION II.
_Further account of the river Ouse—remarkable phenomenon—the poet
Cowper—supposed etymology of the name of Wisbeach—the Ouse diverted from
its ancient course and outlet—King John’s disastrous passage over that
river_, _in his last progress from Lynn—Extract from Vancouver_.
In the respectable work called The Beauties of England, this remarkable
circumstance is quoted from _Walsingham_ relating to the river Ouse—That
on the first of January 1399 it suddenly ceased to flow between the
villages of Snelson and Harrold near Bedford, leaving its channel so bare
of water that the people walked at the bottom for full three miles. {8}
So strange a phenomenon seems not very easy to account for. It is said
to have been for a long time considered as _ominous_ of those dire
dissentions and bloody wars which the opposite claims of the rival Houses
of York and Lancaster shortly afterward occasioned. Nor is it at all
wonderful that such an idea should gain credit in those dark and
superstitious times: but to men of enlightened minds it must appear a
very idle and pitiful conceit. A Dr. Childrey endeavoured to account for
the said phenomenon, by supposing the stream above to have been congealed
by a sudden frost: but this also is very properly deemed untenable by the
writers of the work above mentioned; and they assign, as the most
probable cause, in their opinion, that the earth had suddenly sunk in
some part of the channel, so as to form there a deep and capacious
cavity, into which the waters flowed till it was filled up, leaving the
channel below in the mean time nearly dry, so that people might then
actually walk at the bottom, as the story asserts. This appears
reasonable enough, and was probably the real case; but as it cannot be
now very interesting there seems no need to investigate it any further.
Dull and uninspiring, and in no sense classical ground, or a favourite
haunt of the muses, as the banks of the Ouse have been generally, and
perhaps justly considered, it must not be forgotten that they are become
of late entitled to no small portion of celebrity, by the distinguished
productions of the ingenious and excellent COWPER, one of the best, if
not the very best of all our English poets of these latter days. He
spent the greatest part of his time, and composed most of his works in
the vicinity of this river. Henceforth it may therefore be deemed a
classic stream: but it will be long, perhaps, before its banks shall have
again the honour of numbering among their inhabitants a poet or a man of
equal worth, genius, or renown. {9}
Here it may be proper further to observe, that the Ouse did not always
visit Lynn, or pass that way in its progress to the Ocean. In ancient
times its course is said to have been by Wisbeach, to which that town
probably owes its name: _Wis_, or _Wys_, being apparently but another
name of the _Ouse_, and _Wisbeach_ the very same thing with _Ousebeach_,
and signifying the beach, side, or bank of the Ouse; in other words, a
place or town on the Shore and near the mouth of that river. {10}
What diverted this river from its ancient and original course is said to
have been a great inland flood, which, meeting with obstruction, choked
up the channel (already become bad and neglected) broke over the banks,
and deluged the fens to a vast extent; from the effects of which they
have never been fully recovered to this day.
This flood so deprived of a passage to the sea by the usual channel, and
consequently overflowing the adjacent country to a great depth, became a
most grievous and ruinous annoyance to the Fen people. At last, in order
to remove so unbearable and terrible a nuisance, instead of taking common
sense for their guide, and following nature, by opening the channel to
the ancient outfall at Wisbeach, they determined, seemingly, to force
nature, and set common-sense at defiance, by opening a passage for the
inundating waters, and consequently for the future course of the great
Ouse, the Cam, and the Larke into the narrow bed of the lesser Ouse, from
Little-port Chair to Priests Houses, across that ridge, or higher ground,
by which nature seemed to have forbidden the union of these rivers. {11}
In this ill judged and preposterous measure most of the existing evils in
regard to the bad state of the Lynn and Wisbeach Harbours, the inland
navigation and the drainage of the Fens have probably originated. The
Ouse and the other rivers before mentioned have ever since followed the
same new and unnatural track: Nor is it now very likely that they will
ever again be permitted to follow any other. This memorable event,
according to _Dugdale_, happened in the reign of Henry the third: so that
in the reign of King _John_, the great patron of Lynn, the river or body
of fresh water which flowed that way was but very small and narrow; and
it was in crossing the Ouse, which did not then pass by Lynn, that he
lost his baggage and treasures, and probably many of his men. Ancient
records say that it was in crossing _Wellstream_, which was then the name
of the Ouse in its approach to Wisbeach and the Sea, that the said King
suffered those losses. {12}
The following Extract from _Vancouver’s_ APPENDIX to his _Agricultural
Report_ will serve, it is thought, to corroborate some of the foregoing
observations.—
“From the highlands in Suffolk (between the Mildenhall and Brandon
rivers) to the east of Welney, Outwel, Emneth, and thence to the sea
a positive dividing ground exists, formed by the hand of nature,
strongly marked, and distinctly to be seen between the waters of the
Lynn and of the Wisbeach Ouse. The hanging level, or natural
inclination of the Country on the north side of this dividing ground
draws the waters off to the sea through the lesser Ouse to the
outfall of Lynn; and on the south side of it draws them off to the
sea through the greater Ouse to the outfall of Wisbeach. To the
cutting through this dividing ground, in order to force the water of
the greater into the lesser Ouse, are all the evils of the south and
middle levels of the fens, and of the country below originally and
solely to be ascribed. At this time the bed of the Ouse where Denver
Sluices now stand, was at least 13 feet below the general surface of
the surrounding country; and then it was that, by the free action and
reaction of the tides the waters flowed five hours in the haven of
Lynn, ascended unto the Stoke and Brandon rivers, and into other
streams which nature had wisely appropriated to be discharged through
that outfall; forming the bed of the Ouse to one gradually inclined
plain _from the junction of the principal branches of that river into
the low country to the level of the Ocean_, _very near or in the
harbour of Lynn_. The Counteracting this disposition of nature by
forcing a greater quantity of water into the river than it could
discharge into the sea during the time of ebb, necessarily occasioned
the highland and foreign waters to override all those, which during
the time of ebb, would naturally have drained into the Lynn river,
and gave the waters of Buckingham and Bedford an exit into the sea in
preference to those which lay inundating the country within a few
miles, of their natural outfall.—In this condition at present are all
the lower parts of the country bordering upon the Lynn Ouse; and the
country above Denver Sluices, Downham, Marshland, and Bardolph fens,
exhibits the most important of many other melancholy examples and
evidences of it. In the higher parts of the country the consequences
of this measure seem to have been severely experienced on the lands
exposed to the unembanked waters of the old Ouse, between Hermitage
and Harrimere. The Old Bedford river was then cut from Erith to
Salter’s Lode, as a slaker to the Ouse, to relieve the country
through which the Ouse flowed, from Erith to Ely. The Ouse waters
thus divided a great part of them descended through the Old Bedford
river in a straight line of twenty miles into the Lynn Ouse. But as
that work was judged insufficient and defective, the New Bedford, or
one hundred foot river was determined upon, and Sluices were erected
at Hermitage to drive all the water of old Ouse from Erith (through
the One hundred foot) into the Lynn Ouse; but that river not having
sufficient capacity to utter them to sea, they reverted up the Ouse,
the Stoke and Brandon rivers, drowning the whole of that country, and
finally urging the necessity of erecting Denver Sluices, as the only
apparent cure for the evils with which the country was then
oppressed, and seemed further threatened with. In the execution of
this business, with a view of bringing the bottom of the Ouse on a
level with that of the hundred foot river (which was cut only five
feet deep) it was judged expedient to raise a Dam eight feet high
across the bed of the Ouse, upon the top of which the Sole or base of
Denver Sluices was laid. This measure has not only defeated the
purpose it was designed to promote, but has been the unfortunate
cause of a body of sand and sea sediment being deposited in the bed
of the Lynn Ouse at least eight feet deep at Denver Sluices, and only
terminating in its injurious consequences at the mouth of the Lynn
Channel. This shews to every calm and candid mind the necessity of
duly considering the probable effects of counteracting the laws of
nature, in cases where nature appears experimentally to have had
success on her side.—From a due consideration of the obstacles which
appear at this time to exist in what has long been considered the
principal outfalling drain to the Middle and South levels of the
fens, it is surely reasonable to direct our attention to the general
inclination of the country with respect to the sea, and to what has
all along been pointed out by nature as the main outlet thither, for
the waters of the middle and south levels, and see if some means
cannot yet be devised for recovering the general course of the
ancient and voluntary passage of the waters through their natural
channel of Wisbeach to the sea.”
The above passage merits serious and particular attention. The
undisputed and indisputable fact, that the course of the Ouse lay
formerly by Wisbeach, seems a clear and decisive proof that it was its
natural course, and so may be considered as corroborating a great part at
least of the above reasoning. Upon the whole, therefore, it seems highly
probable that the evils now existing and complained of, as to the bad
state of the Wisbeach and Lynn harbours, the inland navigation and fen
drainage, have mostly originated in the abovementioned desertion of the
Ouse from its ancient and natural outfall, and the forcing of it to Lynn
through the channel of the lesser Ouse, in the 13th century, and reign of
Henry III. as was before observed.
SECTION III.
_Effects of the desertion of the Ouse and Nene on Wisbeach and parts
adjacent_.
After the above mentioned disastrous aberration of the Ouse some plans,
it seems, were formed, and royal Commissions issued to bring it back
again into its old deserted channel by Wisbeach, but all proved in the
end ineffectual and fruitless, so that the port of Wisbeach, of course
would be materially injured. “Of old time” (says Badeslade—that is,
while the Ouse and the Nene discharged themselves that way) “ships of
great burden resorted to Wisbeach”—but after those rivers had deserted
their ancient outlet, that town soon ceased to be accessible to large
vessels. The bed or channel below the town being forsaken by the said
rivers, (or at most occupied only by an inconsiderable branch of the
Nene, which must have been insufficient to grind or scour it to its
former or usual depth,) would gradually be filled up in time with silt
and sand; and which evidently has been the case. This is confirmed by a
remarkable circumstance related by _Dugdale_—That in deepening the
Wisbeach river in 1635, (about 300 years after the desertion of the
Ouse,) “the workmen, at eight feet below the then bottom came to another
bottom which was stony, and there at several distances found seven boats
that had lain there overwhelmed with sand for many ages.” {16a}
_Atkins_, who wrote in 1608, and dedicated his paper to _Andrews_ bishop
of Ely, speaks of the Wisbeach channel as “anciently an arm of the sea;”
{16b} and says that the time was when all the waters of the Ouse, even
those which then passed from Littleport Chair to Lynn had their passage
by _Welney_ and _Well_ to the North Seas at Wisbeach, and from thence to
the Washes—and he further observes that writers have said, that King
_John’s_ people perished in the _Waters of Well_. {16c} From Thorney Red
Book he also shews, that _Well Stream_ was an ancient appellation of the
Wisbeach river. He further adds, that this outfall, or arm of the sea,
had Holland and a part of the Isle on one side, and Marshland on the
other; these were defended from it by great sea-banks, which in the time
of Henry VI were ordained to be made and maintained fifty feet high.
Hither of old resorted (he says) ships and vessels of great burden. But
the sea, still forsaking the Isle, made the whole passage between
Wisbeach and the Washes high marshes and sands; and by the decay of the
river, the channel, or outfall, became so shallow and weak, as to admit
of people often going over on foot, bare legged under the knees. He also
imputes much blame to the people about Wisbeach, in not scouring and
dyking the river, as by ancient laws and presentments they ought to have
done; and not preserving and maintaining the petty sewers and drains. In
consequence of these omissions, not only the fens were drowned, but the
means were also lost of draining 13 or 14000 acres of inland grounds, the
support of three or four towns on the North of Wisbeach.
That the bad effects of the desertion of the Ouse and Nene from their
ancient outfall at Wisbeach, soon became very grievous to that town and
the adjacent country, appears by the frequent complaints made, and laws
enacted for their relief. Some of those laws were made in the reign of
Henry VI, and measures were taken, it seems, in consequence of them, for
the relief and benefit of the sufferers. The most important and
beneficial of all those measures appears to be that adopted toward the
latter part of the 15th century under the direction of bishop _Morton_.
{18} “That prelate finding (says Atkins) that beside its being a very
chargeable course to his people of the hundred of Wisbeach, once in four
or five years to dyke this river, and that notwithstanding this dyking of
the river, the outfall below to the seaward nevertheless decayed; and
finding that without a great head of fresh waters, to scour both the
river and the outfall, all would be lost, took a part of _Hercules’
labour_ upon him, and strove to bring in great abundance of fresh waters,
by divers courses, out of the Fens, to maintain this channel: viz. the
rivers Nene and Welland from _Southea_, and the river of the great cross,
or Plantwater, from the united branches of Nene and Ouse, descending by
_Benwick_.” But the bishop’s principal undertaking seems to have been
the cut of 14 miles, from Peterborough to Guyhorn, by which a large
portion of the Nene was brought down to Wisbeach, and proved of up small
benefit to that town and harbour, as well as to the drainage of the
country. This cut has transmitted the bishop’s name deservedly and
honourably to posterity; it being ever since known and distinguished
under the denomination of _Morton’s Leam_. Happy had it been for the
world, if all those of his order had deserved so well of their neighbours
and of their country. {19}
“By this doing” (says Atkins, referring to the works of bishop Morton)
“Wisbeach Fens were made good Sheep pastures, and the fall of the water
at Wisbeach became so great, that no man would adventure under the
bridge, with a boat, but by veering through, &c. But succeeding ages (he
further observes) neglecting these good provisions, have thereby lost the
benefit.” The blame of this neglect, both Atkins and Sir Clement Edmunds
seem to lay entirely on the total want of public spirit, or the selfish
and sordid disposition of the people of Wisbeach, who strove at all
events to avoid the expence, alleging that the benefit of cleansing and
dyking the outfall would altogether accrue to the behoof of the upland
country, and therefore that they [the inhabitants of the said upland
country] ought to put their hands to the work, and contribute towards it
in some reasonable measure. The uplanders, on the other hand, produced
divers presentments, some of them as high as Henry VI, shewing, that they
ought not to be charged; at the same time expressing a willingness to
yield a reasonable aid, when the work was done, if it proved serviceable.
But those of Wisbeach required a previous contribution, to be expended as
the work should proceed. Their selfishness and perverseness, on these
occasions, carried them, it seems, to very extravagant and ridiculous
lengths, to elude the charge: “one while saying, they cared not if
Wisbeach were a dry town; another while by thinking to keep it as a
standing pool; [and again] another while enforcing [or urging] the making
of a Sluice between the town and the sea, that the tide should not silt
up the river, saying that otherwise the charge of dyking the river would
be but cast away.—And to the charge of this Sluice they would call in the
high-country people, such as they knew would not easily be brought to it,
so that nothing might be done.” This preposterous conduct of the
Wisbeachers appears to have effectually frustrated every reasonable and
salutary proposal. Atkins, however, gives it as his firm opinion, “that
were there in the Isle of Ely again another bishop _Morton_ the country
might well be regained by such means as might be easily set down.” {21a}
But it does not appear _that another bishop_ Morton has yet risen in the
Isle, whatever may be said of the regeneration, reformation, or amendment
of the good people of Wisbeach.
Nothing of any consequence appears to have been attempted since, for the
benefit of the port or navigation of Wisbeach, except _Kinderley’s Cut_,
made in 1721 and 1722, by order of the Board of Adventurers, and not
without the consent of the town of Wisbeach likewise; only the
adventurers [it seems] ought to have had their consent under their hands:
at least so says Mr Kinderly. This cut, had it gone forward, would
probably have been of great advantage to the river. But by the time that
it was completed, and a dam was making across the old channel, to turn
the river into the new one, “the Wisbeach gentlemen, falsely, _or by
mistake_, apprehending the advantage of a wide indraught over all those
spreading sands, and complaining that this new cut was not wide enough,
(though it was wider than the river at Wisbeach by twenty feet) and that
therefore their river would immediately be choked up, and their
navigation lost. [So they now] violently opposed it, and raised the
Country for demolishing the works; and after that obtained an injunction
from the Lord Chancellor to stop all further progress.” {21b} A long
vexatious Law Suit ensued, but the Adventures could not recover the Money
they had laid out, amounting to nearly £2000, and the gentlemen of
Wisbeach gave ample proof that they still inherited, in full measure, the
genuine spirit of their ancestors, before mentioned. Their Harbour has
been for some years in a most miserable state, and seems to stand in need
of the aid of a _Morton_ or a _Kinderly_ as much as ever.
SECTION IV.
_The Effects on Lynn_, _and on its Harbour and Navigation_, _of the great
accession of Fresh Waters in the reign of Henry_ III.
Let us now attend to the Ouse and its sister streams, in their now or
modern course, by Denver, Downham, St. German’s, and Lynn. By the
addition of so many large rivers to its former waters, Lynn might be
expected to have its Haven, by degrees, both widened and deepened, so as
to contribute materially to its future naval consequence, and commercial
importance. Previously to this great accession of water, the bed or
channel of the river, about St. German’s, has been represented as so very
narrow, that in some places a man might throw himself over with a
pikestaff; and in Lynn Haven it is said to have been but six poles, or
about an hundred feet wide. But afterward, by the said accession of
fresh waters, Lynn Haven and channel were made in time so wide and deep
as to become famous for Navigation. {22}
Things appear to have continued pretty much in this favourable state,
till sometime after the erection of the Sluices at Denver; which by
preventing the tides from going further up into the country, as before,
proved very prejudicial to the harbour and Navigation of Lynn; and the
effects are felt, it seems, and much complained of to this day. The free
admission of the tides, and the natural course of the freshes are said to
have kept other rivers open and navigable; and this appears to have been
the case with the Ouse itself, while it possessed those advantages, or
till the adventurers erected the said sluices across its channel, which
are thought to have proved so very prejudicial, not only to the
navigation of Lynn, Cambridge, &c. but even to the draining of the Fen
districts and Marshland.
Before the erection of those sluices, the tide is said to have gone up
the rivers a very great way. Into the Ouse, and Grant, or Cam, it went,
according to _Badeslade_, five miles above their junction, or 48 above
Lynn; into the Larke, or Mildenhall river, eight miles above its month,
or 42 above Lynn; into the lesser Ouse, or Brandon river, ten miles above
its mouth, or 36 above Lynn; into the Wessey, or Stoke river, six miles
above its mouth, or 24 above Lynn; and into the Nene, seven miles above
its mouth, or 23 above Lynn. {24a}—These rivers are said to be then
completely supplied with water from the sea, in the driest seasons, to
serve for inland navigation.—The Nene, to Well, Marsh, and Peterborough,
&c. with vessels of 15 tuns in the driest times: the Ouse, with vessels
of 40 tuns, 36 miles, at least, from Lynn, in ordinary neap tides; and to
Huntingdon, St. Neots, Bedford, and even as far as 90 miles from Lynn,
with vessels of 15 tuns. The tides then raised the waters at Salters
Lode 12 feet above low-water mark. These waters in their return scoured
the channel, and kept it clear and deep. This seems to have been the
case before the erection of the sluices; but whether it would have
continued so to this time, may, perhaps, be doubted. Badeslade and
Kinderly seem to have entertained different and opposite opinions on the
subject; as the reader may see by consulting their respective
publications.
In a course of time, Lynn Haven is said to wear from 6 or 8 to 40 poles
wide; which seems not improbable, considering the situation of it, and
the accession of so many large rivers. In Badeslade’s time, as he says,
{24b} it was from 50 to 60 poles in the narrowest part; and now it can be
no less. The Lynn river, however, has been thought to be still narrower
than any other of equal size so near its outfall. Before the erection of
the said Dams, or Sluices no complaints appear to have been made of
either the haven, or yet the rivers above wanting a competent depth of
water. Barges carrying 40 chalders could then go up the Ouse 36 miles,
and those that carried from 26 to 30 chalders passed with ease to the
very town of Cambridge. Whereas, in Badeslade’s time, flat bottom
lighters, with eight or ten chalders, could hardly pass. Nor does it
appear that things have gotten to a better state since. As to the haven,
or harbour of Lynn, it was at those times wide, deep, and commodious. In
1645 its breadth is said to have been about a furlong. Ships then, and
for some years after, rode at the south end of the town, and the west
side in two fathoms, at low water. So they also did at the Crutch; and
the largest ships could go to sea at neap tides. Two parts of the
harbour were then remarkably deep; the one called _Fieln’s Road_, at the
end of the west channel; and the other _Ferrier’s Road_, at the end of
the east channel; and both of them three and half fathoms at low water.
The tides too were then so strong as to make it necessary to use stream
cables to moor the ships. _Guybon Goddard_, Esq. a former Recorder of
Lynn (and brother in law to Sir Wm. Dugdale) who died about 1677, says,
that at the World’s End in the Harbour of Lynn, there was not in any
man’s remembrance less than ten or eleven feet at low water; and at a
place called the _Mayor’s Fleet_ 8 or 9 feet. The channel to seaward,
below the haven, he says, near half mile wide at low water, was yet of a
depth sufficient for a Ship of 12 foot water to be brought up in any one
tide without wind. {26a} Upon the whole, it appears that the state of
Lynn Harbour, and of the rivers which discharge themselves that way, was
before the erection of the Sluices much superior to what it has been
since. {26b}
As to the State of the Ouse and the other rivers up in the country above
Lynn, it seems to have been much better before the undertaking for a
general drainage and erection of the Sluices than since that period, as
appears from the views of the Sewers taken June 25, 1605, by Sir Robert
Bevill, Sir John Peyton, &c. at Salters Lode, where the Nene falls into
the Ouse. The commissioners declared the fall from the soil of the Fens
to low watermark as no less than ten feet, beside the natural descent of
the grounds from the uplands of Huntingdonshire thither; which shews the
bottom of the Ouse to be there much deeper then than it was afterward.
_Dugdale_ also, in his History of Embanking, says, that at Salter’s Lode
there was ten feet fall of the fens at low water mark. From these
statements it must necessarily follow, that the lands in the South Level,
though unembanked, must in general have been in a comparatively good
condition before the undertaking for a general drainage and erection of
the Sluices; for, the fall being so great, no water could lie long upon
them; and if at any time, by the descent of the upland waters, they
became overflowed, they would not long continue in that state. At
present, the case, it seems, is very different.
SECTION V.
_Of the Eabrink Cut_, _and other projects of former times—with some
slight hints on the comparative state of the Shipping—Commercial
consequence and population of Lynn at different periods_.
It seems allowed on all hands that Lynn Harbour has grown much worse in
the memory of the present inhabitants, and that it is daily getting more
and more so. To remedy this growing and alarming evil, as well as to
promote and facilitate the inland navigation and drainage of the Fen
Districts, a project was formed some few years ago to open a straight cut
from Eabrink, about three miles above the town, into the upper part of
the said harbour, with the view of scouring, deepening, and improving the
same; and an Act of Parliament was obtained for that purpose. The work
however, has been hitherto postponed: it being, it seems, found difficult
to raise a fund adequate to the occasion. Vast benefits are said to be
confidently expected by many from the execution of this project; while
others appear much less sanguine in their expectations, and even consider
it as in no small degree dubious and problematical.
The opening a straight cut from Eabrink to Lynn Haven is not indeed,
properly speaking, a new or a late project. It was suggested and
recommended many years ago, as a part of a far more extensive
undertaking, by Mr _Kinderley_, who wrote a large pamphlet on the
subject, the second and last edition of which was published in 1751.—His
favourite scheme was to continue the Cut from Lynn, through the marshes
below the _Wottons_, _Babingley_ and _Wolverton_, into what is called the
_Old Road_; and to bring the Wisbeach river from the mouth of the
_Shiredam_ across Marshland into Lynn Harbour. The Welland also or
Spalding river, he proposed to conduct by another cut to Boston, there to
join the Witham, and pass along with it to the sea by a new outlet, so
that there might be but _two outlets_ instead of _four_, for all the
great Fen rivers. The accomplishment of this vast plan, as he imagined,
would not fail of being productive of many and most important
benefits:—The harbours of Lynn and Boston, of course, would become more
accessible, and be otherwise greatly improved:—The two washes would
inevitably and soon be filled up, by the abundance of silt and mud which
the tides would lodge there, and which would shortly be converted into
firm and fertile land.—Also an extensive district larger than all
Marshland, and almost as large as the whole county of _Rutland_, and of
far greater value, would in no very long time be gained from the sea, and
brought into a condition to be effectually secured by embankments from
any future annoyance from the briny element.—Moreover, a good turnpike
road, straight as an arrow, might and would be made across this recovered
country, all the way from Lynn to Boston, to the no small convenience and
comfort of travellers, (as the obstructions and dangers of the _Washes_
would no longer exist) and to the facilitating and perpetuating a safe
and easy intercourse between the inhabitants of Lincolnshire, as well as
of all the north of England and those of Norfolk, Suffolk and the whole
eastern coast of the Kingdom. The scheme or project, however, was not
adopted, nor perhaps ever sufficiently attended to; and it may not now be
worth while to inquire into the cause of its miscarriage or rejection.
Whether this same scheme shall hereafter be ever adopted, executed, or
realized, no mortal at present is capable of divining.
Between Mr Kinderley and Mr Badeslade there seems to have existed a
considerable difference of opinion on some points. The former ascribed
the increasing foulness and decay of Lynn Harbour to the increasing width
of the channel below, the loose and light nature of the sand there,
subject to the powerful action of the tides, continually driving up those
sands and lodging them in the harbour and river above: whereas the latter
seems to ascribe it chiefly, if not solely to the Sluices, or the
obstruction which they occasioned to the free influx and efflux of the
waters. {30a} Each writer supports his own opinion with great
confidence; but the question remains undecided. Both of them, perhaps,
might be right in many or most of their ideas and reasonings.
Very unlike most other great Sea-port towns, whose shipping and trade
have vastly increased within the last hundred years, Lynn appears to have
remained, in a great measure, stationary. As long ago as 1654 we hear of
_fourscore_ vessels or more belonging to the port of Lynn, (some of them
drawing 13 or 14 feet water) and that they used then to make from 15 to
18 Voyages annually to Newcastle, for coals, Salt, &c. Also that
Ship-building was at that period very briskly carried on in the town, to
keep up the stock. Moreover the number of seamen and watermen, then
employed here, is said to amount to, at least, fifteen hundred; and the
whole number of inhabitants was probably equal to that of any subsequent
period. It seems, indeed, to be now the prevailing opinion, that the
present population of Lynn exceeds that of any former time; which yet may
be deemed somewhat doubtful, if not quite improbable; especially as it is
known to have been formerly a _manufacturing_ town, {30b} which is not
its case at present. The point, however, may not now be very easy to
determine. But it seems very evident, that the trade of Lynn has not
increased to the degree or extent that might have been expected, from the
great opulence of its merchants and the vast extent of its inland
navigation. The real or probable cause of this will not become here the
subject of enquiry; but it may not be unworthy of investigation.
CHAP. II.
Of Marshland and the adjoining parts, or Great Fen Country.—View of their
situation and revolutions in remote ages, or Sketch of their ancient
history.
SECTION I.
_Account of their state before and after the arrival of the
Romans—Character of that people—establishment of their power
here—improvements made by them in these parts_.
AS Lynn may be considered as the Capital or Metropolis of Marshland and
the Fens, it will not be improper to give here some account of those
remarkable districts from the earliest times. All this flat and level
country is thought to have been originally a vast forest, which was
afterwards in some measure cleared, and converted into good cultivated
land, fertile fields, rich pastures, and numerous habitations of
industrious men. After that however, it was, it seems, for no short
period, covered by the sea, occasioned, perhaps, by an earthquake, or
some such convulsive event, which might considerably lower or sink the
whole surface of the country, and so make way for the violent influx of
the ocean. The overflowing waters in time gradually covering the
original surface of the ground with silt and sand to a very great depth,
or rather height, would at last recede. The present face of the country,
composed of silt to a vast depth,(and which seems no other than marine
sediment) confirms this hypothesis. Still however the parts next the
sea, such as Marshland and the low-lands on the eastern side of
Lincolnshire would remain as a great salt marsh, occasionally overflowed,
especially at spring-tides.—This seems to have been the case when _Julius
Cæsar_ invaded this country, and when _Claudius_ afterwards reduced it to
the state of a Roman Province.
The Romans, with all their faults, were certainly a wonderful people.
Like all other invaders and conquerors they were in general very hard
masters, and in some respects most vile oppressors and tyrants. In other
respects, however, they may be said to have been eventually real
benefactors to many, if not to most of the countries and nations which
they subdued, as they were the means of greatly improving those
countries, and of introducing among their inhabitants the rudiments of
useful knowledge, habits of industry, and the laws of civilization.
Julius Cæsar’s invasion of Britain seems to have proved upon the whole
unsuccessful; for he withdrew to the continent, without being able to
effect its subjugation, or to retain the conquests which he is supposed
to have made; which may be thought to furnish a pretty strong argument in
favour of the independent spirit, and high military character of the
British nation at that time. Nor does it appear that the Romans ever
attempted to give our ancestors any further disturbance afterward, till
the reign of Claudius, whose general, _Aulus Plautius_, a person of
senatorial dignity, was the first that established the power of that
people, or gave them a firm footing in this island. This was near a
hundred years after the retreat or departure of Julius Cæsar; and the
success of Plautius is said to have been chiefly or greatly owing to the
bitter dissentions which then raged among the British chieftains, some of
whom had invited the Romans hither, and afterward joined them against
their own country-men. Claudius himself came over sometime after, and
completed the conquest of a great part of South Britain, including, it
seems, the country of the _Iceni_, which comprehended the present
counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, with most, if not the whole of those of
Cambridge and Huntingdon, and probably some part of Lincolnshire. So
that the parts adjoining the Fens became subject to the Romans among
their earliest acquisitions in Britain. The inhabitants of these parts
are also said to have made the least resistance to them, at first, of any
of the British States, and therefore to have been for sometime more
highly favoured by them than any of the rest. Claudius at his departure
from this island, which is said to have been in the year 43 of the
Christian Era, left here a considerable force under Plautius, Vespasian
(afterwards emperor) and other experienced and able Generals, who were
succeeded by others, no way their inferiors, in experience, ability, or
military fame; among whom were Ostorius Scapula, Suetonius Paulinus, and
Julius Agricola. Besides Julius Cæsar, Claudius, and Vespasian, several
others of the Roman emperors are said to have spent some part of their
time in this island; and particular Hadrian, Severus, Constantius
Chlorus, and his son Constantine the Great. The latter is supposed to
have been born here, and his mother is said to have been a Briton. His
father, as well as his predecessor Severus, died at York, a place of no
small consequence and celebrity in those times.
After the country was reduced, and made a part or province of the empire,
the Romans soon began to view it as a very important acquisition.
Accordingly they set in good earnest about improving it; and there are
still to be seen numerous proofs and monuments of their laborious,
ingenious, and successful exertions. Among their important improvements
here were included the draining of the Fens, and the embanking of the
Marshes, to secure them against the violence and destructive inroads of
the ocean. Marshland and the low lands of Lincolnshire, as was before
observed, they found in the miserable condition of a salt marsh,
occasionally and frequently overflowed by the tides. This country they
secured by very strong and extensive embankments, which bear their name
to this day. {35a}
These improvements in the Fens and Marshes are said to have been the
works of a colony of foreigners, {35b} brought over, probably, from
Belgium, a country of a similar description, whose natives, from their
previous knowledge and habits, would be eminently fitted for such
employments. Not that those works can be supposed to have been effected
without the powerful co-operation of the native Britons, who would
sometimes loudly complain of the hardships they endured in labours of
this kind, imposed upon them by the Romans: a plain proof that they bore
their full share of them. _Catus Decianus_, it seems, was the name of
the Roman officer who had the chief direction or superintendence of the
improvements then projected and carried on in the Fens. {36} He was
probably the first Roman Procurator of the province of the Iceni, and
continued to be so for many years. Some things recorded of him, during
his government here exhibit him in a very unamiable and detestable light;
and it may be presumed that he was an unfeeling and severe task-master to
the workmen whom he employed in the fens and marshes, as well as
elsewhere; so that we need not wonder that they should sometimes loudly
complain of the hardships they underwent. The public works of which he
had the direction and superintendence seem, however, to have been carried
on by him with no small energy and effect, and to have been soon brought
to a state of considerable forwardness and perfection.
The Fens must have been in a very dismal state before the arrival of the
Romans; and their exertions, undoubtedly, wrought a mighty, and most
happy change in the face of the country. Houses, villages, and towns
would now appear in places that were before perfectly desolate and
dreary. At this period we may venture to date the origin of Lynn; for it
may be pretty safely concluded that it owes its rise to the schemes
formed by the Romans for the recovery and improvement of these fens and
marshes. It is also very probable, not only that it was the first town
built in these parts, on that occasion, but also that it was built and
inhabited by those foreign colonists above mentioned, and derived its
name from them. This however is not the proper place for the further
elucidation of this point: our present business being with the history of
the Fens.
SECTION II.
_Further strictures on the ancient state of this country_, _and on a
wonderful change it appears to have undergone_, _at a very remote and
unknown period_; _from De Serra’s account of a submarine Forest on the
coast of Lincolnshire_.
SOME very remote ages ago, the land, it seems, extended much further out
on the Lincolnshire coast than it does at present; and it appears that
whole forests once existed in places now wholly occupied by the ocean;
which must tend to corroborate what has been already suggested, that the
whole face of the fens was originally a forest. A remarkable Paper,
giving an account of a _Submarine Forest_ on the said coast, appeared in
the Philosophical Transactions for 1799. Part I. written by Joseph
Correa De Serra L.L.D. F.R.S. and A.S. in which the Author informs us of
a report in Lincolnshire, that a large extent of islets of moor, situated
along the coast, and visible only in the lowest ebbs of the year, was
chiefly composed of decayed trees. That report induced him to take a
journey thither for the purpose of inspecting so singular a curiosity.
Those islets, he observes, are marked in _Mitchell’s Chart_ of that coast
by the name of _Clay huts_; and the Village of _Huttoft_, opposite to
which they principally lie, he supposes to have derived its name from
them.
“In the Month of September 1796, (says he) I went to Sutton, on the
coast of Lincolnshire, in the company of the right honourable the
President of the Royal Society, in order to examine their nature and
extent. The 19th of the month being the day after the equinoctial
full moon, when the lowest ebbs were to be expected, we went in a
boat, about half past twelve at noon, and soon set foot on one of the
largest islands then appearing. Its exposed surface was about 30
yards long, and 25 wide when the tide was at the lowest. A great
number of smaller islets were visible around us to the eastward and
southward; and the fishermen whose authority in this point is very
competent, say that similar moors are to be found along the whole
coast from Skegness to Grimsby, particularly off Addlethorpe and
Mablethorpe. The channels dividing the islets were, at the time we
saw them, wide and of various depths; the islets themselves ranging
generally from east to west in their largest dimensions.
“We visited them again in the ebbs of the 20th and 21st.; and though
it did not generally ebb so far as we expected, we could
notwithstanding ascertain that they consisted almost entirely of
roots, trunks, branches, and leaves of trees and shrubs, intermixed
with some leaves of aquatic plants. The remains of some of these
trees were still standing on their roots, while the trunks of the
greater part lay scattered on the ground in every possible direction.
The barks of trees and roots appeared generally as fresh as when they
were growing; in that of the branches particularly, of which a great
quantity was found, even the thin silver membranes of outer skin were
discernible. The timber of all kinds on the contrary, was
decomposed, and soft in the greatest part of the trees: in some,
however, it was firm, especially in the roots. The people of the
country have often found among them very sound pieces of timber, fit
to be employed for several economical purposes. The sorts of wood
which are still distinguishable are, birch, fir, and oak. Other
woods evidently exist in these islets, of some of which we found the
leaves in the soil; but our present knowledge of the comparative
anatomy of timber is not so far advanced as to afford us the means of
pronouncing with confidence respecting their species. In general the
trunks, branches, and roots of the decayed trees were considerably
flattened, which is a phenomenon observed in the _Surtarbrand_, or
fossil wood of Iceland, and which Scheuchzer remarked also in the
fossil wood found in the neighbourhood of the lake Thun in
Switzerland.
“The soil to which the trees are fixed, and in which they grew, is a
soft greasy clay; but for many inches above the surface, the soil is
composed of rotten leaves, scarcely distinguishable to the eye, many
of which may be separated by putting the soil in water and
dexterously and patiently using the Spatula, or blunt knife. By this
method I obtained some imperfect leaves of the _Ilexaquifolium_,
which are now in the Herbarium of the right honourable Sir Joseph
Banks; and some other leaves, though less perfect, seem to belong to
some species of willow. In this stratum of rotten leaves we could
also distinguish some roots of _Arundo Phragmites_.
“These islets, according to the most accurate information, extend at
least twelve miles in length, and about a mile in breadth, opposite
to Sutton shore. The water without them toward the sea, generally
deepens suddenly, so as to form a steep bank. The channels between
the several islets, when the islets are dry, in the lowest ebbs of
the year, are from four to twelve feet deep: their bottoms are clay
or sand, and their direction is generally from east to west.
“A well, dug at Sutton by Joshua Searby, shews that a moor of the
same nature is found under ground in that part of the country, at the
depth of sixteen feet, consequently very nearly on the same level
with that which constitutes the islets. The disposition of the
strata was found to be nearly as follows: clay sixteen feet; moor,
similar to that of the islets, three or four ditto; soft moor, like
the scourings of a ditch bottom, mixed with shells and silt, twenty
feet; marly clay, one foot; chalky rock, from one to two feet; clay,
thirty-one yards; gravel and water; the water has a chalybeate taste.
In order to ascertain the course of this subterraneous stratum of
decayed vegetables, Sir Joseph Banks directed a boring to be made in
the fields belonging to the royal Society in the parish of
Mablethorpe. Moor of a similar nature to that of Searby’s well, and
the islets, was found very nearly on the same level, about four feet
thick, and under a soft clay.
“The whole appearance of the rotten vegetables we observed, perfectly
resembles, according to the remark of Sir Joseph Banks, the moor
which, in Blakeney Fen, and in other parts of the East Fen in
Lincolnshire, is thrown up in the making of banks; barks like those
of the birch-tree being there also abundantly found. The moor
extends over all the Lincolnshire fens, and has been traced as far as
Peterborough, more than sixty miles to the south of Sutton. On the
north side, according to the fishermen, the moory islets extend as
far as Grimsby, situated on the south side of the Humber: and it is a
remarkable circumstance, that in the large tracts of low land which
lie on the south banks of that river, a little above its mouth, there
is a subterraneous stratum of decayed trees and shrubs, exactly like
those we have observed at Sutton; particularly at Axolme isle, a
tract of ten miles in length by five in breadth; and at Hatfield
chace, which comprehends 180,000 acres. Dugdale had long ago made
this observation in the first of these places; and Dela Prime in the
second. The roots are there likewise standing in the places where
they grew: the trunks lie prostrate. The woods are of the same
species as at Sutton. Roots of aquatic plants and reeds are likewise
mixed with them; and they are covered by a stratum of some yards of
soil, the thickness of which, though not ascertained with exactness
by the abovementioned observers, we may easily conceive to correspond
with what covers the stratum of decayed wood at Sutton, by the
circumstances of the roots being (according to Mr. Richardson’s
observations) only visible when the water is low, where a channel was
cut which has left them uncovered.
“Little doubt can be entertained of the moory islets of Sutton being
a part of this extensive and subterraneous stratum, which, by some
inroad of the sea, has there been stripped of its covering of soil.
The identity of the levels; that of the species of trees; the roots
of these affixed in both to the soil where they grew; and above all,
the flattened shape of the trunks, branches, and roots, found in the
islets (which can only be accounted for by the heavy pressure of a
superinduced stratum) are sufficient reasons for this opinion.”
SECTION III.
_Further observations from the same Paper—Epoch of the destruction of the
said Forest—Agency by which it was effected_, _&c.—Similar appearances
eastward along the Norfolk coast_.
“Such a wide-spread assemblage of vegetable ruins, lying almost in
the same level, and that level generally under the common mark of low
water, must naturally strike the observer, and give birth to the
following questions: 1. What is the epoch of this destruction? 2. By
what agency was it effected?
“In answer to these questions I will venture to submit the following
reflections: The fossil remains of vegetables hitherto dug up in so
many parts of the globe, are, on a close inspection, found to belong
to two different states of our planet. The parts of vegetables and
their impressions, found in mountains, of a colaceous and schistous,
or even sometimes of a calcareous nature, are chiefly of plants now
existing between the tropics, which would neither have grown in the
latitudes in which they are dug up, nor have been carried and
deposited there by any of the acting forces under the present
constitution of nature. The formation indeed of the very mountains
in which they are buried, and the nature and position of the
materials which compose them, are such as we cannot account for by
any actions and re-actions which in the actual state of things take
place on the surface of the earth. We must necessarily recur to that
period in the history of our planet, when the surface of the ocean
was at least so much above its present level as to cover even the
summits of those secondary mountains which contain the remains of
tropical plants. The changes which these vegetables have suffered in
their substance is almost total; they commonly retain only the
external configuration of what they were. Such is the state in which
they are found in England by Lhwyd; in France by Jussicu; and in the
Netherlands by Burtin; not to mention instances in more distant
countries. Some of the impressions or remains of plants found in
soils of this nature which were, by the more ancient and enlightened
oryctologists, supposed to belong to plants actually growing in
temperate and cold climates, seem, on accurate investigation, to have
been part of exotic vegetables. In fact, whether we suppose them to
have grown near the spot where they are found, or to have been
carried thither from different parts by the force of an impelling
flood, it is equally difficult to conceive how organized beings,
which, in order to live, require such a vast difference in
temperature and seasons, could live on the same spot, or how their
remains could (from climates so widely distant) be brought together
in the place by one common dislocating cause. To this ancient order
of fossil vegetables belong whatever retains a vegetable shape found
in or near coalmines, and (to judge from the places where they have
been found) the greater part of the agatized woods. But from the
species and state of the trees which are the subject of this memoir,
and from the situation and nature of the soil in which they are
found, it seems very clear that they do not belong to the primeval
order of vegetable ruins.
“The second order of fossil vegetables comprehend those which are
found in the strata of clay or sand; materials which are the result
of slow depositions of the sea and of rivers, agents still at work
under the present constitution of our planet. These vegetable
remains are found in such flat countries as may be considered to be a
new formation. The vegetable organization still subsists, at least
in part; and their vegetable substance has suffered a change only in
colour, smell, or consistence; alterations which are produced by the
development of their oily and bitumenous parts, or by their natural
progress towards rottenness. Such are the fossil vegetables found in
Cornwall by Borlase; in Essex, by Derham; in Yorkshire by Dela Prime
and Richardson; and in foreign countries by other naturalists. These
vegetables are found at different depths; some of them much below the
present level of the sea, but in clayey and sandy strata (evidently
belonging to modern formation); and have, no doubt, been carried from
their original place and deposited there by the force of great rivers
or currents, as it has been observed with respect to the Mississippi.
In many instances, however, these trees and shrubs are found standing
on their roots, and generally in low or marshy places above, or very
little below the level of the sea.
“To this last description of fossil vegetables the decayed trees here
described certainly belong. They have not been transported by
currents or rivers; but though standing in their native soil, we
cannot suppose the level in which they are found to be the same as
that in which they grew. It would be impossible for any of these
trees or shrubs to vegetate so near the sea, and below the common
level of its water. The waves would cover such tracts of land, and
hinder any vegetation. We cannot conceive that the surface of the
ocean has ever been any lower than it is now; on the contrary we are
led, by numberless phenomena to believe that the level of the water
in our globe is now below what it was in former periods. We must
therefore conclude, that the forest here described grew in a level
high enough to permit its vegetation; and that the force (whatever it
was) which destroyed it, lowered the level of the ground where it
stood.
“There is a force of subsidence (particularly in soft ground) which
being a natural consequence of gravity, slowly, though imperceptibly
operating, has its action sometimes quickened and rendered sudden by
extraneous causes; for instance, by earthquakes. The slow effects of
this force of subsidence have been accurately remarked in many
places: examples also of its sudden action are recorded in almost
every history of great earthquakes.—In England, Borlase has given in
the Philosophical Transactions a curious observation of a subsidence
of at least sixteen feet in the ground between Sampson and Trecaw
islands in Scilly. The soft and low grounds between the towns of
Thorne and Gowle in Yorkshire, a space of many miles, has so much
subsided in latter times, that some old men of Thorne affirmed, “that
whereas they could before see little of the Steeples (of Gowle) they
now see the church yard wall.” The instances of similar subsidence
which might be mentioned, are innumerable.
“The force of subsidence, suddenly acting by means of some
earthquake, seems to me the most probable cause to which the usual
submarine situation of the forest we are speaking of may be ascribed.
It affords a simple easy explanation of the matter; its probability
is supported by numberless instances of similar events; and it is not
liable to the strong objections which exist against the hypothesis of
the ultimate depression and elevation of the level of the ocean; an
opinion which, to be credible, requires the support of a great number
of proofs less equivocal than those which have hitherto been urged in
its favour, even by the genius of Lavoisier.
“The stratum of soil, sixteen feet thick, placed above the decayed
trees, seems to remove the epoch of their sinking and destruction far
beyond the reach of any historical knowledge. In Cæsar’s time the
level of the north sea appears to have been the same as in our days.
He mentions the separation of the Wahal branch of the Rhine, and its
junction with the Meuse; noticing the then existing distance from
that junction to the sea, which agrees according to D’Anville’s
inquiries, with the actual distance. Some of the Roman roads,
constructed according to the order of Augustus, under Agrippa’s
administration, leading to the maritime towns of Belgium, still
exist, and reach the present shore. The description which Roman
authors have given of the coast, ports, and mouths of rivers, on both
sides of the North sea, agree in general with their present state;
except in places ravaged by the inroads of this sea, more apt from
its force to destroy the surrounding countries than to increase them.
“An exact resemblance exists between maritime Flanders and the
opposite coast of England, both in point of elevation above the sea,
and of the internal structure and arrangement of the soils. On both
sides strata of clay, silt, and sand, (often mixed with decayed
vegetables) are found near the surface; and in both, these superior
materials cover a very deep stratum of blueish or dark coloured clay,
unmixed with extraneous bodies. On both sides they are the lowermost
part of the soil, existing between two ridges of high lands, on their
respective sides of the same narrow sea. These two countries are
certainly coeval; and whatever proves that maritime Flanders has been
for many ages out of the sea, must, in my opinion, prove also that
the forest we are speaking of was long before that time destroyed and
buried under a stratum of soil. Now it seems proved from historical
records, carefully collected by several learned members of the
Brussels Academy, that no material change has happened in the
lowermost part of maritime Flanders during the period of the last two
thousand years.
“I am therefore inclined to suppose the original catastrophe which
buried this forest to be of very ancient date; but I suspect the
inroad of the sea which uncovered the decayed trees of the islands of
Sutton, to be comparatively recent. The state of the leaves and of
the timber, and also the tradition of the neighbouring people concur
to strengthen this suspicion.”
The reader, it is hoped, will excuse, and even approve the length of this
curious extract, as it seems so well calculated to account for and
elucidate divers striking phenomena in the natural history of the Fens.
Here it may not be improper further to observe, that the forest above
described seems to have extended from the coast of Lincolnshire a
considerable way along the Norfolk coast; as there is on the shore, near
Thornham in that county, at low water, the appearance of a large forest
having been, at some period, interred and swallowed up by the waves.
Stools of numerous large timber trees, and many trunks, are to be seen,
but so rotten, that they may be penetrated by a spade. These lie in a
black mass of vegetable fibres, consisting of decayed branches, leaves,
rushes, flags, &c. The extent of this once sylvan tract [on the Norfolk
coast] must have been great, from what is discoverable; and at high
water, now covered by the tides, is in one spot from five to six-hundred
acres. No hint of the manner, or the time, in which this submersion
happened, can be traced. Nothing like a bog is near, and the whole beach
besides is composed of a fine ooze, or marine clay. {49}
SECTION IV.
_Some further geological observations relating to the Fens_, _extracted
from Dugdale’s Letters to Sir Thomas Browne_.
The fullest and most circumstantial account we have of these Fens is
contained in Sir William Dugdale’s History of Embanking, the substance of
which will be found in the following pages. He has also treated upon the
same subject in his correspondence with his friend Sir Thomas Browne,
published in the posthumous works of the latter; some extracts from
which, being much to the purpose, shall be here submitted to the reader’s
perusal.
In Letter IV, he says to his friend, “I shall here acquaint you with my
conceit touching the spacious tract, in form of a sinus, or bay, which we
call the great level of the fens; extending from Lynn beyond Waynfleet in
Lincolnshire in length; and in breadth into some parts of the counties of
Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Northampton, and Lincoln:
intreating your opinion therein. That it was at first firm land I am
induced to believe, when I consider the multitude of trees (fir, oak, and
other kinds) found in those drains and diggings which have of late years
been made there.” After mentioning some instances, he adds—“Mr Goddard,
Recorder of Lynn, assures me that lately in Marshland, about a mile from
Magdalen Bridge, about seventeen feet deep (upon occasion of letting down
a sluice) were found below the silt (for of that sort is all Marshland
and Holland) in very firm earth, furze bushes, as they grew, not rotted;
and nut trees, with nuts, not perished; neither of which kind of bushes
or trees are now growing upon that silty soil of Marshland, though it be
fruitful and rich for other vegetables.”—Afterward he adds, “I shall tell
you how I conclude it became a fen by the stagnation of the fresh waters;
which is thus—The sea having its passage upon the ebbs and flows thereof
along the coast of Norfolk to the coast of Lincolnshire, did in time, by
reason of its muddiness, leave a shelf of silt betwixt those two points
of land, viz. Rising in Norfolk, and the country about Spilsby in
Lincolnshire, which shelf increasing in height and length so much, as
that the ordinary tides did not overflow it, was by that check of those
fluxes, in time, so much augmented in breadth, that the Romans finding it
considerable for the fertility of the soil, made the first Sea-banks for
its preservation from the Spring-tides, which might otherwise overflow
it. And now, Sir, by this settling of the silt, the soil of Marshland
and Holland had its first beginning. By the like excess of silt brought
into the mouths of these rivers, which had their outfalls at Lynn,
Wisbeach, and Boston, where the fresh water is so stopped, as that the
ordinary land floods, being not of force enough to grind it out (as the
term is) all the level behind became overflowed; and as an ordinary pond
gathereth mud, so did this do more, which in time hath increased to such
thickness, that since the _Po-dike_ was made to keep up the fresh water
from drowning Marshland on the other side, and South Eau-Bank for the
preservation of Holland from the like inundation, the level of the Fenn
is become four feet higher than the level of Marshland, as Mr Vermuiden
assured me upon a view and observation thereof.”—Afterward he observes,
“That the time when the passage of Wisbeach was so silted up, as that the
outfall of the great river Ouse, which was there, became altered, and was
diverted to Lynn, was in Henry the third’s reign, as my testimonies (says
he) from records manifest.”
In his 5th Letter he says to his friend—“Since I wrote to you for your
opinion touching the various course of the sea, I met with some notable
instances of that kind in a late author, viz. _Olivarius Uredius_, in his
History of Flanders; which he manifesteth to be occasioned from
_Earthquakes_.”—And this appears to have become afterward our author’s
own settled opinion, as to the ancient influx of the sea over this great
level country.
SECTION V.
_A concise view of the ancient and modern history of the Fen Country_,
_from Pennant’s Preface to his third volume of Arctic Zoology_.
Among the modern authors who have treated of these Fens, no one, perhaps,
ranks higher than Pennant. Of this singular tract of country he gives
the following account.
“The great Level, which comprehends Holland in this county,
[Lincolnshire] with part of Northamptonshire, Huntingdonshire,
Cambridgeshire, Suffolk and Norfolk, a tract of sixty computed miles
in length, and forty in breadth, had been originally a wooded
country. Whole forests of firs and oaks have been found in digging,
far beneath the moor on the solid ground; oaks fifteen feet in girth,
and ten yards long, mostly burnt at the bottoms, the ancient method
of falling them: multitudes of others entirely rooted up, as appears,
by the force of the sea bursting in and overwhelming this whole
tract, and covering it with silt, or mud which it carried with it
from time to time.
“In process of time, this tract underwent another revolution. The
silt or mud gained so considerably as to leave vast spaces dry, and
other parts so shallow, as to encourage the Romans to gain these
fertilised countries from the sea. Those sensible and indefatigable
people first taught us the art of embanking, and recovered the
valuable lands we now possess. It was the complaint of _Galgacus_,
that they exhausted the strength of the Britons, _in sylvis et
paludibus emuniendis_, {53a} in clearing woods and draining marshes.
“After the Romans deserted our island, another change took place.
Neglect of their labours succeeded: the drains were no longer kept
open, and the whole became fen and shallow lake, resembling the
present east fen; the haunt of myriads of water fowl, or the retreat
of banditti. Ely and many little tracts, which had the advantage of
elevation, were at that period literally islands. Several of these
in early times, became the retreat of the religious. Ely, Thorney,
Ramsey, Spiney and others rose into celebrated Abbeys, and by the
industry of their inhabitants first began to restore the works of the
Romans. The country above Thorney, is represented by an old
historian [_William of Malmsbury_] as a paradise. Constant
visitations, founded on wholesome laws, preserved this vast recovered
country; but on the rapid and rapacious dissolution, the removal of
several of the inhabitants, and the neglect of the laws of _sewers_,
the drains were filled, the cultivated lands overflowed, and the
country, again reduced to a useless morass.” {53b}
In the 20th. of Elizabeth, the state of the country was taken into
consideration: {54} no great matters were done till the time of
Francis, and William his son, earls of Bedford, who attempted this
Herculean work, and reclaimed this vast tract of more than 300,000
acres; and the last received, under the sanction of Parliament, the
just reward of 90,000 acres. I speak not of the reliques of ancient
banks, which I have seen in Holland in Lincolnshire, now remote from
the sea, nor yet the Roman timuli, the coins and other evidences of
the residence of that nation in these parts: it is to be hoped that
will be undertaken by the pen of some native, who will perform it
from actual survey.
“The vast fenny tracts of these countries were in old times the
haunts of multitudes of water fowl, but the happy change, by
attention to draining, has substituted in their place thousands of
sheep; or, instead of reeds, made those tracts laugh with corn. The
_Crane_, which once abounded in these parts, has even deserted our
island. The common _wild duck_ still breeds in multitudes in the
unreclaimed parts; and thousands are sent annually to the London
markets, from the numerous _Decoys_. The _Greylag Goose_, the origin
of the tame, breeds here, and is resident the whole year. A few
others of the duck kind breed here. _Lapwings_, _Red-breasted
Godwits_, and _Whimbrels_ are found here during summer; but with
their young in autumn disperse about the island. The _Short-eared
Owl_ migrates here with the _Woodcock_, and is a welcome guest to the
farmer, by clearing the fields of mice. _Knots_ swarm on the coast
in winter: are taken in numbers in nets: yet none are seen during
summer. The most distant north is probably the retreat of the
multitude of water-fowl of each order which stock our shores, driven
southward by the extreme cold: most of them regularly, others whose
nature enables them to brave the usual winters of the frigid zone,
are with us only accidental guests, and in seasons when the frost
rages in their native land with unusual severity.
“In the latitude of Boston, or about latitude 53, the following
remark may be made on the vegetable creation: a line may be drawn to
the opposite part of the kingdom, which will comprehend the greatest
part of Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, the moorlands of
Staffordshire, all Cheshire, Flintshire, Denbighshire,
Caernarvonshire, and Anglesey. Beyond this line, nature hath
allotted to the northern parts of these kingdoms certain plants which
are rarely or never found to transgress that line to the south.”—In
another place he says,
“From Hulm, the northern promontory of Norfolk, the sea advances
deeply westward, and forms the great bay called _The Washes_, filled
with vast sand banks, the summits of which are dry at low water; but
the intervening channels are the means of prodigious commerce to
Lynn, seated on the Ouse, which is circulated into the very inland
parts of our Island, through the various rivers which fall into its
long course. Lynn is mentioned in the _Domesday book_, but became
considerable for its commerce with Norway, as early as the year 1284.
“The opposite shore is that of Lincolnshire. Its great commercial
town Boston stands on the Witham, a few miles from the head of the
bay. Spring tides rise at the Key fourteen-feet, and convey there
vessels of above a hundred tons; but greater ships lie at the scap,
the opening of the Estuary.—The sluggish rivers of these tame tracts
want force to form a depth of Water.
“Lincolnshire and part of six other counties are the _pais bas_, the
_Low countries_ [or _Netherlands_] of Britain. This very extensive
tract, from the scap to the northern head land, opposite to Hull,
presents to the Sea a bowlike and almost unindented front; and so low
as to be visible from sea only at a small distance, and churches
instead of hills are the only land-marks to seamen, among which the
beautiful Steeple of Boston is particularly distinguished. The whole
Coast is pointed with Salt-marshes or sand hills, and secured by
artificial banks. Old _Hollingshed_ gives a long list of ports on
this now inhospitable coast. _Waynfleet_, once a noted haven, is at
present a mere creek. _Skegness_, once a large walled town with a
good harbour, is now an inconsiderable place, a mile from the sea:
and the port of _Grimsby_, which in the time of Edward III. furnished
him with eleven ships, is now totally choked with sand.
“All these coasts of Lincolnshire are flat, and have been gained from
the sea. _Barton_ and _Barrow_ have not at present the least
appearance of ports; and yet by Hollingshed were styled good ones.
Similar accidents have befallen the low tract of Holderness, which
faces the congruent shores. _Hedon_, a few miles below Hull, several
hundred years ago a port of great commerce, is now a mile and half
from the water, and has long given way to the fortune of the latter
(a creation of Edward I in 1296) on account of the excellency of its
port. But in return the sea has made ample reprisals on the lands of
this Hundred. The site, and even the very names of several places,
once towns of note upon the _Humber_, are now only recorded in
history; and _Ravenspur_ was at one time the rival of Hull, and a
port so very considerable in 1332, that Edward Baliol and the
confederated English barons sailed from hence with a great fleet to
invade Scotland: Henry IV, in 1399 made choice of this port to land
at, to effect the deposal of Richard II; yet the whole of it has been
long since devoured by the merciless ocean; extensive sands, dry at
low water, are to be seen in their stead: except _Sunk Island_, which
till about 1666 appeared among them like an elevated shoal, at which
period it was regained, by embankments from the sea, and now forms a
considerable estate, probably restored to its pristine condition.”
SECTION VI.
_Further account of the Fens_, _from the_ BEAUTIES OF ENGLAND, _and other
sources_.
“That this vast level was at first a firm dry land, and not annoyed
with any extraordinary inundation by the sea, or stagnation of fresh
waters, is evident from the quantity of trees that have been found
buried in different parts of the fens, and also from a variety of
other circumstances.
“Dugdale, in his _History of Embanking_, observes that in making
several-channels for draining in the isle of Axholm, great numbers of
oak, fir, and other trees were found in the moor. The fir trees lay
at the depth of between four and five feet, but the oaks were but
little more than three feet beneath the soil. They were discovered
lying near their roots, which “still stand as they grew,” that is, in
firm earth below the moor, and the bodies, for the most part,
northwest from the roots, not cut down with axes, but burnt asunder,
somewhat near the ground, as the ends of them, being _coaled_, do
manifest. The oaks were lying in multitudes, and of an extraordinary
size, being five yards in compass, and sixteen yards long; and some
smaller of a greater length, with a good quantity of acorns and small
nuts near them.” Similar discoveries have been made in the fen near
Thorney; in digging the channel north of Lynn, called Downham Eau;
and in many other places.”
_Mr Richard Atkins_, a gentleman of considerable research, and a
commissioner of sewers in the reign of James I. was of opinion that the
Fens were formerly meadow land, fruitful, healthy, and lucrative to the
inhabitants, from affording relief to the people of the highlands in
times of drought. Peterborough, he observes, was of old called
Meadhamstead, on account of the meadows there, though most of the present
fens belong to that district. Likewise Ely, or Peterborough Great Fen
was once a forest.
“In a Paper communicated to the Royal Society by the reverend _John
Rastrick_ of Lynn, and published in the Philosophical Transactions
(No. 279, 1702) it is mentioned, that on removing the foundation of
the old sluice at the end of Hammond’s Bank, where it falls into
Boston Haven, the workmen discovered many roots of trees issuing from
their boles, or trunks, spread in the ground; and in taking them up
with the earth in which they were embedded, they met with a solid
gravelly and stony soil, of the high country kind, but black and
discoloured, from the length of years, and the change which had
befallen it.
“Mr. _Elstobb_, in his Historical Account of the Bedford Level,
affirms, that in his perambulations over the levels of Sutton and
Mepal, and others adjacent, in the counties of Cambridge and
Huntingdon, he observed, at the depth of about three feet under the
present moorish soil, multitudes of roots of large trees, standing as
they had grown, from which the bodies had manifestly been sawn off.
Some of them he saw lying at a small distance from their roots, at
the depth above-mentioned; and he was credibly informed that great
numbers had been and were still found severed and lying in the same
manner.
“He also relates that in driving the piles for securing the
foundation of the great sluice at the mouth of the new cut, a little
above Boston, in 1764, roots of trees were found at the depth of
eighteen feet below the pasturage surface, standing as the trees had
grown. Some of them were obliged to be chopt through to make a
passage for the piles. In some other parts of the trench dug for
laying the same foundations, small shells were discovered, disposed
in the same manner as they are often found at the bottom and sides of
the marsh creeks.
“The preceding instances are sufficient proofs, that the surface of
this level was anciently much lower than it is at present; {60} and
also that it must have remained dry for a vast number of years,
otherwise the trees would never have attained to the magnitude which
they appear to have done by the above statements. In what age, or
from what causes the waters overspread the country, and converted
this extensive district into fens, is uncertain; yet there are
reasons to believe, that the great level would have remained in a
flourishing state till the present time, if the operations of nature
had not been interrupted by the works of art.
“_Dugdale_, in a quotation from the Life of Agricola, by Tacitus,
says that “the Britons complained that their hands and bodies were
worn out and consumed by the Romans, in clearing the woods, and
embanking the fens.” This sentence, when considered conjointly with
the foregoing accounts of the state in which the trees have been
found, enables us to form an idea of the time when the woods were
destroyed, which appears to have been before the Romans had secured
the entire possession of the island. Some of the trees, we find,
were _burnt_, and others _sawn_ down, and this evidently without any
regard either to profit or utility, since the trunks were left to
perish on the soil where they grew. It is probable therefore, that
they were felled to deprive the Britons of shelter, and to enable the
Roman soldiers to march in greater security, and obtain an easier
conquest.
“The emperor _Severus_ is said to have been the first who intersected
the fens with causeways. _Dugdale_ has mentioned one, supposed to
have been made by him, of twenty-four miles in length, extending from
Denver to Peterborough. This was composed of gravel, about three
feet in depth and sixty feet broad, and is covered with moor from
three to five feet in thickness. This furnishes another proof of the
great alterations which the fens have undergone; yet the changes
which have taken place may be illustrated still further.
“The celebrated _Sir Robert Cotton_, when making a pool, at the edge
of Connington Downs, in Huntingdonshire, found the skeleton of a
large sea-fish nearly twenty feet long, about six feet below the
superfices of the ground, and as much below the general level of the
fens. Many of the bones, which from their long continuance in the
earth, were incrusted with stone, were preserved, and are reported to
be still in the possession of Sir Robert’s descendants.
“At Whittlesea, in digging through the moor, for the purpose of
making a moat to secure a plantation of fruit trees, at eight feet
deep, a perfect soil was found, with swaths of grass lying on it as
they were at first mowed.” This seems to indicate that the
inundation which overwhelmed the country, happened in summer, or
early in autumn, and had not been foreseen by the inhabitants. The
_nuts_ and _acorns_ before-mentioned, will also corroborate this
conjecture, as to the time of the year when this catastrophe
happened; and so do the swaths of grass, or mown hay, as to the
suddenness of it.
“When the foundation was dug for Shirbeck sluice, near Boston, at the
depth of sixteen feet a _smith’s forge_ was discovered embedded in
silt, with all the _tools_ belonging to it, several _horse-shoes_ and
some other articles. Also in setting down a sluice a little below
Magdalene Fall, a stone eight feet long and a cart wheel were found
at a similar depth below the surface. Likewise near the river
Welland, at the depth of ten feet, several boats were dug up; and at
the same depth, on the opposite side of the river, the remains of
ancient tan-vats or pits, and a great quantity of horns were found.
“_Henry of Huntingdon_, who lived in the reign of king Stephen,
describes this fenny country as very pleasant and agreeable to the
eye, watered by many rivers which run through it, diversified with
many large and small lakes, and adorned with many woods and islands.
_William of Malmsbury_ also, who lived till the first year of Henry
II, has painted the state of the land round Thorney in the most
glowing colours. He represents it as a paradise; the very marshes
abounding in trees, whose length, without knots, emulated the stars.
The plain there (says he) is as level as the sea, which with the
flourishing of the grass allureth the eye; and so smooth that there
is nothing to hinder him that runs through it; neither is there any
_waste_ place in it; for in some parts there are apple trees; in
others vines, which either spread upon the grounds, or run along the
poles.”
Making every allowance for the florid colouring of the above
representations, it is manifest that the level in the times of the above
writers must have been in a very flourishing and superior condition to
what it was a few centuries afterwards, “when the fens were covered with
water, and the inhabitants of many islands in danger of perishing for
want of food.” Whatever occasioned the alteration, it clearly appears
that attempts at draining were made as early as the reign of Edward I,
and have been continued with various success to the present time. The
famous _John of Gaunt_, and _Margaret countess of Richmond_ were among
the first adventurers who embarked in this undertaking. They were pretty
soon succeeded by _bishop Morton_, whose patriotic efforts, as has been
already observed, were attended with considerable success.
SECTION VII.
_Of the Fens from the time of Henry_ VIII, _or rather that of Elizabeth_,
_to the Revolution_; _giving an account of the different projects of
improvement proposed and carried on during that period_.
During the successive reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, and Mary I, little
attention appears to have been paid to the state or improvement of the
fens. For most of that time, and ever after the dissolution of the
abbeys, to which a very great part of these fens belonged, they were, it
seems, almost entirely neglected, and soon reduced to a very wretched
condition: so little care having been taken by the new possessors to keep
the drains open and the banks in repair, compared with what had been done
by their wiser predecessors, the abbots and the monks.
In Elizabeth’s time, however, things were gotten to such a pass as not to
admit of being any longer overlooked or neglected. The reign of that
queen (as Mr _Gough_ observes in his edition of _Camden_) “may be
properly fixed on as the period when the Great Level began to become
immediately a public care.” In her 20th. year a commission was granted
to Sir Thomas Cecil, Sir William Fitz-Williams, and others, to drain the
fens about _Clow’s Cross_; but the inutility of such a partial design
appears to have been early foreseen, as there is no account of the plan
ever being acted upon. In her 43rd year, an act of parliament was passed
on a general plan, which not only included the draining of the great
level, but likewise all the marshes and drowned lands in the kingdom.
This scheme, for which resources equal to the extent of the undertaking
are said to have been provided, was frustrated by the queen’s death.
“In the beginning of the reign of James I, Sir _John Popham_, the
Lord Chief Justice, procured an act for draining the fens in the Isle
of Ely, and the lands in the adjacent counties. The work was
commenced with great spirit, but was soon retarded by the death of
Popham, and afterwards entirely dropt, through the opposition of some
land-owners, who conceived themselves injured.
“The persons who next attempted to proceed with this important
undertaking, were the _Earl of Arundel_, _Sir William Ayloff_,
_bart._ and _Anthony Thomas_, _Esq._ but their proposals not being
agreeable to those who acted as commissioners on behalf of the
proprietors, and much time being lost by the meetings held to
determine the contested points, the _king_ himself resolved to become
an adventurer, and actually undertook the herculean labour of
draining the fens, on condition of his receiving 120,000 acres, as a
remuneration, when the work was completed. This agreement was
carried into a law, and there the design terminated; for the
political embarrassments, which attended the remainder of the reign
of the fickle James, prevented a single step being taken to carry it
into execution.”
In the 6th year of Charles I. _Sir C. Vermuiden_, a Hollander, in a
contract with the Commissioners of Sewers, engaged to drain the fens, on
condition, that 90,000 acres of land, when drained, should be transferred
to him. But when he had again surveyed the Level, and made drawings of
the works that were necessary, he appears to have thought the reward
insufficient, and demanded an additional allotment of 5000 acres. This
proposal was rejected; more from the prejudices that prevailed against
him as a foreigner (and a disgust, probably, for not standing to his
first bargain) than from any supposition that his demands were
extravagant: for soon after, the commissioners with the consent of the
land-holders, engaged on the same terms of 95,000 acres with _Francis
Earl of Bedford_, who had large possessions in the fens, through the
grant to his ancestors of Thorney Abbey and its appurtenances. {66}
Before the commencement of the work, thirteen gentlemen, of high rank and
respectability offered to become joint adventurers with the earl, and
their proposals being accepted, the undertaking commenced. In the year
1634, the king granted the adventurers a charter of incorporation; and
three years and a half from that period, the Commissioners adjudged the
Level drained, and, accompanied by his Majesty’s surveyor, attended to
set out the earl’s allotment.
From this time the favourable disposition of Charles toward the
adventurers began to change; and early in the ensuing year, 1638, a
meeting was held at Huntingdon, of people devoted to the will of the
crown, who were empowered to examine into the utility of the measures
executed by the Earl. The new Commissioners declared that the works were
incomplete; and accepted the king’s proposals to drain the fens, for
which he was to receive not only 95,000 acres, but also 57,000
additional! Every hope of advantage which Charles expected to reap from
this undertaking was entirely dissipated by the ensuing troubles, which
prevented every further prosecution of the work till the year 1649, when
_William earl of Bedford_, Son and successor of _Francis_, was restored
by the Parliament to all the rights of his father.
The Act obtained at this period, settled the boundaries of the Level, and
gave fresh vigour to the undertaking. The works which had fallen to
decay, were repaired, and new channels made, with so much propriety in
the opinion of the Commissioners, that on the 25th. of March, 1653, the
Level was adjudged to be fully drained, and the 95,000 acres awarded to
the Earl and his participants; the latter of whom were nearly ruined by
the expence of draining, which amounted to upwards of £400,000.
In the 15th. of Charles II, the former act was confirmed in its most
essential clauses; and a corporation, consisting of a governor, six
bailiffs, and twelve conservators and commonality, was established, under
the title of “Conservators of the Great Level of the Fens,” for its
better government. These commissioners were empowered to levy taxes on
the 95,000 acres, to defray whatever expences might arise in their
preservation; but only 83,000 acres were vested in the corporation, in
trust for the Earl of Bedford and his associates. The remaining 12,000
having been allotted to Charles I, in pursuance of the agreement made by
the persons who met at Huntingdon, were now assigned to the king, with
the exception of 2000 acres, which had been granted to the Earl of
Portland. {69}
Though the Corporation were invested with power by the above act to levy
taxes generally on the adventurers land, yet as the form and manner in
which that power was to be exercised was not prescribed, they could only
levy a specific sum on every acre; a proceeding manifestly unjust; as the
lands varied so much in value, that an _equal_ tax nearly amounted to the
whole sum the inferior lands were worth. Application was therefore made
to the Legislature for power to remedy this inconvenience, by granting
authority to substitute a gradual acre tax; and commissioners were
appointed by the Parliament to survey and rate the land according to its
value. Under this commission it was sorted into eleven degrees, and that
with so much impartiality, that the proportional values as then
ascertained, have ever since been regarded as a standard. {70} Nothing
very material, or remarkable, in regard to the fens, appears to have been
done afterwards during the remainder of Charles’ reign, or that of his
brother and successor James.
SECTION VIII.
_The same subject continued_, _front the revolution to the present time_.
In the year 1697 the Bedford Level was divided into three districts,
North, Middle, and South; having one surveyor for each of the former, and
two for the latter. This distribution, which had been made for its
better government, was the source of considerable divisions. A
misconceived distinction of interest arose between the different
proprietors; and their dissatisfaction being increased during a long
minority in the Bedford family, to whom, as proprietor of the North
Level, the others were greatly indebted. Application was made to the
Legislature in 1753, and an act obtained to settle the account of the
corporation, and separate the North Level from the rest, except in those
instances wherein their alliance was necessary for the service of the
country. On this occasion the Duke of Bedford remitted the sum due to
him from the South and Middle Levels; and the Earl of Lincoln, to whom
they were also indebted, concurred in the generous example.
Soon after passing the above act, which separated the north from the
middle and south levels, a treaty was negociated between the Bedford
Level Corporation and the principal persons interested in the trade
carried on through the river Nene, from the Port of Lynn to the counties
of Huntingdon and Northampton. That part of the river which lay within
the boundaries of the great Level, was so filled up by the silt and other
matter, which the tides and upland waters had deposited, that the
navigation was much impeded, and the expence of every voyage considerably
increased. This caused an application to the managers of the Bedford
Level, for their assistance in the necessary work of cleansing the
channel of the river, and making it deeper; and the parties, after
several meetings, agreed in the outlines of a plan intended to answer the
ends both of draining and navigation. The same year, the persons
interested applied to Parliament; and the measures proposed for their
mutual benefit received the sanction of the legislature. By the act then
passed, the corporation of the Bedford Level renounce the general power
possessed over the river and its banks, and unite with a stated number of
land-proprietors, chosen from the south and middle districts, in raising
a _fund_, {71} to be appropriated to scour out and deepen the bed of the
Nene and its communicating branches.
The above acts form the basis of the constitution appointed for the
government of the Bedford Level; for though many others have been
procured within the last 50 years, for draining separate districts within
its limits, yet they all contain a clause, reserving the powers of the
Corporation as established in the 15th Charles II.
Of late years a measure has been frequently agitated, and in 1795 passed
into a law, for improving the outfall of the river Ouse, and amending the
drainage of the south and middle Levels, by making a Cut across the
marshes from Eaubrink to Lynn. Great advantages are expected to be
derived from this new channel, and the commissioners appointed by the Act
are now employed in levying taxes to enable them to proceed with the
work; but it is not yet begun.
Notwithstanding the various projects that have been executed and the vast
expence incurred to complete the drainage of the Fens, the work is yet
imperfect; and in many places the farmer is still liable to have all the
produce of his grounds carried away by inundations. The peculiar
situation of the Level, which renders it the receiver of the collected
waters of nine counties, and the want of attention to those comprehensive
measures which alone could have equalled the evil, by providing a
sufficient _outlet_ to the sea for the descending torrent, when swelled
by the numerous currents from the hills produced by a rainy season, are
frequently the occasion of high floods, by which many thousand acres of
prime land are overwhelmed and made useless for the whole year.
Among the great variety of expedients employed to drain the marshes,
where the regular and common means have failed, is the erection of
windmills, or rather engines worked by the wind, which, from their number
and situation in some parts of the fens, present a very singular and
rather queer and grotesque appearance. These raise the water to a
sufficient height to admit of its being conveyed into receptacles enough
elevated to carry it into its proper channel.
A great many thousand acres, within the extent of this low country, are
still in the condition of waste unimproved fen, the average value of
which is said to be little more than four shillings an acre. One writer
states that upwards of 150,000 acres are in that condition in
Cambridgeshire alone, {73a} which, however, has been thought by others
somewhat inaccurate, and beyond the truth. Be that as it may, the
quantity of such lands in the fens is certainly very great, and must
sufficiently demonstrate that the immense labour bestowed, in draining
the Level, has not been attended with the salutary effects which the
promoters of the various plans too fondly imagined and promised; and it
may still be questioned whether the remedies proposed, and partially
executed, are adequate to effect the intended purpose. {73b}
SECTION IX.
_Miscellaneous Observations on the present appearance_, _produce_, _and
state of the Fens_.
The elevated spots on which the towns and villages are built in many
parts of the fens, appear like islands rising in the midst of low and
level marshes; and the churches being generally erected on the highest
parts, may be distinguished at the distance of several miles. The
cottages in many places are nothing more than mud-walls, covered with
thatch or reed. The application of the land is various. The crops of
oats are particularly exuberant, the produce being frequently from
forty-five to sixty bushels an acre; great quantities of wheat and
coleseed are also grown, and generally with a proportional increase.
Many thousand acres are also appropriated to pasture.
In the neighbourhood of Elm, Upwell, Outwell, &c. considerable quantities
of hemp and flax are grown; but the culture of these articles, as a
preparation for wheat, does not receive that attention which their
importance demands. Some very fine butter is made in the dairy farms in
this district; and the vicinity of Cottenham is famous for a peculiar
kind of new cheese of a singularly delicious flavour; which is partly
ascribed to the mode observed in the management of the dairies, and
partly to the nature of the herbage on the commons. Many parts are
remarkably favourable for the growth of corn; but the situation of some
of them renders them so extremely liable to be overflowed, that their
luxuriant produce is too frequently destroyed by the floods. {74} It is
generally said, however, that if the occupiers have one good year in
every two or three, they will make a very tolerable shift to live. The
sheep in some parts are said to be very subject to the rot, which has
been attributed to the neglected state of the fens in those places,
occasioning the ground to produce rank and unwholesome herbage.
The grounds are perhaps no where richer or more fertile, in any part of
this low country, than about Wisbeach and Long Sutton. The pastures
there are exceedingly fine and luxuriant. The crops of corn also are in
general abundant, but much more subject to blights than in the hilly
parts, and the grain is said to be lighter; and much inferior in quality
to that of the high country.
Towards March and Chatteris, the land, though apparently very good, is
said to be apt to produce such an increasing quantity of thick moss, as
renders it in a few years unfit for pasturage; to remedy which, the
farmer has the surface pared off and burnt, preparatory to its being
ploughed up; by which means the moss is effectually destroyed, and a good
manure provided for the ensuing crops, which are for the most part very
plentiful. After a while it is again converted into grass land, and so
continued till the moss gathers and appears as before, when the former
process is again resorted to, as the only remedy.
One very great inconvenience, which the inhabitants of this low country
labour under, is the want of good water, especially in dry summers, owing
to the scarcity of springs. Rain-water is the only water they can have
for domestic uses, almost throughout the year: to preserve which they
have troughs and spouts constructed and fixed under the eves of the
houses, by which it is conveyed into cisterns and reservoirs for the use
of their families. Even such populous towns as Boston and Wisbeach have
no better means of supplying themselves with good water; which in most
parts of Britain would be deemed an intolerable grievance. To Lynn,
however, the above case does not apply. The country on its eastern side
abounds with good springs, from which the town is plentifully supplied
with excellent water, as not to be exceeded in that respect, perhaps, by
any place in the kingdom.
In Marshland and other parts of the country, it is with no small
difficulty that water can be procured for the cattle in very dry seasons.
Instances not few, are said to have been known at such times, of their
being driven daily some miles to water, as none could be procured at a
nearer distance. Such is the spongy quality of the soil in these parts,
that pits dug to preserve the rain water would not retain it unless they
were previously bottomed with clay, by which the water is prevented from
sinking into the earth. Such pits are dug almost in every field; and for
all the care and expence bestowed upon them, they are often found empty
and useless long before the end of a very dry summer. Thus it appears,
that this country, so fertile and desirable in some respects, has its
advantages greatly counter-balanced by some very serious inconveniences,
from which the more hilly and sterile districts of the kingdom are
happily exempted. On the whole, when the advantages and disadvantages of
this low fertile country are fairly compared with those of the more
barren and mountainous regions, it will probably be found that the
favours of providence are much more equally distributed than we are
sometimes apt to imagine.
Here it may be further observed, that the system of agriculture, and even
the implements of husbandry are different in marshland and the fens from
those of the higher parts of Norfolk; which is probably to be ascribed to
the soil, or quality of the land being very different in the one from
what it is in the other. In the former it is for the most part strong
and heavy, but weak and light in the latter, so as not to require more
than two horses to draw the plough, and which are uniformly managed
without a driver.
SECTION X.
_Miscellaneous observations continued—Fen reeds and their
uses—Starlings—Tame Geese_, _and singular management of
them—Insalubriousness of Marshland—Ancient celebrity of the
Smeeth—Decoys_.
Many parts of the fens abound with a remarkable species of _reeds_, which
appear in summer, at some distance, like extensive fields of corn. In
autumn, and at the approach of winter, they are resorted to by
innumerable flocks of Starlings, which then subsist upon the seeds of
those plants, and lodge or roost among their branches; from whence, when
scared, they ascend sometimes in such vast numbers as to appear in the
sky like a thick cloud, exhibiting a very strange and striking spectacle
to those beholders who are unused to the curious phenomena of this
singular country. The fen-fowlers, in their long boats, take these birds
sometimes by surprize, when thickly assembled among those reeds, and with
their long guns make prodigious havock among them. Myriads of them are
so destroyed, and become a considerable article of food in the latter
months of the year.
The reeds to which these birds resort, and from whose seed, for many
months, they derive a great part of their subsistence, are no less
remarkable in another respect: vast quantities of them are cut down, or
reaped like corn, in the latter part of summer; being afterward carefully
dried and dressed, they are tied up in bundles or sheaves, made up into
stacks or ricks, and sold for coverings of houses, making perhaps the
best _thatch_ in the world. Great numbers of houses and barns, and even
some churches are covered with them about the Fens and Marshland, and the
adjoining parts of Norfolk. They are laid on very thick, curiously, and
judiciously, and constitute a very durable, as well as neat covering,
which is said to last sometimes thirty or forty years, with a little
shaving and trimming. It has been observed of thatch coverings (those
made of these reeds must be particularly so) that they make the coolest
houses in summer, and the warmest in winter of all coverings whatever;
being more impervious both to heat and cold than any other materials used
for the same purpose. Thatching is executed in this country in a style
of superior neatness, as well as firmness, and better calculated for
durability, than the writer of this has known any where else except,
perhaps, in the _Vale of Glamorgan_, where a similar method is used. The
material there, indeed is wheat straw, and not reeds, which in that
country cannot be obtained in any large quantity; but the process of
dressing and preparing the materials, as well as the method of laying
them on, seem to be there and here much alike. It seems somewhat
remarkable that districts so widely separated, and which are in most
other respects so very dissimilar, should yet in this particular bear so
near and striking a resemblance to each other. {79a}
Some parts of the Fens, especially on the Lincolnshire side, have been
long famous for breeding vast flocks of tame _Geese_, of which great
numbers are usually sent alive to the London markets.—They have also a
remarkable custom of _plucking_ the geese, and stripping them of their
quills and feathers repeatedly every year, {79b} and so render each of
them conformable to _Plato’s_ memorable definition of _man_, “a
two-legged, unfeathered animal:” in which view it might be called
_humanizing_ the poor geese, or converting them into so many human
beings. The practice however, has been by many thought _inhuman_, and
barbarous, as it must put the poor creatures into no small degree of
pain; {80a} but as it is gainful to the owners, in yielding them a far
greater quantity of feathers than they would otherwise produce, there is
no great prospect of its being very soon, if ever, discontinued.
The geese, during the breeding season, are lodged in the same houses with
the inhabitants, and even in their very bedchambers. In every apartment
are three rows of coarse wicker pens, placed one above another. Each
bird has a separate lodge, divided from the other, which it keeps
possession of during the time of sitting. A gozzard, or gooseherd,
attends the flock, and twice a day drives the whole to water, then brings
them back to their habitation, helping those that live in the upper
stories to their nests, without ever misplacing a single bird. {80b}
Another odd custom in some parts of this same country, is that of
preparing _cow-dung_, and converting it into _fuel_, by forming it, in a
wet state, into the shape of turf, and afterward drying it in the sun.
It yields a strong disagreeable smell in burning, besides its depriving
the farmer of a very large quantity of his best manure. Materials for
fuel must, surely, have been very scarce in the country when this strange
expedient or substitute was first adopted.
Marshland and the Fens are not deemed healthy, except, perhaps, to
consumptive persons, who are said to be sometimes sent thither on account
of the softness of the air. To most others the country is unhealthy, and
subject to aguish disorders, which has always been the case, it seems,
especially in Marshland; hence an ague is in Norfolk proverbially called
_the Marshland Bailiff_, and a person afflicted with that disorder is
said to be _arrested by the Bailiff of Marshland_.—Instead of hedgerows
the fields are here generally enclosed with deep dikes, which for the
most part of the year are filled with water, to which, probably, we are
chiefly to ascribe the unhealthiness of the country; or rather to the
putrid state of these dikes and stagnant waters, in the latter part of
summer and the autumn. {81}
In passing along the road through this remarkable country, a stranger,
from the hilly parts, cannot help being struck at first sight with the
strange appearance of gates and gate-posts erected all about, without any
hedges or visible enclosures to indicate either the necessity, or yet the
utility of them; for as the dikes are not perceptable at a distance, the
land on every side appears in many places like a great open field. A
little time and reflection, however, generally rectify the wondering
traveller’s judgment.
The soil of Marshland is for the most part very good and rich; but no
where more so than in that notable tract called the _Smeeth_, which has
been long celebrated for its uncommon fertility. Till lately it was all
a common belonging to the seven towns of Marshland; and old Authors used
to relate that it constantly fed 30,000 Sheep, with abundance besides of
the great cattle of the seven towns. So famous was this tract for the
richness and luxuriance of its soil, at the accession of _James_ I, that
a courtier is said to have mentioned it then to that monarch, as one of
the most fertile spots in all his English dominions; adding “that if over
night a wand or rod were laid on the bare ground, it would, by the next
morning, be covered with grass, of that night’s growth, so as not then to
be discerned.” To which his majesty is said jocosely to reply, “that
some parts of _Scotland_ far exceeded that, for that he himself knew some
grounds there, where if an _horse_ were put in over night it could not be
discerned the next morning;” alluding, it seems, to some of the bogs in
that country.—The Smeeth has been of late enclosed, drained, and
considerably improved. A great part of it has been ploughed up, and the
crops produced are said to be in general very abundant, and likely to
continue so. It may therefore be presumed, that the enclosing of the
Smeeth will prove no detriment, but rather an advantage to the public;
and also that its celebrity, as a most fertile spot, will not be
diminished by its being no longer an open and unimproved common.
These parts have been long noted for great numbers of _Decoys_. They are
said to be now much less numerous than formerly, owing, seemingly, to the
various and progressive improvements that have taken place of late years,
especially in Lincolnshire, and the consequent decrease of the aquatic
wild-fowl. There are still, however, a good many decoys to be found in
different places, of which the best is said to be that of _Lakenheath_,
on the borders of Suffolk, from which very considerable numbers of
aquatic wild-fowl of different kinds are usually sent to the London
Markets.—An authentic account of this singular and curious contrivance,
it being in general but ill understood, and but imperfectly described in
books, shall be here inserted, as it is presumed it will not prove
unacceptable to the reader.
A decoy is generally made where there is a large pond surrounded with
wood, and beyond that a marshy uncultivated country. If the piece of
water is not thus surrounded, it will be attended with the noise and
other accidents, which may be expected to frighten the wild-fowl from a
quiet haunt where they mean to sleep during the day time in security. If
such noises or disturbances are wilful, an action will lie against the
disturbers. As soon as the evening sets in, the decoy _rises_ (as the
term is) and the wild fowl feeds during the night. If the evening be
still, the noise of their wings, during their flight, is heard at a very
great distance, and is a pleasing, though melancholy sound. The _rising_
of the decoy in the evening is, in Somersetshire, called _radding_. The
decoy-ducks are fed with hempseed, which is thrown over the skreen in
small quantities, to bring them forward into the pipes or canals, and to
allure the wild-fowl to follow as this seed floats. There are several
_pipes_, as they are called, which lead up a narrow ditch that closes at
last with a funnel net. Over these pipes, (which grow narrower from
their first entrance) is a continued arch of netting, suspended on hoops.
It is necessary to have a pipe, or ditch for almost every wind that can
blow, as upon this circumstance it depends which pipe the fowl will take
to; and the Decoy-man always keeps on the _windward_ side of the ducks,
holding near his mouth a lighted turf, to prevent his breath or effluvia
reaching their sagacious nostrils. All along each pipe, at certain
intervals are placed skreens, made of reeds, so situated and contrived,
that it is impossible the wild fowl should see the decoy-man before they
have passed on toward the end of the pipes where the purse net is placed.
The inducement of the wildfowl to go up one of these pipes is, because
the decoy-ducks, trained to this, lead the way, either after hearing the
whistle of the decoy-man, or enticed by the hempseed: the latter will
dive underwater or swim quietly away, while the wildfowl fly on and are
taken in the purse net. It often happens, however, that the wildfowl are
in such a state of sleepiness and dozing, that they will not follow the
decoy-ducks. Use is then generally made of a dog, that has been taught
his lesson: he passes backward and forward, between the reed skreens, (in
which are little holes, both for the decoy-man to see, and the little dog
to pass through); this attracts the eye of the wild-fowl, who, not
choosing to be interrupted, advance toward the small contemptible animal,
that they may drive him away. The dog all the time, by the directions of
the decoy-man, plays among the skreens of reeds nearer and nearer to the
purse net; till at last, perhaps, the decoy-man appears behind a skreen,
and the wild-fowl not daring to pass by him in return, nor being able to
escape upward, on account of the net covering, rush on into the purse
net. Sometimes the dog will not attract their attention, unless a red
handkerchief, or something very singular be put about him. The general
season for catching fowls in Decoys is from the end of October till
February; the taking of them earlier is prohibited by an act of 10. Geo.
II. c. 32. which forbids it from June 1, to October 1, under a penalty of
5_s._ for each bird destroyed within that time. Most of the Decoys of
this kingdom are in the Counties bordering on the great level of the
Fens. There are some also in Somersetshire. Lincolnshire used to be the
most noted county for its decoys, and it is probably so still. Amazing
numbers of ducks, widgeons and teals, used to be taken there and sent to
the London markets. Some years ago, within one season, and from ten
decoys in the neighbourhood of Waynfleet, the number amounted to 31,200
in which were included several other species of ducks. The decoys are
said to be commonly let at a certain annual rent, from 10 to a £100. It
was customary formerly to have in the fens an annual driving of the young
ducks before they took wing. Numbers of people assembled on the
occasion, who beat a vast tract, and forced the birds into a net placed
at the spot where, the sport was to terminate.—150 dozens have been taken
at once; but the practice being thought detrimental, has been abolished
by act of Parliament.
SECTION XI.
_Brief remarks on the parish churches of Marshland and Holland_; _with a
short sketch of the history of the town and castle of Wisbeach_.
By those who have visited Marshland, nothing, perhaps, has been more
admired than its parish churches, some of which are very large and
stately: that of _Walpole St. Peters_ is eminently so, and deemed one of
the most beautiful parish or country churches in the kingdom. It is
built of freestone, and consists of a nave, two aisles, and a chancel,
all covered with lead. The tower corresponds with the other parts of the
building, being a very handsome stone structure embattled. This edifice
was founded near the close of the reign of Henry V. and completed in the
first or second year of that of his successor. In one of the upper
windows of the south aisle of this church is said to be a most absurd and
profane representation of the Supreme Being, habited in a loose purple
gown, with a long beard, resting his right hand on a staff of gold, and
crowned with glory; pointing out the forefinger of his left hand, as
dictating to the Virgin Mary, who is seated before him, with a pen in her
hand, and paper on a desk before her. The Deity stands at the door or
entrance of a castle, embattled, and with turrets, surrounded by a wall
embattled; within this wall is the virgin; and many angels are looking
down from the tower.—Here it may be observed, that when superstition has
taken hold of the mind, there is scarce any thing too absurd to be
imagined, or too impious to be received. Sad and shocking must be the
state of religion in a country where men are employed in making pictures
or images of the deity, or where such images and pictures are preserved,
or suffered to exist in places of worship. It would not, surely, be to
the discredit of the minister and parishioners of Walpole to have the
above preposterous and profane representation defaced, or removed.
Marshland indeed must not be thought singular, among the several
districts of this flat and stoneless country, for the largeness,
stateliness, and elegance of its churches. The case is much the same in
the adjoining district of _Holland_ in Lincolnshire, and in most of the
northern parts of Cambridgeshire. In no part of England are to be seen
larger or handsomer country churches. They are mostly built with good
freestone, and yet there is no freestone, or any other stones here to be
found, but what have been brought from a great distance. Where the
stones used in building these churches were procured, seems to be unknown
to the men of this generation. They must have been brought a very great
way, and conveyed by water carriage, as the expence would otherwise have
been enormous and unsupportable. Some, indeed, will tell us, that the
masons and carpenters worked then for a _penny a day_, and that other
labour was in the same proportion; but they seem to forget that their
penny was worth a great deal more than ours. Money, in this country, has
greatly sunk in its value since that time. A penny would then, probably,
go as far as 2s. or half a crown of our money; so that, at any rate, the
expence of the erection of these churches must have been very great, and
such as the present inhabitants, with all their boasted wealth and
resources, would hardly (or rather, not at all) be equal to.
With sumptuous seats and magnificent palaces it does not appear that this
country did ever much abound. Its strength might be too much exhausted
in building churches, to admit of undertaking any other very expensive
edifices. The Castle of Wisbeach seems to be almost the only exception;
which, though situated a few yards out of the limits of Marshland, it may
not be altogether improper to give here a short sketch of its history, as
well as that of Wisbeach itself.
Of that town little is known before the conquest. Sometime previous to
that event, and in the early part of the same century (the 11th) it is
said to have been given to the Convent of Ely (along with other large and
important possessions in the different counties of Cambridge, Norfolk and
Suffolk) by _Oswy_ and _Leoflede_, the parents of _Alwyn_, afterwards
bishop of Elmham, upon his admission into the said convent. As the
property of a convent, or monastery, it may be presumed to have been of
old a very _religious_ town; which character it seems still in no small
degree to retain, though in a different way.
Of its Castle, however, no traces are known to exist before the arrival
of the Norman, with his conquering array of Frenchmen. In 1071, five
years subsequent to that event, the conqueror, it is said, built here a
stone Castle, the governor of which was dignified with the title of
_constable_, and the walls and moat were ordered to be kept in repair by
the proprietors of certain lands in West Walton, who held their estates
by a tenure to that effect. This fortress is supposed to have been
afterwards dismantled in the reign of Henry II, but upon what occasion we
are not informed. Nor have we any account of another such edifice at
Wisbeach till the reign of Henry VII, when a new Castle of brick appears
to have been built on the site of the former, between the years 1478 and
1483, by bishop Morton, already mentioned as an eminent benefactor to the
adjacent country. This new edifice became the said bishop’s palace, in
which he and several of his successors afterwards resided.
In Mary’s time the place seems to have undergone some change, but whether
so as to cease being an episcopal residence, or not, does not appear.
But we find that some part of it, at least, was then appropriated for the
confinement of heretics, that is, of protestants. The names of two of
these, who were inhabitants of the town, are still upon record. One of
them was William Woolsey, and the other Robert Pygot. They were for
sometime confined in this Castle, and afterwards removed to Ely, where
they were both burnt, and along with them a great heap of books, which
seems to imply, that one of them at least was a scholar, or considerable
reader, and that, probably, was Woolsey; for it appears that Pygot was by
trade a painter, and therefore not very likely to be possessed of many
books. He is spoken of as remarkably meek and modest, whereas Woolsey
was a person of uncommon courage and boldness, viewing the impending
danger without dismay, and setting his unfeeling persecutors, and even
death itself at defiance. He was, it seems, somewhat fearful lest the
gentleness of his fellow-sufferer should give his enemies advantage over
him and occasion his recanting; but it did not prove so: Pygot stood firm
to his principles; and when the commissioners presented a paper for him
to sign, he said, “No, that is your faith, and not mine.” They suffered,
towards the latter part of the year 1555. {91}
In the reign of Elizabeth, the then bishop, or bishops, it seems,
relinquished this castle for the use and accommodation of the civil
power; and it was then converted into a state prison for the papists, who
were charged with conspiring against her majesty’s government. Great
numbers therefore of these people suffered here a long and rigorous
imprisonment, and not a few of them miserably perished in its dreary
dungeons. That queen amply retaliated upon the papists what her sister
Mary had before inflicted upon the protestants. It is hard to say which
of these crowned sisters was the most bloody. Fox has largely described
the cruelties and atrocities of Mary’s government. Certain popish, as
well as protestant nonconformist historians have done the same in regard
to that of Elizabeth: and if the intolerance, iniquity, and cruelty of
the latter reign did not exceed those of the former, it seems pretty
clear that they fell not short of them. As to the number of victims, or
sufferers, the preponderance is evidently on the side of Elizabeth.
There was a difference, indeed, in the process or mode of immolation:
Mary had her victims burnt at the stake; whereas her protestant sister
had hers hanged, cut down alive, emboweled, and quartered. Which of the
two modes is the most humane and defensible—or rather, which of them is
the most barbarous and brutal, the present writer will not attempt to
determine. Nor will he pretend to say which of the two is attended with
the greatest degree of animal pain, as that may depend upon
circumstances. But if burning be the most cruel of all executions, as a
very able living writer has observed, it argues a defect in our laws,
which appoints this to be the punishment of petty treason, whilst the
Catholic sufferers underwent that annexed to high treason. He also
observes with respect to the greater part of those victims,—
“that the sentence of the law was strictly and literally executed
upon them. After being hanged up, they were cut down alive,
dismembered, ripped up, and their bowels literally burnt before their
faces, after which they were beheaded and quartered. The time
employed in this butchery was very considerable, and, in one
instance, lasted above half an hour.—Great numbers also of these
sufferers, (he adds) as well as other Catholics, who did not endure
capital punishment, were racked in the most severe and wanton manner,
in order to extort proofs against themselves or their brethren. It
appears, (he further observes) from the account of one of these
sufferers, that the following tortures were in use against the
Catholics in the Tower: [and probably also in the Castle of
Wisbeach:] 1. The common rack, in which the limbs were stretched by
levers. 2. The scavenger’s daughter, so called, being a hoop, in
which the body was bent until the head and feet met together. 3. The
chamber, called Little-Ease, being a hole so small that a person
could neither stand, sit, or lie straight in it. 4. The Iron
Gauntlets. In some instances needles were thrust under the
prisoner’s nails.—Sir Owen Hopton, lieutenant of the Tower, was
commonly the immediate instrument in these cruelties there; but
sometimes Elmer [ Aylmer] bishop of London directed them.” {93}
How far the bishop of Ely was concerned with similar proceedings at the
Castle of Wisbeach, we are not informed; but whether he was concerned or
not, we may presume that similar measures were pursued there. The
Wisbeach prisoners were distinguished, not only for their numbers,
amounting to some scores, at least, but also for their rank and eminence,
being mostly priests and scholars, who had been educated either at Oxford
and Cambridge, or at some of the foreign universities. Hence when their
more illiterate, or uneducated brethren, in other prisons, were called to
defend their tenets against the attacks or arguments of the clergy, they
would be expressing their wishes that some of their more learned friends,
from Wisbeach Castle, would be allowed to take their part: and when the
judge, at the trial of Barkworth, at the Old Baily, sneeringly proposed
his being tried by a _jury of priests_, “_That_ is right,” replied the
prisoner; “Your lordship knows that a complete jury of them may be found
at Wisbeach Castle.” {94a} In short, many of these catholic sufferers
under Elizabeth, appear to have been no less sincere and devout, and
even, no less unjustly treated, than those protestants, whose cruel
sufferings have rendered Mary’s reign so deservedly detestable.
For a good while after the accession of James I, Wisbeach Castle was
still used for the same purpose as above described: but between the years
1609 and 1619, it is said to have been repaired by bishop Andrews, {94b}
who probably occupied it himself for some time after. On the abolition
of the hierarchy, after the death of Charles I, it was purchased by the
memorable secretary Thurloe, who rebuilt it in its present form, from a
design of the celebrated Inigo Jones: but though still called _The
Castle_, it no longer retained any appearance of a fortress. At the
restoration it reverted to the see of Ely, but does not appear to have
been ever afterwards an episcopal residence. It was from that period
usually granted on lease to some one or other of the principal families
of the town; the Southwells, in particular had it a long while, and
resided there. Of late it has been sold, under an act of parliament, by
the late bishop, to Joseph Medworth, Esq. The detached buildings have
been since removed, and some rows of elegant houses have been erected.
The plan of a large Circus has also been laid out, about one half of
which is already built: when the design is completed it will add greatly
to the pleasantness and beauty of the town. The Castle is still
standing, and likely to stand, with what may be called fair play, as long
as any of the new buildings, although it has been built now above 150
years, and was, at the time of the sale, _stated_ (even by his lordship,
it seems) to be in a decayed and ruinous condition.
The parish church of Wisbeach, dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, is a
spacious handsome fabric, though of a very singular construction, being
furnished with two naves and two aisles. The naves are lofty and
separated from each other by a row of light slender pillars, with pointed
arches. The aisles are the most ancient, being divided from their
respective naves by low massy pillars, and semicircular saxon arches.
The tower is deemed very beautiful, and has been thought ancient, but its
claim to antiquity is said to be fully refuted by existing records, which
prove its erection to have been posterior to the 10th of March 1520.—On
the west side of the north entrance is a small chapel or chantry
dedicated to St. Martin, and originally endowed with lands for the
maintenance of a priest, to say masses for the soul of the founder. The
church is a vicarage, said to be heretofore worth 500_l._ a year, but
now, it seems, more than double that sum, in consequence of a late
litigation, which terminated in favour of the vicar, and the complete
discomfiture of his opponents. This is said to have occasioned not a
little ill blood between the good pastor and some of his flock; but
however that may affect them, so large an addition of income will
probably prevent his laying it very deeply to heart. It may, however,
perhaps be somewhat doubtful, if the present extraordinary juncture, and
most eventful period, be altogether the most safe or proper for the
clergy to promote or engage in these unconciliatory and offensive
litigations.
Besides the parish church, there are at Wisbeach six other different
places of worship; one belonging to the _friends_, commonly called
_Quakers_, one to the _Independents_, or _Culymites_, one to the
_Wesleyan Methodists_, and three to those of the _baptist_ denomination.
Between the latter, though they all go under the same name, there yet
exist some strong shades of difference, so that very little of any thing
like good understanding or christian harmony is discoverable. Yet they
all lie, more or less, under the imputation of heterodoxy, from the great
or main body of their brethren, who are usually termed _particular
baptists_,—as well as from the rest of the right orthodox clans. Of
these three societies one belongs to a certain order or description of
arminian or general baptists, who are pretty numerous about
Leicestershire and the adjacent counties, and also in some other parts.
Except on the point of baptism, they agree very much with the Wesleyans,
and may, perhaps, without much impropriety, be called _Wesleyan
baptists_.—Another of these three societies belongs to a small party of
baptists, sometimes called _Johnsonians_, from the late John Johnson of
Liverpool, to whose peculiar tenets and spirit they are very much
attached; and they have, seemingly, but little charity or forbearance
towards any thing that does not come up to, or accord with that standard;
which may be said to be the worst trait in their character. They are
otherwise respectable, and so are the members of the society before
mentioned. Less bigotry would make both more amiable and more
respectable. The people who constitute the other baptist society assume
the name of _Unitarians_, and belong to a notable class of that
denomination which is said to be now much on the increase in different
parts of the kingdom. The leaders of this new religious class profess to
have for their main object to restore Christianity to its original
purity: they adopt a popular strain of preaching, and are by some people
looked upon as highly _evangelical_; so that, as we have had for some
time _evangelical trinitarians_, both in the church and out of it, we are
now, it seems, to have likewise _evangelical __unitarians_. Some zealots
among the orthodox will probably nibble at this, and even pronounce it
absolutely impossible; but the pastor of the said society, at Wisbeach,
is said to be ready to maintain, against the very best man among his
opponents, not only that those of his connection are really _no less
evangelical_, but even much _more so_ than any of those on whom it has
been the fashion of late years to bestow that honourable appellation.
Nothing further needs here be said on the subject: the public will have
an opportunity to judge for themselves, if any one will enter the lists,
or step forward to discuss the point with the said pastor.
To have among its inhabitants so many different religious societies or
sects, can be no real reproach to Wisbeach. The exercise of free
enquiry, and unrestrained judgement and decision in matters of religion,
must be the undoubted and unalienable birthright of every rational being,
or moral agent: nor can a diversity of religious sentiments or
persuasions be any way detrimental to the welfare of the community,
provided all parties were earnestly to concur in promoting general
harmony and goodwill among their fellow citizens. It is, however, much
to be regretted that this has been hitherto but very imperfectly learnt
and practised by most of our religious fraternities, both in the
establishment and out of it. It is too generally the case, that the
leaders of the respective parties promote among their adherents a
hostile, and not unfrequently a most rancorous spirit towards their
differing neighbours: and the higher men are placed on the scale of
orthodoxy and evangelicalism, the more apt are they in general to run
into this enormity. It would seem as if they had taken their ideas, not
from Jesus Christ, but rather from those over-zealous and mistaken
disciples who would fain have confined the name and profession, as well
as the propagation of Christianity to those, forsooth, who would _follow
them_. Wherever real liberty exists, a diversity of religious opinions
and denominations must be expected; but that would furnish no just cause
of complaint, were the above evil sufficiently guarded against by all
parties. Acts of uniformity in religion, attended with national creeds,
tests, and articles of faith, may suit the piety of popes, or the crooked
policy of despotism, but they can never accord with the rights of man, or
the true principles of freedom: they will never be admitted in a land of
liberty, and can belong only to those hateful regions inhabited by slaves
and governed by tyrants.
SECTION XII.
_History of Wisbeach continued_.
Wisbeach was formerly a parliamentary borough, and that as early as the
reign of Edward I. {99} The exact time when it ceased to be so, does not
appear. That privilege was afterward restored to it under the
protectorate, but withdrawn again at the restoration, and never restored
since; while such insignificant places as Castle-Rising and others of a
similar description, still continue (absurdly and ridiculously enough, it
must be said) to enjoy that privilege. Were such paltry places
disfranchised, to make room for the admission of such as Manchester,
Birmingham, Leeds, and Sheffield, it would appear very reasonable; but as
that is not at present to be looked for, we will here dismiss the
subject.
Ever since the reign of Edward VI. Wisbeach has been a corporate town,
but of a sort most singular and whimsical, and at the same time the most
harmless that can well be thought of. Had all our corporations been like
it, there would have been, it is presumed, not much reason to complain of
them. This corporation appears to have emanated from a religious
fraternity, called the Guild of the Holy Trinity, instituted in 1379, and
possessed of estates for pious and charitable purposes. This
establishment shared the general fate of ecclesiastical foundations in
the reign of Henry VIII; but Edward VI, on his accession to the throne,
having passed an act which provided for the security of those
institutions that had been originally founded, either as grammar-schools,
for relief of poor persons, or for the maintenance of “piers, jetties,
walls, or banks against the rage of the sea, &c.” the inhabitants of
Wisbeach availed themselves of the statute, and through the solicitations
of Gooderich, bishop of Ely, were elevated into a corporation, on the 1st
of June, 1549, and invested with all the possessions of Trinity Guild,
(lying in eight different parishes, and occupied by thirty-nine tenants)
the revenues of which were then estimated at 28_l._ 2_s._ 3½_d._ but
were, undoubtedly, much greater. {100}
By king Edward’s charter the inhabitants were directed to assemble
annually, and elect _ten men_, who were to have the direction of the
_business_ of the body-corporate: yet for the first thirty six years
after the charter was obtained, they seem to have done little else than
meet, once a month in the town-hall, and, “out of mutual love and amity,”
immediately adjourn to a tavern, where having _dined_, {101} they decided
petty controversies among the inhabitants. Afterwards they proceeded
further than they were warranted by the charter: they took cognizance of
the accounts of the churchwardens, and surveyors of the highways; they
directed the application of money over which they had no right; assumed
the privilege of levying an acre-tax; and moreover, during the _plague_,
which raged here in 1588 and 1588, they summoned delinquents before them,
and punished them at their own pleasure.
On the 28th of January 1610–11, the inhabitants obtained a renewal of
their charter, at the great expence of 193_l._ 19_s._ 3_d._ They were
then constituted a body-corporate, by the style of “the Burgesses of the
town of Wisbeach;” but the right of election of the _ten men_,
thenceforward named “Capital Burgesses,” was limited to the possessors of
freeholds of the value of 40_s._ a year. From this period the said ten
_men_, as we are informed, became objects of veneration and confidence,
and were entrusted with the care of nearly all the donations for the
benefit of the poor.
On the 17th of February 1669 they obtained a _second_ renewal or
confirmation of their charter; on what occasion we cannot discover.
Their executive officer is the _Town-Bailiff_, {102} who, though a person
wholly unknown to the charter, has the entire management of the estates
and affairs of the corporation. He is not at liberty, however, to expend
more than 5_l._ at one time, without an express order of the
body-corporate.—These Capital Burgesses have no connection with the
jurisprudence of the town, her have they any degree of civil authority,
as the civil government of the town is not distinct from the general
magistracy of the Isle of Ely, in which it stands: their principal
business is to regulate the management of the revenues of the estates
bequeathed, partly for charitable, but chiefly for public purposes. The
income, of which they direct the expenditure, amounts to about 800_l._
annually; and to the credit and honour of the parties concerned, we are
told, that it appears to be not only honestly, but even wisely expended.
Part of the said sum arises from a grant made to the corporation by the
Trinity House, in 1710, of one penny per ton upon all goods exported and
imported, for the purpose of maintaining buoys and beacons, and keeping
clear the channel of the river.
Among other improvements to which their attention has been directed, was
the building of an elegant stone bridge, in the room of the old wooden
one, over the great river. This was done about 1767, at the expence of
nearly 2,300_l._ It consists of one elliptical arch, very accurately
proportioned. A new Custom-House has been also erected; and the streets
are cleaned, lighted, and watched, at their expence. Of late a new Jail
and Shire-hall have been likewise built; and when a few more improvements
are made, and especially the finishing of the circus, but few towns will
be more handsome than Wisbeach. The Theatre is a commodious buildings in
nearly a central situation. The Rose Inn, where balls and monthly
assemblies are held, is said to have been a place of public reception
from the year 1475, at which period it was known by the sign of the Horn;
and on one of the out-buildings, erected in 1601, the figure of a horn is
yet to be seen.
The trade of Wisbeach is said to have much increased of late years,
through the improved state of the drainage and navigation of the fens,
and consequent augmentation of the produce and consumption of the
country: and it would, no doubt, have increased much more, but for the
bad state of the harbour or river below. The average of the exports and
imports amounts to 40,000 tons annually. The principal articles of
traffic are coals, corn, timber, and wine. The neighbouring lands are in
high cultivation, chiefly on the grazing System. The Sheep and oxen grow
to a great size, and considerable numbers of them are fattened, and sent
twice every week to the London market. The inhabitants are employed in
commerce, there being no manufacture of any kind in the place, though the
surrounding country produces immense quantities of wool, hemp, and flax.
The market is abundantly supplied with poultry, fish, and butchers meat;
and the trade of the town is further promoted by six small fairs, for
hemp and flax, horned cattle and horses. The canal, which was completed
a few years ago, extending from Wisbeach river to the river Nene at
Outwell, and thence to the river Ouse at Salters-Lode Sluice, opened a
communication with Norfolk, Suffolk, and other counties, and has already
benefited the town considerably. {104}
The Summer Assizes, and the January and Midsummer quarter sessions for
the Isle of Ely, are held at Wisbeach; where the magistrates assemble
also every Wednesday and Saturday to settle the assize of bread, and for
other purposes. The chief Justice of the Isle, and all other magistrates
are appointed by the bishop, who is here invested with temporal as well
as spiritual jurisdiction. The education of youth at Wisbeach is
provided for by a free school, and two charity schools, supported by
voluntary contributions. The appointment of Master of the Free-School is
vested in the Capital Burgesses, with the consent of any other ten
inhabitants, having voices in the election of those Burgesses. It
appears that the Trinity Guild used to allow the Schoolmaster the annual
salary of 10_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ and that they also distributed annually
among the poor the sum of 3_l._ 15_s._ which last sum, as Mr. Hutchesson
assures us, has been continued invariably to this day. But 3_l._ 15_s._
is now a very paltry sum, indeed, compared to what it was in the 15th and
16th centuries. Its value now is scarcely a tenth part of what it was
then. {105}
An institution which has been justly deemed creditable to Wisbeach, is
its _Literary Society_, formed in 1781, whose members sometime ago were
about thirty, and its collection of books, or library, consisted of
upwards of a thousand volumes.—Besides this institution, and some reading
societies, or book-clubs, Wisbeach can also boast of a _Philosophical
Society_, the President of which is _Mr. Wm. Skrimshire Junr._ a
gentleman much and deservedly respected among his fellow-townsmen. He is
allowed to be well qualified for the presidentship of such an
institution, from his extensive knowledge of those subjects which it is
the aim of the Society chiefly to cultivate; and in some branches of
natural history he is said to be eminently conversant. He is a native of
the town, as well as one of the most ingenious, intelligent, and
respectable of its inhabitants.
Many remarkable personages may be supposed, one time and another, to have
appeared among the natives of Wisbeach; but we shall here mention but two
of them, and those of very unequal merit.—One of them was _Dr. Henry
Southwell_, late rector of Asterby, and the reputed author of a well
known and popular Commentary on the Old and New Testament, commonly
called _Dr. Southwell’s Family Bible_; not a page of which, however, was
written by him, being absolutely unequal to such an undertaking, and but
a few degrees, if any, above an ideot. {106} But he sold his name to
some London booksellers for a certain pecuniary consideration, and they
employed one _Dr. Saunders_, a noted hackney writer, to do the work.
They also produced Letters of approbation and recommendation, addressed
to Dr. Southwell, from a great number of pretended eminent clergymen, in
different parts of the kingdom. The trick succeeded, and the credulous
public went taken in, as usual. It was, certainly, a most shameful
business, and must be contemplated by all honest men with abhorrence and
indignation: but the work brought no small gain to the publishers, for it
had, it seems, a great run; and that, with them, would sufficiently
sanctify the imposture. It is to be wished it could be said to be the
only instance of the kind that occurs in the transactions of modern
booksellers. But this is the age of imposition and humbugging, in which
not only booksellers, but even ministers of State have sometimes been too
fond of acting their parts.
The other person that shall be here named, as a native of Wisbeach, is
_Thomas Clarkson_. He too is a clergyman; but of a character so very
different from the former, that no two human beings could well be more
unlike each other. His unparalleled exertions in behalf of the oppressed
Africans, and for the abolition of the detestable _Slave-trade_, so long
the disgrace and curse of this country, must place his name very high
indeed, among the modern sons of Britain—even far above our _Burkes_, our
_Pitts_, and our _Nelsons_, as the real friend of his country and his
species, and the benefactor of the human race. Compared with such
characters, he appears as an angel of light by the side of a group of
demons. The honour of giving birth to so estimable and distinguished a
person, must justly entitle the town of Wisbeach to no small degree of
lasting celebrity. He should, certainly, be placed at the head of those
memorable and venerable instruments, who contributed to the abolishment
and annihilation of our most shameful, detestable, and horrid traffick in
human flesh and blood. But for his vigorous and unwearied efforts, the
names even of a _Fox_ and a _Wilberforce_ had never perhaps been known,
as the promoters and champions of that honourable and sacred cause. But
the virtues he displayed, and the service he performed, on that never to
be forgotten occasion, are too well known, and too frequently
acknowledged, to need any eulogy that this feeble pen is capable of
attempting. Long may he live to enjoy his well-earned fame, and to
exhibit still more widely among his contemporaries, by his future
writings, the truth and importance of those exalted principles, for which
he so nobly and so successfully contended.
The attention bestowed upon Wisbeach by _William_ I, in erecting there a
stone castle, has been already noticed. To some of our succeeding
monarchs it also appears to have been an object of partiality: we are
accordingly informed that _Richard_ I, March 28th, 1190, granted the
tenants of Wisbeach-Barton Manor an exemption or freedom from toll in all
fairs and markets throughout England. This grant was confirmed, in 1214,
by king _John_, who came to Wisbeach from Lynn in October 1216, as Dr.
Brady has proved from original records preserved in the Tower. In the
12th of Henry IV. it was renewed, and again confirmed by writ of privy
seal of Henry VI. Afterwards the privilege being forfeited, it was
restored through the exertions of _Nicholas Sandford_, who died in 1608,
and was buried in the church, where an inscription, on the brass plate
inserted in his tomb-stone, commemorates his singular bounty and
patriotism, as having, _at his own charge_, _freed the town from toll_.
After Oliver Cromwell had been appointed governor of the Isle of Ely, for
his activity in swaying it to the interest of the Parliament, he caused
fortifications to be raised near the Horse-shoe on the north side of
Wisbeach, to secure the passes out of Lincolnshire, which continued
attached to the king. The soldiers stationed to defend them were
commanded by Colonel Sir John Palgrave, and Captain William Dodson; and
the ammunition, and other warlike stores, were supplied from a Dutch
ship, which the Queen had dispatched from Holland for the use of the
royalists, but which, very seasonably and conveniently, fell into the
hands of their opponents.
In 1643 the burgesses lent 150_l._ to Captain Dodson, who was then
engaged in the siege of Croyland; and on the 25th of March 1644, they
delivered to Major John Ireton four muskets, three bandeliers, and two
swords, for the service of the Parliament. They also furnished the
latter with a loan of 250_l._ towards raising a troop of horse for the
defence of the Isle. This troop seems to have been supported even after
the Revolution, as on the 6th of June, 1690, 4_l._ were ordered to be
paid towards the expence of a horse to serve in “the Troop,” and the
town-bailiff was directed to defray a moiety of the charge for arms and
furniture.
Between the restoration and the year 1672, cities, towns, and even
individuals, were allowed to coin copper money for the convenience of
trade: the Capital Burgesses of Wisbeach, therefore, in February, 1670,
ordered the town-bailiff to expend 20_l._ in coining halfpence, with the
words “A Wisbeach Half-penny,” on one side; and on the other, the
impression of the town-seal. In 1722, the poor-house was erected, at the
expence of 2000_l._ borrowed for that purpose by the Capital Burgesses,
on their corporation seal:—for being an invisible body, (like other
bodies-corporate) whose intentions cannot be manifested or expressed by
personal acts, or oral discourse, they could act and speak only by their
common seal. {109}
The frequent journeys made by George II. to Hanover, (whither it was
supposed he transported a large share of the national treasure,) and his
attachment to Lady Kilmarnock, afterwards Countess of Yarmouth, excited
the displeasure of some of the inhabitants of this town; and the Rev.
_Thomas Whiston_, curate to Dr. Bell, preached a sermon full of asperity
against the King’s conduct. His text was from Proverbs vii, 19–22. “The
good man is not at home, he is gone a long journey, he hath taken a bag
of money with him, and will come home at the day appointed. With her
much fair speech she caused him to yield. He goeth after her
straightway, as an ox goeth to the slaughter, or as a fool to the
correction of the stocks.” Mr. Whiston seems to have been endued with
that talent which gives its possessor a facility in adapting the language
and circumstances of distant ages to the occurrences of modern times; of
which he gave further proof after the suppression of the rebellion in
1745, and the return of the Pretender into France, when he zealously
defended the succession of the House of Brunswick, taking for his text, 2
Kings, xix, 33. “By the way that he came, by the same shall he return,
and shall not come into this city, saith the Lord.” {110} One would
suppose this clergyman to have been in his day somewhat of an uncommon
and singular, though not apparently of a disreputable character. He was
evidently a patriot and anti-jacobite; and, unlike most of his order, he
could discern the errors and misdoings of the great, and even testify
against them in a very open and pointed manner. On the prudence and
propriety, or expediency of this part of his conduct, different persons,
no doubt, would entertain different opinions. What he would have
thought, said, or done, had he lived in the present reign, and to this
very time, it is impossible to know. Of royal journeys to Hanover, and
of female favourites, or mistresses of the sovereign, one may presume he
would have seen no cause of complaint. But that the same would have been
the case, as to all our state maxims, and public measures, and especially
our three last wars, is more, perhaps, than we are warranted to conclude;
as it seems rather probable, not to say more than probable, that Mr.
Whiston would have discovered in some, if not in all of them, no slight
cause of disgust and animadversion. How he would have stood affected
toward some of our princes of the blood, or royal dukes, and what texts,
or passages of scripture he would have applied to them, or made the
groundwork of sermons or addresses to his parishioners concerning them,
are questions that cannot now be answered or resolved.
The river Nene, being navigable from Wisbeach to Peterborough, and many
other more distant inland parts, contributes much to the commercial
importance of the former. There are also passage-boats on this river,
which prove very convenient to travellers, in their progress to, or from
the great north road.—Before we quit Wisbeach it may be here just hinted,
that some of its inhabitants have often been heard loudly congratulating
themselves, on the very superior advantages of their town, compared with
Lynn and most other boroughs, where the corporation spirit is too apt to
encroach and bear hard upon the unprivileged part of the community; but
which, happily, never haunts, molests, or disturbs the people of
Wisbeach. If that be really the case, they have, certainly, cause for
boasting; and we can do no less than hail them on the occasion.—The
population of Wisbeach, as ascertained by the late act, amounts to near
five thousand: so that it is the most populous town in the county, except
Cambridge.
SECTION XIII.
_Additional account of Marshland—Parkin—Bishop of Ely’s manor_, _in
Terrington—Queen Henrietta—Admiral Bentinck—Cross Keys—Demolishers of the
banks prosecuted and suppressed—High Tides—Destructive
Inundations—Principal divisions of Marshland_.
Being here to quit Wisbeach, we shall now recross the ditch, {112} and
take another turn in Marshland. In this remarkable District, as has been
already intimated, scarce any edifices are to be seen, either of ancient
or modern date, that are worthy of very particular attention, except the
parish churches; and of them it does not seem necessary to give here any
further description: but it may be just hinted, that next to Walpole
St-Peter’s, already described, the two Terringtons, one of the Tilneys,
West-Walton, and Walsoken, are deemed the most considerable and
remarkable. Some account of them may be found in Parkin’s History of
Freebridge Hundred and half.
In the same work may also be found a pretty distinct and circumstantial
account of the different manors in this district, one of which belonged
formerly to the Crown, as a royal desmesne, and was repeatedly settled on
some of our queen’s consorts, as part of their jointures.—It lies in
Terrington, and is called the bishop of Ely’s manor, having once belonged
to his great lordship of West-Walton, Wisbeach, &c. It remained in the
See of Ely till the death of bishop _Cox_, in 1581, when it came to the
Crown by an Act of Parliament passed in the 4th of Elizabeth. James I.
granted it with all its appurtenances to his eldest son Henry, and after
his decease, to his other son Charles prince of Wales, on whose marriage
it was settled on his queen, as a part of her jointure; from which,
however, it has been thought not very likely that she ever derived much
benefit. {113} In the reign of Charles II. it was again settled on
Catherine of Lisbon, his consort, as part of her dower or jointure, and
was farmed by Sir James Chapman Fuller, bart. In 1696, William Bentinck,
earl of Portland, had a grant of it from king William. Admiral Bentinck,
a descendant of that family, is the present possessor of it, and of the
greatest part of Terrington.—Somewhere upon this estate of his, is said
to be one of the best spots in the whole country for forming a Decoy.—The
Admiral, within these few years, has added to his possessions here a
large extent of salt marshes, which he has rescued from the sea, and
secured by strong and capital embankments. No part of his valuable
territory here exceeds this newly recovered tract, in point of fertility:
nor is it exceeded, if equalled, by any other part of Marshland: and yet
it has been thought, from the high terms on which he lets it, that he
himself has overrated its value. This point, however, must be left for
him and his tenants to settle as they can.
In Terrington is that Wash, or passage into Lincolnshire, commonly called
the _Cross Keys_. “Here (says Parkin) is a guide always attending, to
conduct passengers over, bearing a wand or rod in his hand, probably in
imitation of Moses, who had a rod when he conducted the Israelites
through the Red Sea.” {114} A guide certainly does attend; and it seems
he bears a wand; but that he does so in imitation of Moses, was, perhaps,
never supposed by any one before Mr. Parkin.—These guides might very
probably use a wand, or long rod, for the purpose of sounding the depth
of the water, or to discover any unevenness, dangerous holes, or sloughs
at the bottom.
The Banks erected by the Romans to secure this country, appear to have
been well constructed (as was generally the case with the great works of
that people) and they served probably for ages as effectual bulwarks
against the encroachment of the ocean. In a long course of time,
however, they would naturally fall into decay; and the Saxons, who
succeeded the Romans, being never very remarkable for their attention to
such matters, or their skill in the management of them, it is not to be
wondered that we often hear in aftertimes of breaches in the banks; and
of high tides, or great inland floods deluging and desolating the
country.
As long ago as the reign of Edward I. we read of certain lawless people
making breaches in the banks, and resisting those who would have stopt
them; upon which the king is said to have appointed certain persons to
inquire into those misdemeanours, and punish the offenders. Afterward,
in the same reign, mischievous persons are said to have thrown down the
bank at _Little-lode_; when a new commission was issued to search after
the offenders and bring them to justice. Another commission was issued
some few years after, when Robert Russel, bailiff to the Abbot of Ramsey,
John Mayner, Walter Halleman and others, were found out as offenders,
having by force of arms, broke down the Dam at _Smalelode_, and Richard
Curteys the other at _Wadynstowe_; and the Sheriff was ordered to
apprehend them. All this seems very plainly to indicate, that, even in
the reign of our boasted _English Justinian_, the state of things in this
country was very different from what it was in that of the immortal
_Alfred_. {116} In the 22, of Henry VIII. an act passed, making it
felony to demolish the sea banks, which seems to have put an effectual
stop to those flagitious proceedings.
Among the shocking inundations, from which this low country greatly
suffered in former times, the following seem to be the most
remarkable.—In the year 1236, on the morrow after Martinmas-day, and the
eight following days, the sea, by the violence of the wind, was raised to
such a height, that the banks, yielding to the force of the water, were
broken so, that “of small craft, cattle, and men,” great multitudes were
destroyed. A similar calamity happened about nineteen years afterward.
Also in 1437, by a breach in the bank of Wisbeach Fen, 4,400 acres of
land were overflowed. Another of those disastrous events happened on
Monday and Tuesday, the second and third of October, 1570, by which all
Marshland together with the town of Wigenhale, were overflowed with salt
water; so that from Old Lynn to Magdalen-bridge there were not left ten
roods of the bank whole and firm, to the very great damage of the whole
country. How or when that damage was repaired, or the banks restored to
their former state, does not appear; but in the 39th of the same reign
(that of Elizabeth) complaint was made at a Session of Sewers, that
through neglect of keeping the water in at Rightforth Lode within the
crests of the same, the grounds on the north side of the said Lode were,
in time of great inundations, overflown, which occasioned the tenants,
for avoiding the water, to cut the old Powdike, and issue the said water
into Marshland Fen, to the great loss of the inhabitants and commoners
there. It was therefore ordained and decreed, by the commissioners, that
whoever should so transgress in future, should be fined 20_l._ for every
such default.
After this, on the 1st of April 1607 (5. Jac.) there happened a mighty
tide, which broke Catt’s bank, and drowned Clenchwarton. About 1610,
provision was made for draining the waters of Oldfield, Outwell, &c.
without issuing them through Broken Dike into Marshland, and also for a
general repair of all the banks. How far these measures were carried on,
or effected, cannot now be said; but they proved entirely ineffectual to
secure the country from that dreadful inundation of the sea, which
happened on November 1, 1613 (11 Jac.) and which laid all Marshland and
parts adjacent under water, and proved exceedingly calamitous to the
whole country. In commemoration of this most disastrous event, the
following rather quaint Inscription was set up on the East Wall of the
south aisle in Wisbeach Church—
“To the immortal praise of God Almighty, that saveth his people in
all adversities, be it kept in perpetual memory, That on the
Feast-Day of _All saints_, being the first of November in the year of
our Lord 1613, late in the night, the sea broke in through the
violence of a North East wind, meeting with a Spring Tide, and
overflowed all _Marshland_, with the town of _Wisbeche_, both on the
north side and on the south; and almost the whole Hundred round
about; to the great danger of men’s lives, and the losse of some;
besides the exceeding great lossc which these counties sustained
through the breach of the banks, and spoil of corn, cattle, and
housing, which could not be estimated.”
Dugdale in his History of Embanking has preserved—
“An Abstract of the losses in general (sustained on the above
occasion) as they were presented by the Jurors of several Hundreds at
the Session of Sewers held at Lynn, December 9, 1613.—_Within_ the
Ring of Marshland the statement of the said losses is as
follows—_Terrington_, 10,416_l_; _Walpole_, 3,000_l_; _West-Walton_,
850_l_; _Walsoken_, 1,328_l_; _Emneth_, 150_l_; _Wigenhale_ and
_South Lynn_, 6,000_l_; _Tilney_ and _Islington_, 4,380_l_;
_Clenchwarton_, 6,000_l_; _West_ and _North Lynn_, 4,000_l_—in all
35,834_l_.—_Without_ the Ring of Marshland, the damage was far less
considerable, and is given as follows, _Gaywood_, 205_l_; _South
Wotton_, 313_l_; _North Wotton_, 810_l_; _Watlington_, 500_l_;
_Totnel_ cum _Wormegay_, 60_l_; _Holm_ cum _Thorpland_, 40_l_; _Stow
Bardolf_, 100_l_: in all 2,028_l_; which added to the former account
will amount to no less a sum than 37,862_l_.”—A sum equal, perhaps,
to near half a million of our money.
The damages at or about Wisbeach, and _out of Norfolk_, are not included
in the above abstract; though they must, doubtless, have been very
considerable, and probably not much less than the former: the whole
together must, of course, have been enormous, and equal to many hundred
thousand pounds of our money.
In the months of January and February, and particularly on the 23rd of
March in the ensuing year (1614,) the country sustained much additional
damage from the snows that had fallen, and which had occasioned vast
floods from the upland countries upon their going off. A great part of
Marshland, from the bank called the Edge, between the towns and Emneth,
to the New Podike, was overflowed with fresh water, by divers breaches,
between Salter’s Lode and Downham Bridge. The country to the south of
Wisbeach also suffered greatly on the occasion; as did likewise the
greater part of the land within South Eaubrink in Holland, which was so
overflowed and damaged, from Spalding to Tydd St. Giles, as to be almost
entirely lost for that year.—From these premises it evidently appears,
that the boasted fertility, and numerous advantages of Marshland and the
adjacent parts have often been woefully counterbalanced by disadvantages
and evils of a most serious and distressing nature; so as to leave the
inhabitants but very little room to exult over their less wealthy
countrymen, whose lot is fallen in the more sterile and rugged parts of
the kingdom.
Before we finish this Section, it may be proper to say something of the
principal divisions of Marshland, and its extent, which we often find
differently represented. In its fullest extent, or _within its ring_, as
it is sometimes expressed, Marshland comprehends the following parishes,
(with the exception of part of that of St. German’s, which lies on the
eastern side of the river Ouse.)—1. Emneth. 2. Walsoken. 3. West
Walton. 4. Walpole St Andrew’s. 5. Walpole St Peter’s. 6. Terrington
St Clement’s. 7. Terrington St John’s. 8. Clenchwarton. 9. North Lynn.
10. West Lynn. 11. Tilney All Saints. 12. Tilney St. Lawrence. 13.
Islington cum Tilney. 14. Wigenhale St. Mary’s. 15. Wigenhale St.
German’s. 16. Wigenhale St. Mary Magdalen.—In another view, as a
privileged district, and, particularly, as interested in the _Smeeth_,
Marshland has been considered as much less extensive, comprehending only
eleven parishes, or rather confined to _seven towns_, or townships: and
then N. and W. Lynn, with the three Wigenhales are excluded. These
townships; or the seven towns of Marshland, as they are usually called,
are thus enumerated—1. Emneth. 2. Walsoken. 3. West Walton. 4. The two
Walpoles, both under one. 5. The two Terringtons, both under one. 6.
Clenchwarton. 7. The two Tilneys and Islington, all under one, or
constituting one township.—At what time this division of the district
into seven townships took place, does not appear. It was, probably, at a
remote period, and before the formation of the eleven parishes, which
these townships now contain. It may, perhaps not unreasonably be
presumed to have originated under the East-Anglian government, at an
early period of the Heptarchy:—if not, indeed, even before either the
Heptarchy, or yet the East-Anglian government had ever sprung into
existence.
SECTION XIV.
_Biographical Sketches of some of the most distinguished personages of
other times_, _in Marshland and its vicinity_.
Of celebrated characters, or men who attained to high renown among their
contemporaries, but a very moderate number appears to belong to Marshland
or its vicinity. Some such, however, seem to have sprung up there, at
different periods, within the last thousand years: and of them, whose
names have been preserved, the first place, at least in point of
seniority, seems to belong to
1. HICKIFRIC, vulgarly called _Tom Hickatrif_ or _Hickathrift_. He is
supposed to have lived some time before the conquest, and to have been in
his day and generation,
“A village Hampden, that with dauntless breast
The little tyrants of his fields withstood.”
He has been represented as the proprietor of the _Smeeth_; though he
might, perhaps, be only entitled to the benefit of pasturage there, in
common with the rest of his neighbours. Be that as it might, it is
agreed on all hands that he was a person of uncommon strength, gigantic
stature, and unshaken fortitude. Very different from most other men of
might, it does not appear that he was ever accused of oppressing his
weaker neighbours, insulting their persons, or committing depredations
upon their property. His superior powers and valour were called forth
and employed only in defence of his own just right and property, and
those of his oppressed fellow-citizens. Tradition informs us of a
certain unwarrantable and base attempt being once made, by some lawless
and powerful men, to encroach upon the neighbouring inhabitants, and
dispossess them of their right to the _Smeeth_; or, at least, to deprive
them of some part of that fertile tract; and which was to be effected by
force of arms, as the inhabitants seemed determined to make resistance,
and not tamely to part with, or give up their rights. An engagement
accordingly ensued, which terminated in the total discomfiture of the
invaders, and the consequent reinstatement of the inhabitants in the
quiet possession of their wonted privileges. The victory was universally
ascribed to the singular prowess and irresistible exertions of Hickifric,
who fought that day, as the tradition says, with a cart-wheel in one
hand, instead of a buckler or shield, and an axletree in the other,
instead of a spear or battle-ax. In short he is said to have acquitted
himself on that memorable occasion, so as to establish his character, and
hand it down to posterity, as, at once, the firm patriot, and redoubtable
champion. A stone coffin, in Tilney churchyard, is shewn to this day as
having once belonged to him. But this, perhaps, may be questioned, as
may also some of the circumstances of the above story, though the
substance of it may be true: the affair of the _wheel_ and _axletree_,
for instance, like many other vulgar traditions, may be only
hyperbolically and not literally true; and implying no more than, that be
furnished himself for the said conflict with certain rustic, ponderous
and unusual weapons; which blind tradition and stupid credulity
afterwards converted into a cartwheel and an axletree.
2. _Saint_ GODRIC. He is said to have been a native of _Walpole_, and
to have originally followed the humble occupation or profession of a
_Pedler_. He afterwards went on pilgrimage to Rome, and even to
Jerusalem; but whether he relinquished his former profession before he
set off, or took his pedlery along with him, does not appear. Some of
the pilgrims of those times, it is said, used to engage, clandestinely,
in certain pedling, mercantile, or commercial adventures, and to find
their account in so doing, as the garb, or profession of pilgrims
exempted them from the tolls or duties imposed upon mere pedlers, or
merchants. Whether that was the case with our Godric, or not, he
acquired the character of a _Saint_, and was _canonized_; which yet with
some people will make no very great deal in his favour. In the latter
part of his life he became a _hermit_, and lived sometime at _Finchale_
near Durham, where he is said to have worn out no less than three
successive suits of _iron_ clothes, {123} which, with many, would be an
indubitable proof that his sanctity must have been far superior to that
of the wearers of _flannel_, _coarse woollen_, or even _haircloth_; by
which kind of dresses numbers of his brethren chose to distinguish
themselves. Godric died in 1170. Many miracles, of course, are ascribed
to him; and his _girdle_ that he left, was said to have in it such
uncommon and wonderful virtue, as to make barren women fruitful.—After
all, it seems not quite clear, or certain, that he was a better man, or
worthier character than Hickifric.
3. _Sir_ FREDERIC TILNEY. He was one of the attendants and Captains of
_Richard_ I, in his memorable expedition to the Holy Land, and was
knighted by that monarch, in his third year, at _Acon_ or _Acre_,
otherwise Ptolemais—[a place rendered very famous during the Crusades;
especially by the heroic achievements of the lion-hearted Richard and his
followers; and no less so of late years, by its obstinate and successful
defence against the arms and repeated assaults of Bonaparte.]—Sir
Frederic Tilney was distinguished for his great stature and vast bodily
strength; being, perhaps, a descendant of Hickifric. He survived the
expedition to Palestine, and returned safe to his native country, where
he ended his days in peace, and was buried with his ancestors at
Terrington, _by Tilney_; that is, at _St. John’s_, as it is supposed;
where we are told his height was to be seen as late as 1556.—Sixteen
knights of the same name (and supposed to be his descendants) succeeded
him, most, if not all of whom lived at Boston.
4. RICHARD DE TYRINGTON. He is said to have been one of the great
favourites of _King John_, who granted him, for his life, an annuity of
twenty marks. Little more is known of him. But as a king’s favourite,
he must have been a noted man in his day. That king had many favourites,
it seems, in and about Lynn. No part of his kingdom seemed to be more,
if so much attached to him. His favourites and adherents, and this
Richard of Terrington among the rest, may be presumed to be much of the
same cast with their royal, patron, and therefore the less said about
them is best.
5. _Sir_ FREDERICK CHERVILL, or _Chervile_, otherwise _Kervile_. He
lived in the reign of Henry III. and had considerable possessions in
Tilney, Islington, Wigenhale, and Clenchwarton. He was found, in the
thirty-fourth year of that king, to have a _Gallows_ in Tilney, and the
liberty or power of trying and hanging offenders; by which it appears,
that he was in his time a person of no small consequence and dignity in
this country. He lived at the time when the Ouse deserted its ancient
course or channel by Wisbeach, and mixed with the waters of Wigenhale and
of Lynn. Of the qualities of his heart, or his particular deeds, good or
bad, no memorial now remains.—The seat of the Kerviles, for many
successive generations, was the manor-house of Wigenhale St. Mary’s, of
which only the gate-house now remains, and is visible from the Wisbeach
road. Its appearance seems to indicate that the mansion formerly
attached to it was in its day a sumptuous edifice; and for no short
period, perhaps, the first house in all Marshland.
6. JOHN COLTON: a native of Terrington, chaplain to _W. Bateman_, bishop
of Norwich, and the first master of _Gonvil-Hall_ in Cambridge.
Afterward, on account of his great learning and piety, (as it is said)
Henry IV. advanced him to the archbishopric of Armagh, and primacy of
Ireland. While in that high station he was sent to Rome, and employed in
the affair of the schism between Urban VI. and Clement VII. which
occasioned his writing a learned treatise (as Fuller says) _De causa
Schismatis_; and also another _De remedio __ejusd_. He is supposed to
have resigned his archbishopric some time before his death, which
happened, it seems, in 1404. It does not appear that he was one of the
worst men of his order.
7. WALTER TIRRINGTON, LL.D. a celebrated writer and author, is said to
have been another native of Terrington. At what time he flourished, is
rather uncertain; though it seems not improbable, that he was
contemporary with _Colton_. Nor is it now known what these writings were
which made him so celebrated as an author. Whatever they were, and they
might be highly valuable in their time, they seem to have been long ago
swallowed up in the dark devouring abyss or gulph of oblivion; and from
which the very name of their author has hardly escaped.
8. JOHN AYLMER: born at Aylmer-Hall in Tilney, about 1521. When very
young, Henry Grey, Marquis of Dorset, afterward Duke of Suffolk, took a
great liking to him, entertained him as his scholar, and gave him an
exhibition at Cambridge, where his proficiency was so considerable, that
he was afterward deemed one of the best scholars of his time. {126} From
the University his noble patron took him to his family, and made him
tutor to his children, among whom was the memorable _Lady Jane Grey_. He
early imbibed the opinion of the reformers, and was very instrumental,
under the patronage of the Duke of Suffolk, and the Earl of Huntingdon,
in diffusing the same about Leicestershire, (in which bounty was the
Duke’s chief seat and residence,) where he seems to have had some
preferment, and to have been tor sometime the only preacher of that
description. In time he was promoted to the archdeaconry of _Stow_, in
the diocese of Lincoln, which qualified him to sit in Convocation, the
first year of the reign of Mary, where he defended protestantism with so
much zeal, learning, and acuteness, that he was soon after deprived of
his archdeaconry, and obliged to abscond and quit the kingdom, to avoid
the approaching storm. After he had embarked he was in no small danger
from the searchers, who came onboard, in quest of fugitives; but he
happily escaped, partly through his own diminutive size, (being of small
stature like _Zaccheus_,) and partly through the friendship of the
Captain, who placed him in the empty end of a wine _butt_, that had a
partition in the middle, where he sat very snugly, while the searchers
were drinking wine, which they saw drawn out of the other end. He was
sometime after landed on the continent, and got safe to Strasburgh,
whence he shortly after removed to Zurich, where he diligently prosecuted
his studies, and attended the Lectures of Peter Martyr. He afterwards
visited most of the universities of Italy and Germany, and at _Jena_, in
Saxony, he had the offer of the Hebrew Professorship, which he declined.
After the accession of Elizabeth he returned home, and was one of the
divines appointed to dispute at Westminster with an equal number of
popish bishops. He sometime after was made archdeacon of Lincoln; but
got no higher for a long while. At last, upon the translation of Sandys
to York, he was appointed his successor in the see of London. This
elevation he is said to have owed, in a great measure, to the interest
and friendship of that prelate, but which he afterward very ill requited.
He now forgot his former affection to the puritans, and became a bitter
persecutor. On Sunday afternoons he was fond of playing at bowls, and
would use such language at this game as justly exposed him to reproach.
When he happened to preach, if he observed his audience inattentive, he
would take a Hebrew bible out of his pocket, and read them a few verses,
and then resume his discourse. {128a} He was a man of great courage,
which he shewed on many occasions; one of which was his having a tooth
drawn, to encourage the queen to submit to the like operation. _Strype_
says, he was a man of metal, and could use his hands and arms well,
{128b} and would turn his back on no man. _Fuller_ says, he was foully
belibelled by the puritans; but does not say how much provocation he had
given them for so doing. He died at his Palace of Fulham, June 3. 1594.
9. _Sir_ ROBERT AYLMER, elder brother of the preceding, appears to have
been a person of some note in his time, and resided chiefly, as it is
supposed, at Aylmer Hall, above-mentioned; but as the particulars of his
history have not been recorded, and seem to be now entirely forgotten, no
more can be here said of him.
10. THOMAS HERRING. He was the Son of the reverend _John Herring_,
rector of Walsoken, where he was born in 1693. At a proper time he was
sent to Cambridge, and in 1722, became chaplain to Dr. Fleetwood, bishop
of Ely. In 1726 he was chosen preacher of Lincoln’s Inn, and appointed
king’s chaplain; in 1737 he was made bishop of Bangor, and in 1743 was
translated to York. When the rebellion broke out, and the king’s troops
were defeated at Preston Pans, the archbishop convened the nobility,
gentry, and clergy of his diocese, and by an excellent speech removed the
general panic, and excited such zeal among his auditors, that a
subscription to the amount of 40,000_l._ was raised; and the example was
followed in most parts of the kingdom. On the death of Dr. _Potter_, in
1747, he was advanced to Canterbury, and so attained to the very summit
of ecclesiastical preferment and dignity; but his health very soon began
to impair, and after languishing about four years, he died, in 1757,
leaving behind him a very amiable and excellent character, in spite of
the many disadvantages of his elevated situation, and his long course of
worldly prosperity. He appears to have been a real and warm friend to
civil and religious liberty, as well as one of the best and worthiest men
of the age in which he lived.
11. Dr. RICHARD BUSBY. He was not indeed born in Marshland, but close
by, at Lutton in Lincolnshire, in 1606. He had his education at
Westminster school, and afterward at Christ-Church, in Oxford. In 1640,
he was appointed master of Westminster school, and by his skill and
diligence in that laborious and important office, for the space of fifty
five years, bred up the greatest number of eminent men, in church and
state that any teacher or tutor could boast of in this, or perhaps in any
other country. In his school discipline, he was extremely and
proverbially severe, though he applauded and rewarded wit in his
scholars, even when it reflected on himself. After a long life of
unwearied assiduity and temperance, he died, in 1695, at the age of 89.
Here it may not be improper to add, that the noble families of the
_Howards_ and the _Walpoles_ appear to have originated in Marshland.—The
ancestors of the former, sometime after the conquest, bore the name of
_Wigenhale_, or _de Wigenhale_, from that being their place of residence,
and where they had their most considerable possessions. In the 12th
century lived a notable person of this family, whose name was Sir William
de Wigenhale, and who, it seems, went sometimes under the name of William
de Clenchwarton, from his having large possessions in that parish. John,
the Son of this William, in the 13th century, took the surname of
_Howard_, (on what account does not appear,) and his descendants have
borne that name ever since. William, the son of this John Howard, became
one of the most eminent lawyers and distinguished characters of his time,
being Lord Chief Justice of England, in the reign of Edward I. and one of
that King’s privy Council. He owned the manor of East Winch, and the
manor-house there appears to have been his principal seat, and where the
family chiefly resided for some generations. In the chapel of St.
Mary’s, on the south side of East Winch church, supposed to have been
built by him, he and many of his earlier descendants are said to have
been buried. The Howard family continued to reside at East Winch till
towards the close of the 14th Century, and perhaps longer. Sir William’s
great grandson, Sir Robert Howard, lived there, and there, it seems, he
died and was buried, in 1388.—Sir William Howard rendered much good
service, of some sort, to the corporation of Lynn, of which that body was
not insensible, as appears by divers presents, which he and his lady
received in return;—such as the carcase of an ox, one time, to lady
Howard, which, with the conveying of it to Winch, cost _eleven
shillings_, a sum equal, no doubt, to many pounds of our money. Another
time a present of wine, together with two calves, and a collar, or shield
of brawn, were sent as a present to Sir William, and valued at _thirteen
shillings_. Another time, two salmons were sent to Sir William, on the
vigil of Easter, valued at _eleven shillings_; {131} which, compared with
the value of the other articles, seems to indicate, that salmon was a
very great rarity at that period.—Such was the origin of the far-famed
House of Howard, which has been long since divided into so many noble
branches, and makes so conspicuous a figure in the British Annals, and
whose chief is now, and has long been the first peer of the realm.
As to the _Walpole family_, it appears to be no less ancient than that of
the Howards, although it did not rise so soon to very great eminence.
Like the Howards, or rather the _Wigenhales_, it first appeared among the
opulent Marshland families, not long after the conquest; but whether
either of these families is of Saxon, Danish, or Norman descent, does not
appear. The Walpole family took its name from the town of Walpole in
Marshland, where the forefathers of the family resided, and had large
possessions. Reginald de Walpole, who lived in the reign of Henry I. is
thought the lineal ancestor of the present family. His son, Richard de
Walpole, married Emma the daughter of Walter de Havelton (or de Houghton)
of Houghton, in Norfolk. From that time, the family, or the principal
branch of it, fixed its residence at Houghton, where it has continued
almost ever since. Sir John Walpole, knight, was a favourite of Henry
III. whom he accompanied in his expedition to Britany. His son, Sir
Henry de Walpole, was a Judge, about the 50th year of the same king’s
reign. Another of the family, Ralph de Walpole, was about the same time
bishop of Ely, and afterward of Norwich. {132} Some of the family, at
different times, long after the removal of one branch to Houghton, appear
to reside at Walpole; and in the reign of Henry VII. we find the owner of
Houghton residing at Lynn, as appears by his Will, where he is called
Thomas Walpole, Esquire, of Lynne Bishop. In that Will, among other
things, he leaves certain lands and tenements at Walpole, “to the
brodirhode of the Holy Trinity at Lynne Bishop, to the intent the
Alderman and Skyvens of the said Gylde shall find and pay yerly eight
marks to the wages of an abil prest to synge mess perpetually for his
sowl, and the sowl of Jone his wife, in the chapel of our Lady, in the
chapel of St. Nicholas in Lynne.”—For many ages the Walpoles made no mean
figure among the Norfolk gentry; but none of them appear to have been
advanced to the peerage till the eighteenth century; since which time,
they have ranked among the principal nobility of the kingdom. But of the
whole race, from first to last, the most distinguished and memorable
character was the famous Sir Robert Walpole, prime minister to our two
first sovereigns, of the present dynasty, and afterward created Earl of
Orford; of whom some account will be given in the next chapter, section
IV.
Here it may be added, that the family of the _Coneys_ has also, for some
ages, figured among the principal inhabitants of Marshland. They seem
however, to have been originally of Lynn, and to have ranked, at a pretty
distant period, among the principal people of that town. Some of their
modern descendants are said to have prided themselves, not a little, on
the score of their remote ancestry, but as the remarkable, or memorable
part of the history of those remote ancestors of the family, or even the
very names of more than one of them, {134} have not yet come to the
knowledge of the present writer; it cannot be expected that he should say
any more here about them.—The pride of ancestry, or the plea of being
descended from renowned progenitors, is often very idle and childish,
especially when none of the eminent or estimable traits which
distinguished and characterized those progenitors are discoverable in
their descendants.
CHAP. III.
Of the parts about Lynn, on the eastern side of the Ouse.
SECTION I.
_Aspect of the country—its agriculture and rural economy—Wayland
Wood—Memoir of Shuckforth—parish churches and other edifices_, _ancient
and modern_.
After passing from Marshland to the eastern side of the Ouse, the country
presently begins to exhibit a very different appearance. The surface now
ceases to be flat and even as before, and the very soil appears
considerably altered and diversified. A light sandy soil soon presents
itself, and the land becomes higher and comparatively hilly, as well as
in general much less fertile and productive than in Marshland. The
style, or mode and process of agriculture also differs considerably, as
do likewise even the very implements of husbandry. There are certainly
some slovenly farmers on this eastern side, but there are many others who
manage their farms in a manner greatly superior to what is generally done
on the other side of the river. Indeed the comparative poorness of the
soil here may operate in no small degree as a spur to superior exertion
and improvement. Where the land is poor nature requires the greater
attention and assistance; and without skilful, laborious, and expensive
management the cultivator cannot expect to thrive. Those farmers who
have distinguished themselves, by a close attention to the pursuit of
wise projects of agricultural improvement, have found their account
abundantly in so doing. They have generally attained to considerable
opulence, so as to be able to exhibit the appearance of wealthy
independent country gentleman, instead of a servile, cringing yeomanry or
tenantry. Not a few of them are supposed to live as well as their
landlords: but the conduct of some of them towards the _poor_ has been
thought cruel and tyrannical.
Dairies are said to be here rather neglected, and the farmers’ attention
chiefly directed to tillage and the growing of corn. The _cheese_ is for
the most part very ordinary and poor, and the _butter_ not excellent.—No
part of England exceeds Norfolk, or even equals it, in the culture of
_turnips_, for which its loose, light, and sandy soil is thought to be
very favourable. Much dependence is here placed on the turnip crop, for
subsisting the sheep and cattle during the winter season; and if it fail,
or is materially injured by early frosts, or other means, the complaints
become loud, and the consequences often prove serious and distressing.
The turnip was only cultivated in gardens, as a culinary plant in this
country till the reign of George I. when Lord Townshend, an ancestor of
the present marquis, who had attended the king to Hanover, as secretary
of state, observing the profit and utility of the field cultivation of
turnips in that electorate, on his return brought with him the seed and
recommended it to his tenants who occupied land of a similar quality to
that of Hanover. The experiment succeeded adequate to expectation: the
practice gradually spread over the county, and made its way into other
parts of the kingdom. This important root, the great source of abundance
to the county, has been gradually rising to its present state, for
upwards of seventy years—A good acre of turnips in Norfolk will produce
between thirty and forty cart-loads, as heavy as three horses can draw;
and an acre will fat a Scotch bullock from forty to fifty stone, or eight
sheep. But the advantage of this crop does not end here, for it
generally leaves the land so clean and in such fine condition, that it
almost insures a good crop of barley, and a kind plant of clover; and the
clover is a most excellent preparative for wheat, so that in the
subsequent advantages the value of the turnip can hardly be estimated.
It has however been observed, that the cultivation of this root has
reached its acme; and that at present, from some latent causes, it is on
the decline: for recently more seed is become necessary, and the crop is
said to be more precarious. Some have attributed it to the want of
deeper ploughing, and instances have been adduced of the extraordinary
depth to which turnips, and even _wheat_ will radicate. This however has
been thought insufficient to affix the cause of failure to shallow
ploughing. {137}
Among our enlightened agriculturists the first place in generally
allotted to those of Norfolk; and it has been observed, that the first
thing that attracts the eye of a stranger here, is the fine _tilth_ of
the soil, and the _succession_ of crops. The mode of cultivating the
arable lands is worthy, no doubt, of imitation, wherever it can be
adopted. The plough, which is of an admirable construction, is drawn by
two horses harnessed abreast, which with a pair of reins are guided by
the person who holds the plough. Instead of working the animals seven or
eight hours without drawing bit, as is the custom in some counties, they
are here worked eight hours in winter, and ten in Summer, by two
journeys, as they are termed, which enables them to do considerably more
than they would by one journey. The ploughings are repeated till the
land is high in tilth, when it is completely pulverized with _wheeled_
drags and harrows, which are violently drawn by the horses being kept
upon a _trotting_ pace. Owing to this rapid movement, the clods are very
effectually broken, and the land well prepared to receive the seed.
After this is sown or planted, the utmost attention is paid to keep the
land free from weeds. The ridiculous custom of letting the land lie
_idle_ one year in every three, for the advantage of what is termed
_fallowing_, is here properly exploded. The necessity of it has been
superceded, and the reasons of it done away, by a judicious course of
_cropping_; so that one crop may fertilise as the other exhausts; and in
this manner are the lands cultivated like gardens, yielding various crops
in perpetual succession, to the mutual benefit of the landlord and
tenant; and of general utility to the public.
The mode of cropping in general practice is what is termed a _sixcourse
shift_—the first year wheat; second, barley, with or without clover;
third, turnips; fourth, barley or oates, with or without clover; fifth,
clover mown for hay; sixth, grazed and ploughed up for wheat again. Some
vary this mode by a five or a four course shift. Wheat is a general crop
over the whole county, but thrives best on the stiff loamy lands. The
lighter soils are favourable to barley, vast quantities of which are
raised, malted, and in that state sent out of the county. Both wheat and
barley are principally either drilled, for which several kinds of
ingeniously-contrived _barrow-drills_ are used, or else planted with the
hand by women and children, called _dibbling_. The latter is among the
agricultural improvements that have originated in this county: it is very
generally practised, and its superiority, in several respects, or
circumstances, over the other methods has been generally admitted. The
quantities produced, according to the seed sown, are very unequal in
different parts of the county. Lands, in the hundred of Flegg and
Marshland, usually bear six quarters of wheat per acre, and ten of oats;
but in the very light soils, the farmer is glad to obtain two quarters of
oats, and three of barley. The average crops of the whole county may be
stated at three quarters of wheat, and four of barley, and other articles
in proportion, per-acre. {139} Oats are mostly sown only as a shifting
crop, and seldom more is raised than what are consumed within the county.
Other crops are rye, buck wheat, peas, beans, vetches or tares, coleseed,
clovers, rye and other artificial grasses; burnet; cocksfoot, chickary,
cabbages, mangel wurzel, luzerne, carrots, and potatoes. The latter,
though so valuable a root, and in other parts used as a preparatory crop
for wheat, has not lately been adopted as a field course in Norfolk.
{140a} _Flax_ and _hemp_, and even _mustard_ and _saffron_ are grown in
some parts about Marshland and the Fens.—Improved implements and
machines, to facilitate the operations of husbandry, are here in the
greatest variety and perfection. _Threshing machines_ are become general
throughout the county, as are also _drills_ of all kinds; but a
_drill-roller_ has been supposed to be peculiar to Norfolk. It is a
large cast-iron cylinder, with projecting rings round it, at about ten
inches distance from each other. This being drawn over the ploughed land
makes indentations, and the seed sown _broad-cast_ chiefly falls into the
drills, and is thus regularly and better deposited than in the common
mode of sowing.—Among _wheel-carriages_ the non descript one called a
_wizzard_, or _hermaphrodite_, is curious and remarkable; it is the
common cart, to which in harvest, or in pressing circumstances, a couple
of temporary forewheels are placed under the shafts, and two oblique
ladders to the frame, by which it is made to answer the purpose of a
waggon: in little farms, it is an object of no small utility, and in
large ones a great help in a busy season. {140b}
The fat cattle of these parts, except those sold at home to the butchers,
are commonly sent up to London, and sold in Smithfield Market, by the
authorized and sworn salesmen of that place, who regularly remit the
money afterwards to the respective owners, to their entire satisfaction;
for no murmurs against these salesmen, or reflections unfavourable to
their integrity are ever heard. One man, commonly called _a drover_,
generally takes charge of the disposable cattle of a whole district, and
among them sometimes very fierce beasts, that would prove unmanageable to
most other people, but which he contrives to drive along with tolerable
ease, assisted only by a trusty and well-trained _dog_, his sagacious and
constant companion.
The country eastward of Lynn, towards Westacre and Swaffham, soon becomes
more and more elevated and hilly: the soil also, in many places, is of a
very inferior sort—and so light, loose, and sandy, as to be easily, in
its ploughed state, drifted by the wind; for which the _marl_, that
abounds about those parts, is the very best manure, and almost the only
effectual remedy; and it is generally nigh at hand; often but a few feet
beneath the surface, and under the very soil that wants it. It is
usually laid on very thick, and seldom disappoints the farmer’s wish or
expectation, unless the soil be so incurably sterile as not to admit the
marl’s incorporating with it. Wonderful effects have often been produced
by this marling, upon lands that many would have deemed of invincible
sterility.
Not far from the last mentioned town of Swaffham, between Watton and
Merton, is a place called _Wayland Wood_, which gives name to the Hundred
in which it lies. It is commonly called _Wailing Wood_, and tradition
has marked it out as the scene of the pitiable, miserable, and horrid
catastrophe recorded and commemorated in the old and well-known ballad of
“The Children in the Wood; or the Norfolk Gentleman’s last will and
testament.” The origin of the tradition, or the time when that shocking
event happened, cannot now, it seems, be ascertained. Even Blomefield,
with all his antiquarian sagacity, and extensive means of information,
was not able to find it out. It was probably the occurrence of a very
distant period: but that it really did happen, the ballad and the
tradition may be considered as very sufficient proofs; and the latter
renders it very probable, or rather more than probable, that Wayland, or
Wailing Wood was the very theatre of its perpetration. Of the untimely
and tragical ends of helpless and friendless orphans, by the procurement
of unprincipled, unfeeling, and cruel relations, who were heirs to their
possessions, the history of rude and barbarous ages furnish but too many
and very shocking examples; and it is devoutly to be wished that nothing
of the kind, or nothing equally inhuman and shocking, could be said of
the history of what are usually called civilized and enlightened times.
At Saham Tony, not far from Watton and Wayland Wood, lived in the last
century a remarkable person of the name of _Shuckforth_. He was a
gentleman of good property, and resided there on his own estate. On some
occasion, unknown to the present writer, he retired from the world many
years before he died, and gave himself up to reading and meditation, and
to the practice of piety and charity. His religion appeared to be of
that cast that is usually and assumingly denominated orthodox and
evangelical, with no slight tincture of credulity, superstition, and
fanaticism. These, however, as his life was otherwise so inoffensive and
fruitful of good works, lost in him a great part of their deformity. His
oddities and eccentricities induced many of his neighbours, of the higher
orders, to impute to him a strong twist of insanity; while a great part
of their own conduct would have gone, perhaps, quite as far in supporting
a similar imputation against themselves. A course of life so singular,
unfashionable, and unadmired, as that which he chose and pursued, might
excite in many no small degree of surprize and disgust, but it ought not
to be taken as a proof of mental derangement. It was probably the result
of the sober exercise of his private judgement, and of a full conviction
that there was no other course in which he could so well serve God and
his fellow creatures, or promote his own present and future happiness.
He was seldom seen for many of his latter years, except by a few
domestics, one of whom was a constant attendant, and employed to read to
him, after his own eyesight had failed. He is also supposed to have been
the chief agent to distribute his charities, in the mean time, among the
neighbouring poor and indigent. Close to his house he had a lime-kiln
erected, from an idea that the smell, or effluvia of burning lime
conduced to health and longevity. Thus he passed his time, in innocent
and useful retirement, during a great part of a very long life. May his
opulent survivors imitate his benevolence and charitable actions,
whatever they may think of his peculiarities. He died in 1781, in his
91st. year, and was buried in one of his own fields, in a spot which he
had fixed upon, and enclosed for that purpose, near twenty years before;
and where he had erected a tomb, or a kind of mausoleum, with a long
inscription on each of its four sides, or on four different stones. The
inscriptions, as to the style and substance of them, have no great merit.
They possess no elegance; and may be very truly said to be far more
fanciful than judicious. But of the writer’s good intention, no doubt
ought to be entertained. As he had in his lifetime distinguished himself
by numerous acts of benevolence, so at his death; and by his will, he
left divers charitable donations to the poor of Saham and the
neighbouring parishes. Thus did he, in life and in death, remember the
poor, and maintain the character of the poor man’s friend. The blessing
of the poor, and of those who were ready to perish he doubtless obtained,
and even the blessing and approbation of Him who is the common parent,
benefactor, and righteous judge of the rich as well as the poor, the
creator, sustainer, and ruler of the universe.
The parish churches on this side the Ouse, for the most part, make but a
mean appearance, compared with those of Marshland and Holland. Here are,
however, and always have been other edifices greatly superior to anything
of the kind found in those districts: that is, the sumptuous mansions and
palaces, for which this county has been long remarkable, and not
inferior, perhaps, to any part of the kingdom. Of these, the most
distinguished, in former times, were, _Rising Castle_, once a royal
palace, and the residence, for many years, of queen _Isabel_, the relict
of Edward II; _Gaywode Castle_, the principal mansion, for some ages, of
the bishops of Norwich, and one of the best houses, in the meantime, if
not the very best, in the whole county; _Middleton Castle_, the seat of
Lord Scales; _Wormegay Castle_, the seat of lord Bardolf; _Castleacre_,
the seat of Earl Warren; and _Hunstanton Hall_, the seat of the
Lestranges.
Among the modern mansions, or palaces, in these parts, the most
distinguished is that of Lord Cholmondeley, at _Houghton_, built by the
famous Sir Robert Walpole; that of Thomas William Coke Esq. at _Holkham_;
and that of Lord Townshend, at _Rainham_. Besides these, there are many
others worthy of notice; such as that of Mr. Henley, at _Sandringham_;
that of Mr. Styleman, at _Snettisham_; that of Mr. Rolfe, at _Hitcham_;
that of Mr. Coldham, at _Anmer_; that of Sir Martin Browne Folkes, at
_Hillington_; that of Mr. Hamond, at _Westacre_; that of Mr. Fountaine,
at _Narford_; that of Mr. Tyssen, at _Narborough_; that of Sir Richard
Bedingfield, at _Oxborough_; that of Mr. Pratt, at _Ruston_; that of Mr.
Hare, at _Stowe_; that of Mr. Bell, at _Wallington_; and that of Mr.
Plestow, at _Watlington_; to which several others might be added; but
most, if not all of them, are of inferior consideration.
SECTION II.
_A further Account of the Castles_, _edifices_, _and places of ancient
note_, _in these
parts—Brancaster—Rising—Garwood—Middleton—Wormegay—Castle-acre_, _&c._
RISING, or, as it is commonly called, _Castle-Rising_, is generally
considered as the most ancient of all places in this vicinity, except
Brancaster, {146} with which it might originally have some connection.
It is supposed to have existed in the time of the Romans, as one of their
military posts, or inferior stations, which Spelman thought not
improbable, from its situation, and the coins there discovered. But it
seems by no means clear, or certain, that it is a place of so much
greater antiquity than Lynn, as is generally supposed. As a borough, it
may, and seems to be the most ancient of the two; but that its origin, as
a town, was much, if at all, anterior to that of Lynn, is not so very
probable or indubitable as most people have imagined. That it is a place
of great antiquity, must however be allowed, as well as that it was
formerly of far greater extent, population, and consequence, than it is
at present, and than it has been for several ages; otherwise it could,
surely, never have acquired the rank of a corporate town, with distinct
municipal laws, chartered rights, and the privilege of sending members to
parliament—even as many as the county itself: which must always have been
absurd enough, but especially at this time, when it is actually one of
the most inconsiderable villages within the whole county. It is said to
have been formerly a noted sea-port; but the silt and sand, choking up
its harbour, have long deprived it of that advantage. To that cause the
decay of the town is, probably, to be ascribed. Spelman says, that
Rising is a burgh of such high antiquity, that the royal archives and
records give no account of it. But may it not be questioned, if his
premises will really warrant his conclusion? or, if the silence of the
archives and records amounts to a proof of its high antiquity, as a
burgh? Might not that silence be owing to some other cause? and may it
not be concluded, that the origin of some burghs, of which those archives
and records give an account, is yet more ancient than that of Rising?
In its better times, Rising had two weekly markets, Mondays and
Thursdays; and also a fair, or free mart, for fifteen days, from the
feast of St. Matthew. But they have been long discontinued, and it is
doubtful, if any one now can tell when that happened. Rising has now
neither market nor fair, except a paltry, peddling merrimake, on or about
Mayday; the miserable remnant, probably, of the fifteen days mart.
Formerly the town was governed by a mayor, recorder, twelve aldermen, a
speaker of the commons, and fifty (some say seventy) burgesses. At
present the Corporation consists of two aldermen, who alternately serve
the office of mayor, and return two members to parliament, the mayor
being the returning officer. The burgage tenures are the property of Mr
Howard, and Lord Cholmondeley; and though five or six names generally
appear upon the poll, at an election for members of parliament, it is
said to be very doubtful, whether there is a single _legal voter_
belonging to the burgh, except the rector. {148} The arms are a _Castle
triple towered_. We are told that this burgh first sent members to
parliament in 1558.
The Church of Rising is an ancient pile, dedicated to St Lawrence, and
built in the conventual form, with a tower between the body of it and the
chancel, which last is now in ruins; the walls only of part of it being
standing; also a south cross aisle, joining to the tower, which is
entirely in ruins. The west end is adorned with antique carving, and
small arches; the roof of the church is flat, covered with lead.—Near the
east-end of the churchyard stands an hospital, built by Henry Howard,
earl of Northampton, in the reign of James I. It is a square building,
containing twelve apartments for twelve poor women, and one good room for
the governess, with a spacious hall and kitchen, and a decent chapel. It
is endowed with 100_l._ a year, out of lands in Rising, Roydon, S. and N.
Wootton, and Gaywood; also with 5_l._ every fifth year, toward keeping it
in repair, from an hospital in Greenwich, founded also by the said earl
of Northampton, and commonly called _Norfolk College_, for a Warden and
twenty pensioners, of whom twelve must be parishioners of Greenwich, and
eight of Rising and Shotisham in Norfolk, whose allowance is eight
shillings a week for commons, besides clothes, lodging, and salaries,
which are varied at the discretion of the managers. The whole income of
the said college, or hospital, amounts to about 1100_l_ yearly. {149}—The
allowance at Rising hospital is eight shillings a month for each
pensioner, and twelve shillings for the Governess, with some addition on
certain saints days, or festivals; also one chaldron of coals yearly for
each, and two for the governess. Each has also a new gown every year,
with a livery-gown, and hat, every seventh year.—The pensioners must be
all single women, of an unblemished character, and free from all
suspicion of heresy, blasphemy, and atheism. A further account of this
institution may be seen in the different histories of the county.
The _Castle_ of Rising is of much more modern origin than the town
itself. It is supposed to have been built about the middle of the 12th
century, by William de Albini, first Earl of Sussex, and son of another
William de Albini, who was butler to William Rufus, and to whom that king
had made a grant of Rising, upon the defection or rebellion of his uncle
Odo, bishop of Bayeux and Earl of Kent, to whom his brother, the
conqueror, had granted it, upon the forfeiture and seizure of the vast
temporalities of Stigand archbishop of Canterbury, in whose possession it
was before the conquest. The Earl of Sussex is said to have been one of
the most celebrated warriors of the age in which he lived, and to have
married _Adeliza_ the dowager queen of Henry I. from which last
circumstance the Castle of Rising appears to have been from the very
first a royal palace. This Castle and lordship continued in the Albini
family till the death of Earl _Hugh_, in 1243, when they went, together
with the fourth part of the Tollbooth of Lynn, to Roger de Montalto, lord
of Montalt, (in Flintshire) by his marriage to Cecily, fourth daughter
and coheiress of William Earl of Sussex, and one of the Sisters of Earl
Hugh, who made it his chief seat, and place of residence. It continued
afterward, with all its appurtenances, in the Montalto family, till the
death of Robert Lord Montalt, in 1329, when Emma his widow surrendered
and conveyed them, with all her other possessions and castles, agreeable
to a former deed, executed in the life time of her husband, to the
dowager queen _Isabel_, the mother of Edward III. In 1330, soon after
the trial and execution of her great favourite Mortimer, the Castle of
Rising became the chief place of that queen’s residence, and continued to
be so ever after to the time of her death, in 1358, when it descended to
her grandson, Edward the black prince; but it does not appear that he
ever resided there, though it seems very probable that he had been there
often in the time of his grandmother. In the second year of the reign of
his son, Richard II. it was granted by that king to John Montfort,
surnamed the valiant, Earl of Richmond, and Duke of Britany (the husband
of his half sister _Joan_) in exchange for the town and castle of Brest.
On the defection of Montfort, about twelve years after, the king gave it
to his uncle Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester; who being murdered
at Calais, in 1398, Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, another of the
king’s uncles, obtained a grant of it, with the manors of Beeston,
Mileham, &c. in Norfolk; and at his death, in 1403, it came to his eldest
son Edward, Duke of York; who being slain in the memorable battle of
Agincourt, it came to his brother Richard Earl of Cambridge; and he being
beheaded the same year, it fell to the Crown, where it remained till the
36th of Hen. VIII. when it was granted, with its manor and appurtenances,
together with the manors of Thorpe, Gaywood, South Walsham, &c. &c. to
Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk, and Henry his Son, Earl of Arundel and
Surry, in exchange for the manors of Walton, Trimley, Falkenham, &c. &c.
On the attainder of the Duke of Norfolk, in 15th Elizabeth, it came again
to the crown, and was granted to Edward, Earl of Oxford; but this grant
being soon revoked, it was then granted to Henry Howard, Earl of
Northampton, brother to the said Duke; and it seems to have continued in
the Howard family ever since, together with its appurtenances, with the
exception of a small farm, which was purchased by Sir Robert Walpole, and
is now in the possession of his descendant, the present Lord
Cholmondeley, which secures him a moiety of the influence, or command of
the borough, in the election of members of Parliament. Among the titles
of the Duke of Norfolk is that of _baron_, or _lord Howard_, _of Castle
Rising_.
The Castle, as Parkin observes,—
“stands upon a hill, on the south side of the town, from whence is a
fine prospect over land and an arm of the sea. Great part of the
walls of the keep, or inward tower, are still standing, being a
gothic pile, much resembling that of Norwich, and little inferior;
the walls are about three yards thick, consisting chiefly of
freestone, with [some] iron, or car stone; encompassed with a great
circular ditch, and bank of earth, on which stood also a strong stone
wall, as appears by a presentment, in 31st Elizabeth, when the wall
on the said bank was said to be in part, and the rest in danger of
being overthrown, by the warrener’s conies. This ditch, now dry, was
formerly, probably, filled with water. There is but one entrance to
it, [which is] on the eastside, over a strong stone bridge, about
thirty paces long, and eight or nine broad, supported by a single
arch, over which stood a gate-house. The inward part of the castle,
or keep, is all in ruins, except the room, where the court leet of
that lordship is held.”
The apartments were doubtless grand and sumptuous when queen Isabel
resided here, and when her son the great king Edward III. and his queen
and court were among her guests. A house resorted to by the very first
personages in the kingdom, or in Europe, and which could furnish suitable
accommodation and entertainment for them, may well be supposed to have
been both capacious and commodious, as well fitted up in a style of
superior elegance and magnificence. Some of our historians say, that the
king used to visit his mother here, once or twice annually, for many
years.
In 1340, the king and queen were here for some time, as appears from the
account rolls of Adam de Reffham, and John de Newland, of Lynn, who sent
his majesty, in the mean while, a present of wine. In the summer of that
year workmen were employed at the Castle in making preparations, and the
queen sent her precept to the Mayor of Lynn, for eight carpenters to
assist on the occasion. Afterward, in 1344, the King and his court were
here for some time, as appears from certain Letters which he sent from
hence to the bishop of Norwich, then at Avignon, to be there delivered by
him to the Pope. On the 22nd August, 1358, queen Isabel died at this
Castle; and in November following her remains were taken to London, and
buried there in the Church of the Grey Friars, now called Christ Church,
where also (it seems) her favourite Mortimer had been buried.
It is somewhat remarkable, that few of our historians seem to know where
this queen resided during the last 28 years of her life, or to have the
least idea of this Castle being ever the place of her residence. Rapin,
and Hume, and also the author, or authors of the Parliamentary history,
call the place of her habitation or confinement, “Rising Castle, _near
London_,” (they should have said, _near Lynn_,) and Petit Andrews calls
it “the castle of _Risings_, _in Surry_;” whereas it is a most
unquestionable fact, that it was no other than this very castle of Rising
tie _Norfolk_, which was formerly, as we have seen, a place of no small
note and consequence. But its best days are past, and its glory is
departed.
Of HUNSTON, or _Hunstanton Hall_, not much is known that is worth
recording. It was long the chief seat and residence of the ancient
family of the Lestranges; of which the most notable person, perhaps, was
the famous _Sir Roger Lestrange_, who wrote and published more books than
most of his contemporaries; of some of which he was himself the author,
of others the translator only. He was also among our earliest editors of
Newspapers, and always a flaming church-and-king-man. Queen Mary the
second is said to have anagrammed his name into _Strange lying Roger_.
Hunston House, or Hall, is now uninhabited, and in ruins; and is the
property of Mr Styleman of Snettisham, a descendant of the Lestranges by
the female line.
CASTLEACRE was formerly the principal seat and residence of the great
_Earls Warren_, who lived here in all the rude pomp and feudal splendor
which distinguished the great Norman barons, whom the conqueror
introduced into this country, and who largely shared in the fortunes of
their successful leader. The 11th 12th and 13th centuries were the times
when the Earls Warren flourished most. King Edward I. was entertained at
this Castle in 1297, by the then Earl Warren, who was one of the most
powerful among the English nobility of that time. The first English peer
of that name was nearly allied to the conqueror, and accompanied him
hither. He died in 1089. He that was the founder of Castleacre is said
to have owned no less than one hundred and forty lordships, or manors, in
Norfolk alone; and yet, among them all, no spot pleased him so well as
Castleacre; and therefore he determined to fix there his chief residence,
and to erect an edifice suitable to his high rank and vast possessions.
This Castle, or Palace, stood on a rising ground, including, with all its
outworks and fortifications, about eighteen acres of ground, in a
circular form. Through this there is now a way, or street, called Baily
Street, running directly north and south. At the entrance of this
street, on the north, stands a stone gate-house, with two round bastions.
The gate-house had an inward and outward door, with a portcullis in the
middle. A similar gate-house is supposed to have stood at the opposite,
or south entrance. On the east side of the north gate was a chapel for
the Castle, the walls of which are still standing; and on the east side
of the said street, near the middle, was another stone gate-house,
leading into the outward court of the great Castle, which was circular,
enclosed with a strong and lofty wall, of freestone and flint, &c.
embattled, seven feet thick. Further in is a deep ditch, and a lofty
embattled wall round it. Within this is the keep; and across the ditch
are three lofty walls at proper distances, which join the Castle wall, as
buttresses &c. The other part of the fortifications, on the west side of
Baily Street, is called the Barbican, and contains above ten acres of
land, and was enclosed with deep ditches, entrenchments, and high
ramparts.—Several coins of Vespasian, Constantine &c. have been found
here, and the spot is supposed to have been originally a Roman station.
From the North part of it there is said to run a way, by Castleacre
Wicken, and from thence across the country, leaving Massingham and
Houghton on the right, and Anmer on the left; then tending in a direct
course, leaving Fring a little on the right, for Ringstead and
Brancaster, which latter is known to have been a considerable Roman
station. This way is said to be commonly called the Pedder’s Way, and
probably went much further than Castleacre, even as far, at least, as
Castor by Norwich, the Venta Icenorum of antiquity.—From the beauty of
the situation of Castleacre, and the noble ruins at present remaining, of
which the semicircular wall of the Castle is a very grand and striking
part, the late Earl of Leicester, at one time, as it is said, entertained
an idea of building there: a situation which has been judged every way
superior to that of Holkham, which he afterward fixed upon. His Lordship
has been by some much blamed on this occasion; justly or not, cannot be
made here a subject of inquiry.—A little to the west of the Castle stood
the ancient _Priory_ of Castleacre; which was a building of great note
for many ages. The priory church was a large venerable gothic pile,
built in a cathedral or conventual form: the principal entrance was
through a great arch, over which was a stately window; on each side of
the great door were other doors to enter into the north and south aisles
under the tower, as the grand door served as an entrance into the nave or
body; at the north and south end of this front or west end, stood two
towers, supported by strong arches, or pillars; the nave, or body, had
twelve great pillars, making seven arches on each side, the lowest
joining to the towers; on the east end of the nave stood the grand tower
supported by four great pillars, through which was the entrance into the
choir: on the south and north side of this tower were two cross aisles or
transepts, and at the end of the north transept there seems to have been
a chapel, or vestiary. The choir was of an equal breadth with the nave
and aisles, but much shorter, and at the east end of it was in form of a
chapel, and here stood the high altar.—The cloister was on the south
side, and had an entrance at the west end, and another at the east end of
the south aisle, The chapter house joined to the east side, and the
dormitory was over the west part of the cloister, and adjoining was the
prior’s apartment.
Castleacre was purchased, of his relations the Cecils, by lord chief
justice Coke, and is now the property of his descendant, Thomas Wm. Coke
Esq. of Holkham.
Of WIRMEGAY, or WORMEGAY CASTLE but little seems to be known at present,
save that it was long the seat or residence of the Lords _Bardolf_, who
had great possessions, and bore no small sway for a long time in these
parts. This Castle of theirs appears to have been a place of
considerable strength and consequence. King Edward II. in his 18th year,
is said to have sent his precept to Lord Bardolf, to have great care and
guard of it, on account of the supposed approach of his queen and his
enemy Mortimer; as he also did to Lord Montalt in regard to his Castle of
Rising: which seems to imply, that they were two of the most important
places then in these parts.
MIDDLETON CASTLE {158} was long the chief seat of the Lords _Scales_,
descended from Hardewin, or Harlewin de Scalariis, lord of Waddon in
Cambridgeshire, probably one of the conqueror’s favourite captains. The
first footing which that family had at Middleton is supposed to have been
in the reign of Henry II. by the marriage of Roger de Scales, with
Muriel, daughter and coheiress of Jeffrey de Lisewis. The family
afterward resided here, and had great possessions and power in these
parts, for many generations. At what time the Castle was built is not
known; but it was, probably, in the time of the said Roger, or at an
early part of the residence of that family in this neighbourhood. It
continued in the Scales family till the reign of Edward IV. when it
passed into that of the Wodeviles, by the marriage of the memorable
Anthony Wodevile Earl Rivers, and Elizabeth the heiress of Thomas the
last Lord Scales. After the fall of the Wodeviles, it is said to have
been granted, by Richard III. to the Duke of Norfolk. At the accession
of Henry VII. being forfeited with the Duke’s other possessions, it went
to the heiress of the Scales, in the person of the countess of Oxford.
Afterward it passed by marriage to the Lord Latimer, and thence, from
time to time, into other hands; such as Sir Edward Williams, Sir Roger
Mostyn, &c. Of this ancient Castle nothing now remains but the
gate-house, or tower, which is still pretty entire, and seems to have
been the entrance into a court, or quadrangle, which was moated in. This
tower is built of brick, about seventeen yards long, nine broad, and
eighteen high, with turrets, &c. Over the arch is the shield of Scales;
the inside of it is much decayed; the area, or court within is about
eighty four paces long, and forty six broad. The situation is low and
swampy, and what would not now be deemed very eligible for the habitation
or residence of a noble or genteel family. The power and possessions the
Scales were formerly very great in these parts.
GAYWOOD CASTLE stood where the farm house, called Gaywood Hall, now
stands, as appears from the _moat_ which surrounds it, and which must
once have encircled a fortified edifice. That edifice could be no other
than the castle or palace of Gaywood, which was long the favourite, or
principal mansion and residence of the bishops of Norwich, who were from
an early period the temporal as well as spiritual lords of Lynn; on which
account the town was then called Bishop’s Lynn, or Lynn Bishop. So high
and mighty was the bishop’s lordly sway then at Lynn, that the very Mayor
was nominated and appointed by him, and was called _the bishop’s man_,
being in fact only his bailiff, or deputy. Afterward, the Mayor’s power
becoming more extensive and independent, would sometimes occasion no
small disagreement and strife between him and his prelatical master: a
very notable instance of which occurred in the reign of Richard II. and
the time of the famous bishop _Spencer_, of persecuting, fighting, and
crusading memory. This prelate, being one day in the town with his
retinue, quarrelled with the Mayor (who was supported by the townsmen) on
a point of frivolous etiquette. From words, the parties came to blows;
and a very serious battle ensued, which terminated in the total defeat of
the haughty prelate and his company, who were all driven out of town,
many of them much bruised and wounded. This bishop Spencer was sometime
after appointed generalissimo of Pope _Urban’s_ forces, in the war he
then waged against the antipope _Clement_ of Avignon; as is related by
Fox. It was he also who afterward prosecuted for heresy William Sawtre,
then minister of St. Margaret’s, and the first who suffered under the Act
_De hæretico comburendo_. Of these matters a more particular account
shall be given in relating the history of the town, at that period.
The bishops having so much to do at Lynn, and deriving from it so much of
their consequence, it was natural for them to choose to reside in its
vicinity: hence the origin of the castle, or palace of Gaywood. At what
time it was first built cannot now perhaps be ascertained. We are told
that bishop John de Grey (about 1200, or soon after) erected, or rebuilt,
a sumptuous palace here, for himself and successors, where he much
resided. Succeeding bishops continued to reside here, and to pay
attention to the improvement of the grounds, as well as of the palace. A
deer park, and a warren, appear to have been made here by bishop William
de Raleigh, about 1240; who also granted liberty of common pasture to the
Earl of Arundel and Sussex, and his men, from the park of Bawsey to the
bridge of Gaywood, and the cawsey between the river of Bawsey and the
wood of the said Earl. In 1388, bishop Spencer, abovementioned, had
licence to embattle his palace of Gaywood. This seems to have been after
his return from the crusade, or war, in which he had been engaged for
Pope Urban, against his competitor Pope Clement, as he had been appointed
commander in chief five years before. From the high spirit and wealth of
this proud prelate, it may be presumed that Gaywood Castle made a very
splendid and princely appearance in his time; and it is likely that the
same might be the case long after, even till the reign of Henry VIII.
when it was surrendered, together with the bishop’s rights and immunities
at Lynn, into the King’s hands. It was soon after, with its
appurtenances, granted to the Duke of Norfolk, and then probably pulled
down. Its site, and the adjoining estate passed afterward to the
Thoresbys of Haveless hall, in Mintling; and from them to the Wyches, of
Hockwold; and latterly to Philip Case Esq.—and now are the property of
William Bagge Esq. of Lynn. Of the castle, or palace of Gaywood, no more
needs now be said, but that it is fallen, never more, in all probability,
to rise, or recover the least portion of its ancient splendor and
consequence.
Besides the castles, or palaces above mentioned, there were formerly in
this country many religious houses, of different orders, and some of them
of considerable note: among which were Blackburgh priory, in Middleton;
Castleacre priory; Westacre priory; Crab-house nunnery, by Maudlin; West
Dereham Abbey; Flitcham priory; Massingham priory, and Pentney priory.
Of these some were extensive and noble edifices, and had large
possessions attached to them; but scarce any remains of most of them are
now to be seen, and their very memory seems to be approaching fast
towards oblivion. Such is the fate of the firmest fabrics: like those
who constructed them, they were composed of perishing materials.
SECTION III.
_Further Account of the modern palaces_, _and other notable mansions in
this country_.—_Houghton—Holkham—Rainham—Narford—Narborough—Oxborough_.
Of all the fine houses that now exist in this vicinity, and even
throughout all the eastern parts of England, the precedence, in point of
size and magnificence at least, is allowed to be due to
HOUGHTON HALL, now the princely seat of the Earl of Cholmondeley, but
formerly of the Earls of Orford, of the Walpole family, from which the
present possessor is maternally descended. This Splendid Mansion was
built by the memorable Sir Robert Walpole, while he was prime minister,
and between the years 1722 and 1735. The whole extent of the building,
including the Colonade and wings, which contain the offices, is four
hundred and fifty feet: the main body of the house extends one hundred
and sixty six feet. The whole building is of stone, and crowned with an
entablature of the Ionic order, on which is a balustrade. At each corner
is a Cupola, surmounted with a lanthorn. For a description of the inside
of the house, the reader is referred to the Norfolk Tour and other
printed accounts. It has been long distinguished for its noble
_Collection of pictures_, by the best masters; but it is no longer there;
it was sold in 1779 to the late Empress of Russia, for 45,500_l._ Its
removal out of the kingdom has been, much regretted, as a very
humiliating circumstance, and a national disgrace; and it has been
thought that the legislature ought to have purchased it, rather than
suffer it to be taken out of the kingdom. But it is unavailing now to
lament: that celebrated collection is irrecoverably lost to Britain.
Sometime before the removal of those pictures Lord Orford gave Mr Boydell
permission to take drawings of them, which he proposed having engraved by
the first artists, and published in fourteen numbers, at two guineas
each, which has been since done.
The duke of Lorrain, afterward Emperor of Germany, and husband to Maria
Theresa, was once entertained by Sir Robert Walpole, at Houghton, with
more than British magnificence.—Relays of horses were, in the meantime,
provided on the roads, to bring rarities thither from the remotest parts
of the kingdom, with all possible speed: and this extraordinary
expedient, it seems, was continued all the while that august guest staid
at Houghton. Sir Robert’s expenses, in buildings and entertainments,
must have been so very great, that one is apt to wonder how he could
manage to bear them, but he was a prime minister, and prime ministers are
supposed capable of doing great things in the pecuniary way, without
embarrassing themselves. One of Sir Robert’s successors, however, a late
prime minister, seems to have been an exception to that idea: with ample
means, and without any great apparent outgoings, (except what his private
revels, or midnight orgies, might cost him) he could by no means manage
to live, or keep out of debt, and actually died insolvent!—Circumstances
so dissimilar in the history of two men who stood in the same situation,
must needs be deemed somewhat odd and remarkable.
The woods, or plantations, about Houghton are extensive, and thought very
fine.
“In the road from Syderstone (says the Author of the _Norfolk Tour_)
they appear we think to the greatest advantage; they are seen to a
great extent, with openings left judiciously in many places, to let
in the view of more distant woods; which changes the shade, and gives
them that solemn brownness which has always a great effect. The
flatness of the country, however, is a circumstance which, instead of
setting them off, and making them appear larger than they really are,
gives them a diminutive air, in comparison to the number of acres
really planted. For were these vast plantations disposed upon ground
with great inequalities of surface, such as hills rising one above
another, or vast slopes stretching away to the right and left, they
would appear to be almost boundless, and shew twenty times the extent
they do at present. The woods which are seen from the south front of
the house, are planted with great judgment, to remedy the effect of
the country’s flatness; for they are so disposed as to appear one
beyond another, in different shades, and to a great extent.”
Next to Houghton (if that expression may be allowed) the very best house
in all this part of the kingdom is
HOLKHAM HOUSE, the splendid Seat and residence of Thomas William Coke,
Esq. the far-famed patron of the Norfolk agriculturists, and one of the
representatives of the county in this and several of the preceding
parliaments. Mr Coke is also a descendant of the famous Lord chief
justice of that name, who was himself a Norfolk man. Holkham is not of
so long standing as Houghton: it was begun in 1734 by the Earl of
Leicester and completed by his dowager countess, in 1760.
“The central part of this spacious mansion, built of white brick, is
accompanied by four wings, or pavilions, which are connected with it
by rectilinear corridors, or galleries: each of the two fronts
therefore display a centre and two wings. The south front presents
an air of lightness and elegance, arising from the justness of its
proportions. In the centre is a bold portico, with its entablature
supported by six corinthian columns. The north front is the grand or
principal entrance, and exhibits different, though handsome features.
The wings which partake of similar characteristics, have been thought
to diminish from the general magnificence of the building, by the
want of uniformity of style with the south front, and being too much
detached to be consistent with unity. The centre, which extends 345
feet in length, by 180 in depth, comprises the principal apartments:
each wing has its respective destination. One contains the kitchens,
servants’-hall, and some sleeping rooms. In the chapel wing is the
dairy, laundry, with more sleeping rooms. Another contains the suit
of family apartments; and the fourth, called the strangers’ wing, is
appropriated to visitors.
“This grand residence is rendered superior to most other great houses
in the kingdom, by its _convenience_ and appropriate arrangement.
The entrance _hall_, which forms a cube, has a gallery round it,
supported by twenty four Ionic columns. Next is the _saloon_, on
each side of which is a drawing room; and connected to this is the
_state dressing-room_ and _bed chamber_. Another _drawing room_
communicates with the _statue gallery_, which connects a number of
apartments in a most admirable manner; for one octagon opens into the
private wing, and the other into the strangers’, on one side, and
into the dining-room on the other. This dining-room is on one side
of the hall; and on the other is Mrs. Coke’s bed-room, dressing-room,
and closets. From the recess, in the dining-room, opens a door on
the stair case, which immediately leads to the offices; and in the
centre of the wings, by the saloon door, are invisible stair-cases,
which lead to all the rooms and respective offices. Thus here are
four general suits of apartments, all perfectly distinct from each
other, with no reciprocal thoroughfares; the state, Mrs Coke’s, the
late earl’s, and the strangers’. These severally open into what may
be called common rooms, the statue gallery, and saloon, all which
communicate with the dining room. There may be houses larger and
more magnificent, and in some more uniformity and justness of
proportion may be visible; but human genius could not contrive any
thing in which convenience could be more apparent than in this. The
fitting up of the interior is in the most splendid style, and, in
numerous instances with the most elegant taste. The ceilings of many
of the rooms are of curious gilt, fret, and mosaic work; the Venetian
windows are ornamented with handsome pillars, and also profusely
gilded. The marble chimney pieces are all handsome; but three are
peculiarly deserving attention, for their exquisite sculpture. Two
are in the dining-room, one ornamented with a sow and pigs, and a
wolf; the other has a bear and bee hives, finely sculptured in white
marble. A third, representing two pelicans, is exceedingly chaste
and beautiful. The marble side-boards, agate-tables, rich tapestry,
silk furniture, beds &c. are all in the same sumptuous style of
elegance.
“The _Statue Gallery_ consists of a central part and two octagonal
ends. The first is seventy feet long, by twenty two feet wide, and
each octagon, of twenty two feet in diameter, opens to the centre, by
an handsome arch. One end is furnished with books, and the other
with statues, &c. Among the latter, the figure of _Diana_ is
extremely fine. A _Venus_, clothed with wet drapery, is considered
exquisite. The Saloon is forty feet long, twenty eight wide, and
thirty two in height. This room, appropriated for paintings,
contains many by the most eminent masters; but they are not
exclusively preserved in this; a vast collection being distributed
over most of the apartments throughout the house.—In a brief
statement it will be impossible to give a just and adequate
delineation of the pleasure grounds and park, with the various
objects which environ and decorate this museum of taste and seat of
hospitality.” {168}
Nor would such a delineation be very necessary for this work, as but few
of its readers can be supposed altogether unacquainted with the
premises.—After Holkham, the next place is due to
RAINHAM HALL, the venerable seat and residence of the late _marquis
Townshend_. This house is of a much longer standing than either of the
former; being built, as we are told, about 1630, by Sir Roger Townshend,
bart. under the direction of that excellent and celebrated architect
Inigo Jones. Its situation has been supposed the most delightful in the
county. The house itself, though it has been greatly improved by the
late marquis, is said to be in the style of an exceeding good habitable
mansion rather than a magnificent one. The country around is rich, and
charmingly cultivated. The park and woods are beautiful, and the lake
below peculiarly striking. Extensive lawns, and opening views into the
country, enrich the enlivening scene, and display the beauties and
bounties of nature in their most enchanting and luxuriant pride. {169}
Since the death of the late marquis this house has ceased to be the
residence of the family.—To the preceding Mansions may be added
OXBOROUGH, or OXBURGH-HALL, the seat of the _Bedingfields_, which is said
to present features of a striking kind, and to be a peculiar and
interesting remnant of ancient domestic architecture. It was erected as
long ago as the latter end of the fifteenth century, by Sir _Edmund
Bedingfield_, who obtained a grant, or patent of Edward IV. in 1482, to
build the manor house with towers, battlements, &c. It is built of
brick, and was originally of a square form, environing a court, or
quadrangle, one hundred and eighteen feet long, and ninety two broad;
round which the apartments were ranged. The whole building resembles
Queen’s College, in Cambridge; a structure of about the same period. The
entrance is over a bridge, formerly a drawbridge, through an arched gate
way, between two majestic towers, which are eighty feet high. In the
western tower is a winding brick staircase beautifully turned, and
lighted by quatrefoil ilet-holes. The other tower is divided into four
stories; each consisting of an octagonal room, with arched ceilings,
stone window frames, and stone fire places. Between the turrets is an
arched entrance gateway, the roof of which is supported by numerous
groins; and over this is a large handsome room, having one window to the
north and two bow windows to the south. These windows, and the whole
exterior of this part of the building appear to be in their original
state. The floor of the great room is paved with small fine bricks, and
the walls covered with very curious tapestry. This appears to be of the
age of Henry VII. and is mentioned in several wills of the family. The
apartment is called “the King’s room,” and is supposed to have been
appropriated to the monarch just mentioned, when he visited Oxburgh. In
the eastern turret is a curious small closet, called a _hiding place_,
which appears to have been an original part of the structure: it is a
cavity, or hollow in the solid wall, measuring six feet by five feet, and
seven feet high, and is approached by a secret passage through the floor.
A similar hiding place is said to have been destroyed in that part of the
building which has been taken down. The great hall, which had an oaken
roof, in the style of the justly admired one at Westminster Hall; and
other rooms, which formed the south side of the court, were taken down in
1778, and the distribution of almost every apartment has been
successively changed. The offices are now on the east side, and the
dining parlour, drawing room, and library, on the west. The whole is
surrounded by a moat, about fifty two feet broad, and ten feet deep,
which is supplied with water from an adjacent rivulet. In the different
apartments, which are both spacious and elegant, are preserved a few good
pictures, by eminent painters, and a collection of ancient armoury. {171}
This venerable seat is the property of Sir Richard Bedingfield, but at
present the residence of Lord Mountjoy.
Of the other modern mansions in these parts, mentioned at the close of
the first section of this chapter, it seems needless here to give any
further account, except those of _Narford_ and _Narborough_. These, it
must be allowed, deserve a more particular attention; not on account of
the structures themselves, but of the curious and valuable articles they
contain—or lately did contain; for what did once so much distinguish
NARBOROUGH HALL, is no longer there.—It was a _noble collection_ of
_coins_ and _medals_, ancient and modern; and the most valuable private
collection, perhaps, in Britain, if not in Europe. Its possessor, the
late Mr. Tyssen, assured this writer, that it had cost him, from first to
last, above 20,000_l._ though he had been fortunate enough to purchase
many of the most valuable articles much under the prices they usually
fetch. In this collection were coins of the Grecian states and cities; a
regular series of those of Philip and Alexander, of Alexander’s
successors, of the Ptolemies, and the Cæsars—all in gold, in the highest
state of preservation, and of most exquisite workmanship, (all but those
of the former part of Philip’s reign, before he had become master of
Greece, and could command the service of its artists,) and far exceeding
the best of modern productions, except, perhaps, those of _Thomas Simon_,
and _Dossier_, which come the nighest to the ancients. Many other
curiosities were to be found at Narborough, and not the least among them
was a MS. copy of the _Eikon Bazilike_, one of the most perfect specimens
of fine penmanship extant, perhaps, on so large a scale. The pages, the
lines, and the letters, were uniform, and exquisitely neat throughput.
It was a quarto volume, and said to be written, or transcribed by I.
THOMASEN, schoolmaster, at Tarvin, in the county palatine of Chester. He
was said to have written three different copies, all in nearly equal
perfection: of the other two, one is deposited in the King’s library, and
the other in the British Museum; but this was said to be the best the
three. To the best of this writer’s recollection, Mr. Tyssen said, that
it cost him a hundred guineas, nor did he seem to repent of his bargain.
The price it fetched at the sale, however, fell greatly short of that
sum.—An ancient shield, denoting and commemorating the taking of
Carthage, was another of the late curiosities of Narborough: it
represented one of the fair damsels of that devoted city, bearing the
keys, and delivering them to Scipio, followed by a long train of the
principal inhabitants, whose dejected and woeful looks, bespoke the grief
and anguish that had then overwhelmed the Carthaginian nation.—Close to
Narborough Hall is an old fortification, the remains of an ancient
encampment, called the burgh; from whence to Oxburgh and Eastmore-fen,
extends a large foss and rampart, whose original designation seems not
very easy to discover.—In making a garden near the burgh, in 1600,
several human and pieces of armour were found. This place is said to be
peculiarly interesting to the antiquary; and it is supposed that a small
Roman station was once established here. John Brame, a monkish writer,
in a manuscript history, quoted by Spelman in his Icenia, says, that
Narborough was a British city, governed by an earl _Okenard_, about the
year 500, when it stood a seven months siege against a king _Waldy_: but
little reliance, however, can be placed on such authority. In the
adjoining parish of _Narford_, numerous Roman bricks and other relics,
are said to have been found: also a large brass vase, or urn, was dug up
in the court yard of the manor house,
NARFORD HALL, the seat of Andrew Fountaine Esq. It was erected in the
reign of George I. by the late Sir Andrew Fountaine, Knt. of whom some
account will be given in the next section. He was a great collector of
rarities, and made his house the repository of works of art and learning.
At present it is said to display a choice collection of pictures, ancient
painted earthenware, some bronzes, coins, and a fine library of books,
supposed to be the best in the whole county. The room, in which these
books are deposited, is forty feet by twenty one; and contains, beside
the books, several Roman and Egyptian Vases, and portraits of eminent
men. This library seems not to have been collected for mere ostentation.
The original collector is said to have been a man of letters, as well as
a connoiseur and virtuoso, and one, at least, of his successors has been
reputed a literary character, and a proficient in some branches,
especially _Spanish_ literature; in which language the said library
contains many rare and valuable articles, one of which he sometime ago
translated into English, and it has since made its appearance from the
Swaffham Press.
Several springs of mineral water, of the chalybeate kind, are to be found
in the neighbourhood of Lynn, on this eastern side; of which one is at
Riffley, and another on Gaywood common, both within two miles of the
town. There is also another beyond Setchey, on the Downham road. There
are others in East Winch parish, one of which is much more strongly
impregnated than any of the rest, and might, perhaps, be ranked, in point
of medicinal virtue, with some of those springs that have acquired so
much celebrity as to become places of considerable resort. This Spring
is said to be strongly impregnated with what chymists and mineralogists
call sulphate of iron.
SECTION IV.
_Biographical Sketches of some of the most celebrated_, _or memorable
persons who were natives of this part of the country_.
Of all the eminent men who sprung up in this part of Norfolk, the
precedence seems unquestionably due to
_Sir_ EDWARD COKE, the famous Lord chief Justice. He was the son of
Robert Coke, Esq. of Mileham, where he was born in 1550, or as some say
in 1549. At ten years of age he was sent to the free school at Norwich;
and after having spent there a competent time, he was removed to Trinity
College in Cambridge, where he continued about four years, and then went
to Clifford’s Inn, and the next year was entered a student of the Inner
Temple. He was called to the bar at six years standing, which in that
age was held very extraordinary. Lloyd tells us that “the first occasion
of his rise was his stating the Cook’s case of the Temple, that all the
house, who were puzzled with it, admired him; and his pleading it so,
that the whole bench took notice of him.” His reputation increased very
fast, and he soon came into great practice. When he had been at the bar
about seven years, he married a lady of one of the best families in his
native county, and with a very large fortune for that age. He now rose
rapidly: the cities of Coventry and Norwich chose him their Recorder; and
he was engaged in all the great causes in Westminster Hall. He was also
in high credit with Lord Burleigh and the other rulers, and often
consulted in state affairs. He became moreover, one of the
representatives of his native county in parliament, Speaker of the House
of Commons, and successively Solicitor-general, Attorney-general, Lord
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and finally, Lord Chief Justice of
England, or rather _of the King’s Bench_, as king James would have it
called. Sir Edward was a high spirited man, and on many occasions
discovered much firmness and integrity, even when the other judges gave
way, and the mandates of the Sovereign required a different conduct.
This kind of behaviour, in time, rendered him obnoxious to the Court, and
brought upon him its heavy displeasure, which issued in his expulsion
from the Council Table, and his removal from the office of Lord Chief
Justice; the king declaring, “That he was for a tyrant the fittest
instrument that ever was in England.” He afterward joined the country
party, and made a distinguished figure among the great parliamentary
patriots, in the latter part of the reign of James and the former part of
that of Charles I. He died at his house at Stoke Pogey, in
Buckinghamshire, Sept. 3, 1634, in the 86 year of his age, and expired
with these words in his mouth, “Thy kingdom come, thy will be done.” He
was one of the greatest Lawyers that England ever produced. He had quick
parts, a deep penetration, a retentive memory, and a solid judgement. He
was greatly honoured and esteemed among his brethren of the long robe;
and when persecuted by the Court, and a brief was given against him to
Sir John Walter, that gentleman, though Attorney-general to the prince,
laid aside the brief, with this remarkable sentence, “Let my tongue
cleave to the roof of my mouth, whenever I open it against Sir Edward
Coke.” He was observed to make a better figure in adversity than in
prosperity; and he was so good at making the best of a disgrace, that
king James said, “Let them throw him which way they would, he always fell
upon his legs.” He valued himself, and not without reason, upon this,
that he obtained all his preferments without employing either prayers or
pence, and that he became Speaker of the House of Commons,
Solicitor-general, Attorney-general, Chief Justice of both Benches, High
Steward of Cambridge, and a member of the Privy Council, without either
begging or bribing. In this he was very different from many of his most
eminent cotemporaries, and especially from his great and celebrated rival
Bacon, who was remarkable for the meanness with which he used to solicit
preferment. He was in his person well proportioned, and his features
were regular. He was neat, but not nice, in his dress; and would say,
that “the cleanness of a man’s clothes ought to put him in mind of
keeping all clean within.” He was twice married, but his second marriage
proved unhappy. He left behind him a numerous issue, as well as a large
fortune; and may be ranked among the greatest men of his time. {177a}
In the latter part of his life he appears to have been among the reputed
_Jacobins_ of that day, [as is also said to have been the case, in the
estimation of some _wise_ and _virtuous_ people, {177b} with his present
descendant of Holkham, during the late memorable reign and rage of our
furious alarmists.] While he lay upon his death-bed, his house was, by
an order of council, searched for seditions and dangerous papers: and the
searchers took away his commentary upon Magna Charta; his commentary upon
Lyttleton, with the history of his Life before it, written with his own
hand; the Pleas of the Crown; and the Jurisdiction of Courts; his 11th.
and 12th. Reports, in MS; with 51 other MSS; together with his Last Will
and Testament, which contained the provision he had been making for his
younger grandchildren. These papers were kept from the family for
several years, and the Will was never heard of more. {178}
2. _Sir_ HENRY SPELMAN. He was born at Congham, in 1561, or 1562.
Before he was fifteen he was sent to Trinity College, in Cambridge; but
his father dying in about two years and half after, he was taken home by
his mother to assist her in managing the affairs of the family. About a
year after, he was sent to Lincoln’s Inn to study the law, where having
continued almost three years, he retired into the country, and married a
Lady of good family and fortune. Beside his own rural and domestic
concerns, which now demanded and employed the chief of his attention, he
was also very assiduous to improve himself in the knowledge of the
Constitution, Laws and Antiquities of his Country. He was early admitted
a member of the Society of Antiquaries, which brought him into an
intimate acquaintance with Sir Robert Cotton, Camden, and others of the
most eminent men for that kind of literature. In 1604, he was appointed
High Sheriff of Norfolk, and about the same time wrote a description of
that county, which he communicated to _Speed_: but it was not the first
book he wrote: a book on Heraldry, and another on the Coins of the
kingdom, he had before written; and perhaps more. In 1607, the king
nominated him one of the Commissioners for determining the unsettled
titles of lands and manors in Ireland; on which occasion he went thither
several times, and discharged the trust reposed in him with great
reputation. He was also appointed one of the Commissioners to enquire
into the oppression of exacted fees in all courts and offices, as well
ecclesiastical as civil; which gave rise to his treatise _De Sepultura_,
or of the Burial Fees, in which he made it evident, that most part of the
fees exacted by the clergy and church officers, on account of funerals,
is no better than gross imposition. His close attention to those public
employments proved prejudicial to his family and circumstances; in
consideration of which the government made him a present of 300_l_, till
something better could be done for him. His majesty also conferred on
him the honour of knighthood, which, however, did probably impoverish
rather than enrich him. His majesty did what was still worse, in
prohibiting the Meetings of the Antiquarian Society, lest, forsooth, they
might be led to treat of _state affairs_! {179} His wise majesty seemed
conscious that those affairs were too brittle to be handled, and too foul
to be exposed to open daylight. When about fifty he went to reside in
London, and gave himself up to archaiological studies. He collected all
such books and MSS. as he could find of that description, whether foreign
or domestic. In 1626, he published the first part of his well known
_Glossary_, which he never carried beyond the letter L, because, as some
have suggested, he had said things under _Magna Charta_, and _Maximum
Concilium_, that could not then have appeared without giving offence. He
wrote many things, most of which are still held in considerable repute.
He died in 1641: his posthumous works were published in 1698, in folio,
under the inspection of bishop Gibson. At his death his papers came into
the hands of his eldest Son,
3. _Sir_ JOHN SPELMAN, “the heir of his studies,” as he himself calls
him, who was also a very learned man, and had great encouragement and
assurance of favour from Charles I. That prince one time sent for Sir
Henry Spelman, and offered him the mastership of Sutton Hospital, with
some other advantages, in consideration of his good services both to
church and state. He returned his majesty thanks, and told him that he
was very old, and had now one foot in the grave, and should therefore be
more obliged if he would consider his son. Upon which the king sent for
Mr. Spelman, and conferred both the mastership of the Hospital and the
honour of knighthood upon him; and he afterwards employed him to draw up
several papers in vindication of the proceedings of the court. He
published the Saxon Psalter under the title of _Psalterium Davidis
Latino-Saxonicum vetus_, in 1640, in quarto, from a MS in his father’s
Library, collated with three other copies. He also wrote “The Life of
King Alfred the Great,” in English; which was translated into Latin,
sometime after the Restoration, by Mr. Christopher Wase, superior Beadle
of the Civil Law at Oxford; which translation, with notes and cuts by Mr.
Obadiah Walker Master of University College, was published, from the
Theatre Press, in 1679, in folio. The original English was also
published from the same press, by Mr. Thomas Hearne, in 1709. 8vo. Sir
John Spelman died in 1643.
4. _Sir_ ROGER L’ESTRANGE is another of the notable natives of this part
of the county. He was the youngest son of Sir Hamon L’Estrange, Bart. of
Hunstanton Hall, where he was born Dec. 17, 1616. He received a liberal
education, which he is supposed to have completed at Cambridge. His
father being a zealous royalist, took care to instil the same principles
in his son, which the latter eagerly embraced; and in 1639, he attended
the king, in his expedition into Scotland. His attachment to the royal
cause became now very strong; and sometime after nearly cost him his
life: for in 1644, soon after the Earl of Manchester had reduced Lynn to
the authority of the Parliament, young L’Estrange, thinking he had some
interest in the place, as his father had been governor of it, formed a
scheme for surprising it; and received a commission from the king,
constituting him is governor, in case of success: but his design being
betrayed by two of his confederates, (named _Leman_ and _Haggar_,) though
both bound under an oath of secresy, he was seized, tried, and, by a
court-martial, condemned to die, as a traitor. While he lay in prison,
he was visited by Mr. Arrowsmith, and Mr. Thorowgood, two of the assembly
of divines, who very kindly offered him their utmost interest, if he
would make some petitionary acknowledgement, and submit to take the
covenant, but he refused. After thirty months spent in vain endeavours,
either to have a hearing, or to be put into an exchangeable condition, he
printed a state of his case, by way of appeal from the court martial (by
which he had been tried) to the Parliament. About the time of the
Kentish insurrection, in 1648, he escaped out of prison, with the
keeper’s privity, as he himself says, and went into Kent, and retiring to
the house of Mr Hales, a young gentleman, heir to a great estate in that
county, he spirited him up to head the insurrection; but that design
failed of success. After this miscarriage, he escaped beyond sea, where
he continued till the autumn of 1653; when taking his opportunity, in the
change of government, upon Cromwell’s dissolution of the long parliament,
he returned into England, and having an opportunity to speak to Cromwell,
and obtaining a favourable hearing, he escaped any further trouble, and
shortly after received his discharge, by an order dated 31. Oct. 1653.
How he spent his time for the next six or seven years does not appear;
but it may be presumed that he remained pretty quiet, and avoided all
interference with political, or state affairs. He is said to have
sometimes played before the Protector on the bass viol, for which he was
by some called _Oliver’s fidler_. After the Restoration he was little
noticed, either by the king or his ministers, for sometime; which he very
much resented. Afterward, however, he was appointed to a profitable, but
odious office, that of _Licencer of the Press_; which he held till a
little before the Revolution. In 1663 he set up a newspaper, called “The
Public Intelligencer and the News,” which was afterwards put down by the
_London_ GAZETTE; for which, however, government allowed him a
consideration. After the popish plot, when the Tories began to gain the
ascendant over the Whigs, he, in a paper called _the Observator_, became
a zealous champion for the former, and an advocate for some of the worst
measures of the Court. He was afterward knighted, and served in the
parliament called by James II. in 1685. After the Revolution he met with
some trouble, as a disaffected person. He is said to have been
particularly disliked by the queen, who very curiously anagrammed his
name, as was mentioned in the first section of this chapter. He died on
the 11th. of September 1704, in the 88th. year of his age, and was
interred in the church of St. Giles in the fields, where there is an
inscription to his memory. He wrote many political tracts, in a high
tory strain, and often with little regard to truth; and also published
translations of Josephus’s works, Cicero’s offices, Seneca’s morals,
Erasmus’s colloquies, Esop’s fables, Quevedo’s visions, &c. His style
has been praised by some, while others have represented it as intolerably
low and nauseous: and Granger represents him as one of the great
corrupters of our language. But there was something in his character
that was still worse and more detestable than even his style.—Having
mentioned him as one of our early compilers of newspapers, it may not be
amiss here just to note, that he had been long preceded in that
occupation, by a country-man of his, _Wm. Watts_, M.A. who is supposed to
have been the very first compiler of a weekly, or stated English
newspaper; at least his employer, _Butter_, seems to have been the first
editor of such a paper, which was begun in August 1622, under the name of
“The certain news of this present week;” and Watts is thought to have
been the compiler of it from the first, and is therefore deemed the
_Gallo-Belgicus_ of England: alluding to the first newspaper, or
periodical publication of the low Countries, about the beginning of the
17th century, which went by that name. But as Watts is said to have been
a native of Lynn, a further account of him shall be given in its proper
place.
5. _Sir_ ROBERT WALPOLE, afterward Earl of Orford. He was born at
Houghton, in 1674. In 1700, he was chosen member of Parliament for Lynn,
which he also represented in many succeeding parliaments. In 1705 he was
made one of the council to Prince George of Denmark, as lord high
admiral. In 1707 he was made secretary at war; and in 1709 treasurer of
the navy. On the change of the ministry, the year following, he was
removed from all his places, and in 1711 was voted by the house of
commons guilty of notorious corruption, in his office as secretary at
war: it was therefore resolved that he should be committed to the tower,
and expelled the house. But being considered by the whigs as a kind of
martyr to their cause, the borough of Lynn rechose him, and though the
house declared his election void, yet the electors persisted in their
choice, and he sat in the next parliament. On the accession of George I.
he was appointed paymaster-general of the forces, and a privy counsellor;
but in a disagreement, two years after, with Mr. Secretary Stanhope, he
resigned, turned patriot, of course, and opposed the ministry. Early in
1720 he was again made pay-master of the forces, and the complaisance of
the courtier began once more to appear: nor was it long before he
acquired full ministerial power, as first lord of the treasury and
chancellor of the exchequer. The measures of his administration, during
the long course of his premiership, have been often canvassed, with all
the severity of critical inquiry, and variously determined. Though he
has been called the father of corruption, and is said to have boasted,
that he knew every man’s price, yet the opposition prevailed over him in
1742, and obliged him to resign. He was screened from any further
resentment of the house of commons, by a peerage, being created Earl of
Orford, and gratified with a pension of 4000_l_ a year. He is generally
allowed to have been a minister of considerable talents, and a notable
manager of parliaments. Whatever were his faults, and he doubtless had
many, he was evidently a _man of peace_, and _no war minister_, which
ought to endear his memory to posterity. Had his successors, and
particularly the late minister _Pitt_, been more of his disposition in
that respect, it had probably, at this time, been a happy circumstance
for the British empire, if not also for some other nations.
6. _Sir_ ANDREW FOUNTAINE. He was born at _Narford_, and educated at
Christ Church, Oxford, where he studied the Anglo-Saxon language, of his
skill in which he afterward gave good proof, by a piece inserted in Dr
Hicks’s Thesaurus, entitled, “Numismata Anglo-Saxonica, et Anglo-danica,
breviter illustrata ab Andreâ Fountaine eq. aur. et æd. Christi Oxon
alumno, 1705.” King William conferred on him the honour of knighthood:
and he was afterwards, it seems, in 1726, made knight of the Bath, by
patent; at which time he was Vice Chamberlain to the princess of Wales.
He travelled for a considerable time in various parts of Europe, and is
said to have made a noble collection of antiques and curiosities; of his
adventures in the meantime, not all over and above delicate or reputable,
some curious anecdotes are still remembered. In 1709 he drew the designs
for the Tale of a Tub, by Swift, with whom he is said to have been very
intimate, as well as with Pope, who complimented him for the elegance of
his taste. In 1727 he was appointed Warden of the Mint, which office be
held till his death, in 1753. He was reputed an eminent connoisseur,
virtuoso, and antiquary; and Narford Hall owes to him most, if not the
whole of its boasted curiosities.
7. MARTIN FOLKES, Esq. much distinguished in his time as a philosopher
and antiquary, was the eldest Son of a Barrister of the same name, by one
of the two daughters and coheiresses of Sir Wm. Hovell of Hillington
Hall; which accounts for the estate of the Hovells descending to him. He
was born in 1690, at Westminster, where his father then resided. His
education, which is supposed to have commenced at Westminster school, was
finished at Cambridge, where his proficiency appears to have been very
considerable. He became a member of the Royal Society in his 23rd year.
About ten years after, he was appointed vice president of the same
Society, to which he had been nominated by Sir Isaac Newton, the then
President. He was also a member of the Society of Antiquaries. On the
resignation of Sir Hans Sloane, in 1741, be was elected President of the
R.S. and not long after he was nominated one of the eight foreign members
of the Academy of Sciences at Paris. He died in 1754, and is said to
have been a person of very extensive knowledge and great respectability;
and in his private character polite, generous, and friendly. His
principal service to science was his elucidation of the intricate subject
of coins, weights, and measures. Though he had daughters of his own, he
left the seat and estate of his maternal ancestors, the Hovells, to his
brother, whose Son, Sir Martin Browne Folkes, bart. M.P. is their present
possessor.
8. _The honourable_ HORACE WALPOLE, afterward _Earl of Orford_. He was
the youngest Son of the celebrated Sir Robert Walpole, and born about the
year 1717. In 1739 he set out upon his travels, accompanied by his
friend _Gray_, the poet: but they afterward quarrelled and separated. In
the parliament of 1741 he was a member for Collington; in that of 1747,
for Castle Rising; and in those of 1754 and 1761, for Lynn. At the
expiration of the latter parliament he retired from business, and
attached himself wholly to literary pursuits, residing chiefly, if not
wholly, at Strawberry Hill, in Surrey, where he had a private
printing-office, for the purpose of having his productions edited under
his own eye. His principal works are The Catalogue of Royal and Noble
Authors, and The Historic Doubts respecting the character, conduct, and
person of Richard III. He wrote also The Mysterious Mother, Castle of
Otranto, and other works, which are considered as proofs of his being a
person of very extensive reading, and of eminent genius and talents. On
the death of his nephew he succeeded to the family title and estates; but
did not long enjoy them. He died in 1797.
9. _Admiral_ HORATIO NELSON, afterward _Sir_ HORATIO NELSON, and
latterly, _Lord Viscount Nelson_, and _Duke of Bronte_ in the kingdom of
Naples. He was the 4th Son of the Rev. Edward Nelson, rector of Burnham
Thorpe, where he was born September 29, 1758. He is said to have been
maternally related to the Walpoles and the Townshends, two of the first
families in his native county. He was sent early to sea, under the care
of a relation, who was a captain in the navy, where he soon distinguished
himself, and became in time one of the greatest naval commanders that
this or any other country ever produced. His most renowned achievements
were those at _Aboukir_, _Copenhagen_, and _Trafalgar_; the latter of
which he did not survive, being killed by a musket ball, near the close
of the engagement, which terminated in one of the most complete and
decisive victories ever recorded in the annals of naval warfare. He
arrived at high pre-eminence, through deeds of blood, and a vast
destruction of his species, which can have no place among the christian
virtues. But his biography and character are too well known to need
being here further enlarged upon. {189}
10. WILLIAM BEWLEY was for many years a most distinguished character
among the inhabitants of this part of Norfolk. He was not a native of
this country, but came hither, it is thought, from the north of England,
about 1749, and settled at Great Massingham, as a surgeon and apothecary,
where he continued for the remainder of his days, greatly respected as a
professional man, but more especially so as a _philosopher_, in which
character he was thought inferior to few, if any, of his cotemporaries.
With some of the most enlightened of them he was held in high and
deserved estimation. Dr. _Burney_ and Dr. _Priestley_ were of that
number; the latter of whom he very materially assisted in his
experimental pursuits, and was the first who discovered and suggested to
him the acidity of mephitic or fixed air. Intimate as these two
philosophers appear to have been, they were in some respects, it seems,
of very different sentiments. Priestley was an admirer of _Hartley_, and
a decided materialist, while Bewley, on the other hand, was a disciple of
_Berkeley_, and a firm believer of the ideal system. Between these two
systems there is evidently a very striking contrast; yet that occasioned
no breach in their friendship, or any coolness or abatement in their
esteem for each other. Among theologians, and minor philosophers, much
slighter differences might have occasioned (as they generally do) endless
jarrings, and an irreconcileable antipathy; but Priestley and Bewley were
men of another, and a very different cast, and knew how to entertain the
purest friendship for each other, while they held, on some important
points, very dissimilar, and even opposite opinions. Their friendship
commenced about the time that Priestley published his History of
Electricity. Bewley’s critique upon that work, in the Monthly Review,
was the means, as the Dr. says, of opening a correspondence between them,
which was the source of much satisfaction to him, as long as Mr. Bewley
lived. The Dr. used instantly to communicate to him an account of every
new experiment that he made, and in return was favoured with his remarks
upon them. All that Bewley published of his own (except those articles
which he furnished for the Monthly Review) were papers inserted in the
Dr’s. volumes _on Air_, all of which, says the doctor, are ingenious and
valuable. Always publishing in that manner, he used to call himself _Dr.
Priestley’s Satellite_. There was a vein of pleasant wit and humour (as
the Dr. informs us) in all his correspondence, which added greatly to the
value of it. His Letters to the Dr. would have made several volumes, and
the Dr’s to him, still more. He was in his latter years a valetudinarian
of a very sickly appearance. When he found himself dangerously ill, and
his dissolution fast approaching, he made a point of paying the Dr. a
visit before he died. He accordingly made a journey from Massingham to
Birmingham, for that purpose, accompanied by Mrs. Bewley: and after
spending about a week there, he went to pay another last or parting visit
to his friend Dr. Burney, and there, at his house in St. Martin’s Street,
London, he died, on the 5th. of Sept. 1783. He was for many years one of
the writers of the Monthly Review, and the articles he furnished for that
respectable publication were thought not inferior to the productions of
the very ablest of his associates. How many articles he furnished for
that work is not known, except, perhaps, to the Editor. The review of
_PRIESTLEY’S History of Electricity_, (as was before observed,) of
_WHITEHURST’S Inquiry into the original State and formation of the
Earth_, and of _Sir JOHN HAWKINS’ History of Music_, are understood to
have been drawn up by Mr. Bewley. The last mentioned article is said to
have been much admired at the time by the late celebrated Dr. _Samuel
Johnson_. Mr. Bewley was sometimes denominated _The Philosopher of
Massingham_, and with as much propriety, it was supposed, as _Hobbes_ was
styled _The Philosopher of Malmsbury_. The branches of knowledge in
which he was said chiefly to excel were those of _Anatomy_,
_Electricity_, and _Chemistry_. He had naturally a fine ear, and was
particularly fond of music; and was not only an excellent judge of
composition, but also a good performer on the violin. He cultivated the
art and science of music as a relief from severer pursuits, and applied
to it in the hours of relaxation, with that ardour which characterized
all his undertakings. A love for every liberal science and an insatiable
curiosity after whatever was connected with them, were his predominant
passions. So strongly and lastingly did they operate, that he desired
some books might be brought to him on the very evening before he died,
when the excruciating pains of his disorder had a little abated; and
though unable to read himself, he listened to what was read, and drank in
knowledge with his wonted eagerness, and,
—“with his latest breath
Thus shewed his ruling passion strong in death.”
He was a remarkably warm friend, and an excellent husband: and withal of
so benevolent and peculiar a turn of mind, that he would not willingly
hurt a worm; nor would he, it seems, cut a living twig from a shrub or
tree, because he did not know, (as he would say) but the operation might
occasion pain. Many will probably affect to smile at this, under an idea
of their own fancied superiority, whose characters, nevertheless, would
bear no comparison with that of William Bewley, not to say as _scholars_,
and _philosophers_, but even as _men_, and _members of society_. In
short, he appears to have been a very _good_, as well as a very wise and
great man. {192}
SECTION V.
_Of the ANIMALS_, _and particularly the BIRDS of this country_.
_Sir Thomas Browne_ seems to have placed the SPERMACETI-WHALE among the
animals of Norfolk. One of them sixty two feet in length, was taken, as
he says, near Wells. Another of the same kind, (he adds) about twenty
years after, was caught at Hunstanton; and not far from thence, eight or
nine were driven ashore, two of which were said to have young ones, after
they had forsaken the water.
The PORPESSE, the DOLPHIN, and the _GRAMPUS_, are also, by the same
writer, numbered among the Norfolk animals. The flesh of the two former,
he represents as good food, especially that of the Dolphin, which when
well-cooked, he says, is generally allowed to be a good dish. But it is
very rarely that one meets with any that have tasted of it.
As to the COMMON SEAL or _Sea-Calf_, being an amphibious creature, it is
not so unnaturally classed among land animals. Numbers of them are often
found sleeping on the shore and the sand-banks, below Lynn; while one, as
is said, is keeping watch in the meantime, lest his companions be caught
napping, and to apprise them of the approach of danger; in which case,
they all instantly rush into the deep and disappear.
OTTERS also are not uncommon in this country. The young ones, says Sir
T. Browne, are sometimes, preyed upon by buzzards, having occasionally
been found in the nests of these birds. By many persons they are
accounted no bad dish, as he says; and he adds, that Otters may be
rendered perfectly tame, and in some houses have been known to serve the
office of turnspits.
To the foregoing animals may be added _Badgers_, _Hares_, and _Rabbits_.
The latter are here more numerous than in most other parts of the
kingdom, and yet not so numerous it seems as they have been, owing to
modern agricultural improvements. Hares are also in general pretty
plentiful here in most places, and the game-laws very strictly enforced,
as many a poacher knows to his cost.
The different Species of BIRDS found in this country, including the
_water-fowl_, are very numerous. The following List includes the chief
of them, and is taken mostly from Sir Thomas Browne’s Paper inserted in
the 20th volume of the Monthly Magazine. 1. The _Sea_ or _Fen_ EAGLE.
Some of this species are said to be so large as to measure three yards
and a quarter in the extent of their wings, and are capable of being
perfectly tamed, and will feed on fish, red herrings, flesh, or any kind
of offal. 2. The OSPREY, which hovers about the fens, and will dip his
claws into the water, and often take up a fish, and likewise catch
_Coots_. It is sometime called the _bald-buzzard_. 3. The KITE. This
species is said not to be very numerous. 4. The MERLIN, or _Hobby-bird_:
said to be subject to the vertigo, and sometimes caught in those fits.
5. The WOODCHAT, or _bird-catcher_; a small bird of prey about the size
of a thrush. 6. The RAVEN. 7. The ROOK. 8. The JACKDAW. 9. The
ROLLER: a very uncommon bird. 10. The CUCKOO. 11, 12, 13, 14. The GREEN
WOODPECKER; The GREATER SPOTTED WOODPECKER; The MIDDLE SPOTTED
WOODPECKER; and the NUTHATCH. 15. The KINGFISHER. 16. The HOOPOE, or
_Hoope-bird_, so called from its note. 17, 18, 19. The SKYLARK,
WOODLARK, and TITLARK. These are very common; but another, called _the
great crested lark_, it seems, is not so. 20. The STARES, or STARLINGS,
are in vast, and almost incredible numbers about the fens, where they
roost at night, about the autumn on the reeds and alders, from whence
they take their flight in the morning like thick clouds. The rooks,
though very numerous in some parts of the kingdom, are never any where
seen in such flocks as these birds are about the fens. 21. The HAWFINCH.
This bird is chiefly seen in summer, about cherry time; and is said to
feed on the kernels of cherries and some other kinds of stone fruit; and
by means of its amazingly strong bill it breaks the stone without much
difficulty. 22. The WAXEN CHATTERER; which is said to be a very
beautiful bird, but now a more uncommon bird than formerly. 23. The
CROSSBILL; is migratory, and arrives about the beginning of Summer. 24.
The GOLD-FINCH, otherwise _Fools-coat_ or _Draw-water_. 25. The
WHEATEAR. These breed in rabbit burrows, and warrens are full of them
from April to September. They are caught with a hobby and a net, and are
accounted excellent eating. 26. The GOAT-SUCKER, or _Dorhawk_, so called
from the circumstance of its feeding on dors, or beetles. It breeds here
and lays a very handsome spotted egg. [It flies about later than most
other birds except the owl; and while perching in the evening on a tree,
it makes a noise somewhat like the croaking of frogs, or rather the
twirling of a spinning wheel, from which it has in some parts been
called, _The Spinner_.] 27. The BUSTARD. A writer whose signature is X.
P. S. in the 20th volume of the Monthly Magazine, says that “the bustards
are at this time all extirpated out of Norfolk;” but he is certainly
mistaken: they are still to be found in the open parts of the country,
but not so frequently as formerly. They become more and more rare; and
they will, perhaps, be soon extirpated; but it is not the case yet. The
bustard is the largest of British birds, and is remarkable (says Sir
Thomas Browne) for the strength of its breast-bone, and for its short
heel. It lays two eggs which are much bigger than those of a turkey, as
the bustard itself is also larger, as well as handsomer than that bird.
It is accounted a dainty dish, and those who have eaten it, speak much in
its praise. This famous bird seems incapable of being tamed or
domesticated. {196} 28. and 29. BLACK and RED GAME, now unknown here.
Some of the latter, or grouse, were found, it seems, about Lynn, in Sir
Thomas Browne’s time. 30. 31. _PARTRIDGE_ and QUAIL are here in great
numbers. 32. The _CORNCRAKE_, or RAYLE is also commonly found here. 33.
The SPOONBILL, now but seldom found here, though formerly, it seems,
pretty common. 34. The CRANE, was formerly common here, but now scarcely
deemed a British bird. 35. The WHITE STORK, now rarely seen, though
formerly not so uncommon a bird. 36. The HERON still abounds here. 37.
The BITTERN, or _Bitour_, is also very common: both this and the
preceding are deemed good dishes. 38. The GODWIT or _Yarwhelp_, is very
common in Marshland, and deemed a dainty dish. It frequents the sea
shore and salt marshes in winter, and the fens and interior parts in
summer. 39. 40. The REDSHANK, and CURLEW, are not unfrequent in the
marshes and about the sea coast. 41. The GNAT or KNOT. This is a small
bird, but is at times very fat, and in much request for the table. They
are caught with nets. 42. The LAPWING is common here on all the heaths,
and in other parts. 43. The RUFF: so called from the feathers of the
neck projecting like a ruff. This is a marsh bird, and varies greatly in
its colours; no two of them are found alike. The female is smaller than
the male, has no ruff about the neck, and is called a _Reeve_. It is
very seldom seen. The males when put together will fight most bloodily
and destroy each other. They lose their ruffs towards the end of autumn,
or beginning of winter. They are very handsome birds. 44. The DOTTEREL,
is a bird of passage; comes in September and March, and is accounted
excellent eating. 45. KING DOTTEREL, or _Fen Dotterel_: somewhat less,
but better coloured than the former. 46. The STONE CURLEW, is a tall
handsome bird, remarkably eyed. It is said to be so common in this
country, as to have the name of the Norfolk plover. 47. The AVOSET, or
_skooping horn_, is a tall, black and white bird, with a bill
semicircularly bent upwards. It is a summer bird, and not unfrequent in
Marshland. 48. The OYSTER CATCHER or _Sea-pie_. 49. The Common Coote.
These birds are frequently observed in great flocks on broad waters, said
to be remarkable for their dexterous-defence of themselves and young,
against kites and buzzards. 50. 51. The MOOR, or WATER-HEN, and
WATER-RAILE. 52. The WILD SWAN, or ELKE. It is probable they come from
great distances, for all the northern travellers are said to have
observed them in the remotest parts. Like other northern birds, if the
winter be mild they usually come no further south than Scotland, if very
hard they proceed onward till they arrive in a country sufficiently warm.
53. 54. 55. _BARNACLE-GOOSE_, _BRENT-GOOSE_, and SHELDRAKE. The two
former are common; and the latter pretty much so, especially about
Norrold, where they are said to breed in rabbit-burrows. 56. 57. 58. 59.
60. The _SHOVELER_, _PINTAIL_, or _Sea-pheasant_, _GARGANEY_, or _Teal_,
_WILD-GOOSE_, and _GOSANDER_, _or Mirganser_, are all found in this
country. 61. The _DUN-DIVER_, or _Saw billed diver_. It is bigger than
a duck; and distinguished from other divers by a remarkable sawed bill to
retain its slippery prey, which consists principally of eels. 62. The
SNEW, as well as the _WIDGEONS_, and other species of wild ducks, are
very common. {199} 63. The _PUFFIN_, has a remarkable bill, which
differs from that of a duck in being formed not horizontally but
vertically, for the purpose of feeding in clefts of rocks, on shellfish,
&c. 64. The SHEAR-WATER, somewhat billed like a cormorant, but much
smaller, is a strong and fierce bird, that hovers about ships when the
sailors cleanse their fish, &c. They will live some weeks without food.
65. The _GANNET_, is a large, white, strong billed bird: Sir Thomas
Browne saw one of them in Marshland, which fought, and would not be
forced to take wing. Another he saw taken alive, and for sometime kept
and fed with herrings. 66. 67. The SHAG and CORMORANT, are generally
confounded by the country people. The former builds upon trees, and the
latter only in the rocks. 68. The NORTHERN-DIVER. 69. The GREAT CRESTED
GREBE, appear about April, and breed on the broad waters. Their nest is
formed of weed &c. and float on the water, so that their eggs are seldom
dry while they are set on. 70. The LITTLE GREBE, _small diver_ or
_Dabchick_, is found in the rivers and broad waters here. 71. The SKUA
GULL, is sometimes found here in very hard winters. 72. The HERRING
GULL, is found here, but more commonly about Yarmouth. 73. The
BLACK-HEADED GULL, is here very plentiful. The eggs are used by the
country people in puddings, and otherwise. The birds are sometimes
brought to the markets in great number, and even sent to London. 74. The
GREATER FERN, or _Sea Swallow_, is a neat white and fork-tailed bird, but
much larger than a swallow. 75. The MAY CHITT, is a small dark-grey
bird. It comes in great plenty into Marshland in May, and stays about a
month, seldom beyond six weeks. It is fatter than most birds of its
size, and accounted excellent eating. 76. The CHURRE, another small
bird, is frequently taken among the preceding. 77. The WHINNE BIRD, is
marked with five yellow spots, and is less than a wren. 78. The CHIPPER.
This somewhat resembles the former; comes here in the spring, and feeds
on the first buddings of birches and other early trees.—To all these may
be added, 79. The NIGHTINGALE, which is here a constant visitor. 80. 81.
82. The SWALLOW, MARTIN, and SWIFT. Also a variety of FINCHES, and
likewise of DIVING-FOWL, _mustela fusca_, _and mustela variegata_, so
called from the resemblance they have to the head of a
weesel.—Stockdoves, or wild pigeons, are here found in great numbers; and
so are Pheasants, Snipes, and Woodcocks. {200} The Magpie likewise and
the Owl are found among the birds of this country.—Not to mention the
Blackbird, the Thrush, the Yellow-hammer, the Wagtail, the Titmouse, the
Sparrow, the Wren, the Redbreast, and others that are common to most
parts of this kingdom.
Many rare plants are said to be found in some parts of this country; but
as no good botanist is known to reside here, or to have drawn up a
catalogue of them, they cannot be now enumerated. The neighbourhood of
_East Winch_ is thought to be one very good spot for botanizing.
SECTION VI.
_Brief account of places before omitted_, _in the vicinity of Lynn_, _on
this eastern side of the
Ouse—Sechey—Runcton—Downham—Denver—Helgay—Southery—Feltwell—Methwold—
Stoke_, _&c._ _Feltwell
New-Fen-District—Fincham—Swaffham—Babingley—Sharnborne—Great
Malthouse—Hunston light-house_, _&c._
Before we conclude this chapter, and this first part the work, it may not
be improper, or unacceptable to the reader, to take some notice of a few
of the most remarkable places on this side, that have been omitted in the
preceding pages. We shall begin with
SECHEY, {201} commonly called _Sech_, a small market town, which lies
about three miles from Lynn, to the south, on the Downham and London
road. Anciently it belonged to the Lords Bardolf, as apart of their
manor of north Runcton. In 33. Hen. III. the then Lord Bardolf had a
charter of free warren here, with a weekly market on Mondays, and two
fairs annually. Afterwards it passed, with the rest of the said manor,
to the Earl of Warwick, who in the reign of James I. had a grant of a
market here every fortnight, on Tuesdays, for fat cattle. It seems
rather doubtful, if these markets were originally kept every other
Tuesday _throughout the year_: at least it is said not to have been the
case for many years past, but only for some of the latter months of the
year. They begin at the dawn of day, and are generally over pretty early
in the morning. They are also said to be well attended by butchers and
graziers from different parts of the country, and sometimes from a
considerable distance, even as far as Norwich, or further, and also from
Lincolnshire.—The river is navigable, for lighters, a considerable way up
into the country beyond this place. Sechey is in the parish of _North_
Runcton; some miles from which, in a southerly direction lies the church
of _South_ Runcton, now in a dilapidated state. This ruin presents a
semicircular east end of what has been thought an _ancient Saxon_ church,
and is believed to be the remains of one given to St. Edmund, in the
reign of Canute.—Of the reasonableness and tenability of this belief,
some doubts, perhaps, may be justly entertained. The said ruin has
certainly the appearance of considerable antiquity, but that appearance,
together with its uncommon and semicircular form, will not be quite
sufficient to satisfy every one, that it is altogether as old as the days
of Canute, or that it has actually stood the brunt and braved the blasts
of near a thousand winters.—A few miles further on, in the same
direction, is
DOWNHAM, or _Market Downham_, as it is sometimes called. {203} It is
pleasantly situated on the side of a hill, and upon the Ouse, over which
it has a good bridge. It had heretofore two weekly markets, Mondays and
Saturdays, but that is no longer the case; the latter only are now to be
considered as its proper market days, on which the town is said to be
well supplied with fish and wild fowl, from the adjacent fens. Downham
was formerly celebrated for its great butter market, which used to be
kept near the bridge, every _Monday_, and which it seems, has before now
supplied London with the immense quantity of ninety thousand firkins in a
year. From its being sent by way of Cambridge, it obtained the name of
Cambridge butter. These markets have been discontinued, and the butter
is now taken for sale to Swaffham. It is said that the privilege of a
market was granted to Downham by Edward the confessor, and that its
principal manor, with the whole hundred, were given by king Edgar to
Ramsey Abbey, whose abbot, as we are further informed, was authorized by
King John to hold a fair here. By Henry III. he was invested with the
additional authority to try and execute malefactors at his “gallows of
Downham.”—Some monastic buildings, and particularly a _priory_ of
Benedictine monks, stood formerly near the church.—There is in this town
a small dissenting congregation, the chapel belonging to which, was
erected in the early part of the last century. In 1801 the town and
whole parish of Downham contained 278 houses, and 1512 inhabitants.
Further on, in a low situation, is DENVER, a large village, noted as the
birth place of _Dr. Robert Brady_, the English historian. The church is
a mean structure, built of _Car_, _or rag-stone_, _camerated_ with
_wooden_ pannells, and covered with _reed_, or _thatch_. Near to this
place is _Denver Sluice_, termed the grand _erratum_ in our fen
improvements.—Not far from Denver and Downham lies the village of
_Helgay_, said by some authors {204} to be regularly infested, every six
or seven years, by an incredible number of field mice, which, like
locusts, would infallibly devour all the corn of every kind, but for the
friendly, seasonable, and effectual interposition of a prodigious flight
of owls from Norway, which never fail to arrive that year, and stay till
they have totally destroyed those mischievous vermin: after which they
quietly depart, re-cross the seas, and return to their native forests,
attended by the veneration and benediction of all the good people of
Helgay, who had derived from them, the most essential benefit, without
the least mixture of detriment; as they had, during their whole stay,
meddled with no one thing in the place, but the mice.—Such is the
substance and purport of this curious story, whose questionable and
improbable appearance might be supposed more than sufficient to prevent
its being ever passed upon the public as a matter of fact. That,
however, has not been the case: it has been therefore introduced here for
the purpose of exhibiting it in its true light, as a lying tale, that
those credulous people who have been imposed upon, and misled by others,
may be undeceived.
Beyond Helgay are the villages of _Southery_, _Feltwell_, _Methwold_,
_Northwold_, _Stoke-ferry_, _Wereham_, _West Dereham_, _&c._ some of them
of pretty large size and population. _West Dereham Abbey_ was formerly a
place of no small note, and founded as early as 1188. At the dissolution
it went into private hands, and about the close of the 17th. century it
was the seat of Sir Thomas Dereham, a diplomatic character. More
recently it has successively been the seat of Sir Simeon Stuart, and Lord
Montrath. _Wereham_ in former times was possessed by the _Clares_, who
then ranked high among the English barons; and it was the head lordship
of what was, and still is called the _honor of Clare_, of which several
neighbouring manors were held. Those great lords had here a _prison_,
and of course a _gallows_ also; which indicate the great sway they once
bore in these parts.—These places lie in and about a remarkable drainage
tract, called _the Feltwell new fen district_, which, like the river
Nene, has proved a very unfortunate concern to many of those whose
property had been unhappily entrusted in the hands of its commissioners.
Suspicions of some disreputable doings are said to have been entertained
respecting both the above concerns, which will probably deter many from
affording any pecuniary aid to the projected Eau-brink Cut, lest it
should turn out, or be managed as badly:—if indeed the present formidable
opposition to it should finally fail to effect its entire relinquishment:
an event which many seem to consider as not at all improbable.—Northerly
from these parts is the village and parish of _Fincham_. In that parish
church is a square font, supposed to have belonged to the old church,
which is mentioned in Domesday-book.—Further on, in the same direction,
and the most considerable place that way, is
SWAFFHAM. This respectable town stands on high ground, upon a dry
gravelly soil, and in a situation that seems greatly favourable to health
and longevity. Its streets are wide and airy, and the buildings
distributed over a considerable space of ground. The houses are
generally neat, and many of them large and handsome, inhabited by wealthy
and genteel families. The market-hill is pleasant and spacious, on which
was erected in 1783 an elegant cross, by the Lord Orford of that time.
The market is on Saturday, and plentifully supplied with good provisions.
The great butter-market, formerly kept at Downham, is now kept here. The
town stands so high, that some of the wells are said to be fifty-yards
deep. A handsome assembly-room has been erected on the west side of the
market-hill, in which subscription assemblies are held every month. But
the chief public structure of the town is the _Church_, a large and fine
edifice, built at different times, in the reigns of Henry VI. Edward IV.
and Henry VII. It is in the form of a cathedral, and consists of a nave
and two ailes, with two transepts on the south side, one to the north,
and a lofty well proportioned tower, which is surmounted with enriched
embrasures, and purfled pinnacles. The nave is very lofty, having
twenty-six cleristory windows, and its inner roof ornamented with carved
wood, figures of angels, bosses, &c. The north aile and steeple, are
said to have been built by one _John Chapman_, stated, but erroneously it
seems, to have been a _travelling tinker_; and who is also reported to
have been Church-warden in 1460.—In 1800 the houses of Swaffham amounted
to 452, and the population to 2220. Formerly there was here a rector and
a vicar; the latter presented by the former; so that the rectory was a
_Sinecure_, and probably a very rich one. The patronage of the vicarage
is in the bishop of Norwich.—Near this town is an extensive heath, which
forms a convenient race-ground. The races here are held about
michaelmas. Coursing matches are also frequent here, and the
_greyhounds_ are as regularly entered for the purpose, and placed under
the same restrictions as _running-horses_. {207a}
Further on, between Swaffham and the sea-coast, there are not many places
that seem to demand very particular notice. _Babingley_ and
_Sharnborne_, which both lie that way, are traditionally reported to
contain the sites of the two first christian places of worship among the
East-Anglians, and supposed to have been erected in the seventh century.
In the same way lies _Snettisham_, a large village, said to have been
formerly a town, with a weekly market on Fridays. Here also have been
dug up several of those instruments, in the shape of hatchet-heads, with
handles to them, usually denominated celts, {207b} which, if taken to be
British, as is most generally thought, or even Roman, as has been judged
by others, most denote that Snettisham is a place of no inconsiderable
antiquity. _Brancaster_ has been already noticed, as once a famous Roman
station; and it may be here added, that it has of late years attracted no
small attention on account of its _great malt house_, built with a view
to the export trade, and supposed to be the largest edifice of that kind
in the kingdom; being 312 feet in length, by 31 in breadth, and furnished
with all the necessary offices and conveniences for conducting the
malting process on a large scale: 420 quarters of barley, are said to
have been there wetted weekly, during the malting season.
To the west of Brancaster and the said great malt-house, and not far off,
is the village of _Hunstanton_, or _Hunston_, as it is most commonly
called: near to which, on a cliff, overlooking Lynn Roads and the
entrance into Lynn Haven, and elevated ninety feet above high-water mark,
stands the _Hunston Light-house_, which is upon a different construction
from other English light-houses, and supposed superior to any of them.
It is lighted by lamps and reflectors, instead of coals, on a much
improved and very judicious plan, the merit of which is due to MR. WALKER
_of Lynn_, by whom it was invented, and under whose direction it was here
executed in 1778.—This light is communicated by 18 concave reflectors,
each of eighteen inches diameter. They are fixed upon two shelves, one
placed over the other in such a manner that the strongest light may be
seen where it is most wanted. In the N by E direction a strong light is
necessary for ships to avoid the dangerous sands and shoals on the
Lincolnshire coast; here therefore are placed seven reflectors in the
space of two points of the compass, which will appear at some distance as
one light. In other directions a weaker light is sufficient. A single
reflector, with a lamp of ten single threads of cotton placed in the
focus of the curve, which is a parabola, will appear, at 15 miles
distance, larger than a star of the first magnitude:—that is, if the
glass be kept clean, and the lamp trimmed; otherwise, instead of light,
there will no doubt be found obscurity, for which no blame can attach to
the projector. {209}
This house remained for many years the only one of the kind in the United
Kingdom; but about the year 1787, several others, on the same plan, were
erected on the coast of Scotland, as appears by the following extracts
from one of the provincial papers of that time.—
“NORTHERN LIGHT-HOUSES. An Act of Parliament was obtained a few
years ago, by some gentlemen in Edinburgh, impowering them to erect
four Light-houses on the Northern parts of Great Britain. In
consequence of which the Trustees made diligent enquiry into the
several modes of erecting lights for the use of mariners, at sea.
These enquiries were made not only in this kingdom, but in foreign
parts, that their intended erection might be made on the best
principles. In September, 1786, the then Lord Provost of Edinburgh
applied to Mr. Ezekiel Walker of Lynn in Norfolk, for his opinion in
the construction of them. Mr. Walker’s answer to his lordship’s
enquiry, and the plan projected in it, gave such general satisfaction
to the Trustees, that they unanimously resolved on constructing and
lighting them on his principle; and in the spring of 1787, the work
was begun accordingly. The first of these lights stands on
_Kinnard’s Head_, [in the county of Aberdeen;] the second on _north
Ranaldshaw_, the northernmost of the Orkney Islands; the third on the
_point of Scalpa_ in the isle of Herris; and the fourth on the _Mull
of Kyntire_, which may be seen in Ireland.” {211}
_Cumberland Packet of Sept._ 10. 1788.
In the same paper, of Dec. 9. 1789, appeared the following passage—
“_Light-houses_. The excellent method of erecting light-houses
prescribed by Mr. E. Walker is now sufficiently proved. That it
produces a _strong light_ is well known, but that this desirable
object is attained at a small expence of _oil_, can only come under
the inspection of a few; however one argument, even in favour of this
is now made public. The Commissioners for erecting four light-houses
on the northern parts of Great Britain obtained another Act the last
session of Parliament, authorizing them to erect a _fifth_: “For the
light-house on the south west point of the Mull of Kyntire is found
to be of the greatest importance to the navigation of ships passing
to and from the _north_ channel; but not to ships passing to and from
the Firth of Clyde through the _south_ channel. It is for the
security of ships navigating this _south_ channel that the
commissioners purpose erecting another light-house on the island of
ARRAN, or upon the little island of PLADA, near the same; which is to
be done _without any increase of the duties_ authorised to be levied
by the former act.”—This act also authorizes the commissioners to
erect other light-houses on the coast of Scotland, whenever the
produce of the present duties on the tonage of ships will enable them
so to do.—This at once justifies the decided opinion of the
commissioners in favour of Mr. Walker’s projection, and pronounces
the most unequivocal encomium on his abilities.”
Being now about to close our remarks on the country about Lynn, it may be
here noted, in regard to Marshland and the fenny parts in general, that
so little care appears to have been taken there to counteract, or guard
against the natural insalubrity of the country, and promote the health of
the inhabitants, that not a few of the older dwelling-houses, and
particularly those of the cottagers, and lower classes, have their floors
actually underground, or below the surface of the land on the outside.
This can be said to furnish but a very indifferent sample or specimen of
the boasted wisdom of our ancestors. Those of the present generation,
however, cannot with much good grace blame them on this occasion, while
they are themselves at the expence and pains of keeping up and repairing
those same unhealthful dwellings. Our new houses indeed are generally,
if not always constructed upon a much better plan; and that may be said
to be one of the few things in which we appear to exceed our forefathers.
In other things we certainly fall short of them, and act our parts much
worse than they would have done—even so much worse, that they would
unquestionably have blushed for, and despised us, and that very justly,
had they foreseen some of our recent proceedings.
_End of Part_ I.
HISTORY OF LYNN, PART II.
OF THE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF LYNN, WITH A SKETCH OF ITS HISTORY FROM
ITS FIRST RISE TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST.
CHAP. I.
Of Lynn while Britain formed a part of the Roman Empire.
SECTION I.
_The present town_, _or borough of Lynn_, _of no great antiquity—its site
not the same with that of the original town—the probable site of the
latter_, _and era of its origin_.
What is now called _Lynn_, _Lynn Regis_, or the _Borough of King’s Lynn_,
is generally considered as a place of no very high antiquity. It arose
probably during the Heptarchy, out of the ruins of the old town, though
not built on the same spot, and must soon have become a place of no small
consideration in the kingdom of the East Angles, as may very reasonably
be concluded, from the convenience of its situation for trade and
commerce. We hear not much of it, however till after the conquest, when
it presently appears as a place of growing importance, under the
direction and management of its new French masters, the enterprising
companions and agents of the successful Norman adventurer, the Bonaparte
of the eleventh century.
But though no traces can be discovered of the existence of a town on the
_eastern_ side of the river, prior to the time of the Heptarchy, it is
more than probable, that there was a town on the opposite, or _western_
side, long anterior to that period. That town has not yet entirely
disappeared. It may still be recognized in the little village called
_Old Lynn_; a name which plainly indicates, that the original town must
have stood there. It is well known that the town on the eastern side was
formerly called _New Lynn_, or rather _New LEN_, and that the other was
then distinguished from it by the name of _Old Len_. No good reason can
be assigned for this, but that the latter was the original town, known by
the name of _Len_ long before the other had any existence. The attempt
made by Spelman, Parkin, and others to elude this conclusion is weak and
frivolous. It does not appear that there ever has been any period, since
the eastern, or modern town existed, when the inhabitants did not apply
the name of _Old Len_, or _Old Lynn_ to the other. There can therefore
be no manner of doubt, but that it is to this same old Lynn we are to
look for the site of the ancient and original town. It is probable,
indeed, that that town might extend much nigher to the spot now occupied
by the present town, than what the village of Old Lynn now does, as the
bed of the river was formerly very narrow, compared with what it is at
present; and the waters are allowed to have made considerable
encroachments on the western shore. When, and by whom the original town
was founded, as well as, what may be the true etymology, or real meaning
of its name, are points that are involved in no small obscurity, and
cannot, therefore, be very easily and clearly settled, or ascertained.
It seems, however, highly probable, if not certain, as shall be shewn by
and by, that it took its name from its marshy situation, and was founded
by the Romans, at the time when they undertook to drain the fen-country,
and rescue Marshland, by strong embankments, from the power and ravages
of the ocean. It may also pretty safely be concluded, that this must
have taken place within the first century of the christian era, and
probably in the reign of Nero, if not in that of Claudius. {215} The
foundation of Lynn may therefore be considered as coeval with the first
introduction of Christianity into this island; which was nearly if not
quite 1750 years ago: and though this fixes the origin of Lynn at a
pretty remote period, and much beyond what has hitherto been supposed,
yet it seems to be supported by no small degree of probability.
SECTION II.
_A short digression relating to the first Introduction of Christianity
into Britain—Bardism_.
Having, at the close of the preceding section, suggested an opinion that
the origin of Lynn was coeval with the first Introduction of Christianity
into this country, it will not, it is presumed, be any way improper, or
unacceptable to the reader to offer here a few observations toward
ascertaining the time when the last mentioned event took place,
especially as all our English writers and antiquaries have left the
matter very much in the dark.
_Gildas_, a writer of the sixth century, and the most ancient of all our
British historians, states that “the Gospel began to be published here
about the time of the memorable revolt and overthrow of the Britons under
Boadicea,” which happened in the year 60 or 61, and was followed by a
long interval of peace, which could not fail of proving favourable to the
introduction of the new religion and the general success of its
publishers. Speaking of the said revolt, together with its disastrous
termination and consequences, Gildas adds, “In the mean time, Christ, the
true Sun, afforded his rays, that is, the knowledge of his precepts, to
this Island, benumbed with extreme cold, having been at a great distance
from the sun; not the sun in the firmament, but the eternal sun in
heaven.”
This account, given by Gildas, is remarkably corroborated by the _Triads
of the Isle of Britain_, which are ancient British documents of undoubted
credit, though but little known. {217a} From them we learn that the
famous _Caradoc_, or _Caractacus_, having been overthrown in the war, and
afterwards basely betrayed and delivered up to the Romans, by _Aregwedd
Voeddig_ (the _Cartismandua_ of Roman authors) was, together with his
father _Brân_, (or _Brennus_) and whole family, carried captive to Rome,
about the year 52, where they were detained seven years, or more. At
that time Rome enjoyed the preaching of the gospel, and Brân with others
of the family became converts to the christian religion. After the
expiration of their captivity, they returned home, and were the means of
introducing the knowledge of Christ among their countrymen: on which
account, Brân is called, one of the three holy sovereigns, and his
family, one of the three holy lineages of Britain. The Triads also have
preserved the names of three of the primitive christians who accompanied
Brân on his return to this country, and who were probably the very first
christian ministers that ever set foot on this island: one was an
Israelite of the name of _Ilid_; of the other two, one was called
_Cyndav_, and the other _Arwystli Hên_, or Arwystli the aged. {217b}
This account is very curious, and, in all probability, authentic. {217c}
When Brân returned to his native country, it has been understood that
some of his family stayed behind and settled at Rome. Of them _Claudia_,
mentioned, along with _Pudens_ and _Linus_, in the second Epistle to
Timothy, is supposed to be one, and the very same with _Claudia the wife
Pudens_, mentioned by the poet _Martial_, who lived in those times, and
who celebrates her, in his Epigrams, as a _Briton_ of extraordinary
beauty, wit, and virtue. To this it has indeed been objected, that
Martial, living in the reign of _Trajan_, cannot be supposed to speak of
Paul’s Claudia, who flourished in the reigns of _Claudius_ and _Nero_.
But it might be urged in reply, that though he lived in Trajan’s reign,
he lived also, and resided at Rome, in the reign of _Vespasian_, if not
in that of _Nero_; and the Epigrams in which he mentions _Claudia_ might
be written in his younger years, when she was in the prime and bloom of
life. Some have made her to be the _daughter of Caractacus_, which seems
not at all unlikely. _Pomponia Græcina_, the wife of Aulus Plautius,
Claudius’ Lieutenant, and the first Roman Governor here, has also been,
thought a Briton and a christian, and one of the earliest British
Christians. Tacitus speaks of her as an illustrious lady, but accused
for having embraced a _strange_ and _foreign superstition_; {218} and
though he says she was acquitted, as to any thing immoral, yet he
represents her as leading ever after a _gloomy and melancholy kind of
life_: all which will strictly coincide with the idea of her being a
_christian_. Tacitus could conceive or express himself no otherwise of a
person dissenting from his own pagan tenets, or of a religion disallowed
by the Roman law, which was with him the standard of truth, rectitude,
and orthodoxy. The above accusation and trial of Pomponia Græcina took
place, it seems, while Nero and Calphurnus Piso were Consuls, and after
Paul had come to Rome the first time, and therefore she may not
unreasonably be supposed one of his converts.
Other authorities render it highly probable, that some of those captives
had embraced Christianity during their residence at Rome; but the
_Triads_, above-mentioned, may be said to settle the point, and reduce
the matter to a certainty. They were documents formed on purpose to
preserve and perpetuate the memory of remarkable and interesting events;
of which sort may justly be considered, the conversion of Brân and
family, and their introducing Christianity into this island. There is
every reason to conclude, that the religion of the first British
Christians was venerably simple, pure, and perfect, like what appears in
the New Testament, and very widely different from that of the men of the
present generation. But this subject we will now drop, and resume the
thread of the narrative. {219}
SECTION III.
_The ancient history of Lynn continued—the town supposed to have been
founded by a colony of foreigners_, _introduced by the Romans—etymology
of its name—mistakes of Camden_, _Spelman_, _&c. pointed out_.
The great project formed by the Romans of embanking, draining, and
improving these fens and marshes, is said to have been executed by a
foreign colony, {220} brought over and settled here for that purpose,
but, without doubt, powerfully assisted by the natives. This colony is
presumed to have been of Batavian or Belgic origin; for where could the
Romans have found a people so fit for their purpose as among the
inhabitants of a country that so much resembles this, and who must have
been, while at home, habituated to the work in which they were here to be
employed? The vicinity of those countries to this, and their then
subjection to the Romans, may be considered as further corroborating this
opinion. From the exposed situation of Marshland, and its lying next to
the inhabited part of the country, it may very reasonably be supposed,
that these colonists would begin their work there, and even on its
eastern side, about where Lynn now stands: and as they would immediately
want habitations, it is very natural to conclude, that the town of Old
Len, or Lynn, was built for, or by them, and that they were the very
people that gave it its _name_. These conclusions appear remarkably
countenanced and supported by that very name itself; for LEN, in the
_Celtic_ (or _Belgio-celtic_) dialect, or language, is said to signify a
_Fen_, _Morass_, or _Marsh_. {221} LEN, therefore, as they applied, or
used the word here, might mean a town by a morass, the town in the marsh,
or the chief town and mother town of Marshland and the Fens. This seems
to be, by far, the most tenable and satisfactory explanation of the name
of this ancient town, that has ever yet been offered or suggested.
_Camden_ derives the name of Lynn from the British word _Llyn_, which
signifies _a lake_; but circumstances do not at all support that idea.
There was anciently at Lynn no very large collection of waters: its very
river was inconsiderable, consisting only of the water of the _Little
Ouse_, and the _Wissey_, together with that of the _Nar_, or Setch river,
formerly called _Len_, and sometimes _Sundringham Ea_. {222a} The very
harbour also, for many ages, was remarkably narrow. As to the waters
below, in the roads, “It is very unlikely that the Britons should call
them _Llyn_, (_i.e. Lake_,) a name which they never appear to have given
to similar collections of water: but if we were to admit, that they
actually gave that name to these waters, still it would seem exceedingly
improbable, that this place should derive its name from thence, any more
than _Rising_, or other towns that are situated near to the like
estuaries, or arms of the sea.” _Spelman’s_ conjectures on this point
are weaker and more untenable still. He would have the name to be
derived from the _Saxon Læn_, or _Lean_, signifying, as he says, a
_farm_, or _tenure in fee_; but which sense, according to _Hicks_, is
unusual: nor is it likely, as _Gough_ has observed, that this tenure
should be more particularized here than elsewhere. {222b} Equally futile
is what he further advances, “that _Len_ is Saxon for church-land; whence
_Ter Llen_, in Welsh, is church-land:” which is most strangely
confounding those two languages, as if the one had sprung from the other.
Nor is it strictly true, that _Ter llen_ in welsh means _church-land_, or
even that there is such a welsh word in being. _Tir llan_ might, indeed,
have such a meaning, but it does not seem to be ever used in that sense.
_Llen_ or _Llëen_, in that language, means _literature_, and not church;
and as an adjective, it means _literary_, _scholastic_, or _clerical_;
whence _gwyr llen_, or _llëen_, signifies the _clergy_, as _gwyr lleyg_,
or _lleygion_ does _the laity_. But all this can make nothing for
Spelman’s point, and it must, of course, fall to the ground.—That Lynn
ever went by the name _Maidenburg_, from saint Margaret the virgin, seems
to be another of the idle whimsies of dreaming antiquarians. Of all such
dreamers none perhaps ever exceeded _Parkin_, the continuator of
Blomefield the Norfolk historian: whenever he is at a loss for the
etymology of the name of any town or village, he generally refers to the
_British_, and pretends to explain it accordingly. Never is he more
ready or flippant than when speaking of the signification of British
words; of which, at the same time, he knew nothing at all.
SECTION IV.
_Lynn the mother-town of the Fens—further account of its supposed
founders and original inhabitants—remarkable works executed by them—great
improvers of the country—the account continued to the extinction of the
Roman power_.
Lynn, as has been already suggested, was, in all probability, the very
first town built by the above mentioned colonists, and so the mother town
of that extensive country, which they were the means of recovering,
improving, and securing from the annoyance of the salt and stagnant
waters. Being their original dwelling place, it may naturally be
supposed, that it would continue afterward to be their principal
habitation or settlement, although in the progress of their work, and as
they advanced further on, other dwellings and villages would of course be
constructed and inhabited. Considering these people as originally from
Belgium or Batavia, than which nothing is more likely, it may from thence
be inferred, that the intercourse between Lynn and the Low Countries must
have been of very early origin. Some connection or traffick between
these colonists and their mother country may fairly be supposed to have
commenced from their very first settlement here: so that the trade and
intercourse between Lynn and the Netherlands may be concluded to be now
of above seventeen hundred years standing.
Those industrious colonists seem not to have, in the least, disappointed
the hopes or expectations of their employers. They appear to have
carried on and executed the work with great diligence, skill, and
success. It is probable, as before hinted, that they began on the
eastern side of Marshland, (that being nighest the habitable or inhabited
part of the country, and where also their first town or settlement would
naturally be erected) and from thence extended their labours to Wisbeach,
and so on to the Marshes of Holland, in Lincolnshire, and other parts of
the country which they were to recover and improve. The Banks which they
constructed in their progress were large, high, and firm, and such as
effectually secured the country from the incursion and depredation of the
sea. They are still known, in most places, and even on the eastern side
of the Ouse and in the vicinity of Lynn, by the name of the _Roman
Banks_. Nor does it appear that they were less judicious or successful
in their attempts to drain and improve the parts which they had so well
and effectually rescued from the Ocean’s destructive power; for by
accounts handed down from ancient writers, it would seem that the country
within their banks, at least a great part of it, was soon brought to an
admirable state of cultivation, improvement, and fertility, like another
paradise, and remained so for many ages. {225}
Even _roads_, of considerable length and width, appear to have been made
by the same people in this new recovered and marshy country, constructed
of gravel of no small depth and breadth, and formed in a most masterly
manner: of which that leading from _Denver_ to _Peterborough_, or rather,
perhaps, to _Castor_, or _Caister_ in Northamptonshire, is a most
remarkable, and very striking instance. This road, according to
_Dugdale_ (as has been already observed in the _Introduction_) was
composed of gravel, three feet deep, and sixty wide: at present, it is
said to be covered with a moorish soil, from three to five feet thick.
The constructing of such a road, and carrying it for so many miles,
through a country almost totally destitute of gravel, stone, or any other
materials proper for road-making, which must therefore have been procured
from a vast distance, and with immense labour and difficulty, must have
been a very extraordinary and stupendous achievement. In comparison with
which, how puny are the efforts and performances of our modern
adventurers, or commissioners of roads, in this flat country! A proof of
this we have in the great Turnpike Road that leads from _St. German’s_ to
_Wisbeach_, where attempts have been making now for some years to cover
it with gravel, but hitherto with no very great effect. At any rate, it
must appear, that those ancient Colonists, introduced by the Romans, for
the purpose of recovering and improving this great fen-country, were
eminently qualified for the work in which they were employed, and ought
to be still held in grateful remembrance by the good people of England,
especially those of Marshland and the Fens, and esteemed among their very
best benefactors.—The merit of those works and improvements, however,
should not be _all_ ascribed to them: the _Romans_, who introduced,
employed, and maintained them, and who projected the undertaking, should
be allowed some share of it. Nor are the _natives_, or Britons, who
laboriously, powerfully, and effectually assisted in carrying on those
works and improvements, to be entirely overlooked or forgotten on this
occasion. The latter are said to have borne so large a share in those
laborious undertakings, as to occasion very serious complaints and
remonstrances from some of their countrymen to, and against the Romans,
as having cruelly exhausted their strength, by the excessive hardships
and fatigues they had been obliged to undergo in that service. Nor is
this at all incredible; for the Romans are known to have been often very
unfeeling, severe, and cruel task-masters to the nations they had
subdued. If the country was improved it was always at the expense of the
sweat and treasure, and not unfrequently of the groans and lives of its
inhabitants.
The improvements begun in and about the fens, as well as in other parts
of the country, were probably in some measure attended to during the
whole continuance of the Roman power in this island. On the decline of
that power, and especially after the departure of the Roman legions,
there is reason to believe that they were neglected and relinquished.
The grievous and calamitous scenes which then ensued, would leave no room
or opportunity for such pursuits as could be attended to only in the
happy seasons of internal tranquillity.
Although we have considered the original inhabitants of Lynn, Marshland,
and the Fens, as consisting for the most part of colonists from the
continent, we are probably not warranted to conclude, that they were in
fact, a Roman Colony, or invested with the rights and immunities of Roman
citizens. It may, however, be very reasonably supposed, that they were
favoured with some particular privileges, to which, indeed, they appear
to have been very justly entitled. But whatever they might be, it is not
likely that they enjoyed them for any great length of time after the
dissolution of the Roman government here: the country then soon fell a
prey to foreign and merciless invaders, and everything was involved in
universal confusion and ruin.
CHAP. II.
On the immediate consequences of the abdication of the country by the
Romans, and the probable fate of Lynn.
SECTION I.
_Character of the Anglo-Saxons_, _with general observations on the
invasion and conquest of this country by them_, _and their barbarous
treatment of the inhabitants_.
The Saxons, who soon succeeded the Romans in the possession of this
country, were never very remarkable for forming and encouraging projects
of improvement, or for cultivating the arts of peace. They were, indeed
a very different sort of people from the others, and possessed all their
bad qualities without any of their good ones. They had long been
distinguished as a fierce and lawless race, a nation of pirates, and
freebooters, like the modern _Algierines_, whose chief delight consisted
in predatory expeditions, and all manner of acts of violence and
brutality, which passed with them for national virtue, patriotism, and
military glory.
Long before they had effected any settlement in Britain, they used to
make frequent descents upon the coast, particularly that of Norfolk,
Suffolk, and Essex. To guard against which, the Romans not only kept a
fleet cruising in these seas, but also built a chain of forts in the most
convenient places, which they had well garrisoned. These forts were nine
in number, and extended from Brancaster to Yarmouth, and thence down a
considerable way along the coast; and (as was before observed) the troops
here stationed, a good part of which consisted of cavalry, were under the
command of an officer called, _The Count of the Saxon shore_. This
provision, or precaution, however, proved, too often, but a very
imperfect security against the sudden inroads of those ancient and daring
marauders. {229}
Of all the nations of the north, the Saxons appear to have been the most
barbarous and most sanguinary. The _Francs_, who conquered Gaul, were a
civilised people compared with them. Of the use of letters they were
totally ignorant. All knowledge that had not some affinity with piracy,
or tendency to improve their system of rapine and devastation, was by
them held in the utmost contempt and abhorrence. _Gildas_, who was born
but a few years after their arrival in this country, describes them as a
most fierce and detestable people, “a nation odious both to God and man.”
{231} They were invited here to assist the inhabitants in opposing the
incursions of the _Picts_ and _Scots_; but they soon turned their arms
against their infatuated employers, and converted the war into a system
of extermination.
Their countrymen on the continent long retained the original character of
their nation. During many ages they continued preeminent for their
bloodthirsty disposition and savage manners. _Charlemagne_ subdued them,
after a thirty years war, and forced them to become converts to _his_
Christianity, and submit to baptism; but their ferocity he did not
subdue, nor had their conversion any effect towards humanizing them.
They were, however, _called Christians_: which was like calling evil,
good, or Satan, an angel of light. These Saxon Christians, in the
twelfth century, quarrelled with the _Venedi_, a neighbouring nation,
because they objected against embracing _their_ Christianity, and refused
to renounce their own paganism, which they seemed to prefer, for its
cheapness. The former they found to be an institution attended with an
expence which they could but ill support. Bishoprics were to be erected,
with large revenues, Monasteries to be endowed, and an annual tribute,
under the name of tithes, to be paid by the whole country. Against this
the Venedi remonstrated, to Bernard Duke of Saxony, the christian
champion. They protested that they were very poor, and unable to bear
any heavy burden, such as providing for the maintenance of priests, and
especially for the dignity and parade of mitred prelates; that they were
fully determined to suffer any extremity, even to abandon their country
and state, rather than submit to so tyrannical an oppression. This firm
opposition of theirs to the will of the christian potentate, or rather
the Saxon tyrant, involved them in a long and bloody war, the final issue
of which was, their utter extirpation, by Henry Duke of Saxony, surnamed
the Lion, the great champion of the church on that occasion. The cruelty
with which he disgraced his victory, was horrible. Few revolutions in
history were attended with such circumstances of barbarity, or proved so
destructive to the ancient inhabitants. {232} Even Charlemagne, after he
had subdued the Saxons, by a long and bloody war, did not attempt to
destroy their whole race, but only transplanted a part, and the remainder
he endeavoured to reconcile to his empire by the establishment of his
Christianity. But the Saxons, by far more cruel than the Francs, were of
all conquerors the most destructive, extending the utmost rigour of the
sword against those who dared to contend with them for liberty or empire.
“In the same ferocious manner, (says the historian) their ancestors
some centuries before had behaved in Britain, where they either
massacred or expelled the greatest part of the natives, who had
invited them over to their assistance. None of the other nations
that overran the Roman Empire behaved with such cruelty to the
conquered inhabitants, or were inflamed with such rancour and
animosity, as to attempt to convert those provinces into deserts.
The Goths, the Burgandians, the Lombards, instead of massacring the
Romans in cold blood, and endeavouring to extirpate their whole race,
enacted very just laws in favour of those people, in consequence of
which the Romans and those fierce barbarous, their conquerors, were
considered in the same light as fellow citizens. _Theodorick_ king
of Italy, a Gothic prince, upon sending an army into Gaul, makes use
of these words to his general, which deserve to be inscribed on
pillars of brass, “Let other kings delight in the plunder and
devastation of the towns they have subdued; we are desirous to
conquer in such a manner, that our new subjects shall lament their
having fallen too late under our government.” {233}
How much happier had it been for the Britons to have been invaded by
Theodorick than by the Saxons!
From the above account of the character of the ancient Saxons, one may be
enabled to form a pretty just, but shocking idea of the miseries in which
they involved the wretched inhabitants of this country, and those of Lynn
and its vicinity among the rest. The exterminating war which they here
waged, and the horrid devastation which attended their successful
progress, have been recorded by Gildas, who himself lived at that
eventful period, and must have been an eye-witness to no small portion of
the direful events which he describes. Nothing can exceed the tragical
description he gives of the diabolical and destructive operations of
those brutal invaders. He represents the whole country, and especially
the western parts, near to which he chiefly resided, as entirely laid
waste with fire and sword, and the inhabitants massacred wherever they
could be found. Of the wretched remnant, some fled to foreign countries,
others retired to the mountains, or hid themselves in deserts and
fastnesses, where, however, they could not long remain:—drawn forth by
the pressing calls of hunger and famine, multitudes were forced to
surrender to the merciless foe, begging that their lives might be spared,
on the abject and miserable condition of submitting to perpetual slavery.
Even of these not a few appear to have been instantly consigned to
destruction. {234a} Others, however, were spared; and from them, in all
probability, sprung the _Servi_, or slaves, with which the country
abounded for many ages after. {234b} Some of the wretched inhabitants
were so fortunate as to make their escape to their countrymen, either in
_Wales_, or in _Devon_ and _Cornwall_, or else in _Cumberland_ and the
northern parts, where they made a noble stand, and long maintained their
liberty and independence.
SECTION II.
_Of the_ ANGLES, _from whom England_, _and the English language derive
their names_—_they seize on the parts about Lynn_, _and the whole
province of the ancient_ ICENI, _which receives the denomination of East
Anglia_, _and forms one of the kingdoms of the Heptarchy—revival of Lynn
in the mean time—with remarks on the adjacent country_.
Those Saxon conquerors of our island consisted of different clans, or
tribes, one of which went by the name of _Angles_; and though they are
not generally supposed to have composed the principal or most numerous
part of the invaders, yet it so happened, that the whole of the conquered
country and also the language of its new inhabitants took their names
from them. They took possession of the ancient country, or province of
the Iceni, and there founded the kingdom of East Anglia, or of East
Angles, comprehending the present counties of Norfolk, Suffolk,
Cambridge, and Huntingdon, which made some figure among its sister
kingdoms in the time of the Heptarchy. The kingdom of Mercia and that of
Northumberland also, it seems, were inhabited by the same people.
Of Lynn, during that dark and disastrous period, no account has been
preserved. It was probably destroyed by those merciless invaders, during
their long and bloody contest with the ill fated natives, along with many
other towns, all over the country, which certainly met the same fate.
{236} At what time it revived, or rose again into existence, is no where
recorded. But from the convenience and advantage of its situation it may
be supposed to have done so pretty soon after the government of the
East-Angles had assumed a settled form, and acquired a competent or
tolerable share of stability. That it existed under the East-Anglian
kings, seems a very natural and credible supposition; but whether it
stood then on the western side only, or on both sides of the river,
cannot now be ascertained. Under the Saxon princes that succeeded the
dissolution of the Heptarchy, it is well known to have extended to the
eastern shore of the river; and it is then, most probably, that we are to
date the origin of the present town or borough of Lynn. In the time of
Edward, called the confessor, we find it a place of trade and
considerable note; a plain proof that it must have been in being, and
growing into consequence a good while before that period. It belonged
then to _Ailmar_, bishop of Elmham, and his brother _Stigand_, archbishop
of Canterbury, when blind superstition and ecclesiastical servility may
naturally be supposed to have been among the principal or most
distinguished characteristics of its inhabitants. It continued afterward
under episcopal domination and ghostly discipline till the memorable
reign of Henry VIII. who thought proper to take into his own hands that
power or supremacy which was before vested in the bishops. In
consequence of which, it has ever since been called KING’S _Lynn_,
instead of BISHOP’S _Lynn_, which was its former appellation: an
appellation, by the bye, which will serve further to corroborate the
idea, that it was formerly the deleterious abode of priest-ridden
credulity and ecclesiastical thraldom. Indeed it may be said to have
been long distinguished for illiberality, intolerance, and a persecuting
spirit: and it must appear somewhat remarkable, that the very first
person taken up and burnt, in England, under that diabolical law, _De
hæretico comburendo_, was a Lynn man, as was also the last, or one of the
very last that underwent persecution for nonconformity under the infamous
_conventicle Act_: The former was one of the preachers belonging to St.
Margaret’s Church, in the reign of _Henry IV._ and the latter a licenced
dissenting minister in that of _William_ III. Of each of them a more
particular account shall be given in its proper place.
Not only Lynn, but most, if not all, of the adjacent towns and villages
appear to have been in being long before the conquest. They are noticed
in the celebrated old record, called _Domesday_, as places then in
existence, and seemingly of long standing and remote origin. They had,
in all probability, been erected and inhabited many ages before that
period, though it seems not likely that many of their present names, or
those given them in the Domesday book, are to be traced to a British
origin, as Parkin and others pretend. {238a}
That Lynn had become a place of considerable trade in the Saxon times, or
before the Norman invasion, is evident from unquestionable existing
documents. It had then a toll-booth, and enjoyed certain duties and
customs, payable on the arrival of any goods or merchandise, of which the
bishop was in full possession of a moiety. This episcopal privilege is
supposed to have been as early as the conversion of the East Angles, and
establishment of Christianity among them. The town continued daily to
flourish and acquire increasing importance; and at an early period after
the conquest, one of the writers of that time calls it, “a noble city,”
on account of its trading and commercial magnificence. {238b} This was
at a period when Hull did not exist, and when Liverpool, if it did exist,
was but a very obscure and insignificant place.
SECTION III.
_Of the Saltworks formerly at and about Lynn—paucity of appropriate
materials—apology_.
The vicinity of Lynn in the Saxon times, and long after, appears to have
been remarkable for its numerous Saltworks. {239a} At Gaywood alone, in
the Confessor’s time, there were no less than _thirty_ Salt pans, or
pits. {239b} The Salt springs of Droitwich, Nantwich, Northwich, &c.
were then, it seems, not so much attended to as to afford a supply to the
distant parts of the kingdom. The people of these parts were therefore
obliged to manufacture their own salt. To what extent the work was
carried on, or what quantity was generally, or annually produced, cannot
now be ascertained. Nor are we informed of the particular mode, or
process adopted and pursued in carrying on this ancient manufactory. It
was, probably, pretty simple and not very unlike that used in latter
times in the salt-works of South-town, by Yarmouth, and at other places.
By the great number of Salt-works then at Lynn, or in its neighbourhood,
it seems probable, that a considerable part of the adjacent country, and
the interior districts, were supplied from thence with that necessary
article: which might easily, even at that early period, be conveyed
thither, by means of the inland navigation, which always gave to Lynn the
vast advantage of a free and easy intercourse with all those places,
however distant, that are situated near the banks, or in the
neighbourhood of its numerous rivers. The Salt manufactured here was
made, it seems, from the sea water which the tides brought up to the
town, and which must have been, of course, much less salt, and less fit
for the purpose than the water found below in the roads, or at sea: it
appears therefore rather odd, that those salt-works should be placed so
far up the country, or so distant from the sea: and yet so it was; every
village and hamlet, almost, had then its Salt-work, or the moiety of one.
{240} Here it may be proper to observe, that, at the periods of which we
have been speaking, salt was not an article of revenue, and must
therefore have been a pretty cheap commodity compared to what it is now,
when the duty laid upon it by government is said to be above ten times
its prime, or original cost.
In attempting to give an account of the state of things at Lynn during
the period which we are now contemplating, almost all our light must be
borrowed from the general history of the kingdom in the mean while, as
the paucity of materials, relating particularly to this town, leaves us,
for the most part, no other clew for our guidance. The reader must not
therefore be displeased with the method here generally pursued, in
exhibiting the state or history of Lynn under its East-Anglian and
Anglo-Saxon sovereigns.
CHAP. III.
Of the religious profession of the first Anglian inhabitants of
Lynn—their renouncing heathenism, and assuming the christian name—account
of their conversion, and character of their Christianity.
SECTION I.
_Heathenism the religion of the first inhabitants of this town after its
revival_, _or restoration_, _under the East-Anglian government—they_,
_and the rest of the East Angles_, _together with the other branches of
the Heptarchy_, _become professors of Christianity—account of their
conversion_.
The inhabitants of Lynn, after it had been rebuilt and repeopled by its
Anglian masters, appear to have been blind heathens, and gross idolaters;
for when the Angles, or Anglo-Saxons seized upon this country, and
founded the East-Anglian kingdom, they were a nation of pagans,
worshippers of _Thor_ and _Woden_, and the rest of the miserable objects
of northern, or Scandinavian adoration; and so continued till the seventh
century. At that period, one of their princes, named _Sigebert_, having
lived sometime in exile among the Francs, was there converted to
Christianity. At his restoration to his kingdom, he brought over with
him one _Felix_, a Burgundian priest, who was employed in recommending to
the people the religion of their sovereign, in which he appears not to
have been unsuccessful. He was consequently appointed the first bishop
of the East Angles, and had his see fixed at _Soham_, {242} in
Cambridgeshire, and afterwards at _Domnoc_, or _Dunwich_, in Suffolk. He
is said to have taken no small pains in promoting the conversion of the
inhabitants; and the parts about Lynn seem to have engaged a considerable
share of his attention. In these very parts he is reported to have
commenced his labours, which issued in the conversion of the whole
country. Tradition gives to _Babingley_, by Lynn, the honour of being
the place where he first landed, and where was erected the very first
christian chapel, or place of worship among the East Angles. The second
edifice of the same description is said to have been erected at
_Sharnborn_, in the same neighbourhood. At what time the first place of
that sort was built at Lynn, cannot now be determined; but it seems very
probable that it must have been as early, at least, as the middle part of
the seventh century. It cannot, however be said, that the Christianity
then introduced was of any great value. The national character was not
much, if at all, mended by it; and the people still remained grossly
ignorant, profligate, and savage. What they wanted in rational piety and
real Christianity, they made up in stupid credulity, blind zeal, and
miserable superstition; and it had been well if their descendants had
always carefully avoided the imitation of their wretched and pernicious
example.
It is somewhat remarkable that Christianity, as it was called, was not
received among the East-Angles till it had made considerable progress in
most of the other kingdoms of the Heptarchy. In Kent it had been
received about the year 526, or soon after, by the ministry of _Austin_
the monk: and even before that time, several years, some of the Kentish
people had been brought to think favourably of that religion, by the
means of _Luidhart_, a French bishop, who had accompanied the princess
_Birtha_, daughter of Cherebert, king of Paris, upon her marriage with
Ethelbert the Kentish king. The conversion of the East Saxons took place
about the beginning of the seventh Century under the ministry of
_Mellitus_, their first bishop: and soon after, that of the
Northumbrians, where _Paulinus_ appeared as a very active and successful
labourer.
Felix did not begin his labours among the East Angles till about the year
630, when that religion had made some progress in all the other kingdoms,
perhaps, except that of Mercia, which seems to have been the last of the
seven to adhere to the profession of paganism. The Mercians, however,
were afterwards converted, and their country, at one time, formed into an
archiepiscopal province, whose seat or metropolis was _Litchfield_. Thus
the different branches of the hierarchy were all, by degrees, nominally
christianized. Of the nature, character, and value of that Christianity,
a just and proper idea may be formed from the following representations.
SECTION. II.
_Effects of the conversion of the East-Angles_, _and the other
sister-kingdoms—character of their Christianity_.
No sooner were the good people of this country converted from paganism
than _monkery_ began to be in great request among them. Many monasteries
were accordingly founded in all parts of England, which were quickly
crowded with inhabitants. A fondness for the monastic life is said to
have been here very much increased by an impious doctrine which began to
be broached and believed toward the close of the seventh century, “That
as soon as any person put on the habit of a monk, all the sins of his
former life were forgiven.” This is said to have engaged many princes
and great men (who are sometimes as great sinners as their inferiors) to
put on the monkish habit, and end their days in monasteries; which,
whatever it might be to themselves, was, probably, no mighty loss to
their subjects and vassals, or to the world.
Another remarkable feature in the character of the English christians of
the seventh and following centuries, was an extravagant veneration for
_relics_; in which the Romish priests drove then a very gainful trade, as
few good christians thought themselves safe from the perils or disasters
of life, and the machinations of the devil, unless they carried about
them the relics of some paint: nor could any church be dedicated without
a decent or certain quantity of the same sacred and precious ware. {244}
Stories of _dreams_, _visions_, and _miracles_ were also propagated
without a blush, by the clergy, and believed without a doubt, by the
laity. Extraordinary _watchings_, _fastings_, and other arts of
tormenting the body in order to save the soul, became frequent and
fashionable; and it began to be believed in the seventh century, that a
journey to Rome was a most meritorious undertaking, and even, of all
others, the most direct road to heaven.—Such was the christianity of the
good people of Lynn and the rest of their countrymen in those days.
In the eighth century the humour of making pilgrimages to Rome, and of
retiring into monasteries, still increasing, _Coinred_ king of Mercia, as
_Henry_ informs us, laid down his sceptre, and took up the pilgrim’s
staff, in 709, and travelled to Rome, accompanied by _Offa_, a young
prince of the royal family of the East-Saxons, where they both became
monks. Not long after, _Ina_, the warlike and victorious king of the
West Saxons imitated their example, and ended his days in a cloister at
Rome, where he founded a house for the entertainment of English pilgrims,
and the education of English youth.
Great numbers of _nuns_ also, and other English women, were among those
devout pilgrims who then travelled to Rome: but we have the testimony of
_Winfred_, alias _Boniface_, archbishop of Mentz, who lived at that
period, that they were generally debauched before they returned, and even
that many of them became common prostitutes in the cities of France and
Italy: he therefore exhorts and charges his friend _Cuthbert_, then
archbishop of Canterbury, to put a speedy stop to these scandalous female
pilgrimages.
The religious prayers and songs, which constituted the church service,
were then all in _Latin_, and so not understood by the common people, who
were therefore directed by the 27th. canon of the first council of
Cloveshoos, or Cliff, in Kent, {246} held in 747, to affix any meaning
they pleased to the words in their own minds, and to pray in their hearts
for any or every thing they wanted, no matter how foreign to the real
sense of the public prayers. A curious salvo, says _Henry_, for the
absurd practice of praying in an unknown tongue. The same canon contains
also the following short form of _prayer_, _for the dead_; “Lord,
according to the greatness of thy mercy, grant rest to his soul, and for
thy infinite pity, vouchsafe to him the joys of eternal light with thy
saints.”
Some of the nobility, or great men of that time, not very fond, it seems,
of going themselves through all the fastings and prayers enjoined them by
their confessors, would fain be allowed to have the service performed by
proxy: and it appears that they actually hired and employed poor people
to fast and pray in their stead. It was, certainly, a very notable as
well as convenient device, and became, it seems, pretty fashionable,
though it is said not to have the good fortune of obtaining the
approbation of the said council of Cloveshoos. {247a}
A late historian, {247b} alluding to this period, observes, “that long
fasting was then ordered frequently; but as the wealthy might abstain by
proxy, a seven years fast might be performed in three days, if the
principal could prevail with 840 persons each to take his share. This
concise plan of atonement for crimes, (he adds) was condemned solemnly at
the council of Cloveshoos; but the decree was disregarded.” The practice
therefore seems to have gone on unchecked, notwithstanding the decree of
that council. It was not to be expected that so convenient a custom
could be very easily abolished. It may be worth while to inquire,
whether it had in it, after all, any greater absurdity, than there is in
the present practice of the _infants_ at the font, making a confession of
their faith _by proxy_.
Towards the latter part of the above period, a law was enacted, enjoining
every priest to learn some handycraft, or manual occupation: which might
be very useful; at least, it could do no harm. Another law enjoined,
that they should all be capable of repeating the _Creed_, and the _Lord’s
prayer_: which also might be very right and proper; but it indicates that
learning was then at a very low ebb among the English clergy. We learn,
however, that in the reign of _Ethelred_, styled _the unready_, a mission
was sent from hence to Norway, at the request of the king of that
country, to convert the Norwegians and Swedes to the christian religion,
and that the archbishop of York, and other divines, actually went over on
that occasion, and met with great success; though some of them afterwards
are said to have suffered martyrdom; which seems rather odd, if the king,
as above suggested, was their patron. Whatever their learning might be,
their zeal must have been highly commendable and exemplary.
SECTION III.
_Christianity of the ancient inhabitants of Lynn_, _and of this country_,
_further characterized—whether very materially improved during the reign
of Alfred—remarks on that reign—papal instructions to the first
missionaries_.
Ignorance and superstition, instead of diminishing, appear to have
increased in England, during the_ eighth_ century. Pilgrimages to Rome
became far more frequent, and were attended with worse effects than
formerly; the rage of retiring to monasteries became more violent in
persons of all ranks, to the ruin of every useful art; the clergy became
more knavish and rapacious, and the laity more abject and stupid, than at
any former period: of which the trade of relics, then at its height, and
which can never be carried on, but between knaves and fools, is a
sufficient evidence.
During the memorable reign of the celebrated Alfred, the state of
religion has been supposed to have improved; but how far we are warranted
to admit, or carry that idea, does not seem very clear. Alfred was,
doubtless, a most excellent prince, as may fairly and justly be inferred
from that notable clause in his Will, “that the English had an undoubted
right to be free as their own thoughts,” and particularly from his so
greatly magnifying, and acting upon that never to be forgotten precept of
Christ, “to do unto others as we would have others do unto us;” not to
mention the many other notable and commendable deeds ascribed to him:
{249} but that he was instrumental in very materially reforming, or
improving the religion of his country, appears rather doubtful, if not
improbable. His altering the Ten Commandments, leaving out the _second_,
and adding another, to humour the worshippers of images, make very
considerably against the notion of his having much advanced the work of
religious reformation. The commandment which he added, was expressed in
these words, “Make not thou gods of gold, or of silver,” a precept, as it
has been observed, which few of his subjects could afford to transgress.
{250}
From Alfred’s days to the conquest, the religion of England experienced
no amendment; nor ever after till the Era of the reformation, or the
16th. century, except what took place under the influence of Wickliff,
and the Lollards; but they were soon crushed under the heavy and strong
hand of priestly and royal persecution: the very first victim, as was
before observed, was a Lynn man.
From the above representation of the original christianity of the English
nation, and of the Lynn people among the rest, one cannot be very much
biassed in its favour. But we shall cease to wonder at its being no
better, when we consider whence it proceeded, and under what sort of
rules or maxims it was introduced. It was first brought hither and
promulgated by _Austin_, a monk of the convent of St. Andrew’s at Rome,
accompanied by forty other Romish monks, all sent by the then Pope, whose
name was _Gregory_, commonly called Gregory the first, and _Saint_
Gregory, who was advanced to the papal chair in 590. Austin and his
companions arrived here in 596. Among the instruction which pope Gregory
gave Austin for the regulation of his conduct and ministry, the following
are not the least remarkable.—
“He was not to destroy the heathen temples of the English, but only
to remove the images of their gods, to wash the wails with holy
water, to erect altars, and deposit relics in them, and so convert
them into christian churches; not only to save the expence of
building new ones, but that the people might more easily be prevailed
upon to frequent those places of worship, to which they had been
accustomed. He directs him further, to accommodate the ceremonies of
the christian worship as much as possible to those of the heathen,
that the people might not be much startled at the change; and in
particular he advises him to allow the christian converts, on certain
festivals, to kill and eat a great number of oxen, to the glory of
God, as they had done formerly to the honour of the devil.” {252}
These admonitions, (says Dr. Henry) which were but too well observed,
introduced the grossest corruption into the christian worship, and shew
how much the apostles of the sixth and seventh centuries had departed
from the simplicity and sincerity of those of the first.
CHAP. IV.
Miscellaneous observations, on the social distinctions, and the general
state of the community among the Anglo-Saxons.
SECTION I.
_State of society at Lynn_, _and in this country_, _before the Conquest_.
Of the state of Society in this country, as to the different ranks among
the inhabitants, the following is thought to be a pretty fair and true
representation.—The next rank below that of the royal family was held by
the _Thanes_, which were, it seems, of different degrees, and we are told
that the highest order among them went by the name of _king’s thanes_.
{253} These also are said to have been of two different sorts,
_Eoldermen_, and _Eorles_; the former supposed to be supreme in the
administration of justice; the latter comprehended military as well as
civil authority, but was not hereditary till the close of the Saxon
dynasty. The _Ceorles_ (Churles, or Carles) were next below the thanes.
They were free, descended from yeomen, and were chiefly engaged in
husbandry. To them the gate of nobility was open, and they might become
thanes by five different methods. {254a} Another order, or description
of men, in those times, was called _Huscarles_; (i.e. house-carles:) they
were retainers, or domestic dependents of the thanes, and reputed
freemen. All the rest of the community, it seems, were slaves, of
different descriptions. Of them however, it would sometimes happen,
though but very rarely, that some obtained manumission, and they formed a
particular class, denominated _Freed-men_; but we are told that they were
few, and little regarded. They could obtain, it seems, no rank in the
state; and applying, for the most part, to mechanical employments, seem
hardly to have been distinguished from the race which they had
quitted.—Slaves were never suffered to carry arms, and the very gift of a
weapon conferred freedom. Of the other orders no man went abroad without
his spear; and laws were enacted to guard against damages occasioned by
the careless bearer. In battle the ceorles who formed the infantry,
beside a broad sword, and sometimes a club, bore only a round shield with
an offensive pointed weapon in the centre. The cavalry being composed of
thanes, huscarles, and the richer ceorles, who could afford to keep
horses, was better provided with defensive armour. {254b}
The enslaved part of the inhabitants, and which is said to have
constituted by far the most numerous class of the community, went, like
the privileged orders, by different names. Of them the chief and most
remarkably were the _Villani_ and the _Servi_. In regard to the former,
we are told that Villenage was of two kinds: 1st _Pure Villenage_, to
which some were subject from their birth, from whom uncertain and
indeterminate service was due to the lord. The successors of these are
our _copy-holders_; who, though time has dealt favourably with them in
other respects, still retain one mark of their original vassalage, or
servitude; for as of old the former were not reckoned as members of the
commonwealth, but merely as part and parcel of the owner’s substance, no
way entitled to the privileges of freemen, so do their successors still
continue without any right to vote at elections by virtue of their
copy-holds. 2nd _Villenage by Tenure_, which bound the tenant to perform
certain services agreed upon between him and his lord; such as ploughing
his ground, reaping his corn, &c.
The lowest, as well as most numerous class of slaves among the
Anglo-Saxons were the _Servi_, who, (as well as all the rest of the
unfreemen,) were probably the descendants of the aboriginal inhabitants,
who had escaped the general massacre, or whose lives had been spared at
the reduction and conquest of the country. These were protected by
neither law nor religion, for a very long period; and they consequently
suffered the most unfeeling and cruel treatment. Christianity is said to
have ameliorated their condition. It certainly ought to have done so;
but from such a christianity no material amelioration could well have
been expected. Even our own boasted protestantism, how feeble has
generally been its influence in such cases! The long and bloody contest
between the rival and barbarous houses of York and Lancaster did more, it
seems, for the relief and emancipation of those poor English slaves than
any thing else; for the contending parties, in order to recruit and
reinforce their armies, found it convenient and necessary to liberate
great numbers of them: at length they were all manumitted, and Britain
now contains no people of that description. It would be well if the same
could be said of every other, part of the British dominions. These Servi
are often mentioned by Bloomfield and Parkin, and appear to have been
very numerous in the parts about Lynn before the conquest, and even long
after that period.
Beside the Villani and Servi, we meet with other descriptions of bondmen,
whose condition seem to have been less abject; at least, less so than the
latter. Of those one sort was called _Bordarii_, _Bordars_, or
_Borderers_: they were such as held a cottage, or some small parcel of
land, on condition of supplying the lord with poultry, eggs, and other
small provisions for his board and entertainment. Such small estates
were formerly called _Bord-lands_, now _demesnes_.—_Coliberti_ was the
name of another description of bondmen among the Anglo-Saxons; and they
were, it seems, a middle sort of tenants, between servile and free; they
had their patrons, to whom they paid rent, and were manumised as servants
used to be, but were not absolutely free. They were such of the Servi as
were enfranchised, or liberated in a certain degree, but still paid some
duties to the superior lord. They appear to have been held in scarcely
any higher estimation than the class to which they had originally
belonged.—The _Burgaris_, _Burgenses_, or _Burgesses_, was another order
of bondmen among the Anglo-Saxons. They were tradesmen in great towns,
and had their patrons, under whose protection they traded, and to whom
they paid an acknowledgement; but some of them were in a more servile
condition, and altogether under the power of the king, or other lords.
{257a} Some of the above descriptions of Anglo-Saxon bondmen, or British
slaves, and particularly the Villani, the Servi, and the Bordarii, were
very numerous in the parts about Lynn, in the times of which we are now
speaking, and long after. {257b} England did then so abound in slaves,
and was so much _a land of slaves_, as to be able to carry on a trade in
that commodity with other nations, and especially the _Irish_, whom
English merchants, for a long time, abundantly supplied with that
favourite article, out of their home stock, or native produce, with as
little shame or remorse as they have in modern times supplied the West
Indies and North America with the poor defenceless natives of ill-fated
Africa. {257c} And yet the English was then, as well as now, a christian
nation, priding herself in the fond idea of the purity and pre-eminence
of her goodness, faith, and piety. Alas, for poor christianity! How
often hath her venerable name been profaned and postituted on the vilest
occasions, and for the basest of purposes!
SECTION II.
_Of the WITTENAGEMOTE and other courts_, _maxims of jurisprudence_,
_institution of tythings_, _nuptial and funeral rites_, _sacerdotal_,
_domestic_, _and other customs_, _among the Anglo-Saxons_.
The _Wittenagemote_, or assembly of wise men, was the highest court among
the Anglo-Saxons, and from which our parliament seems to have originated.
Bishops, judges, and thanes composed it, and it does not appear that the
lower orders, or bulk of the people were there any how represented. The
business of this assembly was prepared and opened by the king.—Another
high court, but inferior to the former, was the _Shiregemote_, in which
much business was transacted in the way of a modern assize. The
Eolderman, or the Eorle was the president, and the domesmen, or judges,
with certain _lawmen_, as they were called, formed the bench. It was
held only twice in the year.—The _Hundred Court_ came next, over which
the Hundredary presided. Sales of estates, registering of Wills,
manumission of slaves, &c. were here transacted. It was also called
_Wapontake_, from the custom of always attending well armed. It was the
repository of deeds and records, was held monthly, and had the
jurisdiction of ten tythings.
Compensation to the injured party or his family, rather than the
annoyance of the criminal, being the principle of the Anglo-Saxon
jurisprudence, capital punishments were unfrequent. The chastity of
maidens was protected by very severe laws; the ravisher of a nun was
fined as an assassin, and the violator of a child incurred the penalty of
a severe mutilation. Murder, as well as manslaughter, might be atoned
for, at a stated price: every wound had its exact value; robbery was
venial, and when committed on a bordering country, (although in peace)
was almost deemed laudable. {259}
It was in the institution of _Tythings_, or neighbourships, that the
wisdom of the Anglo-Saxons appeared most conspicuous and admirable.
Every ten families were connected together, as fellows in arms and in
civil society. Each answered for the others’ good behaviour to the
magistrate, and each joined in paying the penalty which any one member
might casually incur. A man who was not inrolled in these tythings was
avoided by all, as a vagabond and person of bad character; nor could he
hope to be admitted to a tything unless his probity was generally
acknowledged. To Alfred this excellent institution is said to owe its
perfection; and its effects on society must have been very great and
salutary. {260}
Of the customs of the ancient inhabitants of Lynn, and of the
Anglo-Saxons in general, relating to _matrimony_, the following appear to
have been some of the most remarkable and striking.—Every unmarried woman
was supposed to have a guardian, or owner: the virgin belonged to her
father, brother, uncle, or nearest male relation; the widow claimed the
same protection from her husband’s male relatives; the lover was obliged
to buy his mistress, of her guardian, by a gift, the amount of which was
settled by a law, that set a higher price on the maid, by one half, than
on the relict. If unadvisedly the wooer wedded the lady without the
guardian’s consent, her property and goods were still the property of
that guardian, and an injury offered to her was to be atoned for to him,
and not to the spouse. At the wedding, the guardian delivered up his
ward to the husband, a friend of whom had previously avowed himself the
guarantee of a proper provision for the bride in case of his death. At
the feast which followed, the usual and large presents of gold, silver,
arms, cloths, household stuff, &c. made by the invited friends and
relations, formed the portion of the bride, who had beside, from custom
immemorial, a right to ask of her mate, on the next sun-rising after her
nuptials, a gift, to serve her as pin-money. As to what related to
_divorces_, among these people, we meet with no particular account. In
the _education_ of their children, they only sought to render them
dauntless, and apt for the two most important occupations of their future
lives, war and the chase. It was a usual trial of a child’s courage to
place him on the sloping roof of a building, and if, without screaming or
apparent terror, he held fast, it was deemed a favourable omen, and he
was pronounced a _brave boy_.
The _burial_ ceremony is said to have been much more joyous among them
than that of marriage; which seems to imply something very unnatural, as
well as barbarous. The house in which the body lay till its burial, was
a perpetual scene of feasting, singing, dancing, and every species of
riot. This, of course, was very expensive to the family of the deceased;
and it was in some places carried so far, that the corpse was forcibly
kept unburied by the visiting friends, till they were certain that they
had consumed, in games and frantic festivity, all the wealth the deceased
had left behind him.—Nothing can well exceed the barbarism and
brutishness of such a custom: and yet it seems to have long continued in
some parts of this island after the introduction of christianity, and
even of protestantism. Nay, some remains of it are known to have existed
in some places within the memory of some of the present inhabitants. It
is surprising how tenacious mankind often are of their ancient customs,
be they ever so vile, unseemly, or heathenish. Heathenish, certainly, or
of pagan origin, must this most odious practice have been: but it is not
the only English custom that comes under that description. The _Waites_,
that usually go about before christmas, may be considered as of the
self-same origin, and belonged, in all likelihood, to a certain pagan,
riotous, and lawless feast, celebrated at that time of the year: the
precursor and prototype of our principal christian festival. The
ushering in of May with the _blowing of horns_, a custom now almost, if
not _altogether peculiar to Lynn_, seems evidently to be of the same
class. It is still most tenaciously kept up in this town, by the boys
and children, though nobody pretends to know either its meaning or its
origin. But as May-Day is known to have been one of the highest and most
notable days of the year among our heathen ancestors, the said custom may
very safely be concluded to have originated with them; especially as that
day does not appear to have ever been very much thought of by the
papists.
A notable custom among the Anglo-Saxon christians of the eighth century,
and from which Lynn cannot be supposed exempted, was that of the _Clergy_
usually celebrating Mass, or administering the Sacrament _without Shoes
and Stockings_, and with chalices made of horn: which seems to shew, that
they had not then arrived at that sacerdotal pride and pomp, at least in
regard to their dress, which became so prevalent among those of their
order in latter times, when they thought proper to assume a consequence
so far above the other orders of the community.
In private life the Anglo-Saxons are said to have been devout to the
extreme of credulity, and hospitable to drunken extravagance. Their
manners were rough, but social; their tables were plainly, but
plentifully served. Large joints of roasted meat seem to have had the
preference; salted victuals also were much in use. At table, the rank of
the guests was strictly observed; and, by the laws of Canute, a person
sitting above his proper station was to be pelted out of his place with
bones, at the discretion of the company, without the privilege of taking
offence. The lady, (or, as the Saxons named her, _leaf-dien_, the bread
giver) sat, as now, at the upper end of the table, and distributed the
provisions to her guests. The liquors used at genteel tables were wine,
ale, and spiced ale, pigment (a composition of wine, spice, and honey,)
morat, (honey diluted with mulberry juice) and mead. {263} Such, as may
reasonably be concluded, was the state of things with regard to these
matters, in the best of the families of Lynn at those times.
SECTION III.
_State of learning_, _and of the medical profession_, _among the
Anglo-Saxons_.
Learning during the time now alluded to was at a very low ebb in this
Country. “Among the various discouragements, (says _Andrews_) which
literature was obliged to encounter in this ill-fated period may be
reckoned the extreme scarcity of materials for writing.” A strong proof
of which (he adds) “is that many of the MSS. of the 10th and 11th
centuries are written on parchment, from which older works (perhaps the
Decades of Livy) have been erased.” It was for want of parchment to draw
the deeds upon, (as he supposes,) that estates, were then frequently
conveyed from one family to another by the ceremony of a turf and a
stone, delivered before witnesses, without any written agreement.
However that was, England even in those dark times, exhibited some rays
of intellectual light, and produced some literary characters that would
have done honour to more enlightened ages. _Bede_, in particular, styled
_the Venerable_, who flourished in the 8th century, and has been called,
_the wise Saxon_, is believed to have comprised, in eight folio volumes,
the whole body of knowledge that his age afforded. To him may be added
_Egbert_, arch-bishop of York, and his pupil _Alcuin_, both distinguished
in their day for extraordinary literary attainments. _Alfred_ and his
learned associates appeared in the 9th century, and were the ornaments of
that dark age; but the light which they exhibited was not lasting, and
they left no successors that were any way worthy of them. In the 10th
(and most part of the 11th) century, scarce any man of literature
appeared among the English. _Elfric_ is said to have been by far the
most remarkable and eminent. He was styled _the grammarian_, from his
having written a Latin grammar. Two volumes of homilies, in MS.
translated by him from the Latin into the Saxon language, are said to be
still extant. Very few beside have in any degree contributed to
illuminate the gloom of that dismal period. _Gerbert_, however, who,
from a low origin, was advanced to the papal chair in 999, under the name
of _Silvester_ II. deserves to be respectfully noticed, as it is to his
experience, gained by travel, and a long residence among foreign nations,
that our arithmetic is said to owe the use of the Saracen numerals.—But
as none of these persons appear to have sprung from Lynn, or its
vicinity, no further notice can properly be taken of them in this work;
and what has been already said of them and other extraneous matters, was
chiefly intended for the purpose of pointing out the probable state of
things at Lynn in the meantime, for want of more suitable and appropriate
materials.
PHYSIC and SURGERY, during those early ages, were in a most wretched
state in this country, and, of course, among the inhabitants of Lynn.
Old women were then the chief professors of the medical art; and as they
mingled charms and spells with their prescriptions, the patient’s fancy
sometimes effected, or, at least, assisted in effecting the cure. As
Christianity gained ground, the clergy, having much time on their hands,
applied themselves to the study of medicine, but made so little progress,
that for a long time, _Holy Water_ seems to have been the prescription to
which they chiefly trusted. If holy water were still in use, as a
popular, fashionable, or favourite medical prescription, instead of the
innumerable patent medicines, and other vile quackeries that now disgrace
this ill-fated country, it had been better, no doubt, for the health and
constitutions of myriads of our unwary and credulous fellow-subjects.
There seems, however, but little prospect of an end to this great and
growing evil, while quackery continues to be so convenient and gainful to
the state, or to contribute so largely, as it now does, to the revenue of
the kingdom. But it is not the only public evil, the prospect of whose
extinction appears very distant and hopeless.
SECTION IV.
_Expressive and remarkable names of the months—state of the coinage_, _or
currency—general value of different commodities in this country before
the conquest—slavery—comparison with the present course of things_.
The inhabitants of Lynn and the rest of their countrymen, in the
Anglo-Saxon ages, could give more satisfactory reasons, it seems, for the
names of their months, than we can for those of ours. December, which
with them stood first, was called _Midwinter-monath_, the midwinter
month. January, was denominated _Aefter-yula_, that is, after Christmas,
or rather, after the feast called Yula, a pagan, riotous, lawless
festival, observed at that time of the year, and to which our Christmas
succeeded, with no small resemblance. February, they called
_Sol-monath_, the sun month, from the returning of the sun at that
season. March, they named _Rhede_, or _Reth-monath_, the rough, or
rugged month. April’s name was _Easter-monath_, from a favourite Saxon
goddess, whose festival was kept at that time, and may be said to be
still kept by us, under the idea of the christian passover, which we seem
to have dedicated to that same pagan goddess, by our continuing to
preserve her precious memory, and celebrating the feast still in her
name. May was called _Trimilchi_, from the cows being then milked three
times in the day. June’s name was _Seremonath_, the dry month, July was
called _Mœd-monath_, the mead month, from the meads being then in their
bloom and beauty, or the people being there employed in hay making.
August had the name of _Weod-monath_, the weed month, from the
luxuriance, or abundance of weeds at that time. September was named
_Hærfest-monath_, or the harvest month. October bore the name of
_Winter-fyllith_, or winterfall, from winter approaching with the full
moon of that month. November, their last month, they called
_Blot-monath_, blood month, from the blood of the cattle then slain and
stored for winter provision.
The Anglo-Saxons are said to have made use of coins as early as the reign
of Ethelbright, or Ethelbert, who governed Kent from 561 to 616; as the
fines ordered in his laws are all estimated by shillings, which was even
then a denomination of money. The money-pound of the Anglo-Saxons, is
thought to have been the same with the Tower-pound long in use at the
mint, and to have weighed less than the Troy-pound by ¾ of a Troy-ounce.
Its value was about 2_l._ 16_s._ 3_d._ of modern money. {268a} The
_Mark_, like the Pound an imaginary coin, weighed eight ounces, or two
thirds of the Pound. The merchant reckoned 12 ounces to the mark. Its
value was 1_l._ 17_s._ 9_d._ The _Mancus_, a real coin, was valued at
the 8th. of a mark, or 4_s._ and 8_d._ The Shilling, a real coin, was
worth about eleven pence farthing of our money. The Anglo-Saxon penny,
(pening, or sceata,) was a silver coin, and weighed near three-pence of
our money. This little piece would do more in those times for its owner,
than some shillings would do now. Halflings and Feorthlings, were the
half, and the fourth, or quarter of the Anglo-Saxon penny, and were of
silver. To these may be added a small brass coin called Styca. Beside
these coins, it was usual with the Anglo-Saxons to complete the sum
destined for any particular purpose, by adding what they called _live
money_, such as oxen, sheep, horses, or _slaves_; {268b} which last
species of traffick was carried to an almost incredible height of
brutality.
The value or price of cattle, land, and other commodities, in the times
of which we are now speaking, amounted to but a very small portion of
what they now fetch.
“By the laws of Athelstan, (says Dr. Mavor) a sheep was valued at a
shilling, or fifteen-pence of our money: an ox was computed at six
times the value of a sheep, and a cow at four. A horse was valued at
thirty shillings of our money, and a mare at twenty-four. Between
the years 900 and 1000, a hide of land was purchased for about one
hundred and eighteen shillings, which was little more than a shilling
per acre. {269} On the whole, (he adds) when we combine the
alteration in the weight of the pound, and the modern value of the
precious metals from their greater plenty, we may conceive every sum
of money mentioned by historians, during the Anglo-Saxon, and even
the Norman times, as if it were multiplied more than a hundred-fold
above a sum of the same denomination at present.”
SECTION V.
_Probability that Lynn was formerly concerned in the exportation of
slaves—comparison between the ancient and modern English
slave-dealers_—slaves and horses _the chief exports of this country in
those days—corn not then exported_, _though it had been
formerly—imports—commerce—miscellaneous hints and observations_.
Considering how very fruitful in slaves England appears to have been
under the Anglo-Saxons, and how commonly they bought and sold their
slaves, (and even their own kindred,) and that they were actually a
principal article of their exports to other countries, {270} it is more
than probable that Lynn and other Norfolk ports were then deeply
concerned in that traffic.—Slaves are known to have then abounded in the
parts about this town; and no other commodity, or produce of the country,
was more marketable, or saleable, both at home and abroad; we may
therefore be sure that the merchants and opulent people of Lynn were not
inattentive to so fashionable and profitable a branch of commerce. Some
indeed, even then, disapproved of it, and a bishop, of the name of
_Wolfstan_, is said to have firmly set his face against it at Bristol,
and to have made the people somewhat ashamed of their proceedings; but it
does not appear that they relinquished it, for Bristol continued to be
the chief English mart for slaves, long after his time. His conduct,
however, was highly laudable, memorable, and exemplary; but where among
our modern prelates, can we find one that has virtue or fortitude enough
to imitate the noble example of Wolfstan!
How vile and mercenary must the character of those ancient English
dealers in human flesh appear, when we contemplate them as selling their
own countrymen and neighbours, and even their kindred! It reminds us of
what has often been said of the modern commercial, or mercantile
character: that a merchant would sell his own father, if he could do it
safely and gainfully.—Between our ancient and modern English slave
dealers, there is some dissimilarity, though they both acted from the
same principle, and the conduct of each appears thoroughly unjustifiable
and atrocious.—The latter dealt only in strangers, at a great distance,
and of another colour; but the former trafficked, as was before observed,
in their own countrymen, and near neighbours, brought up among them, and,
occasionally, even in their own near relations. Of the two, therefore,
the conduct of the ancients appears, at first sight, as far the most
unnatural and stocking; but that will cease to be the case, upon further
consideration, and when times and circumstances are duly attended to.
Those ancients lived in rude and barbarous ages, when the natural rights
of man were not understood, and when darkness visible was every where
predominant; which must, in some measure, extenuate their misdeeds. But
our modern slave-dealers have carried on their operations in the open
day, and in the very face of the sun—they have adhered to this most
barbarous and savage traffick in the most enlightened age of the
world—they have persisted in it, in spite of the frequent and solemn
remonstrances of the most virtuous and enlightened of their countrymen,
and in defiance of the clearest demonstrations of the flagiciousness of
their conduct. They have, therefore, no cloak for their sin, no excuse
or palliating plea for their atrocities. To them belongs the
pre-eminence of turpitude and infamy, and they may be said to stand at
the head of those monsters who have been a disgrace to christianity, to
humanity, and to their country.
_Slaves_ and _horses_ appear to have been the principal, if not the only
articles exported from this country during the Anglo-Saxon ages. Corn
constituted then no article of our exports, though it had done so
formerly, in a considerable degree, while Britain formed a part of the
Roman Empire. Agriculture must therefore have miserably declined here
since the arrival of the Saxons, and the country had no reason to
congratulate itself on its change of masters. After the introduction of
Christianity the monks are said to have been, by much the best
husbandmen, and also the best, if not the only gardeners in the country.
They were certainly the most enlightened class of the community, and the
little knowledge and learning which the country then possessed were
chiefly, if not entirely, confined within the solemn precincts of the
monasteries.
Of our _imports_ in those days, _books_, _relics_, _pictures_, and
_images of saints_, _clerical vestments_, and _church ornaments_, are
said to have been the chief articles; which gives but a very miserable
idea of the state of the country, and its commerce, in the mean
time.—They were however, not the only articles, for it appears that
_wines_ also were imported from France and Spain, _cloths_ from Germany
and Flanders, _furs_, _deer-skins_, (and probably, _bear-skins_,)
_ropes_, _whale oil_, &c. from Scandinavian and even a portion of all the
different commodities then known in any part of Europe is supposed to
have been at that period imported to this country. Yet the balance of
trade is said to have been much in our favour—that is, we got much more
by the sale of our _Slaves_ and _horses_, in which our exports consisted,
than what we lost or laid out in the purchase of all the various articles
which we imported, many of which, at the same time, must have been pretty
expensive. This seems to imply, that those _Slaves_ and _horses_, with
which foreign markets were supplied from hence, must have been very
numerous, as well as very beneficial and lucrative to our English
merchants.
During some part of this period the shipping of England seems to have
been pretty numerous; but what portion of it belonged to the port of Lynn
does not appear. The royal navy too, was at times on a respectable
footing, particularly in the reigns of Alfred and Canute, as well as in
those of Edgar, surnamed the peaceable, and Ethelred: the latter is said
to have possessed near 800 sail of men of war, {274} but they were all
what would now be called small vessels. The military force of the
kingdom consisted generally of about 50,000, though on extraordinary
occasions it considerably exceeded that number.
For a long time, _markets_ were usually kept on _Sundays_, in or near
some _church_, but that being found somewhat inconvenient, as interfering
with the religious service of the day, they were afterwards changed to
Saturdays. The _fairs_ of those times were also generally kept within
the precincts of some great churches, or monasteries, on some notable
day, generally the anniversary of the patron saint, and it was customary
to oblige every comer to the fair, at the gate, before he entered, to
_swear_ that he would neither _lie_, _steal_, nor _cheat_: which might be
very useful, if the people had then a proper sense of the sacredness of
oaths, otherwise it would be of but little avail, as it is to be feared
it would also be in the present day, when, from the multiplicity or
commonness of oaths, a disposition to trifle with, or make light of them
is notoriously prevalent. For holding these fairs, bishops and abbots
obtained charters from the crown, with a view to increase their own
revenues by the tolls which such charters would authorise them to levy on
such occasions. Thus every thing contributed to the aggrandizement of
the church. Before the end of this period, the clergy had possession of
more than a third part of all the land in the kingdom, with the tithes of
all the rest.
Much attention was then bestowed on the decoration of churches and
religious houses. Organs and bells were introduced toward the latter
part of this period. The famous _Saint Dunstan_ gave a fine organ, in
the reign of Edgar, to the abbey of Glastonbury. Bells became very
common about the 10th century, and were hung in the towers of churches,
which were then all of wood: only the altars were, it seems, built of
stone. The first _set_ of bells in this kingdom, that we hear of, was at
_Croyland_, in Lincolnshire, in the reign of Athelstan, a gift of the
abbot _Turketul_ to that celebrated monastery. {275} There had, however,
been _single_ bells in England long before that period, and even as early
as the 7th century, as is attested by _Bede_. In the time of M. Paris,
bells were not allowed to ring at funerals, as inspiring too gay and
unsuitable ideas. Clocks also began to be introduced here toward the
close of this period. About the same time, the English began to be
expert and noted manufacturers of woollen cloth; the value of a sheep’s
fleece, of course, was then well understood, and rated at two fifths of
the animal’s whole price. Silk, though now beginning to be imported, was
not woven here until some centuries afterwards: linen, in the mean time,
was extremely scarce. It is very remarkable, but seemingly an
unquestionable fact, that highly finished works in gold and silver, were
the production even of our darkest ages. The monks, in those times, were
the best artists, and the famous St. Dunstan inferior to none of them.
Yet the means of supplying life with necessaries, appear to have been but
imperfectly known and cultivated. The pagans of Sussex, in the 7th.
century, though starving for want of food, knew not how to catch any
fish, except eels, until bishop Wilfred, who came thither in 678,
instructed them in the use of nets. He took 300 at a draught; and by
thus supplying their bodily wants, rendered their minds tractable to his
doctrines, and easily succeeded in their conversion. {276}—Our modern
missionaries to the south sea isles, and other foreign parts, would do
well to imitate his example, and not confine their attention or labours
solely to religious instruction. A goodly pattern of the same kind has
also been very lately set before them among the North American Indians by
the _Quaker missionaries_. But it is to be feared that they and their
employers are too wise in their own eyes to profit by such examples.
SECTION VI.
_Population of Lynn_, _and the country in general_, _before the
conquest—condition of the bulk of the inhabitants in the mean
time—sufferings of the inhabitants of Lynn and the adjacent country from
the Danes—intrepid and ferocious character of that people—instruments of
vengeance on the Anglo-Saxons—their disposition and character not much
changed by their conversion to christianity—remarkable instances of
imposition_, _superstition_, _and credulity_.
Of the population of Lynn, at any time during that long period, from the
establishment of the Saxons to that of the Normans, no estimate can now
be formed; but it is pretty certain that the major part of its
inhabitants, as well as those of the adjacent country, and of all the
rest of England, were _Slaves_, during the whole of that time, and long
after. Those unfortunate people, for the most part at least, appear to
have been the descendants of the original inhabitants, who were reduced
to that condition, at the subjugation, of conquest of the country, and
whose lives had been then spared, on condition of their becoming the
property, or goods and chattels of the conquerors. So did the Saxons
treat those of the natives whose lives they condescended to spare; all
the rest they butchered without mercy, except such of them as were
fortunate enough to escape to the unsubdued parts of the island. Of
these cruel and horrid deeds, they never appear to have repented, even
after they assumed the name of christians, for the bondage still
continued; but, in time, a severe retaliation took place, and the Saxons,
in their turn, were treated much after the same manner as they had
formerly treated the Britons. Long peace had destroyed their martial
spirit: from a very warlike people, they became gradually a most
dastardly race, and so fell an easy prey to the ferocious Danes. The
difference at that time between these two nations in point of military
prowess, is said to be so great that the Saxons, alias the English,
frequently fled before inferior numbers of the Danes, and could hardly be
prevailed upon to meet them in the field of battle on any terms. “Oh the
misery and worldly shame in which England is involved through the wrath
of God! (said an English bishop in the reign of Ethelred the unready)
How often doth two or three troops of Danes drive the whole English army
before them from sea to sea, to our eternal infamy, if we were capable of
feeling shame! But, alas! so abject are we become, that we worship those
who trample upon us, and load us with indignities.” Such was then the
abject submission of the English to the insolence of the Danes, “that
when an Englishman met a Dane on a bridge, or in a narrow path, where he
could not avoid him, he was obliged to stand still, with his head
uncovered, and in a bowing posture, till he was out of sight.” Nay, we
are assured that English submission and Danish insolence and brutality
were sometimes carried still further, and even to degrees that are almost
incredible, as well as too indelicate to relate. {278} These Danes, who
now became the instruments of retaliation and vengeance upon the
Anglo-Saxons, were remarkable for their extraordinary military skill and
intrepidity; and they were as unfeeling and ferocious as the latter
appear to have been at the time when they invaded and conquered this
country: they were therefore probably the fitter for the execution of the
work in which they were employed. Much has been said of the cruelties
committed by the Danes in this country: they were certainly very enormous
and shocking; but there is no reason to conclude that they exceeded, or,
perhaps, even equalled those which the Saxons had before exercised upon
the former inhabitants. Of all the perpetrators of Danish enormities, in
this island, _Guthrum_ seems to be the foremost, or most conspicuous, in
the pages of our ancient historians. Of him one of them speaks thus—“The
cruel Guthrum arrived in England A.D. 878, at the head of an army of
Pagan Danes, no less cruel than himself; who, like inhuman savages,
destroyed all before them with fire and sword, involving cities, towns,
and villages, with their inhabitants, in devouring flames; and cutting
those in pieces with their battle-axes who attempted to escape from their
burning houses. The tears, cries, and lamentations of men, women, and
children, made no impressions upon their unrelenting hearts; even the
most tempting bribes, and the humblest offers of becoming their slaves,
had no effect. All the towns through which they passed exhibited the
most deplorable scenes of misery and desolation; as, venerable old men
lying with their throats cut before their own doors; the streets covered
with the bodies of young men and children, without heads, legs, or arms;
and of matrons and virgins, who had been first publicly dishonoured, and
then put to death.” {279} This is very shocking, and looks like
providential retaliation. The annals of history exhibit many instances
of the same kind. The Danish warriors were always prodigal of life, and
not only did not fear, but even courted a violent death. A natural death
they dreaded, as a most ignoble and disgraceful end, and which they
always appeared very anxious to avoid. No wonder that they became the
terror of every nation against which they happened to wage war. No
greater evil could well befall any people than to have them for their
enemies and invaders.
To no part of this island did the Danes prove a greater, or more terrible
scourge than to the province of the East Angles, which became one of
their principal settlements, and where they committed the most shocking
barbarities. Hence we may very safely conclude that the sufferings which
the inhabitants of Lynn experienced from them must have been exceedingly
grievous and deplorable. But as those sufferings have not been recorded
they cannot now be described or particularized.
The Danes, as well as the Anglo-Saxons, when they invaded this country
were pagans. Both of them afterward took up the profession of
christianity; but it was only its profession, or bare name that they did
take up. Their former ferocity still remained. They continued grossly
ignorant, superstitious, and heathenish, and exhibited scarcely a spark
of the real spirit of the religion of Christ, except perhaps in the
latter part of the reign of Alfred. Their ghostly, or religious
instructors were miserable and blind guides, or knavish and artful
impostors, who taught them that the most meritorious actions consisted in
erecting and endowing monasteries, performing pilgrimages, and
reverencing the priesthood. From such pretended or pseudo-christianity,
what good effect could be expected? Grapes cannot be gathered of thorns,
or figs of thistles.—When Earl Alwine, who was the greatest and richest
man in England, in the reign of Edgar the peaceable, consulted St.
Oswald, bishop of York, what he should do to obtain the pardon of his
sins, the _sainted_ prelate made him the following eloquent harangue: “I
beseech your excellency to believe that those holy men who have retired
from the world, and spend their days in poverty and prayer, are the
greatest favourites of heaven, and the greatest blessings to the world.
It is by their merits that the divine judgements are averted and changed;
that plagues and famines are removed; that healthful seasons and
plentiful harvests are procured; that states and kingdoms are governed;
that prisons are opened, captives delivered, shipwrecks prevented, the
weak strengthened, and the sick healed: that I may say all in one word,
it is by their merits that this world, so full of wickedness, is
preserved from immediate ruin and destruction. I intreat you therefore,
my dear son, if you have any place in your estate fit for that purpose,
that you immediately build a monastery, and fill it with holy monks,
whose prayers will supply all your defects, and expiate all your crimes.”
The Apostles, no doubt, would have answered such an inquiry very
differently. The building of Ramsey abbey, however, as Dr. Henry
observes, was the consequence of this fine speech. {282} Such acts were
represented by the monks as contributing greatly to the future repose of
those who did them, and of their friends; whence it was usual for all
those who had any sense of religion, or concern, for their salvation, to
bequeath some part of their estates _to their own souls_, as they called
those bequests which they made to a church or a monastery.
To promote and establish an unbounded veneration for the priesthood,
miraculous tales were industriously propagated, and as readily believed;
for the credulity of the people perfectly suited the knavery of the
priests. The following talc, or rather miracle, is related by William of
Malmsbury, in the very words, as he says, of one of the persons on whom
it was wrought:
“I Ethelbert, a sinner, will give a true relation of what happened to
me on the day before Christmas, A.D. 1012, in a certain village,
where there was a church dedicated to St Magnus the martyr, that all
men may know the _danger of disobeying the commands of a priest_.
Fifteen young women and eighteen young men, of which I was one, were
dancing and singing in the church-yard, when one Robert, a priest,
was performing mass in the church; who sent us a civil message,
intreating us to desist from our diversion, because we disturbed his
devotion by our noise. But we impiously disregarded his request;
upon which the holy man, inflamed with anger, prayed to God and St.
Magnus, that we might continue dancing and singing a whole year,
without intermission. His prayers were heard. A young man, the son
of a priest, named John, took his sister, (who was singing with us)
by the hand, and her arm dropped from her body without one drop of
blood following. But notwithstanding this disaster she continued to
dance and sing with us a whole year. During all that time we felt no
inconvenience from rain, cold, heat, hunger, thirst, or weariness;
and neither our shoes, nor our clothes wore out. Whenever it began
to rain, a magnificent house was erected over us, by the power of the
Almighty. By our continual dancing we wore the earth so much, that
by degrees we sunk into it up to the knees, and at length up to the
middle. When the year was ended, bishop Hubert came to the place,
dissolved the invisible ties by which our hands had been so long
united, absolved us, and reconciled us to St. Magnus. The priest’s
daughter, who had lost her arm, and other two of the young women,
died away immediately; but all the rest fell into a profound sleep,
in which they continued three days and three nights; after which they
arose and went up and down the world, publishing this true and
glorious miracle, and carrying the evidence of its truth along with
them, in the continual shaking of their limbs.”
A formal deed, attesting the truth of this ridiculous story, was drawn up
and subscribed by bishop Peregrine, the successor of Hubert, A.D. 1013.
{283} William of Malmsbury also, the most sensible of our old
historians, appears to have given it full credit. In short, it seems
very certain that it was long, in common with abundance of other similar
tales, universally believed; which shews how well established the
authority of the priesthood, and the popular reverence for that order,
must then have been in this country, and here at Lynn, as well as in
other places.
Next to the priests and monks, the magicians and fortunetellers appear to
have then possessed the largest share of the public confidence and
veneration; and very probably with equal worthiness. Strange tales have
been related by historians of the ascendancy which these sorts of people
long had over the infatuated inhabitants, and even over those of the
highest orders among them. These things give but an unfavourable idea of
our national character in those times. It would but ill become us,
however, to think very contemptuously of those foibles in our poor
ancestors, while we ourselves with all our boasted advantages and wisdom,
have not yet entirely left off consulting fortunetellers and conjurers:
to say nothing of the multitude of other impostors, of different sorts,
that are daily countenanced and caressed among us.
SECTION VII.
_Of the Heptarchy and its history—remarks on Egbert_, _Alfred_, _and
their most renowned successors—character of Canute_, _and of Edward the
Confessor_: _the latter the first of our monarchs that touched for the
Evil—remarks on that circumstance_, _and on the prevalence of that
complaint in the parts about Lynn_.
During a good part of the period from the Saxon invasion to the conquest,
England was divided into seven petty states, or kingdoms, usually
denominated, the Heptarchy, {285} the history of which is exceedingly
uninteresting; being, as Granger observes, a series of violence, wars,
and massacres, among petty tyrants, most of whom were a disgrace to the
human species.—Under the famous Egbert those states were consolidated,
and formed into one kingdom, under the name of England, which it has
borne ever since. The kings who have ruled it, from Egbert to the Norman
conqueror, were, for the most part, like their predecessors in the days
of the Heptarchy, very disreputable and worthless characters. There were
however, some exceptions, among which Alfred was far the most
conspicuous, and outshone the rest, as the sun does all the other
luminaries.
Among the most renowned and respectable of the other English sovereigns
of that period, beside Egbert, already mentioned, were Edward the elder,
Athelstan, Edgar the peaceable, Edmund ironside, Canute the great, and
Harold the second. Of Edgar we are told, that he styled himself _King of
Great Britain_, as Edred, it seems, had done before him; but that title
was afterward discontinued, and not used by any succeeding monarch, till
the reign of James the first. The most potent among these crowned heads
was Canute, being the sovereign of Denmark and Norway as well as of
England. That he possessed great talents is allowed on all hands; and
though he was cruel here at first, he gradually became mild, devout, and
popular. Though an usurper and a foreigner, he was, perhaps, next to
Alfred, the wisest of our ancient kings, if not also the most virtuous
and enlightened, especially towards the close of his reign: of which his
memorable adventure, or experiment with the tide, and with the miserable
sycophants of his court, on the seashore, seems a pretty strong
indication. That he was also superstitious, and an admirer of relics,
must not be denied: but it was likewise the case with all the most
eminent of the princes of those days, the great Alfred himself not
excepted. There is a remarkable air of honest simplicity in the reason
given by Canute for undertaking a voyage, or journey to Rome, which he
did a few years before he died:—“I had been told (said he) that the
apostle Peter had received great authority from the Lord, and carried the
keys of heaven: therefore I thought it absolutely necessary to secure his
favour by a pilgrimage to Rome.”—How many of our modern visionaries and
devotees would appear more respectable than Canute, were they as honestly
to avow their motives, or give the reason of their proceedings?
In adverting to the princes, or sovereigns of this period, to whom the
town of Lynn was in subjection, Edward, called the Confessor, must not be
left unnoticed: not so much for any shining qualities, or great
respectability of character which he possessed, for there he appears to
have been very deficient, as for certain incidents or events which
distinguished his reign, independent of any personal worth or merit of
his own. With the monks and ecclesiastics he was certainly a great
favourite, but what made him so redounded not at all to his honour, but
may be said to be a disgrace, rather than any credit to his memory.
The most important and laudable occurrence of his reign was the
reformation of the law of the land. Before his time different parts of
the kingdom were governed by different laws: Wessex, by the West Saxon;
Mercia, by the Mercian; and Northumberland, by the Danish laws. In his
reign they were reduced into one body, by the name of the laws of Edward
the confessor, which then became common to all England. This together
with the abolition of that odious tax called _Danegelt_, seem to have
been his best and most commendable deeds, though probably to be ascribed
to his counsellors, such as Goodwin, Leofric, and Siward, rather than to
himself. It is said, however, that he was humane, temperate, and
charitable, and gave much alms: and, moreover, that he had visions and
revelations, the gift of prophecy, and even that of working miracles, his
extensive fame for which continued long, and procured him, about two
hundred years after his death, from pope Alexander III. the high honour
of canonization, under the name of _Saint Edward the Confessor_, an
appellation that must have been very oddly and unaccountably applied.
But of all his memorable achievements, or traits of character, his
_touching_ for the Evil, or Scrofula, and pretending to the gift or power
of miraculously healing that complaint, are the most remarkable. As this
pretended gift or power is supposed to have originated with him, {288a}
and to have descended from him to all his legitimate successors on the
English throne, a sketch of the history of the practice, from first to
last, it is presumed, would not prove unacceptable or unentertaining to
the reader. And as the disorder, for whose cure this practice was
introduced, is said to be nowhere more common, or prevalent, than at and
about Lynn, {288b} which is supposed to have been also the case for many
generations, it may naturally and safely be concluded that frequent
applications to the throne for a cure would be made, time after time,
from these parts, while every body believed that the sovereign’s _touch_
would infallibly remove the malady. Myriads and myriads, labouring under
scrofulous complaints, have certainly applied to the throne for relief
during the long interval between the time of the Confessor, when the said
practice commenced, and the accession of George I. when it was finally
laid aside. Even in the single reign of that _most religious_ prince (as
he has been called) Charles II. the number, it is said, amounted to
_above ninety thousand_; and it is morally certain that not a few of that
multitude, and of the rest, who resorted, before and since, to our
different sovereigns, for relief in the same case, were Norfolk and Lynn
patients. The insertion therefore, in this volume, of the proposed
Sketch of this notable affair, or practice of the royal touch, cannot, it
is presumed, be deemed any material deviation from propriety:—so it shall
appear in the last section of this chapter, at the conclusion of this
second part of the work.
SECTION VIII.
_State of Lynn in the Confessor’s time—Stigand_, _Ailmer_, _and Harold_,
_bore then the chief sway—great power of the latter—sketch of his
character—obtains the crown at the confessor’s death—is soon disturbed by
two formidable invasions—the one from the Danish_, _or Norwegian shores_,
_under Halfagar_, _whom he vanquishes and slays in battle—the other from
France_, _under his rival or competitor_, _William of Normandy_, _in
opposing whom he is himself vanquished and slain in the decisive battle
of Hastings_, _which places the conqueror on the throne_, _without
further struggle_, _through the defection and machinations of the bishops
and clergy_.
In the time of the Confessor, as he has been already suggested, Lynn was
a place of considerable and growing consequence. The town then, and the
adjacent country belonged to three of the principal men of the realm.
Harold, who afterwards ascended the throne, was then Earl, or Duke of the
East Angles, {289} which must have placed Lynn under his jurisdiction.
He had besides, great possessions here, being chief proprietor and lord
of South Lynn and other places. Great Massingham, Westacre &c. did also
belong to him. Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, likewise bore then no
small sway in this town and neighbourhood, as lord of Rising, &c. So
also did his brother Ailmer, bishop of Elmham, to which see, even at that
early period, the government of the borough of Lynn seems to have been a
kind of appendage. These two prelates were Anglo-Saxons, which was the
case, it seems, with but three more of the order in the kingdom; {290}
the rest being all foreigners, and mostly French, or Normans. These
being his countrymen, and in a manner his subjects, we need not wonder at
the facility with which the Conqueror obtained the English Crown;
especially as the Pope also patronized the undertaking. Though those
bishops could not prevent the accession of Harold, owing to his great
popularity and power, yet they kept themselves ready to promote the cause
and interest of his rival whenever a fair opportunity should offer, and
it was not long before they had their wishes completely gratified.
Harold during the latter part of the Confessor’s reign was the most
powerful subject in the kingdom. He possessed also great talents and
courage, with no small share of ambition, and had acquired vast and
unrivalled popularity. It was therefore no great wonder that he should
pretty easily make his way to the throne at the very first vacancy. He
had had for sometime the chief management of public affairs, and his
conduct in the mean while appears to have given general satisfaction. No
one in the kingdom was better qualified, or perhaps more deserving than
he to wear the crown; and whatever the Norman, or monkish historians may
have said to the contrary, it seems pretty certain that he ascended the
throne with the general assent and approbation of the people.
His reign however, was soon disturbed, first by a Danish, or Norwegian
invasion in the north, beaded by Harfager, or Helfager king of Norway,
aided by Harold’s own worthless brother Tosti; and shortly after by a
French invasion in the south, under William the bastard, Duke of
Normandy. The former Harold opposed with success; the invaders were
defeated with great slaughter, and the two chiefs, Harfager and Tosti,
fell in the action. Great and rich booty is said to have fallen into the
hands of the victors, including a considerable quantity of gold. Here
Harold appears to have committed a great error, and to have departed most
unwisely and unaccountably from his usual policy, by retaining all the
spoil for himself, instead of sharing it with his soldiers, which excited
great discontents among them, and proved afterwards, in no small measure,
detrimental to his cause.
No sooner had the English monarch triumphed over the first invaders than
he learnt that the Duke of Normandy with a great army had made good his
landing in Sussex. He immediately commenced his march against that
fierce and formidable adversary, with an army greatly reduced by the late
bloody, though successful conflict, and rendered discontented by his own
impolitic and unwise conduct, already mentioned. Yet notwithstanding
those disadvantages, so rapid was his progress from Yorkshire to Sussex,
that he actually arrived within sight of his enemies before they had
proceeded but a little way from the place of debarkation. It had been
better, no doubt, had he taken more time, to refresh and recruit his
army, or acted on the defensive, for sometime at least, which could
hardly have failed of being very materially to his advantage, as he was
then circumstanced. But so impetuous was he, and resolute to bring the
contest to a speedy termination, that he absolutely rejected the
wholesome counsel given him by one of his brothers, to adopt a different
course. To his opponent this must have been perfectly agreeable, and the
very thing he wanted, as nothing could have been less his interest than a
defensive war on the part of the English, or to find in Harold another
_Fabius_. Both parties accordingly prepared for a speedy and decisive
engagement. The two armies are said to have spent the preceding night
very differently: the English impiously passed it in riot and revelry;
but the Normans, good creatures! were all the time occupied in the duties
of religion; for which, to be sure, from the nature of their errand, and
the object of their visit, they must have been preeminently qualified!
This story, we may presume, was fabricated afterwards by the monks and
priests and Norman historians, who were in the interest of the Conqueror,
and wished to pay their court to the reigning family. Be that as it
might, the battle of Hastings forms a memorable era in the history of
this country. Both armies fought with desperate valour, as if determined
to conquer or die; but the invaders proved victorious. Harold and his
two brothers, with the flower of the English army, fell in that bloody
and fatal field; and that single victory may be said to have placed the
conqueror on the throne of England, and advanced him to the first rank
among the European potentates of that age. In promptness, decision,
military and political talents, as well as good fortune, he may be said
strongly to resemble the present sovereign of Normandy and the French
Empire. But it is to be hoped that the resemblance will not hold, in
case the latter should ever attempt to accomplish his long threatened
invasion of this kingdom.
From the disastrous and fatal field of Hastings, Edwin and Morcar, the
principal surviving English commanders, with the shattered remains of
Harold’s army, retreated in the night to London, where they convened the
people, and such of the grandees of the realm as were there to be found,
to consult upon the best mode of proceeding, at so critical and desperate
a conjuncture. They themselves were for placing Edgar Atheling, the next
heir, on the throne, and adopting vigorous measures for the discomfiture
and expulsion of the invaders; but their advice was not taken, their
reasons were set at nought, and every idea of any further resistance was
abandoned; so that William obtained the crown without fighting another
battle, or encountering any further difficulty. Nothing could exceed the
pusillanimity, or dastardly conduct of the English on that memorable
occasion, instead of the present prevailing and flattering idea, that one
Englishman can beat two or three Frenchmen, they seemed to believe, on
the contrary, that one Frenchman could beat, at least, two or three
Englishmen. In short, they appear to have erred as much on the one hand
as we do on the other. But it was not the only time when our dear
countrymen discovered a diffidence of their own superiority.
The blame of rejecting the counsel of the two chieftains above-mentioned
has been imputed to the defection and machinations of the bishops and
clergy, who, as has been already suggested, were decidedly in the
interest of the Norman, and, of course, inimical to the Anglo-Saxon or
English, government, constitution, and succession. The chief reasons for
which, were probably the following—1. Many of them, and most of the
bishops were foreigners, and William’s countrymen and subjects; so that
it was natural for them to favour his enterprize and pretensions.—2.
Ecclesiastical power and priestly domination were more likely to be
promoted, and the popular, or opposite spirit depressed and crushed under
a Norman, than an Anglo-Saxon, or English government.—3. Even under the
Confessor, monk-ridden and priest-ridden as he was, the civil power was
so formidable, and superior to the ecclesiastical, that the parliament
actually procured the deprivation and banishment of _Robert_, archbishop
of Canterbury, as an incendiary and fomenter of disputes between the king
and his subjects, and had _Stigand_ appointed in his room: a change
therefore, or such a revolution in the constitution and government as
William was likely to effect or promote, must have been a desirable
object with the whole clerical body.—4. The Pope had openly appeared in
favour of the invasion, the success of which he was understood to have
much at heart: and so careful had he been to let all see that William was
his man, and the church’s favourite and champion, that he first made him
a present of a consecrated standard, a golden Agnus Dei, and a ring, in
which was pretended to be one of St. Peter’s hairs; (of course a most
precious relic;) and then he solemnly excommunicated all that should
oppose him. This conduct or example of the pope would alone have been
sufficient lo influence and determine the bishops, clergy, and monks, or
the whole body of the ecclesiastics, to betray and sacrifice the cause of
the people, or of the nation, and promote to the utmost that of the
invader. They would have done so without any other reason or inducement;
but being further stimulated by those before mentioned, we may safely
conclude that their zeal in the disgraceful cause which they had so
basely espoused, must have been of no ordinary fervour.
This memorable co-operation of the clergy with the conqueror, so hostile
to the liberty and independence of the country, has been pronounced, in a
recent publication, to be “the true origin of the _alliance between
church and state_, so much contended for by some of our ecclesiastics;
who have renounced the penances of popery, but would fain retain both its
pride and its power.” {296} But if it was really its origin here, yet it
seems to have begun elsewhere at a much earlier period: for the world
does not appear to have existed a very long while before statesmen and
priests found it to be their interest to play into each others hands, and
enter into partnership, for the better management of their respective
concerns; or, in other words, for the sake of keeping the multitude more
easily and effectually in subjection.
The papal presents and interference in favour of the Norman expedition,
despicable as they appear, must have largely contributed to recruit
William’s forces, inspire them with confidence and enthusiasm, and
eventually promote and ensure his success. Nor was he himself wanting on
his part. Nothing that an intrepid adventurer, and able leader could do
to give effect to his undertaking was by him omitted. He even went so
far as to make very liberal promises to divide the lands of the English
among his followers, in case he proved victorious; which promises he
afterwards very punctually and amply performed, so that the English
grandees were deprived of their possessions, or if they were permitted to
retain any part of them, they held the same under the Normans, who then
became every where the great lords and proprietors of the country.
The whole English nation, in the meantime, was so completely subdued and
degraded, as to become, like the ancient Gibeonites, mere hewers of wood
and drawers of water for their haughty conquerors, whom providence seemed
to employ, like the Danes before, as instruments of retaliation and
vengeance, for the atrocities formerly committed on the original
inhabitants. The English language itself was now in a manner prohibited
and proscribed, and the _French_ substituted for it, or introduced in its
room, especially in the courts of law, and all legal transactions, which
continued to be the case for a long time. {297} French also became now
the sole language of gentlemen, or of all who moved in the high and
polite circles. None could be admitted into such circles, or allowed the
name of gentlemen, without that language, which bore very hard, no doubt,
upon many an English buck of those days; hence that well known old
proverb, “Jack would be a gentleman, but that he can talk no French.”
The changes which the Norman Conquest produced in this country shall be
further noticed in the next part or division of this work, where it will
be seen how Lynn in particular, and its vicinity were affected by that
memorable and humiliating revolution.
During the period of which we have been treating, Lynn exhibited no
appearance of a borough, or corporate town: that state, or order of
things belonged to the policy of a subsequent period, and resulted from
the revolution effected by the conquest, and the odious feudal system,
for their attachment to which the Normans were so very remarkable. Of
the population of Lynn before the conquest, a great part probably
consisted of _slaves_ of different descriptions, the vassals and property
of the bishop and other great men. The artificers, tradesmen, and
merchants of Lynn were then all, perhaps, in that condition, and
following their respective employments or professions, by the permission,
and under the protection or patronage of their lordly superiors and
proprietors, and also for their, as well as their own behoof or
emolument. It is not very clear or probable that the condition of these
people and of the rest of their unfree or enslaved countrymen, did or
could, by the conquest, suffer any very material deterioration. But with
their superiors, the high and mighty, or great men of the land, their
lordly and unfeeling oppressors, the case is known to have been far
otherwise: that event, like some modern conquests and revolutions,
degraded and humbled them with a vengeance.
SECTION IX.
_Sketch of the practice of the_ royal touch _in England_, _or a
historical Essay on the memorable_ empiricism of our English sovereigns,
_from Edward the Confessor to George the First_.
It is generally agreed that this notable practice, which appears to have
been long deemed as a branch of the royal prerogative, began in this
kingdom with, or in the person of Edward the Confessor. {299a} Some
however seem to think it to have existed in France at an earlier period:
if so, Edward, who had long lived in that country, and appeared very
partial to it, and fond of French fashions, might take the hint from
thence, and introduce it here upon his accession to the throne, which he
might easily manage by the help of the monks, with whom he was so great a
favourite.
_Clovis_, and _Robert_ of sainted memory, are named among the early
French sovereigns who successfully practised the royal touch, and were
greatly admired and venerated by their subjects on that account. In the
reign _of Philip_ the first, the virtue is supposed to have been somehow
lost, but happily revived again with undiminished splendor in that of
Lewis the fat, after which it seems to have long and regularly continued.
Francis I. {299b} and Henry IV. are represented as eminent practitioners;
how it was with the succeeding monarchs, descended from the latter, we
are not informed. No particular attention appears to have been paid to
it yet by the emperor Napoleon. What he may think proper to do
hereafter, no tongue can tell. Whether he possesses this power or not,
it is certain that he possesses some other powers in as great a degree,
at least, as any of his royal or imperial predecessors.
But this miraculous gift of healing did not, it seems, belong exclusively
to the kings of France and England. {300a} The Earls, or princes of the
house of Hapsburg also, are reported to have had it in no scanty measure.
They cured the strumous, or scrofulous, it is said, by giving them drink,
and the stammerers, by kissing them. But the Kings of Hungary seem to
have exceeded all; for we are told that they _could_ cure, not only the
king’s evil, but all disorders occasioned by poison, the bite of a viper,
or any other venomous animal.
“Mr. _Bel_, who tells us this, observes (what is as remarkable as the
account itself) that he cannot find in history, that these Hungarian
kings ever exercised this wonderful power. {300b} More shame for
them, the unfeeling wretches! if they possessed it.
“The case was otherwise with the royal doctors of France and England,
who have not been so shy of exerting this power, or rather, of
practising this quackery. Some French writers (says Carte) ascribe
this gift of healing to the king’s devotion towards the relics of St.
Marculf, in the Church of Corbigny, in Champagne, to which the kings
of France, immediately after their coronation at Rheims, used to go
in solemn procession: and it must be owned there was formerly a great
veneration paid to this saint in England. It was in memory of him
that a room in the palace of Westminster frequently mentioned in the
rolls of parliament, was called the chamber of St. Marculf; being
probably the place where our kings touched for the Evil. It is now
(our historian adds) called the painted chamber: and though the name
of that saint hath been long forgot in this nation, yet the sanative
virtue of our kings still continues.” {301a}
Of the most noted among our sovereigns, as practitioners in this healing
art, the following is thought a pretty complete list. Nothing seems to
be known in this way of Harold II. or yet of the four succeeding princes;
but that Henry II. practised very successfully is said to be attested by
Petrus Blesensis, who had been his chaplain. {301b} It seems highly
probable that Henry III. likewise was often applied to, and successfully
practised in the same way, as John of Geddesden, a physician, who is said
to live about that time, advises a scorfulous patient, after his remedies
had proved ineffectual, to apply to the king for a cure: for which he has
been much blamed, and seemingly not without reason, as, in case he deemed
the royal touch a certain care or remedy, he ought to have sent the
patient to the king at first, without troubling him with operation and
medicine. {302a}
Henry’s great son, Edward I, also appears to have been no mean master of
this same art; and so, probably, might be his son, Edward II, though
otherwise no great conjuror; but as to his son, Edward III, few, if any,
seem to have gone beyond him in this sanative employment. _Bradwardine_,
who attended him in his wars, and whose counsel is said to have
contributed to his success, gives a pompous advertisement, in his book
_De Causa Dei_, of the wonderful cures wrought by that prince. _F. le
Brun_, however, pays no regard to this. He looks upon it as a crafty
stratagem, and says, he does not doubt but that Edward’s pretensions to
the crown of France excited his zeal to touch those who were diseased;
which is not unlikely; princes often, when nothing but politics lie at
the bottom, chusing to make religion to swim on the top. {302b} Edward’s
grandson, Richard II, cannot be supposed to drop or lay aside a practice
for which his grandfather and immediate predecessor on the throne had
been so celebrated. Nor is it at all likely that his successors, of the
rival house of Lancaster, should discontinue this practice, as that might
have been construed to imply a consciousness of inferiority to the
princes of the other house, or something like a defect in their own title
to the crown.
Least of all is it to be supposed that this practice should be dropt or
neglected afterwards, on the restoration of the York line, in the person
of _Edward IV_, who would naturally take care to exercise every
prerogative or power supposed to have belonged to his ancestors, and
which had any way contributed to their popularity, consequence, or
celebrity. This monarch, though of a far less religious or devout cast
than his immediate predecessor Henry VI. might not on that account be the
less qualified to work these miracles, any more than _Charles II._
afterwards; who, though by his clerical subjects denominated _most
religious_, was yet certainly, in fact, one of the _most irreligious_ and
profligate wretches that ever wore a crown: nevertheless he
unquestionably practiced the _royal touch_, as extensively, effectually,
and successfully as any one whatever in the whole list of our crowned, or
kingly practitioners. And why not?—as the extraordinary gift,
supernatural virtue, or miraculous power, belonged entirely, it seems, to
his regal quality or dignity; {303} and had nothing at all, apparently,
to do with his personal or moral character.
_Richard_ III. also, after he ascended the throne, may be supposed to
possess as much of this supernatural and sanative virtue (whatever may be
said of the other virtues) as any one of his predecessors or successors;
and as it was evidently his interest to omit no popular observance, and
to avail himself of whatever had a tendency to excite or gain the
admiration of the people, and reconcile them to his government, we may be
sure he would not fail to follow, with spirit, the practice in question;
and so, by a copious display of its sanative virtue, compensate, in some
sort, or degree, for the absence of virtues of another description.
There is therefore abundant reason for setting him down among our royal
miracle-workers.
None of all these princes appear to have made a greater figure, or to
have proceeded with more parade, solemnity, and success, in this royal
business or occupation, than Henry VII.—This politic prince, whatever
right he might have to the crown, had probably as good a right as any one
to try his hand at this notable and wonder working operation, the effect
or fame of which he knew full well how to manage profitably and turn to
the best account. He accordingly set about it in good earnest; and in
order, as may be supposed, to give the process the most striking, sacred,
and solemn appearance, and increase its effect, he had a new form, or
office, composed and introduced for the purpose. {304} The project
answered; and his success in this practice is said to have been very
considerable. This prince would also sometimes take upon him to _convert
heretics_; and he would even give them money to facilitate their
conversion; {306} which was certainly no illadapted device, or
unpromising expedient; and it is the more remarkable, as his majesty was
himself so great a lover of money, and appears to have been so
exceedingly close-fisted on other occasions. We may therefore be very
sure that the conversion of heretics was of the highest importance in
Henry’s estimation, and what lay very near to his royal heart. This
monarch also, with his queen and eldest son, visited the town of Lynn,
where he very probably exercised the _royal touch_, as scrofulous
patients may be supposed to have been then, as they are now, very
numerous here, all of whom, as well as the rest of the inhabitants, would
not fail to give full credit to his majesty’s ability to remove the
malady and restore the patients to perfect health; and, of course, would
be anxious to apply to him, which he would not be likely to discourage.
As to _heretics_, there might be then none of them here for him to try
his royal hand at their conversion.
His son and high spirited successor, _Henry VIII_, would doubtless be
careful to continue the practice of all the rites and ceremonies
appertaining to the royal function, which had been handed down to him
from his father: and there is every reason to believe that the operation
in question would not be forgotten or omitted, were it only to be even
with his neighbour and rival, _Francis I_, who certainly performed it,
and would not be likely to be suffered or allowed to go beyond him on
such an occasion. Henry therefore may be safely set down among our said
royal practitioners, and even among the most able and powerful of them
all. But the _King’s Evil_ was not the only Evil in whose cure or
removal he was particularly concerned: He was no less concerned in the
cure or removal of the _Pope’s Evil_, another dreadful malady, which had
long and grievously afflicted most of the good people of this country,
and which was generally deemed incurable, till he took it in hand. All
the world know how powerfully and effectually _his royal touch operated_
on that occasion.—It seems he had also the reputation of being endowed
with extraordinary gifts for the cure or prevention of the _cramp_; and
we find that he distinguished himself by the consecration of _cramp
rings_, which Stephen Gardiner says were much esteemed every where, and
often sought for. {308} So very eminent was Henry among our royal
doctors, and miracle mongers.
_Edward VI_, Henry’s amiable son and successor, is not known to have been
at all an adept at this princely practice, or even to have been in the
least partial to it. He probably thought so very lightly of it as
entirely to omit and discard it, as he is also said to have done with
respect to the _consecration of cramp rings_, by which his royal father
so much distinguished himself. It is likely that Edward, young as he
was, had imbibed some sectarian notions which might unfit him for the
performance of these sublime operations. Even the royal and episcopal
work of _burning heretics_, so much approved of and delighted in by his
predecessors, and afterwards by his immediate successor, and so much
called for and applauded by ecclesiastics, was to him an object of utter
aversion; and if he once suffered it to be done, it was involuntary and
against his own better judgement, through the importunate intreaties and
urgent expostulations of his bishops, and particularly Cranmer, to whom
therefore the guilt and infamy of the deed must properly or chiefly
belong. {309} There is reason to believe that no such doings would have
sullied or disgraced his reign had he been left to judge and act for
himself. It is probable he was left so to judge and act with respect to
the _royal touch_; so that we need not be surprised at his declining the
practice.
From _Mary_, his bloody sister and successor a different conduct might be
expected: and her conduct certainly was, almost in every thing, very
different from his. Superstitious as she was, and bigoted to the last
degree, it is not to be supposed that she should shrink from the
performance of any rite or ceremony, however absurd, that had been in
request with her popish predecessors, or devoutly practiced by them.
This of the _royal touch_ could never escape her attention: nay it is
expressly said that the office was indeed fairly written out for her use;
[that very office probably, which has been above inserted;] so that there
can be no question of her touching for the Evil, as devoutly, and as
successfully perhaps, as any of the rest. {310a}
As to _Elizabeth_, heretic as she was, her legitimacy questioned, and her
title litigated, she _touched_ for the Evil with a success acknowledged
even by the papists themselves, who are said to ascribe it to the _sign
of the cross_. {310b} A case is mentioned by _Carte_ of a Roman
Catholic, who, being put into prison, perhaps for recusancy, and terribly
afflicted with the Evil, was, after he had been there a tedious time, at
a vast expence to physicians without the least relief, _touched_ by this
queen, and perfectly cured: which gave him occasion to say, he was now
convinced by undoubted experience, that the pope’s excommunication of her
signified nothing, since she still continued blessed with so miraculous a
quality. {310c}—It was well for the poor fellow that he was not a
_puritan_, or he might have gone long enough without his cure, as her
majesty is known to have been inexorably pitiless and spiteful against
that class of her subjects.
Of _James_ I, with his strong faith in ghosts and witches, and lofty
notions of indefeasible right, royal prerogative and king-craft, it was
not to be supposed that he, of all men, would think meanly or lightly of
this royal and religious operation. It accordingly appears that he very
readily and warmly engaged in it, and actually became a most dexterous
and eminent practitioner—to the no small satisfaction and comfort, as we
may suppose, of his liege subjects, as well as advancement of his own
fame, or at least, the gratification of his vanity, of which it is well
known he possessed no common or scanty portion. Nothing could delight
him more than the idea that he could work miracles: his courtiers called
him _Solomon_; but that idea was calculated to make him think himself as
still greater than even Solomon. We are not informed how many patients
underwent or felt his royal touch; but there is every reason to suppose
and believe that the number must have been very considerable.
His unfortunate son and successor _Charles_ I. was no less distinguished
in this same way than his royal father had been. Great numbers are said
to have been by him both touched and cured; of whom not a few were little
children, which has been urged as a proof that it could not be ascribed
to the effect or strength of imagination. Carte observes, that Dr.
Heylyn, an eye witness of such cures, says, “I have seen some children
brought before the King by the hanging sleeves, some hanging at their
mother’s breasts, and others in the arms of their nurses, all cured,
without the help of a serviceable imagination.” {312a} Both Heylyn and
Carte were full of faith in these miracles. If they were right, the
decapitation of Charles must have been a great loss to the nation, and
especially to those who were afflicted with the Evil. For twelve years
or more, after that event, not one of these miracles appears to have been
wrought in this country.
As to _Oliver Cromwell_, it does not appear that he ever tried his hand
at this wonder-working operation; conscious, it may be supposed, that it
did not belong to his province, or to the protectoral office and dignity,
with which he was invested. What he would have done, had he accepted or
assumed the regal title, cannot be said or known with absolute certainty:
though the probability seems to bear against his even then becoming a
practitioner, as it would hardly have met the approbation of his best
friends, or accorded with the ideas of his most trusty and powerful
coadjutors, or even with his own.
After a total cessation or suspension of this ancient princely practice,
during the whole time of the Common wealth and Protectorate, it revived
again at the memorable _restoration_; and _Charles II._ took it up
vigorously and solemnly, and on a very extensive scale. The Register of
the Royal Chapel is said to exhibit a list of 92,107 persons touched by
him for the Evil in a certain number of years; {312b} not including, it
seems, the whole of his reign; so that double that number, or more for
aught we know, may have passed under his hand during the whole course of
his government. Yet we find he practised only at some particular seasons
of the year; at least after the summer of 1662, when a royal proclamation
was issued to inform the public that such would be the case from
thenceforth. His majesty had been then a practitioner full two years,
during which time there is reason to believe that he had touched some
thousands. He began the work almost immediately after his restoration,
so that it may be considered among the first acts of his reign. Of the
state of the practice in his royal hands, or under his wise management, a
pretty accurate idea may be formed from the following extracts—out of
some of the principal Public Papers of that era.
The following passage appeared in the weekly Paper called _Mercurius
Politicus_, of June 28, 1660—
“Saturday being appointed by his majesty to touch such as are
troubled by the Evil, a great number of poor afflicted creatures were
met together, many brought in chairs and flaskets; and being
appointed by his majesty to repair to the Banqueting House, his
majesty sat in a chair of state, and stroked all that were brought to
him, and then put about each of their necks a white ribbon with an
angel of gold on it. In this manner his majesty stroked above 600;
and such was his princely patience and tenderness to the poor
afflicted creatures, that though it took up a very long time, his
majesty, never weary of well doing, was pleased to make enquiry,
whether there were any more who had not been touched. After prayers
were ended the duke of Buckingham brought a towel, and the earl
Pembroke a bason and ewer; who, after they, had made obeysance to his
majesty, kneeled down, till his majesty had washed.”
This was within a month after his majesty’s arrival.
The next is from the _Parliamentary Journal_, of July 9, 1660; a
fortnight after the other; and is thus curiously worded—
“The kingdom having for a long time been troubled with the Evil, by
reason of his majesty’s absence, great numbers have flocked for cure.
His sacred majesty on Monday last touched 250 in the
Banqueting-House; among whom, when his majesty was delivering the
gold, one shuffled himself in, out of a hope of profit, which had not
been stroked; but his majesty presently discovered him, saying, this
man has not yet been touched. His majesty hath for the future
appointed every Friday for the cure, at which time 200 and no more
are to be presented to him, who are first to repair to _Mr. Knight_,
the King’s surgeon, living at the Cross Guns, in Russell Street,
Covent Garden, over against the Rose Tavern, for their tickets.—That
none might lose their labour he thought fit to make it known that he
will be at his house every Wednesday and Thursday, from two till six
of the Clock, to attend that service.—And if any _person of quality_
shall send to him he will wait upon them at their lodgings, upon
notice given to him.”
In the same paper of July 30 and August 6, notice was given, that no more
would be touched till about Michaelmas: and in the _Mercurius Politicus_,
of February 28, 1661, it is said, that _many came twice or thrice for the
sake of the gold_.
Another weekly paper, called _Mercurius Publicus_, February 21, 1661, had
the following passage—
“We cannot but give notice that certain persons (too many one would
think) who having the _King’s Evill_, and have been _touched_ by his
SACRED MAJESTY, have got the forehead to come twice or thrice,
alleging they were never there before, till divers witnesses proved
the contrary; which hath forced his MAJESTY to give order that
whosoever hereafter comes to be touched, shall first bring to his
MAJESTY’S Chirurgeons a certificate from the _Minister_ and
Church-Wardens (where they live) that they never were touched by his
MAJESTY before: the next healing will begin six weeks hence.”
In the same paper of May 9, 1661, appeared the following notice or
advertisement:
“WHITEHALL. We are commanded to give notice, that his MAJESTY finds
the Season already so hot, that it will be neither safe nor fit to
continue his healing such as have the king’s Evil; and therefore that
his MAJESTIES good subjects therein concerned, would at present
forbear to come to court; Friday next (may 10,) and Wednesday (May
15.) being the last days that his MAJESTY intends to heal, till the
heat of the weather be allayed, and his MAJESTY’S further pleasure
known, whereof his good subjects shall have timely notice.”
The same paper of August 15, 1661, contained the passage following:—
“We are commanded to give notice That his _Majesty_ finds the season
such, that it will neither be safe nor fit to continue his Healing
those that have the King’s Evil; and therefore that His _Majesties_
good subjects therein concerned do forbear to come to Court till
All-Saints Day next, till which time His _Majesty_ doth not intend to
Heal.”
In the very same Paper, of July 17, 1662, appeared the following curious
courtly advertisement:
“_Hampton Court_.—His Majesty lately set forth a _Proclamation for
the better ordering of those who repair to the Court for cure of the
disease called the King’s Evil_, wherein his Majesty being as ready
and willing to relieve the necessities and diseases of his good
Subjects by his Sacred Touch, which shall come for cure, as any of
his Royal Predecessors, in which, by the Grace and Blessing of God,
he hath in an extraordinary measure had good success, and yet in his
princely wisdom, foreseeing that fit times are necessary to be
appointed for the performing of that great work of Charity, doth
declare his Royal pleasure to be, that from henceforth the usual
times for presenting such persons, shall be from the Feast of
_All-saints_, commonly called _Alhallowtide_, to a week before
_Christmas_, and in the month before Easter, being more convenient
for the temperature of the season, and in respect of any contagion
that may happen in this near access to his Majesties Sacred Person.
His Majesty doth further command that none presume to repair to Court
for cure of the said disease, but within the limits appointed, and
that such persons who come for that purpose, bring certificates under
the hands of the Parson, Vicar, or Minister and Church-Wardens of the
Parishes where they dwell, testifying that they have not at any time
before been touched by the King; further charging all Justices of
Peace, Constables, &c. that they suffer not any to pass but such as
have such Certificates, under pain of his Majestys displeasure: And
that his Majesties Subjects may have the better knowledge of it, his
Majesties will is, that this Proclamation be published and affixed in
some open place in every Market Town of this Realm.” {317a}
To the above Extracts, only one more shall be here added, from another
Public Paper, called _The Newes_, of May 18, 1664.—
“His Sacred Majesty having declared it to be his royal will and
purpose to continue the healing of his people for the Evil during the
month of May, and then give over till Michaelmas next, I am commanded
to give Notice thereof, that the people may not come up to the town
in the interim and lose their labour.” {317b}
From these premises it plainly appears that the king really pretended to
be endowed with the power or gift of working miracles, and of healing or
curing one of the most obstinate and incurable diseases incident to the
human frame, even by his _touch_. Most curious and ludicrous it surely
must be to see such a man as Charles making such a pretension, and
affecting to be hand and glove with Heaven; and no less so to see the
whole nation, or at least the whole body of the church folks, or national
religionists, (clergy and laity) which constituted the great bulk of the
people, giving him full credit for every thing, and deeming the least
doubt or hesitation about his miraculous claims as a sure indication of
disloyalty, and scarcely short of high treason. Allowing or supposing
his majesty to have really possessed this miraculous power, or
supernatural healing gift, still it must appear rather a queer case that
it should be affected by the _temperature of the seasons_, and actually
controlled, overpowered, and crippled, as it were, by the _hot weather_;
and that the royal operator, in the meantime, in case he persisted in his
benevolent practice, or labour of love, during the dog-days, and for some
time before and after, should be exposed to the imminent danger of some
alarming _contagion_: at least he and his courtiers seemed evidently to
have had such apprehension. In all this, however, his loyal and admiring
subjects could discover nothing, either marvellous or suspicious, or yet
any way inconsistent. Their sovereign’s miraculous claims found in them
the most ready acquiescence. With some, indeed, especially among the
poor persecuted nonconformists, the case was otherwise. They disbelieved
those royal pretentions. But it only served to strengthen the public
prejudice against them; being generally looked upon as an additional and
sure proof of their disaffection, or their moral and political
depravity.—So much for Charles’s supernatural powers and miraculous
deeds.
His brother and successor, _James_ II. another of our _religious_
monarchs, continued this practice with unabated zeal, solemnity, and
devotion. He appears to have made some improvement in the process;
particularly by restoring the sign of the cross, which had been
unaccountably omitted by his father, and grandfather. It is probable
that none of its ancient appendages were by him forgotten, or left
unrestored, if he did not also, in his princely wisdom, devise some
others, equally suitable and edifying: and had the crown continued in his
family, the good subjects of these realms would hardly have failed of
having the institution or practice still preserved amongst them, and
observed in all things according to the pattern exhibited by him. But
his unexpected abdication forced things into another channel, and
deprived us of so fair and important a chance. James is supposed to have
practised at Whitehall as frequently, in proportion to the length of his
reign, as his brother had done. But as his reign, compared with that of
Charles, was very short, (though, in some respects, much too long) it is
not to be supposed that he, like the other, could boast of his myriads of
patients and cures. It appears, however, that he was very assiduous in
this business, as well when his occasions called him abroad, as when
detained within the precincts of his own court or palace: hence when he
went to Oxford in 1687, about the affair of Magdalen-College and other
matters, part of his time there is known to have been employed in
_touching_; which shews how very partial he was to the practice, and how
very ready he was to attend to it on every occasion that might offer.
{319} _Dr. Sykes_ in a letter to _Dr. Charlett_, of September 4, 1787,
expresses himself thus, “This morning the king _touches_ in Christ Church
Quire; hears one Father Hall this morning at the new Popish Chapel there;
but whether he will be there in the afternoon, or at University College,
I know not.” And _Creech_ in a letter to _Dr. Charlett_, of September 6,
the same year, says, “On sunday morning the king _touched_. _Warner_ and
_White_ officiating: all that waited on his majesty kneeled at the
prayers, beside the Duke of Beaufort, who stood all the time.” {320} All
this shews how partial and devoted James was to this practice, as well as
how obsequiously the learned Oxonians observed and contemplated this part
of their Sovereign’s conduct. Had he not gone beyond this royal _touch_,
neither the Magdalenians nor any other Oxonian fraternity had ever
resisted his mandates: his popularity, in that case, might have been as
unbounded as that of our present sovereign, and his descendants might
have reigned here gloriously to this day.
At the Revolution this practice or operation was again suspended.
_William_ III. was a Presbyterian, and _Oliver Cromwell_ an Independent:
the spirit and principles of these sects seem not to be congenial with,
or favourable to the practice; nor does this gift or privilege appear to
extend to sectarian or heterodox princes, but only to those of the
Romish, or Church of England faith.
At the accession of _Anne_, of course, this sanative virtue and practice
again revived, and numbers were _touched_ by the royal hand of that
illustrious princess, among whom was the late celebrated _Dr. Samuel
Johnson_, then in his childhood. At the death of Anne, the said virtue
forsook the British throne: at least none of our succeeding monarchs have
yet ventured to revive the practice. The two first princes of the
present dynasty had, doubtless, their reasons for refraining from it; but
as it is not known what they were, it is impossible to say whether their
majesties were governed therein by wise or unwise, proper or improper
motives. We know that actions very right in themselves may yet be
performed upon very wrong and unjustifiable principles. There is,
however, no room to suppose that these two potentates were in any measure
influenced in this instance by what their enemies, the Jacobites, would
be ready to insinuate: an apprehension of their own title to the Crown
being defective. The voice of the Nation (than which, there can be no
better title) had placed them on the throne of these realms.
His present majesty has hitherto followed the example of his two
immediate predecessors, in not restoring or resuming this dormant or
neglected branch of the royal prerogative. If he ever should hereafter,
at any time, think proper to restore or resume it, there can be no manner
of doubt of his meeting with ample success, as well as abundant
employment. In that case it may be presumed that multitudes of patients
would soon be flocking in from all quarters, not excepting the County of
Norfolk and the parts about Lynn Regis. His resolving to resume the
practice would instantly occasion the revival of the national faith in
the efficacy of the operation; and so far would such a resumption or
experiment be from endangering his majesty’s fair fame and popularity,
that it would, in all probability, augment the same, and so render him
for the residue of his reign, within the British Isles at least, more
popular and more celebrated than ever. But as we are not warranted to
expect that his majesty will ever try the experiment, or put to the test
the faith of his subjects in the miraculous efficacy of his _touch_, we
shall here drop the subject as far as it may concern him.
It appears that after the death of queen _Anne_ it was firmly believed by
a great part of the nation, that the sanative virtue, or miraculous power
which she was allowed to possess, still existed in the person of a
certain exiled prince of her family. In proof of which a story was
industriously propagated of one _Christopher Lovel_, of Bristol, who
being most sadly and grievously afflicted with the Evil, after having
recourse to the most eminent of the faculty, and availed himself of the
best medical help in vain, went at last to the Continent, in quest of the
said prince. Having found his royal highness, and being kindly received,
he underwent the operation of the _touch_, got perfectly cured, and
returned home safe and sound, in full health and high spirits, after an
absence of four months and some few days. Carte, the historian, and many
more, gentlemen of the faculty as well as others, visited him, examined
the case thoroughly, and pronounced the cure complete. Some of them, of
whom one was _Dr. Lane_, an eminent physician, considered it as one of
the most extraordinary and wonderful events that had ever happened.—After
this, who can doubt the reality of the fact, that such a sanative virtue,
gift, or power, was actually possessed by the said prince?—It seems,
however, that the miracle did not effect a radical cure: poor Lovel
relapsed again, sometime after, and died of the Evil at last. Such, in
all probability, were all the other great cures performed by the rest of
our royal doctors, although many of them, like this, were attested as
_perfect cures_, by very respectable, but too credulous witnesses.
It is somewhat remarkable that _Whiston_, as well as _Carte_, believed in
the efficacy of the royal touch: the former derives it from the _prayer_
used at the time, while the latter seems to consider it as a divine or
miraculous gift bestowed upon, or inherent to all the rightful heirs to
the English throne. Both of them were men of considerable
respectability, and very confident, it seems, of the soundness of their
respective opinions in this case. Their opinions however appear equally
untenable, and may pretty safely be pronounced utterly unfounded. The
favourable effects, or apparent benefit which some of those patients
might experience after having undergone the operation of the _touch_,
must doubtless be ascribed to their own operative faith and strength of
imagination, rather than to any supernatural virtue proceeding from that
princely performance, or any miraculous gift possessed by the royal
practitioners. To the same cause must also be attributed the salutary
effects said to have sometimes resulted from the pretended animal
magnetism, as well as such empirical charms and nostrums as have acquired
an uncommon share of popular fame, or have stood very high in the good
opinion of the public. A patient’s favourable opinion of a remedy
administered to him, and his very confident expectation of deriving from
it very essential benefit, are allowed to have had a happy effect, and to
have done great things sometimes in very serious and dangerous cases.
Now we may rest assured that on no other ground but this can we
reasonably account for benefits experienced by many who underwent the
royal touch; admitting that to have been really the case; for it is too
absurd to suppose that those royal personages were actually endowed with
power to work miracles, or that the ceremony performed, or yet the gold
given to the patients to wear about their necks, had in them any
supernatural or healing virtue to render them capable of producing such
effects.
It must be rather mortifying to our national vanity and pride, to think
that our dear ancestors, for seven hundred years, firmly believed in the
miraculous efficacy of the royal touch, in scrofulous complaints. {324}
But while we reprobate, or pity their stupid and miserable credulity, in
this and other instances, let us not forget that we ourselves are not
without our errors and failings, and those no less inexcusable and
degrading: witness our general belief in witchcraft, conjuration,
prodigies, and newspapers, together with the unshaken faith of multitudes
in _Richard Brothers_, _Joanna Southcote_, and many other notorious
impostors of different descriptions: and it may be justly questioned, if
there ever was a period when the inhabitants of this country have been
more inexcusably credulous, more easily and egregiously imposed upon, or
more generally and universally duped, than in this very age.—But we will
here close this long section; hoping that its contents will not fail to
contribute, at least in some measure, to the amusement and satisfaction
of the inquisitive and candid reader; especially if he ever wished to
learn the history of the royal touch, of which he will find here,
perhaps, a more particular and circumstantial account than in any other
publication.
* * * * *
_End of Part_ II.
HISTORY OF LYNN. PART III.
HISTORY OF LYNN FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NORMANS IN ENGLAND TO THE
REFORMATION.
CHAP. I.
Observations on the Conquest—account of the changes then introduced—their
effects on the kingdom at large, and on Lynn and its vicinity in
particular.
The conquest of England by the Normans appears to have been no less
complete than those which had been before effected by the Romans, the
Saxons, and the Danes. The English grandees were generally stript of
their possessions, and their lands divided among the conqueror’s chief
favourites and great captains, who then became the nobles of the realm,
and from whom are descended most of our present great families. This
conquest was obtained much easier than any of those that preceded it. A
single battle now determined the fate of the whole country, partly, as
was before observed, through the defection, intrigues, and influence of
the clergy, most of whom were in the interest of the invader, as he was
supported by their holy father the Pope, who had distinguished him by
such special marks of his favour as, could not fail of attaching them to
his cause.
William’s army consisted of 60,000 men; not all his own subjects, (for
his duchy could not furnish and maintain such a force) but made up
chiefly of adventurers, or soldiers of fortune, who had engaged in the
expedition, on the promise of forfeited lands, in proportion to the
numbers they brought with them. Accordingly, some are said to have
afterward bestowed on them no less than 700 manors, others 5, 4, 3, 2,
and 100, or less; insomuch that all the land in England, if we except the
royal demesnes, the church lands, and those annexed to the cities and
boroughs, were in no more than about 700 hands, whose wide possessions
were again distributed among their numerous vassals, according to the
principles of the feudal system, which was now completely introduced and
established in England. {328}
In consequence of this change, it became a fundamental maxim, and
necessary principle of our English tenures, that the king is the
universal lord and original proprietor of all the lands in his kingdom,
and that no man doth or can possess any part of it, but what has,
mediately or immediately, been derived from him, to be held upon feudal
services. This engrafting of the feudal tenure on almost all the land in
the kingdom, is said to have been the most important alteration which our
civil and military policy then underwent. {329a} The great lords held
their lands of the king, by certain services, as all their vassals held
theirs also of them. Thus the king had the whole power of the country
closely connected with, and dependent upon himself. This state of things
was calculated, no doubt, to secure the kingdom from external danger, and
may be considered as laying the foundation of that high military
character which England afterwards held among its neighbours.
A vast demesne was now set apart for the king, amounting to 1422 manors,
together with many other lands which had never been erected or formed
into manors. Besides these he had the profits of all his feudal tenures,
his worships, marriages, and reliefs; the benefit of excheats, either
upon failure of heirs, or forfeiture; the goods of felons and traitors;
the profits of his courts of justice; besides many other casualties,
which amounted to an immense revenue; insomuch that the Conqueror, as we
are informed, had no less than 1060_l._ 10_s._ a day, the annual amount
of which, allowing for the comparative value of moneys &c. was equal to
several millions (perhaps twenty or more) of ours. {329b} So large a
revenue might probably justify the saying of Fortescue, that originally
the King of England was the richest in Europe.
We are told, that William’s military tenants were obliged, on all
occasions, to furnish 60,000 knights, completely equipped, and ready to
serve forty days at their own expence. Every seaport also, in proportion
to its ability, was obliged to find, in time of danger, one or more ships
properly furnished with men and arms; which, joined with such other ships
as the king hired were generally an overmatch for the invaders. {330}
Thus we see how powerful and formidable England became after the
conquest, in its means of defence and resistance, under its Norman
sovereigns.
Whilst we are noticing the changes now introduced into this country, it
may not be improper to observe, that the feudal system was a favourite
branch of the Norman policy, and which they appear carefully to have
established wherever they could get a firm footing. They did so, not
only in Normandy and England, but also in _Sicily_, which they appear to
have subdued much about the time of which we are now speaking, and which
has groaned under the oppression of that System ever since, even to this
day. Of the commencement of that order of things in that island, and its
present aspect and bearings, a very recent writer gives the following
account, which may serve to cast some light on the state of our country
at the period now under consideration.
“Roger the Norman, conqueror of Sicily, and contemporary with our
William the First, on his accession to the throne, divided the lands
of the kingdom into three portions—One third of these was called the
demesnes of the Crown, which are administered by the corporation of
the royal towns where they are situated; each town, according to the
revenue of its demesnial lands, pays to the king a certain income,
besides maintaining the police, roads, &c. &c. and the tribute which
each territory pays is called the royal patrimony.—The next third
part of these lands was distributed by King Roger among his nobles;
some of these were fiefs contained within the territory of the
demesnial towns, while others had a town of their own, of which the
estate or barony formed the territory. Sometimes townships of these
baronial towns have estates belonging to them, which are administered
by their corporations, called giurati.—The remaining third portion
was either distributed among the bishops and mitred abbots, or served
to endow the several Convents, which in an age fertile in
superstition were so generally established.
“This distribution of property has remained thus ever since the
Norman Conquest; and all the noble fiefs, as they are held by a grant
in military tenure, are supposed to belong to the crown, and given to
a family and their descendants, subject to military service. This
Circumstance supposes an absolutely strict entail, which prevents the
sale of fiefs without the king’s sanction; (verbo regio;) it supposes
also the indivisibility of the fief—hence the rights of
promogeniture, which has reduced the younger branches of families to
a most miserable state. Thus the lands of the nobles are entailed in
their families. Those of the church are attached to it, and the
demesne lands are equally so to the corporations, as
above-mentioned.” {331}
Of the orders of Society in Sicily, the same writer says—
“Those princes, dukes, marquisses, and barons, who hold estates which
have a town, or sufficient population, are called parliamentary
barons, and have a right to sit in the assembly of the nobles: all
others are called rustic fiefs, and give no right of this kind to
their landlords, though they be decorated with a title.—The next
order of men are the clergy, who form a distinct assembly or house of
parliament, and consists of archbishops, bishops, archimandrites,
mitred abbots, &c. The principal of these are younger brothers of
the noble families; so that, in fact, the ecclesiastical house of
parliament is tied to the lords.—The next order of men consists of a
second rank of nobles, who hold fiefs without burghs, or towns, and
who, though they have the same splendid titles, have no seat in the
parliament. The next order are the burghers of the different towns;
these apply to agriculture, to the church, and to the medical and
legal professions: then come the artisans and peasants. These are
the peasants of the demesne, and those who are the vassals of the
parliamentary lords.”
After noticing the multiplied miseries under which the bulk of the people
is involved by this wretched order of things, which forms an insuperable
obstacle in the way of national happiness and prosperity, our author
informs us, that, according to the original constitution of Sicily, the
three houses of parliaments have the faculty of granting supplies to the
Crown; but the majority of the two houses (he says) are sufficient; by
which means the house of commons, or demesnial assembly becomes totally
nugatory, and the lords and ecclesiastics, after generously granting the
supplies, throw the whole burden of them on the commons. Whatever
remonstrances are made, the matter is left to the decision of those who
have done the evil, and the mischief is thus perpetuated: {333} for it
seems they never think of yielding in the least to the remonstrances of
the commons, or complaints of the people.
In Sicily the feudal system exists without its original energies; and it
may be said to exist in its very worst state, so as to spend all its
force in oppressing beyond measure the middle and lower orders of the
community, or great body of the nation, without contributing to the real
benefit of any. The consequence is that the people, for the most part,
groan hopelessly under their burdens, and seem perfectly indifferent
about the issue of the present contest with France. Yet some people seem
to wonder at their supineness, and their not rising as one man in defence
of their king and country. They might probably have done so, had their
rulers been wise, and left them what would have been worth contending
for, or defending. When rulers cease to feel for the people, it is not
unnatural or unusual for the people also to cease to feel for them.
This, perhaps, will apply to many of the recent changes among the
European powers.
Beside the feudal system, our Norman conqueror introduced into this
country divers other innovations—One of which was the separation of the
Spiritual courts from the Civil; which was effected (says Blackstone) in
order to ingratiate the new king with the popish clergy, who for sometime
before had been endeavouring all over Europe to exempt themselves from
the secular power; and whose demands the conqueror, like a politic
prince, thought it prudent to comply with, by reason that their reputed
sanctity had a great influence over the minds of the people; and because
all the little learning of the times was engrossed into their hands,
which made them necessary men, and by all means to be gained over to his
interests. And this was the more easily effected, because the episcopal
sees being then in the breast of the king, he had taken care to fill them
with Italian and Norman prelates. This innovation produced very grievous
consequences; so that by degrees the rights and privileges of the English
clergy were delivered up into the hands of the Pope, who taxed them at
his pleasure, and in process of time drained the kingdom of immense
treasures: for besides all his other dues, arising from annates, first
fruits, peter-pence, &c. he extorted large sums of money from the clergy
for their preferments in the church. He advanced foreigners to the
richest bishopricks, who never resided in their dioceses, nor so much as
set foot upon English ground, but sent for all their profits to a foreign
country; nay so covetous was his Holiness, that before livings became
void, he sold them provisionally among his Italians, insomuch that
neither the king nor his clergy had any thing to dispose of, but every
thing was bargained before hand at Rome. {334}
Another grievous innovation, introduced at the same period, consisted in
the depopulation of whole countries for the purposes of the king’s royal
diversion; and subjecting both them and all the ancient forests of the
kingdom to the unreasonable severities of forest laws imported from the
continent, whereby the slaughter of a beast was made almost as penal as
the death of a man. In the Saxon times, though no man was allowed to
kill or chase the king’s deer, yet he might start any game, pursue, or
kill it, upon his own estate. But the rigour of these new constitutions
vested the sole property of all the game in England in the king alone;
and no man was entitled to disturb any fowl of the air, or beast of the
field, of such kinds as were specially reserved for the royal amusement
of the sovereign, without express licence from the king, by a grant of a
chase, or free warren: and those franchises were granted as much with a
view to preserve the breed of animals as to indulge the subject. From a
similar principle to which, though the forest laws are now mitigated, and
by degrees grown entirely obsolete, yet from this root has sprung a
bastard slip, known by the name of the _game law_, now arrived to and
wantoning in its highest vigour: both founded upon the same unreasonable
notions of permanent property in wild creatures; and both productive of
the same tyranny to the commons; but with this difference, that the
forest laws established only one mighty hunter throughout the land, the
game laws have raised a little Nimrod in every manor. {335}
Another innovation produced by the conquest was, “narrowing the remedial
influence of the country-courts, the great seats of Saxon justice, and
extending the original jurisdiction of the king’s justiciaries to all
kinds of causes arising in all parts of the kingdom. To this end the
_Aula-regis_, with all its multifarious authority, was erected; and a
capital justiciary appointed, with powers so large and boundless, that he
became at length a tyrant to the people, and formidable to the crown
itself. The constitution of this court, and the judges themselves who
presided there, were fetched from Normandy: and the consequence naturally
was, the ordaining that all proceedings in the king’s courts should be
carried on _in the Norman_ [_or French_] _instead of the English
language_:—a provision the more necessary, because none of his Norman
justiciaries understood English; but as evident a badge of slavery as
ever was imposed upon a conquered people.” And yet the nation was
obliged to submit to it and bear it, for ages. The former plainness and
simplicity now gave way to the abstruseness, chicanery, and subtilty,
which have ever since so unhappily characterized our legal proceedings.
{338a}
Another of the hateful innovations of the same memorable period was, the
introduction of the _trial by combat_, for the decision of all civil and
criminal questions of fact in the last resort. This was the immemorial
practice of all the northern nations, but first reduced to regular and
stated forms among the Burgundi, about the close of the fifth century:
and from them it passed to other nations, particularly the Franks and the
Normans; which last had the honour to establish it here, though clearly
an unchristian, as well as most uncertain method of trial. But it was a
sufficient recommendation of it to the conqueror and his warlike
countrymen, that it was the usage of their native duchy of Normandy.
{338b} This vile remain of ancient barbarism, and foul disgrace of the
legal polity of our ancestors, has long ceased to exist in our island.
As the general changes introduced by the conqueror must have affected the
inhabitants of Lynn, in common with the rest of their countrymen, the
above sketch of them became necessary, in order to give the reader some
idea of the state of things here at and subsequent to the conquest.
Before and at that period, as has been already observed, Lynn and its
neighbourhood formed part of the possessions of Harold, of Stigand
archbishop of Canterbury, and of Ailmar bishop of Elmham. All the
possessions of the former, of course were forfeited by the conquest.
Those of the two others soon followed; for being both Anglo-Saxons, (or
Englishmen,) and deemed inimical to the Norman succession, they were both
expelled, and their sees filled by foreigners. Ailmar’s power and
possessions here were in right of his see, and of his lordship of
Gaywode, which had been long attached to that see: those of Stigand were
in his own right, or that of his lordship of Rising, and that of the
hundred of Freebridge, which he held, (as well as the lordship of the
hundred of Smithdon, and many other lordships,) as a lay fee. His
possessions in these parts were bestowed by he conqueror on his half
brother Odo, bishop of Bayeux, in Normandy, whom he created Earl of Kent.
On his rebellion afterward against William Rufus, he was deprived of
them, and they were bestowed on William de Albini, that king’s butler,
whose son, of the same names, was created Earl of Sussex [of this more
may be seen in the account of Castle Rising.]—Ailmar’s possessions here
went to his successor Arfast or Herfast, who removed the see from Elmham
to Thetford, in whose successors they continued for many generations.
Most, if not all the great gentry of England, in these parts, and
throughout the whole kingdom, at or within a few years after the
conquest, were deprived of their power, stript of their possessions, and
completely humbled. Great numbers of them lost their lives under the
charge of treason, sedition, or other crimes. Those who escaped with
their lives were reduced to poverty, and obliged to occupy such humble
stations as they could not one day have thought of without disdain. {340}
This memorable revolution, (as such revolutions mostly do,) chiefly
affected the higher orders. It affected them, indeed, with a vengeance.
The middle classes seem to have felt but little of it, at least compared
with their superiors. The lower orders felt it still less, or, perhaps,
not at all. They were _slaves_ before, and so they continued for several
ages after, seemingly without any material change. Nor does their hard
condition appear to have been at all ameliorated till after the civil
wars broke out between the rival houses of York and Lancaster. The fatal
effects of those wars in reducing the numbers of each party, obliged the
leaders (as has been before observed) to turn their attention to the
lower orders, that is to the real _slaves_, great numbers of whom were
then emancipated, to fill up the thinned and reduced ranks of their
respective armies. And this seems to have been the only good that
attended those bloody and destructive wars. It certainly proved of great
national benefit, although, like the reformation of Henry VIII, it sprung
from no virtuous or honourable motive. The proverb says, It is an ill
wind that blows no good; and it may be very safely said, that seldom, if
ever, have any calamitous occurrences been known, but what have been
productive of some real benefit. This, doubtless, is owing to the
overruling hand of providence, and ought to be acknowledged as such.
But though the manumission of great numbers of English slaves took place
during those bloody and fatal wars, and also in consequence of the
politic and wise measures adopted by Henry VII. Yet it does not appear
to have been fully or universally effected, or that slavery was then
totally eradicated in England. We find that there were here some slaves
in the reign of Henry VIII. and of Edward VI. and even of Elizabeth:
{341a} and it may be doubtful, if they had entirely ceased to exist here
before the reign of Charles I. and the civil war. They abounded in the
parts about Lynn for a very long period; but whether as late as in some
other parts of the kingdom is rather uncertain. {341b}—In talking and
boasting of our great charter, and of the unwearied and undaunted
exertions of our ancient barons and patriots to obtain and enforce it,
and how careful they were on every occasion to maintain inviolate the
rights and liberties of the people of England, we are seldom aware that a
great part of the nation was all the while in actual slavery, and not a
soul among the whole host of contemporary patriots and redoubtable
zealots for freedom, ever once thinking of pleading their cause, or
commiserating their sufferings! So also in more recent times have we
been congratulating ourselves on our national virtue and ardent love of
liberty and justice, while we were every year dragging thousands and tens
of thousands of the poor Africans into west-indian slavery!!
CHAP. II.
Further remarks on the revolutionary effects of the conquest throughout
the whole kingdom as well as at Lynn—Catalogue of bishops who formerly
bore rule in this Town.
The mighty change effected in this country by the conquest must have been
felt at Lynn in common with all other places of a similar description.
The great and opulent were doubtless the people who felt it most. {342}
As to the middle classes, (if such there were that might properly be so
denominated,) it must have affected them much less, and the lower orders
very little, or perhaps, not at all. The latter were all _slaves_
before, and most unfeelingly treated by their masters and proprietors;
and they could but be slaves still; nor is it likely that they met with
worse treatment from their new masters. What might not be hoped from the
virtue or justice of the Normans, might yet be expected from their
policy; for in that quality they seem not to have been deficient; and it
may be reasonably supposed that it would induce them to use the numerous
slaves they found here no worse than they had been used by their former
proprietors. Thus a great part of the nation, and perhaps the greatest
part of it, might not be so very materially affected, or injured, by the
Norman conquest, as some would be apt to imagine—if indeed it did not
prove, on the whole, a benefit rather than detriment to them. {343}
We must not however imagine or suppose that this revolution bore any
resemblance to that which took place in this country above six hundred
years afterwards, and which has been justly the fond and proud boast of
our countrymen ever since. They were scarcely in any thing alike, except
in the names of their respective authors. But William of Normandy must
not be compared with William of Nassau; for they were two men of very
different and opposite characters: the former came over to subdue and
enslave the nation, the latter came as the champion and guardian of its
rights and its freedom—one came to rob and destroy, the other to succour
and to save—one merited the detestation and execration, the other the
esteem, the gratitude, and the benediction of mankind.
Of all the English grandees, who were ruined by the conquest, none were
more completely undone than the three great proprietors and lords of
Lynn. One of them as has been already observed, was king _Harold_: of
his downfall we need say no more. The other two were archbishop
_Stigand_, and his brother, bishop _Ailmar_. The former seems to have
been the elder brother and head of the family, and was probably of noble
birth, and of Danish extraction, as the bulk of his vast possessions lay
in East Anglia. Carte says, that it appears from the Domesday book, that
he had the best estate of any man in England, except Harold and Edwin:
there can be little doubt therefore of his being the head of one of the
first families in the kingdom. He was lord of Rising, and of the
Hundreds of Freebridge and Smithdon, and also, of divers other extensive
districts. He is represented as a man of no great learning, but of
eminent natural parts, improved by reflection, exercise, and experience,
and directed by a clear head and solid judgment. He had the reputation
of being endowed with uncommon capacity for business; and we also hear
that he was a person of very great weight and power in the country, of
which no doubt can be entertained when his immense wealth is considered,
and the vast influence, arising from both his temporal and spiritual
dignities. That such a man should be marked out as one of the victims of
the Norman revolution, was naturally to be expected: his being an
Englishman, and so very opulent and powerful, were sufficient temptations
to sacrifice him. But he seems to have conducted himself so warily at
that critical juncture, that the Conqueror for sometime appeared at a
loss how to proceed against him. At last some frivolous or pretended
ecclesiastical misdemeanor was found out, for which he was deprived of
his spiritual dignity, under the sanction of the papal authority, by two
popish legates, at a council held at Winchester in 1070. This appeared a
hard and severe measure: but William, as a politic prince, laid the whole
blame or responsibility of it on the then Pontiff, Alexander II. Yet he
immediately seized on Stigand’s vast estates in East Anglia and
elsewhere, and confined him in prison on a very scanty allowance, where
it is said he died, of want, in the course of the same year, and so did
not long survive his disgrace, or rather his downfal. His great
possessions, in and about Lynn, the Conqueror bestowed on his half
brother Odo, bishop of Bayeux, in Normandy, whom he created Earl of Kent,
and, who then became one of the new masters and lords of Lynn. {346a}
Stigand’s brother, bishop Ailmar, who had still greater power in this
town, is supposed to have been deprived, at the same time, and by the
same council. It is likely that he too was then immured in a prison, and
never released from it to his dying day. Such has often been the fate of
men who had attained the highest honours and preferments among their
countrymen.—Ailmar was succeeded in the see of Elmham, and in his
jurisdiction and possessions at Gaywood and Lynn, by Herfast, one of the
conqueror’s chaplains, as Rapin says.—Here it may not be improper, or
unacceptable to the reader, to subjoin a List of the names of all the
bishops that preceded and succeeded Ailmar, as masters and lords of Lynn,
from Felix the Burgundian, first bishop of the East Angles, to Richard
Nykke, or Nix, 31st. bishop of Norwich, {346b} who surrendered into the
hands of Henry VIII. his authority or dominion over this town, when the
name of it was changed from _Bishop’s_ LYNN to _King’s_ LYNN, which it
has retained ever since.—Those bishops were,
1. FELIX _the Burgundian_. He was the apostle of the East Angles, among
whom his ministry was attended with eminent success, and issued in the
conversion of the whole nation: schools were consequently instituted, and
numerous places of worship erected throughout the whole country. He was
consecrated their bishop in 630, and fixed his seat first, it seems, at
_Soham_ in Cambridgeshire, and then at _Silthestow_, afterwards called
_Domnoc_, and since _Dunwich_, in Suffolk. He has been represented as
very learned and pious. The fame of his uncommon sanctity was so great,
that after his death, which happened in 647, he was canonized as a saint,
and his festival stands on the 8th of March, in the Romish calendar.
(See more of him above at p. 242.)—His immediate successor was THOMAS,
who had been trained up under the famous _Paulinus_ archbishop of York,
to whom he had been appointed deacon. On the expulsion of that
metropolitan from his see, Thomas served the same office under Felix,
till his death. After presiding five years he died, in 653, and was
succeeded by BONIFACE, who also sometimes goes by other names. He was a
native of Kent, a priest of Canterbury, whose archbishop consecrated him,
in 653; and dying in 669, he was succeeded by BISUS, or _Bosa_, who was
consecrated by Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury. In his time the
diocese was divided into two sees, one of which remained at Dunwich, and
the other was fixed at _North Elmham_, in Norfolk, among whose
possessions the demesne or lordship of Lynn and Gaywood was included.—The
bishops of Elmham, according to the best account we have met with, were
the following,
I. BEDWINUS, or _Baldwinus_. He has been spoken highly of as a man of
profound learning and exemplary virtue, and author of numerous works (now
lost) which confirmed many in the christian faith. 2. NORTHBERTUS, or
_Northbert_, succeeded sometime after 679.—(3) HEDULACUS, or _Hadulac_,
filled this see in 731; when Bede completed his ecclesiastical
History.—(4.) EDELFRIDUS, or _Ethelfrith_.—(5.) LAMFERTHUS, or
_Lameferd_.—(6.) ATHELWALFUS, or _Ethelwolph_, occupied this see in
811.—(7.) ULFERTUS, or _Alberth_: said to attend at the council of
Cloveshoe, in Berks, where King Offa proposed erecting a new bishopric at
_Lichfield_.—(8.) SIBBA, or _Sibban_: he sat in 816.—(9.) HUNFERTH, or
_Hunferd_: was living in 824.—(10.) HUMBERT, or _Humbrit_: it was he who
crowned king Edmund, or St. Edmund, in 856, with whom he perished in 870,
or 871, in opposing the Danes. He too was canonized.—(11.) WYBRED,
_Wyred_, or _Wilbred_: He was set over the two sees of Dunwich and
Elmham, which occasioned their being then reunited: the seat was fixed at
Elmham.
_Bishops of Elmham after the union of the sees_.—(1.) THEODRED I. He is
reported to have been an eye witness of St. Edmund’s corpse being found
uncorrupt, 70 or 80 years after his death.—(2.) THEODRED, II. surnamed
the _Good_: He was first bishop of London, and then of Elmham; both of
which he held till he died, sometime after 962.—(3.) ATHULF, or _Adulf_:
succeeded in 966; or, as some think, earlier.—(4.) ALFRIC or _Alfrid_:
was one of those who signed and confirmed king Edgar’s charter to the
abbey of Croyland. He died in 975, at the close of Edgar’s reign.—(5.)
ATHELSTAN, _Edelstane_, or _Elstane_: He was consecrated the latter part
of 975.—(6) St. ALGARE, or _Algarc_: he had been Confessor to St. Dunstan
archbishop of Canterbury, and promoted to this see in 1012. He
afterwards resigned, and retired among the monks of Ely, where he died in
1021.—(7.) ALFWIN, or _Elfwin_, succeeded the same year. He had been
keeper or guardian of the body or remains of St. Edmund, and afterwards
removed the same from Bury to London. He was also a violent stickler for
the monks, or _Regulars_, in their furious squabbles with the _Seculars_.
He resigned in 1032.—(8.) ALFRIC II. succeeded, and died in 1038; and was
succeeded by—(9.) ALFRIC III. surnamed the _Little_, who is said to die
in 1139. {349}—(10.) STIGAND; (afterwards archbishop) he had been
chaplain to king Harold Harefoot; but having obtained this see by simony,
which his vast wealth would enable him easily to do, he was afterwards
ejected by king Hardicanute, in 1040.—(11.) GRINKETEL: he held it in
commendam with the bishopric of the _South-Saxons_, during the rest of
Hardicanute’s reign. Under the Confessor, Stigand was restored to
favour, and promoted to Winchester, and last to Canterbury.—(12.)
EGELMAR, _Ailmar_, of _Almar_: of whom an account has been given already,
as well as of his brother Stigand.—(13.) ARFAST, or _Herfast_, chaplain
to the Conqueror. He succeeded at Easter, 1070. In compliance with an
order of a council held by _Lanfranc_, that all episcopal sees should be
removed from villages to the most eminent cities or towns in the
respective dioceses, Herfast translated the see of Elmham to _Thetford_.
He was by birth a Norman, in great favour with the Conqueror, and
chancellor of England. He died in 1084; and in 1085 was succeeded by
(14.) WILLIAM GALSAGUS, _de Bellafago_, or _Beaufo_. He also was one of
the Conqueror’s favourites, had been his chaplain, and became chancellor
of England. He was, like most of that monarch’s great favourites, a
person of immense wealth; which at his death, in 1091, was, by his will,
divided between his family and see: and this must have contributed not a
little to augment the large possessions that were formerly attached to
this bishopric. In his time the celebrated survey, called _Domesday_,
was made, in which, at folio 145, is contained an enumeration of the
estates then belonging to the bishopric; and at folio 148, is an account
of the lands of the said bishop, either in fee or inheritance. As many
of the latter were bequeathed to the bishopric, the revenues of the see
at that period may nearly be ascertained. All these were alienated in
the exchange made by Henry VIII. {350}—After this bishop’s death the see
was removed from Thetford to Norwich.
_Bishops of Norwich_.—1. HERBERT LOZINGA, who having, through the favour
of Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, obtained, by grant and purchase, certain
lands, called _Cowholm_, commenced the execution of his favourite plan of
building a magnificent cathedral, the first stone of which was laid by
him in 1096. He erected a palace also for his residence, on the north
side, and a monastery on the south side, which he furnished with 60
monks, all which doings were sanctioned by Pope Paschal II. Herbert was
also abbot of Ramsey, and lord Chancellor of England; and moreover a most
notorious simoniac, for which the pope imposed upon him some heavy
penances, in the doing of which he very notably acquitted himself, and
gave good proof how well he was cut out for that kind of
business.—Besides the large edifices he erected at Norwich, he also built
the two great churches at Yarmouth and Lynn; the latter he dedicated to
_St. Margaret the Virgin_, or, as some say, to St. _Mary Magdalen_, _St.
Margaret_, _and all the maiden saints_. A priory was also built by him
on the south side of this church. These he is said to have undertaken
_at the request_ of the people of Lynn; and yet it seems as if those same
people were not otherwise very forward in their encouragements to him;
for he was obliged to have recourse to a very ungraceful expedient in
order to induce them to hasten their contributions:—to all who would
subscribe or contribute towards these erections he offered and granted an
indulgence, for forty days; {351} or, in other words, a _Licence_ to
commit with impunity any species of wickedness, or all manner of sin and
villany, for the space of _forty days_! It is supposed that this
expedient fully answered the bishop’s purpose; for the buildings were
soon finished, in a style of superior magnificence. It reflects no
credit on the memory of our townsmen of that day, that in order to do
some good, or contribute liberally towards the erection of religious
edifices in the town, they must be indulged with a licence to commit all
manner of crimes. It shews that they were much more attached to evil
than good, and liked sin far better than holiness. How much the present
population of Lynn excels them, is a question that will not here be
discussed.—Bishop Herbert died in 1119 and was buried before the high
altar of his new cathedral.
2. EBORARD, or _Everard_, succeeded Herbert, after a vacancy of almost
three years. In his time the Jews, as we are told, crucified a boy,
named William, who being considered a martyr, and canonized, brought no
small gains to the church, by the numerous pilgrimages and offerings made
annually on this occasion. Though the truth of this shocking crucifixion
story seems more than doubtful, yet the monks managed to procure it
general belief, and to get the poor boy (real or fictitious) canonized,
under the name of _Saint William_. Their main object no doubt was to
bring grist to the mill; and as that end was amply obtained, it may be
said that they received their reward, and did not labour (or rather
invent the tale) in vain. This bishop was the founder of the hospital
and church of St. Paul in Norwich; and a great benefactor to the
monastery which had been endowed by his predecessor. He was deposed, or
resigned about 1146, and died at _Fountain_’s Abbey in Yorkshire, in
1149, and was succeeded by
3. WILLIAM TURBUS, or _Turbeville_. He was a great stickler for
_Becket_, whose influence, even while in disgrace and exile, drove him
sometimes to unwarrantable and perilous lengths; especially when he
excommunicated the bishop of London, the Earl of Norfolk and some other
nobles, who were disliked by that proud prelate. He died in 1174, and
was succeeded the next year, by
4. JOHN OF OXFORD, who was very differently affected towards Becket, and
took part with the king against him, by which he greatly ingratiated
himself with his sovereign; who being desirous of having the laws more
strictly executed, and a more impartial administration of justice
enforced, appointed him, together with the bishops of Ely and Winchester,
his three principal justices for the purpose. He built Trinity Church at
Ipswich, repaired the damages his cathedral had sustained by fire, in the
time of his predecessor, and was a great benefactor to the episcopal
convent at Norwich. He died in June 1200, and was succeeded by
5. JOHN DE GREY, who was promoted to the see by that great and memorable
patron of Lynn, _King_ JOHN, with whom he appears to have been in very
high favour, and from whom he procured the liberties of Magna Charta for
his diocese. He also obtained from that monarch a charter to make his
town of Lynn a free borough, which was dated at Lutgershall, Sept. 14,
1204, the 6th year of that reign. This was the first of the Lynn
charters. These concessions the king was induced to grant, as it is
said, either to obtain favours, or in return for some he had received.
The wealth of this prelate is reported to have been of great service to
the sovereign in his troubles; and for various loans he had obtained, he
pledged to the bishop his _regalia_, viz. his great crown, the surcoat,
cloak, sandals, gloves, spurs, &c. This bishop built the palace of
Gaywood, and so seems to have resided pretty much here, and may be
supposed to have acquired among the inhabitants a good portion of
popularity. We are also told that he confirmed to the monks of Norwich
our church of _St. Margaret_, and the chapels of _St. James_ and _St.
Nicholas_, and the church of _Mintling_, together with the _tithes_ of
_Gaywood_, &c. This bishop died at Poictou, in 1214: after which the see
was vacant seven years; when
6. PANDULPHUS, an _Italian_, was consecrated in 1222. He had been sent
to England as legate by the pope, on account of the deposition of
archbishop Langton by king John. While at Rome, to have his election to
this see confirmed, on his representing that it was greatly in debt,
(whether true or false, we know not,) he obtained a grant of the whole
_first fruits_ of the clergy in his diocese, for himself and successors;
which thenceforth became attached to those prelates, till the time of
Henry VIII, and must have considerably augmented the episcopal revenues.
He died in Italy, in 1296; but his remains were brought to England for
interment, and buried in his cathedral.
7. THOMAS DE BLANDEVILL succeeded him, and died in 1236, when
8. RALFO succeeded, and died the next year; of whom as well as the
former, nothing remarkable is known to be recorded. His successor was
9. WILLIAM DE RALLEIGH, who obtained the bishopric after three years
contesting his right. He granted, we are told, an indulgence of twenty
days pardon, to all in his diocese who would contribute towards the
building of St. Paul’s in London. Hence it appears, as well as from the
case of Herbert Lozinga, above noticed, that _bishops_, as well _as
popes_, in those times, assumed the power of giving a licence to sin with
impunity. They must have been rare teachers of morality, who could
pretend to promote good works by allowing the people, for a limited time,
to run into all possible excesses of riot and evil doing:—and, on the
other hand, their intellects must have been in a most unenviable and
degraded state, who could accede to the preposterous proposals of such
instructors, or patiently listen to such shameless representations. The
doctrine of indulgences was afterwards made good use of by Luther and his
coadjutors, in their successful struggle against the papal
tyranny.—Bishop Raleigh was translated to Winchester, where he died, soon
after his induction. He was succeeded by
10. WALTER DE SUTHFIELD, or _Suffield_, who was consecrated in 1224. He
obtained for the bishopric a charter of _free warren to_ himself and
successors. So we may presume that he was himself a _sportsman_. By the
command of Pope Innocent, he drew up a general and particular valuation
of all the ecclesiastical revenues in the kingdom; which, after receiving
the papal confirmation, was called the _Norwich-Inquest_; and
subsequently became the ratio of clerical taxation. He erected and
endowed the Hospital of St. Giles, in Norwich, for poor pilgrims, and
died in 1257. He was succeeded the next year by
11. SIMON DE WALTONE, who died in 1265; and was succeeded the same year
by
12. ROGER DE SKERNING, in whose time several dreadful affrays happened
between the citizens of Norwich and the monks, in one of which the
cathedral was burnt. This bishop died in 1278; and was succeeded the
same year by
13. WILLIAM MIDDLETON. The cathedral being partially repaired, he was
enthroned at Norwich; and he rededicated the church, in presence of the
king and queen and principal nobility, who were assembled on the
occasion. He died in 1288; whose successor was
14. RALPH DE WALPOLE, a Marshland man, it seems, and ancestor of the
present noble family of the _Walpoles_. He was translated to Ely, in
1299, and his successor at Norwich was
15. JOHN SALMON, or _Salomon_. Enlarging or rebuilding the palace at
Norwich, and founding the Charnel-house, now the free school, are among
the principal works ascribed to him. He died in 1385, and his successor
was
16. ROBERT DE BALDOCK, who resigned shortly after, and was succeeded by
17. WILLIAM DE AYRMINNE, who employed himself in enclosing his palace,
cathedral, &c. with stone walls, and fortifying then with embattled
parapets. He died in 1336; and had for his successor
18. THOMAS HEMENHALE, who soon resigned this see, and accepted that of
Worcester in lieu of it. Then succeeded
19. ANTHONY DE BECK, a man of the most imperious and turbulent temper,
who had terrible quarrels with the monks, by whose instigation, as it was
thought, he was poisoned by his own servants at his seat of Hevingham, in
1343. His successor was
20. WILLIAM BATEMAN, dean of Lincoln. He was a great benefactor to the
nunnery of Flixton in South Elmham, and gave the nuns a body of statutes
for their regulation; and, in 1347 founded _Trinity Hall_ in Cambridge,
for the express purpose of supplying his diocese with persons properly
qualified for the discharge of the duties of parochial cures. He died in
1354, at Avignon, while on an embassy to the pope. This prelate was a
native of Norwich, but spent much of his time abroad, and chiefly at
Rome, till the pope promoted him to this bishopric. So great was his
interest with his holiness, that he also obtained for himself and
successors, the first fruits, as we are told, of all vacant livings
within his diocese, which occasioned, it seems, frequent disputes between
him and his clergy. But the clergy were not likely to gain much by
disputing with him, for he is represented as “a stout defender of his
rights, and one who would not suffer himself to be injured or imposed
upon, or his dignity insulted, by any one.” In proof of which, the
following anecdote has been related of him by some of our
historians:—“Lord Morley, having killed some of the bishop’s deer,
infringed upon his manors, and abused his servants who opposed him, was
obliged to do penance by walking through the streets of the city with a
wax candle of six pounds weight in his hand, and kneel down before the
bishop, in the cathedral, and ask his pardon, although the king had sent
an express order to the contrary.”—From this anecdote we may safely
infer, that this prelate governed his slaves and vassals, the inhabitants
of Lynn, with despotic sway. It is said that there was in his time such
a dreadful plague in England, and throughout Europe, as scarcely left a
tenth part of the inhabitants living; and that it appears from the
Chronicle of Norwich, that from the first of January to the first of July
1348–9, 57374 persons, besides ecclesiastics and beggars, died in Norfolk
alone. We cannot learn how many of them were of the town of Lynn.—A
circumstance that seems to corroborate this extraordinary mortality is,
that this bishop instituted and collated 850 persons to benefices vacant
at this time. {358} His successor was
21. THOMAS PERCY, youngest brother of the Earl of Northumberland, though
but twenty-two years of age. After erecting the steeple of the
cathedral, which had been blown down by a violent wind, and repairing the
choir, which had been much damaged, he died, in 1369. The next year he
was succeeded by
22. HENRY SPENCER, or _Le Spencer_, a prebendary of Salisbury. He was
consecrated in March 1370, _by the pope in person_, which probably
contributed not a little to cherish that self importance and haughtiness
for which he was so remarkable. In an aid granted through the kingdom to
the king’s use, this prelate certified for his diocese, that it
contained, in Norfolk 806 parishes, and in Suffolk 515; and each county
was accordingly rated. He took a most active part, at the commencement
of what is called _the grand Schism_, in the memorable warfare between
pope _Urban_ and his competitor pope _Clement_: for there were then two
popes; two infallible heads of the catholic church! and each reviling and
damning the other without mercy, and most bloodily seeking his
destruction!! Bishop Spencer was on the side of pope Urban, with whom he
was in very high favour. In 1383 that pontiff published a bull, in which
he called upon all who had any regard for religion, to exert themselves
in its defence, by taking up arms for him, against his rival Clement and
his adherents; promising at the same time, for the encouragement of all
who would volunteer in this meritorious service, the same _pardons_ and
_indulgences_ as had been usually granted to those who had engaged, or
lost their lives, in the great eastern crusades, or holy wars. {359}
This papal bull met with no small success in England, owing perhaps to
France being on the side of pope Clement, and to Urban’s choosing an
English ecclesiastic for his general. This was our bishop Spencer, “a
young and stout prelate (says Fox) much fitter for the camping cure than
for the peaceable church of Christ.”—A most dashing and bouncing high
priest he certainly was; of which he gave repeated and abundant proofs,
both at home and abroad. This right reverend warrior, and champion of
holy church, (at least, of Urban’s portion or moiety of it) having
obtained an aid or subsidy, of the English parliament, set out upon his
continental expedition against the Clementines at the head of 50,000 foot
and 2,000 horse: but he did not bring back quite so many. {360} Our
general with his furious crusaders, after they had landed at Calais, to
shew their strict regard for propriety and consistency, turned their arms
against Flanders; a country that was not favourable to Clement, but had
actually declared for Urban. After ravaging the country, taking divers
towns, and defeating the Flemish force which had attempted to oppose
them, an effectual stop was put to their career, by the French king,
Charles VI. at the head of a powerful army. In short the expedition
ended disgracefully, as it deserved, and not very unlike certain
expeditions to Flanders and Holland in modern times. The great general,
bishop Spencer, at his return, found himself somewhat in disgrace; in
which he proved more ill-fated than our modern Yorks and Chathams. The
king ordered the temporalities of his see to be seized, and several of
his officers to be imprisoned. In a year or two, however, his
temporalities were restored, and he probably regained the royal
favour.—He lived in great splendor, and had divers sumptuous palaces,
among which was that at Norwich, another at South Helingham, and another,
supposed to be one of the chief of them, at Gaywood by Lynn, the
inhabitants of which town had ample experience of his imperious and
turbulent spirit. Being one time in town with his retinue, he quarrelled
in the street with the mayor (who was supported by the townsmen) on some
point of frivolous etiquette. From words the parties came to blows, and
a very serious battle ensued, which terminated in the total defeat of the
haughty prelate and his company, who were all furiously driven out of
town, many of them sorely bruised and wounded. This turbulent high
priest afterwards bent his rage against the poor _Lollards_, and appeared
among the first to proceed against them upon the law _De hæretico
Comburendo_. He prosecuted _William Sawtre_, minister of St. Margaret’s
at Lynn, who at first recanted, and afterwards became minister of St.
Osith in London, where he relapsed, and was the first that suffered under
the above law. This bishop also afterwards persecuted _Sir Thomas
Erpingham_ at Norwich, and as a penance, for favouring Lollardism,
enjoined him to build the _gate_, at the entrance of the College
precinct, which still goes by his name. Bishop Spencer died in 1406, and
was, it seems, the first prelate who quartered the episcopal arms with
his own. His successor was
23. ALEXANDER DE TOTINGTON, who, though immediately elected, was not
admitted to his spiritualities till the following year. Some of his
manor-houses and palaces having fallen into decay, through the negligence
of his predecessors, he is said to have spent large sums in repairing and
beautifying them, which constituted, apparently, his most meritorious and
memorable deeds. He died in 1413, and was succeeded by
24. RICHARD DE COURTNEY, chancellor of Oxford, who died suddenly, about
two years after, at the siege of Harfleur; from which it would seem that
he was a prelate that delighted in war, or another of our fighting
bishops, who, at the best, are but unamiable characters. He was
succeeded, in 1416, by
25. JOHN DE WAKERYNG, archdeacon of Canterbury, who was confirmed by the
_archbishop_; which unusual circumstance was owing to the ecclesiastical
anarchy still existing, occasioned by the continuance of the grand
schism, which was then at its height. During that period there always
were _two_ popes, but they were now _three_, and each prefering a legal
claim to the papal chair, as the lineal descendant of St Peter! Three
contemporary popes exhibited an unusual and queer spectacle, and would
naturally suggest the idea of three heads of the church: and a church, or
any thing else, with _three heads_ may pretty fairly be deemed a
_monster_. Even the protestant church of England, however, has had
before now _two_ heads; one in London, and the other at St. Germans;
which ought to deter its members from bearing too hard on the church of
Rome in the above case. Bishop Wakeryng is said to have made
considerable improvements in and about his cathedral; which seems to have
been among his most praiseworthy performances. It appears that he died
in 1425.
Here it may be proper to observe, that in this bishop’s time, and that of
some of his predecessors, as well as of his immediate successor, the
tranquillity of the town of Lynn appears to have been exceedingly
disturbed by the violence of two contending factions, which kept the town
in a continual state of discord and distraction, it seems, for the space
of about thirty years: as may be gathered from existing documents, or
copies of Letters, of that period, still preserved in a MS. History of
Lynn, in the possession of _Mr. Thomas King_ of this town. {363} From
which we discover that those two contending factions were headed by two
of the Aldermen of that time; one of whom was _Bartholomy Petipas_, who
was _twice_ mayor, and the other _John de Wentworth_, who served that
office _three times_. The cause and nature of the difference that arose
between these opposing parties is not easy to develop. That their
animosity was bitter and violent is but too obvious, but its source or
ground is involved in no small obscurity.
This however is not the place to enter minutely upon the subject, which
shall be resumed in another part of the work. This dire contention seems
to have begun in 1403, the 7th of Henry IV. and to have lasted till 1434,
the 13th of Henry VI. The first of those years were the 3rd. of
Wentworth’s mayoralty, between whom and Petipas there evidently existed
some serious competition; but whether it was merely a contest for power
or superiority in the management of the town, or arose from certain
political questions about a reform of abuses, on which the parties
disagreed, does not very plainly appear. It is however very well known
that questions of a political, as well as theological nature, were then
much agitated in different parts of the country, by the enlightened and
patriotic disciples of Wickliff, who were anxious to promote every where
political as well as ecclesiastical reformation; but that such was
actually the case then at Lynn, and the ground of the said disagreement
cannot perhaps be positively affirmed. There are indeed some intimations
of _insufficient_ or _suspicious_ persons having for sometime been chosen
or found among the 24 Jurats that were here annually elected, in a Letter
or injunction from Henry VI, addressed, seemingly, to the mayor and
burgesses, and dated November 23 in his 13th year, which may indicate
that politics had no small share in the said contention, and the persons
alluded to might belong to the advocates of reform, or democrats of that
day. But this subject we will now drop, {365} and proceed with our
episcopal catalogue. John de Wakeryng dying in 1425 was succeeded the
following year by
26. WILLIAM ALNWICK, archdeacon of Salisbury, who, having sat ten years,
was translated to Lincoln. The principal entrance of the palace is said
to have been erected at his expence, and by his arms being united with
those of the see, on the west end of the cathedral, he is supposed to
have contributed towards the erection of that also.
27. THOMAS BROWN, or _Breus_, succeeded him, being translated hither
from Rochester, by Pope Eugenius IV. by bull, dated September 19, 1436.
We are told that he left a sum towards the payment of the city tax, and
exhibitions for poor scholars, prosecuting their studies in the
universities, who might be natives of the diocese: so that he seems one
of the better sort of those of his order. He died at Hoxne, in
1445.—JOHN STANBERY, a carmelite friar, was chosen to succeed him, but
never consecrated, owing to papal interference, then at its height. The
real successor therefore was
28. WALTER HART, or _Lyhart_, master of Oriel College Oxon, who was
appointed by the pope, and consecrated February 27, 1446. Paving the
cathedral; and erecting the elegant carved roof of the nave, where a
_hart_, or deer couchant, in sculpture, alluding to his name, is seen in
several places, are the works ascribed to him. He died in May 1472, and
was succeeded by
29. JAMES GOLDWELL, the Pope’s Prothonotary, who was made bishop by
papal provision, and consecrated at Rome by pope Sixtus IV. October 4,
1472. He appears to have been a thorough-paced ecclesiastic, and
legitimate son of his Holy Father. Before he left Rome, at the time of
his consecration, he is said to have obtained of the Pope a _perpetual
indulgence_, to repair and ornament the cathedral; by which he was
empowered to grant, to all persons who frequented it annually, on Trinity
Sunday and Lady-day, _twelve years_ and _forty days_ pardon, in lieu of
offerings made on the occasion: and having received the sum of 2200
marks, for dilapidation, he finished beautifying the tower; made the
elegant stone-fretted roof of the choir; and ornamented the chapels on
each side of it; especially that dedicated to the Holy Trinity, in which
he was afterwards interred.—We need not wonder that he could do so much,
when he was empowered to grant such long indulgences, and such extensive
and ample pardons. Wealthy people, who could believe him really
possessed of such a power, might be expected to furnish him pretty
readily with any sums of money he wanted for his sumptuous buildings and
architectural decorations. To such pious frauds and cunning devices,
many of our ecclesiastical structures, throughout the kingdom, owe much,
perhaps, of their boasted beauty and magnificence. Sad however must have
been the case of this country, when such vile tricks could take, or
succeed, even with the most enlightened part of its population; and
sadder still must be our case, if we are not yet proof against equally
vile and palpable impositions.—Bishop Goldwell died in 1498, {370} and
the see, on the refusal of _Christopher Urswyke_, was filled by
30. THOMAS JANE, archdeacon of Essex, and Canon of Windsor, who was
consecrated in 1499, and died the next year: whose successor was
31. RICHARD NYKKE, or _Nix_, archdeacon of Exeter, who was elected in
1500. He must have been a man of an unamiable and hateful character.
Writers unanimously concur to brand his name with the greatest obloquy.
Of his vile persecuting spirit no further evidence need be adduced than
the fact, that by his sanguinary judgments, _Ayers_, _Bingy_, _Norrice_,
and the amiable _Bilney_ were consigned to the flames, for only, in a
peaceable manner, expressing those sentiments, which, as they were
sanctioned by conscience, they had a right to suppose were the dictates
of truth. He died January 14. 1535. In his time _Chorepiscopi_ were
first appointed by act of parliament; their office answering to that of
suffragan, which, prior to that period, had been chosen at the discretion
of the diocesan. While this bishop bore sway, as master and lord of
Lynn, there was among the aldermen here a very remarkable person, whose
name was _Thomas Miller_. He was mayor of the town six or seven years,
but not six or seven times; for the first time he was in the office for
four years successively, viz. 1520 and the three following years. He was
mayor again in 1529, and again in 1546, the last of Henry VIII. That he
was a man of spirit and intrepidity appears by his contending with his
lord, the bishop, about the right of having the sword carried before him,
which his lordship, it seems, objected to, and claimed as his own proper
and exclusive right and prerogative. Our mayor and the corporation, not
satisfied with this, went boldly to law with their lordly master, on the
occasion, and carried their cause; which determined and established the
point, and the sword has been carried before their worships, the mayors
of Lynn, ever since, without any further demur or litigation. It appears
indeed that it would have so happened, in no long time after, had the
said law-suit, or legal decision not taken place; for the king, in the
course of a few years, thought proper to require of this same bishop the
relinquishment and surrender of his supremacy, or dominion over Lynn, for
such valuable considerations as his majesty, in his princely wisdom, saw
fit to grant or allow him, by way of exchange or remuneration. To this
his lordship readily acceded; for he must have known the king too well to
suppose that it would have been any way safe for him to have done
otherwise. But he died soon after, and before the affair was fully
concluded. The actual surrender, therefore, and probably under some new
arrangements, was left to be executed by his immediate successor, the no
less memorable
32. WILLIAM RUGG, or, _Reppes_, fortieth abbot of St. Bennet’s in Holme,
and native of North Repps, in this county, where his father, of both his
names, is said to have resided. He had his education at Cambridge, and
was fellow of Gonvill Hall in that university. After being abbot of St.
Bennet’s about six years, he was promoted to this see, by way of
recompence, as some seem to think, for the part he had acted among the
Cambridge divines, in obtaining from that university the judgment his
majesty wished, respecting his marriage with queen Catherine. They might
also suppose, that his being a warm and stanch stickler for the king’s
ecclesiastical supremacy, and influencing those of his convent to
subscribe to the same, in 1534, were additional recommendations that
contributed to his promotion. But when we consider the hard terms, or
humiliating conditions, on which he was to obtain, or hold his episcopal
dignity, (that is, by relinquishing the greatest part of the revenue and
possessions attached to his see,) it will not be a very easy matter to
prove that any favour was intended by this preferment, and much less a
recompence or reward for former services: this was certainly very
different from Henry’s wonted manner of using his favourites, and
rewarding his approved servants. But this point is too uninteresting to
merit any further discussion.—Abbot Rugg being promoted to the see of
Norwich in 1536, he, by virtue of a private act of parliament, parted
with all the lands of his bishopric, except the site of his episcopal
palace in Norwich, to the king, by way of exchange for the revenues
belonging to the abbey of Holme and priory of Hickling; which last being
soon after alienated by him, the whole income, since his time,
appertaining to the see of Norwich, has been only the estate of Holme
monastery, which his successors still enjoy, according to the purport of
the said act, which, continuing unrepealed, gave occasion to bishop
Montague, in the time of Charles I. to subscribe himself, in his leases,
“_Richard_, _by divine permission_, _lord bishop of Norwich_, _and Head
Abbot of St. Benedict’s de Hulm_.” The exchange of the lands of the
bishopric, for those of the Abbey of St. Benedict’s and priory of
Hickling, is said to have been made by Abbot Rugg some months before his
election to the see of Norwich, {372} though not before his promotion
thither had been predetermined. We are further informed that this
prelate alienated from his bishopric, not only the priory of Hickling,
but many good manors besides, belonging to the abbey, some by absolute
gift, others upon trifling exchanges, and gave long leases, so that, at
last, he was unable to maintain the state of the bishopric, and forced to
resign, with an annual pension of 200 marks. He seems to have been a
singularly improvident and thoughtless prelate, and very different from
most of that order, who seldom lose sight of their terrestrial interests,
or temporal concerns, whatever they may do as to those that are of an
eternal nature. After having resigned the see for the paltry pittance of
200 marks, or, as some say, 200_l._ per annum, he died in 1550. In
allusion to the straits and difficulties to which his manifest and
manifold indiscretions had reduced him, one of the members or officers of
his household is said to have made the following verses on his
resignation:
Poor Will, thou _rugged_ art and _ragged_ all:
Thy _abbey_ cannot bless thee in such fame,
To keep a pallace fair and stately hall,
When gone from thence what should maintaine the same.
First pay thy debts, and hence return to _cell_,
And pray the blessed _saint_ whom thou dost serve,
That others may maintaine the _pallace_ well;
For if THOU stayst, we all are like to starve.
The convent, or abbey of St. Benedict’s, appears to have been his chief
palace, or place of residence, during the whole time of his sustaining
the episcopal character: after which it soon went into decay, and ceased
to be the residence of his successors; with whom however we have no
further concern, as they were no longer the temporal lords and masters of
Lynn. Here therefore ends this episcopal catalogue; which exhibits a
pretty long list of names, though but few among them appear to have
merited the praise and benediction of their contemporaries, or the
veneration and imitation of posterity.
CHAP. III.
State of Lynn previously and subsequently to its becoming a
corporate-town, or free borough, with general remarks on that event, and
on the progressive state of society in the towns and cities of this
country, as well as at Lynn, in those times.
It is difficult to ascertain the exact state of this town, or the nature
of its police, and the social condition of its inhabitants, not only
before and at the Conquest, but also for a good while after, any further
than that its population appears to have then consisted chiefly, if not
entirely, of the bishop’s slaves or vassals, governed by such agents or
officers as he thought proper to appoint, whose administration as may be
reasonably presumed, would not always be of the mildest, or most
equitable and unexceptionable description. Had there been now in
existence regular and authentic records of the affairs of the town, in
those days, we should probably discover that its police, at least the
spirit of it, bore but too much resemblance to our present West Indian
jurisprudence. Slaves, in those ages, seem to have constituted the bulk
of our population; and were, in all probability, the offspring of the
lower orders of the original inhabitants, whose lives had been spared,
when the Anglo-Saxons over-run and conquered the country, on condition of
submitting to perpetual servitude. Such seems to have been the origin of
those slaves of different descriptions which formerly abounded in this
country for many ages. These, in country places, were the cultivators of
the soil, or tillers of the ground; and in the towns, they were the
tradesmen, mechanics, artificers, and labourers. In short, both in the
towns and in country places all useful employments were occupied by them.
As to their masters, the nobility, gentry, and every description of
military men, who constituted the great or main body of reputed freemen,
they were all above engaging in any such employments. War and the chace
were the only occupations that were deemed worthy of them; and there lay
the whole stock or sum of their knowledge and acquirements. Literature
of every kind they usually set at nought; scorning to learn so much as to
write their own names, as an attainment that would be too degrading for
an English gentleman. Under such beings, how unenviable, miserable, and
deplorable must have been the condition of the enslaved or unfree part of
the community.
Of the original, low, and servile state of the inhabitants of our
English, and other European towns, and their progress from thraldom to
freedom, no one has perhaps given a juster account than _Dr. Adam Smith_,
in the second volume of his celebrated Inquiry into the Nature and Causes
of the Wealth of Nations. He there observes that the inhabitants of
cities and towns, after the fall of the Roman Empire, were not more
favoured than those of the country.
“They consisted, indeed, of a very different order of people from the
first inhabitants of the ancient republicks of Greece and Italy.
These last were composed chiefly of the proprietors of lands, among
whom the public territory was originally divided, and who found it
convenient to build their houses in the neighbourhood of one another,
and to surround them with a wall, for the sake of common defence.
After the fall of the Roman empire, on the contrary, the proprietors
of land seem generally to have lived in fortified castles on their
own estates, and in the midst of their own tenants and dependants.
The towns were chiefly inhabited by tradesmen and mechanics, who
seemed in those days to have been servile, or very nearly of servile
condition. The privileges which we find granted by ancient charters
to the inhabitants of some of the principal towns in Europe,
sufficiently shew what they were before these grants. The people to
whom it is granted as a privilege, that they might give away their
own daughters in marriage without the consent of their lord, that
upon their death, their own children, and not their lord, should
succeed to their goods, and that they might dispose of their own
effects by will, must, before those grants, have been either
altogether, or very nearly in the same state of villanage with the
occupiers of land in the country. They seem, indeed, to have been a
very poor, mean set of people, who used to travel about with their
goods from place to place, and from fair to fair, like the hawkers
and pedlers of the present times. In all the different countries of
Europe then, in the same manner as in several of the Tartar
governments of Asia at present, taxes used to be levied upon the
persons and goods of travellers, when they passed through certain
manors, when they went over certain bridges, when they carried about
their goods from place to place in a fair, when they erected in it a
booth or stall to sell them in. These different taxes were known in
England by the names of passage, pontage, lastage, and stallage.
Sometimes the king, sometimes a great lord, would grant to particular
traders, to such particularly as lived in their own demesnes, a
general exemption from such taxes. Such traders, though in other
respects of servile condition, were upon this account called
Free-traders. They in return usually paid to their protector a sort
of annual poll tax. In those days protection was seldom granted
without a valuable consideration, and this tax might, perhaps, be
considered as compensation for what their patrons might lose by their
exemption from other taxes. At first, both those poll-taxes and
those exemptions seem to have been altogether personal, and to have
affected only particular individuals, during either their lives, or
the pleasure of their protectors. In the very imperfect accounts
which have been published from Domesday-book, of several of the towns
of England, mention is frequently made, sometimes of the tax which
particular burghers paid, each of them, either to the king, or to
some other great lord, for this sort of protection; and sometimes of
the general amount only of all these taxes.” {377}
“That part of the king’s revenue which arose from such poll-taxes in
any particular town, used commonly to be lett in farm, during a term
of years for a rent certain, sometimes to the sheriff of the county,
and sometimes to other persons. The burghers themselves frequently
got credit enough, to be admitted to farm the revenues of this sort
which arose from their own town, they becoming jointly and severally
answerable for the whole rent.”
In return, being allowed to collect it in their own way, and to pay it
into the king’s exchequer by the hands of their own bailiff, they would
be altogether freed from the insolence of the
king’s officers; a circumstance in those days of no small importance.
“At first, the farm of the town was lett to the burghers, in the same
manner as it had been to other farmers, for a term of years only. In
process of time, however, seems to have become the general practice
to grant it to them in fee, that is for ever, reserving a rent
certain, never afterwards to be augmented. The payment having thus
become perpetual, the exemptions, in return for which it was made,
naturally became perpetual too. Those exemptions, therefore, ceased
to be personal, and could not afterwards be considered as belonging
to individuals as individuals, but as burgesses of a particular
burgh, which, upon this account, was called a Free-burgh, for the
same reason that they had been called Free-burghers or Free-traders.
Along with this grant, the important privileges above mentioned, that
they might give away their own daughters in marriage, that their
children should succeed them, and that they might dispose of their
own effects by will, were generally bestowed upon the burghers of the
town to whom it was given. The principal attributes of villanage
find slavery being thus taken away from them, they now, at least,
became really free in our present sense of the word Freedom.—Nor was
this all. They were generally at the same time erected into a
commonality, or corporation, with the privilege of having magistrates
and a town-council of their own, of making bye-laws for their own
government, of building walls for their own defence, and of reducing
all their inhabitants under a sort of military discipline, by
obliging them to watch and ward; that is, as antiently understood, to
guard and defend those walls against all attacks and surprises, by
night as well as by day. In England they were generally exempted
from suit to the hundred and country courts; and all such pleas as
should arise among them, the pleas of the crown excepted, were left
to the decision of their own magistrates.” {379}
For the origin of corporate towns, in this country, we are generally
referred to the times of which we are now treating, that is, the ages
subsequent to the Conquest; and yet it seems to be very evident from the
old book called _The Mirrour_, that there existed here some towns of that
description even as early as the days of Alfred: {380} but they were
probably few, and disregarded afterward, if not entirely disannulled;
till a good while after the accession and establishment of the Norman
dynasty: nor can we learn scarcely any thing of the cause and object of
their formation, or the nature and principles of their constitutions.
The case is otherwise as to those corporations formed since the Conquest;
which seems to apply to all those that now exist in this country: it is
not so difficult to find, or make out, how and why they were formed; and
it is with them only that we have here any concern. Before they sprung
up the feudal system was in its full and utmost vigour; and the power of
the country was divided between the sovereign and the barons, or great
lords; and the latter were sometimes an over match for the former. As a
counter-balance or check to the formidable and enormous power of the
barons, the incorporation of the great towns and cities seems chiefly to
have been resorted to, or adopted. At least this appears to have been
the case as far as any good policy, and not mere caprice, had any share
in the business: for justice and humanity, or a desire to enlarge the
liberty, and promote the welfare of the people were totally out of the
question. These were motives too sublime and godlike to enter into the
contemplation of the English kings and courtiers of those days.
But the said measure, whatever might be its cause and object, or the
motive for its adoption, appears to have produced very salutary effects:
for by forming cities and towns into corporations, and conferring on them
the privileges of municipal jurisdiction, the first check was given to
the overwhelming evils of the feudal system: and under their influence
freedom and independence began to peep forth, from the rigours of
slavery, and the miseries of oppression. To be free of any corporation,
however, was not then, as at present, merely to enjoy some privilege in
trade, or to exercise the right of voting on particular occasions, but it
was to be exempt from the intolerable hardships of feudal service; to
have the right of disposing both of person and property, and to be
governed by laws intended to promote the general good, and not to gratify
the ambition and avarice of individuals. These laws, however rude and
imperfect, tended to afford security to property, and encourage men to
habits of industry. Thus commerce, with every ornamental and useful art,
began first in corporate bodies to animate society. But in those dark
ages force was necessary to defend the claims of industry; and such a
force the municipal societies possessed; for their towns were not only
defended by walls and gates, vigilantly guarded by the citizens, but
oftimes at the head of their fellow freemen in arms, the mayor, aldermen
and other officers, marched forth in firm array, to assert their rights,
defend their property, and teach the proudest and most powerful baron,
that the humblest freeman was not to be injured with impunity. It was
thus the commons learned and proved they were not objects of contempt;
nay, that they were beings of the same species as the greatest lords.
{381}
In this country the king is said to be the fountain of honour; and such
he was to the incorporated towns and cities. From him they derived their
chartered and municipal privileges, and to him they owed their
emancipation from their former bondage, or manumission from feudal
servitude. Though these royal acts appear to have proceeded from no
generous or noble motives, such as the love of justice, or a regard for
liberty, but rather from a selfish and sordid policy; yet, as they proved
of vast benefit to the inhabitants of those towns and cities, they
strongly attached them to the throne, and greatly added to the power and
resources of the sovereign. The aversion and contempt manifested by the
nobles towards this new body of freemen, tended to promote still further
their attachment and subserviency to the court. The lords despised the
burghers, whom they considered not only as of a different order, but as a
parcel of emancipated slaves, almost of a different species from
themselves.
“The wealth of the burghers never failed to provoke their envy and
indignation, and they plundered them on every occasion without mercy
or remorse. The burghers naturally hated and feared the lords. The
king hated and feared them too; but, though perhaps he might despise,
he had no reason either to hate or fear the burghers. Mutual
interest, therefore, disposed them to support the king, and the king
to support them against the lords. They were the enemies of his
enemies, and it was his interest to render them as secure and
independent of those enemies as he could. By granting them
magistrates of their own, the privilege of making bye-laws for their
own government, that of building walls for their own defence, and
that of reducing all their inhabitants under a sort of military
discipline, he gave them all the means of security and independency
of the barons, which it was in his power to bestow. Without the
establishment of some regular government of this kind, without some
authority to compel their inhabitants to act according to some
certain plan or system, no voluntary league of mutual defence could
either have afforded them, any permanent security, or have enabled
them to give the king any permanent support. By granting the farm of
their town in fee, he took away from those whom he wished to have for
his friends, and, if one may say so, for his allies, all ground of
jealousy and suspicion, that he was ever afterwards to oppress them,
either by raising the farm rent of their town, or by granting it to
some other farmer.” {383}
The armed force, with which the towns now furnished themselves, must have
produced a very material change in the state of the kingdom. This new
order of warriors, or trained bands of the towns, seem not to have been
inferior to those of the country; and as they could be more readily
assembled on any emergency, they are said to have frequently had the
advantage in their disputes with the neighbouring lords. In some parts
of the continent they became so powerful and successful as to subdue the
nobles in their vicinity, and enable the cities to which they belonged to
form themselves into independent republicks. But in England, the cities
and burghs had no opportunity to become entirely independent. They
became, however, so considerable, as Dr. Smith observes, that the
sovereign could impose no tax upon them, beside the stated farm-rent of
the town, without their own consent. They were, therefore, called upon
to send deputies to the general assembly of the states of the kingdom,
where they might join with the clergy and the barons in granting, upon
urgent occasions, some extraordinary aid to the king. Being generally,
too, more favourable to his power, their deputies seem, some times, to
have been employed by him as a counterbalance, in those assemblies, to
the authority of the great lords. {384} Hence, as it seems, the origin
of the representation of burghs in our parliaments.
However useless or objectionable our modern burghs or corporate towns may
be, it must be allowed that they were originally productive of no
inconsiderable national advantages. In them, as has been observed by the
writer last mentioned, order and good government together with the
liberty and security of individuals, were established at a time when the
occupiers of land in the country were exposed to every kind of violence.
That industry also, which aims at something more than necessary
subsistence was found in them before it was commonly practised, or did
exit among the country farmers.
“If in the hands of a poor cultivator, oppressed with the servitude
of villanage, some little stock should accumulate, he would naturally
conceal it, with great care, from his master, to whom it would
otherwise have belonged, and take the first opportunity of running
away to a town. The law was, at that time, so indulgent to the
inhabitants of towns, and so desirous of diminishing the authority of
the lords, over those of the country, that if he could conceal
himself there, from the pursuit of the lord, for a year, he was free
for ever. Whatever stock therefore accumulated in the hands of the
industrious part of the inhabitants of the country, naturally took
refuge in cities, as the only sanctuaries in which it could be secure
to the person that acquired it.” {385}
Thus it appears the cities and towns were then replenished with
inhabitants from the industrious and most valuable part of the population
of the country, and not, as is too often the case in our time, from the
most idle, profligate, and worthless.
From what has been already said of the motive or policy that seems to
have given birth to our burgh-system, it might naturally be expected that
those princes, who lived upon the worst terms with their barons, would be
the most ready and active promoters of it, and the most liberal in their
grants of municipal immunities. This, at least, appears to have been the
case: and we find our _king_ JOHN, for example, and we may add, his son,
and successor, HENRY III. were most munificent benefactors to those
towns; of which Lynn, may be mentioned as one notable instance. This
town owes, to those two sovereigns, its political redemption, or
elevation to the rank of a corporate town, or free borough. The era of
its arriving at this high, and proud distinction, was the 13th century;
whereas it was, before that period, the miserable abode of a horde of
slaves, the vassals of the lord bishops of the see in which it is
situated.
But though Lynn acquired then the rank and denomination of a free burgh,
it does not appear, that it also became possessed of equal freedom from
baronial domination, and feudal vassalage, with all the rest of our
corporate towns; or, that it actually arrived at that state or degree of
liberty, for a very long while after, even till the reign of _Henry_
VIII. about 300 years after it had been first declared a free burgh by
king _John_ and his successor. The time when it acquired the name of
_King’s Lynn_, seems, therefore, to be the true era of its actual, and
entire liberation from its former feudal encumbrances. Lynn then is a
place where the memory of the last Henry ought to be held dear, and where
he should be commemorated as one of its best benefactors. These,
however, are circumstances, not generally adverted to; but they seem to
be real matters of fact, and may deserve here some elucidation.
King _John_, granting to Lynn its charter of incorporation at the
instance of bishop _Grey_, who had so much interest with him, and to whom
he had very great obligations, was not likely to attempt to deprive him
of his baronial rights, or supreme power and jurisdiction, in this town:
nor do we know that the bishop was at all disposed to relinquish the
same. We accordingly find an express clause in the royal charter,
_saving to the said bishop and his successors_, _the liberties_, _&c.
which had previously belonged to the bishops of Norwich_. That this was
understood as securing to the bishops their former rights and authority
in this town, may be inferred from the general conduct of the succeeding
prelates for many generations, who seem to have been uniformly striving
to retain and perpetuate the said rights and authority, and keep the
inhabitants in their original state of subjection to them. Nor did the
mayor and corporation appear, at all, disposed to the point with their
lordships, except in very few instances; as in the time of bishops
_Spencer_, _Wakeryng_, and _Nix_, already noticed. There seems, also to
have been some stir, of the same sort, made in the time of bishop _Hart_,
or _Lyhart_, in the year 1446, and the corporation, probably, complained,
or appealed to the king, (Henry VI.) who then visited this town, and
seems to have favoured the cause of the corporation; for he is said to
have ordered the sword to be carried before the mayor. But the bishop
would not long submit to this royal order, for the very next year he had
the sword carried before himself, as formerly, the mayor following, as
one of his retinue or municipal officers. {387}
On the whole, therefore, it seems pretty evident that though Lynn became
a corporate town, and was declared a free burgh as early as the beginning
of the 13th century, yet it was not entirely freed from the temporal
jurisdiction of the bishop, and the hard yoke of feudal domination, and
so did not attain to equal liberty and independence with the generality
of our English boroughs till a good part of the 16th century had elapsed.
We accordingly find that the mayor and corporation, in the mean time, or
during most part of it, seemed perfectly ready to approve as well as
profess themselves the lordly prelate’s _humble tenants and devout
bedesmen_; giving him the most explicit and solemn assurance, “that he
should find in them _as lowly tenants as any that longed to him within
his lordships_,” and that their _bodies_ as well as _goods_ were entirely
at his service, &c. agreeably to the tenour of the above memorable letter
to bishop Wakeryng. {388}—We may therefore venture to affirm that this
town was, at most, but partially liberated from feudal vassalage, till
the period above specified; that is, within these 300 years; before which
the _mayors_ of Lynn appeared, or might justly be considered, as the
bishops’ head-men, chief bailiffs, or slave drivers; and the _aldermen_
as so many underlings, or petty officers, implicitly executing his
lordship’s paramount orders or commands.—Though the Charters might
sometimes be thought to entitle his worship and his brethren to greater
independence and a higher character, yet till then it does not seem that
they were enabled to assume their proper dignity and consequence. The
bishops being so powerful here, took care always to manage so as to
thwart and baffle all their attempts. Nor did there seem to be any
prospect of their succeeding in obtaining their proper station while the
bishop continued to retain a paramount sway and uncontrolled power in the
town. This the king, probably saw: and it might be one, if not the chief
reason of his requiring the bishops, _Nix_ and _Rugg_, to relinquish
their oppressive jurisdiction here. However that might be, it is certain
that his majesty deserved well of this corporation: and whatever their
ideas or feelings may have been, or may now be, on this point, it must be
said, that they ought to consider _Henry_ among the very chief of their
royal benefactors; with whom such princes as _Charles_ and _James_ the
second, can, surely, bear no comparison; to whom, nevertheless, _statues_
have been here erected!! {389}
CHAP. IV.
Further observations on the history of Lynn during the period under
consideration—probable state of the town, as to its internal police and
municipal economy previously to its being declared a free burgh and
receiving its first royal charter—changes resulting from that
event—statement of subsequent occurrences.
It has been already observed that Lynn was a place of considerable trade,
and of growing importance and opulence, at and before the Conquest.
Afterward its trade kept rapidly increasing; and in the reign of
_Richard_ I. it was become a place of distinguished eminence, insomuch
that it was called by William of Newburgh, who lived at that time, “a
noble city, or a city of note for its trade and commerce.” {390} Foreign
merchants had then a regular established connection and intercourse with
this town, and their ships and sailors frequented it in great numbers. A
considerable body of Jews also had settled here, and must have been among
the most active and useful part of its population; which further
corroborates the report of its being in those days a place of no small
commercial note and consequence, for those people were not likely to
settle, in any great numbers, except in places of that description. {391}
Indeed it seems pretty clear and certain that both in the reign of
Richard and that of his brother and successor John, Lynn ranked very high
among the trading towns of this kingdom, in point of commercial
importance: and it is recorded upon undoubted authority, that in the
sixth year of the last of those two reigns, (the date of our first royal
charter) the tax or tallage of the king at Lynn, amounted to 651_l._
whereas that of London at the same time amounted only to 836_l._ 12_s._
6_d._ {392} From which we may infer that the revenue which the crown
then derived from the trade of this town, was more than two thirds of
what it derived from that of London; and consequently that the trade
itself of this town did in the mean time bear the same proportion to that
of the metropolis; which may be presumed to have been the case of very
few places, if any, besides in the kingdom.—Lynn being allowed to have a
mint, or mints for the coining of money, belonging to the king and the
bishop, {393a} has been deemed another proof of the flourishing state of
the town at that period.
Of the government of Lynn, or its municipal economy in those times, very
little is known, except that it appears to have been under the management
of an officer who bore the name of _provost_, who doubtless was nominated
by the bishop, and acted as his bailiff or deputy; but whether he was
elected annually or held his office for a longer or shorter term, or
during the pleasure of his master, seems rather uncertain. He was,
however, the chief magistrate of the town, and had, of course, other
officers assisting and acting under him, like our chief magistrates of
more modern times. It is very provable that the order of things in this
town was not so materially changed by _king_ JOHN as some may imagine.
The chief alteration apparently was, that the town now ranked among those
incorporated by royal charter, was consequently declared a free burgh,
had its burgesses exempted from tolls, &c. in all parts of England, but
London; and finally, had its chief magistrate denominated _mayor_,
instead of _provost_, {393b} a circumstance, probably of no mighty
consequence, or real benefit to the community, though highly gratifying,
perhaps, to the pride and vanity of the corporation. The real
difference, however, between a _mayor_ and a _provost_, seems to be very
little, if any thing, more than that between _Tweedledum_ and
_Tweedledee_. The former indeed is generally taken to be the highest and
most honourable appellation, and therefore our corporations naturally
prefer it to the other, as the title of their head man, or chief
magistrate. After all, the inferiority of the _provost_ does not seem
always perceivable; and nobody, perhaps, would deem the _lord_ MAYOR _of
York_ as superior in dignity to the _lord PROVOST of Edinburgh_.
The smiles and favours of royalty are always gratifying to most people:
those of _king JOHN_ were so, no doubt, to his Lynn subjects, and may be
supposed to have confirmed them more than ever in their attachment to
him, which appears to have continued strong and steady afterwards during
the remainder of his reign. Of the worth and merit of that attachment,
his majesty seemed duly sensible: as a proof of which, they received from
him in return, some very flattering and lasting tokens, beside the
immunities and privileges specified in his charters; especially the
silver _cup_ which is still in being, and shewn to strangers and others
as a great curiosity. It is an elegant double-gilt, embossed, and
enamelled cup and cover, weighing 73 ounces, and of exquisite
workmanship, and shews the uncommon skill and ingenuity of some our
silver-smiths of that period, who were probably of the monkish order, as
our best artists, as well as most renowned scholars, were then chiefly to
be found within the solemn precincts of our monasteries.
The _sword_, which is usually carried before our mayors, has been also
considered as another mark or token of king _JOHN’S_ favour to this town;
but this appears a very questionable matter. This weapon, which has a
silver mounting, the king is said to have taken from his side, and given
to the corporation, to be carried before the major: but it does not
appear that there was a sword at all carried before our mayors as early
as the reign of king John, or even for a long time after. If such a
ceremony was really observed here before the reign of Henry V. or of
Henry VI. it must seemingly have been appropriated solely to the great
lords of the place, the bishops of Norwich, who appear, all along to have
claimed, that honour as their own peculiar, and exclusive prerogative:
the mayors having no share in it, but only as they followed their
masters, the bishops, and formed a part of their retinue. Bishop Gibson,
in his additions to Camden, observes that the present sword, though said
to have been given by king John, was really the gift of Henry VIII. after
the town came into his possession, and he changed their _burgesses_ into
aldermen. John’s charter does not mention the sword, but that granted by
Henry expressly says, that he granted them a sword to be carried before
their mayor. As to the inscription on the blade of the present sword,
purporting its being the gift of king John, it proves nothing, being
apparently the unauthorized contrivance of two forward fellows of the
town, a sword cutler and a school-master, as late as the reign of queen
Elizabeth. {395} But, however improbable it may be that the said _sword_
was ever the property of king John, and given by him as a present and
mark of his royal and special favour to this corporation, yet there does
not seem to be any just reason for entertaining similar doubts respecting
the _cup_ before-mentioned. The only circumstance relating to the cup
which one would be inclined to deem doubtful, or rather incredible, is a
certain sly insinuation, which has been sometimes heard, that it was a
part of a parcel of stolen goods, which his majesty, while on a visit at
Walsingham, contrived to pilfer from that celebrated abbey, and coming
afterward to Lynn, made a present of it to the corporation.
Lynn seems to have paid very dearly for the said king’s favours. Camden,
in his account of this town observes, that it enjoys very large
immunities, which its inhabitants “purchased of king John with the price
of their own blood, spent in the defence of his cause:” alluding,
probably, to the powerful assistance they afforded him in reducing the
disaffected barons of this county, whose subjugation proved an arduous
undertaking, and whom he afterwards severely chastised. The assistance
they rendered to this sovereign consisted not only in recruits for his
army, or a strong and resolute body of landsmen, but also in sailors and
ships for his naval operations: hence Lynn and Yarmouth are mentioned by
Carte among the principal places that furnished his majesty with a
_fleet_ to oppose that of France on a certain occasion. {396} In short,
the good people of this town appear to have assisted that memorable
monarch to the utmost of their ability, or in all the ways, and by all
the means that were in their power. He, on the other hand, is said to
have been very partial to them, and deemed them so trustworthy, and their
town so secure a place, that he deposited there, for some time his crown
and regalia, and his most valuable treasures; but took them away at his
last visit, and lost them all, soon after, in crossing the Wash, at an
improper place, or improper time; which he laid so to heart that it
hastened his death, which took place a very short time after at Newark.
There is indeed no small disagreement among our historians in their
accounts of king John after his last departure from Lynn. Some represent
him as crossing the _Wash_, or rather the _Ouse_, then called
_Wellstream_, at the _Cross Keys_; others represent him as crossing it at
_Wisbeach_, and the latter seems to be the truth. Some, again, ascribe
the illness which terminated his life, to _poison_, administered by a
monk of Swineshead; others ascribe it to _vexation_ for the loss of his
treasures; while others assure us that it is to be ascribed to neither of
these causes, but that he was ill before that disaster of losing his
treasures befel him. Nay, some have alleged, or suggested, that his last
illness originated at Lynn, and was occasioned by his intemperate living
during his stay here. In accounts different and contradictory, it is no
easy task to distinguish truth from fiction. It seems however to be
pretty well established that the said king left Lynn on the 11th of
October, 1216, was at Wisbeach on the 12th, at Sleaford on the 15th, and
at Newark on the 18th, where he died the very next day: but the story of
the poison seems very doubtful and even improbable; nor does that
concerning the loss of his crown and treasures seem perfectly clear and
indubitable. {398}
Even the fact that Lynn had been the depository of the king’s treasures,
with his crown and regalia, during his absence from these parts, and till
he removed them at his last departure, becomes very doubtful, or rather
quite improbable, if we believe Rapin’s assertion, from M. Paris, that
the king’s great competitor, the Dauphin, not long before, and within
that same year, had actually reduced Lynn, and made the whole county, as
well as those of Suffolk and Essex tributary to him. In that case, those
treasures, &c. if deposited here, must inevitably have fallen into the
Dauphin’s hands, and so be entirely lost to the king. We must therefore
either conclude that the alleged fact of Lynn having been the depository
of the said treasures, for any length of time, is unfounded, or that the
said assertion, that Lynn had been that year taken by the Dauphin, is so.
But as these matters are not very interesting, we will now drop them, and
also our account of king John for the present.
After the death of John, and in the reign of his son and successor, Henry
III. the people of Lynn, at one time, seem to have sided with the
malcontents of that period, and so forfeited their chartered rights: but
their defection was of no long duration; they returned to their duty with
every appearance of contrition, and soon gave full proof of the ardour,
as well as the unfeignedness of their loyalty. Camden says that they
“purchased their lost liberties of Henry III. not without blood, when
they sided with him against the outlawed barons, and unluckily engaged
them in the Isle of Ely. An account whereof we have in the book of Ely,
and in Matthew Paris.” {399a} The battle here alluded to was fought
somewhere about Littleport, where the Lynn volunteers of that day were
very roughly handled by their opponents, and lost a considerable number
of their people; of which mention has been made by several of our
historians. In the 8th and 9th years of that king’s reign, licence was
granted to foreign merchants to come with safety to the fair of Lenn; and
in the 11th year a talliage was granted to the king by the bishop. The
oath of the burghers then was, “You shall faithfully pay your talliage
made by the lord (bp.) at his will, of all your chattels’ of your own
property, whatever they are, and of the chattels of your wife, and all
that is your due to pay.” {399b} Thus payment was made upon oath; but
the tax was granted to the king by the bishop, without the concurrence of
the burghers; and also assessed and levied by him _at his will_, without
check or control. In such a case, and under such circumstances, it might
be reasonably supposed there would be some misdoings, and not a few
causes of complaint, and that misunderstanding would arise between his
lordship and his Lynn vassals, which might lead to very serious results.
That it really did so happen appears from authentic documents.
Sometime after the above taxation, the people or burgesses of Lynn,
dissatisfied, it seems, with the arbitrary and oppressive proceeding of
their lord, the bishop, in that instance, and questioning his right to
tax them at will, or without their consent, took upon them to tax
themselves without consulting him, as well as to elect a mayor also
without his permission. This his lordship greatly resented, as
absolutely illegal and highly criminal: and he also, very sorely felt it,
no doubt, as deeply affecting his own baronial claims here, or
endangering his feudal dominion. He accordingly proceeded against them
in the ecclesiastical court, and had them all excommunicated. In that
grievous dilemma, and from so arbitrary and galling a sentence, they
appealed to the king’s justices at Westminster, before whom the affair
underwent a legal investigation: of which, and its result, the following
account is given by Parkin.
“In the 8th. of this king (Henry III.) a fine was levied, at
Westminster in Trinity term, before Robert Lexington, William de
York, Ralph de Norwich, William de Lisle, Adam Fitz-William, and
Ralph de Rokele, the king’s justices, between the mayor and
burgesses, querents, and Thomas Blundevile, bishop of Norwich,
deforcient. The Mayor &c. complained, that the bishop had impleaded
them in a court christian (ecclesiastical or spiritual court) and had
excommunicated them, because they had created a mayor among
themselves, and had taxed and talliaged themselves, in the said burgh
without his assent; and it was agreed between them in the said court,
that the bishop should grant for himself and successors, and his
church of Norwich, that the said burgesses, for the future, may chuse
and create to themselves a mayor, whomsoever they pleased of their
own body, on this condition, That immediately after his election, or
creation, they should present him to the bishop and his successors,
wherever they should be in the diocese of Norwich; who on the
presentation should be admitted by the bishop without any
contradiction: and for this fine and concord, the mayor and burgesses
grant for themselves, their heirs and successors, that whosoever
shall be so created and elected mayor by them, shall promise on his
good faith and fealty, by which he is engaged to the bishop, and his
successors, that he will observe all things that belong to his
office, as long as he shall continue therein, and preserve, as much
as is in his power, the liberties of the church of Norwich. This
agreement and fine was made in the presence of the king, who
consented to it. This king, as appears from many instances, sate
frequently in the court of king’s bench at the head of his justices.”
{401}
It does not appear from the above account how the taxation or assessment
business was then settled; but it seems most probable that it was taken
out of the hands both of the bishop and the burgesses, and committed to
the management of certain officers appointed by the crown. It is likely
indeed that that point had been previously settled, and that the names of
the first officers, or assessors, are still preserved: for we are told
that “in the 17th. of the said reign, (which was the year preceding that
of the above trial) Thomas de Milton, and Warin, son of Imbert, were
named by the king, to assess the talliage, and all the demeans of the see
of Norwich.” {402} This point therefore might not come under discussion
in the above trial at Westminster. But the case of creating, or choosing
a mayor, seems to have been there very carefully investigated. The
result was (as above stated) that the right of the burgesses, to elect a
mayor from among themselves, was fully established; on the express
condition, however, that, immediately after his election they should
present him to the bishop, wherever he should be within the diocese; who
on his part was to receive him without any refusal, disapproval, or,
contradiction.
From the preceding statement one would be apt to conclude, that the right
of the burgesses to choose a mayor, independently of the bishop’s will
and pleasure, was now fully settled and that his lordship would no longer
presume to interfere, either directly or indirectly, on that occasion.
But it cannot be affirmed that the event warrants that conclusion. The
lust of power is a strong passion, and not very soon or easily subdued.
The bishops having so long borne uncontrolled sway in the direction and
management of every thing in this town, it was not to be expected that
they would be very ready to resign or relinquish it. The mayors here
from the first, it seems, were called _The bishop’s men_, and their
lordships appeared always desirous to perpetuate the appellation, or, at
least, to do all in their power to prevent its becoming inapplicable.
Though the words of charters, the opinions of judges, and even the
declarations of kings, might appear against them, yet they were scarcely
ever at a loss for ways and means to surmount or evade all such
difficulties, and secure their own beloved power and preponderance. So
the case seems to have been at Lynn for a very long period. Neither the
provision of charters, the verdict of judges, nor the orders of princes,
could effect any material or lasting diminution of the exorbitant power
of the bishop over this town, till the 16th century. It appeared like an
inveterate evil, or incurable malady, until it felt the royal touch of
Henry VIII. when it gave way at once, and underwent a radical and perfect
cure.
As to the above agreement between the contending parties at Westminster,
it does not appear that the bishops thought proper long, if at all, to
act in compliance with it, and so refrain from any further interference
in the election of appointment of a chief magistrate. This must have sat
uneasy on the minds of the corporation, and they would naturally, and
perhaps repeatedly complain to their sovereign against so oppressive an
infringement of their municipal rights. Even the king himself also would
feel it as an insult offered to him, as he was personally present when
the agreement was made, and had sanctioned it by his own express
approbation. On this ground we may account for that clause in the
charter which he granted to our burgesses in the 52nd year of his reign,
in which he not only confirms their former liberties, but also allows
them to choose a mayor of themselves, _without presenting him to the
bishop_. This last exemption from a former obligation and customary
observance, seems plainly to indicate that the bishop had taken some such
undue advantage of his power and influence as was before suggested; of
which his majesty now thought proper to signify his entire
disapprobation, by discharging the burghers from every obligation to pay
his lordship any further regard, in their future choice or appointment of
a chief magistrate. This the bishop must have felt somewhat mortifying.
But as his feudal jurisdiction here still continued unabolished, it was
not likely he would be long at a loss to find means to evade the force or
operation of that humiliating clause, and secure or reestablish his
wonted preeminence. That it actually did so happen, appears but too
evident by all that we know of the subsequent history of the town. Every
attempt to reduce the bishop’s predominance here, during the period of
which we are now treating, proved unsuccessful. The burgesses never
could effectually shake off his yoke, or cease to be his vassals and
subjects; and even their elections of mayors, in general, if not always,
might be compared to the modern conge d’elire elections of bishops, by
our Deans and Chapters.
During the long reign of which we have been speaking, this kingdom
suffered extremely from civil discord and intestine commotions, and the
inhabitants of Lynn bore their share in those sufferings. Great numbers
of their people perished in a bloody and unfortunate engagement against
the barons, up in the country somewhere towards Littleport, as has been
before noticed; which must have proved a most distressing calamity to the
whole town, and especially to the wives and children and other relatives
of the vanquished and slaughtered warriors. The enemy, being so strong
and formidable in and about the Isle of Ely, must also have cut off all
communication between Lynn and that district, and even interrupted its
intercourse with all the interior parts of the country, as he had the
entire command of the rivers and channels of internal navigation. This
seems to have continued a long while, and must have distressed this town
in a very great degree. It appears, however, to have been quite over,
and tranquillity fully restored in the 41st year of that reign, as we
find the mayor and burgesses were that year commanded by the king to
permit the men of Ely to come here to sell their beer, and exercise
merchandise, as they had been used to do before the disturbance. {405a}
In the 50th year the same reign, as we are further informed, the king’s
purveyors bought at Lynn 36 tuns of wine, which the sheriff of Norfolk
was ordered to have conveyed to his majesty, then at the siege of
Kenilworth, or Kennelworth Castle, in Warwickshire. {405b} This also
shews that there were then no very serious or dangerous commotions in the
parts about the Fens, and westward of Lynn, otherwise it would have been
out of the sheriff’s power to have the said wine conveyed across that
country, and to his majesty’s camp before Kennelworth. It however
alleged by our historians that the malecontents who seized upon the Isle
of Ely were the last that held out, and that they did not surrender till
after the reduction of Kennelworth Castle. However that was, it is
allowed that the rebellion was now soon quelled, and that the country
afterwards enjoyed peace and tranquillity, for a long period.
It was in this king’s reign, as was before observed, that the Ouse and
other rivers deserted their ancient and natural course by Wisbeach, and
after inundating the fen country to a very great extent, from the effect
of which it has never yet recovered, forced their passage into the sea by
Lynn. A neglecting of the old outfall, which occasioned the choking up
of the channel and impeding the course of the waters, in the time of a
great flood, has been assigned as the cause of that memorable event. But
as the malcontents had for sometime occupied the fens, and made their
last stand there, and as the inundation might conduce materially to their
defence, it seems very natural to suspect that they also had some hand in
the business. Yet as our historians are silent on this head, we cannot
affirm it as a matter of fact. The event proved, no doubt, detrimental
to Wisbeach; and yet not materially advantageous, at least, not
immediately so, to Lynn. Nor does it appear that even our harbour was at
all improved by so large an accession of fresh water: on the contrary,
for aught we know, the approach from the sea to this town was quite as
good before as it has been since. It may be said however to be an event
that somewhat contributes to preserve the memory of the third Henry,
among the people of these parts. The character of this monarch is well
known, and is no way worthy of respect or imitation. He was great in
nothing but the vileness of his government and the length of his reign,
which extended to the 57th year: the longest of any English reign, for
the last ten centuries. For the evils of which, and of all the bad and
unfortunate reigns that have occurred ever since that period, many, it is
supposed, will deem the blessed prosperity of the present wise and happy
reign as more than a sufficient counterbalance and
compensation—especially, if it should also last as long, or still longer
than that of Henry III. which seems not at all improbable: and who is it,
within this favoured country, but does consider this as a consummation
most devoutly to be wished?
CHAP. V.
State of society at Lynn during the period under consideration—the
subject may be elucidated from documents relative to our ancient
Gilds—observations on the nature of those fraternities—very common in
this country before the reformation—names and number of those of Lynn.
It is sad enough to think, that during so long an interval as that
between the conquest and the reformation, the good people of Lynn should
never be able entirely to emancipate themselves from their feudal
vassalage. But as that desirable object always proved to them
unattainable, they appear to have submitted to their hard fate with
exemplary patience and forbearance; well knowing, it seems, to use the
words of the old adage, that what cannot be cured must be endured. It is
much to be doubted if their descendants, or rather their successors of
the present day, would have endured what they did with equal propriety
and long suffering. We are indeed but imperfectly acquainted with the
social complexion, or characteristic features of the community here in
those times; but from what we do know, there is reason to think
favourably of the prevailing disposition of the inhabitants. Except in
the shocking affair of the poor Jews, and what happened in the time of
bishop Spencer and of bishop Wakeryng, and of the two aldermen Wentworth
and Petipas, already noticed, we perceive no vestige here of tumultuous
risings or factious combinations. Industry and harmony appear generally
to have prevailed at Lynn, and the community seldom failed in the duty of
submission to their superiors, or of obeying the higher powers.
On the state of society in this town, during the period now under
consideration, nothing perhaps throws so much light as certain existing
documents relating to out ancient Gilds, which seem to have been more
numerous here than any where else in the kingdom. They were friendly
associations formed for the mutual benefit of their respective members.
Some of them were large trading companies, holding considerable
possessions, in houses, lands, and mercantile property. Others were of a
humbler sort, suited to the convenience and wants of those who moved in a
lower sphere, and constructed on principles, perhaps, somewhat similar to
those of our modern purse clubs, or benefit societies. All were
calculated to help the individuals who composed them, to pass through
life more comfortably, obtain a more easy and plentiful subsistence,
cherish love and goodwill within their respective circles, and promote
the peace and welfare of the town or community in general.
The Gilds, certainly, form a most prominent feature in the character of
the ancient inhabitants of Lynn. They were indeed very common in this
country before the reformation, and during the period we are now
considering; but were more numerous in this town than anywhere else we
know of, which is a very remarkable and, perhaps, unaccountable
circumstance. It seems very honourable to the memory of our
forefathers—more so, probably, than any thing else we can mention; and
therefore we shall dwell upon the subject with the greater pleasure. It
shews that there was then among the inhabitants a prevailing or general
disposition to assist one another, and to give to every honest individual
an opportunity to place himself in such a situation as would not fail of
bettering his condition, and procuring him useful friends and reputable
associates.
These useful institutions, in most other places, only amounted to one or
two, or a few, by which only a small part of the population could be very
materially benefited by them. But here they were formed on a large
scale, and multiplied to _above thirty_; some of them varying pretty much
from others, to suit, as we may suppose, the different conditions of the
inhabitants, all, or most of whom might consequently accommodate
themselves, or easily find a fraternity whose constitution exactly
corresponded, with their respective capacities, wants, or wishes.—Our
Gilds had all of them a strong tincture of religion, or rather of
superstition, according to the prevailing fashion of the times. In that
view they exhibited, no doubt, a large portion of weakness, ignorance,
and absurdity. But they appear to have been very free from that
jealousy, bigotry, and ill will towards each other, which too often
disgrace the religious fraternities of the present day, who look upon one
another with such an evil eye, that they may be too justly said to hate
one another. Trusting in themselves that they are righteous, they
despise others, and are ready to say to their neighbours, and all who
differ from them, stand by yourselves, come not near to us, for we are
holier than you. While they inveigh against Pharisees, and a pharisaical
spirit, they give impartial and intelligent bystanders every reason to
think, that they are themselves, in fact, the Pharisees of the present
day, and are led by the very spirit against which they declaim. But we
will drop this subject for the present, and resume that of the Gilds,
which we shall here handle under different heads, or sections.
SECTION I.
_Observations on the origin of our ancient Gilds_. {411}
The author of a late publication, entitled _Caledonia_, gives it as his
opinion, that the monks were the earliest Gild brethren, and had
exclusive privileges of trade and of fishery when boroughs had scarcely
an existence. To which the annual reviewer of that work objects, and
affirms that the origin of Gilds lies hidden in obscurity inaccessible:
and against the idea of their being of monkish origin, he urges, their
being constructed so much on the principles of a purse club, that they
can hardly not have been founded by married men. {412} The truth seems
to be, that they originated among the Anglo-Saxons, long before the
Conquest, if not also before their conversion to Christianity, and the
commencement of English monkery. At first, they may be supposed to
assume a simple and homely appearance, among the civil institutions of
the Anglo-Saxon community; but afterwards to pass through different
changes, and especially after the conquest, when the general state of
society and the whole order of things experienced so considerable a
revolution. They were then, at first, perhaps, put down or laid aside,
and afterwards revived and resumed: at least, we hear little or nothing
of them under the first Norman kings, or till about the 13th century.
The most common and prevailing opinion seems to be, that the gilds sprung
from the Anglo-Saxons _tithings_: though it may, perhaps, be questioned,
if the tithings themselves did not take their rise from them. Jacob,
from Camden, informs us,—
“that the origin of gilds and fraternities is said to be from the
Saxon law, by which neighbours entered into an association, and
became bound for each other, to bring forth him who committed any
crime, or make satisfaction to the party injured; for which purpose
they raised a sum of money among themselves, and put it into a common
stock, whereout a pecuniary compensation was made according to the
quality of the offence committed. From hence came our fraternities
and gilds: and they were in use in this kingdom long before any
formal licences were granted for them: though at this day [that is,
in Camden’s time] they are a company combined together, with orders
and laws made by themselves, by the prince’s licence.” {413a}
Chambers, in his Cyclopædia, expresses himself much to the same purpose.—
“The original of Gilds, says he, is thus related: it being a law
among the Saxons, that every freeman {413b} of fourteen years old
should find sureties to keep the peace, or be committed to prison;
certain neighbours [therefore] entered into an association,
[consisting of ten families,] and became bound for each other, either
to produce him who committed an offence, or to make satisfaction to
the injured party. That they might the better do this, they raised a
sum of money among themselves, which they put into a common stock;
and when one of their pledges had committed an offence, and was fled,
then the other nine made satisfaction out of this stock, by payment
of money according to the offence. Because this association
consisted of ten families, it was called a _decennary_: hence came
our fraternities. In observance of the above law, or custom, as the
same writer informs us, the sheriffs at every county court did from
time to time take the oaths of young persons, as they arrived at the
age of fourteen, and see that they belonged to one _decennary_ or
another.” {413c}
Such is the account given by these writers of the ancient decennaries or
tythings, from which the gilds are supposed to have sprung; but it seems
uncertain, after all, whether the gilds sprung from the decennaries, or
the decennaries from them, or which of the two is the most ancient. They
might be coëval, and grow up together: and the gilds having survived the
decennaries might occasion their being supposed to have sprung from them.
Turner, the ingenious historian of the Anglo-Saxons, seems also to
ascribe to them the origination of Gilds: and he observes, that the
gilds, or social confederations, in which many of those people chose to
arrange themselves, deserve very particular attention. Among other
things, he says, that their gilds are sometimes alluded to in the laws.
If a man without paternal relations should fight and kill another, then
his maternal kinsmen were ordered to pay one third of the Were, his gild
a third, and for the other part his gild was to escape. In London there
appears to have been free gilds. In a charter of Canterbury, the three
companies of the Citizens within the walls, and those without, are
mentioned. Domesday also mentions a Gild of the Clergy in that city. In
short, Gilds appear to have been very common, and in great request among
the Anglo-Saxons. They seem on the whole, as our author thinks, to be
friendly associations, made for mutual aid and contribution, to meet the
pecuniary exigencies which were perpetually arising, from burials, legal
exactions, penal mulcts, and other payments, or compensations. That much
good fellowship was connected with them, cannot be doubted. The fines of
their own imposition imply that the materials of conviviality were not
forgotten. In short, he thinks they may be called the Anglo-Saxon
clubs.—Even the more uncommon species of those confederations, called
_Gilda Mercatoria_, _or Merchant’s Gild_, seems to have existed among the
same people. That in mercantile and Seaports, says the same author,
there were also gilds and fraternities of men constituted for the purpose
of carrying on more successful enterprizes in commerce, even in the
Anglo-Saxon times, appears to be a fact. Domesday, (he adds,) mentions
the Gihalla, or Guildhall of the burghers of Dover. {415}
The Gilds of Lynn, however, cannot be traced to so remote a period as
that of the Anglo-Saxons. There may, indeed, have been gilds here at
that period, and the fact can hardly be doubted, as they were then so
much in vogue, but we have no traces of them now remaining. All the Lynn
Gilds, whose names and remains have reached our time, seem to have sprung
up long after the conquest. Of them we shall treat in the ensuing pages.
SECTION II.
_Names and Number of our ancient Gilds_; _with some additional
observations_.
Of the Lynn Gilds our printed books give but a very imperfect and
wretched account. Their list of names is extremely defective, and the
idea which they give of those institutions is equally so. For a more
correct and ample information on this subject we are chiefly indebted to
Mr. King’s MS. volume, before mentioned, which was compiled about a
hundred years ago, by some unknown hand, or hands, from certain ancient
and authentic documents, which seem no longer to exist. Both Mackerell
and Parkin appear to have seen this volume, but they have not availed
themselves of it to the extent they might have done. Even its most
curious and interesting parts they have left unnoticed. In the latter
part of this volume is inserted the following “Catalogue of the Gildes in
the Towne of Lynn”—amounting in all to thirty one. They stand in the
following order: 1. The Gild of _St. George_. 2. The Gild of _St.
Erasmus_. 3. The Gild of _St. John Baptist_. 4. The Gild of _St. Gyles
and St. Julian_. 5. The Gild of _St. Ethelerede_. 6. The Gild of _St.
Margarett_. 7. The Gild of _St. Anne_. The Gild of the 12 _Apostles_.
9. The Gild of _St. Christopher_. 10. The Gild of _our Lady_. 11. The
Gild of _St. Micheal the Archangel_. 12. The Gild of _St. Nicholas_.
13. The Gild of _St. Awdreys_. 14. The Gild of _St. Michael and King
Henry_. 15. The Gild of _St. Cyprian_. 16. The Gild of _St. Fabian and
St. Sabestian_. 17. The Gild of _St. Lawrence_. 18. The Gild of _St.
Agnes_. 19. The Gild of _Corpus Christi_. 20. The Gild of the
_Trinity_. 21. The gild of _St. Andrew_. 22. The Gild of _Holy Rood_.
23. The Gild of _St. Lovis_. 24. The Gild of _St. Austin_. 25. The Gild
of _St. Barbara_. 26. The Gild of _St. Antony_. 27. The Gild of _St.
Stephen_. 28. The Gild of _St. Francis_. 29. The Gild of the
_Shoemakers_. 30. The _Red Gild_. 31. The Gild of _St. William_,
trading to North Bern.
Such a large number of these fraternities, in such a place as Lynn, and
at such a period, must appear not a little extraordinary, and what seems
very difficult, if not impossible, to account for, but on the
supposition, that there existed here, in the mean time, a very
respectable degree of public and social virtue, or in other words a
prevailing disposition among the inhabitants to promote each other’s
interest and happiness. Upon that idea they must be thought very highly
as nothing could well be more creditable or honourable to their memory.
A tribute of respect, which seems to be so fairly and justly their due,
ought not to be here withheld from them.—Nor should it here pass
unnoticed, that Lynn is still distinguished for a respectable number of
similar institutions; that is to say, for its purse-clubs, or benefit
societies, the gilds of the 18th and 19th centuries. Their number is
about _twenty_; and their members, altogether, may amount to 700, or
more; but, as most of them have families, the benefit or advantage of
these useful associations may be supposed to extend, perhaps, to more
than three times that number. Of the real and important utility of these
social institutions no doubt can be entertained. The fact is universally
admitted. They are certainly beneficial, not only to the individuals
more immediately concerned, but even to the community at large, by
keeping a great many honest and industrious people from becoming
burdensome to the parishes to which they belong.—It ought also to be
remarked that the benefits resulting from these estimable institutions
are to be attributed neither to the wisdom of government, nor yet to the
fostering care of the corporation, but merely to the very commendable
thoughtfulness and virtue of the individuals that compose them. But here
is not the place to enlarge upon this topic: we shall therefore drop it
for this time, and resume the former subject.
Of these thirty one Gilds, above named, several seem to have been of the
higher order of those associations, or of the mercantile sort, consisting
of trading or commercial adventurers, who enjoyed certain privileges by
grants from the crown. This appears to have been the case with the 1st
the 4th, the 19th the 20th, and 31st in the above catalogue; that is, the
Gild of _St. George_, that of _St. Gyles_ and _St. Julian_, that of
_Corpus Christi_, that of the _Trinity_, and that of _St. William_,
trading to north Bern. There might probably be some few more of the same
description. All the rest, it is supposed, were friendly associations,
formed for the benefit of the lower orders of freemen, that is, of those
who were not in a state of villanage, for none of the latter appear to
have been admitted into those fraternities. Poor creatures! they were
debarred from all such advantages and comforts! In further considering
the Lynn gilds, we shall take them in the order in which they stand in
the catalogue, though it does not seem to be the most regular and natural
order, that of seniority.
SECTION III.
_A more particular account of some of the Lynn Gilds_.
1. St. _George’s Gild_. Of this fraternity the following account is
given by Parkin—
“Henry IV. by his letters patent, gave and granted licence to John
Brandon, Bartholomew Sistern, and John Snailwell of Lenne Epispopi,
that they might make, found, and establish to the honor of God, and
the glorious martyr, St. George a certain fraternity, brotherhood,
and perpetual Guild of themselves and others, who out of their
devotion, were willing to be of the said fraternity: and that
brothers and sisters of the fraternity and guild for the time being
might chuse, make, and ordain one alderman, and four custodes of the
said fraternity and guild, yearly, for the good and profit of the
same, and out of the brethren of the said fraternity and guild: and
that the said alderman and custodes and their successors, by the
names of the alderman and custodes of the said guild, should have
power, and be able to take, receive, and hold, any lands, tenements,
rents, and possessions whatsoever, or should be by any ways or means
granted to them, and to do in all other respects, &c. and to act as
the rest of his liege subjects, or persons do, and have power, and
are enabled to act.—And further the said king, out of his abundant
grace, granted and gave licence, by his said, letters parent, for
himself and his heirs, to the aforesaid alderman and custodes and
their successors, for the time being, that they might receive and
hold to themselves and their successors for ever, and purchase of J.
March the right that Richard Waterden had therein of all that
tenement, with a kay adjoining, with all its buildings and
appertenances in Lenn aforesaid, which belonged to Robert Baylly,
which tenement is in the street called Cheker, between the tenement
formerly of John de Couteshale and the heirs of the late William
Bytering, now of William Hundredpound, and the heirs of the late John
Wyntworth, on the south part, the tenement formerly of Nicholas
Swerdeston, late of John Wyghton, wherein Walter Tudenham now dwells,
and extends itself in length from the common way towards the west to
the tenement formerly of Dominick Baude, afterwards of Richard Denne,
lately of John Grene, clerk, then of Thomas Botekesham to the east.
And the aforesaid kay lies opposite to the said tenement, in breadth,
between the kay formerly of the aforesaid John Couteshale, lately of
the aforesaid John Wyntworth, to the south, and the common lane,
(venellam) called cornlane, on the north, and extends itself from the
common way to the east, to the great bank (ripam) of Lenne, to the
west, as well as for the maintenance of one or two chaplains, as to
pray for the good estate of the king and his most beloved consort
Joan, queen of England, as long as they lived, and for their souls
after their deaths, and for the souls of their most beloved father
and mother, deceased, as also for the good state of all and singular
the brothers and sisters of the fraternity and guild aforesaid,
according to the will and ordinance of the aforesaid alderman, the
custodes, and their successors.” {420}
This Gild, it is said, received many other grants of lands and tenements
from Henry V. which probably might also be the case from some of the
succeeding princes. But at the reformation it was dissolved, as were
also the rest, at least those that were of a trading nature: {421a} all
whose possessions, it is supposed, were given to the corporation by
Edward VI.—The premises here described were in Checker Street, and
comprehended the Gild Hall of the fraternity, called St. George’s Hall,
now the Play-house. {421b}
From the above extract the reader may form some idea of our ancient gild
of St. George. But in order to have a more accurate and perfect
conception of it, and of the others, all the following accounts must be
compared together. Of most of our gilds we have only the names. Of
others some further information is still obtainable, of which the author
will endeavour in these pages to make the best use he can. It may be
here just observed, that the gilds of the higher order appear to have
their respective _altars_ in the different churches of the town, which
shews how much religion was blended with those institutions, and what a
high character for sanctity the members assumed. They had also their
respective _chaplains_, to act as their proper religious functionaries,
and pray for the souls of their members and benefactors, dead as well as
living.
Of the second and third gild in the above catalogue, that is, those of
_St. Erasmus_ and of _St. John Baptist_, we have been able to obtain no
further information. They were probably of the lower description of
these fraternities, and having no large possessions attached to them,
they left behind scarcely any trace or memorial of their existence. They
might, for all that, be very respectable in their day, and their members
be as useful and worthy members of the community as those who composed
the great trading or mercantile gilds.
Of the fourth gild in the catalogue, that of _St. Gyles_ and _St.
Julian_, we know more than of the two last mentioned. This, in its day,
must have been a notable gild. It was founded in the 14th century, and
in the reign of Richard II. as appears from the following very curious
document, preserved in Mr. King’s book, and which is here given in the
original orthography—
“In the honour of our Lord Jesus Christ, and our Ladie Seynt Marie,
and of all the holy company of heaven, and speciallith of the holy
corsayntis Seynt Gyles and Seynt Julian, This Gild is ordeynd and
begonnen ye year of the Incarnation of our Lord 1384.—And this Gild
shall be holden at Lenn the Sunday next after ye ffeast of the
apostelis Peter and Paul, that the alderman and gild bretheren and
sisters of this gild shal gone togeder to ye church of Seynt James of
Lenn orderly and manly two and two togedir, and offer there at ilke
messes each brother and sisters ob. upon payn of a pound of wax.—Also
ordeynd is that the alderman of the gild and also the gild brothers
and sisters shal dyen togedir every general day and each brother and
sister shall pay to ye subsidie and costages of this gild 8_d_ on the
morng. after the general day without any long abideing, as well those
that are absent as those that are present, except the officers, that
is to say, the alderman, 4 skyveyns, clerk, and dean, which shall no
subsidie pay for the time they are in office.—And also it is ordeynd
that what brother or sister of this gylde yt is in the towne of Lynne
or in 40 mile and in heela and will not come to his general day and
to his mornspech and does as is aforesaid and make none attone for
him he shall pay for the amendment of the gild as oft sithes as may
be P’nd on him 6_s._ 8_d._ without any forgiveness.—And also ordeynd
it is that what man that will bene a brother of this gilde from this
time aforesaid shall not be received but at the genll. day, or at the
mornspech, and that he have 2 bretheren to withness with him yt he is
good man and able and of good conversation before ye alderman & all
ye gild bretheren, & he shall pay to the profith of this house 6_d._
that is to say, to ye wax 2_d._ to the alderman 2_d._ to the clerke
1_d._ to the dean 1_d._—And also each man yt shll enter into this
gild for to be a brother, he shll pay for his entry to ye increase of
ye chattels of ye gild 13_s._ 4_d._ and find a sufficient {423} to
pay it within ye first year after his coming in upon pain of double
or his {424a} for him.—And also if any brother or sister of this gild
be deed in ye towne of Lenn ye dean shall warn all ye gild bretheren
& sisters yt are in towne to go to ye church with ye cors & offer
each man a ffarthing, & who comandett & is in towne & in hele on this
maner he shll not come nor do as is aforesaid, he shll pay to the
amendment of this gild one pound of wax, and if the dean fail of
comanding ilke brother and sister yt is in towne & none comand he
shall payen 1_d._—And what brother or sister of this gild be deed in
ye contre or in any other place as soon as ye alderman may wit it he
shall see the dean warn all the gild bretheren & sisters yt are in
Lenn & in hele to go with him to ye church of St. James aforesaid &
so sing a messe for him or hir yt is dede as if the body were there
present & offer in ye maner aforesaid upon ye paine aforesaid & whoso
be not in towne nor offer in ye manner aforesaid nor with the corps
where it is buryed he shall pay at next mornspech after a ffarthing,
& yt shall be done for the soul of him or hir yt is dede by ye
ordeynance of ye alderman and ye officers.—And where yt any of ye
bretheren dye in ye countre & any of his bretheren be near him be 10
miles he shll go to ye place where as he is dede & ordeyne & see yt
his goods be saved & kept & done for his soul as best is after ye
will of him yt is dede upon ye payn of 6_s._ 8_d._—Also it is ordeynd
yt no brother or sister of yis gild shall amerse no emplead either in
courte nor in consistorie nor in non other place for no maner of
cause till he have revealed his greivance to ye alderman or his
deputy & have leive of him upon payn of 2_l._ {424b} if ye alderman
nor his deputy may not accord hem he shll gife hem leive for to
persue ye same yt way they hope best to spede.—And also what brother
of this gild yt bete upon or mysay other in contre or in any other
place and it may be proved on hym he shall pay to ye amendment of
this gild a stone of wax and make amends to hym that he trespass
to.—An if any brother or sister of this gilde or other in strange
place or in coledge in power or in mischief through theves or other
sudeyne {425a} shall releve him after yat his state is in—And whose
trespass agst ye alderman or any of ye gilde bretheren in time of
mornspech or of drinke or of any other time unskilfullich he shall
pay to ye amendment of this gild 6_d._ and make his peace yt he
trespasst.—And while the Gild plener drynketh ye alderman shll have
every night gallon of ale, either skyvans a pottle, ye clerke a
pottle, & ye dean a pottle.—And who is chosen in office of alderman &
he forsake his office he shll pay to ye amendment of the gild 20_s._
each skyvan 10_s._ & ye Dean 3_s._ 4_d._ and ye clerke 6_d._—And the
clerke shall have for his travail by ye year 3_s._ {425b}—And whosoe
discover the counseil of this gilde to any strange man or woman shall
pay to ye amendment of this gilde 10_s._ without any forgiveness.
{425c}—And whosoe enter in the house where the ale lithe without leve
of the officers he shall pay to ye amendment of yis gild 4_d._—Also
ordeynd it is by ye alderman and gild bretheren that the Skyveyns yat
shall have ye cattel of this Gild in hand each of ym shall find 2
sureties to bring ye cattel of ye gild every generall mornspech or
their sureties for ym & lay it down with the increase thereof afore
ye alderman & ye gild brotherg each of ym upon paine of the double
yat he have received.—Also it is ordeynd yt ye bretheren of this gild
shall be hooded in . . . {426a} every year and have ye use of his
hood 2 year, & whosoe refuse his hood or give it away within 2 years
shll pay to ye amendment of ye gild 3s. 4d.—Also it is ordeynd yat no
brother in time of mornspech shall gone oute of ye Hall {426b} nor
stand no roome time of mornspeck no of drynke withouten leve of ye
alderman in lettyng of ye officers upon payne of 1lb. of wax.—And
also ordeynd is that if any brother of yis gild use snarlings, false
weights or measures, or any other such thing that may be reputed as
vilany to ye company he shll pay to ye amendment of this gilde 20_s._
as often sithes as it may be proved on him without any
forgiveness.—Also ordeynd it is yt this company shll have a Preist to
sing for them, & each bro. & sister shll pay each year to ye costage
of ye Preist aforesaid 6d. {426c}—Also it is ordeynd yt after ye
bretheren and sisters have dyned togedir on ye generall day ther
shall no mo meles ben holden afterwd but bread & cheese & drink.—Also
it is ordeynd yat whosoe will bene a brother of this Gild he shall
not be received by ye alderman & all ye company at ye generall day, &
yt he have 2 sufficient sureties of ye gild as well as of his
entrance as of his good beryng & honest.—Also it is ordeynd by ye
alderman & all ye gild bretheren yt ye alderman shall call up 4 men,
which 4 men shll call up 8 men to ym to gone on ye election to chosen
ye officers of ye Gild, yt is to say, an alderman, 4 Skyveyns, 1
clerke, & 1 dean, but they shll no man chuse to none of these offices
of ym yt are of ye election for yt year, & also what brother
rebelleth or letteth ye alderman in ye first 4 calling he shll be
fined to ye use of ye company 20s. so often as he so doth.—Also ye
election have ordeynd at ye geull mornspech in ye yr of our Lord 1406
yt they yt come in as bretheren shll there take his charge and find
sufficient securities for their enterance, yt is to say 13s. 4d.
which shll belong to Lenn _holy company_ abateing and also they yt
bene as bretheren but be lawful for ym with yt subsidy to make ym
merry there and if so think to ye company as bene more proffit to ye
Gild to send home ye money of ye entres of ye bretheren yat come
in—Also it is ordeind by ye election ye 1st. day of July year of ye
reign of Henry 5th. they have ordeynd that this company shll none
have [hoods {427}] but at every 2 yrs end.—Also ordeynd yt no man
shll have hooding but be paid therefore as cometh thereto.—Also it is
ordeynd by ye same election yt wht bro. dye of this company he shll
have sung for him 30 messes for his soul so soon as it is known yt he
is dead and yt shll be done after ye old manner of ye alderman & ye
officers yt shll be for ye time.—It is ordeynd by ye alderman & all
ye bretheren yt what come into ye said Gild shall pay 7s.—Also it is
ordeynd by ye election of the company by ye alderman & all ye
bretheren yt ye skyveynts shall find all ye costs of ye house.”
[Then added by way of conclusion, or memorandum,]—
“These be ye names of ye flounders and benefactors of ye Gild of St.
Gyles and St. Julian holden in St Jame’s church in Lenn.”
“Edmd. Bellyter, Mercht. Tho. Constantyn, Esq. & Margaret his
daughter, William Inot, Mercht. Founders of ye Gild of St. Gyles and
St. Julian holden, &c.”
[I.e. in St. Jame’s church in Lenne, as before.—Then are added the names
of the principal subsequent benefactors, as we may suppose.]
“Tho. Hulyett, Mercht. Robt. Braybroke, Mercht. Walter Coney,
Mercht. William Wallis, Mercht. William Nicholson, Mercht. Robt.
Scryme, & Julian his wife, John Soame, Richd. Evelyn, Mercht. Wm.
Amfles, Mercht. John Taylor, Mercer, Richd. Amfles, Mercht.—Special
benefactors of ye said Gild, & for all ye bretheren and sisters souls
of this said Gild, & for all xn Souls.”
From some notes, in the same volume, immediately following the above long
extract, it appears that there was an _Almshouse_ connected with the said
Gild, or under its patronage, from the first: Also that there was a
_charity company_, dwelling in a _Bede house_ adjoining to that same
Almshouse; which likewise became afterwards connected with the said gild.
The Bedehouse was, probably, the present women’s Hospital, still
sometimes called _the Bedehouse_; and the Almshouse might stand where Mr.
Bonnett’s dwelling and school now do. From the same notes it also seems,
that the date of the foundation of the said Gild, as given above, must be
wrong, owing perhaps to the carelessness of the transcriber, and that it
had been founded earlier.—The notes alluded to are the following; which
are here inserted, that the intelligent reader may have an opportunity to
judge for himself.
“1476. This day comond {429} of ye Almeshouse by St. James’s & it is
agreed that Wm. Walter, Robt. Braybroke, Tho. Constantine, John
Bambage, Robt. Bastard, & John Gillom shall have the oversight of the
Almeshouse between this and ye genll day to the use of the Gild.
“Also Tho. Constantine on of ye bretheren of this gild as executor to
Margarett his daughter, heir to Edmd. Bellyete hath granted this same
day to make a lawful estate of ye said almeshouse in ffee simple to
such persons as shall be named by the gild.
“1477. As for ye rule and keeping of ye almeshouse & vestments to be
left to ye alderman & 4 of the bretheren.
“1487. Given by ye gild to ye prior towards repairing ye church
6_s._ 8_d._ the rest towards repairing ye chappell of St. Julian and
ye almeshouse.
“Wheras John Reed, Mercht. has been misguided agst ye alderman and
officers, John Goodwin, Mayor, & John Bunton, alderman, have ordered
he shd pay 6s. 8d. for his broke, which was pd accordingly, but was
returned on condition he shd. give to ye Almeshouse 2 new pair of
sheets, 2s. 4d. the pair.
“1473. Delivered to John Waller a Whystle wt. 12¼ oz. the gift of
Robt. Gring to ye fellowship.
“The skyvants to bear ye charge of ye light before St. Julian.
“The Preist to pray every Sunday for ye bretheren & sisters of ye
gild.
“The Alderman to gather in ye debts of ye gild & to have 20_d._ to ye
£. which debt is for repairing ye chappel of ye gild & ye almeshouse.
“Ordered yt ye bretheren shall go about in ye even praying for ye old
benefactors, & ye benefactors to be written in ye Gild Book, & ye
Bellman to have a list of their names, & yt Thos. Toylet be
remembered in ye Bederoll when ye Bellman goeth about.
“1482. Ordered yt ye sisters be received into ye gild paying their
dutys without delay & ye said sisters shall go with ye bretheren on
ye same daies.
“Such bretheren & sisters as be in poverty & not able to bury
youselves shall have the dean & wax at the cost of the Gild so they
be clear in the Gild. {430}
“The Alderman to lay out 2_l._ 11_s._ 1_d._ in his hands towards
repairing the Almeshouse & beding.
“John Soame, Alderman gave 3_l._ to ye Gild.
“At one of the Generalls there was a vote in ye fellowship for hoods,
42 was for hoods, & only 8 {431a} which wd. have none, whereupon it
was agreed they shd. have hooding.
“In the 28th year of the reign of K. Hen. 6th. the Generall mornspech
was kept at Corpus Christa [Christi] Hall {431b} Cyprian Pouleson
have taken into ye same fraternity the charity company with the
ornaments pertaining to the same.
“These be ye implements pertaining to ye altar of St. Lawrence {431c}
in St. James’s Church belonging to the charity company Anno 1533.
“ffirst 3 altar clothes 3 pillows a vestment of cloth of Bawdekyn
with a cross of cloth of gold in ye midst, a printed Mass Book, 2
latten candlesticks, one altar cloth before ye altar stained, 2
stained curtains, 2 Bulls for pardons, 2 curtains of darnick, a Pall
of black wursted, with I. H. S. of gold embroidered, and a cross of
white ffustin in ye midst, a crucifix of timber with a foot, a blue
say for the Herse, 2 great candlesticks of timber for ye Herse with
scallops and 4 iron bars at ye feet, a Horn harnessed with silver.
“N.B. The above Charity Company dwelt in ye Bedehouse adjoining the
above Almeshouse.”
“1488. The alderman to have for making his dinner on the gild even
for the officers & minstrells {432a} 3s. 4d. a Botte of good Ale and
4d. in Bread.” {432b}
[A Bill, as it is called, and some memoranda are annexed to this last
article in the MS. Volume. They were thought curious, and well worth
preserving. The reader will find them in the note below, and will, of
course, judge for himself, as to the merit or value of them.] Then
follows
_An Inventory of the ornaments belonging to the Altar of St. Gyles &
St. Julian in St. James’s Church_.
_Imprimis_. A Cyprus hanging before the Altar.
Two Pillows, one of portray’d work with the Holy Lamb, another of
needlework with an Hart in the midst, Two curtains of stained work
with angels.
Two Irons for the Curtains.
An altar-cloth stained with our Lady & her child on her knee.
A stained altar-cloth with the Salutation of our Lady.
Three low candle-sticks lattin.
Two altar clothes of plain cloth with crosses of red silk with 8 . .
. a Peice & C on the corners of the same clothes & one of red silk in
ye middle.
2 Chests of Cyprus wood.
Witnesses Sr. Wm. ffinne, Sr. Richd. Houghton, Sr. Tho. Knights,
Priests, with many others.
* * * * *
_An Inventory of the Jewell belonging to the above gilde_.
oz. dwt.
_Imprimis_. A Chalice of Silver and gilt with 18. 1.
gold Pottant of the same, wt.
A great Maser with a print of St. George. 46. 0.
A Maser with St. Julian and a Hart in the bottom 18. 0.
with a Scepter.
A Maser with I. H. S. in the bottom. 13. 0.
A Maser with Rich. Collyns name. 16. 0.
A Horne harnissed with Silver and gilt with three 43. 0.
feet the same.
A Scepter silver part gilt with a Christall stone.
3 Table clothes.
[Then follows an Inventory of furniture in the _men’s_ and the _women’s
Almshouse_.]
These be the Parcells belonging to the Almeshouse
FOR THE MEN.
Imprimis. _In the first Chamber_, _called the Schooler’s Chamber_.
A Mattriss stuffed with . . . A Bolster, one pair of Blanketts, one
pair of Sheets & one Coverlid white & black.
_In the second Chamber_, A Mattriss 2 Pillows 1 pair of Sheets 1 pair
Blanketts & a Coverlett red & yellow.
_In the third Chamber_. A Mattriss a Bolster one pair Blanketts one
pair Sheets a Coverlett blue & yellow.
_In the fourth Chamber_. A Mattriss a Bolster one pair Blanketts one
pair Sheets & a Coverlett red & white.
_In the fifth Chamber_. A Mattriss a Bolster 1 pair Sheets 1 pair
Blanketts a Coverlett black & yellow.
_In the sixth Chamber_. A Mattriss a Bolster a pair Sheets a pair
Blanketts & a Coverlett red and yellow.
_In the seventh Chamber_. A Mattriss a pair Sheets a pair Blanketts
a Coverlett red & yellow.
IN THE WOMEN’S HOUSE.
_First Chamber_. A Mattriss a Bolter a pair Sheets & a Coverlett.
_In the second Chamber_. A Mattriss a pair Sheets a Coverlett of red
& yellow another Coverlet white & black.
_In the third Chamber_. A Mattriss a Traunsome a pair Sheets a pair
Blanketts & a Coverlett red & yellow.
_In the fourth Chamber_. An old Mattriss a Daggeswaine & a Coverlett
white & green.
_In the fifth Chamber_. A Mattriss a Transome a pair of Blanketts a
pair of Sheets a Coverlett red and yellow another red & green.
_In the sixth Chamber_. A Mattriss a Bolster a Blankett Lincy wolley
a Coverlett red & black lined with woodmill.
_Implements_. A fforme with 2 ffeet, a Rake of iron, a Joiner’s
Table, a Lanthorn to hang in the middle of the house.
_To the Well_.—A Buckett hooped with Iron, a Boile of Iron, a Chain
of Iron with 9 lincks with a swivell of Iron.
_Implements belonging to the WOMEN’S House_.
lb. oz.
_Imprimis_. A Brass Pott 2. 10.
wt.
An old Brass Pott wt. 9. 0.
An old Brass Pott. 1. 0.
An old Brass Pott. 1. 10.
A little Pott. 5. 10.
A Kettle without a Boile. 7. 0.
3 old Pans. 5. 0.
A Pewter dish. 1. 10.
3 old fformes, 2 old small Joiner’s stools.
An old little Stoole, an old Table with 4 ffeet, an old Joiner’s
chair.
_In the Kitchin_. Imprimis. A gridiron, 1 pair Cobbirens, 1 hanging
Brandlett, 2 Spitts, a chopping knife, A hanging Lanthorn with an
Iron Chain & three ffeet.”
[To the above is immediately added the following regulation relating to
the said almshouse.]
“The keeper of the Almeshouse to Ring the Bell every night from
Hallowmass to Candlemas at 6 of Clock at night & lett in ye poor
folks, & lock’d [lock] in ye door all night: & likewise to Ring the
Bell again at 7 of Clock in ye morn, & then to let them out: & in
summer from Candlemass to Hallowmass to Ring & shutt in ye doors at 8
of clock at night & open them at 5 of the morning.”
The account of St. Gyles & St. Julian’s Gild is closed with the following
remarkable & curious
“_Memorandum_. John, bishop of Ledence, have granted to every
brother & sister of the fraternity or Gild of St. Gyles & St. Julian,
holden at St. James’s Church in Lynn, that at the time or season that
any manner of person or persons do intend to drink in St. Julian’s
Horn {436a} with good devotion, are granted by the said bishop, as
often as they do, 40 days pardon, which grant was confirmed by the
same bishop in the mansion place of John Baxter of Lynn, Grocer, in
the presence of Cyprian Pouleson, alderman, the said John Baxter,
Thomas Brampton, & other men the 5th day of August in ye yr of our
Lord 1532 in the 24th yr of K. H. 8. John Powis, Mayor, & my Lord of
Norwich Richd. Pykk [Nykk] then bishop did visit the same time.—The
said John bishop [of Ledence] was then suffragan {436b} to my Lord
West bishop of Ely.”
From these Extracts it is very evident that the above fraternity of St.
Gyles and St. Julian must have stood high among our ancient Gilds. It
consisted, it seems, of divers opulent members, who did honour to their
feelings by the attention which they paid to the wants and sufferings of
their indigent neighbours of both sexes: for we find that there were two
Almeshouses, one for poor _men_, and another for poor _women_, under
their patronage, and supported by them, if not also founded by them. On
this account we ought to respect their memory, papists as they were; for
this part of their conduct was, surely, very commendable and exemplary.
Such a conduct is worthy of respect and commendation wherever it is seen:
among papists as well as protestants; and even among mahometans or
heathens as well as christians. There are Almeshouses still at Lynn, but
we know not that they owe much, if any thing, to the bounty or liberality
of any of our present opulent families, or to any of their immediate, or
even remote progenitors. They were endowed by wealthy families or
individuals of other times, whose descendants have long disappeared. Our
modern men of wealth are otherwise disposed: and our Allens, our Bagges,
our Bowkers, and our Cases, have lived and died without exhibiting any
symptoms of feelings like those that appeared in the charitable
fraternity of St. Gyles and St. Julian. If the latter were also in other
matters weak and superstitious, that was perhaps unavoidable by people in
their circumstances. We have our weaknesses and superstitions too, and
those, probably, much less excusable, considering our superior
advantages, than those of the brethren and sisters of the said Gild.
Instead, therefore, of decrying, or pitying their failings, we ought to
blush for our own.
Furthermore, it is observable of the above brotherhood, that they
consisted of _good men and able_, _and of good conversation_. (see p.
423.) So careful were they on this head, that every member at his
admission was obliged to find _two sureties_, who were to answer for the
due performance of his engagement to the gild, and also to testify of his
_good beryng and honest_, or that he was a person of irreproachable moral
character. (see p. 426.) We are not certain that our modern _protestant_
Gilds, the benefit societies, &c. are equally careful that those whom
they receive among them be persons of good report, or blameless
conversation. It would certainly be very creditable to them.—The said
gild also appeared anxious to support a respectable religious character,
and promote, what they deemed, the practice of piety among themselves:
hence they had their proper chaplain or religious functionary, as was
before noticed. Indeed they seemed as if desirous to be thought to excel
in this department, as is pretty plainly indicated, by their assuming the
name of the _Lenn holy company_, which may be thought to smell a little
pharisaical. However that was, as they possessed so many good qualities,
and deserved well of their neighbours and fellow citizens, we can do no
less than dismiss or take our leave of them respectfully.
SECTION IV.
_Account of the Gilds continued_.
After St. Gyles and St. Julian’s Gild, the next, in the Catalogue, is
that of _St. Ethelered_, or _Ethelred_. Of this Gild we have met with no
particular account; and but little more of the next to it, that of _St.
Margaret_: Parkin just mentions that it was founded in the 8th of Henry
IV. a patent being granted by that monarch for that purpose. {439a} Of
_St. Anne’s_ Gild, the 7th in the Catalogue, Parkin only says, that there
was here such a Gild, as appears by the inquisition taken in the 3rd of
Elizabeth. He also queres, if there was not a chapel dedicated to St.
Anne, somewhere near the Fort which still bears her name? {439b} which
seems very reasonable to suppose. Of the next, the Gild of the 12
_Apostles_, we have met with no further account; nor yet of that which
immediately succeeds it, the Gild of _St. Christopher_.
Of the 10th Gild, that of _our Lady_, the following mention is made by
Parkin—
“These are the brethren and sisters of the Guild _Tigulat._ founded
to the honour and purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, _ao._ 3
Edward III.—Thomas de Langham, and Christian his wife; Charles de
Secheford, and Alice his wife; Robert de Derby, and Margery his wife;
William, son of the said Robert, &c. [The names of the rest are not
given.] Robert seems to be alderman of the Guild.—These are the four
Morwespeches of the said Guild: the first morwespeche is on the
Sunday [_le Dymeynge prochein_] after the purification of the Blessed
Virgin, the second on the day of the annunication of our Lady, the
third on the day of the assumption of our Lady, the fourth on the
conception of our Lady.—It is ordained that if any of the brethren be
summoned on any of the four morwespeches, and are in the said town,
and make default, they shall pay 1_d._ to the honour of our Lady.”
{440a}
This Gild, as the above writer hints, had its Alderman, {440b} and
likewise, probably, all the other kind of officers mentioned in the
account of St. Gyles and St. Julian’s Gild; with laws also somewhat alike
those of that fraternity; but its records relating to those matters
having all perished, nothing more can be said on those heads.—The chapel
of our Lady, which belonged to this Gild, or to which the gild belonged,
was not that _by the bridge_, to which it gave name, but that _on the
mount_, which was formerly a very noted place in this town, both for its
curious architecture and its reputed sanctity—the offerings there
sometimes exceeding those of all our other holy places. But more of
these matters when we come to treat of the religious houses.
Of the five Gilds, mentioned in the Catalogue next after that of _our
Lady_, namely those of _St. Michael the Archangel_, _St. Nicholas_, _St.
Audrey_, _St. Michael and King Henry_, and _St. Cyprian_, no particular
information has been obtained. We therefore know not how they were
constituted, or what were the particular objects of their respective
confederations. That the members of all or of any of them were as useful
and respectable in their generation as those of St. Gyles and Julian can
neither be affirmed nor denied. They might be all very good sort of
people, in their way, for aught we know. But we may without any breach
of charity suppose they had their full share of childish credulity and
stupid superstition. These were the predominant failings of their time,
of which, however, even our own time, and with all its boasted advantages
and improvements, is not yet quite clear. We must therefore suppose,
that they readily and implicity believed all the marvellous monkish tales
which were then propagated; especially those that particularly related to
their respective tutelar or patron saints. The members of _St. Audrey’s
Gild_, for instance, would all readily believe the extraordinary and
miraculous virtues ascribed to her wonderful _Smock_ at _Thetford_: and
those of _our Lady’s Gild_ would no less readily believe the wonderful
accounts of her _appearances_ to divers persons in the very same town.
Thetford being so nigh to Lynn, and in the same county, the miracles
pretended to have been worked there would soon be reported and credited
here; and those, especially, that were ascribed to _St. Audrey_ and _Our
Lady_, would be so among the members of those Lynn Gilds which bore their
names. {441}
The sixteenth Gild in the above Catalogue is that of _St. Fabian_ and
_St. Sabestian_, or _Sebastian_, of which the following account is given
by Parkin—
“At a colloquium, or general meeting (in the reign of Henry VII.) of
this Guild, held in St. George’s Hall, on Sunday next after the feast
of St. Fabian and St. Sebastian, September 2, John Nicholl was chosen
alderman; John Johnson, William Manning, Robert Bachelor, William
Whithed, scabins; clerk of the guild, Thomas Haw,—dean, John Gyles.
The chattels of the guild in the scabins keeping—It was then
ordained, That the skevinths shal bere all as they have done before
tyme;—Also that the said skevens shall have of every brother, on the
general day, as many as dine there 2_d._ and the morspect l_d._—Also
ordained, that Thomas Rudwell and John Lowyn shall bere the ded
money: and Thomas Rudwell received 9_s._ the said John Lowyn received
9_s._ Also that the said Thomas and John, shall give for occupying
of the ded money, by yere, 11_s._ 8_d._—Also ordained the electioners
{444} shall find to the encresse or the company and in the worchep of
God and the seynt, the furst morspech; the alderman shall find the
second with the help of the feloshep, that he may have to the profits
of the seynt.—Also, that the skevens shall bere the 3 morspechs,
beside the general day, accordyng to the beforeseid.”
The above seems to be taken from some old record relating to this gild;
Parkin then adds—
“I find at this time several men and women admitted brethren and
sisters, the men paying 2_s._ admission, and the woman 1_s._ Among
them Domps. Robs. Metford, _monachus_, and paid 2_s._ and prior
William Lobbis, or Cobbis, 2_s._ It was a mean Guild. At one
Colloquium I find expended in lervis. 9_d._ in pane 3_d._ in casu &
carn. 3_d._ _Colloq. tent. in aula Hen. Bretenham_, _Die Dominic.
prox. post fest. see. Cather. Ao. Hen. VII. 3º_.—_Colloq. Gen._ on
the feast of St. Fabian and St. Sebastian, Ao. 3, Hen. VII. John
Nichol chose alderman, &c. when it was ordered that there should be
kept 2 morspech in the yere, besides the general, and that the
skevens shall have of every brother and sister of the general day, as
many as dine and sup, 2_d._ and the morspech-pence.—_Colloq. Gen._ in
St. George’s Hall on Sunday next after the feast of St. Fabian and
St. Sebastian Henry. VII. 4º. Robert Johnson chose alderman: ordered
that there be bert one morspech in the year, besides the general day,
this morspech to be kept the Sunday before St. Margaret’s day—ordered
that the brethren and sisters dyne and sup together, and pay every
brother and sister that dine and sup 1_d._ and the morspech 1_d._
when it appeared that they had goods and chattels belonging to
them.—Ordered that the clerk’s wages shall be 12_d._ and the dean
10_d._ _per annum_. {445a} and we will that John Sturmyn shall bere
the perk money for to find the perk lights.—_Dna. Alice Belle_, a
recluse, entered and paid 1_s._—1492. Adam Mylke then alderman—Henry
Bretenham chose alderman, 1492, after Mylke, when I find children
entered brothers and sisters, under age.—_Dompn. Geor_. . . . prior
of Lyn entered brother 1495.—_Mem._ that the alderman gave a drinking
the first Sunday in May, and 3_s._ 4_d._ was gathered and delivered
to the alderman, to be delivered the next general day to the brethren
again, with his good devotion to God, and to the good holy seynt, and
in encressin of the Gyld.—At a drinking, on Sunday next after
Allhallowsmass, at John Bevies smith, gathered 2_s._ 4_d._ for the
perk money.—_Dnus_. Nicholas Berdeney, intrat. Ao. 4 Henry. VII.
The Morspech held on Relick Sunday 1490. Robert Johnson,
alderman;—In the 7th of Henry VII. Ad. Mylke alderman; ordered that
every brother, on the next morrow after the general, shall wait on
the alderrnan for the time being, at our Lady of the mount, {445b} at
nine of the clock, and there every brother to offer then, and what
brother come not, without a lawful excuse, shall pay at the next
morspech following after the general, half a pound of wax, without
any grace, and he that come not, to send his offering, and every
brother having a wife, or sister, they to offer betwixt them a
halfpenny.—This general held Sunday 22d of January.—In 1492, Adam
Mylke occurs alderman, chose on Sunday after St. Fab. and the feast
in St. George’s Hall.—Adam Mylke, alderman, 1493.—In 1493, there
seems to be 38 of this guild, the morspech pence being 8_s._ 2_d._—In
1493 the second paid at their dinner and supper, by every brother
1_d._ to the Gild and 1_d._ to the scevyns, a brother and his wife
3_d._—1_d._ to the gyld and 2_d._ to the schevens.—In the 10th of
Henry VI [VII.] Henry Bretenham chose alderman, on Sunday next after
St. Fabian and St. Sebastian, and occurs 1495. Ordered that the
skyvens on the day of St. Fabian and St. Sebastian, or one of them,
come to the church, and do ring none, and see that the candles about
and afore the awter be light, at evening and at service, on the day,
on pain of dim. lib. of wax, each of them to the lightward; and I
find 4 minstrells belong to them and brethren.—In the 13 of Henry
VII. Bretenham occurs alderman.—The altar light, perk, &c. kept by
the guild, and that of the bason, and the dead.—In 1500 H. Bretenham,
Mayor; and 1501, H. Bretenham, alderman; and 1502, and 1503.—In the
2d of Henry VIII. Thomas French, late alderman, died.—In the 4th of
Henry VIII. Robert Baker, chose alderman.”
Such is the account we have of St. Fabian and St. Sebastian’s Gild. As
it had _goods and chattels_ belonging to it, it was probably dissolved at
the reformation, like all others so circumstanced. Parkin calls it _mean
gild_: it might perhaps be so, compared with some of the wealthier ones;
but there is reason to believe that it was superior to some of the
others. It had its _company of minstrels_, which may be thought to
answer to a modern _band of music_, and seems to indicate that this
society was not among our meanest or lowest gilds. The number of its
members in the reign of Henry VIII. Parkin reckons to consist of 38, by
the amount of the morspech pence; but if the officers were exempted, from
that payment, they might be no less than 45.—However that was, this gild
in its days might answer some very useful purposes.
Of the two Gilds named, in the catalogue, next after that of St. Fabian
and St. Sebastian, namely, those of _St. Lawrence and St. Agnes_, nothing
is known but the names: all the rest seems to have gone long ago into
irrecoverable oblivion.—Of the next, the 19th Gild, that of _Corpus
Christi_, something more is known. Both Parkin and Mackerell have made
some mention of this ancient fraternity. The former speaks of it as
follows—
“Licence was granted that John de Brunham, and John Waryn, of Lenn,
might give one messuage, 75_s._ 7_d._ _ob._ rent. with the
appurtenances in Lenn, and that Richard Dun might give the rent of
12_d._ and the profit of one passage-boat beyond the port of the
village of Lenn, with the appurtenances, to Thomas de Couteshale,
master of the said guild, [as I take it] and the aforesaid John and
Richard might give to Thomas de Couteshale, one Shop and solar, with
the appurtenances in the said Village, which Thomas de Couteshale
holds.—John de Brunham, John de Perteneye, and Adam Skert, burgess of
Lynn, grant, &c. to Jeffrey Talboth, Thomas Botekysham, John de
Dockyn, &c. 2_s._ which they used to receive of the heirs of John de
Syssewell of West Lenne, for the liberty of a ferry, of a
passage-boat over the water.—Dated at Lenn Bishop on Sunday after the
feast of the purification of the blessed Virgin, in the 3d. of
Richard II.—Jeffrey Talboth then mayor:—Witnesses John de
Tyteleshale, Roger Paxam, &c.” {448}
Hence it appears that this Gild had goods and chattels, was in possession
of a ferry boat, &c. And must have been a fraternity of some
consequence. From Mackerell’s account it seems to be one of the
commercial, or mercantile gilds; what he says of it is contained in the
following passage—
“_Of the Company of Merchants of_ CORPUS CHRISTI, _their agreement_,
_and for what_.—This Indenture made witnesseth, that John Pygot,
burgels, merchant of Lynne Byshope, Master of the company of Corpus
Christi in Lynne aforesaid, hath delivered to William Marche,
Wex-Chandeler of Lynne C and vi _lb_ (i.e. 106 _lb._) in clene wex
vxx and xii _lb._ (_i.e._ 112_lb._ for the hundred) and in torches
half an c and xxi _lb._ of wex and in x grete chapterell xvii _lb._
and half a _lb._ of wex and Rosyn, and in smale chapterell xi _lb._
Wex and Rosyn: To have the kepyng of the same weight of Wex duryng
the terme of x yeers. The seid William to fynde every yeer duryng
hys seid Terme, as welle all the lyghtes about the Tabernacle of
Corpus Christi, in the Chirche of Seynt Margaret in Lynne, the
lyghtes of all the torches which the seid Company spendeth or shal
spende every yeer durylnge the seid Terme. And the seid William to
sette up every year the Heerse of the said Company in the chirch
before-said, and take it downe upon his owne costs and expens, as it
has ben doon and used aforne this tyme; and in the ende of the seid
Terme the seid William to deliver ageyn the seid Weyght of Wex
Torches and Chapterell to the Mayster of the said Company for the
tyme beeng, for the which Lyght-making, and fyndyng every yeer, the
seid William shall have of the Maister and Company V Marks and X
shillings of good money of Inglond to be paid to the seid William
every yeer in the utasse of the feste of Corpus Christi. Into
Witnesse hereof, the partyes aforesaid to these Indentures alternatly
have sette their seales. Written at Lynn foreseid on Wednysday the
feste of Seynt Gregory the Pope, the yeer of the reigne of King Henry
the sixth after the Conquest xxvii.” {449a}
From this last extract it is very evident that the Society of Corpus
Christi made no mean figure among the Lynn gilds. The _Tabernacle_ of
Corpus Chisti, {449b} in the church of St. Margaret, belonged to this
Gild, and must have been attended with considerable expense, both in its
formation, and the subsequent charges which it occasioned, for the lights
that were there kept, &c. Indeed we are expressly told that they were a
_company of merchants_, and therefore we need not wonder that they were,
and could afford to be at more expense than most of the others. In
short, we may pretty safely conclude that this must have been one of our
most opulent Gilds. Had we known more of its history we might be able to
record some of its good deeds, and prove that it deserved an honourable
remembrance; but as that is not the case, our account of it must be here
concluded.
SECTION V.
_Account of the holy Trinity Company_, _of great merchants’ Gild_.
Of all the Lynn gilds, that which assumed the name of _Trinity_, and is
the 20th in the Catalogue, appears to have been by far the most eminent
and opulent. It had very considerable possessions, in houses, lands, and
other sorts of property; and there is still preserved a more particular
and full account of this gild than of most, or indeed of any of the rest:
of which its large landed property may be one principal reason, as that
could not well be conveyed into other hands without some mention of its
original or former possessors, and such mention too as would be likely to
be long remembered. Most, if not all the property of this mercantile
company, and particularly what consisted in houses and lands, was, at the
reformation, when the company was dissolved, vested in the corporation,
and still constitutes a great part, or most, of their property of that
description. The best account of this gild, that we know of, is
contained in a MS. volume which once belonged to the late Henry Partridge
Esq. but is now the possession of our venerable townsman Thomas Day Esq.
who has very obligingly favoured the present writer with the use of it.
This account extends much further than that given in Parkin’s printed
History of Lynn, though it seems to have been originally drawn up by the
same hand, and transcribed from the papers of that eminent antiquary,
with his consent, by the procurement of the late Mr. Partridge, in
1749.—We learn from the printed account, as well as from that in
manuscript, that though this gild is _said_ to have been _founded_ by
_king_ JOHN, at the request of his great favourite, bishop De _Grey_, yet
that, in fact, it existed long before that time, as appears by an answer
to a certain writ of enquiry, in the reign of Richard II. so that what is
called _founding_ it _then_, seems to mean no more than that monarch’s
giving it his royal sanction, or taking it under his kingly patronage:
and we know not how far that proved of material benefit to the
institution. The interference and patronage of statesmen have not always
proved favourable to commercial prosperity. But we will now proceed to
lay before the reader the account which we have obtained of this gild.
“John de Grey bishop of Norwich persuaded {451} king John to found
the guild of the holy Trinity at Lynn: the brethren of which were
bound, under the penalty of a gallon of wine, to have Mass celebrated
every Trinity Sunday, in St. Margaret’s Church, for the souls of the
said king and bishop.—It was called the _great_ Guild of the holy
Trinity in Lynn, in respect to other less guilds in the same town;
the head or chief person of this guild, or fraternity, was stiled,
the Alderman, or Custos, and was chose by the commonalty of the said
town, and continued so on that choice for life, unless upon account
of any great infirmity or inability, or some other reasonable cause,
he was set aside and removed.
“This Guild was said to have _its rise and begining_ before the reign
of king John, as appears from the answer of Thomas Botesham, alderman
of it, and his brethren, in the time of Richard II. to a writ of
enquiry of that king relating to its foundation, authority, &c. that
its origin was not known, that king John, considering the great
concourse of merchants to this town, granted the alderman that then
was, and the commonalty and their successors, by Letters patents,
bearing date in his sixth year, that they might have a guild of
merchants in the said town: and Henry III. son to the said king John,
by his Letters patents, granted one of their own body and community
to be mayor of the said town, which said mayor and alderman for the
time being, should always have the rule and government of it; and
which said alderman, in the vacancy of a mayor, or in the absence of
the mayor from the said town, should have the rule and government of
the said community, as the alderman and his predecessors, the
aldermen of the said town, had and enjoyed.
“As to _their possessions_, &c. they are thus returned to the
aforesaid enquiry, That they had a place called the Common Staith
with its appurtenances, valued at 42_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ per annum clear,
besides all reprises, That the goods and chattels of the aforesaid
Guild amount in the whole to 260_l._ 13_s._ viz. in ready money
60_l._ 13_s._ In divers merchandize 200_l._ and that in many books,
vestments, chalices, and other ornaments for the chaplains of the
said Guild performing Divine service as well in the parish church as
in the chapels {453} annexed to the said church, and that in wax for
lights in the said church and chapels, in the honour and laud of the
holy Trinity, yearly found, and for torches at the funerals of poor
brethren, &c. of the said Guild, and that out of the profits of the
common Stathe, and out of the goods and chattels aforesaid, together
with diverse goods and chattels bequeathed and left to the said
Guild; the alderman, &c. sustain and find _thirteen chaplains_, daily
and yearly to pray, as well for the king, his ancestors, and for the
peace and welfare of his kingdom, as for the souls of all the
aldermen, brethren, and benefactors of the said Guild, also for the
souls of all the faithful deceased: _six_ of which officiated in the
church of St. Margaret aforesaid, _four_ in the chapel of St.
Nicholas, and _three_ in the chapel of St. James in Lenne, who all
day, as they are stated and appointed in the church and chapels
aforesaid, celebrate high mass, by note, and on Sundays and other
festival days, celebrate mass at Mattins, and at Vespers, by note;
and if any of the aforesaid chaplains neglects his duty and office,
or is not of an honest life and conversation, when he has been
admonished by the alderman, and does not amend, he is removed from
the service, and the said alderman appoints another able and honest
one in his place. And further, that out of the profits of the said
Common-Stath, goods and chattels aforesaid, many almsdeeds and works
of charity were yearly given, which, one year with another, are
computed at 30_l._ viz. towards the support of the poor brethren of
the said guild, to the blind, lame, and other distressed persons, to
poor clerks keeping school, and poor religious houses, as well of men
as women, to the lepers in and about Lenne, and in repairs &c. of the
parish church and chapels aforesaid, and in the ornaments of the
same, together with the alms given to the four orders of friers in
Lenne, and to the maintaining of several aqueducts for the use of the
said town: all the goods and chattels aforesaid are in the hands of
the said alderman, and of four men of the said guild, called skivins,
{454a} who yearly distribute the said goods as aforesaid: and
further, that the brethren of the said guild never had nor used any
one suit of livery, either in their vestments or hoods.” {454b}
The following were the _Rules and Ordinances of this Gild_.
1. If any stranger is willing to enter into the fraternity, he ought
to pledge into the hands of the alderman 100_s._ _et jus p’ dict.
domus_; _scil._ to the alderman 4_d._ to the clerk 2_d._ to the dean
2_d._ and afterwards out of the 100_s._ pledged with the alderman and
his brethren, _ad melins_. . . . _poterit_, and shall immediately
give one sextary {455a} of wine, viz. 10_d._ {455b}
2. If any brother has a son, or sons, legitimate, who are willing to
enter into the said fraternity, each one ought to pay for his
entrance 4_s._ the aforesaid right being excepted.
3. Whoever will enter into the said fraternity, ought on the first
day of his admission to wait and serve before the alderman and the
brethren, honourably, in neat clothes, and {455c} . . . of gold or
silver.
4. The alderman to have, on the day of Pentecost, one sextary of
wine, and the dean half a sextary, the clerk half, and each of the
skivens {455d} the same day half a sextary, and every day after as
long as the drinking shall continue, the alderman shall have half a
sextary, the dean, clerk, and each of the Skivins one gallon, and
each of the attendants half a gallon, at evening.
5. If any of the brethren shall disclose to any stranger the
counsels of the said guild, to their detriment, without the assent of
the alderman and his brethren, he shall forfeit the sum of 32 pence.
6. If any of the brethren shall fall into poverty, or misery, all
the brethren are to assist him by common consent out of the chattels
of the house, or fraternity, or of their proper own.
7. If any brother should be impleaded, either within Lenne or
without, the brethren there present ought to assist him in their
council, if they are called, to stand with him and counsel him
without any costs; and if they do not, they are to forfeit 32 pence.
8. None of the brethren is to come into the guild before the
alderman and his brethren with his cap or hood on, or barefoot, or in
any rustick manner, if he does he is to be amerced 4 pence.
9. If any one should sleep at the guild, either at the general
meeting or at their feasts and drinking, he is to forfeit 4 pence.
10. If any one turns him rudely to his brother, or calls him by any
rude name, [he is] to be amerced 4 pence.
11. If any one is called and cited at a prime (or general meeting)
and does not come before the issue of the first consult, he is to pay
1_d._ by order of the dean; and if he refuses and sits down, he is to
be amerced 4 pence.
12. If any one should be cited to the prime, and shall be found in
the town, or shall come late to the drinking, and the dean shall say
to him to be there at the next prime, and he does not come before
they begin to take judgments of defaults, he shall either make some
reasonable excuse, or pay 12_d._ and if he comes before the defaults
are adjudged, and shall depart without leave, shall pay 12_d._
13. If any one of this house shall buy any thing, and a brother
shall come in unexpectedly before the agreement, {457} or at it, he
ought to be a partner with him that buy, and if the buyer refuses it,
he is to be amerced half a mark.
14. If any servant of the brethren comes at the drinking, or the
prime, he is to lay down the cap and cloak, and give it to the
janitor to keep, whilst he enters and speaks to his master, and then
he is to depart forthwith: if it is at the drinking, let him drink
once or twice, provided he does not sit, and then he is to depart,
and if he does not, his master is to be amerced.
15. If any one refuse to obey the precept of the alderman, or dean,
for the honour and profit of the house, he is to be amerced 12_s._
16. If any poor brother shall dye, the alderman and brethren shall
see that his body be honourably buried, of the goods, or chattels of
the house, or out of alms, if he has not wherewith to bury himself.
17. If the alderman shall dye, none belonging to him, neither son,
or any other can act in any thing as alderman but the brethren may
choose a new alderman whom they please.
18. If any brother shall dye, the dean is to summons all the
brethren to make their offerings for the soul of the deceased; and if
any one is absent, he is to give one halfpenny at the next prime
following, for the soul of the defunct, and the dean is to have 4_d._
of the alms collected for citing the brethren.
19. If any brother, or alderman shall act contrary to the ordinances
of this house, he is either to forfeit his brotherhood, or pay half a
mark for the good of the house.
20. No one shall intrude himself while the drinking continues.
21. If any brother shall offend another brother, in word or deed, he
shall make no complaint but to the alderman first, and the mayor; if
he does not, he is to be amerced half a mark.
22. If the skivins shall merchanize with the chattels of the house,
no brother shall have any part therein, but the whole profit to go to
the use of the guild.
23. The skivins are to swear, when they receive the chattels of the
house, that they will employ the same faithfully to the good of the
guild, and will fully account and answer for the profit.
The following additional articles are given, in the said MS. volume, as
_Usages and Customs_ of the gild.
[1.] There are four meetings of the alderman and his brethren (viz.)
The _first_ on Friday in the first week of Lent, to settle and order
their alms and other works of charity. The _second_ on Friday next
before the feast of the holy Trinity, to choose the officers of the
said Guild, (viz.) the skivins, and to settle and take the accounts
of them that are then removed. The _third_ on the vigil and day of
the holy and undivided Trinity, to the laud and honor thereof at the
vespers of the said feast, to have placebo {459a} and dirige {459b}
decently and honourably performed, for the souls of all the ancestors
of our lord the king, all the aldermen and brethren of the said
guild, all their benefactors and faithful deceased: and on the feast
of the said festival to have the solemn masses, as well of the said
festival, as the masses of requiem for the souls aforesaid, and to
make their offerings for the same. The _fourth_ on the Friday next
after the feast of the exaltation of the holy cross, {459c} to look
into the state of the said guild, and to receive the arrears, if any
were left in the hands of the skivins of the foregoing years, and to
dispose and order the goods and chattels of the said guild.
[2.] If any brother of the said guild shall dye in the said town,
another brother of the same, deputed by the alderman shall appoint 12
torches to be at the funeral of the said deceased; and further every
brother of the guild in town, shall be warned to make his offering
for the deceased, at the mass that is celebrated on the day of the
burial.
[3.] It any of the aforesaid brethren shall dye in the said town or
elsewhere, as soon as knowledge thereof shall come to the alderman,
the said alderman shall order solemn Mass to be celebrated for him,
at which every brother of the said guild, that is in town, shall make
their offering; and further, the alderman shall make every chaplain
of the said guild, immediately on the death of any brother, to say 30
Masses for the deceased.
[4.] The alderman and skivins of the said guild are by duty obliged
to visit, four times a year, all the infirm, all that are in want,
need, or poverty, and to minister to, and relieve all such, out of
the alms of the said guild.
[5.] If any brother shall become poor and needy, he shall be
supported in food and cloathing, according to his exigency, out of
the profits of the lands and tenements, goods and chattels of the
said guild.
[6.] If any one has a desire and is willing, for the honour of the
holy Trinity, to be received into the said guild, that he may be
partaker of the alms and benefactions thereof, he shall give to the
said guild a certain sum of money to the maintenance of the said alms
and benefactions according to what shall be agreed up on by the
alderman and brethren thereof.
[7.] If any brother has a son, or sons, after his entrance into the
guild, lawfully born and begotten, especially if such be of good and
honest fame and conversation, they are to be received every one of
them into the said guild, if he so thinks well, four shillings each.
[8.] No born slave, {461} or one of such like condition, nor any
apprentice can be received, and if any one of such like condition
should be received into the said guild, the alderman and his brethren
not knowing it, when it is truly and lawfully proved, such a one
shall lose the benefit of the said guild.
[9.] No one until he arrive at the age of 21 years, and is of honest
fame and condition, can be received into the said guild.
[10.] If any alderman shall happen to dye, or shall be removed from
his office on [for] any just and reasonable cause, the community of
the said town shall immediately choose another into the said office,
which alderman so elected, in the presence of the said community,
shall promise, that he will faithfully perform and observe all and
singular those things which belong to his office.
[11.] When any one shall be received into the said guild, he shall
promise in the hands of the said alderman on his faith, that he will
be obedient unto the said alderman and his officers of the guild for
the time being, in all lawful and honest things touching their
office, and that he will faithfully observe, as far as he is able,
all the lawful ordinances which, for the good rule and government of
the said guild, and honourable support of the said chaplains, and the
alms and good works of the said guild, are already made, or shall be
made hereafter.
[12.] It was ordained on Wednesday in the week of Pentecost in the
7. of Edward {462a} that the brethren should keep a general
Morwespech {462b} three times a year; to wit, on Friday in Whitsun
week, on Friday after the exaltation of the Holy Cross, and on Friday
on the first week of Lent.
[13.] Likewise it was ordained, by common consent, that the alderman
and his brethren should take care that a solemn mass should be
celebrated for the soul of John de Grey, formerly bishop of Norwich,
who first obtained the liberty of the said guild; viz. on the feast
of the holy Trinity, where every one of the brethren was to make an
offering of an halfpenny, and if any one made default, he was to give
one sextary of wine to the alms of the said house and gild.
[14.] And on Friday on the week of Pentecost in the 44. Edward III.
[1370] Thomas de Bockisham then alderman of, &c. it was agreed
unanimously that all the brethren who were well in town should meet
at Vespers at St. Margaret’s church, and should hear together Vespers
and Placebo for the soul of the aforesaid king John and John [de]
Grey bishop of Norwich, and on the day following, on the feast of the
holy Trinity, they should all be there present, and hear the mass
said of the holy Trinity, and, immediately after that, the mass for
the dead, by note, for the souls aforesaid.
[15.] On Friday on the week of Pentecost, in the 23 Edward 3. it was
provided by common assent, for ever, that no brother ought to buy or
sell any millstones, or marble stones, brought to Lynn to be sold, as
long as the scabini of this house would buy them for the profit of
the guild and pay for them to the full, and if any one brother should
act contrary hereto, he should for ever be deprived of the society.
[16.] On Friday the week of Pentecost the 24. Edward 3. it was
provided and agreed that every one of the skivins shall faithfully
and separately give in his account before the alderman and his
brethren to shew to them how many millstones he has bought or sold,
to whom he has sold, and for what price; and what size every
millstone was which he either bought or sold: and all the ready money
(silver) he has he shall bring with him; and if he does not, as is
here provided, he shall give six pound of silver to the use and
profit of the said house, or be discharged the society.
[17.] If any brother shall be elected to the office of a skivin and
he shall refuse it, he shall pay 40_s._ to the good of the house, or
be expelled.
[18.] On Friday in Pentecost week, 16. Edward III. it was provided
and ordained unanimously by the alderman and the fraternity that the
skivins for the time being may at any time of the year distrain and
bring their distresses for rents and farms belonging to the guild,
according to the customs, &c. of the Burgh of Lynn, and that for the
time to come the skivins should be responsible for the full payments
of the said rents and firmis till the time of their accounting shall
come, and that the skivins for the time being, whether they are
elected this present year or have been elected the foregoing year
shall every year at the feast of St. John Baptist account with their
tenants, and the said tenants shall hire again of the said skivins
the houses which they shall hold beyond the term of the said St. John
as the said skivins shall see to be most for the profit of the said
guild: and whatever accident shall happen, either by the occupation
of the said houses, the king’s ministers, or any other persons
whatever, or by any other accident whatever, the said tenants of the
farms aforesaid shall answer for the whole time to the said skivins
in full without any deductions at the terms aforesaid. {464}
[ 19.] On Friday on the week of Pentecost in the 27. of Edward III.
Jeffrey Drew then alderman, it is provided that if any brother was
found guilty and convicted of any notorious and scandalous falsehood
to the loss or disgrace of the guild, he should be deprived, and
never be reconciled, but looked upon as a convict and perjured
person.
[20.] On Friday next after the feast of the exaltation of the holy
Cross, in the 31. of Edward 3. Jeffrey Drew then alderman, it was
unanimously agreed by the alderman and his brethren, that as by the
grant of the king in his charter the Burgh of Lynn Epi. had this
Liberty, that the burgesses of the same in all fairs through the
kingdom of England were free and enjoyed that freedom; when therefore
any one of the said burgesses or brethren should go to the fair at
Stirbridge, or where any such like fair is held, and has taken his
place by the consent of any of the bailiffs of those places, and
marked it out by stakes or pins, by wood or stone, if any other
burgess of Lynn, or brother, either by presents or favour should
deprive of or expel the aforesaid burgess, or brother, from his place
so taken as aforesaid, he is to be looked upon and esteemed as a
transgressor of the aforesaid Liberty, and to be fined 40_s._ so that
the person so deprived and expelled may have 20_s._ of it; and if the
transgressor shall happen to be a brother of the said gild, he shall
be obliged by the alderman to pay 20_s._ for the benefit of the said
guild; and if the transgressor shall be a burgess, and not a brother
of the guild, he shall be obliged to pay 20_s._ by the mayor of the
town, for the benefit of the commonalty of the said town.
[21.] It is provided that none of our brethren shall come into the
guild before the alderman and his brethren capped, or hooded, or
barefooted, or in any other rude or rustick manner, and if he does he
shall pay 4_d._ for alms. {466a}
[22.] 16. Richard 2. 1393. Licence was granted that John de Brunham
and Thomas de Couteshale, of Lynn, might give to Henry de Betely,
alderman, the rents and profits of five messuages, one Kay, 11_l._
6_s._ 8_d._ rent, and the profit of one passage boat beyond the port
of Lynn Epi. with the appurtenances in Lynn, P. C. P. &c. N. 54. pt.
2. {466b}
It is very evident from the above extracts that the fraternity of the
_holy Trinity_ stood very high among the Lynn Gilds; and there is reason
to believe that it far surpassed any of the rest in power and opulence:
of which the number of its _chaplains_ and the extent of its
_possessions_ may be considered as very good and competent proofs. Of
those possessions we can form but a very imperfect idea from what has
been above said upon that subject. A much more correct and adequate idea
may be obtained from the charter of Edward VI. after the dissolution of
the gilds, in which the said possessions are by him transferred or
granted to the mayor and burgesses.—This Charter bears date 21. May 1548,
the 2nd year of that reign. The substance of it, as it relates to this
gild, and serves to elucidate the present subject, is as follows—
“Edward VI. by the grace of God, &c:—Whereas certain lands and
tenements, and other hereditaments lying in our burgh of Lynn Regis,
South Lynn, Hardwick, Gaywood, Sechehithe, Middleton, Westwinch,
Snetsham, Shernborn, Eaton, Ingoldesthorpe, in the County of Norfolk,
and certain lands and tenements lying in Brandon Ferry in Suffolk,
which amount to the yearly value of 32_l._ 12_s._ 11_d._ besides all
reprises, were formerly given and granted to the alderman, custodes,
or scabins, and the brethren of the Merchants’ guild of the Holy
Trinity, in Lynn Regis aforesaid, and their successors.—and all and
singular whereof come to us, and are in our keeping, by virtue of an
act of parliament made at Westminster 4. Nov. in the 1st year of our
reign; and whereas the rents and profits of the same were formerly
laid out in defending the breaches of the sea, repairing of banks,
walls, fleets, and water courses, in Lynn aforesaid, without which
the said village could not be kept and preserved against the violence
of the sea. We therefore considering and having regard to the good
state and defence of the said village, out of our good will, and by
the advice, &c. . . . have given and granted to the Mayor and
Burgesses of Lynn aforesaid, out of the aforesaid lands and
tenements, &c. two messuages, one water-mill, 241 acres and 2 roods
of arable land, 6 acres and 1 rood of meadow inclosed, and 46 acres
of pasture inclosed, lying and being in the village and fields of
Snetsham, Ingoldesthorpe, Eaton, and Shernborn, now or late in the
tenure of William Overend; one messuage called the Chequer with 2
acres of land thereto belonging, and another messuage called Pepers,
with 2 acres thereunto adjoining; 120 acres of arable land, 3 acres
of pasture, and the liberty of a fold for 340 sheep, and the rent of
24_d._ per annum, in Brandon Ferry aforesaid, in the tenure of John
Atmere. Also one tenement now or late in the tenure of William
Bolton, two tenements in the tenure of John Salter, one tenement now
or lately in the tenure of Thomas Wyer; one tenement now or lately in
the tenure of Thomas Wild, one tenement now or lately in the tenure
of John Standfast, one tenement, &c. in the tenure of John Shoemaker,
one tenement in the tenure of Jas. Mayner, one pasture in the tenure
of John Waters, one messuage, or inn, called the White Hart, &c. in
the tenure of Thomas Mese, one tenement in the tenure of Edward
Baker, one tenement in the tenure of Richard Norman, one tenement in
the tenure of Richard Newgate, one tenement in the tenure of Beatrice
Isloppe, one tenement in the tenure of Joan Wilson, diverse tenements
in the tenure of George Felton, two tenements in the tenure of James
. . . one tenement in the tenure of Robert Bleisby, one tenement in
the tenure of Edw. Newton, one tenement in the tenure of Edw.
Irishman, one tenement in the tenure of the Mayor and Burgesses, two
tenements in the tenure of Wm. Manderson, one tenement in the tenure
of . . . Jareth, one tenement in the tenure of Alan Newton, one
tenement in the tenure of . . . Coke, one tenement in the tenure of
John Hart, one tenement in the tenure of Nich. Feries, one tenement
in the tenure of Francis Balden, one tenement in the tenure of John
Cragge, one garden in the tenure of John Wrenche, one tenement in the
tenure of Cornelius Adrianson, one messuage, called Le Guild Hall, in
the tenure of the Mayor and Burgesses, one tenement in the tenure of
. . . Wilson; seven houses, called warehouses, and six chambers over
them on the north side of the port called Common Stath; nine houses,
called warehouses, with chambers over them, on the south side of the
Common Stath; one tenement in the tenure of Thomas Courte, one
tenement in the tenure of Robt. Smith, one tenement in the tenure of
Cuthbert Atkinson, one tenement in the tenure of Rt. Rowes, two
tenements in the tenure of Wm. Clayborne, one Curtilage in the tenure
of John Wilson, one Cartilage in the tenure of Tho. Lockwood, one
Curtilage in the tenure of Rt. Parke, one Curtilage in the tenure of
Sim. Newell, one tenement in the tenure of John Curson, one tenement
in the tenure of John Eldred, one tenement in the tenure of John
Sharpe, one tenement in the tenure of Thomas Furnes, one tenement in
the tenure of Tho. Archers, one tenement in the tenure of Andrew
Skite, one in the tenure of Tho. Maltward, one in the tenure of
Reginald Taylor, one in the tenure of Robt. Weyman, one capital
messuage, late Brasum, now or lately in the tenure of the guild of
the holy Trinity, one Messuage, called New-hall, in the tenure of the
mayor and burgesses, one garden in the tenure of Thomas Miller, and
one passage over the port of Lynn, late in the tenure of Oliver
Braikett; all and every part of which are and lie in the Village of
Lynn aforesaid. And also 15 acres of land in Islington, in the
tenure of Robert Balding, 15 acres of land in Sechehithe in the
tenure of John Barvell, 3 acres of land in Westwinch, in the tenure
of Malachy Cogley, 3 acres of land in Seche, in the tenure of Thomas
Baker, one pasture in Gaywood, in the tenure of Barnard Water, and
one messuage, 46 acres of land, an 100 acres of pasture, 45 acres of
meadow and 50 acres of marsh with the appurtenances lying in South
Lynn in the tenure of Henry Bleisby. Also certain yearly rents
issuing out of the tenements called Baretts, and out of the tenements
late Richard Humphreys, and out of the tenements of William Pipers,
and out of the tenements late Wilsons, and out of the tenements of
Thomas Dawson; and out of the tenements late John Alexander, and out
of the tenements of John Parmyter, and out of the tenements late
Robert Amflet, lately belonging to the mayor and burgessess, and out
of a curtilage late John Baxter’s and William Hall, and out of the
tenement of Robert Gervys, and out of the tenements belonging to the
Warden of the chapel of St James in Lynn, and out of a Pasture called
Paradise in Lynn, and out of the tenements late John Powers, and out
of the tenements of Henry Duplack, called the White Horse, in Lynn,
which were lately parcell of the lands, possessions and revenues
belonging to the Merchants’ Guild of the Holy Trinity in Lynn
aforesaid; together with all the wood, timber, trees, underwood, &c.
liberties of foldage, and all other lands, tenements, &c. lying in
Lynn Regis, Snetsham, Ingoldesthorpc, Eaton, Sherborne, South Lynn,
Hardwick, Gaywood, Sechehythe, Middleton, Seche, {471} and Westwinch
in Norfolk, and Brandon Ferry in Suffolk, belonging to the guild of
the Holy Trinity, to be held of the king and his heirs, paying 13_l._
16_s._ yearly, at the feast of St. Michael and the annunciation, by
equal portions, the court augmentations. And we further grant to the
said mayor and burgesses all the stock of millstones, amounting to
the value 40_l._ late parcell of the goods and chattels of the Guild
of the Holy Trinity. And we further grant to the said mayor and
burgesses and their successors, that they may purchase and acquire to
themselves and successors lands and tenements to the value of 100_l._
per annum, or any other sum than 100_l._ per annum, without any fine
to us or to our use, and that these Letters patents should be granted
them without any fee to be paid or given. Dated at Wansted, 21 May
Aº 2º.” {472}
This document makes it very clear, that our Trinity Gild had acquired
large possessions: nor is it to be concluded that the above items, or
specifications, constituted the whole of them; their mercantile property
and revenue, at least, are still to be added, which cannot be supposed
inconsiderable; and there might be lands and tenements beside, that
belonged to them, which the king might not choose to include in the above
grant. However that was, it may be reasonably and safely presumed that
the possessions of this fraternity were much larger than those of any of
the rest, and that its weight and influence in the town were also very
considerable, not only exceeding those of any of the others, but even,
perhaps, of the corporation itself.—Its 13 chaplains may be considered as
a proof of its great opulence, as well as of its assuming a very high
religious character, which was looked upon, it seems, in those times, as
essential to the reputation and prosperity of all social institutions,
those of a civil and commercial, as well as of an ecclesiastic nature.
The case is not exactly so in the present day. Between our present
protestant corporation, with _only two_ chaplains, and this same gild
with _thirteen_, one may presume there must be what may be called a
pretty strong and striking contrast. We would fain hope, however, that
the advantage to the community lies very materially on the protestant
side.—Be that as it may, very different from what it is at present must
have been the state of things at the period of which we are now treating,
when the members of a fraternity which comprehended the first families in
the town, were prohibited, as has been already remarked, to appear before
the alderman, or at the gild meetings, _barefooted_; which clearly
indicates that it was then customary, for even the principal families, to
go about, ordinarily, _without shoes and stockings_. It was the case, no
doubt, with those of both sexes—shoes and stockings constituting then
only a part of the Sunday and holyday dress, or the _full dress_, of even
the people of the first fashion in the place, such as the Bagges, the
Everards, and the Hoggs of those days: Nor are we warranted to conclude,
that they were, therefore, less respectable or less happy than their
successors of the present generation. It was the fashion in those times,
and it could affect neither their respectability nor their happiness.
SECTION VI.
_Account of the remaining Gilds_, _and particularly those of_ St. Francis
and St. William.
Next, in the Catalogue, after the gild of the Trinity, are those of St.
Andrew, Holy Rood, St. Lovis, St. Austin, St. Barbara, St. Antony, and
St. Stephen; of none of which have we been able to obtain any further
information.—They were, probably, fraternities of the lower sort; and
having no large or permanent possessions attached to them, such necessary
records as might exist among them would not be likely to remain to any
distant period. Whatever they were, they seem to have long ago perished;
and so, in all likelihood, had also their very names, but for the
laudable care and industry of the unknown compiler of Mr. King’s valuable
MS. Volume, who, finding them in some old record which fell in his way,
thought proper to transcribe and insert them among his curious
collections and memoranda.
Of the next gild, the 28th, in the catalogue, that of _St. Francis_, the
said MS. volume contains a very particular, and what may also be called a
very curious account. It has preserved a copy, as it seems, of the
incorporating instrument, original agreement, or foundation deed of this
gild. This document is certainly uncouth enough, both as to style and
orthography: but as it may on that account be no less valuable or
interesting, it shall be here inserted, for the entertainment and
information of the curious and intelligent reader.—We find that the Gild
to which it relates was founded by a priest, or friar, of the name of
_John Wells_, who is called Sir John Wells, it being customary in those
days to prefix the term, or title of _Sir_, mostly, if not always, to the
name of an ecclesiastic. He seems to have been also its alderman in
1467, if he was not so from the time of its foundation, 13 years
earlier.—The said Deed, or Instrument, reads as follows.
“Be yt knowen to all chrysten evydently be yis present wryghthyng,
yat in ye yeer of our Lord M, CCCC, LIIII. a certen compan [company]
of ye towne of Lenn begonne a gilde in the honour and reverence of
all myghty God, & of his blessyd confessour seynt Ffransseis, for to
be holde and kept perpetually in the convent of the ffryers mynors of
Lynn before seyde. Wherefore the brethryn be comown assent of hem
all ordeynd hir statuys [statutys] wretyn in a forme to be pronownsyd
& redde two tymys in ye yeer among all ye brethryn of ye gilde, & if
it be not so yat be ye negligens of ye aldyrman yeis statutys be not
redde in all ye yeer ye aldyrman shall pay to ye mendyng of ye
company 1_lb._ wax. Be yt ordeynd yt every yeer shall be schosyn an
aldyrman in yis foorme, first & foremost ye aldyrman shll chose iiij
men, and ye iiij men shll calle to hem other iiij men, and ye viii
sall chose an aldyrman, to whose precepts & commandments ye hole
ffraternyte sall abeygn, and be hym yei sall be governd in all
thynggs yat be loful & proffytabyl to ye gylde, & also yei chose iiij
skevents in whos handys sall be ye catel of ye gylde, & yerof to
geeve a trewe a counth at dew tyme asynd by ye aldyrman & yt be ye
oths made beforne all ye brethryn, of ye which iiij ij sall be ffrers
of ye same place: Also yei shall chese a clarke & a dene to whose
offyce yt lougyth to somawne and warne ye brethryn to cwm toged yr
whan ye aldyrman send for yem for to have her mornspicheoz or any
other thyng ye which sulld be to ye hononr & worshyp of ye gylde in
peyne of a _lb._ of wax, & when ye fforseyd viii men have gevyn ye
verdyt of her electyon and ye aldyrman which is chosyn at ye tyme
refuse to execute ye office he shall paye to ye encres of ye gylde
iiij_s._ iiij_d._ & on the same wysse every skeventh 2_s._ & ye
clarke 12_d._ & ye dean 12_d._ It is ordeynd ye clerke for his
labour in ye yeer sall have 10_d._ and ye dene 12_d._
“Also yt [is] ordeynd yt every yere ye new officerys, yt is to say,
ye alderman skyventys clarke and dene, sulld make an othe or a
promesse to ye olde aldyrman aforne all ye brethyrn at yt time
present to make a promise yat yei sall honestly governe ye fraternyte
in her yer folowyng up her power with all her myght & her
understandyng & manfully ye aldyrman sall defendyn all maner of
hevynes & prejudicys fallyng to ye gylde.
“Also yts ordeynd yt ye generall day sall be holden honestly on ye
Sonday after ye feast of sent Francesse in ye monyth of October, les
yan sent Francesse day fall on Sonday, yan sall yt be holden ye same
day, lesse yan any reasonabyl cawes why yt may be holdyn yan, & yan
yt sall befall to ye aldyrman to sett a day as hym thynkkyth behovely
to be sett on in the honowr & reverens of yat blyssyd conffessour yat
he may be good mediator betwix God & us, {476} for ye which
solempnite non of ye brethyrn sull absent yem in peyne of a _lb._
wax, but he have a resonabyl excusacyon: also yt ys ordeynd yt every
yer upon ye day beforne ye generall sall be seyd a placebo for all
our gyld brethyrn & systers, & on ye next day followyng a messe of
requiem be noate at ye awter of Sent Frawnces for ye sowlys of all ye
brethyrn & sisters yat be paseyd outh of yis ward, at ye which messe
every one sall offer an _ob_. {477a}
“Also yt ys ordende yat yis gyld sall have iij or iiij morspytch ys
ye yer, ye fyrst to be holdyn on ye general day, ye othyr morspytchys
to be holdyn most behovely at dyverse tymes in ye yer to ye most
proffitt of ye gyld be ye avyse & assent of ye aldyrman & his
officerys convenyently accordyng.
“Also yt ys ordeynd yt every brodyr shall kepe pes love & charyte
with othyr in as myche as he can or may; harm nor hevynes wyllfully
he sall not do but what with worde strenkyth & mygth as weel with
owthyn ye towne as with inne, he sall socowr & keep hym yt need.
{477b}
“Also yt ys ordeynd yt yf any dyscorde or heavynesse ffall betwix ye
brethyrn, thorow ye informatyon of any othyr wickyd man, yat neydyr
of hem sall vexen nor sewyn othyr in temporal cowrthe nor spyrytual
in to ye tyme yt ye aldyrman and brethyrn competently & wysly make
thereof a ffynial ende in ye payne of 40_d._ so yat ye cawce be
swyche yt lawfully it may be determynd betwix ye brethyrn.
“Also yt ys ordeynd yat yf any of ye brethyrn or systyrs be somownd
of ye dene in lefull {477c} & lawful tyme & will not obeygn nor
aperyn in honest place as wyr a synyd be ye alderman & ye skeventys
at yer morspychys or for othyr thyngs whych sulld profyth to ye
gylde, or yer cum not at ye warnyng of ye dene, yei sall pay 1_lb._
wax, but yf he have a reasonabyl excusacyon ye whych excuse sall be
examynd wysly a mong ye brethyrn whedyr yt be leful or nowth, & yf ye
dene faile in yer somewnys of any brodyr or systyr yat yan ben not
warnyd thorowhys defawthe ye dene sall pay for every brodyr & sistyr
not warnd thorow hys defawte 1_d._
“Also yt ys ordend yt yf any of ye brethyrn or systyrs dey yt all ye
breyeryn [bretheryn] sull cum to ye place of ye dede berying ye body
to chyrche & yer to offyr for ye sowle & for to have messe of requiem
& sythe to be tendannce in yat holy place tyl ye body be beryde &
browth to erde, lesse yay have leve of the aldyrman for to go hoome,
to ye which statute ye ffryerys ben exempte save a cowpul or too
[two] & ye dene for his labour & lyghtys sall have of ye dede
iiij_d._
“Also what brodyr or systyr sall be receyvyd into yis gylde he sall
paye fyrste hys ffees yt ys v_d._ to ye wax 1_d._ to ye aldyman
ij_d._ to ye clerke 1_d._ to ye dene 1_d._ & moreover to ye encres of
ye gylde aft yt he sall pay xii_d._
“Wher yt was ordeynd syne be ye eleccyon of viii men so yt yt sulld
be consent of ye aldyrman and ye gylde breyeryn, every brodyr &
systyr yt sall be reseyves all pay ii_s._ & thereto they sall make a
promesse upon yer feyth to be trew brodyr & systyr & to kepyn ye
cowncellys of ye gylde & not to bewray yem & to kepe ye statutys of
ye gylde & yt ye clerke geff hem her charge fforthwyth on ye sam day
whych yf any go undyschargyd thorow ye negligens of ye clerke he sail
for yche of yem 1_lb._ wax,—Also ye aldyrman sall have to hys costys
on ye general day brede & ale & of sylvyr xi_d._”
[To the above in the said MS. volume are subjoined the following
particulars.]
“MEMORANDUM. Sr John Wells has gyffen to this ffraternite a Maser
with a prynte of seynt John’s hede in ye bothome, with a cover to ye
same, wryten with, soft words swageth ye suffyr and have thi desyre,
which maser shall remayne with the Wardeyn for the time beyng & alway
to be present at every mornspech & general {479}—Also a towelle with
a dubbyl w of dyapyr & a dozen sponys.
“N.B. The above Sr John Wells was ffounder of this gild.”
“_Memorandum_. There be xii sponys sylvyr gevyn be Willm. Lyster ye
which weyyth xiii vn. [oz] a quartr. less.
“Item, A maser with the bond & a prente of s. d.
sylvyr gilte yt weyyth xiii vn:
_The Charge of a General Day_.—In brede iii. iiij.
In Ale iij dosey iiij Galons v.
In xii Gees [3_d._ ¾ apiece] iij. ix
In Moton [_Mutton_; but we know not how iiij ij.
much]
In Conynys [_Rabbits_; we know not how ij iiij
many]
In Onyonys [_Onions_.] ob {480a}
In Mylk iiij.
In Colys iiij b. [_cabbages_ probably.] vi.
In Garlek [_Garlick_] ob {480c}
In ye Cok [quere, _Cooking_] xii.
For ye tornors [quere, _turnspits_] ij.
For ye lyth be forn seynt Ffrawseys xii.
For Swyllers i.
For half an hondryd woode of belet vi.
For ye holdyrs of ye torchys ij.
For Rich. Wylgele i.
For sponys ij.
Sum. xxii_s._ vii_d._
“_Memr._ The price of 3 sheep 8_s._ & 3 calves 8_s._ 10_d._ {480b}
“At a generall day holden at ye ffryers mynors, als. Grey ffryers, on
St. Lucas day, in ye yere of our Lord God M VC XII [1512] it was
ordaynd yt ye morespech shal be kept on Sonday after St. ffraunces, &
ye ffryers of ye order of St. ffraunces to have v_d._ for ever dede
broder & systyr yt ys dede this yer followyng.
“Ordeynd yt John Judd shall finde contenuelly ye wax lyght before St.
ffraunces, & to have for his wax & labour ii_s._ viii_d._ & all
overplus money to go towards repairing the north yle of ye Grey
ffryers chirch.
“The good wills of those yt have gyven toward ye said Grey ffryers
chirch as follows—
s. d.
Ffryer Thomas Peke warden iii. iiij.
Ffryer Water Martyn Lycster xx.
Willm. Gerves thelder iii. iiij.
John Dowghty smyth iii. iiij.
Willm. Barker painter iiij treys lyme
John Judd—iiij treys lyme
Willm. Hall tailor xx.
Willm. Wiggon iij ml. [3000] lath nayles
Willm. Hall draper iii bunches lath
Robt. Smyth, a smyth ii ml. [2000] lath nayles
“1524 Ordeynd yt ther shall be kept every sonday next before All
Seynts yearly a solemn masse with dirge for ye sowles ye byfore tyme
departyd & ye dene to warne every broder to offer for ye dede upon
ij_d._ loss to St. Ffraunces.
“The monastry of ye ffryars minorites als. white ffryars [it should
be _alias Greyfriars_] of the order of st. Ffraunces, in which was ye
warden & 9 ffryars.
“1508. Ffrater Rich. Flete, Prior of ye ffryars Augustus.
Ffrater John Wells, Prior of ye ffryars Carmelites.
Ffrater John Lobby, Prior of ye ffryars Preachers.
Ffrater Thomas Peke Gaurdian [Warden] of ye ffryars minos.
It does not appear that the above Gild had a separate hall, like some of
the others, but met, as we have seen, in the abbey, or monastery, of the
Grey friars. It seems a very remarkable fraternity, being a mixture of
friars, or ecclesiastics, and laics. Its very founder, and, seemingly,
its first alderman, and perhaps all its succeeding aldermen, were of the
monkish order, and therefore it may be supposed that that description of
members bore in it the principal sway, and had the chief management in
the direction of its affairs. However that was, it might be in its time
a very useful institution, and productive of many valuable and important
benefits to its respective constituents. Like the other gilds it
appeared particularly attentive to what was then deemed sound doctrine in
regard to morality and religion; and, from the character of its leading
members, it may be supposed to have exceeded the others, rather than
fallen short of them, in the strictness of its attention to those
matters, as well as in the rigidness, or severity of its general
discipline.
The above extract, with all its uncouthness of style and orthography,
will yet, it is presumed and hoped, add to the value of this work, at
least, in the estimation of its most curious and enlightened readers, who
will be able to draw from it many useful inferences, which are here
necessarily omitted, in order to avoid being too tiresome to others whom
the author would wish to gratify, and who probably constitute by far, the
most numerous part of the encouragers of this undertaking.—Dry and
insipid, as many, perhaps, will deem these old documents relating to our
gilds, they seem nevertheless to cast a greater light on the state of
society in this town, during the period now under consideration, than any
other materials that have fallen in the way of the present writer, or
whose existence lie within the compass of his knowledge.
What now remains, before we dismiss this tedious subject, is to say a few
words respecting the three remaining gilds mentioned in the catalogue.
The next, or 29th in that list, is _the gild of the Shoemakers_, which
consisted, probably, of persons of that occupation, or the brethren of
the _gentle craft_, as it has been sometimes called. They might be
pretty numerous then at Lynn; and yet it would seem rather odd if they
were so, when most of the inhabitants, those of the better sort as well
as others, seem to have been pretty much in the habit of going about
_barefooted_; unless it might be supposed that shoes were then made here
for exportation, as is now the case in many places, where a great many
more hands are employed, of course, than is necessary for furnishing the
population of those places with that article. This point, however, must
be left undetermined: all we know is, that, among the numerous Lynn
Gilds, one was called the _gild of the Shoemakers_, who, whether very
numerous or otherwise, seem to have been then a thoughtful, provident,
and brotherly set of people.
The 30th Gild was called the _Red Gild_. The reason for giving it that
name we are utterly unable to discover, or even to conjecture. Nor do we
know whether it was rich or poor—consisted of many, or of but few
members—managed its affairs wisely or unwisely:—We just learn, that it
was called _the red gild_; and there our knowledge of it begins and
ends.—Some may, perhaps, be apt to suspect, that both this and the
preceding gild were no better than they ought to be, in point of piety,
or what in those days was so denominated, as they did not assume the name
of any saint, or angel, or sacred object, like the other gilds, but went
each of them, by a plain, simple name, that had nothing in it
sanctimonious, venerable, or prepossessing. As the times went, it cannot
be thought that these two gilds could be in favour with the friars and
the other orders of religious functionaries: nor are we sure that they
were at all solicitous about it, or thought proper to employ a single
chaplain in their service. They might, however, not be the worse for
that, if they were duly attentive to those moral obligations which they
owed to one another, and to the rest of their fellow-citizens.
The 31st Gild, and the last in the catalogue, had also, like most of the
others, a saint in its belly; and that saint was the poor lad whom the
Jews were said to have crucified at Norwich in the 12th century, (as was
before noted, at page 352,) and whom the pope sometime after canonized,
under the name of _saint William_. {485} His patronage, no doubt, was as
effectual a guard to those good folks who chose to put themselves under
his protection as that of any other dead saint would have been. This
gild, as we are told, traded to North Bern, which plainly implies, that
it was another mercantile fraternity, or gild of merchants. By _North
Bern_ is probably meant North Bergen, or Bergen in Norway, with which
country Lynn appears to have carried on a considerable trade from a very
remote period. The connection between this town and those parts was then
so great that Lynn merchants usually resided there: and there is to be
seen in Mr. Day’s MS. volume, p. 55, the copy of a Latin letter, of the
date of 1305, from Bartholomew, the king of Norway’s chancellor, to the
mayor of Lynn, in behalf of Thurkill and other merchants resident there.
It was also customary for our merchants to have a consul of their own, or
alderman, as they called him, appointed for Norway: for which purpose or
appointment it was necessary, it seems, to obtain a royal warrant. There
is in Mackerell the copy of such a warrant from Henry V. which runs thus—
“HENRY, by the grace of God, king of England and of France, and lord
of Ireland; to our trusty and well beloved the mayor, aldermen, and
other merchants inhabiting within our town of Lynn, shewed unto us,
that by the old privilege among you, used in exercising the sale of
your merchandizes in the lands and countries of Denmark and Norway,
ye have an ancient custom to have an alderman chosen by election
among you to be ruler and governor of your company in the said
countries, and to see good rule and order kept among you there, which
we woll be content to help and see to be holden for the increasing
and augmentation of the common weal and prosperity of you and all
other our true subjects; we having the same in our good remembrance,
be content and woll, that ye gadre and assemble toguider, and among
you chuse such oon to be your said alderman, as ye shall think
convenient, good, honest, and sufficient for the premisses; and to
use, have, enjoy, and occupy the liberties and franchises in this
cause heretofore accustomed. Yeven under our Signet at our Manor of
Greenwich, the 18th. day of July, the fifth year of our reign.”
As to our Gild of St. William, that seems to have consisted of mercantile
adventurers who traded only to Bergen, which was probably at that time
the capital of Norway. It was perhaps an opulent gild, but as none of
its records are known now to remain, we must here close our account of
it, and so dismiss the subject. {486}
CHAP. VI.
Account of the Monasteries and Religious Houses that were formerly at
Lynn.
From the fraternities called gilds the transition is pretty short and
natural to the monasteries and religious houses. Of these there were
here formerly a great many, the account of some of which is so imperfect
and confused, that it is difficult to fix their exact number, or point
out the places where they all stood. The following were probably the
chief of them—1. A _Nunnery_, or Convent of Nuns: the site unknown. 2. A
_Priory of Benedictins_; situated in Priory Lane. 3. A _monastery or
Convent_ of the _Carmelites_, or _White Friars_; situated in South Lynn.
4. Another of the _Grey-friars_, _Friars minors_, or _Franciscans_;
situated in Fuller’s Row, now St. James’s Street. 5. Another of the
_Black Friars_, _preaching friars_, or _Dominicans_; situated in Clough
Lane, or rather between that and Spinner Lane. 6. Another of _Austin
Friars_, or _Hermits __of the order of St Augustin_; situated in Hogman’s
Lane, alias Hopman’s Way, now St. Austin’s Street. 7. Another of _Friars
de Penitentia Jesu_; its site now unknown. 8. A _College_; situated near
the Town Hall; now inhabited by Mr. Toosey. 9. _St. John’s Hospital_;
the site not known. 10. _St. Mary Magdalen’s Hospital_; its site where
the Gaywood Almshouse now stands. 11. _Four Lazar Houses_; sites, it
seems, at West Lynn, Cowgate, Hardwick, and Gaywood.—To these may be
added divers other religious houses and chapels, such as those of _St.
James’s_, _our Lady’s on the Mount_, _our Lady’s on the Bridge_, _St.
Anne’s_, _St. Catherine’s_, _&c._ the sites of some of which appear not
very easy now to mark out. They seem, all of them, to have been laid by
at the reformation, when the dissolution of the monasteries and gilds
took place: except the _Nunnery_ first above-mentioned; which had long
before been removed hence to Thetford. Concerning which removal we are
informed, that a certain priory of monks at Thetford being, in 1176,
reduced to two, the Abbot of Bury persuaded them to resign; upon which he
placed in their stead a convent of nuns who had previously resided at
Lynn. {488} But it is not said how long their residence here had been,
or for what reason they were removed hence. Of the other convents, &c.
we propose giving a further account, under the several following
subdivisions or sections.
SECTION I.
_Account of the House of the Benedictins in Priory lane_, _with a sketch
of that religious order_.
This House, or Priory, was founded by Herbert Lozinga, first bishop of
Norwich, in the reign of William Rufus. {489a} We are told that this
house and the church of St. Margaret were both built by bishop Herbert at
the request of the men of the town of Lenn; and that he, in order to
facilitate the undertaking, granted an indulgence of 40 days pardon to
all who should contribute towards it: also that he settled the tithes and
ecclesiastical dues of the whole town upon this church and priory, and
had the same confirmed by the pope. He is also said to have given or
settled upon them all he had or possessed, as far as the church of
William the son of Stanquin, {489b} on the other side of Scwaldsfeld, in
rents, lands, and men, {489c} except Seman and his land, and the saltwork
which the mother of Seman held. He likewise granted the Saturday
mercate, and the Fair on St. Margaret’s day to this house, or rather to
his great house the priory of the Holy Trinity at Norwich, to which this
priory of Lynn was a cell. The said bishop also gave them the new mill
in Gaywode marsh, with that marsh, the churches of Gaywode and Mintling,
the priest at Mintling, the tithes of his demeans at Gaywode, with a
villain called Edward, and all his land; also his saltworks in the said
town, except two, and that which Leofric, son of Limburgh held, and the
mother of Seman: also the church of Sedgford with the tithes, and all
that Walter the archdeacon had, as he held it; the church of Thornham,
with the tithes and all belonging to it; his land at Fringes, with 70
acres of land in Sedgeford, free and quit of all service, with the land
of Owen of Lakesle. {490} Thus were the donations or endowments
specified.
This Lynn Priory being accounted only a cell to the Priory of Norwich,
that house appointed a monk of their body to be prior here at Lynn, who
was responsible to the priory of Norwich for the rents and profits he
received, and seems to have been removable at pleasure. Many other
grants were afterwards by succeeding bishops made to this priory, as may
be seen at large in Blomefield and Parkin.
This house stood on the north side of Priory Lane, which took its name
from it; but it took up a considerable part of the ground between that
lane and the church, and seems to have been a pretty extensive building.
Its prior, though subordinate to him of Norwich, and removable by him and
his monks at their pleasure, was yet a person of no small consequence
among the monks of Lynn, as well as in the estimation of the inhabitants.
He was, no doubt, looked up to, for many ages, and esteemed among the
principal personages of the place: but he is no longer remembered; and in
a few years the present heads of the town will be as little thought of.
After the dissolution, the Lynn Priory was partly pulled down, to enlarge
the church yard. What was then left was in time removed, and scarcely
any remains of it now exist, except what may be discovered in some of the
walls of the old dwellings on the north side of the lane. The monks of
this house, at one time, according to Parkin, were grown so rich, beyond
the design of the founder, as to endanger the bishop’s preponderance in
the place; which occasioned bishop De Grey, who then filled the see, to
take measures for reducing their power and securing his own, by making an
exchange with the priory of Norwich, of lands or possessions belonging to
them here, for other lands belonging to his see elsewhere. A copy of the
bishop’s deed for this purpose has been preserved by Parkin, {491a} as
have been also many particulars relating to this priory, which, though
not altogether uninteresting, must be here omitted.
The Benedictine order, to which the monks of this house belonged, is of
considerable antiquity. It was instituted, according to Mosheim {491b}
A.D. 529, by BENEDICT of _Nursia_, a man of piety and reputation for the
age he lived in. From his _rule_ of discipline, which is yet extant, we
learn that it was not his intention to impose it upon all the monastic
societies, but to form an order whose discipline should be milder, their
establishment more solid, and their manners more regular, than those of
the other monastic bodies; and whose members during the course of a holy
and peaceful life, were to divide their time between prayer, reading, the
education of youth, and other pious and learned labours. But in process
of time the followers of this celebrated ecclesiastic degenerated sadly
from the piety of their founder, and lost sight of the duties of their
station and the great end of their establishment.
Having acquired immense riches from the devout liberality of the opulent,
they sunk into luxury, intemporance, and sloth, abandoned themselves to
all sorts of vices, extended their peal and attention to worldly affairs,
insinuated themselves into the cabinets of princes, took part in
political cabals and court factions, made a vast augmentation of
superstitious rites and ceremonies in their order, to blind the multitude
and supply the place of their expiring virtue; and, among other
_meritorious_ enterprizes, laboured most ardently to swell the arrogance,
by enlarging the power and authority, of the Roman pontif. The good
Benedict never dreamt that the great purposes of his institution were to
be thus perverted, much less did he give any encouragement or permission
to such flagrant abuses. His rule of discipline was neither favourable
to luxury nor ambition; and it is still celebrated on account of its
excellence, though it has not been observed for many years.
The same writer observes, that this order made a most rapid progress in
these western parts, and in a short time arrived at the most flourishing
state. “In _Gaul_ its interests were promoted by MAURUS; in _Sicily_ and
_Sardinia_ by PLACIDUS; in _Italy_, &c. by GREGORY the GREAT; in
_England_, by AUGUSTIN and MELLITUS.” Its sudden and amazing progress as
ascribed by the Benedictins to the wisdom and sanctity of their
discipline, and to the miracles which were worked by their founder and
his followers. But a more attentive view of things will convince the
impartial observer, that the protection of the Roman pontifs, to the
advancement of whose grandeur and authority the Benedictins were most
servilely devoted, contributed much more to the lustre and influence of
their order, than any other circumstance, nay, than all other
considerations united together. In the ninth century the credit and
power of those of this order became so great and predominant as actually
to absorb all the other religious societies, and hold unrivalled the
reins of monastic empire. But by that time, and therefore long before
their settlement at Lynn, they had departed from their original
simplicity and were become a degenerate and corrupt order. Consequently
it is not very likely that its establishment here could be of any very
substantial or important advantage to our ancestors.
SECTION II.
_Account of the convent of the Carmes_, _Carmelites_, _or White Friars_,
_in South Lynn_, _with a sketch of that religious order_.
This House stood close to the river Lenn or Nar, in the field now called
_the friars_. All the remains of it have long disappeared, except the
Gateway or Gate-house, which is supposed to have been the principal
entrance into the place. It is said to be founded about 1269, by the
lord Bardolph of that time; though others say that the founder was Thomas
de Feltsham, but that the lord Bardolph, the lord Scales, and Sir John
Wigenhale were also considerable benefactors to it. William le Breton
was also among its benefactors in the reign of Henry III. having endowed
it with lands in South Lynn, Burgh Green, Dillingham and other places, in
Norfolk and Cambridgeshire. William lord Randolph, who died in the 9th
of Richard II. was buried here. In the 12th of the same reign these
monks had a patent for the rent of ten quarters of _frumenti_, and ten
quarters of barley, to receive them annually of the manor of Stow
Bardolph, granted by John lord Bardolph.—April 13th, 1379, Sir Hamon
Felton, of Litcham willed his body to be buried in the church of the
Carmes, at Lynn. The noble family of Hastings also appear to have been
great benefactors to this house.—From all these circumstances it may be
very plainly seen, that this convent was a place of considerable note and
reputation, and that, probably, for many ages. But nothing could save it
from that dissolution which all such places experienced in the memorable
reign of Henry VIII.—The site of it was then purchased by John Eyre Esq.
who was one of that king’s auditors or receivers; and he conveyed it to a
priest, from whom the corporation purchased it, who have been in
possession of it ever since. How long after that it was suffered to
stand does not appear. The Steeple was probably that part of it which
stood the longest, except the Gatehouse above-mentioned. The said
Steeple appears to have stood near a 100 years after the dissolution: it
fell, as we are told, for want of due repair, on the 9th of April 1631,
after having stood upwards of 360 years. Where this lofty steeple and
the great church and convent of the Carmelites stood for so many ages,
not a stone is now left upon another. A plain field or pasture is all
that is now to be seen; just as if such an extensive edifice had never
existed or stood there. The case is much the same with the other Lynn
monasteries, except that of the Grey Friars, whose steeple still remains,
owing to more attention being paid to the keeping of it in repair.
The Carmelites, together with the Franciscans, Dominicans, and
Augustinians, constituted the four famous orders of Mendicants: and it is
somewhat remarkable that they all established themselves at Lynn, and had
the whole town, in a manner, divided among themselves, which seems not to
have been unusual with them. {495}—Of the present order, that of the
Carmes, or Carmelites, the following account will give the reader, it is
presumed a sufficiently correct idea.
“About the middle of this century (the 12th) a certain Calabrian,
whose name was _Berthold_, set out with a few companions for mount
Carmel, and there, upon the very spot where the prophet Elias is said
to have disappeared, built an humble cottage with an adjoining
chapel, in which he led a life of solitude, austerity, and labour.
This little colony subsisted, and the places of those that died were
more than filled by new comers; so that it was at length erected into
a monastic community by _Albert_, patriarch of Jerusalem. This
austere prelate drew up a rule of discipline for the new monks, which
was afterwards confirmed by the authority of the Roman pontiffs, who
modified and altered it in several respects, and among other
corrections mitigated its excessive rigour and severity. Such was
the origin of the famous _Order of Carmelites_, or, as they are
commonly called, of the _Order of our Lady of mount Carmel_, which
was afterwards transplanted from _Syria_ into _Europe_, and obtained
the principal rank among the mendicant or begging orders. It is true
the Carmelites reject, with the highest indignation, an origin so
recent and obscure, and affirm to this very day, that the prophet
Elias was the founder of their ancient community. Very few, however,
have been engaged to adopt this fabulous and chimerical account of
their establishment, except the members of the order, and many Roman
Catholic writers have treated their pretensions to such a remote
antiquity with the utmost contempt.”
“Scarcely, indeed, (says Maclaine) can any thing be more ridiculous
than the circumstantial narrations of the occasion, origin, founder,
and revolutions of this famous order, which we find in several
ecclesiastical authors. They tell us, that _Elias_ was introduced
into the state of monachism by the ministry of angels; that his first
disciples were _Jonah_, _Micah_, and also _Obadiah_, whose wife, in
order to get rid of an importunate crowd of lovers, who fluttered
about her at the court of _Achab_ after the departure of heir
husband, bound herself by a vow of chastity, received the veil by the
hand of _father_ ELIAS, and thus became the first abbess of the
Carmelite order. They enter into a vast detail of all the
circumstances that relate to the rules of discipline, which were
drawn up for this community, the habit which distinguished its
members, and the various alterations which were introduced into their
rule of discipline in process of time. They observe, that among
other marks which were used to distinguish the Carmelites from the
seculars, the _tonsure_ was one; that this mark of distinction
exposed them, indeed to the mockeries of a profane multitude; and
that this furnishes the true explication of the term _bald-head_,
which the children addressed, by way of reproach, to _Elishah_, as he
was on his way to _Carmel_. (2 Kings ii. 23) They tell us, moreover,
that even _Pythagoras_ was a member of this ancient order; that be
drew all his wisdom from mount _Carmel_, and had several
conversations with the prophet _Daniel_ at _Babylon_, upon the
subject of the Trinity. Nay they go still further into the region of
fable, and assert, that the Virgin _Mary_ and _Jesus_ himself assumed
the habit and profession of Carmelites; and they load this fiction
with a heap of absurd circumstances, which it is impossible to read
without the highest astonishment.” {498}
The Carmelites came into England in 1240, and appear to have obtained an
establishment at Lynn not a very long while after. What sort of men they
were, the reader can now form some idea.
SECTION III.
_Account of the convent of the Grey Friars_, _Friars Minors_, _or
Franciscans_, _in Fuller’s Row_, _now St. James’s Street_, _with a sketch
of that religious order_.
This Convent is said to have been founded about 1264; {499a} and the
founder’s name, according to Parkin, was Thomas Feltham, or de Folsham,
{499b} the very same person, probably, he mentions as one of the reputed
founders of the Carmelite Convent, though the name is somewhat
differently spelt. Parkin says, that the Grey Friars settled here about
the 52d. of Henry III, (a date, by the bye, somewhat later than that
given above,) “and built this convent near Synolf’s fleet, on which the
mill formerly called Swagg’s mill, afterwards the common mill, or town
mill, stands.” That mill, however, has long ago ceased to stand there,
though the memory of it is still preserved in the name of the adjoining
lane, which is yet called _mill lane_. “In 1287, (as the same writer
informs us) on Monday August 7, in the court at Lenn, Adam de St. Omer
being then mayor, and Richard de Walsingham, steward, Richard Sefull gave
by deed 12_d._ rent _per ann_. which his ancestors used to receive out of
a certain area by the church-yard of Saint James’s to the west, which the
said Adam de St. Omer purchased of Adam Silvester, for the enlarging of
the area, where the Friars Minors now inhabit.” He also says, that
Bernard le Estree, within the same year, purchased of William de
Lindesey, in St. James’s Street, a certain area, and gave it to enlarge
the friars minors’ area. In the 7th of Edward II, as we are further
told, these friars had a patent for bringing the water to their house
from a spring in North Runcton, called Bukenwell. In the 38th of Edward
III, they had a patent for two messuages to enlarge their manse. From
the same writer we also learn, that Richard Peverel, Esq. of Tilney, by
will, dated March 15, 1423, bequeath his body to be buried in the church
of the friars minors of Lynn Bishop, appoints Mr. John Spencer, vicar of
Tilney, his executor—proved May 15, 1424.—The said testator also left a
house of 10_l._ value to the duke of Exeter, to be supervisor of his
will, of whom he held lands. This is the chief of what Parkin relates of
the Lynn Grey Friars and their convent; except that the house was
surrendered by the Warden and nine brethren Oct. 1, the 1539, the 30th of
Henry VIII.—It is some what remarkable that the steeple or tower of this
edifice, or of the church of the Grey Friars, though apparently but of
slight construction, has survived all the rest, and is still standing:
and it may, possibly, with proper attention, stand yet many years. The
Dominicans, and Augustinians had probably their towers also, as well as
the Carmelites, but they have all long ago disappeared.
[Picture: Remains of the Grey Friars Monestry and part of St. James’s
Chapel]
Of this famous order of mendicants it will not be easy, perhaps, to give
the reader a better idea that by laying before him the following outline
of the history and character of its founder, commonly called _saint
Francis_. This distinguished personage appeared a short time before his
equally distinguished contemporary St. _Dominic_. He was born in 1182,
at Assisi, in Umbria. In his youth he is said to have been of a
debauched and dissolute character, but at 25, after his recovery from a
severe fit of illness, occasioned by his licentious course of life, he
became so wholly religious, and so unfit for any other business, that his
father threatened to disinherit him; to which he was so far from having
any objection that, in presence of the bishop of Assisi, he solemnly
disclaimed all expectation from him, and declared that from that time he
would acknowledge only his father in heaven. He is said to have then
devoted himself to works of charity of the most humiliating kind: and
being one day at church, hearing mass, he was so forcibly struck with
those words, Matt. x. 9. _Provide neither gold_, _nor silver_, _nor
brass in your purses_, _nor scrip for your journey_, _neither two coats_,
_neither shoes_, _nor yet staves_, _for the workman is worthy of his
meat_; that he cried out “This is what I seek!” and immediately threw
away his shoes, staff, wallet, and all his money, and kept only one coat.
He also laid aside his girdle, which was of leather, and made use of a
piece of rope in its stead. From this time, in imitation of the
apostles, he began to exhort other persons to _repent_; and he did it in
a very forcible manner, and with wonderful success, always beginning his
discourse with saying “God give you peace.”—When he had got _three_
disciples, they dispersed, to preach in different places. Some received
them with great humanity, looking with astonishment on their
extraordinary dress and great austerities, while others made a mock of
them and abused them: this however they bore very patiently.
When he had _seven_ disciples, he exhorted them to go to different
countries, preaching repentance, without regarding any treatment they
might meet with; assuring them that in a short time many learned and
noble would join them, and they would preach to kings and princes, as
well as to the common people. When he had _eleven_ disciples, one of
whom was a priest, he wrote out a rule for them, taken wholly out of the
Gospels, and presented it to pope Innocent III, who, after making some
objection, approved of it, in 1210.—Having obtained this confirmation of
his institute, Francis went with 12 disciples and established himself in
a church which he had repaired at Pontremoli, and this was the first
house of his order, which, by way of humility, he called that of the
_minor brethren_, _frates minores_, in French _feres_, in English by
corruption _friars_, as the Dominicans had at the same time assumed the
name of _preaching brothers_, or friars.—From this place they went forth
preaching in the neighbouring towns and villages, not with studied
harangues, (but like the methodists of our time) in a manner that made
uncommon impression upon the hearers, as they had the appearance of men
of another world, having their faces always turned towards those regions
whither they were continually directing their audience.—In 1211 they
founded several convents, the most considerable of which were those of
Cottona, Pisa, and Bologna; and Francis himself, having preached through
all _Tuscany_, returned to Assisi, in Lent, 1212.
In such veneration was he held at this time, that when he went into any
city, they rung the bells, and the clergy and people went to meet him,
bearing branches of trees, and singing, thinking themselves happy, who
could kiss his hands or feet. That Lent he preached at his native place,
where he had many converts, and among them St. _Claire_, a young woman of
a noble family, who by his direction, though only at the age of eighteen,
abandoned the world, and notwithstanding the remonstrances of her
relations, fixed herself in a monastery, first at St. Ange de Pansa,
where she was joined by her sister _Agnes_, and then at St. Damien of the
order of the Benedictines, which was the first church St. Francis had
repaired. Here she continued 42 years, many disciples joining her; and
thus was formed the order of _poor women_, or that of _St. Claire_, being
the second order of Franciscans.
About 1216, he gave instructions for his disciples to go in pairs, as the
Apostles had done. Thus they went into Spain, Provence, and Germany,
into which country he sent no less than 60 brothers.—So rapidly did the
order now increase, that at a chapter general held in 1219, when Dominic
was present, there appeared to be not less than 5000 in it; though they
had not been established more than 9 or 10 years.—In June, 1219, pope
Honorious III issued a bull, addressed to all bishops, recommending the
Franciscans as apostolical men.—Many women, now converted by his
preachers, formed themselves into monasteries, but he refused to take
charge of any of them, except that of St. Claire.
After this he sent his chief disciples into distant countries with a
number of companions, taking for himself and 12 others the mission of
_Syria_ and _Egypt_. They went forth in the spirit of confessors and
martyrs; for when men expose themselves to almost certain death, there
cannot be a doubt of their being in earnest. Two going to Africa
endeavoured to go into a mosque; and preaching in the streets, and
putting themselves in the way of the king, he first ordered them to be
confined; but as they continued their importunity, he was so enraged,
that he struck off their heads with his own hands, while they suffered
with great resignation. Francis himself went to Egypt, during the siege
of Damieta, and getting access to the Sultan, he offered to go into the
fire in proof of the truth of his religion. But the Sultan, who heard
him with great patience, did not choose to put him to the test, but
admiring his courage, dismissed him with much good humour, desiring him
to pray to God, that he would shew him what religion was most agreeable
to him. In 1221, seven went to Ceuta to preach to the Moors; but they
were soon apprehended, and not yielding to the command of the king to
turn Mahometans, they were all beheaded. {504}
In the Rule of the Franciscans, which was fully confirmed in 1213, by
Pope Nicholas III, besides engaging to live in obedience to their
superior, in chastity, and without property, they also vowed obedience to
the pope and his successors. These orders of mendicants, particularly
this and that of St. Dominic, were of much greater use in support of the
papal hierarchy, and combating heretics than all the orders of monks had
ever been. Such was the number of persons in this period disaffected to
the see of Rome, that it is very doubtful whether without this seasonable
assistance it could have been supported at all. In this view we cannot
contemplate their labours without regret: but even here they may not have
been more blameable than some of our present religious orders, who,
though seemingly well meaning people, are ever ready to defend, or at
least to make excuses for almost every species of corruption.
St. Francis pretended, or, at least, his adherents did so, that the
particulars of his rule had been dictated to him by God himself. It is
also said of him that retiring to Mount Alverne on the borders of
Tuscany, in 1224, to pass the Easter, he saw in a vision the appearance
of Christ on the cross, descending from heaven; and when he awoke he
found all the marks of crucifixion on his own body. Such tales were
doubtless invented to magnify his name and promote the credit of the
order. They might answer then, and still in some places; but they are
not here introduced as worthy of belief. The Franciscans came into
England in the reign of Henry III, and in that same reign established
themselves in this town: but their first establishment in England is said
to have been at _Canterbury_. Of the probable effects of their making
Lynn one of their head quarters, or places of residence, the reader must
now form his own opinion. {505}
SECTION IV.
_Account of the convent of the Black Friars_, _Preaching Friars_, _or
Dominicans_, _in Clough Lane_, _with a Sketch of that famous order_.
Of this convent, (once perhaps inferior to none of the rest, if indeed it
did not exceed them all, both in size and magnificence,) nothing is now
to be seen but some old walls, whose thickness and massy appearance seem
to indicate that they once sustained a large and sumptuous fabric. It
was founded, as Parkin says, by Thomas Gedney, who was then, no doubt, a
great and leading character in these parts. The above author does not
seem to know the exact time when this convent was built, but it must have
been sometime previous to 1272, for he assures us that these friars were
then here. Indeed he says also, that they settled here about the time
the Grey Friars did, as appears from a writ, _Ad quod damnum_, for a
fountain or spring granted them in Middleton, by William, lord Bardolph,
called Brokewell, and a certain aqueduct coming from that spring to their
convent at Lynn; (for which he refers to _Esch. in Turri Lond._ Aº. 21,
_Edw._ I. Nº. 71.) We may therefore fairly conclude, that this convent
was built almost, if not altogether as early as that of the Grey Friars.
The following is the chief of what that writer has further said, relating
to this convent.—
“Thomas Thorndon aliened to these friars preachers a piece of land 18
feet long and 21 broad, in Lenn Episcopi, in the 3d. of Edw. III. In
the same year these friars had a patent to enlarge their house
here.—Simon Parche, _alias_ Tyler, of Watlyngton, Norfolk, wills, in
1442, to be buried in the chancel of the friars preachers, or black
friars, of Lyn, and gives to the fabrick, de la stalles in the said
chancel, to be new made, 16_l._ Reg. Doke, Norw.—The chapel of St.
Catherine, in the church of the friars preachers, mentioned in 1497.
Reg. Sayve. Norw.—The image of our Lady in the body of the church.”
{507}
Of this convent, as well as that of the Carmelites, we are also told that
an _anchorage_ belonged to it: by which we are probably to understand, a
place in the harbour for mooring ships, or a certain duty, payable by the
ships there moored to the said convents. The ground in all ports and
harbours being considered as the king’s, this anchorage may be supposed
to have been a grant from the crown to those two orders of friars at
Lynn.
The same writer further informs us that this convent of Dominicans was
surrendered by the prior and eleven brethren on the 30th of Sept. 1539,
30th of Henry VIII. Its site, as we further learn, was granted, about
six years after, to John Eyre Esq. with land there in the tenure of John
Kempe. This John Ayre, (our author adds) on the dissolution had 37
messuages, 9 gardens, in the tenure of divers persons, given him by the
said king in his 36th year, and messuages and tenements called Bishops
Stath, and an house called the Steward’s Hall, with other messuages and
lands here, belonging to the see of Norwich. The site of this convent
the said John Eyre conveyed to a priest, from whom it came to Thomas
Waters, of —, who had Edward Waters, and a daughter married to George
Baker. The said Edward’s son in law, Sir John Bolls, of Scampton, in
Lincolnshire, Bt. sold it to one Killingtree, since which time it seems
to have passed through a great many hands. The said site at present is
thought to be partly the property of the corporation, and partly that of
the Carey family. About the garden of the chief mansion of that family
are several scattered remains of this ancient edifice. We shall next
endeavour to acquaint the reader with the character of that religious
order, or fraternity for whose use this convent was originally erected,
and in whose occupation it ever after continued.
The Dominicans, although their settlement at Lynn was not anterior to
that of the Franciscans, yet they appear to have found their way to
England a good many years before them: for we are told, that Dominic,
just before his death, sent _Gilbert de Fresney_, with twelve of the
brethren into England, where they founded their first monastery at Oxford
in 1221, and soon after another at London. In the latter place they
became in time so popular, and so much in favour with the corporation,
that, in 1276, the mayor and aldermen, as we are told, gave them two
whole streets by the river Thames, where they erected a very commodious
convent, whence that place is still called _Black-Friars_, for so they
were called in this country, {508} perhaps from the colour of the habit.
They were also called _Friars preachers_, or _preaching friars_, from
_preaching_ being their chief object, employment, or profession; and
_Dominicans_, from the name of their memorable founder; an epitome, or
outline of whose history and character we shall here subjoin. It will
enable the reader, it is hoped, or, at least, help him in some measure,
to form a pretty correct estimate of the merits and demerits of these
predicant friars; as it may be very confidently and safely expected that
they resembled their leader, according to the old adage “Like master like
man.”
DOMINIC, commonly called _Saint Dominic_, the father of the Dominicans,
was a _Spaniard_. He was surnamed _de Guzman_, being descended from an
ancient and noble family of that name. Having finished his studies at
Palencia, he was made canon, and afterwards archdeacon of Osma in
Castille, and then professor of Theology at Placentia. But this he
quitted to go to preach after the manner of Francis, which he did in
several parts of Spain, giving proof in the meantime of great charity
towards the poor and afflicted. Coming into France with the bishop of
Osma, he greatly distinguished himself by preaching against the
_Albigenses_, and there he formed the design of instituting an order of
_preachers_. Fulk bishop of Thoulouse brought him to the council of
_Lateran_, in 1215, that he might be examined by the pope. His holiness
approving of the scheme of Dominic, the latter consulted with his
followers, when they agreed to adopt the rules of _St. Austin_, but with
several additions. They resolved to have no estate in lands, but only
revenues. They were then sixteen in number, and the bishop of Thoulouse
gave them their first church, that of St. Romanus in that city; and near
it he built cloisters, with cells over them, where they might study and
sleep. Pope Honorious III. confirmed the order in 1216, exempting them
from paying tithes of their possessions, and ordering that they should
depend upon the diocesan for episcopal functions; and the prior to be
chosen by the free votes of the brethren: so that the Dominicans, at
their first institution, were not _beggars_, nor exempt from episcopal
jurisdiction, but canons regular.
Next year Dominic sent out his followers in pairs, after choosing a
superior, to whom he gave the tide of _abbot_; but all the succeeding
ones were called _masters_, and the superiors of particular houses
_priors_. He sent four to Spain, four to France, and two more to study
there. Hearing of the death of that ferocious and bloody crusader, Simon
de Montfort, at the siege of Thoulouse, Dominic went thither to comfort
the brethren. Thence, in 1218, he went into Spain, and founded two
monasteries, one at _Madrid_, and the other at _Segovia_. Thence he went
to Paris, where he found thirty brethren: thence he proceeded to Bologna,
where Arnauld, who joined him at Rome, had been very successful, and had
formed a large society. Going to Parma, he there met St. Francis, of
whom he seemed to entertain a very high opinion, when, after conferring
together, they agreed not to accept of church livings: which might
suggest to Dominic the idea of that profession of poverty which he
afterwards imposed upon those of his order. {511}
In 1220 he made some new and more rigorous regulations respecting the
_nuns_. In the same year he held the first chapter general of his order
at Bologna, when it was resolved that the preaching friars should profess
perfect _poverty_, and make that the fundamental principle of their
order. It was now agreed that these chapters should be held every year,
at Paris and Bologna alternately. At the second chapter general at
Bologna eight provincials were chosen to superintend the preachers in the
eight provinces of Spain, France Lombardy, Romagna, Provence, Germany,
Hungary and England. Presently after this, August 26, 1221, Dominic died
in the 51st year of his age. {512} Lest his order should be hurt by the
maxims of worldly prudence, he forbad, under the curse of God and his
own, the introduction of temporal possessions into the order. The second
year after his death he was _canonized_, and so reached the very summit
of ecclesiastical dignity and fame.
These preaching friars, as we are told, were so zealous at the first, and
considered preaching as so essential to their institution, that they were
not satisfied if they did not exhort some, at least one person, every
day.
Each of them carried with him a copy of the gospel of Matthew, and of the
seven canonical epistles, according to the express order of Dominic: but
that could redound to the credit of neither him nor them, while they
lived in open violation of the most important precepts and the very
spirit of those sacred writings. Had they made them, indeed, the ground
of their religion, and the rule or guide of their lives, they would have
been a blessing to the world in their day, and their memory would have
been revered by all good men, to the latest posterity. But they
preferred their own rule to that of the New Testament, and the
persecuting and murderous ferocity of Dominic to the forbearance and
meekness of Christ, and so became the oppressors instead of the
benefactors of their species. In short we know not of any material
benefit which the former inhabitants of this town derived from the Clough
Lane convent, {513} or the incessant labours of its preaching friars.
The reader however, on this point, as well as all others, must judge for
himself.
SECTION V.
_Account of the Convent of the Austin Friars_, _or Hermits of the order
of St. Augustin_, _in Hogman’s Lane_, _or Hopman’s Way_, _now St.
Austin’s Street_, _with a sketch of that religious order_.
This house must have been once a large, respectable, and stately edifice,
inferior to none, and in some respects superior to most, and probably to
all others in this town; especially in point of fitness for the
accommodation of illustrious personages, or those of princely dignity,
who might happen to come this way. It accordingly became the abode, or
place of residence of the king and queen, the prince of Wales, the king’s
mother, and the royal retinue, during their visit or stay here in 1498.
Had there been any other house then in the town better adapted for their
reception, it would, no doubt, have been chosen in preference, or instead
of this, on so unusual and important an occasion. But however
commodious, respectable, or stately a structure, this Augustinian convent
then was, it has long ago disappeared, and not a stone of it has been
left upon another. A gateway, or the arch of a gateway, filled up with
brick, but once, perhaps, the principal entrance into the hallowed
premises, is all that now remains, or is recognised as having ever
belonged to it. Thus our firmest fabrics, though they may endure for
ages, are doomed to perish like the very mortals by whose hands they were
constructed.
Parkin says that the Augustin friars settled herein the beginning of
Edward the First’s reign, as appears by a writ _Ad quod damnum_, for a
messuage in Lynn, granted by Margaret de Southmere to them.—Inquis. 22.
Ed. I. in turri Lond. N°. 112. He also adds, that they had a patent
granted them by Edward II. in his 4th year, for purchasing, of Thomas
Lexham, one messuage contiguous and adjoining, for the enlargement of
their manse or house.—Pat. 4th. Ed. II. pt. 2. m. 14.—He further says,
that Licence was granted by Ed. III. to Thomas Drew, William Bitering,
John de Couteshale, and John Drew of Lenn Bishop, that they might give
and assign five messuages in Lenne, adjoining to the manse of the prior
and brethren of hermits of the order of St. Augustin of Lenn, to the said
prior, &c. for the enlargement of their manse, on condition that the
reverend father, Thomas, bishop of Norwich, of whom the said messuages
are held, will grant his licence to the said prior, &c. And the said
king gave licence to Robert de Cokesford, Agnes his wife, and to Richard
de Houton and Alice his wife, that they may give one messuage in Lynn,
(not held of us, as appears by the inquisition of Roger de Wolfreton,
escheator of Norfolk) to the bishop and his successors, on the same
condition of granting licence to the prior, &c. of receiving the said
five messuages of Thomas Drew, &c.—Teste Rege, dated at Westminster, 6
May, 38. Edw. III.—The bishop’s licence was soon after obtained, dated 1
July following.
In the 6th of Richard II. these friars had a patent for a certain
aqueduct, to be made by them from Gaywode.—In the 7th Henry IV. they had
a patent to enlarge their manses and in the 1st Henry V. a patent for
certain messuages granted to them. For each of these particulars Parkin
refers to his authorities; the insertion of which here seems needless.—He
also asserts on the authorities of Bale and Holinshed, that in the last
mentioned reign, William Wellys, or Wallys, was a monk here, a learned
man, and general of the order, who wrote many books, (which he does not
name,) and died in 1421.—It seems therefore that learning was not
entirely neglected here among our Austin friars, and that they had at
least one learned man in their fraternity.
Our author further informs us, “that this house was surrendered 30th
Sept. 1539, 30th of Henry VIII. by the prior and 4 brethren:” if so they
must have been then reduced below their wonted number. But 4 brethren is
probably a mistake for 14, which is the number given by Burnet in his
history of the reformation, and other authorities.—About 6 years after
the above date, this house was granted to John Ayre, who conveyed it to a
priest, who sold it to Shavington, a bastard, who by will gave it to —
Waters, who dying without issue it reverted to Shavington’s heir; John
Ditefield afterwards had it, and his son John gave it in marriage to
Thomasine his sister, married to Christopher Puchering, brother to the
lord keeper of that name, and they sold it to John Lease, who pulled it
down, and sold the stones and the ground to divers persons: so that it
seems to have stood a good while after the dissolution, and passed
through a great many hands.—Its site is at present partly the property of
Martin Folkes Rishton, Esq. Joseph Lawrence Esq. and Mr. Thomas Marshall.
For the most part it is now garden ground.
It was to this very order of mendicants, the Austin friars, or monks, or
Augustinian Eremites, as they are sometimes called, that the famous
Martin Luther belonged before he quitted the church of Rome, and when he
began to oppose the papal corruptions: and it is supposed not to have
been then quite so bad or depraved, as some of the other mendicant
orders, particularly the Dominicans and Franciscans. However that was,
it was, no doubt, bad enough, even in the opinion of Luther himself, for
he soon withdrew from it, as well as from all manner of connection with
the Romish church. It is to be wished it could also be said, that he and
all other descriptions of protestants took special care when they
renounced popery, to retain none of its enslaving and persecuting spirit.
Most of them, however, quite forgot to do that, and so retained and
cherished in their bosoms the very worst part of the religion they had
renounced.
As to the religious order now under consideration, the _Austin friars_,
or _Hermits of St. Augustin_, we are told that they had for their
founder, pope _Alexander IV._ who, observing that the _Hermits_ were
divided into several societies, some of which followed the maxims of the
famous _William_, others the rule of _St. Augustin_, while others again
were distinguished by different denominations, formed the project of
uniting them all into one religious order, and subjecting them to the
same rule of discipline, even that which bears the name of _St.
Augustin_. This project, we are told, was put in execution in 1256:
{517} so that this order is somewhat younger, or of later origin than any
of the other orders of mendicants; though not much later than the two
preceding ones, for all the three sprung up within the same century.—What
good or benefit the former inhabitants of Lynn might derive from the
erection of this convent in their town, or from the exertions of the
Austin Friars among them, is a question which the present writer is not
fully prepared to answer. The reader, as in the former cases, is left to
think and judge for himself, as he has an undoubted right to do. But
whatever good or ill, advantage or disadvantage, benefit or detriment
might accrue to the inhabitants from the residence of the said four
orders of friars among them, their convents, unquestionably, must have
contributed not a little to give additional grandeur and respectability
to the appearance of the town. Four large and stately monasteries, with
their lofty towers, ranged along the whole town from south to north, must
have given Lynn an appearance, especially from the country, very
different, and far superior to what it can boast of at present. In
short, we may safely say, that it must have appeared before the
reformation, from the circumstances just alluded to, as a place of at
least double the size and double the consequence that it has done since
that period. After all, it is not meant here to disparage the
reformation, or to suggest that it did not prove beneficial to Lynn, as
well as to the kingdom at large.—It is only meant to assert, that this
town, from the great size and number of its monasteries and other
religious houses, must have made a very different, and far more splendid
appearance before the reformation, than it has done since. But we will
here drop the subject, and conclude the present section.
SECTION VI.
_Of the Friars de Penitentia_, _or brothers of repentance_, _and their
Convent—also the College of Priests—with the Hospital and Church of St.
John in this town_.
It seems remarkable that out of 1148 monasteries and religious houses,
seized upon by the sovereign and suppressed at the general dissolution,
no less than 79 were in Norfolk, and 10 of them in this town alone; which
must be a large proportion of those of the county, and still larger of
those of the whole kingdom. Norfolk was also distinguished, and is so
still, for its number of parishes, exceeding that of any other county,
even of Yorkshire, though four times its size. This superabundance of
parishes and convents, &c. seems to indicate that its inhabitants were
formerly of an uncommonly devout and religious, or at least superstitious
and sanctimonious cast: which character may be supposed to have belonged
to the people of Lynn as much as to any of the rest. At present a very
large proportion of the inhabitants of Norfolk, especially in country
places, are exceedingly ignorant, boorish and heathenish. Nor do the
generality of the established clergy appear to give themselves the least
concern about this, or express any serious desire to promote the
conversion and civilization of their poor neighbours. The dissenters,
and particularly those of them called Methodists, have done already far
more in this way than the whole body of the national or parochial
priesthood: and they are continually enlarging their scale of operation,
and extending their labours, with great effect, to the most retired and
obscure places, where the divine power of the Gospel and the happy
influence of its moral precepts were hardly ever before felt or
experienced.
Of the ten houses suppressed in this town at the general dissolution, one
is said to belong to _the friars de Penitentia_. This religious order
appears to have sprang up in the same century with the proceeding ones;
for we are told that it was instituted in 1221, by the famous _St.
Anthony of Padua_, who was born at Lisbon, in 1195, and whose original
name was _Ferrand_. After going through his studies with reputation, he
entered into a monastery of canons regular, of the order of St. Austin,
where he continued two years; when, for the sake of greater solitude, he
retired with the leave of his superior to Coimbra, where he distinguished
himself by his exposition of the scriptures. At this time St. Francis
was living, and some of his order having suffered martyrdom, in
consequence of undertaking to preach to the Mahometans in Africa, they
were so much celebrated on that account, that it excited in Ferrand, as
well as many others, an ardent desire to follow their example, though
they should share the same fate. With the leave of his superior, he
therefore joined this new society; and entering one of their monasteries,
called that of _St. Anthony_, he took their habit and assumed their name.
Presently after this, his zeal actually carried him to Africa; but he was
obliged to return, in consequence of a disease with which he was seized
upon the coast; but was driven by a tempest to Sicily, where hearing of a
general chapter of his order being to be held at Assisi in Italy, he
repaired to it. Tho’ he was then little known, the provincial of his
order was so much pleased with his appearance, that he took him with him,
and placed him in a convent called _the mount of St. Paul_. After some
months, his superiors procured him holy orders, and sent him, together
with some other priests, to Forli, where he distinguished himself by his
preaching. Being greatly concerned at the progress of heresy then in the
northern parts of Italy, in order the better to prepare himself for
encountering the heretics, he went through a course of theology at
Vercelli, under a famous doctor there; but he soon surpassed him in
knowledge, and was thought equal to any undertaking.
Being sent by his superiors to undertake the office of guardian to
Limiges in France, in order to the conversion of the heretics in that
place, it happened at one time, that his business as a preacher required
him to be in one place, and his office of guardian in another: and this
was the occasion of the first of the many miracles that his historian
ascribes to him, and it was of a very singular kind: for it is asserted
that he was actually in both places at the same time. After an earnest
prayer for this purpose, he without leaving the pulpit in which he was
preaching on a Good Friday, appeared in the choir, and sung the lesson
which was his part of the service there. At Montpellier also, he once
preached in the dome at the same time that he was singing hallelujah in
the choir of the church. After this his whole life seems to have
consisted of little more than a series of miracles, and many of them of
quite an original and extraordinary kind; so that it must have required
much ingenuity to devise them. {522}—Some of them may be here inserted by
way of sample, and to enable the reader to judge of the probable effect
or consequence of the settlement of Anthony’s disciples, _the friars de
Penitentia_, in this town.
When Anthony was at one time preaching in a temporary building,
constructed of wood, he apprised his audience that the devil was about to
terrify and hurt them, but that no harm would eventually happen to any of
them. Accordingly while he was preaching, the devil untied the ropes by
which the boards were held together, so that the whole erection came
down. But when it might have been expected that many of the persons
assembled would have been crushed to death, or at least maimed, not one
of them was found to have received the smallest hurt!—Another time a
pious woman, much attached to Anthony, who had a son of a reprobate
character, when she was attending one of his sermons the devil came in
the form of a courier, and delivering a letter informed her that her son
was dead. This news threw her, and the audience in general, into such
disorder, that the congregation was breaking up; when Anthony cried out
that the news was not true, that it was the devil that had brought it,
and that the young man was alive, as they would soon be convinced;
accordingly, while he was speaking he entered the place, and the devil
absconded.
Something more extraordinary than any of the preceding miracles, was
exhibited at Rome. For being required by the pope to preach to a
congregation, consisting of people of very different countries, assembled
for a crusade, they all heard him speak in their different languages,
though he spoke in Italian only.—But the astonishing miracle exhibited at
Rimini, contributed more to the fame of Anthony than all his other
miracles. Preaching in that city, which abounded with heretics, and the
people refusing to hear him, he went to the sea side, followed by a great
crowd; when, the sea being remarkably calm, he addressed himself to the
fishes; saying, “Since men will not hear me, come you and hearken to what
God will tell you by me.” Immediately on this the sea was covered with
the heads of fishes, which with open mouths fixed their eyes on him; and
notwithstanding their hostility to each other, they mildly and humbly (as
it is said) without moving their fins, or making the least motion in the
water, attended to him. After a discourse of some length, he exhorted
them to praise God; and since they could not do it in words shew some
visible signs of reverence. On this they all bowed their heads, moving
them very gently, and with gestures expressive of humility and devotion,
acknowledged their obligation to God, and signified their apt probation
of what had been addressed to them. The spectators greatly amazed (and
well they might: for who could avoid it?) looked sometimes on the fishes,
and sometimes on the preacher; and being reproved by him for their
infidelity, thus upbraided by the mute fishes, they fell on their knees,
asking his pardon, and promising to live and die in the catholic faith.
He then pronounced a blessing, both on the men and the fishes, and they
departed with great joy. {524}
Such were some of the numerous miracles which Anthony is said to have
worked in his lifetime, exclusive of others said to have been wrought
afterwards at his grave, and which were perhaps no fewer. Of those who
have heard of these mighty and wonderful works of Anthony, the far
greater part in all ages, even to the present day, have believed the
report, and admitted the reality of the miracles: which, however, will
not establish the fact, that they were actually performed, any more than
the faith of the mahometans in the alleged miracles of their pretended
prophet will establish that fact, or prove that the miracles ascribed to
him did really take place. In each case we have a sad specimen of that
easy and miserable credulity by which poor human nature has often most
wretchedly disgraced herself, and unintentionally aided the cause and
triumphs of imposture. Nor will it follow from the abundance of false
miracles that have been heard of, or because the world has been so often
imposed upon by them, that there never have been any real ones; on the
contrary, all counterfeits seem invariably to imply the existence of what
is real and genuine; and that, it is presumed, may be proved to be the
case here. But this is not a place to enter largely upon this subject.
Anthony had been some years among the Franciscans before he instituted
the order _de Penitantia_, which was in 1221, when he also fixed at
Padua, where he sometimes preached in the open air to 30,000 persons, who
came to hear him from all the neighbouring towns. His discourses, it is
said, had a wonderful effect in converting prostitutes, delivering
prisoners, reconciling enemies, procuring restitution of usury, remission
of debts, &c. He was indefatigable, and preached every day. Many
persons expressing a desire to embrace the order, he was unwilling to
dissolve so many regular marriages, and dispeople the country: he
therefore gave them a rule, according to which they might serve God in a
similar manner in their houses, living in some measure like monks, but
without austerity.—This is the substance of what we have learnt about
this order. He died in the year above mentioned at the age of 36, and
was canonized the next year. We are told that he was ten years among the
Franciscans, if indeed it can be said that he afterwards properly quitted
them for the friars _de Penitentia_ are accounted a 3rd order of
Franciscans. {525a} We are told that they settled at Lynn before the 5th
of Edward I. and that their house here was dissolved by Henry VIII.
{525b} but where it stood cannot now be ascertained. Parkin seemed
inclined to indentify it with the well known convent of the Grey Friars,
but that idea or supposition seems not at all admissible, as our
apparently most accurate accounts of the religious houses dissolved here
represent that of the friars of this order as quite distinct from the
said convent, and this seems corroborated by Parkin’s own assertion, that
“in 1307, Roger Flegg was vicar general of the order of friars de
Penitentia in England at Lenne.” {526a} From the peculiar constitution
of this order it seems rather probable that its houses or convents might
be neither so large nor yet so numerous as those of most of the other
orders. As that at Lynn might be but small, there may not be much reason
to wonder that its site is not now discoverable; that being also the case
with some others of our smaller religious houses.—With all its profound
and extravagant reverence for its founder, St. Anthony, and its unlimited
credulity, or faith in his pretended miracles, this does not appear to be
the worst of the popish orders, but rather one of the better sort of
them, as it seemed earnestly to set its face against many of the
prevailing vices of the times, which must have somewhat checked the
progress of immorality and licentiousness.—These friars might therefore
be of some use here: but if they were so, and did some good, in partially
checking the progress of vice and immorality, is it not also to be
feared, on the other hand, that they did no less, or rather much more
harm, in checking likewise the progress of virtue and true religion, and
promoting to the utmost of their power an intolerant, persecuting, and
antichristian spirit? {526b} That such was really the fact seems
unquestionable; so that these friars had little room to boast of their
good doings. But we will now quit them, and proceed to
_The_ COLLEGE. This edifice stands near the Town Hall, and is now
inhabited by Mr. _Toosey_, a respectable merchant. It is by far the most
entire, and best preserved of all the religious houses that were here
dissolved; and were popery again to become predominant among us, this
fabrick might be very easily converted or restored to its original
use.—Parkin gives of it a very odd and confused account, as if it had
been a part of the Priory, though somewhat detached from it—“The cell, or
college of priests (says he) was near the Guildhall, and the prior’s
house was somewhat remote from it, by St. Margaret’s Church.” It does
not seem, however, that it had in fact any connection with the said
priory: and it is certainly a place of much later erection; probably by
no less than 3 or 400 years.—Mackerell also takes some slight notice of
it, and says, “Not far from the church was a certain college, founded by
Mr. _Thomas Thorisby_, as by the inscription carved upon the door still
remain . . . _Magistri_ Thome Thorisby, _Fundatoris hujus loci_.” This
Thomas Thorisby, the munificent founder of this college, was one of the
great men of Lynn in the latter part of the 15th century, and for
sometime after, as appears from our lists of Mayors, among whom his name
occurs three different times; 1st in 1477, again in 1482, and lastly in
1502. That he was a magistrate of a serious and religious character,
seems to admit of no doubt; but how many of his successors, including
those of the present day, have thought the better of him for that, is a
question that appears involved in no small uncertainty. The College is
said to have been founded about the year 1500, and it was dissolved about
30 years after, so that it was not long appropriated to the use for which
it was designed by the founder. It does not appear to whom it went at
the dissolution, nor do we know through how many hands, or how many
different families it has passed, from that to the present time.
Latterly, and for many years, it has been the residence successively of
some of our principal mercantile families, without any material change in
its external appearance. Of its original constitution we have not
obtained any particular information, and the above being the substance of
what we have learnt concerning it, our account of it must be here closed.
Another House, suppressed here at the general dissolution, was St. John’s
Hospital: of which the information we have been able to obtain is very
imperfect and scanty. Its very site, like that of the friars de
Penitentia, seems no longer discoverable; and yet it was evidently, in
its day, a place of some note and consequence here, and had a chapel, or
church, as it is usually called, attached to it. _Fox_, the
martyrologist, mentions St. John’s church, or the church of the Hospital
of St. John, in this town, as one of the places where the memorable _Sir
William Sautre_, parish priest of St. Margaret’s, when taken up for
heresy in the reign of Henry IV. was obliged to read his recantation.
_Parkin_ takes very little notice of it, except quoting what Fox had
said: and the same is the case with _Mackerell_, with this slight
difference, that he in one place hazards a conjecture, that the site of
this church was the same with that of the old grammar school, which was
taken down some years ago. But if the church stood there, the hospital
itself must also, in all probability, have stood close by, if not
contiguous; and that seems not very likely, in so confined a situation.
We know of no existing record that any way corroborates this conjecture,
unless it be a hint in our tables of memorable events, “That in the year
1506, St. Margaret’s church was suspended, and the christenings were
performed in the charnel belonging to St. John’s chapel:” but it seems
too vague and obscure to establish the point. It is indeed very clear
and certain that there did exist here formerly the Hospital and church of
St. John, and that they were suppressed at the general dissolution, but
as we know no more about them, we must here dismiss the subject.
SECTION VII.
_Account of St. Mary Magdalen’s Hospital_, _the Lazar Houses_, _St.
Lawrence’s Hospital_, _&c._
The Hospital of St. Mary Magdalen was one of the most ancient of those
religious houses that were suppressed here by Henry VIII. It is said to
have been founded by Petrus Capellanus, in the reign of King Stephen, in
honour of St. Mary Magdalen. It consisted of a prior and twelve brethren
and sisters; of whom ten, including the prior were sound, and three
unsound, or leprous; some ecclesiastical, and some secular; who were
bound to perform rites and prayers for the souls of certain men who had
departed this life, _viz._ for the soul of Petrus Capellanus their
founder, the souls of popes, bishops, abbots, priors, kings, queens, and
others, their benefactors; as appears by their ancient book of _obiits_
and _Orisons_, and by the ancient instrument of articles, which the
brethren and sisters were bound to observe: and all, or most of the lands
given to the said hospital were for the maintaining of prayers for the
dead, as appears by divers deeds and charters, without date, of the first
donations of those lands. {531}
In Mr. Kings MS. Volume there is a larger account of this ancient
hospital than has been given by Mackerell and Parkin. We have there the
ancient instrument of articles, or the fundamental rules of the
fraternity, in Latin, under XVIII heads: annexed to which is the
following account—
“This Instrument of Articles was made in the year that Petrus
Capellanus died [A.D. 1174.] and himself consented, with the two
archbishops, for ordaining the same.”—Then follows what has been
given by Mackerell, that “this ancient hospital continued in a
prosperous state from its first foundation about 400 years. But
after the statute of 1st Edward VI. was made, for dissolving all
colleges, chauntries fraternities, &c. this, with the lands &c. came
to, and were invested in the crown, by the said statute. The
fraternity, however, was not then broke up or dispersed, and might,
perhaps, have been still continued, but for the breaking out of what
is called Kett’s rebellion. A party of the rebels were encamped at
Rising: and they attacked Lynn, in hopes of surprising it, but being
repulsed and disappointed, they, on their return, fell upon this
hospital, which they violently entered, and not only robbed the poor
people there, and expelled them out of the house, but took away all
their common stock, and rased their chapel and most part of the
buildings there down to the ground: by means of which barbarous
usage, the said hospital was so impoverished, wasted, and spoiled,
that from thence forward it was quite destitute of brethren and
sisters, and utterly relinquished, saving that the mayor and
burgesses of Lynn maintained some poor people there, and endeavoured
to uphold the said ancient hospital, out of their charitable
disposition, for the purposes aforesaid.” {532}
“Nevertheless (says the author of the MS. account) some covetous
persons, taking advantage of the depressed state of the said
hospital, procured divers letters patents of concealment, from the
crown; some of the site of the same, and some of other parcels of the
lands and possessions belonging to the said hospital, intending to
convert them to their own private lucre. But the said mayor and
burgesses, (still having a great care that the said lands and
possessions should be preserved for charitable uses) did purchase of
some of the concealers the site of the said hospital, and a great
part of the lands thereunto belonging, and at their great costs and
charges supported and defended the same against all other concealers
and their agents, purposing always to erect anew the said hospital,
and employ the revenues thereof for the sustentation of poor people.
“But finding both by the advice of the king’s councill [counsel] and
their own, that all the said patents of concealment were defective
and utterly void in law, through many imperfections therein, and that
(notwithstanding the said patents) the scite of the said hospital and
the lands and possessions thereof still remained in the
crown—therefore they made humble suit to the king’s majesty [James
I.] for a grant thereof, and, of his Highness’ gracious favour and
pious inclination to works of charity, they obtained Letters Patents
of grant unto the mayor and aldermen, as well of the scite of the
said hospital, as also of the lands, &c. thereunto belonging, who by
the same are created governors thereof, and made a body corporate for
the defence and maintenance of the said hospital new founded by his
majestie.”
[An abridgement of those Letters Patents, transcribed from the Latin
copy, is here subjoined, and is as follows.
“JAMES by the grace of God king of England, &c. to all to whom these
Letters shall come, greeting, &c.—Whereas a certain ancient Hospital
or Almshouse was founded and erected in Gaywood, called the House or
Hospital of St. Mary Magdalen—And whereas divers lands, tenements,
and hereditaments, were given and granted for the maintenance and
relief of divers poor and needy men and women therein for ever—And we
being informed, that certain evil minded men, covetously pursuing
their own private lucre, have endeavoured utterly to demolish the
state of the said Hospital, pretending some defect in the foundation
thereof, or that the same have been dissolved—We favouring the
sustentation of the poor, and such like charitable deeds, do of our
special grace, for us, our heirs and successors, grant all that
right, title, &c. which we have or might have in the premises, fully
and graciously to be conferred and extended towards the establishment
of the said Hospital, for poor and infirm men and women to dwell
therein: and for the causes aforesaid the same shall for ever
hereafter be called by the name of The Hospital of St. Mary Magdalen,
of the foundation of king James, consisting of a Master and Warden
and 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, or 5 poor needy men and women, who shall likewise
be called, The Brethren and Sisters of the said Hospital, from
henceforth for ever.—And for the more effectual performance of this
our grant on our part, We have chosen nominated and appointed our
well beloved Peter Tudman to be the first and present warden, or
master of the said hospital, and to continue in the said office for
and during his natural life, unless for some default, trespass,
misdemeanor, &c. omitted or committed by him, contrary to the
constitutions or ordinances hereafter to be made and ordained, he
shall be from thence removed.—And moreover out of our own especial
grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, We have also chosen,
nominated, &c. our well beloved John Tilney and Avis his wife, Isabel
wife of the said Peter Tudman, John Pillow, Alice Briggs, and William
Mason, to be the first and present brethren and sisters of the said
hospital, there to be relieved and maintained during their natural
lives, unless for some fault or misdemeanor they shall from thence be
removed.
“And that this our pious and charitable intention may take the better
effect, and that the lands, tenements, goods and chattels, and
hereditaments, towards the maintenance of the said hospital and the
warden or master, and the poor brethren and sisters &c. may the more
effectually be given, granted, enjoyed, possessed and disposed, We
will, and by these Letters Patents for us our heirs and successors of
our like special grace &c. do grant ordain and constitute that the
Mayor of our Burgh of King’s Lynn that now is, or hereafter shall be,
and all the aldermen that now are or hereafter shall be, shall, from
henceforth forever be our Body corporate and politique, in deed,
fact, and name, by the title of The Governors of the lands,
tenements, revenues, possessions, and hereditaments of the Hospital
of St. Mary Magdalen upon the Cawsey between Lynn regis and Gaywood,
of the foundation of James king of England, &c.—And by the said name
of Governors, &c. to be always hereafter so called, termed, and
nominated, for ever: and by the same to have perpetual succession,
and to be both able and capable in law to obtain, receive, have, and
possess the manors, lands, tenements, meadows, pastures, feedings,
rents, reversions, remainders, and all other hereditaments
whatsoever, to them and their successors for ever, as well from us
our heirs, &c. as from any person or persons whatsoever; as also all
goods and chattels for the maintenance and relief of the said
hospital, the warden or master, and the poor brethren and sisters
which shall, from time to time, live and be sustained therein.—And we
do likewise by these presents for us and our heirs &c. grant unto
them and their successors to have a common seal for all matters and
businesses concerning the said hospital &c.—And that they by the name
aforesaid may answer and be answered in any of his majesty’s courts
or elsewhere within this kingdom of England.
“And we will that whensoever it shall happen, that the said master or
any of the said 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, or 5 of the brethren shall die or be
removed, it shall and may be lawful for the said governors (whereof
the mayor to be always one) within 20 days after, to choose another
in their room—And we will and grant that the said Warden or Master
and his successors shall take his corporal oath on the evangelists
for the due performance of his office, before the mayor for the time
being, in the Guildhall of the said Burgh—And we will and grant that
the said governors, or the greatest part of them (whereof the mayor
to be always one) and their successors with the assent and consent of
the bishop of Norwich for the time being, may make and constitute
such and so many good and wholesome statutes, laws, &c. in writing,
as well concerning the celebration of divine service every day in the
said hospital to the honour of God, as for the government, election,
expulsion, punishment and direction of the said master and poor
there, and also concerning their stipends, salaries, liveries,
habits, and all other necessaries whatsoever, as also concerning the
ordinary, preservation, and disposing of all the lands, tenements
&c.—And also may give and grant to the master and poor there, such
useful things as they shall think fit: and may revoke, change,
determine, augment, alter, and make new the same as they think most
convenient; which said statutes, laws, and ordinances, to be made and
constituted as aforesaid we straitly charge and command to be kept
inviolable, from time to time for ever, yet so as the same be not
contrary to the laws and statutes of this kingdom of England.
“And further for the continual relief and sustentation of the said
hospital we have given and granted, and by these presents do give and
grant to the said governors all the lordships, manors, messuages,
lands, meadows, pastures, feeding-grounds, liberties, franchises and
hereditaments whatsoever, lying in Gaywood, East Lexham, Dunham,
Narford, West Lexham, Westwinch, and Holkham, in our said county of
Norfolk, or any where elsewhere, which formerly were any part of the
possessions of the said hospital, however before this time called or
reputed, and which had not indeed though not by the law alienated,
bargained and sold by the prior, brethren and sisters of the said
hospital, and of which his Highness from the beginning of his reign
had not taken any yearly profits, revenues, or rents.—And further we
do give and grant unto the said governors, &c. To have, hold, and
enjoy all the aforesaid premisses, together with court-leet,
frank-pledge, liberties, franchises, goods and chattels waved of
felons as well as felo de se, as of all other felons, fugitives,
out-lawries, and taken in exigent, or in any other lawful way, right
or title, they shall be convicted, condemned, extrahur deodands and
all rights, jurisdiction, franchises, liberties, privileges,
commodities, advantages, possessions, emoluments and hereditaments
whatsoever, as fully, freely, and absolutely as any prior, brethren
and sisters, as well sound as sick, ever had, held, or enjoyed
heretofore, &c.—To have, hold, and enjoy all the privileges aforesaid
to the only use and behoof of them the said governors, &c., in free,
pure, and perpetual alms, for all rents, services, claims, and
demands whatsoever, to be rendered, paid, or done to us our heirs &c.
And we do likewise give and grant unto them all and singular, issues,
fines, rents, revenues, annual profits whatsoever, of all and
singular the premises aforesaid, whatsoever due before the grant of
these Letters Patent, or within 60 years last past without giving any
account of the same. And further we, our heirs, &c. will for ever
acquit, exonerate, and keep indemnified to the said governors, &c.
all and singular the premises aforesaid, against us our heirs &c. of
and from coridies, rents, fees, annual pensions, portions and sums of
money whatsoever, &c.
“And we will and straitly charge our Treasurer, Chancellor, and
Barons of our Exchequer, their heirs and successors, and all other
our Receivers, Auditors, Officers and Ministers whatsoever, upon
producing these our Letters Patents, or the enrollment thereof
without any other Breve or Warrant from us, that they make or cause
to be made to the said governors &c. a full and plenary discharge of
all the corodies, fees &c. whatever, for which these our Letters
Patents shall be to them a sufficient warrant and discharge.—And we
will and grant that these our Letters Patents and the enrollment
thereof shall be in all things as firm, strong and good, sufficient
and effectual in law against us, our heirs &c. in all our courts and
elsewhere within out kingdom of England, without any further
confirmation, licence, or toleration from us or our successors to be
procured or obtained.—Notwithstanding the misnaming, misreciting, or
not reciting the aforesaid premisses by these Letters Patents, Or the
not finding only the office or inquisition of the premisses or any
parcel thereof whereby our title ought to be found before the making
of these our Letters Patents, Or the misreciting or misnaming, or not
reciting or not naming any demise or grant of the premisses or any
part thereof, on record or not on record, or any way whatsoever
before this grant:—Or the misnaming or not naming any village,
hamlet, parish, race, or county, in which the premisses or any part
thereof be:—Or the full, true, and certain mention of the names of
the tenements, farmers, occupiers of the premisses or any part
thereof:—Or any defect in the certainty, account, or declaration of
the true yearly value of the same as aforesaid:—or any other defects
in not naming aright any one tenement, farmer, or occupier &c. or the
statute made in parliament in the first year of the late king Edward
VI. our predecessor, or the statute made in parliament in the 18th
year of the late king Henry VIII. our progenitor.
“And further we will, straitly charge and command the aforesaid
governors &c. that they expend, convert, and apply all and every the
premisses aforesaid towards the relief and maintenance of the master
and poor of the said hospital, and for the repairition and defence of
all and singular the premisses aforesaid, and to no other use and
purpose whatsoever.—Yet so that express mention be made of the true
yearly value, or certainly of the premisses or any part of them, or
any gifts or grants made before this time by us or any of our
predecessors to the governors aforesaid and their successors, or any
statutes, acts, ordinance, provision or restriction to the contrary
before this had made published or ordained in any thing cause or
matter whatsoever notwithstanding.—In Testimony whereof we have
caused these our Letters to be made Patents. Witness ourself at
Westminster this 22d. day of April in the year of our reign of
England, France, and Ireland the 9th and of Scotland the 44th.
_Per Breve de privato sigillo_.
“After the grant aforesaid, the mayor and aldermen endeavoured by all
fair means, to prevail with the concealers and usurpers of the many
lands, &c. to yield and deliver up the quiet possession thereof to
them, the said governors, without suit in law; but not able to
succeed therein, they thereupon exhibited a bill of complaints into
[in] the High Court of Chancery, against those who withheld the same,
and had likewise gotten into their hands sundry Deeds, Evidences,
Writings, Charters, Copies of Court Rolls, and Muniments, concerning
the said Hospital, for about thirty years before the king’s majesty’s
Letters Patents: whose names are as follow, viz. Sir Philip
Woodhouse; Thomas Thoresbie Esq.; Henry Bastard, Gent.; Henry Baker,
Gent.; Thomas Baxter; Robert Anderson; Richard Cross; Jefferie Pell;
Robert Large; Robert Trollop; William Simpson, clerk; Robert Say,
junr; Robert Spence, Gent.; Robert Webster; William Collis, als
Glover:—Who having given in their several answers to the said bill,
an order was made by the court, that the complainants should set down
in writing, the particular lands and fold courses by them claimed,
together with the evidences for proof thereof, that the same belonged
to the said hospital, and how much the defendants have of those lands
in their several possessions, &c. which they did as followeth”—
[The lands, &c. in question, are then particularly specified and
described, being chiefly in East and West Lexham, and Dunham and Gaywood.
They are denominated “_Lands of the Lepers_, or Spittle lands, pertaining
to the brethren and sisters of the House, _called_ THE SPITTLE, upon the
cawsey between Lynn and Gaywood”—the whole amounting to 305 acres—The
complainants having thus specified their claims, the suit went on.]
“After divers hearings on both sides, in the high court of Chancery,
for about four years together, the plaintiffs being prepared to move
the lord chancellor with all speed for a decree, and for their costs
and damages, Sir Philip Woodhouse defendant, (who had most of the
lands, &c. in his hands,) solicited and intreated Sir H. Hobart, knt.
and bart. Lord chief justice of the Common Pleas, to hear and
determine the cause between them, which being consented to by the
plaintiffs, his lordship gave his opinion, that the plaintiffs had
right to all the lands and foldcourses, in the boundary before
mentioned, in such manner as they have been claimed by them,
excepting the messuage Warm, and 5 acres thereunto adjoining. And
therefore to prevent further suit and expences on both sides, his
lordship advised Sir Ph. Woodhouse to suffer that which he could not
contradict, viz. that a decree should pass of all the lands and
foldcourses (except as before excepted) for the plaintiffs, as in law
and equity it ought to be: but withal mediated and intreated the
counsel of the plaintiffs, in behalf of the said Sir Ph. that in
regard so much of the lands and fold courses as were in the
possession of Sir Philip, did lye so intermixed with his lands, it
would be a great annoyance to him, and little profit to the
plaintiffs, if the same were severed, that therefore it would please
the plaintiff’s counsel to consent that the plaintiffs, after the
decree passed, should make a lease to him of the premises aforesaid
for 99 years, at the yearly rent of 16_l._ viz. their foldcourses at
East Lexham, being in his possession for 10_l._ per annum, and all
their grounds in West Lexham and great Dunham, also in his possession
at 2_s._ 6_d._ for every acre per annum, and that the said Sir Philip
Woodhouse should be discharged of all the rents, issues, and profits
of the said lands and fold courses, for the time past; whereof the
plaintiff’s counsel agreed, and promised to procure the same, which
conclusion on both sides being made known the next day to the lord
Chancellor, by the plaintiff’s counsel, his lordship upon their
motion, ordered and decreed their possession of the said lands and
foldcourses, unto the plaintiff’s, not having any relation to the
said agreement made before the Lord chief justice, as aforesaid,
saving in the exception before excepted, and in the omitting of
damages and costs, which was promised in the last order.
“Afterwards, that it, upon the feast day of the decollation of St.
John Baptist, next following, Sir Philip Woodhouse came to Lynn, and
in the presence of John Spence, then Mayor, Thomas Oxburgh Esq.
recorder, the aldermen and the rest of the Society then assembled in
the common council house, the said Sir Philip did bring the draught
of a Lease, (perused by the Lord Chief Justice Hobart), of the
Spittle fold course of East Lexham, and of the lands which, by the
mediation of the said lord chief justice, were to be demised by the
mayor and aldermen to the said Sir Philip, a copy of which being
formally delivered to the said mayor, &c. they caused the same to be
engrossed on a pair of Indentures to that purpose, bearing date 17
May, 1615, then last past, (upon which day the last order for the
decree was made) which Indentures were openly read, sealed, and
delivered interchangeably in the said council house the said day of
the decollation, being the election day for the succeeding mayor.
The said Sir Ph. sent a fat buck, and gave his honourable promise,
that he and his heirs should every year after, during the time of his
Lease, give a like fat buck to every mayor for the time being towards
their festival upon the said day; which was, for sometime, faithfully
performed.—About a year after a Lease was granted by the mayor, &c.
of all those their fold courses, foldage, and sheep pasture in the
town of great Dunham for 250 sheep, to be goeing, fed, and depastured
in and upon all the common, and common pasture fields and amble
grounds there, as well demesnes as otherwise, anciently accustomed,
to Sir Thomas Hogan, Henry Bastard, Henry Barker, Thomas Baxter,
Thomas Burton, for 21 years, from Lady day 1616, for 10_l._ per
annum, free and clear from all manner of quit rents and charges
whatsoever. Both which sheep walks, with the lands thus demised,
were anciently in Lease to the lords of the manor of East Lexham,
from the old hospital, under the yearly rent of 20_s._ 4_d._ as
appears by two ancient rentals, [copies of which are preserved in Mr.
King’s MS. and are here given in the note below. {544}]—The flocks of
the lords of Dunham went and were depastured in and upon the common
of Dunham—as more appeareth by an ancient survey upon oath, both of
the freehold and copyhold tenants, made in the 4th Edward 2. which is
in the hands of Henry Bastard, Gent. now [i.e. about 1724] Lord of
the manor of Great Dunham.”
[A true copy of which subjoined: it is in Latin, and too long to be
inserted here, as it fills near four folio pages.]
After some recapitulation, by way of summary, of the above account, the
writer proceeds to treat of the then present state of the hospital (i.e.
now near a 100 years ago) and he observes again,
“that the house was first granted by the founder for the society of a
prior and 12 men and women, called _brethren and sisters_, by which
last style and title it was again newfounded by the aforesaid Letters
Patents of K. James I. as appears by the 6th paragraph thereof. But
this mixture or medley of sexes being not afterwards well and rightly
approved of, it have been since thought necessary to alter and change
the same {546a} and instead thereof to establish a _sisterhood only_,
consisting of a master and eleven poor widows, {546b} who have
formerly lived well and creditably in the world; but are not usually
admitted under the age of sixty.” {546c}
The above account was probably taken from the _MS. vellum book_, which
Parkin mentions, {546d} and is supposed still to exist among the town
archives. It appears to have been written in 1617, under the sanction of
the then mayor, recorder, and aldermen, and bears date on St. John’s day
that year, when _John Wallis_ was mayor, _Richard Stonham_, mayor elect,
_Thomas Oxburgh_, recorder, and the following made up the remainder of
the then magistrates, or aldermen, viz. _Thomas Baker_, _Thomas Gibson_,
_John Spence_, _Matthew Clerk_, _John Atkyn_, _Thomas Soame_, _John
Wormell_, _Thomas Leighton_, _William Doughty_, _William Atkyn_, and
_Thomas Gurlyn_.—As these seem to be the persons who had been so active,
a few years before, in recovering the lands belonging to our Magdalen
Hospital, and in promoting the reestablishment and perpetuation of that
charity, their names are worthy of being kept in remembrance; for they
certainly deserved well of their country, and especially of the town of
Lynn. The above law-suit, which they so successfully carried on, appears
to have been one of the most justifiable and commendable of any that this
corporation has ever been engaged or concerned in. Some of our
corporation law-suits in more modern times were, it seems, of a different
character.
For more than thirty years after the date of king James’ Letters Patents,
and till sometime after the commencement of the civil wars, things went
on well with our Magdalen Hospital, or Gaywood Almshouse. Its subsequent
history, down to some part of the last century, is given by Mackerell, as
follows—{547}
In the year 1643 this hospital suffered another dissolution, being
purposely burnt down, when the Earl of Manchester came with the
parliament forces to besiege the town of Lynn, at that time
fortified, and standing out for the king, whereby it was then become
utterly dissolved for some time.—But in the year 1649 the corporation
being obliged to build it anew, which is very commodiously done, as
it now appears, with two courts, {548} a chapel, and convenient
apartments for the master, brethren, and sisters to dwell in, it was
thought fit to put up the two following Inscriptions in proper
places, to denote the occasion of this last disaster. The first is
over the arch, upon a square free stone, as you enter into the second
court, [and reads thus.]
THIS HOSPITAL WAS BURNT DOWN
AT LYNN SIEGE, AND REBUILT
1649, NATH. MAXEY MAYOR, AND
EDW. ROBINSON Alderman and Treasurer.
[The other] inscription, with the arms of the corporation in a shield
over it, is engraven on a marble stone, which is affixed over the
portal next the road, [and is as follows.]
THOMAS RIVET, MAYOR,
ANNO 1650. E. R.
Thus after divers revolutions we now see it again erected,
established, and committed to the care and management of two of the
elder aldermen of the corporation, chosen and appointed annually from
among the rest of their brethren, the governors, for that purpose,
who with their joint advice and consent, ordain rules and orders for
the better guidance and direction of the society; as may be seen
fairly written in a Table hanging constantly up in the chapel,
whereby every one of the members is obliged to be present to hear
divine service daily read by the Master, after the tolling of the
bell, and not to neglect their duty in attending, (unless upon just
cause to be given to the master) under the penalty, or mulct
prescribed in the said order.—The improvement of the lands and
revenues of the hospital have been so far advanced of late [1724] by
the provident and prudent management of the two last worthy
gentlemen, the two deputed governors thereof, that the poor have now
an addition to their former salaries, of twelve pence per week to the
master, and sixpence to each of the women, or sisters; and it is to
be hoped they may in a little time be yet further advanced. {549}—The
parish church which they are appointed to resort to on Sundays, is
that of Gaywood, in which [parish] this hospital is situated, where
they have a convenient pew, purposely provided for them to sit in:
but they may go to any other church or chapel at Lynn, or elsewhere,
when and as often as they please.—So much shall suffice to have been
spoken of this ancient hospital, being without the walls and limits
of the borough of king’s Lynn, though wholly depending on the
corporation there. {550}
From the date of the above account (which seems to be brought down to
1737, when Mackerell’s work was published) to the present time, our
information concerning the said hospital is not so correct, particular,
or ample as we could wish.—It appears however, that divers changes have
taken place from time to time since king James’s grant was obtained:
first from a mixed society of brethren and sisters to that of _sisters
only_: at first, it seems, these sisters were to be _all widows_, but
latterly there is said to have been a departure from that plan, and _old
maids_ have been admitted, in some instances, as well as widows; which
seems not at all objectionable. Changes also, of course, there have been
in the weekly allowances of the respective pensioners; but not (at least
during the present reign) in proportion to the changes in the price of
the necessaries of life. Half a Crown a week, which was the allowance a
hundred years ago, was to the full as good as ten or twelve shillings a
week now: and yet the poor women during any part of this long jubilee
reign (when the _shilling_ has sunk in value to _three-pence_, or a
_groat_, at most) never had above five shillings a week, till the
commencement of the present year: Nor had they been long in the receipt
of even so much as five shillings, or more than _four and sixpence_ a
week, which was their stated allowance for sometime till within these
very few years. They must have been, therefore, till this present year,
and during most part of this long reign of boasted prosperity and glory,
in a very unenviable, miserable, ragged, and half starving condition,
although the acting governor was generally a man of fortune: and a late
one immensely so; but they never fared worse than under his inspection,
for his humanity or charity did not appear to be commensurate with his
wealth. In short it is well for these poor pensioners that the acting
government of their house is at present in the hands of a gentleman that
seems determined to do them justice, and promote their comfort and
happiness to the utmost of his power.
As to the _four Lazar Houses_, or Lepers Hospitals, paid to have been
suppressed here at the general dissolution, it is likely that one of them
was attached to, or connected with our Magdalen Hospital, for it appears
to have been _partly_ founded for unsound or leprous persons. This
therefore may be supposed to have been one of those four suppressed
houses. Of the other three, one was probably at _West Lynn_, one at
_Cowgate_, and the other at _Hardwick_. The disease, for the relief of
those afflicted with which these houses were founded, is said to have
been introduced, or brought from the East into this country, and to
Europe, by the madbrained crusaders, who became many ways a terrible
grievance and pest to their respective countries and nations. It was a
proof, certainly, of the humanity of our countrymen, in those times, that
houses were erected and endowed for the reception and relief of persons
afflicted with so grievous and incurable a disorder. So little do we
know about the order, or economy, or laws of these Lazar Houses, that we
must here necessarily dismiss the subject.
Of the _Hospital of St. Lawrence_ very little is known, except that it
was one of the four Lazar houses and stood at Hardwick, or _Herdwyk Dam_,
as Parkin calls it. He says
“that in the 11th of Edward III. Matthew Herlewine conveyed by fine
and trust to Thomas Duraunt, parson of Clenchwarton; William Duraunt
of South Lynn, and John Kervyle of Wygenhale (along with other
possessions) the advowson of the hospital of St. Lawrence at Herdwyk
Dam, together with the rents, homages, services, &c. of the master of
the said hospital, of the prior of Wirmegey, the prior of Westacre,
and of John de Lenn.”
He also says, that—
“John Duraunt Esq. granted to Robert Synkclere and Agnes his wife the
hospital, or house of lepars, with the chapel of St. Lawrence situate
on the cawsey of Hardwyke, by Lenne, with the appertenances for their
lives, from the feast of St. Michael in 27 Henry VI. paying to him,
his heirs and assigns, for every brother and sister entering into the
said hospital, and made by the said Robert and Agnes, 20_d._ and it
shall not be lawful for the said John, his heirs &c. to put in or
out, any brother or sister during the lives of the aforesaid Robert
and Agnes.”
He further informs us, that—
“in 17 Edward, IV. Edmund Bedingfeld, lord of the manor of Hall
Place, (in the hamlet of Seche Parva, in South Lynn) and in a court
held of the said manor, grants to _John Norris_, {553a} vicar of
South Lynn, the scite of the Hospital of St. Lawrence (which was then
burnt) till it was rebuilt.” {553b}
SECTION VIII.
_Of the Red Mount_, _and our Lady’s Chapel there—also her Chapel by the
Bridge which still bears her name—St. Ann’s Chapel_, _with those of St.
Catherine_, _St. Laurence_, _&c._
From the particular situation of the Red Mount, (on the _out-side_ of the
town-walls, and within the wet foss which flanked those walls,) there can
be little doubt of its being once a small fortress, or fortified and
castellated place; so that it might without much impropriety be
denominated _a castle_. What will further corroborate this opinion is a
fact noticed among our remarkable or memorable occurrences, that in 1469
king Edward IV. came to Lynn with a great retinue, and was lodged in this
place; from which it may be very naturally inferred and concluded, that
it was then well fortified; for the king in his then situation,
(retreating before Warwick,) would hardly have been lodged without the
walls in an unfortified place. From the same premises it may be likewise
fairly inferred, that it was also a _large_ and _sumptuous_
structure—Edward’s numerous retinue requiring it to be of the former
description, and his royal dignity of the latter: had it been _small_ it
could not have accommodated so large a company, and had it been _mean_,
the _king_ would not have been lodged there—{554} But however strong,
large, or sumptuous the edifice on the Red Mount then was, most of it has
long ago disappeared, and the little that now remains is chiefly the
chapel, which was once of considerable celebrity, but is now in a
dilapidated state. Of this curious piece of antiquity, one of the most
remarkable that Lynn can boast of, the following description has lately
appeared in a popular and respectable work, which we have often before
referred to—
“At the eastern extremity of the town is a curious ancient building,
called THE LADY’S CHAPEL, or _The Red Mount_. It has been
erroneously named a _castle_, but is evidently an ecclesiastical
structure. {555a} It consists of an octagonal wall of red brick and
is constructed on a very singular plan, of which, perhaps, not a
similar example is to be found in the kingdom. Within the exterior
wall is a handsome cruciform chapel, measuring from east to west
seventeen feet seven inches, by fourteen from north to south, and
thirteen in height. The roof is formed of stone, with numerous
groins, &c. and exactly resembles the much admired ceiling of King’s
College Chapel, Cambridge. This curious building is in a dilapidated
state, and it is much feared will soon fall a victim to neglect and
wantonness. Such a singular edifice should be carefully preserved,
and as the expence to effect this would be trivial, it is hoped the
corporation, to whom it belongs, will not neglect it, and thereby
entail on themselves the perpetual reproaches of history, and the
lasting censures of antiquarian record.” {555b}
[Picture: Our Lady’s Chapel on the Red Mount]
At what time this notable fabrick was erected, does not appear; but we
may pretty safely conclude that it was at a period subsequent to the
conquest, and perhaps not before the 12th or 13th century. It appears to
have been dissolved, or laid by, at the reformation, and it was defaced,
as Parkin says, before the 3rd of Elizabeth. As there has been little or
no attention bestowed upon it ever since that time, it is no wonder that
it should be now in so ruinous a state. It has been often said that this
place was, in its day, the receptable of the pilgrims, in their way to,
and from Walsingham. If so, it amounts to a pretty good proof, that it
was very capacious, and well endowed, or furnished with ample revenues;
for the pilgrims to Walsingham, like those to Loretto, swarmed on all the
roads that led thither; but on no road more, or perhaps so much as that
through Lynn, as all the devout people from the northern and north
western parts of the kingdom must have passed this way, perhaps by
hundreds at a time. That house must have been both large and wealthy,
that could lodge and entertain such hosts of travellers.—Another reason
for pilgrims frequenting our chapel on the Mount might be, because there
was there also an image of the Virgin, which had attained to some
celebrity; not indeed like that at Walsingham, {556} but evidently beyond
any thing of the kind at Lynn. We may therefore be very sure that the
holy travellers to Walsingham would pay a greater regard to the chapel of
our Lady on the Mount than to any other religions place in this town. It
has been observed before, that the offerings to this image of the Virgin
on the Mount exceeded sometimes the offerings to all our other images and
in all our other religious houses here, numerous as they were. In short,
we may venture to affirm, that in former days no one place in Lynn was of
greater note or celebrity than the Red Mount, and especially our Lady’s
Chapel and Image there.
Of the _Chapel of our Lady on the Bridge_, we know much less than of that
on the Mount, though our knowledge of the latter also is but very
imperfect. When the former was erected, whether before or after the
other, or why there should be two chapels in this town dedicated to the
Virgin, are questions which we are unable to resolve. They were both
probably more ancient than some of our other religious houses: but they
were dissolved, or laid by at the same time with most of the rest. They
were probably demolished not long after, and this on the bridge much more
entirely than the other. Parkin says, that this chapel was defaced
before the reign of Elizabeth, as appears by an inquisition taken in her
third year. Our Lady’s Gild in Lynn had seemingly some connection with
this chapel, as well as with that on the Mount; but we know too little of
the constitution and circumstances of that ancient fraternity to
pronounce any thing positively on this head. {558} Some small remains of
this chapel, converted into a little dwelling, stood, till very lately,
on the eastern side of the bridge; but when the said bridge was widened,
by order of the paving-act commissioners, those remains were entirely
removed, and there is no longer one stone upon another of that
consecrated and venerated fabrick, or the least sign or indication,
except in the name of the bridge, that such an edifice ever stood
there.—The modern substitutes for this and the other ancient chapels,
here suppressed and demolished, are _four_ very decent and commodious
dissenting meeting houses; one in New Conduit Street, one in Clough Lane,
and two in Broad Street; all, or most of them, at present pretty well
attended. Of each of which a particular account shall be given in the
course of this work.
Of St. _Ann’s Chapel_ very little is at present known. That it stood
somewhere near St. _Ann’s Fort_, and that the latter took its name from
it, can scarcely be doubted. The stones that are still to be seen in
some of the adjacent walls did once, in all probability, belong to this
ancient consecrated structure. {559} We have, however, no reason to
suppose that it was a very large edifice, but rather one of our smaller
size chapels, like that of _our Lady on the Bridge_, and some others. It
probably stood contiguous to other houses, without any yard, or
burying-ground adjoining; which may be one, and, perhaps, the chief
reason, why its site has so entirely disappeared, so as to baffle, or
render fruitless every attempt to discover the exact spot on which it
stood. All that can now be fairly concluded is, that it must have been
somewhere near the Fort.
The site of _St. Catherine’s Chapel_ seems to be involved in still
greater uncertainty than even that of St. Ann. By something that the
present writer has somewhere met with, he has been led to think, that
this chapel stood without the East Gates, and at no great distance; but
as he cannot now recollect upon what he founded that opinion, he will not
take upon him here to defend it, or assert that the chapel actually stood
there. Parkin owns that he did not know where it stood, but says that it
was defaced before the 3rd of Elizabeth, as appears by an inquisition
then taken. He also says that it is “mentioned in 1497, and the charity
Gyld of the town of Lenn,” which, as he supposes, may allude to our
houses of lepers. But those houses were probably not under the direction
of any one of the gilds, but rather of a particular religious order,
called _the order of St. Lazarus of Jerusalem_; of which, however, we
know not enough to give here a particular account of it. But as to the
chapel in question, Parkin further informs us that “in 5 Richard II.
Henry le Despencer, bishop of Norwich, wrote a letter to Roger Paxman,
mayor, and to the burgesses of Lynn, wherein he desires that they would,
for the love they bore for the bishop, grant part of the _house of St.
Catherine_ to one John Consolif, late servant to his brother, the lord le
Despencer, there to live a solitary life, upon the alms of the good
people; the other part of the house belonging to the archdeacon of
Norwich, being before granted to the said John Consolyf.” {560} This
shews that there was here formerly a House or Hospital, as well as a
Chapel, dedicated to St. Catherine; to which house or hospital, in all
probability, the said chapel belonged: but whether they pertained to our
Lazarettos, or were founded for some other purposes, it is very difficult
now to determine. Beside this chapel of St. Catherine, there was here
another chapel dedicated to her, in the church of the friars preachers,
or Dominicans: {561a} but this was nothing very remarkable, as we had
here also more than one chapel dedicated to the Trinity, as well as to
the blessed virgin, if not likewise to some others.
The _Chapel of St. Lawrence_, (like those of St. Catherine and St. John)
appears to have belonged to the _Hospital_ of the same name, and
therefore must have stood at Hardwick, contiguous, probably, or very near
to the said hospital. That house being one of our Lazarettos, its use,
or designation is sufficiently obvious. We learn from Parkin,
“that John Duraunt Esq. in the 27 Henry VI. granted to Robert
Synkclere and Agnes his wife the hospital, or house of lepars, with
the _chapel of St. Lawrence_ situate on the cawsey of Hardwyke, by
Lynn—Also that William Walton, Esq. and Catherine, his wife, daughter
and heiress of the said John Duraunt Esq. conveyed by fine, in
Hillary term, 36th year of the same reign, to Sir Thomas Tudenham,
knight, the _advouson of the chapel of St. Lawrence_, with the manor
of Hall Place, and divers other possessions. {561b} This chapel
seems therefore to have been an endowed place, whose advouson was
deemed an object of no trivial consideration. The hospital to which
it belonged, as well as the rest of our Lazar houses, may be supposed
to have been in some sort of subjection to the master of the order of
St. Lazarus, whose chief residence, or station, appears to have been
at Burton Lazars, in Leicestershire. Parkin mentions a remarkable
deed which he had seen, whereby brother Richard de Sulegrave, knight,
master of the whole order of St. Lazarus of Jerusalem, and all the
brethren of the said order, dwelling at Burton, by common assent and
council of the whole chapter, grant to Alan de Kele, burgess of Lenn,
his heirs and assigns, a certain piece of land, called Lazar Hill,
lying by the common wall of the said village, containing 7 perches
and 7 feet in breadth, on the north side; and 10 perches and 14 feet,
on the south side; 5 perches and half broad, on the east side; 6
perches broad in the middle, and 7 on the west side, &c. {562} This
seems, by the names of the witnesses, to have been as early as the
reign of king John. “This piece of land,” (our author adds) “I find
afterwards in the hands of Rd. Spany and John de Teryngton, in the
reign of Richard II.”
But the present writer is not able to point out this remarkable spot, or
yet to describe the nature and extent of that jurisdiction which the
master and chapter of the order of St. Lazarus had over the Lynn
Lazarettos.
Most if not all the rest of the smaller chapels were attached to, or
connected with our different churches and convents, of which several
belonged to St. Margaret’s church: we will therefore give here no
separate account of them. Such little chapels and chauntries were pretty
numerous here, and mark the character of the inhabitants, and
particularly the most devout part of them, in those times. There was
here also in former ages, at least one {563a} _hermitage_, or retreat of
an anchoret, and that was at the Crouch, or _Crutch_, as it is now
commonly called. Of this remarkable place, and its adjacent cross,
Parkin gives the following account—
“The mayor and commonalty petition William (Bateman) bishop of
Norwich, begging his favour towards John Puttock, to admit him as a
hermit, who had, in the bishop’s marsh by Lenn, on the sea shore, in
a certain place, called Lenn Crouch, made a cave there, till he could
build himself a proper mansion; purposing, as he declares, to spend
all his time, by your permission and license, in the service of God
there: and the said John Puttock has there erected a certain
remarkable cross, of great service for all shipping coming that way,
of the height of 110 feet, at his own great cost and charge.” {563b}
This occurred as long ago as 1349. To our thinking the Crutch must be a
most improper and strange place for a hermitage, where people are
continually passing and repassing, and those, at least many of them, some
of the rudest and most lawless of the whole population. How the hermits
did there in popish times we know not, but we are apt to think that they
would not fare very comfortably there in this protestant age.
SECTION IX.
_Account of St. James’s Chapel_ (now the Workhouse) _from its first
erection_, _in the twelfth century_, _to the present time_.
The founder of this chapel, as well as that of St. Nicholas, according to
our best accounts, was WILLIAM TURB, or _Turbus_, alias _De Turba Villa_,
or _Turbeville_, the third bishop of Norwich, who was promoted to that
see in 1146, {564a} in the reign of king Stephen. It was probably built
before the end of that reign, as Parkin refers to a certain charter of
that bishop, which proves that it was in being at the commencement of the
next reign. {564b} Both this of St. James and that of St. Nicholas were
chapels of ease to the church of St. Margaret. These three churches had
in those times abundance of officiating priests, or chaplains. The great
fraternity, called _Trinity Gild_, alone, maintained no less than
_thirteen_; six for St. Margaret’s, _four_ for St. Nicholas’s, and
_three_ for St. James’s. {564c} How many they had besides, does not
appear; but they had, no doubt, several more. This chapel is said to
contain in length five score feet, and in breadth 24 feet; exclusive of
the cross aisle, and a chapel attached to it, dedicated to the Trinity.
The altar of St. Lawrence stood somewhere in this chapel, and, at the
east end of it, an image of our Saviour, to which devout folks were wont
to bring their offerings. A particular division of the town appears to
have been at one time consigned or appropriated to the officiating
services of the chaplains or clergy of this chapel, comprehending,
probably, all on the sides next to it of Damgate, Broadstreet,
Blackboystreet and Codlin lane. St Nicholas’s clergy appear also to have
had appropriated to them another division of the town: hence we find,
that—
“on Friday before the feast of St. Tiburtius and Valerian, in the
35th of Edward III. it was ordered by the commonalty, assembled in
the Guild hall, that the clerks of St. James’s in Lynn, for the
future, shall carry the _holy water_ from the East Gate of Lynn,
through all the south part of Damgate, and through the whole street
called Webster’s row; and that the clergy or clerks of St. Nicholas’
shall likewise carry from the aforesaid gate through all the north
part of the aforesaid street of Damgate.” {565a}
[Picture: The work-house formerly the Chapel of St. James]
At the general dissolution this chapel was, it seems, laid by, and shut
up, which appears an odd and unaccountable circumstance, as it had not
any connection with the convents, being merely a parochial place of
worship. We are told that it was pulled down, all but the cross aisle,
in 1549, (by order of the mayor and corporation, it is supposed,) when it
had four bells, which were worth, with the bell of the charnel-house,
CC_l._ We are further told, “that there did also, in the mean time,
belong to the said chapel and charnel-house, stone, iron, and glass, to
the value of one hundred marks: also timber and lead to the value of
300_l._ also plate, jewels, and stock, to the value of 200_l._ also
certain lands and tenements in Lynn, to the yearly value of 5_l._” {565b}
All this property appears to have come into the hands of the mayor and
corporation; not very fairly and honourably, it seems; for we find that
it rather belonged to the Dean and Chapter of Norwich, who, about
seventeen years after, on what occasion does not appear, relinquished
their right and claim to it, by a formal deed to that purpose, a copy of
which is given below. {566a} This was about the year 1566. {566b} From
that period it lay, probably, in ruins till 1581, when it was, at the
expense of the corporation, prepared and made a place for the manufacture
of bays, &c.—How long it was occupied for that purpose is not said; but
we learn that the undertaking did not succeed.—About a century after, in
the year 1682, it was repaired and fitted up, by the liberal benefactions
of the corporation and principal inhabitants, and converted into a
hospital, or workhouse for fitly decayed old men, women, and poor
children; a good endowment and provision being made for their work,
instructions, and maintenance, and for putting the children out to
trades.—On that occasion were made and adopted the following
“_Rules_, _Ordinances_ and _Statutes_ made and established by the
mayor and burgesses of the burgh of King’s Lynn in the county of
Norfolk, for the good government of the Hospital or Workhouse of St.
James, there erected and founded, and of the children’s being, and to
be placed therein.—_Imprimis_, That the children be instructed in
their duty towards God, and in good manners.—That the master for the
time being shall cause the children every Lord’s day, both in the
forenoon and afternoon, constantly to repair to the parish church of
St. Margaret, diligently to attend divine service and sermons
there.—That some fit person, to be elected by the mayor and
burgesses, shall daily read the prayers and collects appointed for
that purpose in the chapel of the said house, every morning by eight
of the clock, and every evening by four of the clock precisely, all
the children there attending with becoming reverence.—That such
person, after prayers so read at the times aforesaid, shall teach the
children to read for the space of one hour and an half, twice in the
day, by calling together four at a time, and no more, whilst the rest
are at work.—That such person every Sunday, after divine service in
the afternoon, calling all the said children into the chapel, shall
instruct them in the church Catechism appointed for children, for the
space of one hour, concluding with the prayers and collects.
“ITEM, _For their Recreation and Correction_. That the children be
kept at work between our _Lady_ and _Michaelmas_ from Six of the
clock in the morning till Twelve at noon; and between _Michaelmas_
and _our Lady_ from Eight till twelve, and in all afternoons from One
to Seven: the time for prayers, reading, and refreshment, excepted.
That on festivals and holy-days observed by the church, and every
Thursday after three in the afternoon, they be allowed reasonable
recreation. That for offences committed, gentle and moderate
chastisement be given; and such as will not thereby be reformed, be
sent to the house of correction, to be there punished.
“ITEM, _For their Diet_, _Cloaths_, _Firing_, and _necessary
Provisions_. That three days in the week they have once in the day
competent allowance of flesh meat hot, and three other days like
allowance of other hot provision, to be ready at twelve at noon; and
on the other day fit provision; as also a reasonable breakfast and
supper every day of the week. That all sorts of provision, bread,
beer, and meat, and all other victuals, be good, fresh, and
wholesome. That once every year, a month before Christmas, they be
allowed new suits of cloaths of the usual colours, and new shifting,
shoes, and stockings, so often as it shall be necessary and
convenient, and washing allowed them. That out of six chaldron of
coals to be allowed to the master, a convenient fire be kept in the
working-room all the cold season of the year. That such children as
shall appear to be sick, be removed into a room for that purpose; and
if any be infirm, or taken with contagious distempers (such as are
catching) that special care be taken to lodge them apart from the
others.
“ITEM, _For the Visitation_, _Overseeing_, _Defraying necessary
charges_, and _Regulation of Abuses_. That on the usual day of
electing the corporation officers in every year, the mayor, aldermen,
and common-council, or the major part of them, shall elect and choose
_three_ discreet and fitting persons to be _governors_ of the same
Hospital, or Workhouse, for the year from _Michaelmas_ thence next
ensuing, whose care shall be to inspect and oversee the same, and the
children therein, from time to time; and to order and direct all
expences, charges, payments, and disbursements concerning the same;
and to see and cause all the rules, ordinances, and statutes thereof
to be put in due execution.—That all gifts, benevolences,
contributions, payments, and sums of money whatsoever, now or
hereafter to be made and given to the same Hospital or Workhouse, or
the poor children therein, shall from time to time be paid into the
hands of such governors; and a true account thereof, and of all
expences, charges, payments and disbursements concerning the same,
shall yearly be made and audited on the usual day appointed for
auditing the accompts of the mayor and burgesses.—That a book be
kept, wherein all gifts and benevolences, that have been or shall
hereafter be given to, or bestowed on the said Hospital or Workhouse,
or the poor children therein, shall be fairly registered, to be kept
in the said chapel.—That one other book be kept, wherein the names or
times of placing or removing of all masters and poor children of the
same Hospital or Workhouse shall be entered and recorded.—That a
sufficient chest or box be provided, with two locks, for the reposing
and safe keeping therein the _Deeds of Foundation_, _Endowment_, and
other writings, that do or shall belong thereunto, as also the
_common seal_ of the said Hospital, or Workhouse; one key whereof to
remain with the mayor of this burgh for the time being, the other
with the senior governor thereof.—That the mayor, aldermen, and
common-councilmen, or so many as shall think fit, by appointment of
the mayor for the time being, shall four times in every year, or
oftener if need require, visit the said hospital or workhouse, for
the better encouragement thereof, and discovering abuses that may be
committed contrary to these rules and ordinances.” {570}
“The first Collection among the inhabitants towards this charitable
design, and preparing this chapel, amounted to the sum of 406_l._
1_s._ 6_d._—The Corporation also made an order among themselves, That
every Alderman new elected should pay at his admittance 10_l._ and
every common-council-man 20 nobles, which, to the year ending at Lady
day 1724, amounted to 726_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ The legacies of persons
deceased (besides other benefactions) given to the same” [up to the
above specified time] “amounted to 90_l._ 0_s._ 0_d._—In all 1222_l._
14_s._ 10_d._—They also endowed it with 20_l._ _per annum_.” {571a}
For some reason, to us unknown, the above order of things did not long
continue. In the course of a few years another revolution took place:
most, if not all the above regulations were repealed, or laid aside, and
the house, by an act of parliament, was consigned to the superintendence
and management of the _Guardians of the Poor_. {571b} That act passed in
1701, the 12th of William III. _For erecting Hospitals and Workhouses in
King’s Lynn_. It contains, as Mackerell observes, the following clause—
“_The Workhouse_, _founded by the mayor and burgesses_, _called_ St.
James’s Workhouse, _and all lands_, _tenements_, _rents_, _revenues_,
_goods_, _and chattels_, _belonging to the same_, _are by this act
vested and settled in the_ guardians of the poor, and their
successors.” {571c}
We are further told, that by another clause in this act, it was to
continue in force _only so long as the rates did not exceed what had been
paid towards the __maintenance of the poor_, _for any one of the then
three last years_. {572} That excess, no doubt, took place pretty soon,
though we have not learnt the exact year when it so happened: and yet the
guardians, it seems, long after, and even till very lately, acted under
that same obsolete law; a conduct which may be thought not altogether
justifiable or defensible. But as the proverb says, that “half a loaf is
better than no bread,” so they might judge that an obsolete law was
better than no law. However that was, one would think that they must
cease to be guardians, when the law that constituted them such lost its
authority, or ceased to be in force.
From the period when the superintendence and management of St. James’s
Hospital were committed to the guardians, it appears to have become the
proper poor house of St. Margaret’s parish, and general workhouse of the
town.—Of the exact state and regular variations of the poor rates in Lynn
during the first sixty years, and more, after the above act had passed,
we have but little knowledge; but _for the last forty years_ our
information is much more extensive and authentic. During this period our
poor-rates, or what we have raised for the support of the poor, have
increased _tenfold_, and the number of paupers _four_ or _five fold_.—In
1770 these rates amounted to only 976_l._—In 1796 they amounted to
7713_l._—and in 1809 to about, or near 9000_l._ and the whole
expenditure, up to the end of January in the present year, (1810) to the
enormous sum of 10,243_l._ 10_s._ 3_d._—for, after the manner of our
superiors, who sit above at the helm, we manage and contrive that our
outgoings should exceed our income.—The following statements of our
out-door expenditure in two different years, (the first and the last of
the above period,) extracted from Mr. Grisenthwaite’s Remarks, p. 19 and
20, may throw some further light upon this subject.
Abstract of _Out-door Expenditure_ in 1770, as published by order of the
Court of Guardians.
No. of families Wards. No. of Cash paid to each
in each ward. persons. ward weekly.
_l._ _s._ _d._
30. 1. North End 78 2. 14. 0.
Ward
6. 2. Kettlewell 9 0. 7. 6.
ditto
5. 3. Trinity 16 0. 9. 6.
Hall ditto
5. 4. Jews’ Lane 10 0. 11. 6.
ditto
13. 5. Paradise 34 l. 6. 0.
ditto
26. 6. Sedgeford 41 1. 18. 6.
Lane ditto
19. 7. Stonegate 34 1. 13. 0.
ditto
20. 8. Chequer 41 1. 6. 6.
ditto
8. 9. New Conduit 17 0. 11. 6.
ditto
In St. James’s 0. 2. 6.
Workhouse
131. Total as 280. 10. 19. 6. {573}
establishment
account.
Abstract of Out-door Expenditure in 1809, as published by order of the
Court (or corporation) of Guardians.
No. of families Wards. No. of Cash paid to each
in each ward persons. ward weekly.
_l._ _s._ _d._
85. North End 172. 9. 19. 9.
Ward
44. Kettlewell 78. 5. 16. 0.
ditto
58. Paradise 141. 8. 18. 6.
ditto
36. Jews’ Lane 99. 5. 10. 6.
ditto
44. New Conduit 91. 6. 12. 0.
ditto
58. Chequer 120. 9. 2. 6.
ditto
33. Trinity Hall 64. 5. 2. 6.
ditto
76. Sedgeford 158. 10. 9. 6.
Lane ditto
80. Stonegate 150. 12. 0. 0.
ditto
514. Weekly 1050. 75. 11. 3.
Allowance
Sick poor 60. 8. 17. 0.
Illegitimate 39. 3. 13. 9.
_Total_. 1149. 88. 1. 9. {574}
The difference between the latter and the former of the above Statements,
in so short a period, comprehending only a part of the present prosperous
reign, and what some seem to deem the most blessed and glorious part of
if, must be exceedingly remarkable and wonderful. In 1770 the rates of
the town were only 4_s._ in the pound on the rent, raising an annual
revenue of 976_l_; of which 579_l._ were appropriated for the use of the
out door poor, leaving only 397_l._ for the maintenance of the Workhouse
and all other contingent expences. Thus the total expenditure of the
House was then only 397_l_; now it is 3496_l._ 3_s._ 5_d._—Then the total
annual expenditure for both the in-door and out-door poor was only
976_l_; now it is above 10,000_l._ {575a} Of course, the charge for the
maintenance of the poor is now become a very serious matter, and even a
heavy and grievous burden to many of the inhabitants.
Our poor rates have arrived at their present unexampled height under the
_new_ heaven-born _poor-law_, which was to be the prolific parent of so
many inestimable blessings to the town; not one of which, alas! has yet
been, or is ever likely to be realized. This memorable law, and its
worthy twin-sister, the _paving law_, have been already productive of
incalculable mischief. The vast additional burden which they have
brought upon the inhabitants has lessened the value of houses 15 or 20
per cent, and multiplied the number of untenanted dwellings to five or
six score, at least. {575b} Nor is it possible at present to calculate
how far the evil will or may extend. For such a town as this to contain
a large and increasing number of empty houses must certainly have a very
dark and unpropitious appearance, and is utterly repugnant to every idea
of our being at present in a flourishing or prosperous condition. {576a}
When it was made to appear that the poor rates of Lynn amounted to
nearly, if not quite, as much as those of _Hull_ and _Exeter_, places
three times its population, it was impossible to avoid suspecting the
existence of some sad mismanagement, if not also of most foul and
criminal misdoings. The same suspicion was not likely to be lessened,
but rather to issue in full conviction, when it was discovered, that the
maintenance of each pauper in this workhouse, or hospital, costs even
more than that of each pensioner in _Greenwich Hospital_, {576b} and
twice or thrice as much as that of each pauper in some, if not all, of
the most noted and respectable workhouses, or poorhouses in the kingdom.
That the report of these circumstances, with the increasing pressure of
the rates, should excite a spirit of mistrust, inquiry, and investigation
in the town, was no more than what might naturally be expected. It
accordingly did so happen: and the result proved that the previous
suspicious were not groundless.
In the course of the investigation, _Butcher’s Meat_ appeared to be here
consumed in such unusual quantities {577a} as are utterly irreconcilable
with any and every idea of economy and good management: and in the
article of _Cheese_ the consumption appeared to be still more palpably
disproportionate, unexampled, and excessive; so as to set the wisdom and
competency of our managers in a very unfavourable and unseemly point of
view.—This the reader will easily perceive, when he is told, that it
costs in this house, for cheese alone, between 4 and 5_l._ a week, or
that there is consumed here weekly no less than 1 Cwt. of that article.
That this is out of all proportion to what is usual in other Poor-houses,
will appear from the following statement, extracted from Mr.
Grisenthwaite late publication. {577b}
At the _Norwich_ Poor-houses, among 1343 persons, during one of the late
years of scarcity, the annual expence for _cheese_ was 135_l._ 2_s._
5_d._—At _Shrewsbury_, among 274 persons, (in 1801, if we are not
mistaken,) the annual expence for the same article was 56_l._ 2_s._
4_d._—At _Hull_, in 1808, (number of persons not mentioned, but
doubtless, not fewer than those in our Poor-house,) the annual expence
for the said article was 29_l._ 16_s._—At _Lynn_, the same year, among
200 persons, for that article, 226_l._ 8_s._—At the same town, among
about the same number of persons, for the last year, (1809,) the annual
expence for that very article amounted to the still more enormous sum of
259_l._ 15_s._ 11_d._ {578a}—If we go on at this rate, we shall soon have
3 or 400_l._ a year to pay _for cheese only_, for the use of our
Workhouse; a sum equal to what the whole of that establishment cost
_forty years ago_. {578b}
The statement here following will shew the respective and total amount of
the expence of the other articles consumed in this house within the last
year, with the proportion they bore to the single article above
specified.—The _Butter_ used in this house for the whole year cost 30_l._
11_s._ l_d._—The _Milk_ 33_l._ 14_s._ 2_d._—_Potatoes_ 37_l._
2_s._—_Oatmeal_ and _Peas_ 56_l._ 6_s._ [Total 157_l._ 13_s._ 3_d._]
That the sum total of the expence for the above four, or rather _five_
articles, should fall short above 100_l._ of what it cost for cheese
only, must surely be very strange: and yet it appears not to be more
strange than true. The whole year’s expence for _Grocery_ was 158_l._
1_s._ 7_d._—And for _Beer_, 157_l._ 7_s._—Here also it may be thought not
a little remarkable, that the _Grocery_ and even the _Beverage_ used here
should so much fall short of the _Cheese_ as each of them not to amount
to very much above half the expence of that article. Of the two most
important articles, _Flour_ and _Meat_, (the only two which exceeded the
expence of _cheese_!) the former, including _Bread_, cost 1001_l._ 10_s._
9_d._ {579a}—and the latter, (_Meat_,) cost 1110_l._—_Coals_ cost 134_l._
5_s._ 10_d._—_Turf_ 9_l._ 3_s._—_Oil_ 8_l._ 4_s._—The total expenditure
of the house for the whole year, including sundry other articles, with
repairs, &c. 3496_l._ 3_s._ 5_d._ {579b}—and with the disbursements to
the out-door pensioners, the entire expenditure, up to the end of last
January, as was before observed, appeared to amount to 10,243_l._ 10_s._
3_d._: {579c} an enormous sum, surely, for a town that does not contain
11,000 inhabitants, or any manufacture, or even any trade _now_, of much
consequence, except the _coal trade_. Under these circumstances, such a
rapid and vast increase of poor, and of the poor rates, must amount to an
irrefragable proof, that we are now in a state of actual and fast
declension, whatever some people may insinuate, or pretend to the
contrary. But the more evident this declension is, the more incumbent it
must be on those who have the management of our affairs to observe the
utmost economy, and spare as much as possible the industrious and lower
orders of the community, who can so ill bear the burden of additional
charges. Whether they have hitherto ever thought of this, or not, it
seems to be now high time that it should occupy its full share of their
attention. {580a}
It has also been thought, or rather suspected, that our distributers of
parochial relief do not always distribute or administer that relief with
judgment and discrimination, or even with a scrupulous or due regard to
justice and impartiality: and such statements as the following might be
supposed to afford some colour or countenance to such suspicions—
“_Weekly allowances_—To a man and wife and 5 children, 2_s._ 6_d._
To a young woman, aged 24, and one child 2_s._—To a man and wife near
70 years of age, 1_s._ To a single woman, aged 19, 2_s._ 6_d._—To a
widow, aged 76, 2_s._ To a single woman, aged 31, 2_s._ 6_d._—To a
widow, aged 78, 2_s._ To a single woman, aged 22, 1_s._ 6_d._—To an
aged woman, 102 years old, 2_s._ 6_d._ To a widow, aged 48, 3_s._
6_d._—To a widow, aged 38, with 3 children, 3_s._ To a single woman,
aged 36, 2_s._ 6_d._” {580b}
Such a Statement, which may be taken as a sample, or specimen of our
out-door distributions, has something like partiality, or
inconsiderateness, marked on its very forehead.—“Kisses,” according to
the old adage, “go by favour;” and so, it is to be feared, do our
out-door parochial allowances, in too many instances. But upon this
topic we will not now enlarge, as we may have occasion hereafter to
resume the subject, in the latter part of the work. {581a}
At this time (July 1810) a revolution, or new arrangement is said to be
actually taking place among our indoor-pensioners, or in the management
of St. James’s Hospital, from which very important benefits are expected
soon to result: and it is much to be wished that the event may correspond
with the present expectations. The household expences have been already,
it seems much reduced, {581b} without the least detriment to the poor
inmates; and we hear, that the plan is to be followed up with the
strictest attention to sound and rigid economy. The present state of the
town certainly requires it, and those who have come forward on this
occasion seem to be very much in earnest; but it remains to be seen how
far our present hopes and expectations will be realized, or whether,
after all, we are not destined to be, in this case, as we have been in
many others, the miserable victims of delusion and disappointment. {581c}
With very little propriety, especially of late years, has our St. James’s
Hospital been called a _Work_-house: it might full as well, and even
better, have been called a _play_-house; for it is certain that there is
more _play_ than _work_ going on there. Among its 200 pensioners, one
half, at least, may be supposed capable of doing some, and even a great
deal of work: and yet all their earnings during all the last year
amounted to no more than 170_l._ 1_s._ 5_d._ which was at the rate of
_little more than a penny a day_. The work, therefore, done by the
numerous residents in this house is scarcely worth mentioning, except for
the purpose of exhibiting the palpable neglect and mismanagement of the
conductors, and their utter incompetency for the charge which they have
undertaken. As things have stood hitherto, this house has been little
better than a nest of sloth, or an asylum for idleness; where young and
strong paupers are so treated as if it were actually wished and intended
to unfit them, as much as possible, for any future use or employment in
society, or as if their admission here had been meant for their ruin, and
not for their relief and benefit—Care, certainly, ought to be taken, that
the children, and youth, and hale people, in our poor-houses, be inured
to habits of industry, as well as provided with food and raiment;
otherwise, the succour afforded will be most materially defective.
The foregoing narration, it is presumed, will enable the reader to form a
pretty accurate and adequate idea, of the history of this notable house,
from its first erection, or foundation, in the reign of king Stephen, or
that of his successor, to the present time. At first, as has been shewn,
it was a chapel, or place of worship, of no small consideration in the
town, being little inferior to St. Nicholas’ chapel, or even St.
Margaret’s church, and continued to be so till the reformation, when it
was unaccountably desecrated, and most of it pulled down. After which,
it was appropriated successively to different uses, till it became the
poor-house of St. Margaret’s parish, and the general work-house of the
town, with the annexation, of late years, of extensive new buildings.
This is its state at present: but how long it may so continue, it is
impossible to say, as we can see but little into futurity. How far the
recent change and expected reform will realize or disappoint our hopes,
must be left at present among the mysteries. Time is the only revealer
of such secrets. We will now take our leave of St. James’s Chapel and
Hospital, and proceed to other matters, somewhat less connected with the
affairs of the present generation.
CHAP. VII.
Brief biographical notices of the most remarkable or distinguished
personages that appeared among the inhabitants of Lynn, in the
intervening period between the Conquest and the Reformation.
During the period now under consideration, it is not known that many
eminently distinguished, or very memorable characters appeared among the
inhabitants of this town, full as it was, in the mean time, of
ecclesiastics or priests, and monks or friars of different orders, among
whom was usually confined all the little knowledge and learning that did
then exist in the nation. But though the population of Lynn, during the
said period, did not abound in characters of the above description, yet
it does not appear to have been altogether destitute of them. The names
of several have been preserved, who seem to have made in their day no
mean figure among their most enlightened contemporaries; of whom the
following were, perhaps, the most estimable and worthy of remembrance.
1. NICHOLAS DE LENNA, or _Nicholas of Lynn_. He was a native of this
town, and flourished in the reign of Edward III. He was educated at
Oxford, where his literary proficiency may be supposed to have been very
considerable, as he afterwards appeared to exceed most of his fellows,
especially in some rare studies and distinguishing departments. To him
is supposed chiefly to apply that observation of _Voltaire_, in his Essay
on Universal History, (vol. 3. pp. 182, 183.) “That the first [in
Europe] who certainly made use of the _compass_ were the English, in the
reign of Edward III.” {586a} _Hackluyt_, in his Voyages, makes
particular and honourable mention of him, observing, that Nicholas de
Lenna, an excellent musician, mathematician, and astrologer, bred at
Oxford, after having applied his studies chiefly to astronomy, by the
help of his Astrolabe, {586b} made six voyages to the North seas, of
which he published an account, in a book entitled “_Inventio Fortunata_
(_aliter Fortunæ_,) _qui liber incipit a gradu_ 54 _usq_; _ad polum_.”
In the first (which seems to have taken place as early as 1330) he sailed
from Lynn to Iceland, with Company, whom he left on the sea-coast, while
he himself travelled up into the island in search of discoveries. He
presented his charts of the northern seas, at his return, (from his last
voyage, we may suppose) to Edward III, in 1360; and they were afterwards
made use of in the reign of Henry VI, and probably much later. He died
in 1369, and was buried at Lynn. We are told that he was much esteemed
by his celebrated contemporary _Chaucer_, who styled him ‘Frere Nicholas
Linn, a reverend clerke.’
Like the great _Roger Bacon_, who lived about half a century before him,
Nicholas belonged to the religious order of _Grey Friars_, or
Franciscans, otherwise called Cordeliers, and minor brethren. {587} One
is apt to forget or overlook, in some measure, the extravagances of the
order, in the contemplation of its being capable of producing, and that
it actually did produce such men as these. As Nicholas is supposed to
have spent the most part of his time at Lynn, among the brethren of his
order, it may very naturally and reasonably be concluded, or supposed,
that the _Grey Friars’ tower_, which is still standing, was often used by
him, as an _observatory_, in the course of his astronomical studies here;
which may suggest no despicable reason for preserving that ancient ruin
from the ravages of time, and keeping it up as long as possible. The
repair which it lately underwent must be creditable to the feelings of
those by whom it was promoted. It may seem somewhat odd and remarkable
that it has stood so long, and still exists, the last and only remain of
our numerous monasteries and conventual towers; (though, perhaps, from
the slightness of its structure, the most unlikely of any of them to
survive;) as if time, or providence had favoured its preservation, by way
of approval of the useful purposes to which it had been once
appropriated, or in honour of the memory of him who so laudably occupied
it, and was so eminent a benefactor to his country. Much stress,
however, is not meant to be laid on these ideas: yet we cannot help
thinking that this supposed, or presumed and probable observatory of our
ancient astronomer and navigator is entitled to some real and lasting
respect from the enlightened part of our population.
It has been already observed that our worthy and respectable townsman,
the subject of this brief memoir, died in 1369, and was buried here, [in
the church, or dormitory of the Grey Friars, in all probability;] but at
what age, does not appear: yet if his first voyage took place in 1330, as
it is said, he must have lived to be pretty far advanced in years; it
being not probable that he was less than thirty when he set out on that
voyage. Between the first and sixth, or last of his voyages there seem
to have been nearly if not quite thirty years. They were all apparently
voyages of discovery and experiment, and for improvement in the art and
knowledge of navigation, and proved, no doubt, of no small advantage and
benefit to his countrymen. It is much to be wished that a particular
account of them had been preserved, which could not fail of being very
interesting; but as such an account is not known to exist, our wishing
for it must be all vain and useless. Any records which our worthy
voyager might leave behind him have probably perished long ago; but we
have from other sources sufficient proofs that he must have been in his
day an extraordinary man, greatly distinguished as a mathematician and
astronomer, and especially as a navigator. He and the person whose name
next follows may pretty safely be deemed the two most eminent characters
that appeared among our townsmen, during the long period of which we are
now treating, or, perhaps, during any other period.
2. WILLIAM SAWTRE, or _Salter_, otherwise _Sawtry_, _Chawtrey_ and
_Chatris_, and commonly called _Sir_ William Sawtre, &c. it being usual
in those days, and long after, to prefix that title to the names of a
certain description of ecclesiastics. He is rendered peculiarly
memorable as the English _proto-martyr_; it being generally agreed that
he was the first Englishman that was burnt for his religion. We have no
authority to say of Sautre, as we did of Nicholas, that he was born here.
The place of his birth, as far as we know, has been no where mentioned.
It appears that he took up his residence and settled here, as parish
priest of St. Margaret’s, in the time of bishop _Spencer_, of fighting,
crusading, and persecuting memory; and that he was afterwards suspected
and found to be a _Lollard_ or _Wickliffite_, {590} which meant pretty
much the same with what we call being a _protestant_, but was then
deemed, by the rulers, in church and state, a very grievous offence, and
even a most shocking, pestilent, damnable, and insufferable heresy. The
defection of Sawtre, from the established or national faith, roused his
ecclesiastical superiors, and he was cited to appear before his haughty
and furious diocesan, at his palace of south Helingham; which accordingly
he did, on the last day of April, and the first of May 1399. In the mean
time he appears to have undergone a long and strict examination, in the
chapel belonging to the said episcopal palace, before the bishop, the
archdeacon of Norwich, and divers others, consisting of doctors, divines,
and notaries. It also appears that he was then so far from being ashamed
of the opinions he had espoused, or intimidated by the danger to which
they might expose him, that he did not at all scruple or hesitate to avow
and defend them. This we may be sure, did not please and conciliate his
examiners, or promote and facilitate his acquittal and liberation.
We are not particularly informed how he was disposed of immediately after
this examination: but it seems pretty certain, that he then became a
close prisoner in some place of confinement within the precincts of the
said episcopal palace. A prison, for reputed heretics and other
delinquents, was formerly considered among the necessary appendages to a
prelatical mansion or residence: and it cannot be supposed, considering
the character of bishop Spencer, but that a very complete one was then to
be found at South Helingham. In a complete episcopal prison there was
usually, it seems, a cell, called _Little-Ease_; which was a small hole,
so constructed, that the person there immured could neither stand
upright, lie straight, sit comfortably, or enjoy any degree of ease: in
short, it was designed as a place of torment, where the sufferer was to
be continually tortured, and deprived, as much as possible, of every
thing that could render his situation in any degree tolerable or
supportable. This diabolically ingenious contrivance could scarcely fail
of answering the purpose of its inventors, as it seems to have been most
admirably adapted for taming, subduing, and breaking the spirits of
reputed heretics and religious free thinkers: few of whom, it is
presumed, could stand such an ordeal, or terrible test, for any length of
time. The romish hierarchy must have been tremendously formidable, when
its prelates had such prisons in their own houses, and were empowered to
confine there any that dissented from the church, or objected to its
tenets and observances. {592}
That there was such a place of incarceration and torture then attached to
the episcopal palace of South Helingham, seems highly probable; and if
there were, there can be no doubt but that Sawtre was there confined from
the first to the nineteenth day of the month last mentioned.—That he
underwent some very severe treatment, in the meantime, seems morally
certain, as the remarkable change in his conduct, at the close of that
interval, cannot be reasonably or well accounted for on any other ground
or supposition. {593} On the _first_ of May he resolutely avowed and
defended the obnoxious opinions imputed to him, but on the _nineteenth_
of the same month, the next time he was brought before his judges, he
appeared ready to relinquish them all, and pronounce his recantation.
There is no reason to think that his opinions had now undergone any
change, or that he had become really convinced of their falsity or
untenableness; for he appeared, almost immediately after, to be as fully
persuaded as ever of their truth and importance. It was evidently the
state of his mind that had experienced a change: his fears had got the
better of his firmness, and he no longer possessed that fortitude and
boldness which he had at first displayed. Torturing severities have
often made people deny their principles, and deny, or confess, any thing
that their tormentors required. On this ground (and on no other that we
know of) can we account for Sawtre’s change and subsequent recantation.
It was determined, by the bishop and his coadjutors, that Sawtre should
publicly pronounce his recantation at different places—in order, perhaps,
the more effectually to expose and humble him, and so prevent his ever
daring again to broach his recanted tenets in these parts. They probably
suspected his sincerity, and were resolved to render their triumph over
him as complete as possible.—The obnoxious things, or enormities laid to
his charge were chiefly and substantially comprised under the following
heads—That the Cross on which Christ suffered was not a fit object of
worship—That it was more reasonable to worship a temporal prince than
that wooden cross—That the worship of angels is unlawful, even more so
than the worship of holy or truly good men—That going on pilgrimage is
useless, and that vows for that purpose are not binding, and that the
money so expended had better be bestowed in alms to the poor—That priests
are more bound to preach the word of God than to say their mattins, or
observe the canonical hours—and that, after the sacramental words are
pronounced, the bread remaineth the same as before, and so does not cease
to be bread, or undergo a transubstantiation.—It was a sad time when
people held these opinions at the risk of their lives!
On the first two days, as has been already observed, Sawtre openly avowed
the said articles, and boldly defended them; but at his next appearance,
after eighteen days of close confinement and severe sufferings, as we may
reasonably presume, he seemed quite an altered man, ready to retract all
he had before affirmed and maintained: which may be easily accounted for
on the ground before suggested. How many times, or at how many places
the bishop now required and obliged him to publish, or pronounce his
recantation, it is not very easy to discover. We find it to have been
done at South Helingham, and we are assured that it was also done in the
parish churches of _Lynn_ and _Tilney_, and in other places.—_Fox_ has
preserved a curious document relating to this affair, being the bishop’s
account of the whole process, drawn up by order of archbishop Arundel,
and transmitted to him, when Sawtre was taken up the last time, and tried
before him and his clergy, assembled in convocation, at the Chapter House
of St. Paul’s, in February, 1400, as they reckoned, but 1401, according
to our reckoning.—That account, or document is as follows—
“_Memorandum_, That upon the last day of Aprill, in the yeere of our
Lord 1399, in the 7. indiction, and 10 yeere of the papacie of pope
Boniface the 2. in a certain chamber within the manor-house of the
said bishop of Norwich at South Helingham (where the register of the
said bishop is kept) before the 9. houre, in a certain chapell within
the said manor situate, and the first day of May then next and
immediately insuing, in the foresaid chamber Sir W. Chawtris, parish
priest of the church of S. Margaret in the towne of Lin, appeared
before the bishop of Norwich, in the presence of John de Derlington,
archdeacon of Norwich, doctor of the decrees, frier Walter Disse, and
John Rickinghall, professors in divinity, William Carlton, doctor of
both lawes, and William Friseby, with Hugh Bridham, publike notaries,
and there publikely affirmed and held the conclusions, as before is
specified.—All and singular the premisses the forsaid William
affirmeth upon mature deliberation. And afterwards, to wit, the 19.
day of May in the yeere, indiction, and papacie aforesaid, in the
chappell within the manor-house of the said Henry bishop of Norwich,
situate at South Helingham, the foresaid Sir William revoked and
renounced all and singular the foresaid his conclusions; abjuring and
correcting all such heresies and errors, taking his oath upon a book
before the said Henry, the bishop of Norwich, that from that time
forward he would never preach, affirm, nor hold privily nor apertly,
the foresaid conclusions; and that he would pronounce, according to
the appointment of the said bishop, the foresaid conclusions to be
erroneous and heresies, in the parish churches of Lin and Tilney, and
in other places at the assignment of the said bishop; and further
sware, that he would stand to the ordinance of the said bishop
touching the premisses, in the presence of the discreet and
worshipfull men afore-recited, with divers other moe.—As concerning
the first conclusion, that he said he would not worship the cross &c.
he confessed himself to have erred, and that the article was
erroneous, and submitted himselfe. And as touching the second
article, that he said, he would rather worship a king, &c. he
confessed himself to have erred, and the article to be erroneous, and
submitted himselfe, and soforth of all the rest.—Then next after
this, upon the 25. day of May, in the yeere of our Lord aforesaid, in
the _Church yard of the Chappell of St. James_, within the towne of
Lin, the foresaid William, in the presence of the foresaid bishop and
clergy, and the people of the said towne of Lin standing round about,
publikely declared in the English tongue, the foresaid conclusions to
be erroneous and heresies, as was contained in a certain scrole.
{597} And after this, the 26. day of May, in the yeere above said in
the _Church of the Hospital of S. John’s_, in the towne of Lin, the
said Sir William, before the said bishop sitting as judge, sware and
took his oath upon the holy Evangelists, that he would never after
that time preach openly and publikely the foresaid conclusions, nor
would heare the confessions of any of his subjects of his diocesse of
Norwich without the speciall license of the said bishop, &c. In the
presence of frier John Smermen, M. John Rickinghall doctor of
divinity, W. Carlton doctor of both lawes, and Thomas Bulton officer
of the liberty of Lin aforesaid, with divers others.” {598}
Such was the account, or statement of his former process against Sawtre,
which bishop Spencer delivered to his metropolitan, Arundel. Not the
least hint is here given, how the reputed heretic had been treated, or
was disposed of, during the interval between his first and last
examination. Had his renunciation of his obnoxious tenets been brought
about by mere argument, or rational persuasion, it would, doubtless, have
been mentioned by way of triumph, or boasting: but having been the effect
of extreme severity or cruel treatment (as was above suggested) it was
very natural to pass it over in silence, for it was not capable of
yielding any manner of credit to the parties concerned, or give them a
plausible pretence to make a merit of it. This silence therefore
evidently and strongly corroborates, if it do not also satisfactorily
establish, what was before advanced or suggested on this head.
After Sawtre had gone quite through this irksome and humiliating process
of recantation, it might be expected that he would not think of tarrying
much longer in these parts: he, accordingly, appears to have quitted Lynn
shortly after, and obtained the situation of parish-priest, or minister
of _St. Osith_, in London. {599} This would seem to indicate, that his
character was still deemed respectable, and had not suffered so much by
the late event as some might expect. He had also, probably, some good
and powerful friends, who now interested themselves very warmly and
effectually in his behalf. However that was, he really did, as far as we
can discover, obtain the said situation without opposition or difficulty.
But he soon appeared to be so far from having abandoned his former
principles, that he was still, in fact, as much a Lollard and heretic as
ever: and his late miscarriage seems to have operated so as both to
confirm him in those principles and also to arm him with boldness and
courage to maintain them against all gainsayers, and in the face of every
future danger or opposition.
Like that of the rest of his party, (the Lollards,) Sawtre’s heresy seems
to have been of a twofold nature; partly religious, and partly political;
which must have rendered him doubly odious to the ruling powers: and as
he proved a relapsed, confirmed, and irreclaimable heretic, we need not
wonder that he should be made to feel the whole and overwhelming weight
of their indignation and vengeance. The affairs of this country were
then, as at some subsequent periods, most wretchedly situated. Every
thing, both in church and state, might be said to be lamentably in the
wrong: and Sawtre appears to have been earnestly desirous of having them
thoroughly reformed and rectified. He may therefore be considered, if
not as the Sir _William Jones_, {600} the _Sir Francis Burdett_, or the
_Major Cartwright_, yet, at least, or rather, as the _Christopher Wyvill_
of that time. Men of that sort, though ever so honest, virtuous,
enlightened, or respectable, are always viewed with an evil eye, and
deemed to be dangerous characters by the interested and unprincipled
agents and abettors of ecclesiastical and political corruption. It is no
wonder, therefore, that a most horrible outcry was raised against this
man throughout the whole camp and borders of those philistines.
Sawtre had formed an important plan for the benefit of his oppressed
country, and intended to lay it immediately before parliament. The
design got wind, and the high priests, in particular, with archbishop
_Arundel_ at their head, were instantly alarmed, as the project, had it
succeeded, would have deeply affected them: and in order effectually to
frustrate the reformer’s object, they so managed, that the affair should
not go before parliament, but be referred to the _convocation_, which was
then sitting. From that assembly no good could be expected to result.
Patriots and reformers were there objects of utter aversion; and any one
might see that poor Sawtre had no longer any chance of bringing his
project to a successful issue, or even of escaping with his life. He was
accordingly brought before that ecclesiastical tribunal, and the result
will be seen by the sequel. This was about the middle of February 1401,
or 1400, according to their reckoning; for they placed that month near
the close of the year, which, with them, ended on the 25th of March.
The story of Sawtre is thus introduced by Fox—
“The next yeere after followed a parliament holden at Westminster:”
[i.e. in 1400; for he has also, like his predecessors, assigned
February to the preceding year:] “in which parliament one William
Sautre, a good man and a faithfull priest, inflamed with zeale of
true religion, required he might be heard for the commodity of the
whole realme. But the matter being smelt before by the bishops, they
obtained that the matter should be referred to the convocation; where
the said William Sautre being brought before the bishops and notaries
thereunto appointed, the convocation was deferred to the Saturday
next ensuing. When Saturday was come, that is to say, the twelfth
day of February, Thomas Arundell archbishop of Canterbury, in the
presence of his councell provinciall, being assembled in the said
chapter-house [i.e. that of St. Paul’s] against one Sir William
Sautre, otherwise called Chatris chaplaine, personally then and there
appearing by the commandment of the aforesaid archbishop of
Canterbury, objected; that the said William before the bishop of
Norwich had once renounced and abjured divers and sundry conclusions
hereticall and erroneous; and that after such abjuration made, he
publicly and privily held, taught, and preached th same conclusions,
or else such like, disagreeing to the catholic faith, and to the
great perill and pernicious example of others. And after this he
caused such like conclusions holden and preached, as is said, by the
said Sir William without renunciation, then and thereto be read unto
the said archbishop, by master Robert Hall, chancellor unto the said
bishop, in a certain scrole written, in tenor of words as
followeth—“Sir William Chatris, otherwise called Sautre, parish
priest of the church of Saint Scithe [Osith] the virgin in London,
publikely and privily doth hold these conclusions under
written—_Imprimis_, he saith, that he will not worship the crosse on
which Christ suffered, but only Christ that suffered upon the
crosse—2. _Item_, That he would sooner worship a temporall king,
than the foresaid woodden crosse—3. _Item_, That he would rather
worship the bodies of the saints than the very crosse of Christ on
which he hung, if it were before him.—4. _Item_, That he would
rather worship a man truly contrite, than the crosse of Christ.—5.
_Item_, That he is bound rather to worship a man that is
predestinate, than an angell of God.—6. _Item_, That if any man
would visit the monuments of Peter and Paul, or go on pilgrimage to
the Tombe of Saint Thomas, or else any whither else, for the
obtaining of any temporall benefit; he a not bound to keep his vow,
but he may distribute the expences of his vow upon the almes of the
poore.—7. _Item_, That every priest and deacon is more bound preach
the word of God, than to say the canonicall houres—8. _Item_, That
alter the pronouncing of the sacramentall words of the body of
Christ, the bread remaineth of the same nature that it was before,
neither doth it cease to be bread.” {603}
These articles or charges being publicly read and exhibited, the
archbishop then called upon Sawtre to answer to them; but he desired that
he might first have a copy of them, and that sufficient time might be
allowed him to prepare his answer and defence. A Copy was accordingly
delivered to him, and the next Thursday was then fixed upon for him again
to appear before his judges. But on that day, owing, it seems, to the
archbishop’s being then necessarily engaged in the parliament-house, the
business was adjourned till the next morning at eight o’clock. The
convocation, or rather its upper house, being then assembled, Sawtre
appeared again before them, and produced a written defence, and answer to
those articles, which were then publicly read by Robert Hall, before
mentioned. He no longer thought of retracting, as he had done near two
years before, at Lynn and other places. On the contrary, he now openly
avowed his principles, and appeared neither afraid nor ashamed to defend
them. It is therefore, not to be wondered that the writing, or answer,
which he laid before them, and which was now publicly read in their
hearing, proved no way satisfactory or conciliating.
After the said Robert Hall had read that paper, or answer, aloud, in the
audience of the Convocation, the archbishop, being dissatisfied with the
contents, proceeded to question Sawtre on what he deemed the most
material points, which chiefly related to the doctrine of
transubstantiation. Among his questions were the following—{604}
“Whether in the Sacrament of the altar, after the pronouncing of the
Sacramentall words, remaineth very materiall bread, or not?—Whether
in the sacrament after the sacramentall words, rightly pronounced of
the priest, the same bread remaineth, which did before the words
pronounced, or not?—Whether the same materiall bread before
consecration, by the sacramentall words of the priest rightly
pronounced, be transubstantiated from the nature of bread into the
very body of Christ, or not?”
To none of these interrogatories did the prisoner return an orthodox or
satisfactory answer. His answers being therefore deemed insufficient,
and the day, probably, too far gone to finish the examination at that
time, it was thought proper to adjourn the business till the next day.
Of what then occurred Fox gives the following account.
“Then the said archbishop assigned unto the said Sir William time to
deliberate, and more fully to make his answer till the next day; and
continued this convocation then and there till the morrow. Which
morrow, to wit, the 19th day of February, being come, the foresaid
archbishop of Canterbury, in the said chapter house of St. Paul in
London, before his councell provinciall then and there assembled,
specially asked and examined the same Sir W. Sautre, there personally
present, upon the sacrament of the altar, as before. And the same
Sir William again, in like manner as before, answered. After this
amongst other things the said bishop demanded of the same William, if
the same materiall bread being upon the altar, after the sacramentall
words being of the priest rightly pronounced, is transubstantiated
into the very body of Christ, or not? And the said Sir William said,
he understood not what he meant. Then the said archbishop demanded,
whether that materiall bread being round and white, prepared and
disposed for the sacrament of the body of Christ upon the altar,
wanting nothing that is meet and requisite thereunto, by the virtue
of the sacramentall words being of the priest rightly pronounced, be
altered and changed into the very body of Christ, and ceaseth any
more to be materiall and very bread, or not? Then the said Sir
William, deridingly {605} answering, said he could not tell.”
“Then consequently the said archbishop demanded, whether he would
stand to the determination of the holy church, or not, which
affirmeth that in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of
consecration being rightly pronounced of the priest, the same bread,
which before in nature was bread, ceaseth any more to be bread? To
this interrogation the said Sir William said, that he would stand to
the determination of the church, where such determination was not
contrary to the will of God. This done, he demanded of him againe,
what his judgement was concerning the sacrament of the altar: who
said and affirmed, that after the words of consecration, by the
priest duly pronounced, there remained very bread, and the same bread
which was before the words spoken.”—This examination commenced at
eight o’clock in the morning, and lasted about three hours: and as
the prisoner would not now retract, or recede from his Lollardism,
and receive what was called _Catholic information_, but chose to
persist, at all events, in his own way of thinking, the archbishop,
as we are told, “by the counsell and assent of his whole covent then
and there present, did promulgate and give sentence by the mouth of
Robert Hall, against the same Sir William, being personally present,
and refusing to revoke his heresies, but constantly defended the
same.” {606}
After passing the said sentence, an adjournment took place, till the week
after, when the prisoner was again brought before them, two or three
different times. On the Wednesday they read to him bishop Spencer’s
statement of his process against him, near two years before. The
archbishop and divers others now reproached him for holding opinions
which he had before abjured; as if it were a mighty crime for a man,
after having been once so weak as to renounce or abjure the truth,
afterwards to repent and embrace it—or, after having once been so
overseen as to resign the right of private judgment, ever any more to
think of resuming it! As all the stratagems and means they could use
proved now too feeble to shake him from his integrity, or induce him to
sacrifice his conscience to their unrighteous and infernal pleasure, they
resolved he should be forthwith degraded: and a sentence of degradation
{607} was accordingly passed upon him that same day. The execution of
this sentence was deferred till the Friday following; and as the
archbishop could not then attend, owing to his detention in parliament,
it was further deferred till the morrow after. They then proceeded to
business in good earnest, and a most curious process it certainly
was—They first deprived him of his _priest’s order_, next of his
_deacon’s order_, next of his _subdeacon’s order_, then of his _acolyte’s
order_, then of his _exorcist_, or _holy-water-clerk’s order_, then of
his _reader’s order_, then of his _sexton’s order_, and finally, of his
_privilege of clergy_: in token of which his tonsure was erased, a
layman’s cap put on his head, and himself so entirely secularized, or
reduced to the state of a lay person, as if he had never been in orders.
All this was certainly absurd enough; {608} but as it was also very
curious, we shall here give it more circumstantially, in the words of the
historian so often referred to in these pages—
Upon Saturday, being the 26th. of February, the said archbishop of
Canterbury sate in the bishop’s seat of the foresaid church of St.
Paul, in London, and solemnly apparelled in his pontificall attire,
sitting with him as his assistants these reverend fathers and
bishops, of London, Lincolne, Hereford, Exeter, _Menevensis &
Roffensis episcopi_, [i.e. the bishops of St. Davids and Rochester]
above mentioned, commanded and caused the said Sir William Sautre,
apparelled in priestly vestments, to be brought and appeare before
him. That done, he declared and expounded in English to all the
clergy and people, there in a great multitude assembled; that all
processe way finished and ended against the said Sir W. Sautre.
Which thing finished, before the pronouncing of the said sentence of
the relapse against the said Sir William, as is premised, he often
then and there recited and read. And for that he saw the said
William in that behalf _nothing abashed_; he proceeded to his
degradation and actual deposition in forme as followeth.
_In the Name of the Father_, _and of the Son_, _and of the Holy
Ghost_. {610} We Thomas by God’s permission archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of all England, and Legate of the apostolike Sea,
do denounce thee William Sautre, otherwise called Chautris,
_chaplaine fained_, in the habite and apparell of a priest, as an
heretike, and one refallen into heresie, by this our sentence
definitive by councell, assent, and authority to be condemned, and by
conclusion of all our fellow brethren, fellow bishops, prelates
councell provinciall, and of the whole clergy, do degrade and
_deprive thee of thy priestly order_. And in sign of degradation and
actual deposition from thy priestly dignity, for thine
incorrigibility and want of amendment, we take from thee the _patent_
and _chalice_, and doe deprive thee of all power and authority of
celebrating the masse, and also we pull from thy backe the _casule_,
and take from thee the _vestment_, and deprive thee of all manner of
priestly honour.
Also, We Thomas, the aforesaid archbishop, by authority, counsell,
and assent, which upon the foresaid William we have, being _deacon
pretensed_, in the habit and apparell of a deacon, having the _New
Testament_ in thy hands, being an heretike, and twice fallen,
condemned by sentence as is aforesaid, do _degrade and put thee from
the order of a deacon_. And in token of this thy degradation and
actuall deposition, we take from thee the book of the _New
Testament_, and the _stole_, and do deprive thee of all authority in
reading of the gospel, and of all and all manner of dignity of a
deacon.
Also, we Thomas archbishop aforesaid, by authority counsell, and
assent, which over thee the foresaid William we have, being a
_subdeacon pretensed_, in the habit and vestment of a subdeacon, an
heretike, and twice fallen, condemned by sentence, as is aforesaid,
do _degrade and put thee from the order of subdeacon_; and in token
of this thy degradation and actuall deposition, we take from thee the
_albe_ and _maniple_, and do deprive thee of all and all manner of
subdiaconicall dignity.
Also, We Thomas archbishop aforesaid, by counsell, assent and
authority which we have over thee the foresaid William, an _Acolyte
pretensed_, wearing the habit of an acolyte, and heretike, twice
fallen, by our sentence, as is aforesaid, condemned, doe degrade and
put from thee all order of an acolyte; and in signe and token of this
thy degradation and actuall deposition, we take from thee the
_candlestick_ and _taper_, and also the _urceolum_, and do deprive
thee of all and all manner of dignity of an Acolyte.—Also, We Thomas
archbishop aforesaid, by assent, council, and authority, which upon
thee the foresaid William we have, an _Exorcist __pretensed_, in the
habite of an exorcist or holy water clerke, being an heretike, twice
fallen, and by our sentence, as is aforesaid, condemned, do _degrade
and depose thee from the order of an Exorcist_; and in token of this
thy degradation and actual deposition, we take from thee the _book of
conjurations_, and do deprive thee of all and singular dignity of an
exorcist.
Also, We Thomas archbishop aforesaid, by assent, counsell, and
authority, as is abovesaid, do degrade and depose thee the foresaid
William, _reader pretensed_, clothed in the habit of a reader, an
herctick, twice fallen, and by our sentence, as aforesaid, condemned,
from the order of a reader: and, in token of this thy degradation and
actual deposition, we take from thee the _book of the divine
lections_ (that is, the book of the church legend) and do deprive
thee of all and singular manner of dignity of such a reader.—Also, We
Thomas archbishop aforesaid, by authority, counsell, and assent, the
which we have, as is aforesaid, doe degrade, and put thee the
foresaid William Sawtre, _Sexton pretensed_, in the habit of a
sexton, and wearing a surplice, being an heretike, twice fallen, by
our sentence definitive condemned, as aforesaid, from the order of a
sexton: and, in token of this thy degradation and actual deposition,
for the causes aforesaid, we take from thee the _keyes of the church
doore_, and thy _surplice_, and do deprive thee of all and singular
manner of commodities of a doore-keeper.
Also, by the authority of omnipotent God, the Father, Son, and Holy
Ghost, and by our authority, counsell, and assent of our whole
councel provinciall above written, we do degrade thee, and depose
thee, being here personally present before us, from orders,
benefices, priviledges, and habit in the church; and for thy
pertinacy incorrigible we doe degrade thee _before the secular court
of the high constable and marshall of England_, being personally
present; and do depose thee from all and singular _clerkely honours
and dignities whatsoever_, by these writings. Also in token of thy
degradation and deposition, here actually we have _caused thy crowne
and ecclesiasticall tonsure in our presence to be rased away_, and
utterly to be abolished, like unto the form of a secular layman; and
here we do put upon the head of thee, the aforesaid William, the cap
of a lay secular person; beseeching the court aforesaid that they
will receive _favourably_ {613} the said William unto them thus
recommitted.
Having thus performed their part of this diabolical work, and delivered
the prisoner into the hands of the civil magistrate, “the bishops, not
yet contented, cease not, (says our historian) to call upon the king to
cause him to be brought forth to speedy execution. Whereupon the king,
ready enough, and too much, to gratifie the clergy, and to retaine their
favours, directeth out a terrible decree against the said William Sawtre,
and sent it to the maior and sheriffes of London to be put in execution.”
This terrible decree, or royal warrant for the prisoner’s execution, was
obtained, it seems, on the very day of his degradation, when the
convocation passed their final sentence and gave him up to the civil
power: so that there was here no time lost; and the closing scene, no
doubt, soon ensued. The royal decree, or warrant was as follows:
“_The decree of our sovereigne Lord the King and his Councell in
parliament_, _against a certain new sprung up heretick_. _To the
maior and sherifs of London_, &c. Whereas the reverend father,
Thomas archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England and legat of
the apostolike sea, by the assent, consent, and councill of other
bishops, and his brethren suffragans, and also of all the whole
clergy within his province or dioces, gathered together in his
provinciall councell, the due order of the law being observed in all
points in this behalfe, has pronounced and declared, by his
definitive sentence, William Sawtre sometime chaplaine, fallen again
into his most damnable heresie, the which before time the said
William had abjured, thereupon to be a most manifest heretick, and
therefore hath decreed that he should be degraded, and hath for the
same cause really degraded him from all prerogative and privilege of
the clergy, decreeing to leave him unto the secular power; and hath
really so left him, according to the laws and canonicall sanctions
set forth in his behalfe, and also that our holy mother the church
hath no further to do in the premisses: We therefore being zealous in
religion, {615a} and reverent lovers of the catholike faith, willing
and minding to maintaine and defend the holy church, and the lawes
and liberties of the same, to root all such errors and heresies out
of our kingdome of England, and with condigne punishment to correct
and punish all heretikes, or such as be convict; provided always that
both according to the law of God and man, and the canonicall
institutions in this behalfe accustomed, such heretikes convict and
condemned in forme aforesaid ought to be burned with fire: We command
you as straitly as we may, or can, firmely enjoyning you that you
cause the said William, being in your custody, in some publike or
open place within the liberties of your city aforesaid (the cause
aforesaid being published unto the people) to be put into the fire,
and there in the same fire really to be burned, to the great horrour
of his offence, and the manifest example of other christians. Fail
not in the execution hereof upon the perill that will fall
thereupon.” {615b}
This memorable warrant (dated 26th. of February) was, no doubt, speedily
executed: perhaps the very day on which it was issued. The death which
it orders or appoints for the alleged crime of heresy, or to which it
devotes the reputed offender, is supposed to distinguish it from all
other warrants that had ever been issued before by our English monarchs:
at least, there is not known to have been here, previously to this reign,
any law dooming adjudged heretics to the flames. Henry IV. therefore,
stands preeminent among our sovereigns as a promoter of the burning of
those whom the priests pronounced or denominated heretics. It is
remarkable enough that the poor lollards found such an enemy in him, who,
as well as his father, had long affected to be their great patron. But
it was all, probably, nothing but policy: neither father nor son can be
supposed ever to have been real lovers of either liberty or justice.
Henry’s accession to the throne (to which he had no right) disclosed his
true character; and he has been known ever since, as one of the worst of
our princes. Arundel and his brethren helped him to obtain and usurp the
crown, in hopes that he, in return, would help them in such affairs as
this of Sawtre: nor were they disappointed. They favoured his baseness
on that, and he favoured theirs, to the utmost extent of their wishes, on
this and on all similar occasions.
The execution of Sawtre was the first fruit of the new law for burning
heretics; and it was soon followed by an abundant harvest. The number of
those who were burnt for their religion in England whilst this execrable
law was in force, which was near 300 years, was enormously great. As
Sawtre stands at the head of those memorable confessors, it was thought
requisite to be somewhat particular and circumstantial in our account of
him. The sons of freedom will venerate his memory, while they detest and
execrate that of his crowned and mitred persecutors. Of our crowned
demons none could well exceed _Henry IV._ and of our mitred ones scarce
any ever did or could go beyond _Arundel and Spencer_. For Sawtre to
fall into such hands must truly have been a most sad and pitiable case.
It was like falling among thieves, or into a den of hungry lions.
It is pretty remarkable that the prisoner’s plan of reform, or intended
application to parliament was not allowed to come at all under the
discussion of the convocation; although they had pretended to take it
under their serious consideration, instead of its going before
parliament. But they knew better than to have done so, and took a much
shorter and surer course to gain their point and effect the reformer’s
ruin, by proceeding simply on a religious ground, and having him tried as
a relapsed heretic. So well did they know their business, and how to
avail themselves of all the advantages belonging to their exalted
situation.—We shall now take our leave of them, and also of William
Sawtre, whose memory we have here endeavoured to rescue from oblivion.
His being so distinguished a character among the then inhabitants of
Lynn, and, especially, his being the English porto-martyr, will, it is
presumed, sufficiently justify and apologize for the unusual length of
this article—and as it exhibits religious bigotry and intolerance in
their native deformity and hatefulness, it may be of use to those
individuals among us, of every denomination, who have not yet made any,
or much progress in the christian virtues of forbearance, candour, and
liberality.
3. ALAN, _Aleyne_, or _Allen of Lynn_, was, it seems a native of this
town, and contemporary with Sawtre, but a younger man, and long his
survivor, and so represented as flourishing about twenty years later. He
was evidently of a very different cast from him, and never gave himself
the least concern, as far as we know, about the politics of the time, or
the _reform_ of civil or ecclesiastical abuses. Perfectly regardless of
the oppressions of the rulers and the grievances of the people, he
employed his time in poring over the huge volumes of the Fathers and
Schoolmen, and writing indexes to them. We are told he made _indexes_ to
no less than 33 of those authors, among which were Augustin, Anselm, and
Aquinas. Such an employment, though of no real use or benefit to the
community, procured him the honour of being classed among the eminent
men, or literati of that age; and his name has been handed to posterity
as one of the distinguished characters which Lynn has produced. His
skill and industry in making those indexes might, no doubt, deserve
commendation, but can hardly be said to entitle him to any degree of
literary celebrity. He may be said therefore to have acquired more fame
than was fairly his due. But so it has often happened: while the merits
of some have been greatly underrated, those of others, on the contrary,
have been magnified beyond all reason and justice. Alan received his
education at Cambridge, where he obtained the degree of Doctor in
Divinity. He was of the order of Carmelites, or White Friars, and
therefore his residence here must have been at their great house, or
convent in South Lynn. How long he resided there cannot now be said. We
are told that he died about the year 1428, and was buried at Lynn. The
place of his burial, no doubt, was the dormitory of his own convent,
situated on that spot in South Lynn now called the _Friars_.
4. WILLIAM WALLYS. He was cotemporary with the last, and like him one
of our Lynn friars, but of the augustinian order. He was not, like the
former a mere reader, and maker of indexes, but a real author, and is
said to have written many books; but their titles and contents are no
longer remembered or known. They might be on interesting subjects, and
those subjects might there be handled in a judicious and masterly manner;
or they might not. However that was, and whatever they were, it seems
they have long ago perished, like innumerable other works, no less
valuable and worthy of preservation; and, perhaps, much more so. But his
name, has been preserved, as one of the eminent Lynn men of former times.
How long he resided here, we are not informed; but we are told that he
died in 1421; and we may presume that he was buried in the convent or
dormitory of the Austin friars, which stood behind the house now
inhabited by Mr. Rishton. He must have been eminent in his day,
especially among those of his fraternity, for we are told that he became
_general_ of that order.
5. JOHN BARET, of _Barret_. He too was a friar, of the same order with
Alan; that of the _Carmelites_. He was a native of this town, and
educated at Cambridge, “when learning (as _Fuller_ says) ran low and
degrees high in that University; so that a Scholar could scarcely be seen
for Doctors; till the university, sensible of the mischief thereof,
appointed Dr. Cranmer (afterwards abp. of Canterbury) to be the examiner
of all candidates in Divinity. Amongst others, he stopt Baret, for his
insufficiency, who then went back to Lynn, and applied himself to
learning with such success, that in a short time he became an admirable
scholar; and commencing doctor, with due applause, lived many years a
painful preacher at Norwich; always making mention of Cranmer as the
means of his happiness.” But we find that he had something of the Vicar
of Bray about him; for it seems he was at first a papist; afterwards, in
the latter part of Henry the eighth’s reign, and that of Edward, a
protestant; again, in that of Mary, a zealous papist; and lastly, in that
of Elizabeth, a staunch protestant. It seems, however, that he died soon
after the commencement of the latter reign: and one would hope that he
died in the true faith.—As to his veering or changing with the times,
where is the impropriety of that? Ought not the ministers of a national
or state religion to be submissive to, or directed by the state, from
which they derive their creed, their revenue, their power, and their
every thing?
The subjects of the foregoing biographical articles being all
_ecclesiastics_, and all the ecclesiastics of any note that distinguished
Lynn, as far as we know, during the long period of which we have been
treating, it might be expected that we should in the next place give a
list of the eminent _laymen_ that sprung up here in the course of the
same period. But, alas! we look and search for them in vain: hardly can
one be found whose name deserves to be recorded, or remembered by
posterity. William de Bittering, John de Wentworth, Bartholomy Petipas,
and Thomas Miller, four of our ancient aldermen, were perhaps the most
memorable, or notable that can now be discovered. Of two of them
somewhat has been said already, and a sort of promise was made to bring
them again under review; but, upon second thought, they did not appear to
deserve so much further notice as was then intended.—As to
6. WILLIAM DE BITTERING, we learn that he flourished in the reign of
Edward III. and was chosen mayor of the town four or five different
times; so that he must have been here, in his day, a person of no small
note and influence. The first year of his mayoralty, it seems, was 1351.
He was again chosen, and served the office the ensuing year; so that he
was then mayor two years successively. He is said to have been again
chosen in 1355, but begged to be excused, on the plea that it was
wearisome to be so often in office, and, especially, that he was then
under a vow, to go on pilgrimage to a certain saint: from which it would
seem that he was, in his way, a very religious character. His
resignation was accepted, and _John de Coultshall_, who had served the
year before, was chosen again, and had 20_l_, given him by the commonalty
to take upon him the office for that year. Bittering was again chosen
and served the office in 1358, and again in 1365. The time of his death
does not appear. He was buried in St. Nicholas’ chapel, where his grave
is known by a flat stone of uncommon dimensions, being above ten feet
long and above six broad, and is supposed to be the oldest sepulchral
monument now existing in this town. (Mackerell, 134.)
7. 8. JOHN DE WENTWORTH and BARTHOLOMY PETIPAS. They are not here
coupled or joined together because they were friends for no two men could
well be further from that, but rather because they were foes, and the
heads of two hostile factions, by which the town was kept in a state of
constant distraction for a great length of time. It seems impossible now
to ascertain the ground, or cause of that deadly animosity which those
two factions, or these two men entertained against each other.
Lollardism, we know, did then much agitate the kingdom, but we cannot say
that it was the occasion of this discord at Lynn. Nor can we say that it
was a mere political broil, or, contest between the partizans of the
episcopal feudal prerogatives and their opponents, though this may seem
more probable, as it appears from pages 365 and 559 of this volume, that
Petipas was on good, and Wentworth on bad terms with the bishop. However
this was, it is pretty evident that these two were mighty men and men of
renown here in those days.
9. THOMAS MILLER, or _Milner_. He was the leading man among our
ancestors in the reign of Henry VIII. being _governor_ of the town, and
mayor also one time for four successive years; and he served that office
afterwards twice, if not more; so that he was mayor of Lynn six or seven
times, which is not known to have been the case with any other. But what
made him the most memorable was his successful contest, or law-suit with
the bishop, during the former part of his mayoralty, about their
respective claims to have the _Sword_ carried before them. This legal
decision established the mayor’s independence upon the bishop.
Having now paid our tribute of respect to the memory of our eminent men
of those times, we shall here close this chapter, which brings us down to
the era of the reformation.
* * * * *
_End of Part_ III.
SUPPLEMENT
TO THE HISTORY OF THE ROYAL TOUCH.
See page 326.
Since the section on the royal touch has been printed off, a paper has
appeared in the _Monthly Magazine_, under the signature of _I.
Bannantine_, which casts some further light upon that subject. As it is
presumed it will not be unacceptable to the reader, we take the liberty
of inserting here the substance of it.—
“It does not appear (says that writer) that any of the House of
Brunswick have asserted this royal function; at least, it has not
been publicly announced, as was formerly the practice: but were his
present majesty to resume it, such faith is yet put in the assertion
of a king, that all the courtiers and the great body of the ignorant
multitude would not hesitate to believe its infallibility. The last
sovereign who appears to have exercised this miraculous gift was
queen _Anne_. In the royal gazette of Mar. 12. 1712. appears the
following public notice: “It being her Majesiy’s royal intention to
touch publicly for the Evil the 17th. of this instant March, and so
to continue for sometime, it is her Majesty’s Command, that tickets
be delivered the day before at Whitehall, and that all persons bring
a certificate, signed by the minister and church-wardens of their
respective parishes, that they _never received the royal touch_.”
He further adds, that _Wiseman_, Sergeant Surgeon to Chas. 2nd, in a
treatise on the Evil, speaks of the _royal touch_ in the following terms:
“I have myself been frequent eye witness of many hundreds of cures
performed by his majesty’s touch alone, without the assistance of
chirurgery, and those many of them such as had tired out the
endeavours of able chirurgeons before they came thither. It were
endless to relate what I myself have seen, and what I have received
acknowledgement of by Letters, not only from the several parts of the
nation, but also from Ireland, Scotland, Jersey, and Germany.”
It was the office of Wiseman, as Sergeant Surgeon, to select such
afflicted objects as were proper to be presented for the royal touch.—Is
it possible (I. Bunnantine here exclaims) to desire a more satisfactory
testimony of these miraculous cures, than that of a man of science and
respectability, under whose immediate inspection they were performed, and
who had “himself been a frequent eye-witness of many hundreds of cures
performed by his majesty’s touch alone!”—The late judge Barrington (he
further observes) relates what he heard from an old man, a witness in a
cause, with regard to this miraculous power of healing.
“He had by his evidence fixed the time of a fact, by queen Anne’s
having been at Oxford, and touched him, whilst a child, for the Evil.
When he had finished his evidence, I had an opportunity of asking
him, whether he really was cured? Upon which he observed, with a
significant smile, that he believed himself never to have had a
complaint that deserved to be considered as the Evil; but that his
parents were poor, and _had no objection to the bit of Gold_.”
It seems to me (adds the judge) this piece of Gold, that was given to
those who were touched, accounts for the great resort on this occasion,
and the supposed afterwards miraculous cures.—_Gimelli_, the famous
traveller, gives an account of 1600 persons offering themselves to be
cured of the Evil by Lewis xiv. on Easter Sunday, 1686. Gimelli himself
was present at the ceremony: every Frenchman received 15 Souce, and every
foreigner 30. This power of healing assumed by the kings of France
occasioned great resort to Francis I. while prisoner at Madrid, by the
Spaniards, who had not such faith in their own king’s touch. It appears
by a proclamation of Jas. I. Mar. 25, 1617, that the kings of England
would not permit any resort to them for these miraculous cures in the
summer-time. By another proclamation of June 18, 1626 it is ordered that
no one shall apply for this purpose, who does not bring a proper
certificate, that he has never been touched before: the same, it has been
already seen, were the terms on which _queen Anne_ granted her royal
touch.—In a prayer-book printed in 1703, is a form of the Church-service
for the occasion of the royal touch. After the Lord’s Prayer it is
stated, “Then shall the infirm persons, one by one, be presented to the
queen; while the queen is laying her hands upon them and is putting the
Gold about their necks, the chaplain that officiates turning himself to
her majesty shall say these words following: “God give a blessing to this
work and grant that these sick persons on whom the queen lays her bands
may recover through Jesus Christ our Lord!”—After some other prayers, the
chaplain, standing with his face towards those come to be healed, shall
say: “The Almighty God, who is a most strong tower to all them that put
their trust in him, to whom all things in heaven, in earth, and under the
earth, do bow and obey, be evermore your defence; and make you know and
feel that there is no other name under heaven given to man, and through
whom you may receives health and salvation, but only in the name of our
Lord Jesus Christ! Amen!”—Mo. Mag. Mar. 1810.
* * * * *
_END OF VOLUME 1_.
ERRATA. {626}
Page 2, line 3, for _mumerous_ read _numerous_.—p. 9, l. 19, for _its_ r.
_their_.—p 19. last line but two, dele comma after _least_.—p. 31, l. 3.
for _drgree_ r. _degree_—p. 32, for _Section_ II, r. _Section_ I.—p. 79,
l. 13, for _seperated_ r. _separated_—p. 83, l. 9, for _decerned_ r.
_discerned_—p. 85, l. 1, for _sagacions_ r. _sagacious_—p. 106, l. 5, for
_cansideration_ r. consideration—p. 107. l. 28, and 29, for acdingly r.
_accordingly_—p. 134, Note, 1. 3, before _side_ r. _east_—p. 148, l. 14,
for _numbers_ r. _members_—p. 192, l. 3, for _compositions_ r.
_composition_—p. 96, last line for _heterdoxy_ r. _heterodoxy_—p. 200, l.
17, for _vareigata_ r. _variegata_—p. 210. l. 9, after Britain _a period_
instead of a _comma_—p. 222, l. 4, delete _s_ in _collections_—p. 237, l.
10, for _supremary_ r. _supremacy_—p. 312, last line but one, for _way_
r. _may_—p. 317, l. 14, for _loose_ r. _lose_—Same p. l. 18, for
_miricles_ r. _miracles_—p. 325, l. 7, for _Susanna_ r. _Joanna_—p. 347
l. 11, after _Silthestow_ a _comma_—and the next line, for _sincc_ r.
_since_—p. 353, l. 3, for _Fountian_ r. _Fountain_—p. 374. l. 3, for
_pregressive_ r. _progressive_—p. 395, l. 6, from the bottom, after
_some_ r. _of_—p. 400, l. 2, and 14, for _arbitary_ r. _arbitrary_—p.
402, l. 26, for _directiom_ r. _direction_—p. 403, l. 2, for _appelation_
r. _appellation_—p. 507. l. 3, for _now_ r. _new_—p. 511, note, dele
_them_ in l. 16—same page l. 35 of the note, for _they were_ r. _it
was_—p. 515, l. 12. for _da_ r. _de_—p. 517, l. 3, from bottom, for 1526,
r. 1256—p. 592, note l. 3., _member of_. r. _members and_.
* * * * *
_Whittingham_, _Printer_, _Lynn_.
FOOTNOTES.
{1} The exact situation of Lynn, as to its Latitude and Longitude, has
been ascertained with the utmost accuracy by Mr. Walker. He informs the
author, that the Latitude of St. Nicholas’ Chapel, in this town, deduced
from observations with a mural circle made by Mr. Troughton, is 52d. 45m.
25s to North; and its Longitude, by Chronometers, 1m. 35s. in time, East
of Greenwich.
{2} The original, or British name may pretty safely be concluded to have
been _Wysg_, or _Gwysg_.
{7} Except, perhaps, about Castlacre.
{8} Something of the same kind is related of the rivers Thames and
Medway in the reign of Henry I. See Stow, 138.
{9} His last years were spent at East Dereham in Norfolk, where he
finished his course in 1800. In the north transept of that parish
church, where his remains have been deposited, is a neat monument of
white marble, with the following inscription:—
In Memory of
WILLIAM COWPER, ESQUIRE,
Born in Hertfordshire, 1732:
Buried in this Church, 1800.
Ye who with warmth the public triumph feel
Of talents dignified by sacred zeal,
Here, to Devotion’s Bard devoutly just,
Pay your fond Tribute due to COWPER’s dust.
England, exulting in his spotless fame,
Ranks with her dearest sons’ his fav’rite name.
Sense, fancy, wit, suffice not all to raise
So clear a title to affection’s praise:
His highest honours to the heart belong:
His virtues form’d the magic of his Song.
{10} The _Cam_ and the _Larke_ also passed then along with the Ouse by
Wisbeach.
{11} See _Vancouver’s_ Map, and his _Appendix_, p. 10, where the
original track or course of these rivers appears to have been divided by
a kind of ridge or higher ground from that of the lesser Ouse and Wessey
or the river of Stoke, (sometimes also called Winson and Storke) which
together with the Lenne or Nare seem to have been the only original Lynn
rivers.
{12} The haven and river of Wisbeach while the Ouse passed that way went
by the name _Wellstream_ and the _Water of Well_, while those of Lynn
went by the name of _Wigenhale Ea_, and the _Water of Wiggenhale_. Vide
MS. late Mr. Partridge’s.
{16a} Hist. Embank. chap. 37.
{16b} By an arm of the sea he meant, probably, something similar to what
Lynn Haven is now.
{16c} A Commission is said to have been issued 21 Edward I. for sending
the _Waters of Well_ by Wisbeach, their ancient outfall; which further
corroborates the idea that _Wellstream_ or _Waters of Well_, was formerly
a name of the Ouse about Wisbeach.
{18} Elstobb speaks of several efforts having been made to turn the Nene
down to its ancient outfall at Wisbeach; and particularly that—
“about the year 1490 John Morton, bishop of Ely, and Lord Chancellor
of England, [afterward Archbishop of Canterbury and a Roman Cardinal]
for the better obtaining that end, and for the more effectual
recovery of the outfall at Wisbeach, cut a new river, or drain 14
miles in length, 14 feet wide, and about 4 feet deep, beginning at
the high grounds, within a mile of Peterborough, and continuing it
down to Guyhorn, an hamlet in Wisbeach parish; and setting down a
sluice across the old river Nene at Standground, turned the waters of
that river down this new cut. This (he adds) with some other works,
said to have been done by him, did for a time make some improvement
in the fens about Wisbeach, so as to make them good sheep pasture,
&c. But this (he further adds) continued not long, being cut too
shallow, and not sufficiently embanked, or kept clear and free from
impediments and obstructions.”
Elstobb’s Observations, p. 25, 26.
{19} Bishop Morton was in his time one of the most distinguished
characters in this country. He was a person of deep penetration,
singular address, and sound judgment; and possessed, in the highest
degree, those rare talents that constitute the profound politician and
consummate statesman. He was a warm and determined partisan of the House
of Lancaster. Richard III. rightly considering him as too dangerous a
person to be left at liberty, took care betimes to have him secured. He
was accordingly imprisoned in the castle of _Bracknock_, where he was
committed to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham, then the said king’s
most powerful and confidential adherent. Somehow he managed to seduce
the Duke from his allegiance to Richard, and engage in his scheme in
favour of the Earl of Richmond. The Duke’s ruin soon followed; but
Morton escaped to the continent, where he afterward joined Richmond, and
with him returned to England. After his victory at Bosworth, and
elevation to the throne, Morton became his most confidential servant and
counsellor. He was preferred to be Lord High Chancellor of England,
archbishop of Canterbury, and at last, a Cardinal. He may be presumed to
have been an adviser and promoter of the most important measures of that
reign; of which the depression of the nobles, and elevation of the
commons, were not the least memorable or salutary. He died, before
Empson and Dudley came into employ; so that he had no share in their
malpractices.
{21a} Kinderley’s Ancient and Present State, 2nd Edit. p. 68.
{21b} Kinderley, p. 77.
{22} Badeslade p. 98.—Here it ought not to be forgotten that the said
large accession of fresh waters to the Lynn river, while it widened and
deepened the harbour, seems to have proved eventually fatal to a great
part of West or Old Lynn, which (including one of its churches and church
yard) was in time swallowed up by the waters. This, it must be allowed,
was a disastrous event. It is, however, an ill wind (as the proverb
says) that blows nobody good: though the church is gone, the income
remains, which the incumbent still duly receives, for nothing; for it is
a sinecure, and not a very poor one.
{24a} The Nene, of late years, has been gradually choking up, till it is
at length become, it seems, a mere shallow ditch, filled with mud, and
hardly navigable at any time. Its navigation is become, of course,
inconsiderable and unproductive; to the no small loss and injury of those
unfortunate people, who, in an evil hour, had entrusted their property in
that ill fated concern. Most inexcusable mismanagement is said to have
occasioned this; and much of the blame has been confidently, if not truly
imputed to the abominable inattention and neglect of certain Lynn
Merchants.
{24b} In p. 4.
{26a} Badeslade p. 12.
{26b} In 1645, five or six years before Denver Sluice was erected, Lynn
Haven was in a very good condition. It had two channels, one called the
_East_, the other the _West Channel_, in which the biggest ships, drawing
13 or 14 feet water, sailed up and down on the neap as on the spring
tides. One John Attleson, aged 80, deposed that for 60 years and
upwards, he had known the river Ouse, and all the rivers falling into the
same; and that before the erection of the sluices near Salter’s Lode, all
the rivers were free and open, and received such quantities of water by
the flood from sea, that large barges with from 26 to 30 chalders did
constantly pass with great ease up to Cambridge town.—See Budeslade: also
Elstobb’s Observations, p. 23, 24.
{30a} Armstrong, it seems, ascribed the silting of Lynn Haven, and of
the river above, to the hundredfoot drain.—See Kinderley p. 29.
{30b} Hence we hear of manufacturers of Bays, Dyers, Dyehouses,
Falling-mills, Button-makers, and worsted-weavers at Lynn, with some
thousands employed in knitting stockings, &c.—In behalf of the latter, a
petition against the worsted-weavers was presented to parliament in
1689.—See Town Book, No. 10.—Mackerell, about 70 years ago, makes the
population of Lynn to amount to upwards of 20,000—if his estimate was
right, even within 5 or 6,000, (and he published it under the auspices of
the Corporation) the town must have been far more populous than it is at
present. See Mackerell, p. 93.—From the great, and increasing number of
empty houses now in the town, it may be concluded, that its population is
at this time decreasing. The rapid decay of trade, the prospect of an
endless war, and the daily increase of the public burdens, are doubtless
among the causes of this depopulation. Neither the _paving_, nor yet the
_new poor’s rate laws_, are likely to realize the vast benefits promised
or held out by the promoters of them, and fondly expected by many of the
inhabitants. On the contrary, those very Acts are said to be severely
felt by a large portion of the householders, many of whom, it seems, have
already broken up housekeeping, and many more are expected to take the
same course. Upon the whole, it does not seem to appear, either from the
Registers of Births and Burials, or from any other known circumstances or
sources of information, that the population of Lynn, within the last
twenty or thirty years (as generally supposed) has exceeded that of
former periods. This subject, however, shall be reserved for future
consideration.
{35a} They are still called, _The Roman Banks_.
{35b} See Badeslade, p. 15.
{36} See Carte’s History of England, vol. 1, p. 115, 119, 122.
{49} Philosophical Transactions, No. 481—also Beauties of England,
volume XI, p. 94.
{53a} Vita Agricola.
{53b} Compare Dugdale’s maps of this tract in its morassy and improved
states p. 375, 416.
{54} History of Embanking.
{60} No, surely, not sufficient proofs that the surface was lower; but
rather, or only, that the country was once dry and woody, and long
remained so: for upon the reasonable supposition of an _Earthquake_, as
was before repeatedly suggested, the probability would be, that the
surface was anciently as high at least, if not higher than at present,
but was considerably lowered by that convulsive event, which would make
way for the violent bursting in of the sea.
{66} Of this undertaking _Elstobb_ gives the following account—
“That it was entered into by the Earl, at the earnest request and
importunities of the country in general, who at a numerous sessions
of sewers held at Lynn, January 13, 1630, became humble suitors to
him to undertake the business, which he condescended to comply with,
and accordingly contracted with the commissioners and the country,
and engaged that he would use his best endeavours to _drain_ the said
_marsh_, _fenny_, _waste_ and surrounded _grounds_, in such a manner
as that they should be fit for _meadow_, _pasture_, or _arable_; and
the work to be completed within the compass of _six years_. To the
end the Earl might the more confidently undertake and effect the said
work, and be assured of enjoying the 95,000 acres, as the fruit and
recompence of his labours and charge; and that the country might be
more assured of obtaining a benefit proportionable to the very great
quantity of land they were to part with, it was agreed that 12,000
acres, part of the 95,000, should be presented to the king, in lieu
of all and every benefit he might claim by a certain law of sewers,
made in the 19th year of king _James_, or by any other law or decree
of sewers, and for his royal _approbation_ and _confirmation_ of the
contract, &c.”—Having described the work in its commencement and
progress, he adds, that having expended about £100,000 these lands
were so benefited that, in about seven years time, from the first
undertaking, viz. in 1637, at a session of sewers held at
Peterborough, October 12, the Level was adjudged to be drained, and
the 95,000 acres were, by six or more commissioners set out for the
Earl, his heirs and assigns.—But it being soon after discovered that
these lands, though benefited, were not perfectly recovered, but in
winter were still subject to inundations, the very next year, 1638,
at a sessions of sewers held at Huntingdon, April 12, the Earl’s
undertaking was adjudged _defective_. The _King_ then taking the
business into his princely consideration, and understanding by an
estimate made by Sir C. Vermuiden, that if this Level of near 400,000
acres were made _winter-lands_, it would be of extraordinary
advantage, viz. of about £600,000 to the common wealth, his Majesty
determined to become himself the undertaker; and accordingly on July
18, the same year, he was actually declared undertaker; and was to
have, not only those 95,000 acres, which had been set out for the
Earl of Bedford, but also 57,000 acres more, from the country, it
being his Majesty’s design to make the land good _winter-ground_.
The Earl, in consideration of the costs he had been at, was to have
40,000 acres out of the 95,000 before granted him.—The King to
manifest his real and earnest purpose of speedily effecting the
business, caused the following works to be done: a bank on the south
side of Morton’s Leam, and another begun on the north side: a
navigable sass at Standground: a new river cut between the stone
sluice, at the Horse-Shoe, and the sea below Wisbeach, sixty feet
broad, and two miles long, with banks on both sides: also a sluice in
the marshes below Tydd, upon the outfall of the _Shire Drain_. But
the King being embroiled in a civil war, the Level lay neglected; and
the country complaining that they had received no benefit by the
draining, they entered upon the 93,000 acres again, which had been
taken from them.”
Elstobb’s Observations, p. 9 to 12.
{69} _Estobb_, speaking of the above act, says, that the Governor,
Bailiffs, and Conservators were made _Commissioners of Seven_, for
preservation of the Level, by convenient outfalls to the sea; and they or
any five of them, whereof the governor or any of the bailiffs be two, to
act as commissioners of sewers within the said great level, and of the
works made, or to be made without the said level for conveying the waters
by convenient outfalls to the sea. No other commissioners to meddle. A
governor or bailiff to have 400 acres out of the said 95,000; the
conservater 200; and the commonalty electors 100 acres, to enable them to
vote. Elstobb’s Observations, p. 14.
{70} See Beauties of England, vol. 2.
{71} This fund was at first usefully applied, and the channel and
navigation of the Nene considerably improved. The interest of the money
borrowed on the occasion, was also for some years regularly and
punctually paid; so that the river Nene securities, as they were called,
were generally reckoned very good. Of late years, however, the state of
things has greatly altered for the worse: the river has been neglected,
and suffered to be filled up with silt and mud; the navigation impeded;
the interest of the money borrowed between fifteen and twenty years in
arrears, and the creditors gravely told, that there is no money in hand
for them. Their case therefore seems to be without remedy and without
hope; there being, it is to be feared, no prospect of another chance to
restore or improve the said river. What is become of the said fund?
{73a} See Agricultural Survey of Cambridgeshire.
{73b} Beauties of England, 2, 18.
{74} See Beauties of England, 2, 18, 19.
{79a} In consequence of the late improvements of the Smeeth and adjacent
parts, the reeds are said to have become much more scarce than they used
to be.
{79b} The small feathers are plucked five times a year, (about Lady day,
Midsummer, Lammas, Michaelmas, and Martinmas,) and the larger feathers
and quills twice. Goslings are not spared; for it is thought that early
plucking tends to increase their succeeding feathers. Some proprietors
are said to have had a stock of a thousand, and even fifteen hundred, or
more, beside the young ones.
{80a} It has been said, indeed, that mere plucking hurts the fowl but
little, as the owners are careful not to pull until the feathers are
_ripe_; that is, until they are just ready to fall; because if forced
from the skin before, which is known by blood appearing at the roots,
they are of very inferior value. Those plucked after the geese are dead,
are also said not to be so good—see Beauties of England, vol. IX. p.
553.
{80b} Gough’s Camden.—Also Beauties of England.
{81} “All this tract (of Marshland) and adjoining fens being little
higher than the level of the sea, or that of the rivers that pass through
the country, was once so exposed to inundations from floods and high
tides, that till dikes and drains were made, it was all one large morass;
and even now, after so much labour and expence, the country is still
liable to be overflowed by extraordinary high tides or floods, or other
casual events. By the evaporation of this water, and especially by that
of the water of the numerous ditches, in which various plants and insects
die and rot, the atmosphere during the latter part of summer and autumn
is filled with moisture, and with putrid and insalutary vapours.—Another
cause of the insalubrity of the atmosphere is an _imperfect ventilation_.
As there are no hills here to direct the winds in streams upon the lower
grounds, the air is apt to stagnate and become unwholesome. An
additional cause of the unhealthiness of this flat and marshy country,
may be the impurity of the water in common use; for this being either
collected from rains, and preserved in cisterns, or drawn from shallow
wells, is, in hot and dry-seasons soon corrupted. This being the case,
the general tendency to putrefaction must be increased by the use of such
water, as well as by the meats, which in a close, hot, and moist air, are
quickly tainted. Several circumstances therefore in this country concur
in summer, not only to relax the solids, but to dispose the humours to
putrefaction; and as the combination of heat and impure moisture is the
great cause of the speedy corruption of animal substances, so it is
observed in every place to produce remitting and intermitting fever.”—See
Pringle’s Observations on Diseases of the army, pp. 2, 3, 4.
{91} Brief view of the Sufferings and living Testimonies of the Martyrs,
p. 392.
{93} Milner’s Letters to a Prebendary, No. 4.
{94a} Challoner’s memoirs of missionary Priests, I. 392, 436.
{94b} This bishop, whose christian name, as it is called, was
_Lancelot_, seems to have been in his day one of the better sort of the
men of that order, as appears by the following anecdote, related of him
after he had been translated from Ely to Winchester.—Waller, the poet,
being one day at court, while James I. was dining, overheard the
following conversation between his _sacred_ majesty and two of his
bishops, of whom one was Andrews of Winchester, and the other Neale of
Durham. These two prelates, standing behind the king’s chair, were asked
by him, “If he might not take his subjects’ money when he wanted it,
without all the usual formality in parliament?” To which his lordship of
Durham readily answered, “God forbid, sir, but you should; you are the
breath of our nostrils.” The other being silent, James addressed himself
to him, “Well, my lord of Winchester, and what say you?” Andrews
replied, that he was “not competent to judge in parliamentary cases.”
Upon which the king exclaimed, “No evasions, my lord, I expect an
immediate and direct answer to my question!” “Then, sir,” said he, “I
think it lawful for you to take my brother Neale’s money, for he offers
it.”—It is easy to see that there was some difference between these two
bishops, and that the latter was the better man of the two, being by no
means so lost to all shame and decency, or so abject a flatterer of
majesty as the other. Which of them the majority of their successors
have resembled most, may be a point not very easy to determine: nor would
it be, perhaps, of very material consequence.
{99} History of the Boroughs, Volume 8.
{100} Hutchesson’s Account—also Beauties of England.
{101} According to Hutchesson they used to dine at a groat a head: but a
groat then was equal perhaps to two or three shillings of our money.
{102} In all the adjacent villages the title of _Town-Bailiff_ is given
to the treasurer or manager of their respective charitable
establishments.—Beauties of England.
{104} Beauties of England, volume 2.
{105} Hutchesson’s Account of Wisbeach—and Beaut. of Engl. as before.
{106} The text is footnoted but there is no footnote for it in the
book.—DP.
{109} See Blackstone’s Commentaries—also Hutchesson’s Account—and the
Beauties of England, as before.
{110} Beauties of England, as before.
{112} It is really a ditch or dyke that separates Wisbeach from
Marshland.
{113} Queen Henrietta, by her numerous indiscretions, contributed
largely to the alienation of the affections of his subjects from the king
her husband; and she suffered very severely in consequence of it. After
her retirement into France, that court, at the head of which was her
nephew Lewis XIV, is said to have been very remiss in administering to
her relief, so as to leave her often in want even of the necessaries of
life. It has been reported that she was in such distress at Paris, in
1643, that she and her infant daughter were obliged to lie in bed, in
their room at the palace of the Louvre, for want of wood to make their
fire with. One time during the Protectorate, as Granger reports, she was
so reduced, that she actually applied to Cromwell for relief, as queen
dowager of England. In 1660, after an absence of many years, she
returned to London, where she seems not to have been treated with much
kindness by her son Charles. In 1665, at the breaking out of the plague,
she again retired to France. From Sir John Reresby’s memoirs it appears,
that she was secretly married (probably about that time) to Henry Jermyn,
earl of St. Albans, who had for many years attended her as chamberlain of
her household, or some such character, and who afterward treated her in a
most unkind and brutal manner. She died in 1669, in her 60th year.
{114} History of Freebridge, p, 258.
{116} A single jail, in Alfred’s golden reign,
Could half the nation’s criminals contain.
Fair Justice then, without constraint ador’d,
Held high the steady scale, but deep’d the Sword:
No spies were paid, no special Juries known;
Blest age! but ah! how different from our own!
_Johnson’s London_.
{123} See Hughes’s Letters; also Petit. Andr. History of England. 1.
233.
{126} Particularly as an Hebrician, according to the learned Hugh
Broughton.
{128a} One Brook, now a dashing orator at or about Burnham, and who also
holds forth sometimes at Lynn, is said to have used the same experiment,
and boasted of it,—and also of having doomed and consigned a certain
neighbouring minister to _eternal torment_, for presuming, forsooth, to
differ from his creed. Master B. is classed among the evangelicals, and
seems to be very much in their spirit.
{128b} How well he used them upon the poor popish prisoners in the
Tower, whom he there most unmercifully flogged, or rather racked and
tortured, we have seen above (p. 93) from the testimony of Dr. Milner.
Some of the numerous puritan sufferers of that time might, probably,
share from him the same fate; which may account for what Fuller calls his
being _foully belibelled_ by them, in return. After such treatment it
would be very natural for them to think that they had some right as well
as reason to complain: and it might also be natural for him, as well as
for Fuller, to give those complaints the name of _libels_.
{131} Parkin, 308.
{132} See Parkin, and Norfolk Tour, 131.
{134} Walter Coney, Alderman, and four-times mayor of Lynn, in the
fifteenth century, who is supposed to have lived in the corner house at
the bottom of High Street, on the east, fronting the Church.—Further
accounts of the above three families may be found in Blomefield and
Parkin’s History of Norfolk.—☞ To what was before said of _Terrington_
(Section XIII) it may be here added, that the impropriation of the great
tithes was given by James I. as an augmentation to Lady Margaret’s
professorship of divinity at Cambridge; and that this revenue, or income
has so much increased of late years, as to render that chair the most
lucrative piece of preferment now in the gift of the University.—Here it
may be also noted, in addition to what was before said of _Walpole_
(Section XI.) that in the year 1727, a person digging there in his garden
found, about three feet beneath the surface, numerous roman bricks, and
an aqueduct formed of earthen pipes, which were twenty inches long, three
inches and three quarters in the bore, and half an inch thick; the one
end diminishing, so as to be inserted in the wider end of the other.
Twenty-six were taken up whole, and distributed among several
antiquaries.—See Beauties of England, v. 11, 289.
{137} See Beauties of England, vol. XI, and Kent’s View of Agriculture
of Norfolk, p. 40, 41.
{139} Kent’s General View—and Beauties of England, as before.
{140a} Kent’s General View—Beauties of England, as before.
{140b} Ibid.
{146} Brancaster was one of those forts erected by the Romans along the
Icenian coast, to guard the country against the incursions of the
piratical Saxons, who used to infest this coast long before they obtained
any footing in the country, and while it formed a part of the Roman
Empire. From their frequent hostile visits, this coast was called _the
Saxon shore_. The forts along the coast (the chief of which was
Brancaster,—to which Rising might be a kind of appendage,) were
garrisoned by a strong body of cavalry, called the _Dalmatian horse_,
whose superior, or commander in chief, was denominated the _Count of the
Saxon store_; and sometimes _Branodunensis_, from _Branodunum_, the Roman
or Latin name of Brancaster.—Brancaster is now an obscure village,
exhibiting no vestige of its ancient dignity, except some entrenchments,
or earthworks, the remains of a Roman Camp, including, as Camden says,
some eight acres; which the neighbours call Caster—all whose dimensions,
according to his annotator, agree with the Roman models, in Cesar’s
Commentaries.—See Gibson’s Camden, 391, 398.
{148} See Norfolk Tour, and Parkin.
{149} Beauties of England. 7, 505.
{158} Otherwise _Titherington Hall_.
{168} See Beauties of England, volume Xl.
{169} Norfolk Tour.
{171} Beauties of England as before.
{177a} The following lines of his, quoted by Lord Teignmouth in his Life
of Sir William Jones, is supposed to be expressive of the manner in which
he distributed, or employed his time.
“Six hours in sleep, in Law’s grave study Six,
Four spend in prayer, the rest on nature fix.”
For which Sir William Jones is said to have substituted the following,
“Six hours to law, to soothing slumber seven,
Ten to the world allot, and _all_ to heaven.”
{177b} The worshipful kindred of _John Reeves_, and _John Bowles_; alias
the pretended _Antijacobins_, who have been of late years such monstrous
benefactors to this country, and to the world.
{178} A curious circumstance that attended Sir E. Coke’s second marriage
ought not to pass here unnoticed.—That marriage was solemnized in a
private house, without banns or licence, in consequence of which the
married couple and the officiating clergyman, together with Lord
Burleigh, who was one of the company, were prosecuted in the archbishop’s
Court; but upon their submission, they escaped excommunication, and the
consequent penalties, because, says the record, “they had offended not
out of contumacy, but _through ignorance of the Law in that point_.”—So
then the Lord Chief Justice of England, even Sir Edward Coke,
transgressed the law _through ignorance_.
{179} Which must have been about as reasonable as the old woman’s advice
to leave off thinking, _for fear of thinking wrong_.
{189} For the sympathies of his nature and qualities of his heart, see
his Letter to Simon Taylor, in Flower’s Pol. Rev. Mar. 1807, p. xxxvi.
{192} See the Memoirs of Dr. Priestly, Vol. 1. and also the London
Magazine, for November, 1783.
{196} The late Mr. Carr, a merchant of Lynn, used to say, that his
father once killed six Bustards at one shot.—They were probably much more
numerous then, than they are now.—A respectable gentleman of Lynn,
however, assures this writer that not many years ago, he saw no less than
eight or ten of them together, in the neighbourhood of Stanhoe.
{199} The fen-fowlers, with their long guns, make terrible havock among
them, killing sometimes between 20 and 30 at one shot; and of _Coots_
twice that number; which however, is nothing like the number of
_Starlings_ which they have sometimes slaughtered:—a person of veracity,
who has lived long in the fens, assures this writer, that he knew, an
instance, near Coningsby, in Lincolnshire, of 36 dozens of Starlings
being killed at a single shot, by one _Thomas Hall_.
{200} Just after their arrival in October, the Woodcocks are said to be
sometimes exceedingly abundant here.
{201} So called, probably, from the river on whose banks it stands, and
which, it seems, was formerly called _Ey_: so that Sechey may signify,
Sech on the Ey, or on the banks of the river so called.—See _Parkin_.
{203} Anciently it was called _Downham-hithe_, i.e. Downham-port.
Gibson’s Camden.
{204} See Norfolk Tour, last Edition, p. 365. Also Description of
England and Wades, volume 6, p. 251.
{207a} For a further account of Swaffham, see Norfolk Tour: also
Beauties of England, volume, xi.
{207b} Beauties of England as before.
{209} Ten single threads of cotton to each of those 18 lamps, make in
all 180: now a street lamp in London, is said to contain 28 single
threads, and if we divide 180 by 28, we shall have 6 3/7: hence the oil
consumed in the Hunston Light-house, is less than that consumed by 7
London street lamps.—The advantages derived from Mr. Walker’s plan, are,
1. The strength of light may be proportioned to the distance at which it
may be necessary to be seen. 2. It may be maintained at a less expence
than where the light is equally diffused all round the compass. 3. It
requires little attendance. 4. It always appears of the same
magnitude—provided, as was above hinted, the glass be kept clean, and the
lamps in a proper trim—circumstances that must be attended to, and not
neglected.—Here it may be further observed that the improvement of
light-houses is not the only subject that has undergone Mr. W.’s close
and successful investigation. Many papers written by him, have appeared
in Nicholson’s Philosophical Journal, and Tilloch’s Philosophical
Magazine, giving an account of divers useful inventions of his, and new
discoveries is physics, chiefly under the following heads.—1. On a method
of using candles, so as to produce no smoke, nor require snuffing.—2. A
method of obviating the effects of thick wires in transit telescopes. 3.
On the Plumb line and Spirit level. 4. On the vibrations of pendulums in
vacuo. 5. On a standard of light, by which we may compare the strength
of any other light. 6. Description of an apparatus for conducting sound,
and holding conversations at a distance. 7. Description of a new
reflecting quadrant. 8 On the best method of ascertaining the dip of the
horizon at sea. 9. On the methods of observing the longitude at sea.
10. On the phenomenon of the horizontal moon. 11. Description of a new
cometarium. 12. On transit instruments. 13. On vision. 14. Description
of a new optical instrument called a Phantasmascope. 15. Observations on
vision, when objects are seen through a mist. 16. On the power of the
eye, by which it is adjusted to see objects distinctly at different
distances. 17. On the apparent magnitudes of the same object seen under
different circumstances. 18. On deal pendulum rods. 19. On the human
eye: in which many errors of former writers on vision are pointed out,
and the true theory explained.
{211} It was not till after the erection of these, that the Corporation
of the Trinity House had some Light-houses constructed on similar
principles, which are now in use, and well approved.
{215} _Catus Dicianus_, as was observed before, was the Roman Procurator
over the province of the _Iceni_ in the reign of Claudius, and perhaps in
that of Nero; and seems to have been, not only the chief cause of
Boadicea’s revolt, by his brutal treatment of her and her daughters, but
also the principal director of the canals, embankments and other works
and improvements then carried on in and about the fens.—See above, Part
I. Chap. 2. Section 1.
{217a} “The _Triads of the Isle of Britain_, are some of the most
curious and valuable fragments preserved in the Welsh language. They
relate to persons and events, from the earliest times to the beginning of
the seventh century.”—Owen’s preface to the Works of _Llywarch Hen_.
{217b} Supposed to be the _Aristobulus_ of the New Testament.
{217c} See British Archæology, lately published: also Owen’s Cambrian
Biography.
{218} Annal. I. 13. C. 22.
{219} Before the introduction of Christianity, the prevailing and
established religion of Britain and of Gaul, was Bardism, or Druidism, as
it is more commonly called, of which very different accounts have been
given by different authors. According to our best informed antiquaries
and most competent judges, it was of very remote if not of patriarchal
origin, and exhibited for no short period a most strikingly rational and
venerable appearance. It taught the existence, unity, spirituality, and
benevolence of the Supreme Being; also the doctrine of a future state, of
providence, and the immortality of the soul: but it taught withal the
transmigration of the soul, and even the final salvation of the whole
human race, with other tenets equally grating to an orthodox ear. Its
fundamental object and principle were a diligent search after truth, and
a rigid adherence to justice and peace. The religious Functionaries
never bore arms, nor engaged in any party disputes. They were employed
as heralds in war, and so sacred were their persons considered, in the
office of mediators, that they passed unmolested through hostile
countries, and even appeared in the midst of battle, to arrest the arm of
slaughter, while they executed their missions. So far they appear
singularly dignified and respectable; but this did not always
continue—like the priests of other professions, they, in time, departed
from their original principles, and introduced various degrading changes,
especially among the Gauls. In Britain the system was preserved in
greater purity: hence the first families of Gaul sent their children
hither for education, as Cesar testifies.
We have often heard Druidism represented as a monstrous and shocking
system: but if it was so, it must have been in its corrupt, and not in
its original state. Even christianity itself, in a corrupt state,
becomes an object equally monstrous and shocking; but that can furnish no
argument against genuine christianity, or the religion of the New
Testament. As to the _human victims_ which the Druids are said to have
offered, they were, it seems, chiefly _malefactors_: in that view we may
be said to have our human victims too, and that in far greater numbers
probably, than those of the Druids. Our executions are very frequent,
and the victims we thus offer up are more numerous than in any other
country we know of. These victims we offer up to law and justice, but
they are very few compared with the myriads upon myriads we have offered
on the altar of injustice, persecution, ambition, and folly.
{220} Badeslade, §. 3. page 15.—Colonizing was an essential branch of
the Roman policy in conquered countries, and it is likely that such an
important undertaking as that of recovering and improving these fertile
parts, would be by them committed to colonists, such as they might
introduce from Belgium, who must from their habits and employment at
home, be peculiarly rated for the task.—Circumstances also lead us to
think, that the work was begun here, which being nighest the inhabited
parts, seems to have been the right end, where common sense would dictate
that it should commence.
{221} Salen. Village au bord d’un Marais. Sal, bord; Len, marais.
_Mullet_, _Memoires Sur la langue Celtique_. Tom. 1. p. 136.
{222a} _Ey_, is also said to have been another of its names.
{222b} See Gough’s Edition of Camden’s Britannia.
{225} Henry of Huntingdon, William of Malmsbury, Dugdale, &c.
{229} The Saxons, as before hinted, were long distinguished from other
nations for their piratical propensities, and predatory adventures, as
well as for the success that generally attended their favourite
operations. It was no wonder, therefore, if their neighbours would by
degrees become attached to similar pursuits: and that it did so happen is
undeniable. “In the ninth century (says a respectable historian) it was
an established custom in the North, that all the _sons of kings_ except
the eldest, should be furnished with ships properly equipped, in order to
carry on the dangerous, but not dishonourable profession of piracy.”—So
reputable was the pursuit, that parents were even anxious to compel their
children into that desperate and detestable occupation. By an
extraordinary enthusiasm for which, they would not suffer their children
to inherit the wealth which they had gained by it. It was their practice
to command their gold, silver, and other property to be buried with them,
[see Turner’s History of the Anglo Saxons, and Edinburgh Review No. 6. p.
368]—Here it may not be improper to observe, that what determined the
Saxons to piratical enterprises was a most daring, singular, and
memorable achievement of a numerous body of their neighbours and allies
the Francs, whom the emperor Probus had transported from their own
country, on the borders of the Rhine, to the distant shores of the
Euxine, with a view of weakening the strength of that warlike nation,
which was so very formidable to the neighbouring Roman provinces. These
exiles, though removed to a country not inferior to their own, could not
bear the idea of seeing their native land no more. There is what may be
called a law of nature, which attaches us to the region where we first
drew our breath, or spent our childish and youthful days, and which makes
it often most painful to think of being for ever separated from it. So
it seems to have been with those exiled Francs. Unable to bear the
thought of a perpetual separation from their kindred and native country,
they seized the earliest opportunity of abandoning their appointed
settlement, and regaining what appeared to them the sweetest blessings of
life. “They possessed themselves of many ships, and formed the
astonishing plan of sailing back to the Rhine. Who were their pilots, or
how they conceived, on their untutored minds, the possibility of a
project so intricate, and, for such barbarians, so sublime, has not been
revealed to us. Its novelty and magnanimity ensured it success. They
ravaged Asia and Greece; not for safety merely, but revenge and plunder
were also their objects. Landing in Sicily, they attacked and ravaged
Syracuse with great slaughter. They carried their triumphant hostility
to several districts of Africa, and sailing adventurously to Europe, they
concluded their insulting and prosperous voyage by reaching in safety
their native shores.”—This amazing enterprise discovered to them and
their neighbours, that from the Roman colonies a rich harvest of spoil
might be gleaned by those who would seek for it at sea. They had
desolated every province almost with impunity; they had plunder to
display, which must have fired the avarice of every needy spectator; they
had acquired skill, which they who joined them might soon inherit; and
perhaps the same adventurers, embarking again with new followers, evinced
by fresh booty the practicability of similar attempts.—The Saxons, then
inhabiting the parts about the Elbe and Heiligoland, are supposed to be
among the first to emulate the exploits of the returned exiles.—Thus
originated that system of piracy by which the northern nations were so
long distinguished, and for which the Saxons were for many ages
deservedly infamous. They became by degrees so powerful and formidable
by sea, like the modern English, that some of the competitors for the
Roman imperial dignity actually formed alliances with them, in order to
insure their own success.—Like ourselves, and perhaps with equal justice,
they seemed to aim at the sovereignty of the ocean: but among all their
deeds of infamy, it is doubtful if any one of them ever exceeded in
baseness and atrocity our own late memorable expedition to Copenhagen,
though conducted by such as made pretension even to piety and evangelism,
which indeed but rendered it the more detestable.—In vain we look to
Algiers and Tunis for more flagitious or fouler deeds. [See _Hellfried’s
Outlines of a Political survey of the English Attack on Denmark_—and for
an account of the expedition of the Francs, and the Saxon and northern
piracies, see _Turner_, as before.]
{231} Gildas Epistle. § xxiii.
{232} Henry the Lion, the prime actor in these brutal proceedings, was
another time affronted by the inhabitants of _Bardewic_, one of the
largest cities of Germany, for which he stormed it, and, except nine
churches, left not one stone on another. No wonder that he is said to
have been universally dreaded. He afterward quarrelled with the emperor
Frederic Barbarossa, but there he was overmatched, and expelled from
Germany. He then took refuge with his wife Matilda, at the court of our
Henry II, his father-in-law. He was afterward restored to his hereditary
domains only, Brunswick and Lunenburgh, to which august and illustrious
house he belonged. [Nugent—Petit Andrews.]
{233} See Nugent’s Hist. of Vandalia: also Monthly Review 35. 174.
{234a} Gildas, as before, xxiv, xxv.
{234b} They are mentioned in Domesday, and by many of our topographical
writers, without attempting to account for their origin. Their condition
seemed as abject as that of our modern West India Negroes. We seldom
hear of them after the bloody contest between the rival houses of York
and Lancaster, which proved to them, it seems, a most beneficial contest,
as it occasioned their emancipation, in order the more easily to recruit
the contending armies. As the lust of Henry VIII. proved favourable to
the success of the reformation, so the ambition of those rival houses,
proved, it seems, no less so to the manumission of these poor slaves.
{236} That this country, in the time of the Romans, contained many
populous, flourishing, and well-built towns, is allowed on all hands; and
that they were mostly overthrown and destroyed by the invading Saxons, is
confirmed by the testimony of Gildas; it may therefore very naturally be
concluded, that the original Lynn was involved in the common fate of its
neighbours.—See Gildas, No. xxiv.
{238a} Parkin, pp. 69. 115.
{238b} William of Newburgh.—Gibson’s Camden—Parkin 116.
{239a} Parkin, 237.
{239b} Ibid. 69.
{240} Of those Salt-works the present writer regrets his inability to
give the reader a more particular and satisfactory account; but as he has
hitherto met with nothing that gives him any further light upon the
subject, it must be here dismissed: but it shall be again resumed, in
case any new discovery should be made before the work is completed. Our
topographical writers, as well as our old records, only allege the
existence of numerous salt-works in these parts, without attempting a
description of them, or of the process therein pursued, or even so much
as giving any hints, or intimations, to assist and direct our inquiries.
{242} Beauties of England, 2. 149.
{244} _Canute_, one of the greatest and wisest of our kings, next to
_Alfred_, had a mighty veneration for relics, and even employed agents in
foreign countries to purchase and collect them for him. One of these, an
archbishop of Canterbury, called _Agelnoth_, being at Rome, in 1021,
purchased, of the Pope, an arm of St. Austin, bishop of Hippo, for an
hundred talents, or 6000 pound weight of silver, and one talent, or sixty
pound weight of gold. A prodigious sum! greater (says _Granger_) than
the finest statue of antiquity would then have sold for. It may enable
us, as another historian observes, to form some idea of the
unconscionable knavery of the sellers, and the astonishing folly and
superstition of the purchasers of those commodities. Enormous sums were
then expended in the purchase of relics, and the roads between England
and Rome were so crowded with pilgrims, that the very tolls which they
paid were objects of importance to the princes through whose territories
they passed: few Englishmen, as _Henry_ expresses it, imagined they could
get to heaven without paying this compliment to St. Peter, who kept the
keys of the celestial regions.—Such was the wisdom, and such the piety
and christianity of the people of this country in former times, and for
many ages.—Even Alfred, according to _Rapin_, was much attached to
relics, and received, with no small satisfaction and gratitude, those
sent him as presents from the Pope, and from Abel Patriarch of Jerusalem.
His foibles, however, were greatly overbalanced by his great qualities,
good deeds, and shining virtues.
{246} Or rather Abingdon, in Berks, according to bishop Gibson.
{247a} Even nowadays, many of our gentry and wealthy people, are very
strict in requiring their domestics and dependents regularly to attend at
some place of worship, while they themselves live in the entire neglect
of it! so that they too may be said to perform religious exercises _by
proxy_.
{247b} Petit Andrews.
{249} We regret that the _abolition_ of slavery was _not_ among them.
{250} The reign of Alfred, however, was certainly distinguished by
numerous and important national benefits: war and internal disorder were
made entirely to cease; learning, and the useful arts, revived and
flourished; wholesome and important regulations were adopted and
introduced, whose salutary effects are still felt; trade and commerce
were much encouraged and extended: in all which, and especially the
latter, Lynn, as may be presumed; must have been greatly interested.
Alfred employed skilful and adventurous mariners, to explore the most
distant northern regions, and (by means of _Ofthere_, supposed to be a
banished Norwegian chief,) actually gained intelligence of the _Dwina_,
on whose banks _Archangel_ stands; a river not again spoken of in
England, till 1553, when _Richard Chanceller_ found his way to the White
Sea. What follows is still more surprising: by means of a correspondence
which Alfred engaged in with Abel, patriarch of Jerusalem, he heard of a
sect of christians who lived in penury on the south eastern coast of
Asia, the present Coromandel; and he chose a spirited priest, named
_Sighelm_, to go and relieve those his oppressed brethren. By what track
or route this gallant adventurer proceeded, any further than Rome, we
know not. It is certain that he reached the end of his journey,
delivered the royal presents, and brought back from India many curious
jewels, some of which were to be seen in the days of William of
Malmsbury, at Sherborne Cathedral, of which see Alfred had made the
fortunate and intrepid Sighelm bishop, after his return. Others of these
jewels are believed still to exist in an old crown, kept in the tower of
London.—After such enterprizes, to celebrate this great prince as the
_inventor of horn-lanthorns_, may be deemed ridiculous; yet nothing can
less merit ridicule: there were then no Clocks in England; Alfred
contrived wax tapers of a proper length, to last one, two, or more hours;
and to prevent the winds from deranging his plans, he defended the taper,
with thin, clear, _horn_. Such were the improved English _time keepers_
of the 9th century: the merit of which improvement, is due to Alfred; a
merit not inferior, probably, to that of the _Harrisons_ and _Arnolds_ of
modern times.—See Petit Andrews Hist. Gr. Britain.
{252} It is curious and ludicrous enough to think of the difficulties
that puzzled our celebrated missionary, after his arrival here, and of
which he wrote to Rome for the solution. Of what sort they were, the
reader will be able to judge from the following _queues_ and _answers_;
the former by the said missionary, _saint_ Austin, and the latter by his
infallible holy master, _saint_ Gregory:
“_Query_. 1. Are cousin germans allowed to marry? _Answer_. This
indulgence was formerly granted by the Roman law; but experience
having shewn that no posterity can come from such marriages, they are
prohibited. _Query_. 2. Is it lawful to baptize a woman with child?
_Answer_. No inconvenience can arise from the practice. _Query_. 3.
How soon after the birth may a child be baptized? _Answer_.
Immediately if necessary. _Query_. 4. How soon may the husband
return to the wife after her delivery? _Answer_. Not till after the
child is weaned. _Query_. 5. How soon after sexual intercourse, is
it lawful for a husband to enter the church? _Answer_. Not till he
has purged himself by prayer and ablution.”
These nice and delicate queries, with more of the same sort, were
accompanied by others concerning episcopal duties.—With the solution of
these problems, the pope sent Austin the _pall_, (a piece of white
woollen cloth, to be thrown over the shoulders, as a badge of
archiepiscopal dignity;) sundry other ecclesiastical vestments and
utensils, and instructions to erect twelve sees within his province, and
particularly to appoint one at _York_, which, if the country should
become christian, he was to convert into a province, with its suffragan
bishops.—Thus did Austin become the first archbishop of Canterbury, and
thus originated our ecclesiastical establishment, the renowned Church of
England. [Aikin’s Biogr. vol. 1.]—Among other counsels which Austin
received from the pontiff on the above occasion, was an exhortation “not
to be elated with vanity on account of the _miracles_ which he had been
enabled to perform in confirmation of his ministry, but to remember that
this power was given, not for his own sake, but for the sake of those
whose salvation he was appointed to procure.”—Thus we have it from very
high authority, that _the first archbishop of Canterbury was a worker of
miracles_.
{253} The other orders were the middle and inferior thanes: the former
are said to be the lesser barons, or lords of manors; and the latter made
up the lowest degree of freeholders. Dyde Hist. Tewksbury. 141.—All
others in the Anglo-Saxon community below these thanes, who were the
nobles of those times, are sometimes comprized under the heads of
untitled freemen, and slaves—the latter, constituting the great mass of
the inhabitants, were the property of their lords, like the present
Russian or Bohemian peasantry.
{254a} Petit Andrews, 1. 83.
{254b} Henry, and Petit Andrews.
{257a} Dyde’s History of Tewksbury, 139, 40, 41.
{257b} See Parkin.
{257c} “Directly opposite the Irish coast, (says _William of Malmsbury_)
there is a seaport town, called _Bristol_, the inhabitants of which
frequently sail into Ireland, to sell there people whom they had bought
up throughout all England. They expose to sale maidens in a state of
pregnancy, with whom they had made a sort of mock-marriages. There you
might see with grief, fastened together by ropes, whole rows of wretched
beings, of both sexes, of elegant forms, and in the very bloom of youth,
(a sight sufficient to excite pity, even in barbarians,) daily offered
for sale to the first purchaser. Accursed deed! Infamous disgrace! that
men, acting in a manner which brutal instinct alone would have forbidden,
should sell into slavery their relations, nay even their
offspring!”—_Life of Wolstan_, _bishop of Worcester_, B. ii, C. 20.—[see
Edinburgh Review, July, 1808.]
{259} Petit Andrews Hist. of Great Britain, 1. 84. Another historian
informs us, that the great lords and abbots, among the Anglo-Saxons,
possessed a criminal jurisdiction within their territories, and could
punish or protect without appeal. This power, he says, was in some
measure restrained by the established administration of justice, by the
courts of decennary, the hundred, and the county. In the Anglo-Saxon
courts, the accused was allowed to clear himself by his own oath, and the
concurring oaths of his friends. These were called compurgators, and
sometimes amounted to 300. The practices also of single combat, and the
ordeal, were allowed in doubtful cases; and absurd as they may appear,
the result was deemed complete evidence, for or against the accused, or
suspected person.—The punishment of crimes was not less singular than the
general proofs of guilt. A fine was the customary mode of commuting the
punishment of the blackest offences; and as fines were a source of
revenue, they were fixed with the nicest care, on a graduated scale,
corresponding to the magnitude of the crime. Thus a wound of an inch
long, under the hair, was compounded for with one shilling; a wound of
the like size in the face, with two shillings; and thirty shillings was
the compensation for the loss of an ear; and so on in proportion.—Mavor,
1. 77.
{260} See Andrews.
{263} Dr. Henry, and Petit Andrews.
{268a} Dr. Henry—Petit Andrews.—Another modern historian informs us that
the Saxon pound, as likewise that which was coined for some centuries
after the conquest, was near three times the weight of our present money.
There was (as he says) forty eight shillings in the pound, and a Saxon
shilling was nearly a fifth heavier than ours. Dr. Mayor’s Hist. Engl.
1. 78.
{268b} The princess _Githa_, daughter, or near relation to king Canute,
and wife of Earl Goodwin, is said to have made a vast fortune by dealing
in slaves; a traffic which then shockingly disgraced this country, as
indeed it has done in our own time. _Bristol_ was then, what _Liverpool_
has recently been, the chief port to cherish and carry on this detestable
commerce. This northern coast also, from Scotland to the Humber, was
distinguished on the same account. We are told, by William of Malmsbury,
that the Northumbrians used to sell their nearest relations for their own
advantage; and Dr. Henry says, that English Slaves were then, like
cattle, exposed to sale in all the markets of Europe. Many of the
Slave-merchants of that period were _Jews_, who found a good market for
their _English and christian Slaves_ among the Saracens in Spa in and
_Africa_. At Rome also, we read of English slaves being exposed for
sale, as early as the 7th century. It is, moreover, highly probable that
Lynn, and other neighbouring ports were long concerned in the same odious
employment. Even as late as the reign of king _John_, the Irish used to
import many slaves from Bristol. To add to the brutality of this vile
proceeding, the Sellers always took care that the females should be in a
condition which might enable them to demand a higher price from the
purchasers. What put an end, at last, to this horrid traffick, is said
to have been, not the virtue of the English, but the compunction of the
Irish, who were shocked at it, under the idea that certain national
misfortunes which had befallen them were divine judgments, for having
been concerned in so iniquitous a business.—Our unfeeling advocates for
the slave trade, who have so long dishonoured this nation, and are still
in no small numbers among us, are little aware, that time was, when their
own ancestors were in a similar situation with the present inhabitants of
Africa; being liable, like them, to be bought and sold into slavery; and
that other nations actually traded here for Slaves, as we have so long
done in modern times to the coast of _Guinea_.—If they cannot put
themselves in the place of the poor negroes, and feel for them, they
ought, at least, to do so in regard to their own ancestors, and so learn
some degree of justice and humanity, if nothing else can teach them.
{269} He might have said, _somewhat less_ than a shilling an acre, if,
as some have asserted, the hide comprehended 120 acres.
{270} Henry iv. 237, 8, 9.
{274} Henry iv. 234.
{275} As a proof of the salubrity of Croyland, and the temperance of its
monks in those days, it has been remarked, that when Turketul, who had
been chancellor of England, and one of the greatest warriors and
statesmen of his time, retired from the world, and became abbot of
Croyland, he found five aged monks there, to whom he paid particular
attention. The eldest of them died in 973, in his 169th year: the second
died within the same year, at the age of 142: the third died the neat
year, aged 115; the other two are thought to have been about the same age
as the last. Their names were _Clarenbald_, _Swarling_, _Turgar_,
_Brune_, and _Ajo_.—Croyland is not now remarkable for its salubrity, or
the longevity of its inhabitants.
{276} Andrews—Mavor—Henry.
{278} Henry iv. 313.
{279} I. Walingford, apud Gale, t. 1. p. 536: quoted by Henry. 4. 324.
{282} Henry, iv. 299.
{283} Henry, iv. 329.
{285} _Seven_, however, was not invariably their number, they were
sometimes more and sometimes less.
{288a} Some, indeed, have seemed rather to doubt if its origin here was
as early as the days of Edward, as Ingulphus, a contemporary writer,
makes no mention of it. Malmsbury, however, who lived not long after,
affirms it; and the Confessor seems as likely as any to have taken the
lead in such a business and become our first practitioner.
{288b} Owing partly, as it is supposed, to the aguishness of the air,
and partly to other causes, not peculiar to these parts.
{289} He was also Duke of Wessex, and Earl or Governor of Sussex,
Surrey, Kent, and Essex.
{290} Carto 1. 416.
{296} Flower’s Political Review, vol. 1. 299.
{297} We are apt to deem it a grievous hardship upon the good people of
England, under the Norman princes, to be deprived of the administration
of justice in their own mother tongue, or to have their legal proceedings
all transacted in a strange language, without considering, that the
Welsh, the Irish, and the Scotch Highlanders, are to this day used by our
own government in the same manner; in which nevertheless, we seem to
perceive no great or very material harm, hardship, or impropriety:—so
loth do we often appear to place ourselves in the situation of our
neighbours, and to use them as we would wish to be used by them.—England
must have made a queerish appearance when _law_ was administered in
_French_, and _religion_ in _Latin_, and the people knew no language but
English.
{299a} “_Ailred_ as well as _Malmsbury_ observe, that the Confessor
cured a young married woman, reduced by the Evil to a deplorable
condition, by stroking the place affected with his hand; upon which she
grew sensibly better, the humour dispersed, the scar wore off, and in a
week’s time the cure was perfected!!”—Carte 1. 357.
{299b} That Francis touched for the evil is said to be averred by
Servetus, in his 1st edition of Ptolemy’s Geography. Of its success,
indeed, we are told that he appeared far from being a believer, but it
was not the only instance of his unbelief or incredulity. He often
disbelieved what others firmly credited; for which the bloody reformer
Calvin made him pay very dearly, at last, without the gates of Geneva.
{300a} Nor does it appear that it belonged exclusively to certain
_christian_ potentates; for, long before there were any such, it had been
ascribed to the pagan emperors Vespasian and Hadrian, who are said, by
their touch, to have restored sight to the blind; and the fact seems as
well established as any of the accounts of cures effected by the touch of
our christian and English monarchs.
{300b} _See Occasional Thoughts on the Power of curing the King’s Evil_,
_ascribed to the Kings of England_—superadded to Werenfel’s Dissertation
upon superstition in natural things. Lond. 1748.
{301a} Carte, 1. 357.
{301b} Carte adds, that archbp. _Bradwardine_, Lord Chancellor
_Fortescue_, and other grave authors, give the like testimony in behalf
of the cure, as well as the practice, by that prince’s
successors:—[Richard I, John, Henry III, and the three Edwards, we may
suppose.] Carte, as before.
{302a} Occasional Thoughts, as before, 58.
{302b} Ibid.
{303} Though some, perhaps, would choose to ascribe that gift, virtue,
or power, rather to the _throne_, as the _infallibility of the pope_ has,
by one of our old satirists, been ascribed to the _papal chair_, in some
such lines as the following,
If the devil himself should get there,
Although he be full of all evil,
Yet such is the virtue in Peter’s old chair,
He would be an infallible devil.
{304} Occasional Thoughts, as before, p. 60—also New. An. Reg. 13,
[180]—It does not appear, who among Henry’s bishops, or ecclesiastics
drew up this new office for his use: but we find that it went in the
manner and form following—_First_, _the king_, _kneeling_, _shall say_,
“In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.
Amen.” _And as soon as he hath said that_, _he shall say_, Give the
blessing. _The chaplain kneeling before the king_, _and having a stole
about his neck_, _shall answer and say_, “The Lord be in your heart, and
in your lips, to confess all your sins. In the name of the Father, and
of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.” _Or else he shall say_,
“Christ hear us. In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost. Amen.” _Then by and by the king shall say_, “I confess to
God, to the blessed virgin _Mary_, to all the saints, and to you, that I
have sinned in thought, word, and deed, through my fault: I pray holy
_Mary_ and all the saints of God to pray for me.” _The chaplain shall
answer and say_, “Almighty God have mercy on you, and pardon you all your
sins, deliver you from all evil, and confirm you in good, and bring you
to everlasting life. Amen. The almighty and merciful Lord grant you
absolution and remission of all your sins, time for repentance and
amendment of life, with the grace and comfort of his holy spirit. Amen.”
_This done the chaplain shall say_, The Lord be with you. _The king
shell answer_, And with thy spirit. _The chaplain_, Part of the Gospel
according to St. Mark. _The king shall answer_, Glory to thee O Lord.
_The chaplain reads the gospel_, “Last he appeared to those eleven as
they sat at the table: and he exprobated their incredulity and hardness
of heart, because they did not believe them that had seen him risen
again. And he said to them: going into the whole world, preach the
Gospel to all creatures. He that believeth and is baptized, shall be
saved: but he that believeth not shall be condemned. And them that
believe these signs shall follow: in my name, shall they cast out devils,
they shall speak with new tongues. Serpents shall they take up, and if
they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them; they shall impose
hands upon the sick and they shall be whole.” _Which last clause_, (They
shall impose _&c._) _the chaplain repeats as long as the king is handling
the sick person_. _And in the time of repeating the aforesaid words_
(they shall impose &c.) _the clerk of the closet shall kneel before the
king_, _having the sick person on the right hand_, _and the sick persons
shall also kneel before the king_; _and the king shall lay his hand upon
the sore of the sick person_. _This done the chaplain shall make an end
of the Gospel_. “And so our Lord Jesus, after he spake unto them, was
assumpted into heaven, and sate on the right hand of God. But they going
forth preached every where; our Lord working withal, and confirming the
word with signs which followed.” _Whilst this is reading_, _the
chirurgeon shall lead away the sick person from the king_. _And after
the Gospel the chaplain shall say_, The Lord be with you. _The king
shall answer_, And with thy spirit. _The chaplain_, The beginning of the
Gospel according to St. John. _The king_, Glory to thee O Lord. _The
chaplain then shall say the Gospel following_, [i.e. _the first words of
John’s Gospel_, _ending at verse 9th._] It was the true light which
lightneth every man that cometh into this world. _Which last clause_,
(It was the true light, &c.) _shall be restated so long as the king shall
be crossing the sort of the sick person_, _with an angel of gold noble_,
_and the sick person to have the same angel hang’d about his neck_, _and
to wear it until he be full whole_. _This done_, _the chirurgion shall
lead away the sick person as he did before_, _and then the chaplain shall
make an end of the gospel_ [i.e. read on from verse the 9th, where he
left off before, to the end of verse 14.] _Then the chaplain shall say_,
The Lords name be praised. _The King shall answer_, Now and for ever.
_Then shall the chaplain say this collect following_, _praying for the
sick person or persons_: O Lord hear my prayer. _The king shall answer_.
And let my cry come unto thee. _The chaplain_, Let us pray. “Almighty
and everlasting God, the eternal health of them that believe; graciously
hear us for thy servants for whom we implore the aid of thy mercy, that
their health being restored to them, they may give thee thanks in thy
church, through Christ our Lord. Amen.”
_This prayer following is to be said secretly_, _after the sick persons
be departed from the king_, _at his pleasure_.—“Almighty God, Ruler and
Lord, by whose goodness the blind see, the deaf hear, the dumb speak, the
lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, and all sick persons are healed of
their infirmities: By whom also alone the gift of healing is given to
mankind and so great a grace, through thine unspeakable goodness toward
this realm, is granted unto the kings thereof, that by the sole
imposition of their hands, a most grievous and filthy disease should be
cured: Mercifully grant that we may give thee thanks therefore, and for
this thy singular benefit conferred on us, not to ourselves, but to thy
name let us daily give glory; and let us always so exercise ourselves in
piety, that we may labour not only diligently to conserve, but every day
more and more to encrease thy grace bestowed upon us: And grant that on
whose bodies soever we have imposed hands in thy name, through this thy
virtue working in them, and through our ministry, may be restored to
their former health, and being confirmed therein, may perpetually with us
give thanks to thee the chief physician and healer of all diseases; and
that henceforth they may so lead their lives, as not their bodies only
from sickness, but their souls also from sin may be perfectly purged and
cured: through our Lord Jesus Christ thy son, who liveth and reigneth
with thee in the unity of the Holy Ghost, God world without end. Amen.”
The reader will readily perceive that the above office, or formulary was
entirely of _popish_ manufacture; the king and whole nation being then
papists; but it probably differed not much, if at all, from those used
afterwards by our _protestant_ princes, except in the article of
_invoking_ the _Virgin Mary_ and the _Saints_; in which also consists,
seemingly, the chief difference between the _Romish_ and _English
Liturgies_: in other respects the resemblance is great and striking;
which is not much to be wondered at, as the model of the latter is pretty
well known to have been taken from the former.
{306} Seward’s Anecdotes, 1, 38.
{308} Occasional Thoughts, as before, 61.
{309} So little did those reformers know of the _spirit_ of
christianity; and yet they are still held up, by a numerous and powerful
religious party among us, as patterns of orthodoxy and pure religion: as
if those men, who knew the least of the spirit of Christ, and the
principles of common justice, were most likely to know most of the
doctrines and precepts of the gospel, and be of all men the fittest to
follow; or as if that religion should be the most orthodox, pure, and
estimable, that shews the least of the spirit of the New Testament, and
even allows of intolerance, persecution, and murder.
{310a} Her conduct, in torturing and burning those whom the deemed
_heretics_, cannot well be thought more diabolical or execrable than that
of her successors _Elizabeth_ and _James_, toward those whom they viewed
in a similar light: the latter _burns_ them, as _Mary_ did, and no less
cruelly and unjustly; and the former imprisoned, tortured, hanged,
embowelled, and quartered them. This was the good queen Bess. Her whole
bench of bishops, all of the right reformed and _evangelical_ stamp,
applauded her deeds.
{310b} That part of the ceremony, however, appears to have been expunged
in the next reign, and discontinued afterwards till that of James II.
without any diminution of the effect. See Oc. Thoughts, as before, 62.
{310c} Carte, 1, 357.
{312a} Carte, 1, 358, note.
{312b} Athenæum No. 4.
{317a} This proclamation therefore must have been published and affixed
in some open place at Lynn.
{317b} See the _Athenæum_ No, 4, p. 360.
{319} See the _Athenæum_ for April and May 1809.
{320} Athenæum as before.
{324} Would not the case have been the same with their descendants of
the present generation, had our three last monarchs thought proper to
continue the practice, or the present sovereign chose to revive it?—How
strikingly was the easy faith of the nation exemplified in the implicit
credit it gave to a late premier’s possessing extraordinary and plenary
ability to heal all the national or political maladies of Britain, of
Europe, and of the world? And had he pretended to a power to cure the
scrofula, or any other bodily complaint, with his _touch_, would it not
have been readily believed by all his numerous admirers, and by the
greatest part of our countrymen? And would not numerous witnesses have
soon appeared, ready to attest the reality and completeness of his
cures?—Circumstances seem evidently to favour these conclusions: nor will
the story of the _Dumb Doctor_, still fresh in every body’s memory, (not
to mention other cases) allow of our making here an exception in favour
of the inhabitants of Lynn.
For the sake of those readers who live at a distance from Lynn, the
affair here last alluded to may require some explanation. Be it known
therefore, that the empirical Adventurer, called the _Dumb Doctor_, made
his appearance at Lynn about four and twenty years ago; and for a good
while after spent most of his time between this town and Wisbeach. It
was given out that he had been deaf and dumb from his birth, and that he
was a native of New England, or some part of North America, where he had,
somehow, (miraculously, or at least in some very extraordinary and
wonderful manner no doubt) acquired very deep knowledge and skill in the
healing art; and after having performed great and astonishing cures in
his own country, had actually crossed the wide Atlantic out of pure
kindness and compassion to the sick and infirm folk of this kingdom, most
of whose complaints he might be expected capable of removing.—The tale
very generally took with our good townsmen, and numbers of ailing people,
gentle and simple, well-bred and ill-bred, from all quarters, flocked to
the impostor for relief. Not a few of them also declared that they had
actually derived great benefit from his prescriptions.—Thus he went on
very prosperously, till an old acquaintance of his unluckily came to
town, blew him up, and blasted all his hopes. He then suddenly decamped,
and was never since seen or heard of in these parts.—It seems he had
belonged so a company of strolling players, from which honourable
fraternity he had been on some occasion expelled: upon which he took up
the medical profession, pretending to be deaf and dumb, and a native of
North America, as was before stated.—This may serve to shew that with all
our skepticism and infidelity, and our large stock of fancied light and
discernment, learning and refinement, we are by no means so far removed
from the easy faith and blind credulity of our ancestors, or become such
complete proofs against the wiles of imposture, or the specious arts of
daring deceivers, as might be supposed, from our confident, loud, and
boisterous boastings.
{328} Sullivan’s Lectures on the Feudal System, and Laws of England, p.
180.
{329a} Blackstone ii. 51, and iv. 411.
{329b} See Caste 1. 423.
{330} Sullivan’s Lectures, No. xvii, xviii, and xxviii.
{331} Leckie’s Historical Survey of the foreign affairs of Great
Britain, Part I, page 57, &c.
{333} Leckie, as before, p. 66.
{334} Blackstone iv. 408. Neal Hist. Pur. I. 1.
{335} Blackstone iv. 409.—Our _Game Laws_ are not only exceedingly
detested, by those of the middle as well as lower orders, throughout the
country, (which constitute the major part of the nation,) but seem also
to be among the most grievous and disgraceful of all our present laws.
In no view can they be deemed respectable or defensible. Nor is the
conduct of our magistrates perhaps ever more unseemly or disreputable
than in the unfeeling, cruel, and relentless rigour with which they put
these vile laws in execution. In nothing probably more than in this does
our present state resemble that of France before the revolution. The
Game Laws there were then intolerably severe and grievous, and enforced
by the magistrates with unrelenting and diabolical rigour; so that they
used to fill even the very Gallies with their hapless victims: all which
recoiled with vengeance upon them and their abettors, the privileged
orders, in the dreadful change which ensued. Those laws no longer exist
in that country: but a recent traveller, (Pinkney,) informs us, “that
though there are now no game laws in France, there is a decency and
moderation in the lower orders, which answer the same purpose. No one
presumes to shoot game, except on land of which he is the proprietor or
tenant.”—No where in England are these laws supposed to be more
grievously felt than in Norfolk; of which a popular and respectable
author of the present day speaks as follows—“What is denominated _Game_
is very plentiful is this county. The arable lands affording both food
and cover, and the gentry, being particularly attached to the amusement
of sporting, have recourse to the strong arm of the law for its
preservation. This tenacity on the part of the landholders, producing
covetous desires in the tenants, is a strong inducement to poaching, and
the source of numberless disagreements, which too frequently terminate in
suits at law. Hence they are oppressive to one party and disgraceful to
the other. The various statutes, called ‘the Game Laws,’ are justly
deemed the opprobrium of the English code; and in no county perhaps are
those statutes acted upon with greater rigor than they usually are in
Norfolk. The endless litigations upon this despicable point have lately
become the subject of theatrical ridicule; and this county has on the
occasion been made the _butt_ of dramatic satire. “Searchum, get
warrants immediately, for seizing guns, nets, and snares; let every dog
in the parish be collected for hanging to-morrow morning. Give them a
taste for _Norfolk discipline_.” Happy would it be for the country, if
ridicule, as reason has hitherto failed, should be able to induce the
legislature to abrogate laws, which, as they were made to support an
assumed claim, can only be continued in force to protect an usurped
right.” [Beauties of England v. xi. p. 90, &c.]
It is most disgusting to men of sound and liberal minds to hear with what
complacency, selfgratulation, as well as selfimportance, the magistrates,
at the convivial meetings of the gentry, will be sometimes expatiating on
the rigour of their proceedings against the transgressors of the game
laws, and describing how effectually they curb and keep in awe the
farmers, and trounce to their utter undoing some of the most active among
the lower order of poachers. Such a conduct is nothing less than a
publishing of their own shame, and a boasting of their own misdoings; and
had they expanded and reflecting minds, or any minds at all, they would
blush for such a conduct, and carefully and studiously refrain from it,
as well as from all manner of excess in their proceedings against
poachers, many of whom with their luckless families have been utterly
ruined by them. Some of those ill-fated culprits have perished in
prison, after long and rigorous confinement: one of whom, named
_Saunders_, died miserably in goal, after a _six years_ incarceration,
who probably was as well bred as some of his relentless judges; on which
occasion the following lines were composed:
“_Epitaph on Nathaniel Saunders_, _gentleman_:
“Nat! thou’st escap’d just in the nick of time!
Thine was a barbarous and a bloody crime!
How long confin’d?—six years—that’s only fair;
What was his crime? the scoundrel kill’d a hare!”
{338a} Blackstone, iv. 410.
{338b} Ibid, 411.
{340} Not a few of the most high-spirited and warlike withdrew into
foreign parts; some sailed to the Mediterranean, and found at
Constantinople a ready protector in the emperor of the east, who united
them to the Barangi, or battle-ax guards, as some of their countrymen had
been long before. [See Andrews, vol. 1.]
{341a} Blackstone, vol. 1. Robinson’s Sermon on Slavery, and appendix.
Sullivan’s Lectures, 258.
{341b} It has been suggested that some vestiges of our ancient vassalage
is discoverable still in the abject state of the bulk of those miscalled
_freemen_, nine out of ten of whom, perhaps, have no will of their own in
the choice of representatives, but implicitly act under the direction of
the modern masters of the town.—The author, however, does not mean to
give the name of _slave-holders_ to the two families that now nominate,
appoint, return, or send our members to parliament.
{342} The author hopes the reader will excuse the repetition of this
topic: he wishes all the different orders of the community may be
convinced that they are brethren, and that those of the higher orders may
possess the proper feelings towards their inferiors, even of the very
lowest degrees, who though they have not so much at stake in these
perilous times, are yet of the very same species with themselves, and so
must be entitled to their tender and fraternal attentions.
{343} The same seems also to have been the case in the recent
continental conquests and changes: the lower orders and bulk of the
people appear to be gainers rather than losers by those events: they were
so burdened and oppressed by the old governments, without any hope of
redress, or the least prospect of melioration, that they became at last
quite regardless who should be their rulers, and rather hailed than
deprecated the French emperor’s successes and triumphs; believing, it
seems, that, if he became their master, their condition, as it could not
well be worse, would or might probably be better than what it then was
become under their own native princes, who treated them, not as men, or
beings of the same species with themselves, but rather as beasts of
burden, made only for their use and service; and who were oftentimes
disposed of by them and sold like other cattle. Such was the abject and
degraded state of the lower classes and great body of the people in most
of the regular and old established governments of Europe, before the
French revolution. Had the rulers been wise enough afterwards to
conciliate the good will and esteem, and secure the attachment of the
people, by holding out and granting to them what would be worth
contending for, the French had never been able to over-run every country
and overturn every government as, they have done. Emancipating the
people, and admitting them to the enjoyment of real freedom, would render
them a different race of men, capable of effectually defending their
country; and repelling any hostile attack or invasion. But the
statesmen, directors, and managers of the old governments are not, it
seems, to be convinced of these obvious, salutary, and important truths.
Instead of adopting such a plan, they have too plainly manifested a
disposition to augment rather than diminish the burdens and sufferings of
the people. The consequence was natural, and what might have been
expected. But the managers of the old institutions have not yet begun to
learn wisdom from observation and experience.—Even the pretended patriots
_of Spain_, who have made such fuss about their national liberty and
independence, have shewn as much reluctance as the rest, to ease the
burdens of the people, or ameliorate the condition of the great body of
the nation; and as they seem bent upon perpetuating the old tyranny, and
unwilling to avail themselves of the only step that would give their
resistance any chance of success, their miscarriage and downfal ought to
be viewed without regret.
{346a} See Carte, and Parkin; also Beauties of England, vol. xi.
{346b} The business was at least acceded to by bishop Nykke, but the
surrender seems to have been made by his successor bishop Rugg.
{349} It must be a mistake, and should no doubt be 1039; so that he
filled the see but one year.—See Beauties of England, as before.
{350} See Beauties of England, vol. xi, where a fuller account is given
of some of these bishops.
{351} Armstrong’s history of Norfolk, vol. 1. p. 206.
{358} See Tour of Norfolk, p. 180: also Beauties of England as before.
{359} Pope Urban promised _the full remission of all their sins_, not
only to everyone who crossed the seas in that quarrel, and personally
engaged in that bloody crusade against the other pope and his adherents,
but also to all who would engage to pay any number of able soldiers
employed on the occasion, and even to all such as would advance any part
of their substance to the general (bp. Spencer,) towards defraying the
expences of the expedition. The pope’s absolution, pronounced by the
said episcopal commander in chief, was expressed as follows—
“By the authority apostolical, to me in this behalf committed, We
absolve thee A. B. from all thy sins confessed with thy mouth, and
being contrite with thy heart, and whereof thou wouldst be confessed,
if they came into thy memory: and we grant unto thee plenary
remission of all manner of sins, and we promise unto thee thy part of
the reward of all just men, and of everlasting salvation. And as
many privileges as are granted unto them that go to fight for the
Holy Land, we grant onto thee; and of all the prayers and benefits of
the church, the universal synod, as also the holy catholic church we
make thee partaker.”—(See Fox, Vol. 1.)
{360} There were doubtless many Lynn people in that army; the general
being lord of this town.
{363} It is somewhat remarkable, that though both Mackerell and Parkin
appear to have made use of that MS Volume, and the former drew most of
his materials from it, for the most part verbatim, yet neither of them
take any notice of those letters, which yet form the most curious part of
the whole volume.
{365} The documents or papers above referred to, consist of 1. a Letter
from John Wentworth mayor of Lynn to the king (Hon. iv.) dated on St.
Martin’s day 1403, and complaining of the opposite party, as outrageous
persons who committed the most horrid crimes, and proceeded in the most
riotous manner against their opponents, with the intent to spoil and rob
them of their goods, burn their houses, slay and dismember their persons,
&c. It is not the first letter he wrote to his majesty, for he refers to
others of anterior date. Those however are lost, or we might possess a
more correct knowledge of this business. The _second_ of those papers is
a Letter from Petipas, then mayor, to some of his friends, complaining of
Wentworth and his adherents and _assentaunts_ for troubling him in the
discharge of his duty, and requiring them “be bille or be mouthe” [by
letter or by word of mouth] to acquaint his reverend lord of Norwich
[i.e. the bishop] with the affair, and solicit his interference. &c. Its
date is 1413, the first of Henry V.—The _third_ is from the same, and
seemingly to the same, and written, it is presumed, in 1414, the former
part of which was the latter part of his 2nd year, for he was then mayor
two years successively. The _fourth_ was from _Thomas Hunt_, who became
mayor in the autumn of 1415 to _Johan Spencer_, viscount de Norff. [i.e.
the High Sheriff of the county] and is dated “atte Lenn ye tede day of
the mone of Juylet, ye yere of ye regne of King Henry ye fyft ye ferth:”
which was A.D. 1416. This curious paper complains of _Thomas Felwell_,
goldsmith, who had been indicted for his misdeeds, as an instigator of _a
rysing_ and _ryot_—also of _Thomas Hardell_, and _Thomas Enemethe_, “and
very many of the misdoers resorten and drawen again in counsailles to
Barth. Petipas in sustenance of his p. tie,” &c. It also offers the
said Viscount, or high sheriff, a _present of a young He-Bear_, which
seems a queer circumstance. But what makes this paper of most
importance, is its confirming, along with the other documents, the very
distracted state of the town at that period.—The _fifth_ is addressed “to
the lord bishopp of Norwich” (the above _John de Wakeryng_ it seems.)
“from his owen humblest tenants and devout Bedesmen, the Mayre and good
men of his town of Lenne Bishopp.” Its date is the 9 of March, the 3rd
of Henry V. which seems to answer to A.D. 1415, or 1415–16, and the mayor
was probably the above _Thomas Hunt_.—The _sixth_ and last of those
papers was a royal injunction or mandate from “Henry (VI.) by the Grace
of God king of England and of France and lord of Ireland unto the Mair of
the town of Lenne Byshopp;” and relates chiefly, as was before hinted, to
some irregularity or neglect in the choice of the 24 Jurats, directing
and enjoining that they should be freemen and lawful, and of the most
discreet, sufficient, and _least suspicious_ persons of the said town;
and each of them possessing property in lands and tenements to the amount
of C. S (i.e. one hundred shillings) a year—equal no doubt to more than
100_l._ a year now: also directing that in case any of the 24 Jurats
happened to die in the course of the year, others equally unexceptionable
should be immediately chosen in their room, &c.—As a sample of the style
and orthography of the magistrates of Lynn 400 years ago, and a specimen
of their mode of address to their prelatical lord and master, we shall
here subjoin the mayor and aldermen’s Letter to bishop _Wakeryng_.
“Worschipfull Lord and reverent fader in God, we commaund us unto
yow, humble thankant yow wt alle oure hertes, of good & graciouse
lordschip yt. yo han schewed to us before yis tyme prayand to yow of
good continunace & revrent fader, for as meche as we han conteyned be
John Thornham yor. servt. yt ye are & will be graciouse lord to us,
therefor as unknowen men, we wryten to yow in our symple manr.
preying yow yt Barth. Petypas, Will Hallyate, Thomas Middleton
taylor, Thomas Barrington goldsmyth, Thomas Monethe, Thomas Beckham,
John Balders, Thomas Littleport, Thomas Hardell, John Blome, Rich.
Baxter, Andrew Fourbe, abide out of yor. towne of lenne unto the tyme
of yor. stalling at Norwich, the whiche schalle not be longe be the
grace of God, atte which tyme we shalle mete with yow & fulliche
declare to yow all manr. of hevynesse ye whiche yay han wroght to us,
& yt. to yor. worschipfull person disclosed & fulliche in hye & in
lowe, put it in govnance of yow & of yor counsayll, & for truly sire
sithen ye. tyme yt. yay wenten out of ye town of Lenne, of whiche ye
shun sone be lord of, be ye grace of God stode never in beter reste &
pees than it hath done sithen that tyme, & yet dothe atte this day, &
be yor. good governance, these persons above wretyn sett an syde, we
tryste in God to have reste & pees for ever more in yor. towne & in
our persons ye shal fynd us as lowly tenants as any that longs to yow
within yor. lordshippes, & wt. our bodyes & our goodes, be as lowly
to yow worschipful and revrend fader in God we preye, ye. holy
trinite: keep yow body and soule, & fullfill your desires as ye can
yor. self devise. Written at Lenne ye IX day of Marche under ye
seall of the office of Mayralty.
Your owen humblest tenants and devout Bedesmen,
Mayre and good men of your towne of Lenne Bishopp.”
In this lowly and abject manner did these humblest tenants and devout
beadesmen, the mayor and corporation of Lynn, of that day, approach their
high and mighty lord, bishop Wakeryng. They were indeed his subjects and
vassals, as their predecessors had long been; and they might think that
such cringing conduct became them: but some of them would occasionally
shew a disposition to kick and resist, as had been the ease in bishop
_Spencer’s_ time, and also now, it seems, in the case of _Patipas_, as
well as of _Miller_ afterwards, who is said to have gone to law with the
bishop and cast him. But, in general, corporations, while they are some
of the most unfeeling, relentless, and tyrannical towards their
inferiors, are at the same time some of that most abject and obsequious
of all men towards their superiors and masters: hardly presuming at any
time to have a will of their own. They are as ready to erect statues to
bad as to good kings; and the premier, however corrupt or flagitious, is
pretty surf of being always their lord chancellor, or keeper of their
conscience.
{370} That year the king and queen, with their eldest son Arthur prince
of Wales, and Margaret countess of Richmond, the king’s mother, visited
Lynn, and were lodged at the Austin monastery, on the site of which Mr.
Rishton’s house now stands. The occasion of this royal visit we know
not.
{372} See Tour of Norfolk 286, &c. also Beaut. of Engl. as before.
{377} See Smith’s Inquiry, 2. 101. He also observes that how servile
soever may have been originally the condition of the inhabitants of the
towns, they yet arrived at liberty and independence much earlier than the
occupiers of land in the country.
{379} Smith, as before, 104. Among the other principal works that
relate to these matters are Madox Firma Burgi, and Brady’s historical
treatise of cities and boroughs.
{380} See Political Review for December, 1809.
{381} See Monthly Rev. for August 1805, p. 446.
{383} Smith, as before, p. 106.
{384} Smith, as before, p. 108.
{385} Smith, 110.
{387} See Mackerell, 223.
{388} See above, page 366.
{389} Of the spirit, or principle that dictated the erection of those
statues it may now be safely said, that it was thoroughly vile and
disgraceful.—What better can be said of the spirit that was so
predominant here during Pitt’s administration and execrable reign of
terror, when all honest men who saw, deprecated, and reprobated his
madbrain system were held up to the contempt and derision of every
political coxcomb, and even to the fury of the populace, as Jacobins and
traitors? Time has already done something towards justifying the views
and principles of these persecuted people; and futurity will do them
still ampler justice. The present generation is likely to be now soon
convinced that their politics, which have been so bitterly and violently
decried, were a thousand times more worthy of adoption than those of
their malicious opponents and revilers: and posterity will not fail to
exhibit in their proper colours the extreme folly and wrongheadedness of
the measures that this illfated country has been pursuing for the last
eighteen years and upwards.
{390} Parkin, 116.
{391} The Jews were then very numerous in this country, as well as very
opulent, and continued so for no short period. They were generally ill
used, and sometimes underwent the most cruel and base treatment. Yet on
some occasions, they met with different and better usage, and at least
what may be called the appearance of favour and encouragement. The
following instance is not a little remarkable and striking—“It will
hardly be credited, [says Andrews] that, in 1241, Henry III issued writs
to the sheriffs, ordering them to convene a _parliament of Jews_: six
from some towns, and two from others. The writs are now extant. The
Jews were proud of this; but Henry only meant to plunder them.” The last
assertion if probably too true. Henry was just that kind of man. It is
however very little known that he was, beforehand with Bonaparte in
convening a Jewish parliament or Sanhedrim. But the characters of these
two potentates are extremely dissimilar, and so probably were their
motives for convening the Jewish delegates.—In the above mentioned reign
of Richard I. the Jews were most shamefully and cruelly plundered and
massacred here in different places. In the guilt and infamy of those
foul and horrid deeds Lynn appears to have been deeply implicated. The
tragical tale is related by _Parkin_ from William of Newburgh, and by
_Mackerell from_ Hollingshed.—It states that one of the Lynn Jews being
converted to christianity, his brethren were so enraged against him, that
they resolved to kill him whenever they had an opportunity. Having
accordingly met him one day in the street, they instantly fell upon him,
fully intending to execute their bloody purpose, but he escaped out of
their hands, and fled into the next church; they followed him thither,
and breaking open the doors, would have taken him out by force. Crowds
of the inhabitants, with a great number of foreigners, consisting of
mariners and others, who traded here, now came upon them, rescued the
man, and drove them into their own houses. The townsmen refrained from
any further acts of violence, fearful of incurring the displeasure of
their sovereign, who had taken the Jews under his protection; but the
mariners and the other strangers followed them to their own dwellings,
massacred them there, plundered their houses and set them on fire, and
immediately taking shipping, escaped with their spoil.—Of the truth of
some part of this story some doubt may very reasonably be entertained.
It is not very likely that the Jews should act as is here represented
toward their converted brother, as they could not be insensible of the
extreme risk of such a conduct. Nor is it at all probable that the town
rabble should refrain from assisting the strangers in the massacre of the
Jews, or desist from joining them in plundering and burning those unhappy
people’s houses. These may be presumed to be additions to what did then
really happen, and designed for the purpose of exaggerating the conduct
and blackening the character of the poor Jews, as well as throwing the
whole blame and infamy of the most shocking part of the conduct of the
opposite party on those foreign mariners and other strangers who happened
to be then in the town. It was always the manner of the pretended
christians of those days, to impute some previous horrid atrocity to the
Jews, in order to blind people’s eyes, and extenuate their own barbarous
and diabolical treatment of them. Upon the whole the plunder and
massacre of the Jews seem to be that part of the above story which is
unquestionably authentic. But Lynn was not the only place in England
where the Jews were then so treated. The brutal and horrid work began in
London, whence it extended to Lynn and other places, even as far as York,
where it ended in a scene most shockingly tragical; the effects of which
proved fatal to the commercial prosperity of that ancient city.—See
Andrew, 1. 192.
{392} Parkin, 120 whose authority is Madox’s Hist. of the Exchequer.
{393a} Parkin, as before.
{393b} That Lynn was a mayor-town in the reign, or before the death of
JOHN, has been disputed by some; but the fact seems fully ascertained
from the Patent rolls—that king’s letters patents, dated at Devizes,
Wilts, June 7 (1216) in the 18th year of his reign, being addressed to
_the_ MAYOR _and good men of Lenn_.
{395} See Gibson’s Camden—Parkin—Mackerell, and Tour of Norfolk.
{396} Carte 1. 340.
{398} Compare Parkin, Rapin, Carte, and Andrews.
{399a} See Gibson’s Camden.
{399b} Parkin, 122.
{401} Parkin, p. 122.
{402} Parkin, as before.
{405a} Parkin 123.
{405b} See Parkin, as before; who further observes, that Lynn was famous
at that time for importing wine: and it seems that foreign wine was then
very cheap here, compared with what it is at present. Hence Parkin
mentions a pipe of wine as selling here then at 1_l._ 15_s._ and a tun of
wine at 50_s._ These were probably red wine, for he afterwards mentions
a tun of white wine as having been sold for three marks and a half, i.e.
2_l._ 6_s._ 3_d._—The mark being 13_s._ 4_d._—Wine sells here now at a
price above 50 times higher than what it did at that period. Salmon was
an article that appears to have always fetched a high price in those
days; and Parkin, in the place from which these articles have been
extracted, mentions 20_s._ as paid for 5 Salmons sent to the bishop of
Norwich at South Elmham, on Monday before the feast of the purification.
Ten such Salmons were then, it seems, as valuable as a pipe of wine.
{411} The word Gild, (says Chambers,) is formed from the Saxon _Gildan_,
to pay, became every man was _gildare_, i.e. to pay something towards the
charge and support of the company.
{412} Annual Review, for 1807, 490.
{413a} See Jacob’s Law Dictionary, under the word GUILD.
{413b} Religious persons, clerks, knights and their eldest sons,
excepted.
{413c} Chamber’s Cyclopædia, under GILD and FRANK _pledge_.
{415} See Turner’s Hist. of the Anglo-Saxon, 2nd Ed. vol. 2. p. 109, &c.
{420} Parkin, 134, 5.
{421a} The Gilds of the common people, or those which had no large
possessions attached to them, were then probably not meddled with, but
suffered to go on as before. Some of them, as we have before seen,
existed in Camden’s time, and perhaps a good while afterwards.
{421b} St. George’s Hall, after it became the property of the
corporation, was long used as a court-house, to hold the quarter-sessions
for the county. Those sessions have since been removed to the Trinity
Guildhall, now the Town-hall: since which time St. George’s hall has been
converted into a Play-house, and is now during the mart time, and for
sometime after, occupied annually by a company of comedians.
{423} A word is here left out: _Security_, perhaps.
{424a} _surety_, perhaps.
{424b} It probably should be 2_s._
{425a} Here is an illegible word: those that follow also are scarcely
intelligible.
{425b} Our modern clerks are better paid.
{425c} They had secrets, it seems, which they deemed of much importance;
but it does not appear of what sort they were.
{426a} Some word or words seem here wanting.
{426b} This shews that this Gild also had a Hall.
{426c} Supposing the number of members to be 50, his annual stipend, or
salary amounted to only 25_s._ A chaplain now would expect fifty times
that sum, at least.
{427} _Hoods_ must have been the word omitted.
{429} A strange word, whose meaning seems not very easy to ascertain.
{430} This shews that some of the members of this Gild were poor.
{431a} This Gild consisted then, it seems, of 50 members.
{431b} By this it appears that the Corpus Christi Gild had a separate
Hall, but where it stood does not appear. That Gild seems therefore to
have been another of the superior order.
{431c} It seems by this that the Gild of St. Lawrence also was one of
those of a superior order.
{432a} The minstrels, it may be supposed, were employed on their public
days, to add to the conviviality, or glee and hilarity of those meetings;
which shews the members were not of an uncheerly cast. Minstrels must
have been then in no small request at Lynn.
{432b} “A Bill” [of expences relating to the Almshouse, with memoranda.]
_s._ _d._
The Alderman’s ffee 3. 4.
Mess [Mass] Pence 6. 8.
For sowing [sewing] blankets & Sheets 0. 8.
A Bucket for the Almeshouse 0. 5.
Straw to the Beds 0. 3.
To Wm. Lister Almes 0. 4.
To Nicholas . . . Almes 0. 8.
To a Mason for a daies work 0. 7.
His man 0. 4.
Shinks 0. 1.
For 3 pair sheets 7. 6.
2 pair ditto 4. 8.
3 Mattrisses 8. 0.
For Mass pence at Oferings 4. 0.
For the Hearth making in ye Kitchen 1. 8.
For a Lanthorn in the middle of the house 0. 7.
For the Bed bottoms 1. 1.
Paid for the souls of Nicholas Bardeny Prior of Lynn, Wm. Wattlett, John
Dean, and many more, each of them 2s. 6d.
Robt. Soame gave a Load of Oatstraw for repairing their Beds.
Ordered that the Keeper ring the Bell at 6 o’clock at night, & there be
prayers daily, & that the Alderman visit the Almeshouse once a month to
see that nothing be amiss.
{436a} This is the only mention we have met with of _Saint Julian’s
Horn_, the history of which, no doubt, would be very amusing, if it could
be recovered.
{436b} This shews that even our suffragan bishops assumed the power of
granting indulgences, or licences to sin with impunity, on such
conditions as they chose to prescribe.
{439a} Parkin, 130.
{439b} Ibid. 141.
{440a} Parkin, 142.
{440b} Those of the Gilds seem to be _the only aldermen_ of Lynn in
those days, see page 395.
{441} Of St Audrey and her _smock_, and our Lady and her _appearances_
at Thetford, some account may be found in Martin’s History of that town.
Speaking of the church of St. Audrey, he says, it was of but small
revenue, but that a famous relique made ample amends to the priest for
the smallness of his stipend. He then introduces the following extract
from _Bacon’s Reliques of Rome_, fol. 181.—
“In Thetford, a Mayor town in Norfolk, there was a parish church, now
destroyed, called St. Audrise. In this church among other reliques,
was a _smock_ of St. Audrise, which was there kept as a great Jewel
and precious Relique. The virtue of that _smock_ was mighty and
manifold, but specially in putting away the toothach and swelling of
the throte: so that the paciente was first of all shriven and hard
masse, and did such oblations as the priest of the church enjoyned.”
The Vulgar supposed this relique to be so full of sacred virtue, that
they ordered, in their Wills, certain persons to go in pilgrimage to it
for the salvation of their souls. Margaret Whoop, of East Harling, had
the following clause in her Will, which was dated 1501: “I will that
another man go in pilgrimage for me to Thetford, and offer for me to St.
Audrey’s Smock.” See Martin’s Thetford, p. 79.—Nothing is more probable
than that this same smock, in those days, drew many a pilgrim from Lynn
to Thetford.
Of the blessed Virgin’s _appearances_ to divers persons at Thetford, one
was to a woman who had lost the use of her tongue, but whom she cured the
same time. The person who asserted and recorded this was a monk. The
same monk has prefaced his account of another of the Virgin’s miracles at
Thetford in the following notable and curious manner.
“I have thought proper to relate a most remarkable miracle, because
of its tendency to exemplify the mercy of _God_, and to exhibit the
praise of _his mother_, and is most worthy of public attention; for
whatever tends to the Glory of God, and relates to his mother, is not
to be concealed or denied, but to be received as matter of
fact.”—[Then comes the marvellous tale—] “William Heddrich, junr.
carpenter, and Isabell his wife, lived in a town of Norfolk, called
Hockham. They had a child 3 years old, who in harvest time was
carried with them into the field, as was customary with peasants who
went to their day labour. On a certain day about sun setting, the
child happened to be sleep, and actually fell into a sound sleep on
the edge of the field where his parents were reaping. In the dusk of
the evening, a man driving his cart along that side of the field
where the child lay, unfortunately the wheel went over the child’s
head, unknown to the driver, and killed him on the spot. The father
of the child was following the cart when the accident happened. He
took the child up in his arms, and finding him dead and besmeared
with his own blood, he made bitter lamentations. He then ran to an
eminent surgeon in the same town, who had healed many who had
laboured under various infirmities, by the sovereign efficacy of his
medicines. After the surgeon had minutely examined the child, he
found no symptoms of life; but he advised the father to carry it
home, and the next day prepare for its funeral. When the father had
heard the opinion of the surgeon, and was convinced that he was
deprived of his child, with heart full of grief he look up the corpse
and went to his house, and delivered it to his wife, that she might
lay it on the bed. Then he assembled his friends and neighbours
together, in order to watch that night, as was customary before a
funeral. Being thus met they devoted themselves to watching, and
with the greatest ardour of devotion prayed to the blessed _mother of
God_, vowing that, if by her intercession the child should be
restored to life, they would go on a pilgrimage naked to the image of
the blessed virgin, in the church of the monks in Thetford, and there
make the usual offering. When they had made an end of their prayers
and vows, about midnight, the child revived. Those that were
present, when they beheld the happy effect of their prayers, praised
and blessed God. And, to perform their vows, they took the child,
and carried it before the image of the blessed virgin, and fulfilled
the obligation they had put themselves under.”—see Appendix to
Martin’s Thetford, p. 83.
Such were some of the pious and popular tales of other times, in the
parts about Lynn: but before we affect to pity the credulous weakness and
miserable stupidity of our ancestors, who could receive them, let us be
careful that we ourselves are free from similar failings, or from other
failings equally inexcusable and disgraceful.
{444} The electioners, this year, who chose the Alderman and Scabins,
were 8 persons deputed.
{445a} What wages!
{445b} There to play an anteme of our Lady.
{448} Parkin, 145.
{449a} Mackerell’s History of Lynn, 254.—what the last expression,
_after the conquest_, means, seems difficult to make out.
{449b} Of this _Tabernacle_ the author regrets that he can give no
particular account. The above extract is the only record where he has
met with any mention of it.—It was probably a rich shrine enclosing an
image of our Saviour.
{451} At p. 39 of the said MS. volume, speaking of the people of Lynn,
the writer says, “John de Grey, bishop of Norwich, was their great friend
and benefactor: in 1207 he gave king John a palfrey, in order to have
Duplicates of the Charter which he had obtained for his town of Lynn, it
being owing to this bishop that Lynn ever had a charter, as the original
one of king John now in the custody of that corporation testifies: the
whole, or chief liberties of that town being before that time in the
bishop.” [De Grey confirmed the royal charter against his own
successors.]
{453} St. Nicholas and St. James.
{454a} Skivins, Skivini, or Scabini, were the custodes, guardians,
governors, or stewards.
{454b} Mr. Day’s MS. volume, 48, and Parkin, 148.
{455a} A sextary was an ancient measure, said to be a pint and half, but
it appears here, from the price &c. to be much more, and was _four
gallons_.
{455b} _Four Gallons_ of Wine sold then for 10_d._
{455c} The word obliterated was probably serta, a coronet [or chaplet.]
{455d} The skivins were _four_ in number, as appears from a deed of
Thomas bp. of Ely in the 25th of Henry VI. Simon Pigot, Richard Cosyn,
Thomas Benet, and William Pilton, then called therein, custodes sive
scabins, &c. They served, as I take it, in all, two years, the seniors
going off yearly, when two others were chosen &c. they had the charge &c.
as appears, of the goods and effects of the guild.—_Parkin_.
{457} Ante palmatam. Hence we may perceive the old custom of shaking
hands at an agreement or bargain. [Striking hands is still customary in
some places in making bargains; the buyer holds his hand open, and the
seller strikes it with open hand; whence they are said to have _struck a
bargain_.]
{459a} Psalm 116.
{459b} It probably should be _Dirge_.
{459c} 14th of September.
{461} Nativus servus—[This seems to do little credit to the feelings, or
to the memory of these rich gild brethren: Why should any sober,
industrious person, though of servile birth, or origin, be thus
disdainfully precluded from partaking of the benefit of their
institution, while he could advance the admission, or entrance money?]
{462a} Same date. Quere if not Edward, 1. 1279.
{462b} We have not these meetings any where explained: nor do we well
know in what they were distinguished from those called generals.
{464} The remainder of the above article, being rather long, and what
would take up too much room in the text, but too curious, perhaps, to be
omitted, is thrown into this note, and is as follows.—
“And that the said skivins are to take keyage of merchandizes lying
on the key in manner and form following. viz. For every pipe
(dolium) of wine lying on the kay beyond one day 1_d._ and no more
for a week, and so for every week.—_Also_, for every pipe of Wad.
{465a} lying on the kay beyond a day 1_d._ and no more for a week,
and so for every week.—_Also_, for every fardwell called gybe {465b}
of the weight of one pipe or above lying on the kay beyond a day
1_d._ and no more for a week, and so for every week—And in the same
manner for any other goods or ware of the weight of one pipe of wine
or more lying, &c—Of every ship bringing in goods, or carrying out,
4_d._ or less according to the discretion of the skivins—_Also_ for
three stones, called Slipstones, lying on the kay beyond a day, a
farthing, and not more for a week, and so for every week.—_Also_, for
two pieces of Lead {465c} lying on the kay above one day a farthing,
and not more for a week, and so for every week—_Also_, for sand,
chalk, clay, stone, tiles, and other things, of the weight of one
load, lying on the kay above a day, an halfpenny, _&c._—_Also_, for
the load of one boat of sand, chalk, &c. lying, &c. a
farthing.—_Also_, for any wares or goods not herein named, according
to the custom the skivins have used.—_Also_, tor every millstone,
lying above a day, an halfpenny, &c.—_Also_, for every last of
Quernstones. {465d} lying on the kay above a day, one penny
&c.—_Also_, for every last of pitch and brimstone lying one day,
1_d._ and so for every day.—_Also_, for every hawser tyed to the kay,
one penny.—_Also_, The sd. [qu. said] day it is ordered that no bad
persons, nor any spiritual {465e} person, should work upon the kay.”
{465a} Quere.
{465b} A grant, pack, or bale of goods? gybe, from Gibbus.
{465c} Duob. peciis plumbi, probably what are now called piggs.
{465d} De Quernstonis, small grinding stones for mustard, malt &c. as I
take it: Quern for corn by corruption.
{465e} Spiritual: it is likely that some of the monks or fryars used to
do sq.
[These notes are Parkin’s.]
{466a} This article may be considered as a rule for preserving good
manners at the guild. The prohibition of coming there _barefooted_, is a
plain indication, that it was common then, even for those of the better
sort, to go about ordinarily without shoes and stockings. The case is
very different now: and yet it may be questioned, if we live happier than
they did. The former article contains directions for the conduct of the
brethren and burgesses at Stirbich and other such fairs.
{466b} The remainder of the account of this guild, in the said MS.
Volume, consists of brief notices, or rather the names of its aldermen at
different periods: [by _Parkin_.] Of which the following is the
substance.—
Richard Lambert occurs Alderm. 1272. 56. Henry 3.
Robert de London alderm. occurs 15. Edward I. and 18. Edward I. Wm
de Lyndesey was his deputy. Peter de Thrundeyn chos. ald. on Friday
after the assumpt. of the Virg. M. 18. Ed. I. and occurs also in the
34. of the said king.
Simon Fitz Simon occ. ald. 15. § Ed. 2. John de Morton then Mayor
3rd. time.
Robt. de Derby, Q. if not ald. 3. Ed. 3. seems to occ.
Jeff. Drew ald. occ. 27. and 31. Ed. 3.
Tho. Bottesham occ. ald. 44. Ed. 3. and in 1379.
Wm. Franceys ald. 14. Ed. 3.
Hen. Betely occ. ald. tem. Rich. 2.
Roger Galyon occ. Mayor and Ald. 13. Hen. 4. 25 July.
John Brunham occ. ald. 7. Hen. 4. 5. and in 3.
Tho. Hunt occ. ald. 20 June 1 Hen. 6.
Hen. Thoresby occ. ald. 25. Hen. 6. and 21 Hen. 6.
Walter Cony ald. 1464. above 14 years, dy’d 29 Sept. 1479.
{471} _Seche_ is here distinguished from _Sechehythe_.
{472} Mr. Day’s MS. volume, p. 59, &c.
{476} How happy it was for them to have betwixt them and God such a
powerful mediator as _saint Francis_!
{477a} I.e. a halfpenny.
{477b} All this is very good.
{477c} The meaning of that word seems difficult to make out.
{479} This shows that the _mornspechs_ and _generals_ were different
sorts of meetings; but it seems not very clear wherein they were
so.—Quere, if the former were not the religious, and the latter the
convivial meetings.
{480a} Ob. seems to be here a contraction of _obolus_, and signifies a
_half-penny_.
{480b} How very different from the present was that time when _three fat
sheep_ sold for _eight shillings_, and _three fatted calves_ for only
_eight shilling and ten pence_! The difference in a great measure may
consist in the comparative value of money, or of the precious metals.
They were then, perhaps, above 20 times more valuable, and less
plentiful, than now. We are told that the Jewish Solomon made silver to
be in Jerusalem as stone, and that it was nothing accounted of in his
days: our own Solomon seems to be in the way to bring things to the same
pass. But this is no sure indication of national prosperity—Solomon’s
subjects, for all the vast influx of wealth, were grievously oppressed
and unhappy, of which his unwise successor felt the sad and fatal
effects.—The dissolution of monasteries, expulsion of the monks, and
introduction of protestantism were long bewailed by many of our country
men, as very serious evils, and the causes of the dearness of provisions,
&c. Their sentiments and feelings they would often express in verse as
well as prose: whence one of our old popular songs had in it these
remarkable expressions—
“I remember the time, before the monks went hence,
That a bushel of wheat sold for fourteen pence,
And forty eggs a penny—”
We are also told that about the time when those changes took place, beef
sold at a _half penny_ a pound, and mutton at _three farthings_, and that
butchers then sold _penny pieces_ of beef to the poor, which weighed
2_lb._ & half, and often 3_lb._ and moreover, that 14 such pieces were
sold for shilling.—When the price advanced soon after, it is no wonder
that many would impute it to the late religious changes, or previous
ecclesiastical revolution.
{480c} Ob. seems to be here a contraction of _obolus_, and signifies a
_half-penny_.
{485} Our Gilds were somewhat like the navies of our good allies the
Portuguese and Spaniards, where almost every ship bears the name of some
saint or other: but it does not seem that they are at all the better for
that.
{486} How many _Gild Halls_ there were formerly at Lynn, besides those
of _St. George_ and the _Trinity_, it is now impossible to say: but we
may pretty safely presume that there were several; one of them was
probably that place in Purfleet Street which was a dissenting meeting
house 40 or 50 years ago, and is now occupied as a school room: but we
pretend not to guess to what Gild it belonged.
{488} Beauties of England, vol. xi, 245.
{489a} See Parkin 126.
{489b} We cannot find what church this was.
{489c} Men were then in England conveyed with the land.
{490} Parkin as before.
{491a} Parkin, 129.
{491b} Eccl. History, 1. 447. Ed. 1774.
{495} “As the pontiff, (says Mosheim) allowed these four Mendicant
orders the liberty of travelling wherever they thought proper, of
conversing with persons of all ranks, of instructing the youth and the
multitude wherever they went; and, as these monks exhibited, in their
outward appearance and manner of life, more striking marks of gravity and
holiness than were observable in the other monastic societies, they arose
all at once to the very summit of fame, and were regarded with the utmost
esteem and veneration throughout all the countries of Europe. The
enthusiastic attachment to these sanctimonious beggars went so far, that,
as we learn from the most authentic records, several cities were divided,
or cantoned out, into four parts, with a view to these four orders; the
first part was assigned to the Dominicans; the second to the Franciscans;
the third to the Carmelites; and the fourth to the Augustinians. The
people were unwilling to receive the sacraments from any other hands than
those of the Mendicants, to whose churches they crowded to perform their
devotion, while living, and were extremely desirous to deposite there
also their remains after death; all which occasioned grievous complaints
among the ordinary priests, to whom the care of souls was committed, and
who considered themselves as the spiritual guides of the multitude.”
[These Medicants were evidently the Methodists and Evangelical Clergy of
those days, and might, for aught we know, merit the popularity which they
had acquired as much to the full as their successors of the present day.]
“Nor did the influence and credit of the Mendicants end here; for we find
that they were employed, not only in spiritual matters, but also in
temporal and political affairs of the greatest consequence, in composing
the differences of princes, concluding treaties of peace, concerting
alliances, presiding in cabinet councils, governing courts, levying
taxes, and other occupations, not only remote from, but absolutely
inconsistent with, the monastic character and profession.” Mosh. E. H.
iii. 53.
{498} See Mosheim E. H. ii. 412, &c.—Let us not think of reproaching the
_papists_ for the absurdities of their Carmelites:—Our own _protestant_
order of _free-masons_ can any day match them in the ridiculous
extravagance of their pretensions to high antiquity, or empty and pompous
boasts of a very remote and dignified origin. Nor were the Carmelites
perhaps in any view less respectable than the said protestant order.
{499a} Beaut. of Engl. vol. xi.
{499b} Parkin 151.
{504} The very extraordinary zeal and enthusiasm exhibited by these
missionary labourers, which amount to a proof of their sincerity, must
have eminently fitted them for such hazardous services, and desperate
undertakings as those above described. Between those adventures of the
_Franciscans_ and some that occur in the early history of that truly
respectable protestant religious order, or party, commonly called
_Quakers_, there appears a very strong and striking resemblance.
{505} See Mosheim’s Eccl. Hist. iii. 56. Also Priestley’s ii. 233, &c.
whence the above account is chiefly extracted.
{507} There were then probably several images of the virgin in this
town, all much resorted to; but that in her chapel on the mount, and
this, might be the chief of them.
{508} In France they were called _Jacobins_, from having obtained the
house of _St. James_, at Paris, for their principal church, or convent;
the identical place, it is supposed, which gave the very same name in our
time to a certain order of politicians, who used to hold their meetings
there, and who seem to have too much resembled their former and stinted
namesakes in the violence and ferociousness of their tempers and
proceedings.
{511} Dominic now proposed to _unite_ the two orders, but Francis
thought it would be better to keep separate, but in perfect harmony; in
which he was probably right, as they would so be likely to act with the
greater energy.—For some ages these two orders are said to have governed,
with an almost absolute and universal sway, both state and church, filled
the most eminent posts ecclesiastical and civil, taught in the
universities and churches with an authority, before which all opposition
was silent, and maintained the pretended majesty and prerogatives of the
Roman pontiffs against kings, princes, bishops, and heretics, with
incredible ardor and equal success. In short, they were before the
reformation what the Jesuits have been since, and what many, who wear the
mask of religion, are at this very day, even in protestant states.—Much
as Francis and Dominic might wish their two orders to harmonize and
powerfully cooperate, it seems they did not always do so. There were
occasionally some disagreements and disputes between them: one of which
is said to have happened in 1243. The Dominicans insisted “that they
wore a more decent dress:” to which the Franciscans replied, “We have for
the love of God embraced a more austere and humble life, and are
consequently more holy.” “Yes” (rejoined the others) “it is true that
you go barefooted, ill dressed, and girded with a rope; but you are not
forbidden, as we are, to eat flesh meat, even in public, and to make good
cheer.”—It is to be feared that there have been before now, even between
our own protestant sects, in this enlightened country, disputes about
points no less unimportant and frivolous. Another point, of equal moment
with the former, upon which these two rival orders disagreed, and which
occasioned the most bitter contention between them, was what is called
_the immaculate conception of the blessed virgin_, or whether she _was_,
or was _not_ born in original sin. The Dominicans took the affirmative,
and the Franciscans the negative side in this curious controversy. It
was carried on with the utmost rancour, for ages, and the most scandalous
means were sometimes resorted to, by the respective combatants, in order
to obtain an advantage over their opponents. The religious, or rather
the papal world was long divided between those two silly opinions, and
what is worse, it was kept in a state of continual animosity, each side
looking upon the other with perfect hatred. So usefully and commendably
did these holy friars employ their time and their talents, and such
benefactors were they to mankind!
{512} It is even said that he _died with great marks of piety_: if so,
it is to be hoped that one of those marks was that of repentance, or deep
contrition for his many unworthy deeds; for it is certain that he had
been, in no small degree, a violent man, and a man of blood. He was the
father even of the horrid inquisition, an exciter of murderous crusades
against pretended heretics, and a prime abettor of the shocking
barbarities exercised on the hapless Albigenses.—If he really repented of
these execrable misdeeds, he must have made a more hopeful exit than the
renowned reformer of Geneva, the premeditated murderer of Servetus
appears to have done.
{513} There is still what may be called a convent in Clough Lane, and
even a convent of preaching brethren, but of a very different sort from
the former, and whose labours, it is hoped, have been of very material
and extensive benefit to a large portion of the community.
{517} Mosheim as before, vol. 3.
{522} Priestley’s Gen. Hist. Christian Church, vol. iv.
{524} See Priestley as before.
{525a} Priestley, 2. and 4.
{525b} Beauties of England, vol. xi.
{526a} Parkin, 152.
{526b} Very few, perhaps, if any, could be named of our religious
orders, or christian sects but what have done some good in the world, and
as few, probably, that have not also done harm. In estimating the
character of a religious order, sect, or party, we are apt, as it is very
natural, to set the one against the other: in doing which it too often
becomes a matter of doubt, which of the two, the good or the harm,
preponderates, or exceeds in quantity. When that happens, which is much
less seldom than one could wish, it is a sad painful case. In our own
country, at this time, the diversity of religious sects and parties is
very great. Some of them are vastly popular, and others otherwise. Much
do we daily hear of the exemplary zeal, and the laudable, persevering,
and successful exertions of those who assume the name of _orthodox_ and
_evangelical_, both in the establishment and out of it. These reports
seem generally well founded. Much _good_, no doubt, has been done: and
we may venture to add, much _harm_ also. The great error of these
zealous religionists lies in their spirit, or rather in their not knowing
what manner of spirit they are of, which is evidently not the spirit of
Christ. All who cannot pronounce their _Shibboleth_, they teach their
converts to view with an evil eye: and all who go about to do good in the
name of Christ, they are sure to forbid or revile, and so render all
their benevolent endeavours useless, as far as lies in them, _if they
follow them not_, or are not of their party. They may perhaps plead
_apostolical example_, but it is not countenanced, but expressly
condemned by Christ, who enjoins a very different sort of conduct. Until
they therefore think proper to comply with that injunction of his, they
will have no reason to boast of the excellence, or _evangelicalness of_
their spirit. [see Mark 9.39. Luke 9. 50.] All religious sects and
parties, would do well to consider, that the spirit they are of, is what
always forms the most important and decisive part of their
character.—More of this when we come to the present religious state of
Lynn.
{531} See Mackerell, 194.—and Parkin, 146.
{532} Mr. King’s MS.—also Mackerell, 195.
{544} FOR THE WHOLE YEAR—MAWDLYN, _on the Cawsey between Lynn and
Gaywood_.
_s._ _d._
_Imprimis_, Of Mr. Thoresby, for Sayer’s xx. 0.
Marsh
_Item_, Of Nich. Newgate of Holkham, for 5 ii. 6.
acres of meadow in the same town, for a year
_Item_, Of Wm. Clarke of Wotten, for one acre 0. i.
of pasture nigh Holme’s dale in Gaywood: pay
by the year
_Item_, Of Winter and Goodwin, of Rouncton, x. 0.
for 11 acres pasture in Sechie; who pay by
the year
_Item_, Of Robt. Jerviss, for a ffish bale, x. 0.
lying in the north marsh; who payeth by the
year
_Item_, Of Sir Nicholas L’estrange knt. for xxiii. iiij.
two sheep courses and other lands, lying in
West Lexham, East Lexham, and Dunham; who
payeth by the year
_Item_, Of Thomas Brown of Lynn, for a meadow xx. 0.
lying in Gaywood; who payeth every half year,
x_s._
_Item_, Of Philip Bailie, for 4 acres of xxiiij. 0.
meadow, lying on the west side of Mawdlin,
and pays by the half year, xx_s._ [qu.
xii_s._]
_Item_, Of Robt. Hobbs, now in the tenure of xx. 0.
Mr. Graves, for a meadow lying in Gaywood,
paying quarterly, v_s._
_Item_, Of Thomas Miller, of Lynn, for a x. 0.
meadow lying on the side of the high way, who
payeth quarterly ii_s._ vi_d._
_Item_, In the compass of Congham, 7 roods of mod. brasii.
Hebbe land, lying in Congham: pay by the year
one bushel of malt.
_Item_, Of Mr. Fr Bastard, for a close lying xxxiii. iiij.
without Gannock gate, payeth every half year
xvi_s._ viij_d._
_Item_, Of Robt. Jarvis of Lynn, for a meadow xii. iiij.
next the Lord’s close in Gaywood, paying by
the year
The following statement from a paper published by _Parkin_, and written,
as he took it, in the reign of Elizabeth, may be here subjoined, as it
may cast some further light on the state of the possessions of this
Hospital at that period—
“Robert Wylson master of this house, married Isabel, late wife of
Thomas Hesket late master—hath six acres joining to the said house
now in their hands, which is all that they have in occupation in
their own hands.—Also Mr. Thorisbye occupies one marsh lying in
Geywode and Myntlyn, the old rent thereof was 20_s._ _per annum_, at
least, and he is to have of the house for rents belonging to the
manor of Geywode 42_s._ 3_d._ _per annum_.—Mr. Spence occupies one
close lying in Gannock, which is called 10 acres, but in truth is 14
acres at the least, and he pays but 33_s._ and 4_d._ _per
annum_.—Park of Holme holdeth 11 acres in Sechyth, and pays but
33_s._ 4_d._ _per annum_, well worth 4_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ _per
annum_.—Also Mr. Strange hath a fold course and lands in Lexham,
which wont to pay to the said house 23_s._ _per annum_, and by the
space of 80 years hath [remained] unpaid, and by the report of them
that know it, it is well worth 4_l._ _per annum_.—Other lands in
Congham and Creake Abbey, the value whereof is not yet made.—Also
Wrothes of Gaywode holdeth one pigthtle worth 6_s._ _per annum_, and
pays nothing.—_Item_, one close or pigthle lying in Geywode by South
Wotton, hath been let for 8_s._ _per annum_, but now none will give
above 3_s._ or 2_s._ 3_d._ _per annum_.—_Item_, One rede dole in
Geywode containing 8 acres, the old rent is 8_s._—_Item_, Mr. Pell
occupieth 3 acres by the house; the old rent was 10_s._ and now
20_s._—_Item_, Thomas Gybson of Lynne occupies one close of 3 acres
by the house; the old lent was 20_s._ now 40_s._—_Item_, He occupies
. . . acres lying by Maudelyn Bank, and pays 24_s._ _per annum_, and
it is worth 50_s._—_Item_, two acres by Dersingham Lane, worth 20_s._
_per annum_, the old rent 10_s._—_Item_, In Geywode fen 3 acres, the
old rent 6_s._ now 15_s._ _per annum_. Roger Lauson has an acre and
a half, old rent 10_s._ now 26_s._ 8_d._ _per annum_.—Six acres lying
by Salters Load; the old rent 10_s._ now 20_s._ _per annum_.—_Item_,
A whole piece there, and pays 4_s._ 6_d._ _per annum_.—_Item_, 5
acres in Narford, old rent 9_d._ now 3_s._—_Item_, 5 acres in
Hockold, let for 2_s._ _per annum_, worth _5s._”—[_See_ Parkin 148.]
{546a} We cannot learn when this change look place.
{546b} A _sisterhood only_, consisting of a _master_, &c. has a somewhat
of an Hibernian sound.
{546c} Mr. King’s MS. volume.
{546d} Parkin, 145.
{547} It is taken from Mr. King’s MS. volume almost verbatim, though not
always in the exact order in which it there stands.
{548} There are not properly two courts: the space between the portal
and the proper court, consists of two rows of little gardens divided by
the walk, or entrance into the said court.
{549} At the time referred to above, that is, about 1720, or 1724, the
allowances to the pensioners residing in the said house, were as follows—
_l._ _s._ _d._
To the Master of the Hospital, per week 0. 4 6.
To eleven poor widows per week, at 2_s._ 1. 7. 6.
6_d._ each
To the Master yearly, one Chalder and 1. 10. 0.
half of coals
To eleven widows yearly, one Chalder of 11. 0. 0.
coals each
For 15 Sheaves of Sedges to the Master 0. 2. 6.
for kindling
For 10 Sheaves to each of the Sisters (in 0. 18. 4.
all 110)
Total. £96. 14. 10.
Besides repairs and other contingencies. [See Mr. King’s MS. and
Mackerell.]
From the above period to the present time, the weekly allowance to the
master and sisters has been gradually advancing, but not in proportion to
the advance in the price of the necessaries of life; at least not so
during the present reign, and especially this latter part of it. For the
last fifty years the weekly allowance of the sisters, has been from 3_s._
6_d._ of 4_s._ to 5_s._ till the commencement of the present year [1810]
when it was advanced from 5_s._ to 7_s._ and the master’s allowance from
7_s._ to 10_s._—This pleasing change in the situation of these pensioners
has been ascribed to the laudable and humane exertions of the present
acting governor and treasurer, _Edmund Rolfe Elsden Esq._, who is
supposed to have acquitted himself, in this situation, more respectably
and commendably than any of his predecessors, for the last fifty years at
least. Besides advancing the weekly allowance of the pensioners, he has
also put the hospital itself and premises in a state of thorough repair,
at the expence of 400_l._ or more. All this he has been enabled to
accomplish by advancing the rent of the lands according to their present
value: and it is expected that he will be able soon to make an additional
augmentation to the weekly allowance and comforts of the poor pensioners,
whose concerns he so laudably superintends. Till he was appointed to
this situation their condition was very miserable, and every year getting
worse and worse, with little or no hope of amendment. In short, Alderman
Elsden, in the character of acting governor and treasurer of our Magdalen
Hospital, has deserved well, not only of the pensioners of that home, but
also of the public at large. His successors it is hoped will not fail to
profit by his praiseworthy examples and it is to be wished that the
managers of all similar charities would make a point of acting in like
manner. Very different, indeed, by all accounts, has been the conduct of
too many, if not of most of those entrusted with the superintendence and
management of our charitable institutions throughout the kingdom, by
which they have proved themselves utterly unworthy of the confidence
reposed in them, and rendered their very names and memories detestable in
the eyes of all honest men.
{550} Mackerell, 194, &c.
{553a} The builder or founder, probably, of the old parsonage house
there, which has the name still over the door: in which case, that house
must have stood between 3 and 400 years.
{553b} Parkin 164, 165.
{554} The author of the Norfolk Tour, speaking of the Red Mount, gives
the following account of the said king’s visit to this place—
“When Edw. IV. and his brother, the duke of Gloster, fled before the
great earl of Warwick, on passing the Washes in Lincolnshire, at an
improper time, they lost their baggage and money; and arriving at
Lynn, October 2. 1470, [other accounts say 1469] lodged one night in
this building, which the historian erroneously calls a _castle_.”
[But the historian was, perhaps, more correct than his corrector.]
{555a} But though the said chapel is confessedly an ecclesiastical
structure, there might be once about it erections of a military, or
castellated character, which would account for its obtaining the name of
a _castle_.
{555b} Beauties of England, vol. xi. p. 294.
{556} “What led to the great celebrity which this place obtained for
centuries, was the widow lady of _Ricoldie Faverches_ founding, about
1061, a small _chapel_ in honour of the virgin Mary, similar to the
Sancta Casa, at Nazareth. Her son confirmed the endowments, made an
additional foundation of a _Priory_ for Augustine canons, and erected a
_conventual church_. At the dissolution, the annual revenues of the
monastery were valued, according to Speed, at 446_l._ 14_s._ 4_d._ That
its wealth should have been immensely great, is not surprising, when the
fame of the image of our Lady of Walsingham is taken into the account;
for it was as much frequented, if not more, than the shrine of St. Thomas
a Becket, at Canterbury. Foreigners of all nations came thither on
pilgrimage; many kings and queens of England also paid their devoirs to
it; so that the number and quality of her devotees appeared to equal
those of the Lady of Loretto, in Italy.—The celebrated Erasmus represents
it as a place of such transcendent splendor as would lead one to suppose
it the seat of the gods. The monks had contrived to persuade many, that
the _galaxy_ in the heavens was a miraculous indication of the _way_ to
this place: hence that was called _Walsingham Way_.”—See Beaut. Engl. xi.
313.
{558} Having again touched on the subject of the Gilds, the author begs
leave here to correct an inaccuracy or error that escaped him in
mentioning St. Ethelred’s Gild at page 439. It now appears to him that
this fraternity took its name from a female personage, named _St.
Etheldreda_; and he has, since the above page was printed off, observed
the following notice of it in Parkin (134.)—“John Alcock, bishop of Ely,
June 3, 1490, granted 40 days pardon, or indulgence, to all the brethren
and sisters of the guild of St. Etheldreda, in St. Nicholas’s chapel of
Lynn, at the altar of St. Etheldreda the most holy virgin, there founded,
and to all who should hear mass at the said altar, and to all who said
_quinquies_ before the said altar, the Lord’s prayer and the Salutation
_quinquies_. _Reg. Alc. Ep. El._”—So great, in the said bishop’s time,
was the encouragement to enter into St. Etheldreda’s Gild, and to hear
mass at her altar, or say _quinquies_ before it!
{559} Some have thought that the bishop’s town house stood by the Fort,
and that the said stones might belong to that edifice, which must be a
mistake, as it appears, from old records, that that house stood by St.
Nicholas’s chapel _to the west_, which must be about where Dr. Redferne
or Mr. T. Allen’s house now stands.—That the bishop had a house here in
the time of Henry III. appears, according to Parkin, from _Plita Corona
apd. Lenn_, 41 of that reign. “This same house seems to be alluded to
afterwards, in _Plita Assis. Norw._ 4. Hen. IV. when it was found, that
John Wentworth, mayor of Lenne Episcopi, and the commonalty, had unjustly
disseized Henry, bishop of Norwich, of his free tenement here, 100 acres
of land, and 20 acres of pasture, he being seized of it in right of his
church,” &c. From this it would appear, that Wentworth was not on good
terms with the said bishop, which may account for his competitor,
Pettipas, advising his friends to seek his lordship’s interference; and
it appears from his Letters, that the bishop was favourable to him and,
hostile to Wentworth.—Parkin 155.—also Mr. K’s MS.
{560} Parkin 141.
{561a} Parkin, 152.
{561b} Ib. 165.
{562} Parkin, 125.
{563a} The author is sometimes ready to suspect that the two
_anchorages_, mentioned in some of the foregoing pages, were in fact no
other than the lodges or retreats of some anchorets, though he has there
given the word a different explanation. (see p. 507.)
{563b} Parkin, 142.
{564a} Beaut. of England, xi. 23.
{564b} Parkin, 140.
{564c} See p. 453.
{565a} Parkin, 140.
{565b} Parkin, as before.
{566a} “Be it known unto all men by these presents, that we _John
Salisbury_, dean of the cathedral church of the holy undividable trinity
of Norwich, and chapter of the same church, have remised, released, and
clearly for ever, for us and our successors, quit claim, and do by these
presents remise, release, and quit claim to the mayor of the burgh of
Lynn Regis, and to the burgesses of the same; and also to _Robert
Gervise_ and _John Towers_, all manner of quarrels, trespasses,
variances, controversies, debates, and demands, which we have, and ought
to have, for the _Lead_, _Glass_, _Bells_, _Iron_, _Brass_, _Laten_,
_Timber_ and _Stones_, of the _Chapel of St. James_ in King’s Lynn
aforesaid, for all and every other cause and causes whatsoever,
concerning the same Chapel. In witness whereof to these presents, We the
said Dean and Chapter have set our chapter seal this 8th day of January,
in the 8th year of the reign of Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queen of
England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.
REGISTRATOR.
Sealed and delivered, to the use of the Mayor and Burgesses of King’s
Lynn, and Robert Jervis and John Towers, in the presence of John Debney
of Norwich, David Coytmor, Alexander Auger, and Richard Lasher.”
[Mackerell, 217.]
{566b} In 1560, five or six years anterior to the date of the above
deed, as we learn from Mackerell, “several gentlemen came to Lynn, and
would have taken the state of St. James’s church, by order of the
Councils Letters, but were opposed and resisted by the corporation.” But
if they actually came by the authority of the privy council, as the above
seems to imply, it must be rather odd that the corporation should venture
to oppose and resist them: but so it is said, see Mackerell 227.—The same
writer says, p. 177, that in 1567 _the pinnacle_ of St. James’s chapel,
(by which we may suppose he meant the _spire_ of it,) “was taken down,
and the steeple built flat.” So that the tower appears to have been left
for some time in its original state, after the chief part of the chapel
had been pulled down.
{570} Mackerell, 222.
{571a} Ib. 178.
{571b} By the above Act, if we are not mistaken, or about the time when
it took place, there was also appropriated, as a further adoption to the
revenue and maintenance of the said house, _four pence per chaldron_ on
all coals imported here by strangers; which is said to amount yearly, one
year with another, to 200_l._ and upwards. [Mackerell, 178.]
{571c} Mackerell, 178.
{572} Grisenthwaite’s Remarks.
{573} The reader will perceive that this is not perfectly correct; but
so it stands in Mr. Grisenthwaite’s Pamphlet. The incorrectness,
however, is trivial, and cannot affect the main subject. It may be
supposed to lie among the separate articles, rather than in the casting
up; but it cannot be rectified without a sight of the original account.
{574} This statement also is somewhat inaccurate, but not so as to
affect the main subject. The sum total may be presumed to be strictly
correct, whatever slight errors may have crept among the separate
articles, which might be easily rectified by a sight of the original
documents.
{575a} See Grisenthwaite’s Remarks, p. 21, and the last Account of
Receipts and Disbursements published by the Corporation of Guardians.
{575b} They were between fire and six score last year, and are supposed
to be more now. This is said to have already occasioned to our Lynn
house-owners a loss of above 1000_l._ a year: of course, they have no
great reason to exult in the goodness of the times, or to boast of the
salutary or beneficial effects of the new poor and paving laws.
{576a} Lynn, unquestionably, owes much of its present declension to the
new _poor_ and _paving_ laws, which have so greatly added to those
burdens which were already become almost unbearable: they therefore ought
not to have been brought forward at such a time; especially as they were
disapproved by a large proportion of the inhabitants. Though their bad
effects are visible to the most superficial observer, yet that avails
nothing: we are too self-sufficient to be taught by experience, or to let
the remembrance of past errors correct our future conduct. The present
sudden advance, or augmentation of the _water-rent_, at the rate of fifty
per cent, may serve to illustrate this. Under our present circumstances,
this measure must appear exceedingly inconsiderate, unfeeling, and
illtimed. It would not have been disreputable in the managers of this
concern to pay the inhabitants the compliment of explaining to them the
reason of this measure: but, perhaps, they might think that the
inhabitants had no light to know the reason, nor yet the reasonableness
of their exactions. Private householders are to be charged higher than
shopkeepers: this also seems to want explanation. Were we possessed of
the whole secret, it would probably appear that abuses exist in the
management of our waterworks not very dissimilar to those of our
work-house.
{576b} Grisenthwaite’s Remarks, page 40.
{577a} _Sixty Stone_ a week, or more, as it is positively reported.
{577b} Grisenthwaite’s Remarks, p. 41.
{578a} Account of Receipts and Disbursements of 1809, published by the
Corporation of Guardians.
{578b} G.’s Remarks, p. 33.
{579a} One would hardly have expected that the cost of cheese alone, in
a poor-house, would have been more than one fourth of that of both
_bread_ and _four_.
{579b} Account of Receipts and Disbursements, as before.
{579c} If any thing has been mistated here, the writer will thank any
one that will apprize him of it; and he will take care to have it
rectified.
{580a} Let no one suppose, from what has been above said or suggested
that the present writer would wish our poor to be neglected, or treated
unfeelingly. Nothing on earth can be further from his thoughts. Let
them, by all means, be sufficiently attended to, and duly provided for:
but he sees no reason why they should live better than the poor in all
other English work-houses, or even better than what many of those that
contribute towards their support can afford to do; which yet seems to be
actually the case at Lynn, of late years. Much tender attention,
undoubtedly, is due, not only to those of the poor who are entitled to
parochial relief, but also to those of them on whom a contribution beyond
their power is levied towards that relief. Of these there is said to be
now among us no small number.
{580b} Grisenthwaite’s Remarks p. 24.
{581a} Its connection with the history of St. James’s Chapel and
Hospital was the sole reason of its being adverted to, or brought forward
in this part of the work.
{581b} In the article of _Meat_, for instance, the reduction is said to
be from 60 stone, or more, to less than 30.
{581c} The expectation of the adoption of a thorough economical system,
for our Workhouse, has considerably lowered, with some people, since the
recent appointment of a new collector of poor rates; when a person was
appointed with a salary of 130_l._ a year, although another candidate, of
equally unexceptionable character offered, as it is said, to execute the
office for 50_l._ less. This, indeed, does not seem to be a good omen;
yet we hope it does not augur, or absolutely indicate that things will
still go on after the old sort, so as to admit of such vile and infamous
proceedings as those of the _flour-merchants_, mentioned by Mr.
Grisenthwaite, or that the expenditure of the next and succeeding years
will equal, or nearly equal, that of the last and preceding ones.—No
longer, it is to be hoped, are we to hear of “every thing for the use of
the House being procured of whom and in such quantities as the governor
and master think proper, _at the full current market prices_—or, that
groceries are taken, in small quantities, _at the common retail
rates_—or, that _clothing_ provided for the house _costs upwards of_ 30
_per Cent. more them it might fairly be afforded at_—or, that _our female
paupers_, on holidays, are to be seen associated, in the vilest
ale-houses, with the very dregs of society, manifesting by their lewdness
of expression, immodest demeanour, and depraved sentiment, an entire
dereliction of every virtuous principle.” This last circumstance must
have actually reduced our poor-house to a _wh—house_! a character which,
sorely it ought no longer to retain; otherwise a great part of our
enormous poor rates will be most infamously misapplied.—It is presumed it
will also be very desirable that _our new collector_ should not
tenaciously imitate every part of the conduct of _his predecessor_; and
especially that of harassing the poorer householders, for default of
prompt or speedy payment, by indiscriminately issuing _summonses_, at the
rate of 2_s._ 4_d._ a piece, and by three and four score at a time. Such
a process must bear very hard upon those luckless people, whose poverty
or inability constitutes perhaps, the whole of their delinquency. To
exact, therefore, an additional 2_s._ 4_d._ from each of them, must have
been, to say the least of it, an unchristian and inhuman deed.—N.B. The
_Collector_ above mentioned, with a salary of 130_l._ a year, is a _new
officer_, as is also the _Registrar_, with a salary of 50_l._ a year.
These twin-brothers are the legitimate offspring of the new poor act. To
the Registrar is supposed to belong, to _chronicle small beer_, &c. and
write summonses: if so, as the defaulters are charged 2_s._ 4_d._ for
each summons, are they not, in fact, paid for _twice over_?
{586a} Were it, indeed, ascertainable, that it was Nicholas who taught
England and Europe the use of the Compass, Lynn would have great reason
to be proud of him. But the fact is doubtful, if not more than doubtful,
as the same honour has been confidently ascribed to _Flavio Gioia_, a
celebrated mathematician of Amalfi, in Naples, who flourished about 1300,
which was somewhat earlier than the other, and who marked the
_north-point_ in the Compass by a _flower de lis_, in compliment to the
then Neapolitan royal family, which was a branch of that of France.
Still our townsman might have a share, and that perhaps not small, if not
in the discovery itself, yet, at least, in its improvement, or the
application of it to the purposes of navigation. The _Chinese_ are said
to have been acquainted with magnetism and the use of the compass long
before all other nations.
{586b} The Astrolabe was an instrument formerly in much request, and
still very well spoken of. There were different sorts of instruments
that bore that name. The above was one of those called _sea_-astrolabes,
a description of which may be seen in the works of _Chaucer_, and also in
the Cyclopædias.
{587} _Bale_, however, classes him among the _Carmelites_; but it seems
to be generally agreed that he was mistaken, and that Nicholas certainly
belonged to the Franciscans, as was said above. Mackerell imputes Bale’s
placing him among the Carmelites to his partiality to them, having
himself been of that fraternity.
{590} Which may probably indicate, that he had been educated at
_Oxford_, as that university was the great nest, or fountain-head of
Lollardism, which seems not to have been much, if at all countenanced at
Cambridge.—Abp. Arundel with his commissioners visited Cambridge in 1401,
not long, it seems, after the trial and burning of Sautre. . . . One,
and perhaps the chief object of their visit was, to enquire, Whether
there were among its members “any suspected of Lollardism, or any other
heretical pravity.” One solitary Lollard was found out, whose name was
_Peter Harford_, who was ordered to abjure Wickliff’s opinions in full
congregation. (See Mo. Mag. for Oct. 1803, p. 225.)
{592} Let it not be supposed that the vile prison holes, or places of
torment, above spoken of, and described, were used _only_ by the votaries
of popery, or the roman catholics. Even the member and prelates of the
protestant church of England appear also to have made use of them before
now; and that, too, at what some seem to deem the era of the utmost
evangelical purity of that church—the reign of good queen Bess, as she
has been often called. As to our pretended orthodox and evangelical
sectaries, if they have not followed the above example _literally_, yet
have they made, and still make no scruple of doing it, as we may say,
_metaphorically_ or _figuratively_, at least.—When any one is pronounced
by their petty popes, prelates, priests, exorcists, or consistories, to
be possessed with the demon of heterodoxy or heresy, he is immediately
reviled, defamed, proscribed, and outlawed, at it were, by proclamation;
or pilloried and gibbeted, in their periodical and other publications—in
other words, they do all they can to set every body against him, and
render him odious in the sight of all men, as one who has forfeited the
esteem of his fellow citizens, and is no longer worthy of enjoying the
common rights and comforts of society.—In short, they appear to use all
their efforts and energies to have him effectually secured in a
_Little-Ease_, of a most painful and dismal sort.—If our protestant,
orthodox, and evangelical sects and parties do thus, who can wonder at
the cruelties ascribed to the papists in former times? Instead of
inveighing against the intolerant, persecuting, and antichristian spirit
of popery, as these very people often do, they ought, surely, to consider
how little that spirit differs from their own. While they inveigh or
declaim against the injustice and cruelty of imprisoning, banishing,
hanging, or burning people for their religion, and yet, at the same time,
are in the constant practice of traducing, reviling, defaming, exhibiting
as evil-doers, and treating in the most unkind and injurious manner,
those whom they are pleased to brand with the name of _heretics_, or who
differ from them, they discover the self same spirit with the very worst
of persecutors, and may be compared to the ancient sect called
_Circonelliones_, who would not use the _sword_, because Christ had
forbidden it to _Peter_, but armed themselves with _Clubs_, which they
called _the clubs of Israel_, with which they could break all the bones
in a man’s skin.—See Jones’ Mem. of bishop Horne, 275.
{593} The act _De Hæretico Comburendo_, did not take place till sometime
after; so that its terrors cannot be supposed to have frightened him to
recantation.—We can think of nothing so likely to have produced that
effect as some intolerably severe private sufferings which he had
undergone during the above mentioned interval.
{597} That _scrole_ related, it seems, to the _recantation_, of which,
according to Fox, the following was the tenor or _substance_—
“_Imprimis_, touching the first and second, [articles] where I said
that I would adore rather a temporall prince, and the lively bodies
of the saints, than the wooden crosse whereupon the Lord did hang, I
do revoke and recant the same, as being therein deceived.—To this I
say, that the article is false and erroneous, and by false
information I held it; the which I renounce and ask forgiveness
thereof, and say, that is a precious relique, and that I shall hold
it while I live, and that I sweare here.—I know well that I erred
wrongfully by false information: for I wot well, that a deacon or a
priest is more bound to say his mattens and houres then to preach;
for there he is bounden by right: wherefore I submit me, &c.—Touching
that article, I know right well that I erred by false information.
Wherefore I ask forgiveness.—As concerning vowes, I say that opinion
is false and erroneous, and by false information I held it; for a man
is holden to hold his vow, &c.—To the 7. article I say, that I did it
by authority of priesthood, wherethrough I knowledge well that I have
guilt and trespassed: wherefore I submit me to God and to holy
church, and to you father, swearing that I shall never hold it
more.—To the 8. (article) I say, that I held it by false and wrong
information. But now I know well that it is heresie, and that bread,
anon as the word of the sacrament is said, is no longer bread
materiall, but that it is turned into very Christ’s body; and that I
sweare here.”
Two more articles were then retracted by him, and pronounced to be _false
and erroneous_, &c. but it does not appear what they were, (see Fox, 1.
674.)—This recantation, throughout, exhibits evident symptoms of a man so
overcome by his fears, or his sufferings, as to be ready to say or do any
that his unfeeling persecutors should prescribe or dictate to him.—He
appeared much more fearless and intrepid, afterwards, when he was taken
up the last time, tried before the arch-bishop and convocation, condemned
and committed to the flames.
{598} Fox A. and M. 1. 673.
{599} The Londoners were then distinguished for their partiality to the
Lollards; which may, in some measure, account for the facility with which
Sawtre appears to have obtained the appointment or situation of minister
of St. Osith.—see _Fox_, 670.
{600} The celebrated Sir William Jones is well known to have been one of
our most earnest and warm friends and advocates of reform. The memorable
Dr. _Johnson_ used to call him, _the most enlightened of the sons of
men_.
{603} Fox A. and M. 671, 672.
{604} One circumstance, mentioned as having occurred in the course of
this examination, seems not a little difficult to account for. Fox says,
that Arundel enquired of Sawtre, “Whether he had abjured the foresaid
heresies and errors objected against him before the bishop of Norwich, or
not; or else had revoked and renounced the said or such like conclusions
or articles, or not?” and that the latter answered and affirmed that he
had not. [p. 672.] Also four days after, when the fore-cited process of
the bishop of Norwich was read to him before the convocation, and it was
urged that he had then abjured, among other errors, the heresy, that in
the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration made by the priest,
there still remained material bread, “Whereunto the said William,
answered, smiling, or in mocking wise, and denying that he knew of the
premisses.” [Ib. p. 674.] In all this there is evidently some mystery,
which one knows not how to unravel, except on the supposition, that there
was some material mistake, or designed misrepresentation in the statement
which bishop Spencer sent to the convocation of his process against
Sawtre, and of the tenor of the latter’s retraction, which might, in his
opinion, justify his said denial.
{605} He might well answer _deridingly_, for such interrogations were
fit only to excite contempt and derision.
{606} See Fox 673, who gives the following as a copy of the said
sentence—
“_In the Name of God_, _Amen_. We Thomas by the grace of God
archbishop of Canterbury, primate of England, and Legate of the See
Apostolicall, _by the authority of God almighty_, and blessed Saint
_Peter_ and _Paul_, and of _holy church_, and _by our own authority_,
sitting for tribunall or chiefe judge, _having God alone before our
eyes_, by the counsell and consent of the whole clergie, our fellow
bretheren and suffragans, assistants to us in this present councell
provinciall, by this our sentence definitive do pronounce, decree,
and declare by these presents, thee William Sautre, otherwise colled
Chawtrey, parish priest pretensed, personally appearing before us, in
and upon the crime of heresie, judicially and lawfully convict, as an
heretike, and as an heretike be punished.”
{607} See Fox, p. 674. where we find a copy of this second sentence, or
sentence of degradation, in the following words . . .
“_In the Name of God_, _Amen_. Wee Thomas by the grace of God
archbishop of Canterbury, Legate of the See Apostolicall, and
metropolitan of all England, doe find and declare, that thou William
Sautre, otherwise called Chautris, priest, by us with the counsell
and assent of all and singular our fellow brethren and whole clergy,
by this our sentence definitive declared in writing, hast beene for
heresie convict and condemned, and art (being againe fallen into
heresie) to be deposed and degraded by these presents.”
{608} But its absurdity seems of an opposite cast to that of one our
late parliaments, which undertook to establish the popish doctrine of the
_indelibility of the priestly_, _or clerical character_, than which
neither the above process, nor even transubstantiation itself, can be
more absurd or ridiculous. That such a doctrine should really be
recognised, adopted, and established by the British Senate, now in the
19th century, might have occasioned no small astonishment, had not the
same august body, within the same period, done so many other things
equally strange, marvellous, and disreputable. Should we become
inquisitive, and presume to ask, What is this invisible, mysterious,
indelible something, called character; the episcopal, priestly, or
clerical _character_? some will tell us, that it is a _spiritual power_,
others a _habit_ or _disposition_, others a _spiritual figure_, others a
_sensible metaphorical quality_, others a _real relation_, others a
_fabric of the mind_: by all which, little more, perhaps, can be made
out, or comprehended, than that the advocates or supporters of the
doctrine are much at variance about this character. But however they may
differ in their ideas and definitions of the character itself, they are,
it seems, in perfect agreement as to its indelibility; being all firmly
persuaded, that though a bishop, priest, or deacon, turn heretic; or
schismatic, deist or atheist, he still retains the character; and though
not a christian man, he is still a christian bishop, priest, or deacon:
though he be degraded and excommunicated, he is in respect to the
character still the same. Though he be cut off from the church, he is
still a minister in the church. In such a situation, to perform any of
the sacred functions would be in him a deadly sin, but these would be
equally valid as before. Thus he may not be within the pale of the
church himself, and yet be in the church as a minister of Jesus Christ.
He may openly and solemnly blaspheme God, and abjure the faith of Christ;
he may apostatize to Judaism, to Mahometism, to Paganism, he still
retains the character. He may even become a priest of Jupiter, or a
priest of Baal, and still continue a priest of Jesus Christ. The
character say the Schoolmen, is not cancelled even in the _damned_, but
remains with the wicked to their disgrace and greater confusion; so that
in hell they are the ministers of Jesus Christ, and messengers of the new
covenant!! [see the late Dr. Campbell’s Lectures on Ecclesiastical
History, for a more full and striking view of this subject.] That our
legislature, in sanctioning the said doctrine, did really mean to go the
whole length the Schoolmen did, or adopt all their ideas concerning it,
may, perhaps, admit of some doubt: but after agreeing with them in the
main point, it might be thought hardly worth their while to hesitate
about the smaller matters. Be this as it may, the convocation over which
archbishop Arundel presided, in the process against Sawtre, seem to have
been entirely of a different opinion, both from she Schoolmen and our
said late parliament, on this notable question of clerical indelibility.
{610} The sentence printed in italics is given in _Latin_ by Fox.
{613} If there be any one thing more detestable than the rest among the
proceedings of Arundel and his inquisitorial associates, against Sawtre,
it is their affecting to feel for him, or commiserate his case and
recommend him to the _favour_ of the secular power, at the very time when
they were delivering him up as a sheep to the slaughter (or to the
butcher) or as a victim for immediate immolation. They felt no pity for
him, and knew that the magistrate would shew him no favour.—The judges of
the _Inquisition_ also are said always to express much tenderness and
goodwill towards those they condemn to the flames.—Our _protestant and
pretended evangelical sects_, likewise, are often heard to use the
language of kindness and pity towards those whom they have pronounced to
be _heretics_, at the same time they are doing all they can to render
them odious in the eyes of all men, and, deprive them of the kind offices
and good opinion of all their fellow-citizens.
{615a} Yes, devilishly so.
{615b} Fox 675.
{626} The Errata has been applied to this eBook.—DP.
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