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Title: Governor William Bradford's letter book
Author: Bradford, William
Language: English
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LETTER BOOK ***
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
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placed at the end of the book.
Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
GOVERNOR
WILLIAM BRADFORD’S
LETTER BOOK
REPRINTED FROM
THE MAYFLOWER DESCENDANT
PUBLISHED BY THE
MASSACHUSETTS SOCIETY OF MAYFLOWER
DESCENDANTS
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS
1906
THOMAS TODD, PRINTER
14 Beacon St., Boston
PUBLICATIONS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS SOCIETY OF MAYFLOWER DESCENDANTS
Editor
GEORGE ERNEST BOWMAN
Committee on Publication
CHARLES A. HOPKINS
EDWARD H. WHORF
NATHANIEL U. WALKER
STANLEY W. SMITH
GEORGE ERNEST BOWMAN
THE MAYFLOWER DESCENDANT
An Illustrated Quarterly Magazine of Pilgrim Genealogy, History and
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at Yarmouth, Mass., to 1851. Over 900 Inscriptions. (Limited
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MISCELLANEOUS
Governor Bradford’s Letter Book $1.00
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
Governor Bradford’s Letter Book is so little known it has been
decided to reprint it in this magazine and make it accessible to all.
Unfortunately the fragment of the original manuscript rescued by Mr.
Clarke cannot now be found, and the text printed in the “Collections
of the Massachusetts Historical Society,” Volume III (1794), pages
27 to 76 inclusive, has been followed. From the first volume of the
“Proceedings” of the same society we also reprint in full the account
of the receipt of the manuscript, and notes regarding it.
[Proceedings, Vol. I, pp. 51, 52]
At a meeting of the Historical Society, on Tuesday, the thirtieth
day of July, 1793, at Winthrop’s or Governor’s Island....
The following donations were received:—
For the Library:— Fragment of a MS. Letter-book of Governor
Bradford, of Plymouth, from 1624 to 1630, found in a grocer’s shop
in Halifax, Nova Scotia. From James Clarke, Esq., of Halifax.
This fragment of Governor Bradford’s Letter-book was printed in
Vol. III. of the Collections, making fifty pages. It appears
from a note at the beginning of the printed text that the MS.
of the part preserved began with “page 339, the preceding pages
wanting,” and covered the years 1624-1630. This shows that what
was recovered was but a small part of what was lost; while it is
probable that the collection originally contained also letters of a
later date than 1630. Governor Bradford’s History closed with the
year 1646, and the letters which he had preserved to illustrate
that part of the narrative, from 1630 to its conclusion, may have
been included in his Letter-book, as well as those used in the
earlier portion. The fragment recovered may have been one volume
of a series continuously paged. The fortunate recovery of Governor
Bradford’s History, some sixty years after Mr. James Clarke rescued
this fragment from a grocer’s shop in Halifax, happily supplies
to a certain extent the place of the Letter-book; for, while the
author did not copy into his History all these letters, we may well
suppose him, judging from the use he made of those preserved, to
have used the most valuable part of them.
The finding of this manuscript in Halifax naturally suggests the
thought that it left Boston at the time of the “evacuation,” in
March, 1776; and, it being well known that the British soldiers
during the occupation of Boston had free access to the Historical
Library of books and manuscripts of the Rev. Thomas Prince, kept
in a room in the tower of the Old South Meeting-house, that it
was taken from that collection. This is not improbable. There may
be no positive evidence that Prince’s Library then contained this
Letter-book, yet we know that it was once in Prince’s possession.
For, besides the manuscripts of Bradford, which he mentions, in the
preface to his Chronological History, as having had an “opportunity
to search,”—namely, “Bradford’s History of Plymouth People and
Colony,” in folio, and “A Register of Governor Bradford’s, in
his own hand, recording some of the first deaths, marriages, and
punishments at Plymouth, with three other miscellaneous volumes
of his,” in octavo,—he several times refers, in his notes on the
margin of Bradford’s manuscript History, to “Governor Bradford’s
Collection of Letters.” See pp. 47, 61, 64, and 71 of the printed
volume.[1]
The following is the letter of Mr. Clarke which accompanied the
manuscript:
“Halifax, May 28, 1793.
“Sir,—The enclosed ancient manuscript I found some years ago in a
grocer’s shop in this town, of whom I obtained it with a view of
saving what remained from destruction. I lament extremely that a
page has been torn out; and it gives me pleasure that I now have
an opportunity of placing it in your hands,—a freedom I am induced
to take from your advertisement of the first of November, 1792,
and from a persuasion that it may contribute in some measure to
the important objects of your Society, and I could wish I might
otherwise be serviceable.
“I am, respectfully, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
“James Clarke.
“The Rev. Jeremy Belknap.”
Where the writer speaks of a _page_ being torn out, he probably
means that one _leaf_ had been torn out of the volume. Bradford may
have written on one side only of the leaf in copying his letters,
as he generally did in writing his History, so that one leaf would
represent one page of writing.—Eds.
GOVERNOR BRADFORD’S LETTER BOOK.
[Page 339—the preceding pages wanting.]
_To our beloved and right well esteemed friend Mr. William Bradford
Governour these, but inscribed thus_:
_To our beloved friends Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Isaac Allerton,
Mr. Edward Winslow, and the rest whom they think fit to acquaint
therewith._
Two things (beloved friends) we have endeavoured to effect, touching
Plymouth plantation, first, that the planters there might live
comfortably and contentedly. 2d that some returns might be made
hither for the satisfying and encouragement of the adventurers, but
to neither of these two can we yet attain. Nay, if it be as some of
them report which returned in the Catherine, it is almost impossible
to hope for it, since, by their sayings, the slothfulness of one part
of you, and the weakness of the other part, is such, that nothing can
go well forward. And although we do not wholly credit these reports,
yet surely, either the country is not good where you are, for
habitation; or else there is something amiss amongst you; and we much
fear the willing are too weak and the strong too idle. And because we
will not stand upon the number of the objections made by them against
you; we have sent them here enclosed, that you may see them and
answer them. (_These are those which are inserted and answered before
in this book; namely, before Liford’s letters, where those letters
should also have been placed, but they came not then to hand and I
thought better to put them in, than to omit them._)
As for such as will needs be upon their particulars now that they
are gotten over, you must be sure to make such covenants with them,
as that first or last the company be satisfied for all their charge.
Neither must you proceed to these agreements and consultations
with many at once, otherwise how easy might _they_ make a lead in
rebellion, which have so long done it in cheating and idleness.
Touching Mr. Weston, his disturbing of you about that £100 taken
up for Mr. Brewer, except we conclude with Solomon that oppression
maketh a wise man mad, we cannot but wonder at it, seeing under his
own hand, it is apparently and particularly expressed, summed up and
sold with the rest of his adventures, so as no sober man can possibly
question it. 2dly, had it not been sold, Mr. Brewer might well have
had it, to pay himself part of a debt which Mr. Weston oweth him for
commodities sold to him, which he saith amounteth to above £100, as
he can prove by good testimony. 3dly, if it had not been apparently
sold, Mr. Beuchamp who is of the company also, unto whom he oweth a
great deal more, had long ago attached it (as he did other’s 16ths)
and so he could not have demanded it, either of you or us.
And if he will not believe our testimony here about, who shall
believe his, either in this, or any other matters. It is a dangerous
_case_, when a man groweth naught in prosperity, and worse in
adversity, and what can the end of all this be, but more and more
misery. And for conclusion with him, you may shew him what we have
wrote about him, and if that satisfy him not, but that he shall still
follow his mad and malicious practices against you, warn him out of
your precincts, and let it be upon his peril to set foot thereon; it
being indeed no reason that a whole plantation should be disturbed or
indamaged by the frantic humours of any one man whatsoever.
Now further for yourselves; as the power of government is fallen upon
you, both by lot and desert (as we are persuaded) so your troubles
and cares have been so much the more hitherto; and we would not have
you think of easing yourselves till you have either made things
better, or ended your warfare; for it is best that the world afford
us these crosses lest we should forget the meditation of heaven.
And we pray you all even look to yourselves, and your ways; that
there be not amongst you some cause or occasion of these evil men’s
insultings and bravery upon you, as they do, that we charge you
with nothing, but are ready to make your just defence at all times
against opposites; yet let it not offend you, that we wish you to
look to yourselves, as first that you walk close with God, being
fervent and frequent in prayer, instruction and doctrine, both openly
and privately. 2dly, that you instruct and bring up your young ones
in the knowledge and fear of God, restraining them from idleness
and profanation of the Sabbath. 3dly, that you freely and readily
entertain any honest men, into your church, estate and society,
though with great infirmities and difference of judgment; taking heed
of too great straitness and singularity even in that particular.
4thly, that there be fervent love and close cleaving together
among you that are fearers of God, without secret whispering or
undermining one of another, and without contempt or neglect of such
as are weak and helpless, if honest, amongst you. This do, and in
all things be humble, cheerful and thankful; that if you cannot grow
rich in this world, yet you may be rich in grace; and if you can send
us no other treasure, yet let all that visit you, bring from you
the fame of honesty, religion and godliness, which we trust, shall
comfort us more than all else you can send us in this world.
At a word, though we be detected of folly, ignorance, want of
judgment, yet let no man charge us with dishonesty, looseness or
unconscionableness; but though we lose our labours or adventures, or
charges, yea our lives; yet let us not lose one jot of our innocence,
integrity, holiness, fear and comfort with God.
And, thus ceasing for this time to trouble you further; praying God
to bless and prosper you, and sanctify all your crosses and losses,
that they may turn to your great profit and comfort in the end, with
hearty salutations to you all, we lovingly take leave of you, from
London, April 7, 1624.
Your assured lovers and friends,
_James Sherley_,
_Thomas Brewer_,
_William Collier_,
_Joseph Pocok_,
_Thomas Fletcher_,
_John Ling_,
_William Thomas_,
_Robert Reayne_.
* * * * *
[Now follows the first letters we received after the breach; for Mr.
Thornell and the rest never replied nor writ more unto us, being
partly ashamed of what they done and written.]
_To our beloved friends Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Isaac Allerton,
Mr. William Brewster, and the rest of the general society of
Plymouth in New England, salutations._
Though the thing we feared be come upon us and the evils we strove
against, have overtaken us; yet cannot we forget you, nor our
friendship and fellowship, which, together we have had some years;
wherein though our expressions have been small, yet our hearty
affections towards you (unknown by face) have been no less than to
our nearest friends, yea even to our own selves. And though your and
our friend, Mr. Winslow, can tell you the estate of things here, and
what hath befallen us; yet lest we should seem to neglect you, to
whom by a wonderful providence of God, we are so nearly united; we
have thought good once more to write unto you, and the arguments of
our letter must consist of these three points, first to shew you what
is here befallen, 2dly, the reason and cause of that which is fallen,
3rdly, our purposes and desires towards you hereafter.
The former course for the generality here is wholly dissolved from
that course which was held. And whereas you and we, were formerly
sharers, and partners in all voyages and dealings, this way is now so
no more, but you and we are left to bethink ourselves, what course
to take in the future, that your lives and our monies be not lost.
And this, as ourselves first saw, so have we begun to practice, as we
thought best for your and our safety for hereafter; and it standeth
you no less in hand seriously to consider what is best to do, that
you may both continue good conscience with God and procure your best
safety in this world.
The reasons and causes of this alteration, have been these first and
mainly, the many crosses, and losses and abuses by sea and seamen,
which have caused us to run into so much charge, and debts and
engagements, as our estates and means were not able to go on without
impoverishing ourselves, and much hindering if not spoiling our
trades and callings here; except our estates had been greater or our
associates had cloven better to us. 2dly, As here hath been a faction
and siding amongst us now more than two years; so now there is an
utter breach and sequestration amongst us, and in two parts of us, a
full dissertion, and forsaking of you, without any intent or purpose
of medling more with you.
And though we are persuaded the main cause of their this doing is
want of money (for need whereof men use to make many excuses) yet
other things are by many pretended, and not without some colour
urged, which are these: 1st, A distaste of you there, for that you
are (as they affirm) Brownists, condemning all other churches,
and persons but yourselves and those in your way, and you are
contentious, cruel and hard hearted, among your neighbours and
towards such as in all points both civil and religious, jump not with
you. And that you are negligent, careless, wasteful, unthrifty, and
suffer all general goods, and affairs to go at six and sevens and
spend your time in idleness and talking and confering, and care not
what be wasted worn and torn out, whilst all things come so easily,
and so cheap unto you. 2dly, A distaste and personal contempt of us
for taking your parts and striving to defend you, and make the best
of all matters touching you, insomuch as it is hard to say whether
you or we are least loved of them.
Now what use either you or we may make of these things, it remaineth
to be considered; and the more, for that we know the hand of God to
be present in all these things, and he no doubt would admonish us
of something which is not yet so looked to and taken to heart as it
should. And although it be now too late for us, or you, to prevent
and stay these things, yet is it not too late to exercise patience,
wisdom and conscience, in bearing them, and in carrying ourselves in
and under them for time to come. And as we ourselves stand ready to
embrace all occasions that may tend to the furtherance of so hopeful
a work; rather admiring at what is, than grudging for what is not, so
it must rest still in you to make all good again. And if in nothing
else you can be approved, yet let your honesty and conscience be
still approved, and lose not one jot of your innocence amidst your
many crosses and afflictions.
And surely if you upon this alteration behave yourselves wisely and
go on fairly, as men whose hopes is not in this life; you shall
need no other weapon to wound your adversaries; for when your
righteousness is revealed as the light, they shall cover their faces
with shame, that causelessly have sought your overthrow.
And although (we hope) you need not our council in these things,
having learned of God how to behave yourselves, in all estates in
this world, yet a word for your advice and direction, to spur those
forward, which we hope run already.
And first, seeing our generality here is dissolved, let yours be
the more firm; and do not you like carnal people (which run into
inconveniences and evils by examples) but rather be warned by your
harms, to cleave faster together hereafter; take heed of long and
sharp disputes and oppositions, give no passage to the waters, no not
a tittle; let not hatred or heart-burning be harboured in the breast
of any of you one moment, but forgive and forget all former failings
and abuses, and renew your love and friendship together daily. There
is often more sound friendship and sweeter fellowship in afflictions
and crosses than in prosperity and favours; and there is reason for
it, because envy flieth away when there is nothing but necessities to
be looked on; but it is always a bold _guest_ where prosperity shews
itself.
And although we here which are hedged about with so many favours and
helps in worldly things and comforts; forget friendship and love and
fall out often times for trifles; yet you must not do so, but must
in these things turn a new leaf and be of another spirit. We here
can fall out with a friend and lose him today, and find another
tomorrow; but you cannot do so, you have no such choice, you must
make much of them you have, and count him a very good friend, which
is not a professed enemy. We have a trade and custom of tale bearing,
whispering and changing of old friends for new, and these things with
us are incurable. But you which do as it were begin a new world and
lay the foundation of sound piety and humanity for others to follow,
must suffer no such weeds in your garden, but nip them in the head,
and cast them out forever; and must follow peace and study quietness,
having fervent love amongst yourselves as a perfect and entire bond
to uphold you when all else fails you. And although we have written
much to you heretofore to provoke to union and love as the only way
to make you stand, and without which all would come to nothing; so
now you are much more to be provoked thereunto, since you are left,
rather to be spectators to the eye than objects to the hand, and
stand most need one of another, at home when foreign help is so much
decayed and weakened.
And if any amongst you, for all that, have still a withdrawing
heart, and will be all to himself, and nothing to his neighbour, let
him think of these things. 1st, The providence of God in bringing
you there together. 2d, His marvellous preserving you from so many
dangers, the particulars whereof you know and must never forget. 3d,
The hopes that yet are of effecting somewhat for yourselves and more
for your posterity if hand join in hand. 4th, The woful estate of
him which is alone, especially in a wilderness. 5th, The succour and
comfort which the generality can daily afford, having built houses,
planted corn, framed boats, erected salt works, obtained cattle,
swine, and pulling,[2] together with the diverse varieties of trades
and faculties employed by sea and land, the gains of every one
stretching itself unto all whilst they are in the general: but such
as withdraw themselves tempting God and despising their neighbours,
must look for no share or part in any of these things; but as they
will be a commonwealth alone, so alone they must work, and alone they
must eat, and alone they must be sick and die, or else languishing
under the frustration of their vain hopes, alone return to England,
and there to help all cry out of the country and the people; counting
the one fruitless and the other merciless; when indeed their own
folly, pride, and idleness is the cause of all which never weigh
either the providence of God, the conscience of their duty, nor care
for their neighbours, or themselves, further than to grate upon
their friends; as if other men owed them all things, and they owed no
man any thing. 6th, The conscience of making restitution, and paying
those debts and charges which hath befallen to bring you there, and
send those things to you, which you have had, must hold you together;
and for him that withdraws himself from the general; we look upon
him, as upon a man, who, having served his turn, and fulfiled his
desire, cares not what becomes of others, neither maketh conscience
of any debt, or duty at all, but thinketh to slide away under secret
colours, to abuse and deceive his friends; and against whom we need
say little, seeing the Lord will never cease to curse his course.
And albeit, the company here as a company hath lost you; you know
when Saul left David, yea, and pursued him, yet David did not abuse
his allegiance and loyalty to him, no more should you; the evil of
us here, cannot justify any evil in you, but you must still do your
duty, though we neglect ours. 2dly, Indeed we are persuaded, it is
in the most of the adventurers rather want of power, than will, that
maketh them break off; they having gone as far as they can in the
business, and are as sorry that they cannot go forward as you are
offended that they do not go forward, yea, and the pretences of those
which have the most colours, we are persuaded, proceed more from
weakness of the purse, than fear of any thing else; and the want of
money is such a grievous sickness now-a-days, as that it makes men
rave and cry out, they cannot tell for what. 3dly, And in a word we
think it but reason, that all such things as these, are appertaining
to the general, be kept and preserved together, and rather increased
daily, than any way dispersed or embezzled away, for any private
ends or intents whatsoever. 4thly, That after your necessities are
served, you gather together such commodities as the country yields,
and send them over to pay debts and clear engagements here, which are
not less than £1400. All which debts, besides adventures, have been
made about general commodities and implements, and for which divers
of us, stand more or less engaged. And we dare say of you, that you
will do the best you can to free us, and unburden us, that for your
sakes, and help, are so much hazarded in our estates, and names.
5thly, If there be any that will withdraw himself from the general,
as he must not have, nor use any of the general’s goods, so it is but
reason that he give sufficient security for payment of so much of the
debts as his part cometh to; which how much it will come to, upon a
person, or family is quickly counted; and since we require but men’s
faithful endeavours, and cannot obtain them, let none think much if
we require other security than fair words and promises, of such men
as make no more conscience of their words and ways.
If any amongst you shall object against us, either our long delays
in our supplies heretofore, or our too much jollity in spending
sometimes at our meetings more than perhaps needed; that will prove
but trifling, for we could also find fault with the idleness and
sloth of many amongst you, which have made all the rest go forward
slowly, as also we could find fault with your liberality, and
largeness also, when it might have been otherwise; but all such
matters must still be left to the discretion and conscience of either
side, knowing that where many have a hand in such business, there
will not want some, that are too timerous and slack; as also that in
matters of note, something must be done for form and credit. And for
ourselves we think there hath hardly in our days; been a business,
of this note, and fame, carried by Londoners, with twice the expense
in by matters that this hath been; and therefore let each man rather
seek to mend himself, than hastily to cast in objections against
others.
In a word, since it thus still falleth out, that all things between
us, are as you see, let us all endeavour to keep a fair and honest
course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his
providence will work for us. We still are persuaded, you are the
people, that must make a plantation, and erect a city in those remote
places, when all others fail, and return; and your experience of
God’s providence and preservation of you is such, that we hope your
hearts will not now fail you, though your friends should forsake you
(which we ourselves shall not do whilst we live, so long as your
honesty so well appeareth) yet surely help would arise from some
other place, whilst you wait on God with uprightness, though we
should leave you also.
To conclude, as you are especially now to renew your love one to
another; so we advise you, as your friends to these particulars.
First let all sharpness, reprehensions, and corrections, of opposite
persons, be still used sparingly, and take no advantage against any,
for any by respects; but rather wait for their mending amongst you,
than to mend them yourselves by thrusting them away, of whom there is
any hope of good to be had. 2d, Make your corporation, as formal as
you can, under the name of the Society of Plymouth in New England,
allowing some peculiar privileges, to all the members thereof,
according to the tenure of the patents. 3d, Let your practises and
course in religion in the church, be made complete, and full; let all
that fear God amongst you, join themselves thereunto without delay;
and let all the ordinances of God be used completely in the church
without longer waiting, upon uncertainties, or keeping the gap open
for opposites. 4thly, Let the worship and service of God be strictly
kept on the Sabbath, and both together, and asunder let the day be
sanctified; and let your care be seen on the working days every where
and upon all occasions to set forward the service of God. And lastly,
be you all entreated to walk so circumspectly and carry yourselves so
uprightly in all your ways, as that no man may make just exceptions
against you; and more especially that the favour and countenance of
God may be so towards you, as that you may find abundant joy and
peace even amidst tribulations, that you may say with David, _though
my father, and my mother should forsake me; yet the Lord will take me
up_.
We have sent you some cattle, cloth, hose, shoes, leather, &c. but
in another nature than formerly, as it stood us in hand to do; we
have committed them to the custody and charge of, as our factors,
Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow, at whose discretion they are to be
sold and commodities, taken for them as is fitting. And it standeth
you in need the more carefully to look to, and make much of all your
commodities, by how much the more they are chargeable to you, and
though we hope you shall not want things necessary, so we think the
harder they are got, the more carefully they will be husbanded. Good
friends, as you buy them, keep a decorum in distributing them, and
let none have varieties, and things for delight, when others want for
their mere necessities, and have an eye rather on your ill deservings
at God’s hand, than upon the failings of your friends towards you;
and wait on him with patience, and good conscience; rather admiring
his mercies, (than repining at his crosses,) with the assurance
of faith, that what is wanting here shall be made up in glory a
thousand fold. Go on good friends, comfortably pluck up your hearts
cheerfully, and quit yourselves like men, in all your difficulties,
that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet the work
may go on which you are about, and not be neglected, which is so much
for the glory of God, and the furtherance of our Countrymen, as that
a man may with more comfort spend his life in it; than live the life
of Methuselah in wasting the plenty of a tilled land, or eating the
fruit of a grown tree.
Thus having not time to write further unto you, leaving other things
to the relation of our friends; with all hearty salutations to you
all, and hearty prayers, for you all, we lovingly take our leave this
18th of December, 1624.
Your assured friends to our power,
James Sherley, (sick)
William Collier,
Thomas Fletcher,
Robert Holland.
[This letter was wrote with Mr. Cushman’s hand; and it is likely was
penned by him at the other’s request.]
_Mr._ CUSHMAN _to Gov._ BRADFORD.
_December 22, 1624._
Sir,
My hearty love remembered unto you, and unto your wife, with trust
of your healths, and contentment amidst so many difficulties. I am
now to write unto you, from my friend, and from myself, my friend
and your friend. Mr. Sherley, who lieth even at the point of death,
intreated me, even with tears, to write to excuse him, and signify
how it was with him; he remembers his hearty, and as he thinks his
last, salutations to you, and all the rest, who love our common
cause. And if God does again raise him up, he will be more for you
(I am persuaded) than ever he was. His unfeigned love towards us,
hath been such, as I cannot indeed express; and though he be a man
not swayed with passion, or led by uninformed affections, yet hath
he cloven to us still amidst all persuasions of opposites; and could
not be moved to have an evil thought of us, for all their clamours.
His patience and contentment in being oppressed hath been much; he
hath sometimes lent £800 at one time, for other men to adventure
in this business, all to draw them on; and hath indeed by his free
heartedness been the only glue of the company. And if God should take
him now away, I scarce think much more would be done, save as to
enquire at the dividend what is to be had.
He saith he hath received the tokens you sent, and thanks you for
them: he hath sent you a cheese, &c. Also he hath sent an heifer to
the plantation, to begin a stock for the poor. There is also a bull
and three or four jades, to be sold unto you, with many other things,
for apparel and other uses; which are committed to Mr. Alerton and
Mr. Winslow, who as factors are to sell them to you; and it was
fitter for many reasons, to make them factors than yourself, as I
hope you will easily conceive.
And I hope though the first project cease, yet it shall be never the
worse for you, neither will any man be discouraged, but wait on God,
using the good means you can. I have no time to write many things
unto you; I doubt not but upon the hearing of this alteration some
discontent may arise, but the Lord I hope will teach you the way
which you shall choose. For myself as I have laboured by all means,
to hold things here together, so I have patiently suffered this
alteration; and do yet hope it shall be good for you all, if you be
not too rash, and hasty; which if any be, let them take heed they
reap not the fruit of their own vanities.
But for you, good Sir, I hope you will do nothing rashly, neither
will you be swayed, by misreports, beside your ordinary course, but
will persuade who may be, to patience, and peace; and to the bearing
of labours, and crosses in love together.
I hope the failings of your friends here, will make you the more
friendly one to another, that so all our hopes may not be dashed.
Labour to settle things, both in your civil, and religious courses,
as firm, and as full as you can. Lastly, I must intreat you still,
to have a care of my son, as of your own; and I shall rest bound
unto you, I pray you let him sometime practice writing. I hope the
next ships to come to you; in the mean space and ever, the Lord be
all your direction, and turn all our crosses and troubles to his own
glory, and our comforts, and give you to walk so wisely, and holily,
as none may justly say, but they have always found you honestly
minded, though never so poor. Salute all our friends, and supply, I
pray you, what, if failing in my letters. From London, _December 22,
A.D. 1624_.
* * * * *
Thus were his last letters. And now we lost the help of a wise and
faithful friend, he wrote of the sickness, and probability of the
death of another; but knew not that his own was so near, what cause
have we therefore ever to be ready! He purposed to be with us the
next ships, but the Lord did otherwise dispose; and had appointed him
a greater journey, to a better place. He was now taken from these
troubles into which (by this division) we were so deeply plunged.
And here I must leave him to rest with the Lord. And will proceed to
other letters which will further shew our proceedings and how things
went on.
_Gov._ BRADFORD _to Mr._ CUSHMAN.
Loving and kind friend, I most heartily thank you; and would be
right glad to see you here, with many other of our old and dear
friends, that we might strengthen, and comfort one another, after our
many troubles, travels, and hardships. I long greatly for friends
of Leyden, but I fear, I shall now scarce ever see them, save in
heaven; but the will of the Lord be done. We have rid ourselves of
the company of many of those, who have been so troublesome unto us;
though I fear we are not yet rid of the troubles themselves. I hear
Culdom[3] comes himself into England; the which if he do, beware
of him, for he is very malicious, and much threatens you; thinking
he hath some advantage by some words you have spoken. Touching his
factious doings here, and our proceedings with him, I refer you for
it, and many other things to the relations of Captain Standish, whom
we have thought most meet for sundry reasons, to send at this time.
I pray you be as helpful to him as you can; especially in making our
provisions, for therein he hath the least skill.
We have sent by this first ship, a good parcel of commodities, to
wit: As much beaver and other furs, as will amount to upwards of
£277, sterling, at the rates they were sold the last year. In part
of payment of those goods, they and you sent to be sold to us. But
except we may have things, both more serviceable, and at better
rates, we shall never be able to rub through; therefore if we could
have some ready money disbursed to buy things at the best hand, it
would be greatly in our way. Special care is to be had of procuring
us good trucking stuff, for without it we can do nothing; the reason
why heretofore we have got so little is, because we never had any
that was good till Mr. Winslow brought some over.
Our people will never agree, any way again to unite with the Company;
who have cast them off with such reproach and contempt; and also
returned their bills, and all debts upon their heads. But as for
those our loving friends, who have, and still do stick to us, and are
deeply engaged for us, and are most careful of our goods, for our
parts we will ever be ready to do any thing, that shall be thought
equal and mete.
But I think it will be best, to press, a clearance with the company;
either by coming to a dividend, or some other indifferent course or
composition; for the longer we hang and continue in this confused
and lingering condition, the worse it will be, for it takes away all
heart and courage, from men, to do any thing. For notwithstanding
any persuasion to the contrary, many protest they will never build
houses, fence grounds, or plant fruits for those, who not only
forsake them, but use them as enemies, lading them with reproach
and contumely. Nay they will rather ruin that, which is done, than
they should possess it. Whereas if they knew what they should trust
to, the place would quickly grow and flourish with plenty, for they
never felt the sweetness of the country till this year; and not only
we but all planters in the land begin to do it. Let us be as little
engaged about fishing, or any other projects, as you can, to draw us
away from our own employments for they will be the most beneficial
unto us. I suppose to spend our own salt and to employ as many of our
own boats as we can, will be best for us. If we had but kept two a
trading this year, it would have been twice as good as our fishing;
though I hope the ships will return with good voyages.
Your son and all of us, are in good health, (blessed be God) he
received the things you sent him. I hope God will make him a good
man. My wife remembers her love unto you, and thanks you for her
spice. Billington still rails against you, and threatens to arrest
you, I know not wherefore; he is a knave, and so will live and die.
Mr. John Pearce wrote he would make a parliamentary matter, about
our grand patent, I pray you wish our friends to look to it, for
I mistrust him, I perceive there passeth intelligence between Mr.
Weston, and him, by means of Mr. Hix. He is come again hither, and is
not yet quiet about that £100. The Lord hath so graciously disposed,
that when our opposites thought, that many would have followed their
faction, they so distasted their palpable dishonest dealings, that
they stuck more firmly unto us, and joined themselves to the Church.
But time cuts me off, for other things; I refer you to my other more
general, and larger letters, and so with my renewed salutations, and
best love remembered unto you. I commend you and all our affairs,
to the guidance of the Most High, and so rest, your assured loving
friend,
WILLIAM BRADFORD.
_New-Plymouth, June 9, 1625._
[_Mr. Cushman died before this letter arrived._]
* * * * *
Next follows a letter to the Council of New England, wherein their
help was supplicated.
_To the right Honourable his Majesty’s Council for New England
these be, &c._
_June 28, A.D. 1625._
Right Honourable,
The assurance we have of your noble dispositions to releave the
oppressions of the innocent, doth cause us to fly unto you, as to
a sanctuary, in this our just cause. It hath pleased the divine
Providence to bring us into this place where we inhabit under your
government, wherein we now have resided almost these five years,
having put some life, into this then dreaded, design, made way for
others and to all that are here, have been and still are their
bulwark and defence.
Many necessities we have undergone, incident to the raw, and immature
beginnings of such great exertions, and yet are subject to many more.
We are many people, consisting of all sorts, as well women children,
as men; and are now left, and forsaken of our adventurers, who will
neither supply us with necessaries for our subsistence, nor suffer
others that would be willing; neither can we be at liberty to deal
with others, or provide for ourselves, but they keep us tied to them,
and yet they will be loose from us; they have not only cast us off,
but entered into particular course of trading, and have by violence,
and force, taken at their pleasure, our possession at Cape Ann.
Traducing us with unjust, and dishonest clammours abroad, disturbing
our peace at home; and some of them threatening, that if ever we
grow to any good estate they will then nip us in the head. Which
discouragements do cause us to slack our diligence, and care to build
and plant, and cheerfully perform our other employments, not knowing
for whom we work whether friends or enemies.
Our humble suit therefore to your good lordships and honours is, that
seeing they have so unjustly forsaken us, that you would vouchsafe
to convene them before you, and take such order, as we may be free
from them; and they come to a division with us, that we and ours
may be delivered from their evil intents against us. So shall we
comfortably go forward, with the work we have in hand, as first to
God’s glory, and the honour of our king; so to the good satisfaction
of your honours, and for our present, common, and after good of our
posterity. The prosecution of this, we have committed to our agent
Captain Myles Standish, who attends your Honourable pleasures.
The great God of heaven and earth, who hath put into your hearts, to
travail in this honourable action, strengthen your hearts and hands
hereunto; and gave his blessing answerable to your worthy endeavours.
In all humbleness we commit ourselves to your honourable direction
and protection. And rest with the knowledge, consent and humble
request of the whole plantation ever at commandment.
WILLIAM BRADFORD, _Gov._
* * * * *
But by reason of the great plague which raged this year in London,
of which so many thousands died weekly, Captain Standish could
do nothing either with the Council of New England, or any other
hereabout, for there was no Courts kept or scarce any commerce held,
the city being in a sort desolate, by the fervent pestilence, and
flight of so many. So as he was forced to return; having by the help
of some friends (with much ado, and great both trouble and peril to
himself) procured a convenient supply; which he brought with him to
save our greatest necessities.
_A Letter of Mr. Fletcher’s, showing his great loss of the little
James; she and the beaver in her, which was sent for the goods we
bought the other year, being for the most part his; and was taken
by the Turks to his utter undoing._
_To his loving friends Mr._ BRADFORD, _Mr._ ALLERTON, _and Mr._
WINSLOW, _salutations, &c._
_London, November 25, 1625._
My last unto you, was of the death of Mr. Robinson and what else then
needful, since which I have received divers letters from you, and
perceive at large what things you want, and do desire, and with what
grievances you have been oppressed. And had the Lord so disposed, as
to have sent us the pinace home, no doubt myself would have seen you
well supplied; and some of your grievances should have been removed,
but so it is, that all power therein to do you good, is wholly (by
God’s providence) taken from me. And so I much fear, that this year
you will hardly be able to do yourselves, or your friends much good,
but patience, &c.
And for other affairs either touching myself, and my necessities I am
put unto, besides disgrace and reproach from many; as also touching
the rest of our adventurers, who fall from me like the water brooks,
as Job complains. I say for all these things, and many more here
passed, I refer you to your Agent, and my loving friend, Captain
Standish, who can certify you all things at large; as also of the
feigned and perfidious dealings of Mr. John Peirce towards me, and
others, who now hath manifest himself, at least to some, not to mind
that good for you, or us, as was fit, and oft pretended. But all
these things, they come from God for diverse reasons as first, to
humble us, and subdue our corruption; 2d, to win us from the world.
3d, to add unto our joy to come. 4th, to shew forth the great power,
goodness and mercy of our God, in preserving us in, and delivering us
out of the same. Wherefore let us be patient, and thankful without
murmuring, Amen, Amen. And so with my hearty well wishes for you all,
and your general good; for which I shall often approach to the throne
of grace, and expect the like from you, and so I leave you with this
salutation, fare you well, my brethren all, fare you well; and God
of grace and peace, bless you, and your posterities to the coming of
Jesus Christ. Amen.
Your loving friend, in what I can.
THOMAS FLETCHER.
* * * * *
I will next insert some letters from our friends at Leyden, written
this year; and first, a letter of Mr. White’s to myself, in which the
heavy tidings of our beloved and able pastor’s death and the manner
of it, is declared.
_To his loving friend, Mr._ WILLIAM BRADFORD, _Governour of
Plymouth, in New England, these be, &c._
Loving and kind friends, &c. I know not whether ever this will come
to your hands, or miscarry, as other of my letters have done; yet in
regard of the Lord’s dealing with us here, I have had a great desire
to write unto you; knowing your desire to bear a part with us, both
in our joys and sorrows, as we do with you.
These therefore are to give you to understand, that it hath pleased
the Lord to take out of this veil of tears, your, and our loving and
faithful pastor, and my dear brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick
some, eight days, beginning first to be sick on a Saturday morning,
yet the next day, being the Lord’s day he taught us twice, and the
week after grew every day weaker, than other, yet felt no pain but
weakness, all the time of his sickness; the physick he took wrought
kindly, in man’s judgment, yet he grew every day weaker than other,
feeling little or no pain, yet sensible, till the very last. Who fell
sick the twenty second of February, and departed this life the first
of March. He had a continual inward ague, which brought the —— but I
thank the Lord, was free of the plague, so that all his friends could
come freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means would
have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully
finished his course, and performed his work, which the Lord had
appointed him here to perform; he now rests with the Lord, in eternal
happiness. We wanting him and all church Governours, not having one
at present that is a governing officer amongst us. Now for ourselves
here left (I mean the whole Church) we still, by the mercy of God,
continue and hold close together in peace and quietness, and so I
hope we shall do though we be very weak; wishing (if such were the
will of God) that you and we were again together in one, either there
or here, but seeing it is the will of the Lord, thus to dispose of
things, we must labour with patience to rest contented till it please
the Lord otherwise to dispose of things.
For news at present here, is not much worth the writing, only as in
England we have lost our old King who departed this life about a
month ago, so here we have lost Grave Morrice, the old Prince here,
who both departed this life, since my brother Robinson; and as in
England we have a new King, Charles, of whom there is great hope of
good; the King is making ready about one hundred sail of ships, the
end is not yet certain, but they will be ready to go to sea very
shortly; the King himself goes to see them once in fourteen days. So
here likewise we have made Prince Hendrick General, in his brother’s
place, who is now with the Grave of Mansfield with a great army,
close by the enemy, to free Breda, if it be possible, which the enemy
hath besieged now some nine or ten months; but how it will fall out
at last, is yet uncertain, the Lord give good success if it be his
will. And thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, hoping
as soon as I hear of a convenient messenger, to write more at large,
and to send you a letter which my brother Robinson sent to London;
to have gone to some of you, but coming too late, was brought back
again. And so for this time I cease further to trouble you, and rest,
Your assured loving friend,
ROGER WHITE.
_Leyden, April 28, Anno 1625._
_A letter of Thomas Blossom’s to myself and Mr. Brewster, touching
the same thing, as followeth._
BELOVED SIR,
Kind salutations, &c. I have thought good to write to you, concerning
the cause as it standeth both with you and us; we see, alas! what
frustrations and disappointments it pleaseth the Lord to send in
this our course, good in itself and according to godliness taken in
hand and for good and lawful ends, who yet pleaseth not to prosper
us we see, for reasons best known to himself: And which also nearly
concerns us to consider of, whether we have sought the Lord in it,
as we ought, or not; that the Lord hath singularly preserved life in
the business to great admiration, giveth me good hope that he will
(if our sins hinder not) in his appointed time, give a happy end
unto it. On the contrary when I consider how it pleaseth the Lord to
cross those means that should bring us together, being now as far
off or farther than ever, in our apprehension; as also to take that
means away, which would have been so comfortable unto us in that
course, both for wisdom of council as also for our singular help in
our course of godliness, whom the Lord (as it were) took away even
as fruit falleth before it was ripe, (he means Mr. Robinson) when
neither length of days, nor infirmity of body, did seem to call for
his end. The Lord even then took him away, as it were in his anger,
whom if tears would have held, he had remained to this day. The loss
of his ministry was very great unto me, for I ever counted myself
happy in the enjoyment of it, notwithstanding all the crosses and
losses otherwise I sustained. Yet indeed the manner of his taking
away hath more troubled me, as fearing the Lord’s anger in it,
that, as I said, in the ordinary course of things might still have
remained, as also, the singular service he might have yet done in the
church of God. Alas, dear friends, our state and cause in religion!
by his death being wholly destitute of any that may defend our cause
as it should against our adversaries. That we may take up that
doleful complaint in the Psalm, that there is no prophet left among
us, nor any that knoweth how long.
Alas! you would fain have had him with you, and he would as fain have
come to you; many letters and much speech hath been about his coming
to you, but never any solid course propounded for his going; if the
course propounded the last year had appeared to have been certain,
he would have gone though with two or three families. I know no man
amongst us knew his mind better than I did, about those things; he
was loath to leave the church, yet I know also, that he would have
accepted the worst conditions which in the largest extent of a good
conscience could be taken, to have come to you. For myself and all
such others as have formerly minded coming, it is much what the same,
if the Lord afford means. We only know how things are with you by
your letters, but how things stand in England we have received no
letters of any thing, and it was November before we received yours.
If we come at all unto you, the means to enable us so to do must
come from you. For the state of our church, and how it is with us
and of our people, it is wrote of by Mr. White. Thus praying you to
pardon my boldness with you in writing as I do, I commend you to the
keeping of the Lord, desiring, if he see it good, and that I might be
serviceable unto the business, that I were with you. God hath taken
away my son, that was with me in the ship, when I went back again;
I have only two children which were born since I left you: Fare you
well.
Yours to his power,
THOMAS BLOSSOM.
_Leyden, December 15, Anno 1625._
_To his very loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, Governour of
Plymouth in New England, these be._
My loving and kind friend, and brother in the Lord; my own and my
wife’s true love and hearty salutations to yourself and yours and all
the rest of our loving friends with you; hoping in the Lord of your
good healths, which I beseech him long to continue for the glory of
his name and good of his people. Concerning your kind letter to the
church, it was read publicly; whereunto (by the church) I send you
here inclosed an answer. Concerning my brother Robinson’s sickness
and death and our practice, I wrote you at large, some five or six
months since; but lest it should miscarry, I have now written to Mr.
Brewster thereof, to whom I refer you. Now concerning your course of
choosing your Governours yearly, and in special of their choosing
yourself year after year, as I conceive they still do, and Mr.
Allerton your assistant; howsoever I think it the best way that can
be, so long as it please the Lord to continue your lives, and so good
Governours offer you; yet, considering man’s mortality, whose breath
is in his nostrils, and the evils of the times wherein we live, in
which it is ordinarily seen that worse follow them that are good,
I think it would be a safer course, for after time, the government
was sometime removed from one to another; so the assistant one year
might be Governour next and a new assistant chosen in his place,
either of such as have or have not been in office; sometimes one,
sometimes another, as it shall seem most fit to the corporation.
My reasons are, first, because other officers that come after you,
will look (especially if they be ambitiously minded) for the same
privileges and continuance you have had; and if he have it not, will
take great offence, as though unworthy of the place, and so greatly
disgraced, whom to continue, might be very dangerous, and hazard
(at least) the overthrow of all; men not looking so much at the
reasons why others were so long continued as at the custom. 2dly,
because others that are unexperienced in government might learn by
experience; and so there might be fit and able men continually, when
it pleaseth the Lord to take any away. 3dly, by this means, you may
establish the things begun, or done before; for the Governour this
year, that was assistant last, will in likelihood, rather ratify and
confirm, and go on with that he had a hand in the beginning of, when
he was assistant, than otherwise, or persuade the new to it; whereas
new Governours, especially when there are factions, will many times
overthrow that which is done by the former, and so scarcely any thing
goeth forward for the general good; neither that I see, can this be
any prejudice to the corporation; for the new may always have the
counsel and advice of the old, for their direction, though they be
out of office; these things I make bold to put to your godly wisdom
and discretion, intreating you to pardon my boldness therein; and so
leave it to your discretion to make use of as you see it fitting,
not having written the least inkling hereof to any other. Now I
entreat you, at your best leisure to write to me, how you think it
will in likelihood go with your civil and church estate; whether
there be hope of the continuance of both, or either; or whether you
fear any alteration to be attempted in either; the reason of this my
request is, the fear of some amongst us (the which if that hinder
not, I think will come unto you) occasioned partly by your letter to
your father in law, Mr. May, wherein you write of the troubles you
have had with some, who it is like (having the times and friends on
their sides) will work you what mischiefs they can; and that they
may do much, many here do fear: And partly by reason of this king’s
proclamation, dated the 13th of May last, in which he saith, that
his full resolution is, to the end that there may be one uniform
course of government, in, and through all his whole monarchy; that
the government of Virginia shall immediately depend on himself,
and not be committed to any company or corporation, etc. so that
some conceive he will have both the same civil and ecclesiastical
government that is in England, which occasioneth their fear. I desire
you to write your thoughts of these things, for the satisfying of
others; for my own part and some others, we durst rely upon you for
that, who we persuade ourselves, would not be thus earnest, for our
pastor and church to come to you; if you feared the danger of being
suppressed. Thus desiring you to pardon my boldness, and remember us
in your prayers; I for this time and ever, commit you and all your
affairs to the Almighty, and rest
Your assured loving friend
And brother in the Lord,
ROGER WHITE.
_Leyden, Dec. 1, Anno 1625._
P. S. The church would entreat you to continue your writing to them,
which is very comfortable.
_To our most dear, and entirely beloved brethren, Mr. William
Bradford and Mr. William Brewster, grace mercy and true peace be
multiplied, from God our Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ.
Amen._
Most dear christian friends and brethren, as it is no small grief
unto you, so is it no less unto us, that we are constrained to live
thus disunited each from other, especially considering our affections
each unto other, for the mutual edifying and comfort of both, in
these evil days wherein we live: if it pleased the Lord to bring
us again together, than which as no outward thing could be more
comfortable unto us, or is more desired of us, if the Lord see it
good; so see we no hope of means of accomplishing the same, except
it come from you, and therefore, must with patience rest in the work
and will of God, performing our duties to him and you assunder; whom
we are not any way able to help, but by our continual prayers to
him for you, and sympathy of affections with you, for the troubles
which befal you; till it please the Lord to reunite us again. But our
dearly beloved brethren, concerning your kind and respective letter,
howsoever written by one of you, yet as we continue with the consent
(at least in affection) of you both, although we cannot answer your
desire and expectation, by reason it hath pleased the Lord to take to
himself out of this miserable world our dearly beloved pastor, yet
for ourselves we are minded as formerly, to come unto you, when and
as the Lord affordeth means, though we see little hope thereof at
present, as being unable of ourselves, and that our friends will help
us we see little hope. And now, brethren, what shall we say further
unto you; our desires and prayers to God, is (if such were his good
will and pleasure) we might be reunited for the edifying and mutual
comfort of both, which, when he sees fit, he will accomplish. In the
mean time, we commit you unto him and to the word of his grace; whom
we beseech to guide and direct both you and us, in all his ways,
according to that, his word, and to bless all our lawful endeavours,
for the glory of his name and good of his people. Salute, we pray
you, all the church and brethren with you to whom we would have sent
this letter. If we knew it could not be prejudicial unto you, as
we hope it cannot; yet fearing the worst, we thought fit either to
direct it to you, our two beloved brethen, leaving it to your goodly
wisdom and discretion, to manifest our mind to the rest of our loving
friends and brethren, as you see most convenient. And thus intreating
you to remember us in your prayers, as we also do you; we for this
time commend you and all your affairs to the direction and protection
of the Almighty, and rest,
Your assured loving friends
And brethren in the Lord,
FRANCIS JESSOPP,
THOMAS NASH,
THOMAS BLOSSOM,
ROGER WHITE,
RICHARD MAISTERSON.
_Leyden, Nov. 30, A.D. 1625._
* * * * *
_Before I pass to other things, I will here insert a letter of
Mr. Robinson’s, which, though it is out of place, yet coming now
to hand, I thought better to put it here, than to omit it. It was
written to the church as followeth_:
_To the church of God, at Plymouth, in New England._
Much beloved brethren, neither the distance of place, nor distinction
of body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of true
christian affection in which the Lord by his spirit hath tied us
together. My continual prayers are to the Lord for you; my most
earnest desire is unto you; from whom I will not longer keep (if
God will) than means can be procured to bring with me the wives and
children of divers of you and the rest of your brethren, whom I could
not leave behind me without great, both injury to you and them, and
offence to God and all men. The death of so many our dear friends
and brethren; oh! how grievous hath it been to you to bear, and to us
to take knowledge of, which, if it could be mended with lamenting,
could not sufficiently be bewailed; but we must go unto them and they
shall not return unto us: And how many even of us, God hath taken
away here, and in England, since your departure, you may elsewhere
take knowledge. But the same God has tempered judgment with mercy, as
otherwise, so in sparing the rest, especially those by whose godly
and wise government, you may be, and (I know) are so much helped.
In a battle it is not looked for but that divers should die; it is
thought well for a side, if it get the victory, though with the loss
of divers, if not too many or too great. God, I hope, hath given you
the victory, after many difficulties, for yourselves and others;
though I doubt not, but many do and will remain for you and us all
to strive with. Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience
unto those whom God hath set over you, in church and commonwealth,
and to the Lord in them. It is a christian’s honour, to give honour
according to men’s places; and his liberty, to serve God in faith,
and his brethren in love orderly and with a willing and free heart.
God forbid, I should need to exhort you to peace, which is the bond
of perfection, and by which all good is tied together, and without
which it is scattered. Have peace with God first, by faith in his
promises, good conscience kept in all things, and oft renewed by
repentance; and so, one with another, for his sake, who is, though
three, one; and for Christ’s sake who is one, and as you are called
by one spirit to one hope. And the God of peace and grace and all
goodness be with you, in all the fruits thereof, plenteously upon
your heads, now and for ever. All your brethren here, remember you
with great love, a general token whereof they have sent you.
Yours ever in the Lord,
JOHN ROBINSON.
_Leyden, (Holland) June 30, Anno 1621._
* * * * *
This next year being Anno. 1626, we sent Mr. Allerton into England,
partly to make some supply for us, and to see if he could make any
reasonable composition with the adventurers and because we well knew
that nothing can be done without money, we gave him an order to
procure some, binding ourselves to make payment thereof, as followeth:
Know all men by these presents, that whereas we William Bradford,
Governour of Plymouth in New England, and William Brewster, Capt.
Miles Standish, Isaac Allerton, Samuel Fuller, Edward Winslow,
John Jeney, John Howland, and John Allden; being all inhabitants
of Plymouth, aforesaid, are for ourselves, and divers others, our
associates, &c. And whereas the said Isaac Allerton (by God’s
providence) for the necessary occasions of the colony abovesaid,
is bound for England; and whereas divers of us above named, have
acquainted divers of our worthy and approved friends (by our
letters[4]) with our raw and weak estate, and want of ability of
ourselves to manage so great an action, as the upholding of the
plantation aforesaid. If therefore God shall move the heart or
hearts of any of our friends, in compassion of our wants and present
straits, to lend us above named, the sum of one hundred pounds
sterling, for the space of two years, upon any such terms as shall
be agreed upon, between him or them and the said Isaac Allerton,
our partner and agent, and deliver the same into his hands for our
use; that we, the said William Bradford, William Brewster, &c.
together with the said Isaac Allerton, do bind ourselves, our heirs,
&c. jointly and severally, for the faithful performance of such
obligations, conditions, or covenants, as shall be agreed on, &c. In
witness whereof, we have put to our hands and seals, this 2d of July,
Anno 1626, &c.
Upon this order, he got two hundred pounds, but it was at thirty
in the hundred interest, by which appears in what straits we were;
and yet this was upon better terms than the goods which were sent
us the year before, being at forty-five per cent. so that it was
God’s marvellous providence, that we were ever able to wade through
things, as will better appear if God give me life and opportunity to
handle them more particularly, in another treatise more at large, as
I desire and purpose (if God permit) with many other things, in a
better order.
Besides the obtaining of this money, he with much ado made a
composition and agreement with the body of the adventurers, Mr.
Allden (something now softened by my letter before mentioned) who was
one of our powerfulest opposers, did not only yield thereunto, but
was a furtherer of the same. I will shew the heads of it, as it was
drawn in a deed as followeth:
_To all christian people, to whom this present writing indented
shall come greeting_,
Whereas, at a meeting the 26th of October last past, divers and
sundry persons, whose names to the one part of these presents
are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed, adventurers to
New-Plymouth, in New England in America, were contented and agreed
(in consideration of the sum of one thousand and eight hundred pounds
sterling, to be paid unto the said adventurers in manner and form
following) to sell and make sale of all and every the stocks, shares,
lands, merchandize and chattles whatsoever, to the said adventurers
and other their fellow adventurers to New Plymouth aforesaid accruing
or belonging, to the generality of the said adventurers aforesaid,
as well by reasons of any sum or sums of money, or merchandize at
any time heretofore adventured by them, or otherwise howsoever; for
the better expression and setting forth of which said agreement, the
parties to these presents subscribing, do for themselves severally,
and as much as in them is, grant, bargain, alien, sell and transfer,
all and every the said shares, goods, lands, merchandize and chattles
to them belonging as aforesaid, unto Isaac Allerton, one of the
planters resident at New Plymouth aforesaid, assigned and sent over
as agent for the rest of the planters residing there, and unto such
other planters at New Plymouth aforesaid, as the said Isaac Allerton,
his heirs or assignees, at his, or their arrival shall by writing or
otherwise think fit to join, or partake in the premises, their and
every of their heirs and assigns in as large and ample and beneficial
manner and form, to all intents and purposes, as the said several
subscribing adventurers here could or may do, or perform; all which
stocks, shares, lands, &c. to the said adventurers, in severalty
alloted, apportioned or belonging; the said adventurers do warrant,
and defend unto the said Isaac Allerton his heirs and assigns,
against them, their heirs and assigns, by these presents: And
therefore, the said Isaac Allerton for him, his heirs and assigns,
doth covenant, promise, and grant to and with the said adventurers,
whose names are hereunto subscribed, their heirs, &c. well and truly
to pay, or cause to be paid unto the said adventurers or five of
them, which were at the meeting aforesaid, nominated and deputed,
viz. John Pocock, John Beauchamp, Robert Kean, Edward Bass, and James
Shirley, their heirs, &c. to, and for the use of the generality of
them, the sum of eighteen hundred pounds, of lawful money of England,
at the place appointed for the receipts of money, on the west side
of the Royal Exchange in London, by two hundred pounds yearly and
every year, on the feast day of St. Michael, which shall be in the
year 1628: And the said Isaac Allerton, for him, his heirs, &c. doth
covenant and grant to, and with the said adventurers, their heirs,
&c. to do his, and their good endeavours, to procure, obtain, and get
of, and from all the planters, at New Plymouth aforesaid, or so many
of them as he or they by persuasion and entreaty can or may, security
by several obligations, or writing obligatory, to make payment of the
said sum of eighteen hundred pounds, in form aforesaid, according to
the true meaning of these presents. In testimony whereof, to this
part of these presents, remaining with the said Isaac Allerton, the
said subscribing adventurers have set to their names, &c. And to the
other part of these presents remaining with the said adventurers, the
said Isaac Allerton hath subscribed his name, the 15th of November,
Anno 1626, and in the second year of the reign of our sovereign Lord,
King Charles, by the grace of God, King of England, &c: Subscribed
thus as followeth:
_John White_,
_John Pocock_,
_Robert Kean_,
_Edward Bass_,
_William Hobson_,
_William Penington_,
_William Quarles_,
_Daniel Poynton_,
_Richard Andrews_,
_Newman Rookes_,
_Henry Browning_,
_Richard Wright_,
_John Ling_,
_Thomas Goffe_,
_Samuel Sharp_,
_Robert Holland_,
_James Shirley_,
_Thomas Mott_,
_Thomas Fletcher_,
_Timothy Hatherly_,
_Thomas Brewer_,
_John Thorned_,
_Myles Knowles_,
_William Collier_,
_John Revell_,
_Peter Gudburn_,
_Emnu. Alltham_,
_John Beauchamp_,
_Thomas Hudson_,
_Thomas Andrews_,
_Thomas Ward_,
_Fria. Newbald_,
_Thomas Heath_,
_Joseph Tilden_,
_William Penrin_,
_Eliza Knight_,
_Thomas Coventry_,
_Robert Allden_,
_Laurence Anthony_,
_John Knight_,
_Matthew Thornhill_,
_Thomas Millsop_,
In all forty-two.
* * * * *
This year, Anno 1627, Mr. Allerton was sent again as for other
things, so especially to ratify and confirm this bargain; and for
that end we gave him full authority under our hands, and seal, and
became bound in several bonds for the payment of the money yearly: So
the thing was fully concluded, and the bargain fairly engrossed in
parchment, under their hands and seals, as legally and formally done,
as by the learnedest lawyers could be devised, as by the deed itself
will better appear; which I will not here insert, being long, but
the substance may be seen in the former, to which it hath reference;
only I will mention this particular clause, how we were bound thereby
to forfeit thirty shillings a week, for every week that we failed of
due payment, at any the several days. Thus all now is become our
own, as we say in the proverb, when our debts are paid. And doubtless
this was a great mercy of God unto us, and a great means of our peace
and better subsistence, and wholly dashed all the plots and devises
of our enemies, both there and here, who daily expected our ruin,
dispersion and utter subversion by the same; but their hopes were
thus far prevented, though with great care and labour, we were left
to struggle with the payment of the money.
_A letter of Mr. Sherley’s to myself upon this conclusion, as
followeth_:
_To his very loving and much respected friend, Mr. William
Bradford, Governour of Plymouth, in New-England, these._
_Most Worthy and Beloved_
SIR,
I have received your letter of the 14th of June last, by your and
my loving friend, Mr. Allerton, wherein it pleaseth you to express
more thankfulness than I have deserved; I confess my desire is much
larger than my power, to do you and those good friends with you, the
good I would. We cannot but all take notice how the Lord hath been
pleased to cross our proceedings and caused many disasters to befal
us therein; and sure I conceive the only cause to be, we, or _many of
us here, aimed at other ends than God’s glory_: But now I hope that
cause is taken away, the bargain being fully concluded and, as far
as our powers will reach, confirmed under our hands and seals to Mr.
Allerton and the rest of his and your co-partners: But for my own
part, I confess, as I was loath to hinder this bargain, being the
first propounder thereof at our meeting, so, on the contrary side, I
was as unwilling to set my hand to the sale, being the receiver of
the most part of the adventures and a second causer of much of the
engagements, and one more threatened, being most envied and aimed
at (if they could find any step to ground their malice on) than any
other of the adventurers whosoever: I profess I know no just cause
they ever had, or have so to do, neither shall it ever be proved
that I have wronged them or any of the adventurers, wittingly or
willingly, one penny in the disbursement of the best part of five
thousand pounds, in those two years’ troubles: No, the sole cause why
they malice me (as I and others have conceived) was that I would not
side with them against you and the going over of the Leyden; but as
I then cared not, so now I little fear what they can do; yet charge
and trouble I know they may cause me to be at; and for these reasons,
I would gladly have persuaded the other four to have sealed to this
bargain and so have left me out; but Mr. Allerton knoweth they would
not; so rather than it should now fail, Mr. Allerton having taken so
much pains (as I am even ashamed to relate) I have sealed with the
rest, with this proviso and promise of Mr. Allerton’s, that if any
troubles arise here, you are to be at half the charge: Wherefore now
I doubt not but you will give your generality good content and self
peace amongst yourselves, and peace with the natives, then, no doubt
but the God[5] of peace will bless your going out and returning in,
and cause all that you set your hand to to prosper: The which I shall
ever pray the Lord to grant, if it be his most blessed will, and that
for Jesus Christ his sake.
I acknowledge myself much obliged to you, and others with you, for
your good counsel and loving respect to my kinsman; I pray you
continue the same still and set it as on my score to requite when
occasion is offered. My wife and I most kindly remember our loves
unto you and Mrs. Bradford, desiring you to remember us in your
prayers, for assuredly unless the Lord be merciful unto us and the
whole land in general, our estate and condition is far worse than
yours; wherefore if the Lord send persecution here (which is much
to be feared) and so should put into our minds to fly for refuge,
I know no place safer than to come to you, (for all Europe is at
variance one with another, but chiefly with us) not doubting but to
find such friendly entertainment as shall be honest and conscionable,
notwithstanding what hath lately passed; for I profess in the word of
an honest man, had it not been to procure your peace and quiet from
some turbulent spirits here, I would not have sealed to this deed,
though you have given me all my adventure and debt ready down: And
this I leave to your serious consideration, not questioning, but you
will approve yourselves faithful and honest before God and men: And
thus desiring the Lord to bless, preserve and prosper you and all
with you, I for this time cease, but ever resting,
Your faithful and loving friend
to my power,
JAMES SHIRLEY.
_London, Dec, 27th, Anno 1627._
* * * * *
This year we had letters sent us from the Dutch plantation, of whom
we had heard much by the natives, but never could hear from them nor
meet with them before themselves thus writ to us, and after sought us
out; their letters were writ in a very fair hand, the one in French,
and the other in Dutch, but were one verbatim, so far as the tongue
would bear.
[_Here follows a letter in Low Dutch, from Isaac de Razier at
Manhatas, in fort, Amsterdam Mar. 9, 1627. N. S. to the Governour
of New-Plymouth._]
I will not trouble myself to translate this letter, seeing the effect
of it will be understood by the answer which now follows in English,
though writ to them in Dutch.
_To the Honourable and Worshipful the Director and Council of
New Netherland, our very loving and worthy friends and christian
neighbours._
The Governour and Council of Plymouth in New England wish your
Honours and Worships all happiness, and prosperity in this life, and
eternal rest and glory with Christ Jesus our Lord in the world to
come.
We have received your letters wherein appeareth your good will, and
friendship toward us, but is expressed with over high titles, and
more than belongs to us, or than is meet for us to receive: But for
your good will and congratulation of our prosperity in this small
beginning of our poor colony, we are much bound unto you, and with
many thanks do acknowledge the same; taking it both for a great
honour done unto us, and for a certain testimony of your love, and
good neighbourhood. Now these are further to give your Honours,
Worships and Wisdoms to understand, that it is to us no small joy,
to hear, that it hath pleased God to move his Majesty’s heart, not
only to confirm that ancient amity, alliance, and friendship, and
other contracts formerly made, and ratified by his predecessors of
famous memory; but hath himself (as you say) and we likewise have
been informed, strengthened the same with a new union, the better
to resist the pride of that common enemy the Spaniards, from whose
cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now for
as much as this is sufficient to unite us together in love, and
good neighbourhood in all our dealings; yet are many of us further
tied by the good and courteous entreaty which we have found in
your country; having lived there many years, with freedom and good
content, as many of our friends do to this day; for which we are
bound to be thankful, and our children after us and shall never
forget the same but shall heartily desire your good and prosperity,
as our own forever. Likewise for your friendly proposition and offer
to accommodate and help us with any commodities or merchandize which
you have and we want, either for beaver, otters or other wares, is
to us very acceptable, and we doubt not but in short time, we may
have profitable commerce and trade together: But you may please to
understand that we are but one particular colony or plantation in
this land, there being divers others besides, unto whom it hath
pleased those Honourable Lords of his Majesty’s Council for New
England, to grant the like commission, and ample privileges to
them (as to us) for their better profit and subsistence; namely to
expulse, or make prize of any, either strangers or other English
which shall attempt, either to trade, or plant within their limits
(without their special licence and commission) which extends to
forty degrees: Yet for our parts, we shall not go about to molest
or trouble you in any thing, but continue all good neighbourhood
and correspondence as far as we may; only we desire that you
would forbear to trade with the natives in this bay, and river of
Naragansett and Sowames, which is (as it were) at our doors: The
which if you do, we think also no other English will go about any way
to trouble or hinder you; which otherwise are resolved to solicit his
Majesty for redress, if otherwise they cannot help themselves.
May it please you further to understand, that for this year we are
fully supplied with all necessaries, both for clothing and other
things; but it may so fall out, that hereafter we shall deal with
you, if your rates be reasonable: And therefore when your people come
again, we desire to know how you will take beaver by the pound, and
otters by the skin, and how you will per cent. for other commodities,
and what you can furnish us with; as likewise what commodities from
us, may be acceptable with you, as tobacco, fish, corn, or other
things, and what prices you will give.
Thus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude and
imperfect writing in your language, and take it in good part;
because, for want of use, we cannot so well express that we
understand; nor happily understand every thing so fully as we should:
And so we humbly pray the Lord, for his mercy’s sake, that he will
take both us and our native countries, into his holy protection and
defence. Amen.
By the Governour and Council, your Honours’ and
Worships’ very good friends and neighbours.
_New-Plymouth, March 19th._
Next follows their reply to this our answer, very friendly but
maintaining their right and liberty to trade in those parts, which
we had desired they would forbear; alleging that as we had authority
and commission from our king; so they had the like from the States of
Holland, which they would defend.
_August 7, 1627._
_Another of theirs upon our answer to their last, which I here
omit._
_An answer to the former letters._
We have received your[6]letters dated the 7th of August, and with
them a rundlet of sugar, and two Holland cheeses, by John Jacobson
of Wiring; for which we give you many thanks and must remain your
debtors till another time, not having any thing to send you for
the present that may be acceptable: Further, you shall understand
that it is also our resolution and hearty desire to hold and
continue all friendship and good neighbourhood with you as far as
we may and lies in our power; we desire also that we might have
opportunity (according as you write) by word of mouth, to confer
together touching our mutual commerce and trading in such things
as our countries afford; and would now have sent one, but that one
of our boats is abroad, and we have much business at home; But if
by the next you would please to depute one (according as you have
propounded) to come hither and to confer hereabouts, we should be
glad and he should be welcome. If not, we shall send as soon as
conveniently we can (after harvest) if we can know when your bark
comes this way. We cannot likewise omit (out of our love and good
affection toward you and the trust you repose in us) to give you
warning of the danger which may befal you, that you may prevent it;
for if you light either in the hands of those of Virginia or the
fishing ships, which come to New England, peradventure they will
make prize of you, if they can, if they find you trading within
those limits; as they surprised a colony of the French, not many
years since, which was seated within these bounds: For howsoever
you allege in your former letter, that you have navigated and traded
in these parts above this twenty-six years, and that your company
have now authority from the States and the Prince of Orange to do
so; yet you must understand that her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth, of
famous memory hath began to navigate and plant in these lands well
nigh forty years ago, as appeareth by her patents and royal grants
conferred upon divers of her subjects and since confirmed and
enlarged by his late Majesty, and still continued by possession.
Therefore it were best (in our opinion) that your masters should
solicit the States that they might come to some order and agreement
with the King’s Majesty and State of England hereabout, before any
inconvenience befal; for howsoever you may be assured for ourselves,
yet we should be sorry to hear you should sustain harm from any of
our nation; but more of these things when we shall speak one with
another: In the mean time we commit you and your affairs to the
protection of the highest.
Your loving friends, the Governour
and Council of New-Plymouth.
WILLIAM BRADFORD.
_Governour, &c._
_Plymouth, August 14, Anno 1627._
_THEIR answer to this directed to myself thus superscribed_:
_Monsieur Monseignieur, William Bradford, Governeur in
Nieu-Plemeuen._
_This I will put in English and so will end with theirs, viz._
After the wishing of all good unto you, this serves to let you
understand, that we have received your (acceptable) letters dated
the 14th of the last month, by John Jacobson of Wiring, who besides,
by word of mouth, hath reported unto us your kind and friendly
entertainment of him: For which cause (by the good-liking and
approbation of the Directors and Council) I am resolved to come
myself, in friendship, to visit you, that we may by word of mouth
friendly communicate of things together; as also to report unto you
the good will and favour that the Honourable Lords of the authorized
West-Indian company bear towards you. And to show our willingness of
your good accommodation, have brought with me some cloth of three
sorts and colours, and a chest of white sugar, as also some seawan,
&c. not doubting but, if any of them may be serviceable unto you, we
shall agree well enough about the prices thereof. Also John Jacobson
aforesaid hath told me, that he came to you overland in six hours,
but I have not gone so far this three or four years; wherefore I
fear my feet will fail me, so I am constrained to entreat you to
afford me the easiest means that I may, with least weariness, come
to congratulate with you: So leaving other things to the report of
the bearer, shall herewith end; remembering my hearty salutations to
yourself and friends, &c. from a-board the bark Nassau, the 4th of
October; before Frenchman’s point.
Your affectionate friend,
ISAAC DE RAZIER.
_Anno 1627._
* * * * *
So, according to his request, we sent our boat for him, who came
honourably attended with a noise of trumpeters; he was their upper
_commis_, or chief merchant and second to the Governour; a man of
a fair and genteel behaviour, but soon after fell into disgrace
amongst them; by reason of their factions; and thus at length we came
to meet and deal together. We at this time bought sundry of their
commodities, especially their _sewan_ or _wampampeack_, which was the
beginning of a profitable trade with us and the Indians: We further
understood, that their masters were willing to have friendship
with us and to supply us with sundry commodities, and offered us
assistance against the French if need were. The which, though we know
it was with an eye to their own profit, yet we had reason both kindly
to accept it and make use of it: So after this sundry of them came
often to us, and many letters passed between us, the which I will
pass by, as being about particular dealings, and would not be here
very pertinent; only upon this passage we wrote one to their Lords
and masters; as followeth.
_Right Honourable and Worthy Lords, &c._
We understand by your agent, Mr. Isaac Razier, who is at this present
with us (and hath demeaned himself to your honours and his own
credit) of your honourable and respective good intentions towards us,
which we humbly acknowledge with all thankfulness, and shall ever
be ready in the performance of all offices of good and christian
neighbourhood, towards your colony and plantation here, and in all
satisfactory correspondence to your Honours, so far as in us lieth
and may stand with our allegiance to the King’s most excellent
Majesty, our Sovereign Lord the King of Great-Britain; acknowledging
ourselves tied in a strict obligation unto your country and State,
for the good entertainment and free liberty which we had, and our
brethren and countrymen yet there have and do enjoy, under our most
honourable Lords the States; and so shall be ready to accommodate
ourselves to your good satisfaction: For the propositions of your
agent concerning the matter of trade and commerce, we will have due
and respective consideration, wishing it had been sooner propounded
at the beginning of the year, before we sent our factor into England
and Holland about our trade and supplies; for, till his return, we
can determine of nothing, not yet knowing certainly what issue there
will be of the business between the merchants our partners, and
ourselves; and therefore desire suspension of our determination and
resolution herein till the next year, we being not yet altogether
free in respect of our engagements unto them: In the meantime we
will digest it in our best cogitations; only we desire your Honours,
that ye would take into your wise and honourable considerations,
that which we conceive may be a hindrance to this accordation, and
may be a means of much future evil, if it be not prevented, namely,
that you clear the title of your planting in these parts, which his
Majesty hath, by patent, granted to divers his nobles and subjects of
quality; least it be a bone of division in these stirring evil times,
which God forbid: We persuade ourselves, that now may be easily
and seasonably done, which will be harder and with more difficulty
obtained hereafter, and perhaps not without blows; so there may be
assured peace and good correspondence on all parts, and ourselves
more free and able to contract with your Honours. Thus commending
our best service to our most noble Lords, praying for the prosperous
success of your worthy designs, we rest your Lordships’
Most sincerely affected and bounden,
William Bradford.
_Governour, &c._
_Plymouth, Oct. 1, Anno 1627._
* * * * *
We well knew likewise, that this dealing and friendship with the
Dutch (though it was wholly sought of themselves) yet it would
procure us envy from others in the land, and that at one time or
other, our enemies would take occasion to raise slanders and frame
accusations against us for it; therefore, to prevent their malice, as
also to shew the sincerity of our dealing and our loyal and dutiful
respect to his Majesty and the Honourable Council for New England;
we sent their first letter (with our answer thereto and their reply
to the same) unto the Council as may appear more particularly by our
letters following.
_A letter to the Council of New England._
_Right Honourable_,
We held it our bounden duty to inform and acquaint your Lordships
and Honours, with all such occurrences and matters of note as do
here befal, and may any way concern the estate of this country, in
either the good or hurt thereof, which, next his Majesty, stands
under your honourable governments and protection; or which may in
any sort, be worthy your wise and prudent considerations. May it
please your Honours and Lordships to understand, that of late we
received letters from the Dutch plantation, who using to trade near
unto us, had order to stay for an answer from us; and the effect of
their letters, being friendly and congratulatory, we answered them
in like sort; since which time, we received another from them, but
have had as yet no opportunity to give answer thereto. Their first
letters were two,[7] but both one in effect and verbatim, so far as
the proprieties of the tongues will bear; the French, with the copies
both of our answer and their reply, we have here enclosed sent unto
your Honour’s view, that according to your honourable directions
therein, we may govern ourselves, in our dealings with them. We
further understand that for strength of men and fortification, they
far exceed us, and all in this land. We cannot likewise forbear to
complain unto your Lordships, of the irregular living of many in this
land, who without either patent or licence, order or government,
live, trade and truck, not with any intent to plant, but rather to
forage the country and get what they can, whether by right or wrong,
and then be gone: So as such as have been and are at great charge to
settle plantations, will not be able to subsist, if some remedy be
not provided, both with these and the inordinate course of fishermen,
who begin to leave fishing, and fall wholly to trading, to the
great detriment of both the small beginning here, and the State of
England, by the unprofitable consuming of the victuals of the land
upon these salvages: Whereas plantations might here better raise the
same in the land, and so be enabled both to subsist and to return the
profit thereof into England for other necessaries, which would be
beneficial to the commonwealth. Our humble suits therefore to your
good Lordships is, that you would take some such order, for redress
herein, as shall seem best to your honourable wisdoms, for the relief
of all the plantations in the land. So in all humbleness we commit
ourselves to your honourable direction, and you to the protection of
the Almighty, resting
Yours ever at commandment,
WILLIAM BRADFORD,
_Governour, &c._
_New-Plymouth, June 15, Anno 1627._
_Another to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, touching the same subject._
_Honourable Sir_,
MY humble duty remembered; we have of late received letters from the
Dutch plantation and have had speech with some of them; I hold it my
duty to acquaint your Worship and the rest of the Honourable Council
therewith, unto whom we have likewise writ and sent the copies
of their letters, that, together with their and your honourable
directions, we may know how to order ourselves herein: They have used
trading there this six or seven and twenty years, but have begun
to plant of later time, and now have reduced their trade to some
order, and confined it only to their company, which heretofore was
spoiled by their seamen and interlopers, as ours is this year most
notoriously, of whom we have made some complaint in our letters to
the Council, not doubting but we shall find worshipful furtherance
therein. We are now upon concluding with our adventurers, and shall
be put upon hard straits by great payments, which we are enforced
to make, for sundry years, or else to leave all, which will be to
us very difficult; and, to say the truth, if these disorders of
fishermen and interlopers, be not remedied, no plantations are able
to stand, but will decay, whereas otherwise they may subsist and
flourish: Thus in all humbleness I take leave, and rest,
At your service,
WILLIAM BRADFORD,
_Plymouth, June 15, Anno 1627._
P. S. Besides the spoiling of the trade this last year, our boat and
men had like to have been cut off by the Indians, after the fishermen
were gone, for the wrongs which they did them, in stealing their
skins and other abuses offered them, both the last year and this; and
besides they still continue to truck pieces, powder and shot with
them, which will be the overthrow of all, if it be not looked unto.
* * * * *
But I will now return to prosecute other letters out of England,
touching our business and success thereof.
_A letter of Mr. Shirley’s._
_To his worthy and loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, Governour
of Plymouth, in New-England; these._
_Thrice worthy and beloved Sir_,
I have received your letter of the 26th of May, by Mr. Gibs and Mr.
Goff, and with all the barrel of skins according to the contents;
for which Mr. Beauchamp and I got a bill of store, and so took them
up and sold them together at £78 12_s._ sterling, and since, Mr.
Allerton hath received the money, as will appear by the account.
It is true as you write, your engagements are great, not only the
purchase, but you are yet necessitated to take up the stock you work
upon, and that not at 6 or 8 per cent. as it is here let out, but at
30, 40, yea and some 50 per cent. which were not your gains great,
and God’s blessing on your honest endeavours more than ordinary, it
could not be that you should long subsist, in the maintaining of
and upholding of your worldly affairs: And this your honest, wise,
and discreet agent, Mr. Allerton, hath seriously considered and so
deeply laid to mind how to ease you of it, as I know it hath much
troubled him: He told me you were contented to accept of me and some
few others, to join with you in the purchase, as partners; for which
I kindly thank you and all the rest and do willingly accept of it;
and though absent, shall willingly and readily be at such charge as
you and the rest shall think meet; and this year am contented to
forbear my former £50 and two years increase for the adventure, both
which now makes £80, without any bargain or condition for the profit,
you (I mean the generality) standing to the adventure outward and
homeward: Now (not that I would seem to boast or seek for undeserved
praise) I have persuaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp to do the
like; so as you are eased of that high rate you were at the other
two years, I say we leave it freely to yourselves, allow us what
you please and as God shall bless: I purpose, God willing, to be at
charge of sending over a man or two; and so doth Mr. Andrews and now
Mr. Beauchamp; for what course I run he desireth to do the same; and
though he have been or seemed somewhat harsh heretofore, yet, now you
shall find he is new moulded.
I also see, in your letter, your desire I should be your agent or
factor here; truly Mr. Bradford and our worthy Governour, far be
it from me to flatter you (for I profess to hate it) I have ever
esteemed and found you so faithful, honest and upright men, as I have
even resolved with myself (God assisting me) to do you all the good
that lieth in my power; and therefore if you please to make choice of
so weak a man, both for abilities and body, to perform your business,
I promise, the Lord enabling me, to do the best I can, according to
those abilities he hath given me, and wherein I fail, excuse me and
blame yourselves, that you made no better choice; now, because I am
sickly and we are all mortal, I have advised Mr. Allerton to join Mr.
Beauchamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very
necessary and good for you; your charge shall be no more for it is
not your salary makes me undertake your business: Sir, for your love
and good counsel to my kinsman, I acknowledge myself much engaged
unto you, I pray you be still the same, for I know he hath much need
of it.
[The rest being news, and of sundry passages about the Parliament; I
omit as not pertinent to my purpose, it was concluded as followeth.]
Thus fearing I have been troublesome in relating of things, I cease,
heartily desiring the long continuance of your good health to the
pleasure of the Lord, and commending you and yours, and all God’s
faithful people wheresoever, unto the guidance and safe protection of
the Almighty, ever resting
Your faithful loving friend,
JAMES SHIRLEY.
_London, Nov. 17, Anno 1628._
* * * * *
Being thus deeply engaged, and a few only of us being bound to make
payment of all, yea in a double bond; for besides our formal bonds,
it was our credits and honesty, that made our friends rest and rely
upon us, assuring themselves, that if we lived and it was possible,
we would see them have their monies: Therefore we thought it our
safest and best course to come to some agreement with the people, to
have the whole trade consigned to us for some years; and so in the
time to take upon us, to pay all the debts and set them free: Another
reason which moved us to take this heavy burthen upon our shoulders
was, our great desire to transport as many of our brethren of Leyden
over unto us, as we could, but without this course we could never
have done it, all here being (for peace and unity’s sake) made joint
purchasers with us, and every one thereby had as much interest as
ourselves; and many were very opposite here against us in respect of
the great charge: Again we well knew, that, except we followed our
trading roundly, we should never be able to do the one or the other;
therefore we sought means to have our patent enlarged, and to have
some good trading places included therein; that if we could not keep
them thereby wholly to ourselves, yet that none should exclude or
thrust us wholly out of them, as we well knew that some would have
done, if we now had not laid hold of the opportunity: Therefore Mr.
Allerton was sent over to prosecute these things, and to acquaint
those few of our friends in England, whom the year before were
joined purchasers with us, what agreements we had made and concluded
with our people, and for what ends, and so to offer them to be our
partners in trade and the whole business; writing our letters unto
them for that end.
_The copy of the covenants made with the people here followeth;
after the which were signed by them, we made division of the cattle
and other things, every one having according to their proportion of
shares, and so were set free from all engagements and debts, they
resting wholly on our heads._
Articles of agreement between the Colony of Plymouth in New England
of the one party; and William Bradford, Captain Miles Standish, and
Isaac Allerton, and such others as they shall take as partners and
undertakers with them, on the other party, made the—
First, it is agreed and covenanted betwixt the said parties, that
they the said William Bradford, Captain Miles Standish, and Isaac
Allerton, and such others as they shall take unto them, have
undertaken, and do by these presents covenant and agree to pay,
discharge and acquit the said colony, of all the debts, both due for
the purchase, or any other way belonging to the same, at the day of
the date of these presents.
Secondly, the abovesaid parties are to have and freely enjoy the
pinnace, the boat at Manamett, and the shallop, called the Bass Boat,
with all other implements to them belonging, that is in the store of
the company; with all the whole stock of furs, fells, beads, corn,
wampampeak, hatchets, knives, &c. that is now in the store, or any
way due unto the same upon account.
Thirdly, that the abovesaid parties have the whole trade to
themselves their heirs and assigns, with all the privileges thereof,
as the said colony doth now, or may use the same; for six full years
to begin the last of September next ensuing.
Fourthly, in further consideration of the discharge of the said debts
every several purchaser, doth promise and covenant yearly to pay, or
cause to be payed, to the abovesaid parties, during the full term of
the said six years, three bushels of corn or six pounds of tobacco,
at the undertaker’s choice.
Fifthly, the said undertakers shall, during the aforesaid term,
bestow £50 per annum in hose and shoes, to be brought over for the
colony’s use, to be sold them for corn, at 6_s_. per bushel.
Sixthly, that at the end of the said term of six years, the whole
trade shall return to the use and benefit of the said colony, as
before.
Lastly, if the aforesaid undertakers, after they have acquainted
their friends in England with these covenants, do (upon the first
return) resolve to perform them, and undertake to discharge the
debts of the said colony according to the true meaning and intent of
these presents, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in
force, otherwise all things to remain, as formerly they were, and a
true account to be given to the said colony, of the disposing of all
things according to the former order.
This agreement was by these subscribed; for some would not subscribe,
and some were from home.
William Brewster,
Stephen Hopkins,
Francis Eaton,
Jona. Brewster,
Manas. Kempton,
Thomas Prince,
Anthony Anable,
John Shaw,
William Bassett,
Cudbert Cudbers,
John Adams,
Phineas Pratt,
Stephen Trasie,
Edward Doty,
Joshua Pratt,
Stephen Dean,
Wm. Wright,
Francis Cook,
William Palmer,
Exper. Michell,
Edward Bangs,
Samuel Fuller,
Robert Hicks,
John Howland,
John Billington,
Peter Brown,
John Faunce.
The names of the undertakers, were these following, for the three
before mentioned made choice of these other, and though they knew not
their minds before (many of them being absent) yet they did presume
they would join with them in the thing, as afterward they did.
William Bradford,
Captain Standish,
Isaac Allerton,
Edward Winslow,
William Brewster,
John Howland,
John Allden,
Thomas Prince,
_And these of London_
James Shirley,
John Beauchamp,
Richard Andrews,
Timothy Hatherly.
* * * * *
This year sundry that pretended themselves to be planters, seeing
the gain the fishermen made by trading of pieces, and powder, and
shot to the Indians, and how they went on uncontrouled in the same,
they began to practice the same: A principal head of whom was one
Morton, who had gathered a profane crew unto him, and was himself
an example of all wickedness unto them, who kept a house (or school
rather of _Athesmy_) in the Massachusetts bay. He not only had
offended in trading off sundry pieces to the Indians, but when he
was by his neighbours gently admonished of the same, and shewed the
evil consequences that would follow thereupon, he took it in great
scorn, and said he would do it in the dispite of all; and for that
end sent for many new pieces out of England; besides, as he and his
consorts got much hereby, so they spent it as lewdly in maintaining
drunkenness, riot and other evils amongst them; yea and inveigling
of men’s servants away from them, so as the mischief began to grow
intolerable, and if it had been suffered a while longer would have
become incurable; his neighbours about him grew afraid of him, and
suffered many abuses at his hands, and knew not how to help it; but
both they, and other of the weaker plantations, made suit to us, to
help and assist them to take some order with him and that desperate
company; we told them that we had no authority to do any thing, but
seeing it tended to the utter ruin of all the whole country, we
would join with them against so public a mischief; so we sent first
again to admonish him, from ourselves and the rest, and signified
unto him, that besides the hurt and peril he brought upon us all,
his actions was flatly against a proclamation of the late King’s
Majesty, published to all his subjects, both in England and here,
against the trucking of any pieces or other arms, to any of the
Savages; his answer (after oaths and other contumelies) was, that
proclamations were no law, nor enjoined no penalty; he was answered
yes, the breakers incurred his Majesty’s displeasure, which might
prove a penalty too heavy for him to bear; he replied, that King was
dead, and his displeasure died with him: Thus seeing no other remedy,
at the earnest request of the other planters, and plantations in the
land, we assisted and led in the apprehension of him (which was with
danger enough, for he armed himself for resistance) and so, by the
mutual consent of all the rest, he was sent prisoner into England,[8]
to the council of New England, with letters and information against
him; which letters follow:
_To the Right Honourable, his Majesty’s council for New England,
these, Right Honourable, and our very good Lords_,
Necessity hath forced us, his Majesty’s subjects of New England
in general (after long patience) to take this course with this
troublesome planter, Mr. Thomas Morton, whom we have sent unto your
Honours, that you may be pleased to take that course with him,
which to your honourable wisdom shall seem fit; who hath been often
admonished not to trade or truck with the Indians, either pieces,
powder, or shot, which yet he hath done, and duly makes provision
to do, and could not be restrained, taking in high scorn (as he
speaks) that any here should controul therein: Now the general
weakness of us, his Majesty’s subjects, the strength of the Indians,
and at this time their great preparations to do some affront upon
us, and the evil example which it gives unto others, and having no
subordinate general government, under your Honours, in this land,
to restrain such misdemeanours, causeth us to be troublesome to
your Lordships, to send this party unto you for remedy and redress
hereof: And not only in respect to this particular delinquent, but
of the fishing ships, who make it too ordinary a practice, with whom
we have neither authority nor ability to deal, and who are more
encouraged when the planters themselves are so licentious herein;
and therefore most humbly pray your Lordships, to take into your
honourable considerations that some speedy course and remedy may be
taken herein; otherwise we shall be forced to quit the country, to
our great grief, and dishonour to our nation; for we shall be beaten
with our own arms if we abide: And that which further presseth us
thus to send this party, is the fear we have of the growing of him
and his consorts to that strength and height, by the access of loose
persons, his house be a receptacle for such, as we should not be able
to restrain his inordinariness when we would, they living without
all fear of God or common honesty; some of them abusing the Indian
women most filthily, as it is notorious: And for further satisfaction
of your Lordships we have sent some particular testifications which
we aver upon the faith of christians to be true: And likewise
this bearer, Mr. John Oldham, who can give your Honours further
information upon his oath, if need so require whom we have sent with
the prisoner, and to attend your Lordships pleasures: And thus most
humbly beseeching your Lordships and Honours to make a favourable
construction of our honest intendments herein, of our loyalty and
respective service to his Majesty, and our care for the common
good of this country, thus we cease, and most humbly commend your
Lordships and honours to the protection of the highest.
Your Lordships most humble, &c.
_June 9, Anno 1628._
This letter was subscribed by some of the chief of every plantation;
but I have not their names to the copy, and therefore omit them;
yet they may in part be seen by that which was at the same time
underwritten (in another paper) towards the charge, as followeth;
though it cost us a great deal more, and yet to little effect, as the
event sheweth.
£. _s._
From Plymouth, 2 10
From Naumkeak, 1 10
From Pascataquack, 2 10
From Mr. Jeffrey and Mr. Burslem, 2
From Natascot, 1 10
From Mrs. Thomson, 15
From Mr. Blackston, 12
From Edward Hilton, 1
--------
12 7
_We wrote this following, likewise, to Sir_ FERNANDO GORGES.
_Honourable Sir_,
As you have ever been, not only a favourer, but also a most special
beginner and furtherer of the good of this country, to your great
cost and no less honour, we whose names are underwritten, being some
of every plantation, in the land, deputed for the rest, do humbly
crave your worship’s help and best assistance, in the speedy (if not
too late) redress of our almost desperate state and condition in this
place, expecting daily to be overrun and spoiled by the Savages,
who are already abundantly furnished with pieces, powder and shot,
swords, rapers and _Jaflings_; all which arms and munition is this
year plentifully and publickly sold unto them, by our own countrymen;
who, under the pretence of fishing, come a trading amongst them;
yea, one of them (as your worships may further understand by our
particular informations) hath for his part sold twenty or twenty-one
pieces, and one hundred weight of powder, by which you may conceive
of the rest; for we hear the savages have above sixty pieces amongst
them, besides other arms; in a word there is now almost nothing
vendible amongst them, but such munition, so they have spoiled the
trade, in all other things; and as vice is always fruitful; so from
the greedy covetousness of the fishermen, and their evil example,
the like hath began to grow amongst some, who pretend themselves
to be planters, though indeed they intend nothing less, but to
take opportunity of the time, and provide themselves and begone,
and leave others to quench the fire which they have kindled; of
which number Mr. Thomas Morton is one, being of late a dweller in
the Massachusetts bay, and the head of a turbulent and seditious
crew, which he had gathered unto him, who, dwelling in the midst
of us, hath set up the like practice in these parts, and hath sold
sundry pieces to the natives, who can use them with great dexterity,
excelling our English therein, and have been vaunting with them, at
Sowams, Narragansett and many other places, so as they are spread
both north and south, all the land over, to the great peril of all
our lives: In the beginning of this mischief we sought friendly to
dissuade him from it; but he scorned us therein and prosecuted it
the more; so as we were constrained for the safety of ourselves,
our wives and innocent children, to apprehend him by force (though
with some peril) and now have sent him to the council of New England
to receive according to his demerits, and be disposed of as their
Honours shall think fit, for the preventing of further mischief,
the safety of our lives, and the terror of all other delinquents
in the same kind: Now our hope and humble request is, that your
worship, and those honourable of his Majesty’s council for New
England, will commiserate our case, tender our lives and pity our
infants; and consider the great charges and expenses, that we, and
our assistants and associates have been at, besides all the miseries
and hardships, that we have broken through in these beginnings which
have hitherto happily succeeded, for the planting of this country,
which is hopeful, if it be cherished and protected against the
cankered covetousness of these licentious men; if not, we must return
and quit the country: Wherefore we beseech your Worship to afford
us your favourable assistance and direction in bringing this man
to his answer, before those whom it may concern; and to credit our
true informations, sent by this bearer, lest by his audacious and
coloured pretences, he deceive you, which know not things as we do;
as likewise that such fishermen, may be called to account, for their
great abuses offered this year and the last, as many as have been
known to offend in this case; and that your worship for the time to
come would be a means, in what you may that we may be strengthened
with some authority, or good order amongst ourselves, for the
redressing of the like abuses which may arise amongst us, till some
general government be established in the land: Thus in hopeful
assurance that your worship will make a favourable construction of
these our honest intendments and humble requests, we commend you to
the protection of the highest and rest
At your service, &c.
_June 9, Anno 1628._
* * * * *
I now will come to the year 1629.
This year we had divers of our friends of Leyden come to us, as had
long been desired, both of them and us, and by the good providence
of God and the willing mindedness of our friends, was now in part
effected, as will appear by this letter following.
_To my worthy and well beloved friend, Mr._ WILLIAM BRADFORD, &c.
Most loving and most respected Sir, having but two days past parted
from my dear and only daughter, by reason whereof nature forceth me
to be full of grief and heaviness (though otherwise, I bless God, I
have cause to rejoice) be entreated therefore, to accept these few
lines: First I acknowledge myself much engaged unto you for your love
and care over my kinsman; be entreated to enlarge my score, by the
continuance thereof; and as you for your particular have occasion,
make use of me, and I hope the Lord will direct my heart not to be
unthankful, nor unmindful of your love. Here are now many of your
friends from Leyden coming over, which though for the most part, they
be but a weak company, yet herein is a good part of that end obtained
which was first aimed at, and which hath been so strongly opposed by
some of our former adventurers; but God hath his working in these
things, which man cannot frustrate: With them also we have sent some
servants, or in the ship that went lately (I think called the Talbot)
and this, that these come in, is the May-flower. Now Mr. Andrews, Mr.
Beauchamp, and myself, are with your love and liking, joined partners
with you; the like is Mr. Collier, Mr. Thomas and Mr. Hatherly, but
they no doubt will write unto you; but Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Beauchamp
rely wholly on me; they are such as Mr. Hatherly could take up, for
whose care and pains you and we, are much beholden unto him; we have
disbursed the charges of setting them out and transporting them over,
and what allowance or agreement, you and your assistants, please to
make with us, we will accept of; nay if you think mete we should make
them up two a piece, because our persons are absent, we will consent
to what you do, and, upon your letter and answer, make good what we
are too short, or what you desire herein; Mr. Hatherly hath bound
them, some upon one condition and some upon another, as they could
agree. I doubt not but beaver will continue a good price still, as
15 or 16 shillings per pound; it is daily more and more worn here;
besides we have now peace with France, so as now much will be carried
thither; and there is some likelihood for a peace with Spain, I pray
God it may be for our good, which is much to be feared: Thus not
being fit, to write at this time, I shall cease with my love, and my
wife’s, most kindly remembered to you and yours, &c.
Your loving friend to command,
JAMES SHIRLEY.
These persons were in all thirty-five, which came at this time
unto us from Leyden, whose charge out of Holland into England and
in England till the ship was ready, and then their transportation
hither, came to a great deal of money; for besides victuals and other
expenses they were all newly appareled, for there was bought for them
Of Kersey, and other cloth, 125 yards.
Of Linnen Cloth 127 ells.
Of Shoes, 66 pair.
Besides hats and other necessaries needful for them; and after their
coming here, it was 16 months before they could reap any harvest,
all which time they were kept at our charge which was not small:
As the Lord sent these unto us, both to their and our comfort, so
at the same time he sent many other godly persons into the land,
as the beginning of a plentiful harvest, as will appear more fully
hereafter: So as the delay of our friends was now recompensed with
a large increase, to the honour of God and joy of all good men;
these began to pitch at Naumkeak, since called by them Salem, to
which place was come in the latter end of summer before, a worthy
gentleman, Mr. John Endicott by name, and some others with him, to
make some preparation for the rest; to whom (by some that came hither
from thence) I had occasion to write unto him, though unknown by
face, or any other way, but as I had heard of his worth, from whom I
received this letter following.
_To the worshipful and my right worthy friend_ WILLIAM BRADFORD,
_Esq. Governour of New Plymouth, these_,
_Right Worthy Sir_,
It is a thing not usual, that servants to one master and of the
same household should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not,
nay to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you: God’s people are
all marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one and the
same seal, and have, for the main, one and the same heart, guided by
one and the same spirit of truth; and where this is there can be no
discord, nay, here must needs be sweet harmony; and the same request
(with you) I make unto the Lord, that we may, as christian brethren,
be united by an heavenly and unfeigned love, bending all our hearts
and forces in furthering a work beyond our strength with reverence
and fear, fastening our eyes always on him that only is able to
direct and prosper all our ways. I acknowledge myself much bound to
you, for your kind love and care, in sending Mr. Fuller amongst us,
and rejoice much that I am by him satisfied, touching your judgments,
of the outward form of God’s worship; it is (as far as I can yet
gather) no other than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and the
same which I have professed and maintained, ever since the Lord in
mercy revealed himself unto me, being far differing from the common
report that hath been spread of you touching that particular; but
God’s children must not look for less here below, and it is the great
mercy of God that he strengthens them, to go through with it. I shall
not need at this time to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I
purpose to see your face shortly: In the mean time I humbly take my
leave of you, committing you to the Lord’s blessed protection, and
rest,
Your assured loving friend and servant,
JOHN ENDICOTT.
_Naumkeak, May 11, Anno 1629._
* * * * *
Now shortly after the writing of this letter came these people before
mentioned, and quickly grew into church order, and set themselves
roundly to walk in all the ways of God, as will appear by this letter
following.
_To the Worshipful, his worthy, and much respected friend, Mr._
BRADFORD, _Governour of Plymouth these_,
Most worthy and much respected friend, Mr. Bradford; I with my wife,
remember our service unto you and yours, thanking you most humbly
for your great kindness, when we were at Plymouth with you: Sir, I
make bold to trouble you with a few lines, for to certify you, how
it hath pleased God to deal with us, since you heard from us; how,
notwithstanding all opposition, that hath been here and elsewhere, it
hath pleased God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable
to his word, in every thing: The 20th of July, it pleased God to
move the heart of our Governour, to set it apart, for a solemn day
of humiliation for the choice of a pastor and teacher; the former
part of the day being spent in praise and teaching; the latter part
was spent about the election, which was after this manner; the
persons thought on (who had been ministers in England) were demanded
concerning their callings; they acknowledged there was a two-fold
calling, the one and inward calling, when the Lord moved the heart
of a man to take that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts
for the same; the second (the outward calling) was from the people,
when a company of believers are joined together in covenant, to walk
together in all the ways of God, every member (being men) are to
have a free voice in the choice of their officers, &c. Now we being
persuaded that these two were so qualified, as the apostle speaks of
to Timothy, where he saith a bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to
teach, &c. I think I may say as the eunuch said unto Philip, what
should let him from being baptised, seeing there was water, and he
believed; so these two servants of God clearing all things by their
answers (and being thus fitted) we saw no reason but that we might
freely give our voices for their election after this trial: Their
choice was after this manner, every fit member wrote, in a note, his
name whom the Lord moved him to think was fit for a pastor, and so
likewise, whom they would have for teacher; so the most voice was
for Mr. Skelton to be pastor, and Mr. Higginson to be teacher; and
they accepting the choice, Mr. Higginson, with three or four more of
the gravest members of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton,
using prayers therewith. This being done, then there was imposition
of hands on Mr. Higginson: Then there was proceeding in election of
elders and deacons, but they were only named, and laying on of hands
deferred, to see if it pleased God to send us more able men over; but
since Thursday, being (as I take it the 5th of August) is appointed
for another solemn day of humiliation, for the full choice of elders
and deacons and ordaining them; now, good Sir, I hope, that you and
the rest of God’s people (who are acquainted with the ways of God)
with you, will say that here was a right foundation laid, and that
these two blessed servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not
at the window: And thus I have made bold to trouble you with these
few lines, desiring you to remember us to Mr. Brewster, Mr. Smith,
Mr. Fuller, and the rest of the church; so I rest, at your service in
what I may till death,
CHARLES GOTT.
_Salem, July 30, Anno 1629._
* * * * *
But now I will return again to Mr. Shirley’s letters, and see what he
saith to our last agreement.
_To his worthy and approved loving friend, Mr._ WILLIAM BRADFORD,
_Governour of Plymouth in New England, these_,
_Most worthy Sir, and my continual loving friend_
_Mr._ BRADFORD,
Your letters of the 21st of May, from Plymouth, and of the 6th of
Sept. 1629 from Salem, I have received, whereby I understand of your
health and welfare, and all your friends, for which great mercies
and blessings, the Lord make us thankful, for answer of your loving
letter and the many thanks for small courtesies, I say, in a word,
I would I had power and ability to do for you and all honest men
with you, according to my will and desire; but though I came short
in the former, I hope the Lord will continue my love in affection,
and that you will accept of what I can do: Your deputation we have
received, and the goods have been taken up and sold, by your faithful
agent, Mr. Allerton, myself having been in Holland near three month
this summer, at Amsterdam and other places, about my affairs: I see
further the agreement you have made with the generality, in which
I cannot understand but you have done very well, both for them and
you, and also for your friends at Leyden; Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews,
Mr. Hatherly and myself, do so like it and approve of it, as we
are willing to join with you in it, and, as it shall please God to
direct and enable us, will be assisting and helpful to you the best
that possibly we can: Nay, had you not taken this course, I do not
see how you should have accomplished the end you first aimed at, and
some others endeavoured these years past: We know it must keep us
from the profit, which otherwise, by the blessing of God and your
endeavours, might be gained; for most of those which came in May
last unto you, as also these now sent, though I hope honest and good
people, yet not like to be helpful to raise profit; but rather, nay
certain, must, a good while, be chargeable to you and us; at which it
is likely, had not this wise and discreet course been taken, many of
your generality would have grudged: Again you say well in your letter
(and I make no doubt but you will perform it) that now being but few
on whom the burden must be, you will both manage it the better and
set to it more cheerfully, having no discontents nor contradiction,
but so lovingly join together in affection and counsel, as God no
doubt but will bless and prosper your honest labours and endeavours:
and therefore in all respects I do not see but you have done
marvellously, discreetly and advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all
parties good content, I mean that are reasonable and honest men, such
as make conscience in giving the best satisfaction they are able
for their debt, and that regard not their own particular so much as
the accomplishing of that good end for which this business was first
intended.
Sir, for our business I shall refer you to our general letter, which
way of advice I would entreat you to use and write a general letter,
naming therein Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Hatherly with
myself, though, this time, they did not, nay, Mr. Hatherly would
but could not write to you. Sir, I must of force break off. My wife
desires to be remembered to you and yours, and I think she hath put
up a small token (as a pair of stockings) for you; thus desiring
the Lord to bless and prosper you, and all your, and our honest
endeavours, I ever rest
Your unfeigned, and ever loving friend,
JAMES SHIRLEY.
_March 8, Anno 1629._
P. S. Mr. Bradford, give me leave to put you in mind of one thing;
here are many of your Leyden people now come over, and though I have
ever had good thoughts of them, yet believe not every one, what they
shall report of Mr. Allerton; he hath been a trusty honest friend to
you all, either there or here: And if any do (as I know some of them
are apt to speak ill of him) believe them not. Indeed they have been
unreasonably chargeable, yet grudge and are not contended: Verily
their indiscreet carriage here hath so abated my affection towards
them, as were Mrs. Robinson well over, I would not disburse one penny
for the rest.
* * * * *
This offence was given by some of them, which redounded to the
prejudice of the whole; and indeed our friends which sent this latter
company were to blame; for they now sent all the weakest and poorest,
without any of note and better discretion and government amongst
them, contrary to our minds and advice; for they thought, if these
were got over, the other might come when they would; but partly this
distaste, but especially the great charge, which both these companies
came to, coming so near together, put a bar in the way: for though
this company were the fewer in number, yet their charge came to an
100l. more. And notwithstanding this indiscretion, yet they were such
as feared God, and were to us both welcome and useful, for the most
part; they were also kept at our charge eighteen months, and all new
appareled and all other charges defrayed.
_Another of Mr._ SHIRLEY’S, _to our worthy and beloved friends Mr._
WILLIAM BRADFORD _Governour, and the rest of our loving partners,
these, at Plymouth in New England_.
Most worthy and loving friends Mr. Bradford, Mr. Brewster, Captain
Standish, and Mr. Winslow, with the rest; you may marvel I join you
all in one letter, having many letters from you: But Mr. Allerton
may make excuse for me in this particular; it is true I have had
some of your letters in July and some since by Mr. Peirce, but till
our main business, the patent, was granted, I could not set my mind
nor pen to writing; and Mr. Allerton was so turmoiled about it, and
found so many difficulties and oppositions, as verily I would not,
nay, could not, have undergone it, if I might have had a thousand
pounds; but the Lord so blessed his labours (even beyond expectation
in these evil days) as he obtained love and favour of great men in
repute and place; he got granted from the Earl of Warwick and Sir
Ferdinando Gorges all Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to me, and
more also, which I leave him to relate: Then he sued to the King
to confirm their grant and to make you a Corporation, and so to
enable you to make and execute laws in such large and ample manner,
as the Salem or Massachusetts plantation hath it, which the King
graciously granted, referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order to
the solicitor to draw it up, if there were a precedent for it; so the
Lord Keeper (the best of his rank) furthered it all he could, and
also the solicitor; but as Festus said to Paul, with no small sum
obtained I this freedom, for by the way there were many riddles which
must be resolved, and many locks must be opened with the silver,
nay, the golden key; then it was to come to the Lord Treasurer, to
have his warrant for freeing the custom for a certain time; but he
would not do it but referred it to the Council Table, and there Mr.
Allerton attended, day by day, that they sat, and made great means
and friends, both of Lords and secretaries, for the furtherance of
it, but they were so full of other great matters, as he could not get
his, or rather Mr. Bradford’s petition read, and (by reason of Mr.
Peirce, his being and staying with all the passengers at Bristol,
even ready to set sail, and the wind good) he was forced to leave
the further tending and prosecuting of it to a solicitor, and come
for Bristol; but there is no fear nor doubt but it will be granted;
for he hath the chief of them to friend; yet it will be marvellous
needful for him to return by the first ships that come from thence,
for if you had this granted, then were you complete, and might bear
such sway and government, as were fit for your rank and place that
God hath called you unto, and stop the mouths of base and scurrilous
fellows, that are ready to question and threaten you in every action
you do: And besides, if you have the custom free for seven years
inward and twenty-one years outward, the charge of the patent will
soon be recovered, and there is no fear of obtaining it; only such
things must work by degrees, men cannot hasten it as they would;
wherefore we (I write here, in the behalf of all our partners)
desire you to be earnest with Mr. Allerton, and with his wife here
to come, and she to spare him this one year (nay I hope but a few
months more) to finish this great and weighty business, which we
conceive will be much for your good and well and sure subsisting,
yea, and I hope for your posterity, and for many generations to come;
for I am persuaded Sir Ferdinando (how loving and friendly soever
he seems to be) knows he can, nay, purposeth to overthrow, at his
pleasure, all the patents he grants, but, this being obtained, he
will be frustrate of his intent; and unless a Parliament should call
them in (which is not likely) you need not fear, as Mr. Allerton
can further certify you, and so much for this[9]costly and tedious
business; now I see what most of your letters signify unto me,
concerning the contracting of ourselves into a fewer number for the
managing of our business and paying of our debts, which I confess are
great and needful to be carefully considered of; and no doubt but
we, joining in love, may soon overcome them, but we must follow it
roundly and to purpose, for if we piddle out the time in our trade,
others will step in and nose us; but we know and consider you have
that acquaintance and experience as none the like in the country;
wherefore, loving friends and partners, be no ways discouraged with
the greatness of the debt (of which I refer you to the accounts,
being the only cause of my being at Bristol, and, if time permit and
God enable me, shall be brought in some good and plain form) let
us not fulfil the proverb, bestow twelve pence on a purse, and put
sixpence in it; but as you and we have been at great charge, and
undergone much for settling of you there, and to gain experience;
so, as God shall please to enable us, let us make use of it and not
think with 50l. a year sent you over, to raise such means as to pay
our debts.[10] We see a possibility of good, if you be well supplied
and fully furnished, and chiefly, if you do lovingly, and as you
do (and well you do) profess to be brethren, so say as Abraham
said to Lot, let there be no contention because we are brethren: I
know I write to godly, wise, and understanding men, such as have
learned to bear one another’s infirmities and rejoice at any one’s
prosperity; and if I were able I would press this the more, because
it is hoped by some of your and our enemies, that you will fall out
amongst yourselves and so overthrow our hopeful business; nay, I
have heard it credibly reported, that some have said that till you
be disjointed, by discontents and factions amongst yourselves, it
boots not for any to go over, in hope of getting or doing good in
these parts; but we hope better things of you, and that you will not
only bear with one another, and persuade, and that effectually, one
another to the contrary, but that you will banish such thoughts, and
not suffer them to lodge in your breasts; it is certain offences
will come, but wo unto them, by whom they come, and blessed is
the peace maker; which blessedness I know you all desire, and God
grant you may disappoint the hopes of your foes and procure the
hearty desire of yourselves and friends in this particular. I am
further to acquaint you that we have sent you a large supply for
your magazine, or trade, and also that we have thought good to join
with one Edward Ashley (a man I think whom most of you know) but it
is only of that place whereof he hath a patent, in Mr. Beauchamp’s
name; and to that end have furnished him with large provisions; now
if you please to be partners with us in this, we are willing you
shall, for after we understood how willing and forward, Bristol men,
and, as I hear, some able men of his own kindred have been, to stock
and supply him, hoping of profit, we thought fit for us to lay hold
of such an opportunity, and a kind of running plantation, rather
than other who have not borne the burden of settling a plantation,
as we have done; and he, on the other side, like an understanding
young man, thought it better to join with those that had means by
a plantation, to supply and back him there, rather than strangers,
that look but only after profit: Indeed the Salem partners here, as
Mr. Humfries, Mr. Johnson; but chiefly Mr. Cradock and Mr. Winthrop,
would fain have joined with him, and, when that could not be, with
us, in that business; but we not willing, and they failing they said
he would strip them of all trade in those parts; and therefore they
so crossed him and us in the taking of the patent, as we could not
have it, but to join their name with ours in it, though Knights, and
men of good rank and near the King, spake in his behalf; and this I
conceive they did only to bring it to pass, that they might join
with us: Now it is not known that you are partners with him, or you
and we joined partners with him, but only we four, Mr. Andrews, Mr.
Beauchamp, and myself and Mr. Hatherley, who desired to have the
patent in consideration of our great loss we have already sustained
in settling of the first plantation there; so in conclusion we agree
together to take it in both our names. And now as I said before, if
you please to join with us, we are willing you should partake with
us in the profits, if it please God to send any: Mr. Allerton had no
power from you to make this new contract, neither was he willing to
do anything therein without your consent and approbation. Mr. William
Peirce is joined with us in this, and we thought it very convenient
because of landing Edward Ashley and his goods there, if it please
God, wind and weather serving, as I hope it will, and he will bend
his course accordingly; he hath a new boat hence with him and boards
to make another; and as I think four or five lusty fellows, whereof
one is a carpenter: Now in case you are not willing to join in this
particular with us, fearing the charge and doubting the success, yet
thus much we would entreat of you to afford him all the help you
can either by men, commodities or boats, yet not but that he will
pay you for any thing that he hath; for I will and so desire you to
keep the accounts apart, though you join with us; because there is
(as you see) other partners in this, than in the other; so, for all
men’s wages, boats hire, or commodities which he shall have of you,
make him debtor for it, and what you shall have of him, make the
plantation or yourselves, debtors for it to him; and so there need
be no mingling of the accounts. And now loving friends and partners,
if you join in Edward Ashley’s patent and business (as I cannot see
but it is for your good to do) though we have laid out the money
and taken up much to stock this business and the other, yet I think
it conscionable and reasonable that you should bear your shares and
proportion of the stock, if not by present money yet by securing us,
for so much as it shall come to; for it is not barely the interest
that is to be allowed, and considered of but the adventure; though I
hope by the blessing of God and your honest endeavours, it may soon
be payed; the years that this partnership holds is not long nor many,
let all therefore lay it to heart, and make the best use of the time
that possibly we can; and let every man set too his shoulder and the
burden will be the lighter, for though some speak or write not of it,
but are contented to do as I do, and wholly rely on me, yet I would
be loath they should think themselves hardly dealt with all; but I
know you are so honest and conscionable men, as you will take it into
consideration and return such answer as may give good satisfaction;
there is none of us would have ventured as we do, were it not to
strengthen, settle, and do you good, more than our own particular
profit: Mr. Fogge, Mr. Coalson, and Mr. Thomas, though they seemed
earnest to be partners, yet when they saw the debt and charge fell
themselves off, and left you, us, and the business; but some though
honest, yet I think they minded their own particular profit so
much, as both you and we may be glad we are rid of them: For Mr.
Collier verily I could have wished it would have sorted with his
other affairs, to have been one of us, but he could not spare money,
and we thought it not reasonable to take in any partner, unless he
were willing and able to spare money, and to lay down his portion
of the stock; however, account of him as a sure friend, both ready
and willing to do you all the offices of a firm friend. There is no
possibility of doing any good in buying the debt for the purchase,
I know some will not rebate the interest, and therefore let it run
its course, they are to be paid yearly, and so I hope they shall
according to the agreement. I have much more to write but want time,
and so must be forced abruptly to break off, desiring the Lord to
bless you, and us all, and all our honest endeavours, and grant that
our loves and affections, may still be united and knit together in
the Lord; and so we rest your ever loving friends,
JAMES SHIRLEY,
TIMOTHY HATHERLEY.
_Bristol, March 19, Anno 1629._
* * * * *
Thus it appears that our debts were now grown great about the
coming over of these two companies of the Leyden people, and the
large expenses about the patents, which indeed proved to be large
and excessive, when we saw them: About this business of Ashley’s
we were forced to join in it, though we did not much like it (for
the person’s sake whom we feared was a knave) for if we should have
furnished him with commodities and assistance, it would much have
hindered our own trade; and if we should have denied this their
request, we should have lost the favour of such good friends; so
we thought it the safest way to join with them herein, according
to their offer, though we ran a great hazard. This last company of
our friends came at such a time of the year, as we were fain to
keep them eighteen months at our charge ere they could reap any
harvest to live upon; all which together, fell heavy upon us and made
the burthen greater; that if it had not been God’s mercy, it is a
wonder we had not sunk under it, especially other things occuring,
whereby we were greatly crossed in our supplies for trade, by which
these sums should have been repaid. With this latter company of
our brethren, came over many worthy and able men into the country
(or rather ours with them) amongst whom was that worthy and godly
gentleman, Mr. John Winthrop, Governour of the Massachusetts; and
so began the plantations there, which have since much grown and
increased under his godly, able, and prudent government, and the
church of God, especially, to the rejoicing of our, and the hearts of
all good men; of whose beginnings and proceedings something may be
gathered by a letter or two of some of our own, who were then there
by occasion, which follow:
_A letter to myself from_ SAMUEL FULLER, _being (at this time) in
the bay of Massachusetts_.
SIR,
The gentlemen here lately come over (as I suppose you understand of
their arrival ere this, by Jonathan Brewster) are resolved to sit
down at the head of Charles river, and they of[11] Matapan purpose to
go and plant with them. I have been at Matapan, at the request of Mr.
Warham, and let some twenty of these people blood; I had conference
with them, till I was weary. Mr. Warham holds that the visible church
may consist of a mixed people, godly, and openly ungodly; upon which
point we had all our conference, to which, I trust, the Lord will
give a blessing. Here is come over, with these gentlemen, one Mr.
Phillips (a Suffolk man) who hath told me in private, that if they
will have him stand minister, by that calling which he received
from the prelates in England, he will leave them: The Governour is
a godly, wise, and humble gentleman, and very discreet, and of a
fine and good temper. We have some privy enemies in the bay (but
blessed be God) more friends; the Governour hath had conference with
me, both in private and before sundry others; opposers there is not
wanting, and satan is busy; but if the Lord be on our side who can
be against us; the Governour hath told me he hoped we will not be
wanting in helping them, so that I think you will be sent for: Here
is a gentleman, one Mr. Cottington, a Boston man, who told me, that
Mr. Cotton’s charge at Hampton was, that they should take advice
of them at Plymouth, and should do nothing to offend them: Captain
Endicott (my dear friend, and a friend to us all) is a second Burrow;
the Lord establish him, and us all in every good way of truth: Other
things I would have writ of but time prevents me; again I may be with
you before this letter; remember me unto God in your prayers, and so
I take my leave, with my loving salutations to yourself and all the
rest.
Yours in the Lord Christ,
SAMUEL FULLER.
_Massachusetts, June 28, Anno 1630._
_To our loving brethren and Christian friends Mr._ WILLIAM
BRADFORD, _Mr._ RALPH SMITH, _and Mr._ WILLIAM BREWSTER, _these be_.
_Beloved, &c._
Being at Salem the 25th of July, being the Sabbath, after the evening
exercise Mr. Johnson having received a letter from the Governour, Mr.
Winthrop, manifesting the hand of God to be upon them, and against
them, at Charlestown, in visiting them with sickness and taking
divers from amongst them, not sparing the righteous, but partaking
with the wicked in those bodily judgments, it was therefore by his
desire, taken into the godly consideration of the best here, what
was to be done to pacify the Lord’s wrath; and they would do nothing
without our advice, I mean those members of our church, there known
unto them, viz. Mr. Fuller Mr. Allerton and myself, requiring our
voices, as their own, when it was concluded, that the Lord was to
be sought in righteousness; and so to that end the sixth day (being
Friday) of this present week is set apart, that they may humble
themselves before God, and seek him in his ordinances; and that
then also such godly persons that are amongst them and known each
to other, publicly at the end of their exercise, make known their
godly desire, and practice the same, viz. solemnly to enter into
covenant with the Lord to walk in his ways; and since they are so
disposed of in their outward estates, as to live in three distinct
places, each having men of ability amongst them, there to observe the
day, and become three distinct bodies; not then intending rashly to
proceed to the choice of officers, or the admitting of any other into
their society than a few, to wit, such as are well known unto them,
promising after to receive in such, by confession, as shall appear to
be fitly qualified for that estate; and, as they desired to advise
with us, so do they earnestly entreat that the church at Plymouth
would set apart the same day, for the same ends, beseeching God as
to withdraw his hand of correction, so to establish and direct them
in his ways; and though the time be very short, yet since the causes
are so urgent, we pray you be provoked to this godly work, wherein
God will be honoured, and they and we undoubtedly have sweet comfort
in so doing: Be you all kindly saluted in the Lord, together with the
rest of our brethren: The Lord be with you and his spirit direct you,
in this and all other actions that concern his glory and the good of
his:
Your brethren in the faith of Christ,
And fellowship of the gospel, SAMUEL FULLER,
EDWARD WINSLOW.
_Salem July 26, Anno 1630._
_To his loving friend, Mr._ WILLIAM BRADFORD, _Governour of
Plymouth, these_.
SIR,
There is come hither a ship (with cattle, and more passengers) on
Saturday last; which brings this news out of England; that the plague
is sore, both in the city and country, and that the University of
Cambridge is shut up by reason thereof; also, that there is like to
be a great dearth in the land by reason of a dry season. The Earl
of Pembroke is dead, and Bishop Laud is Chancellor of Oxford; and
that five sundry ministers are to appear before the High Commission,
amongst whom, Mr. Cotton, of Boston, is one. The sad news here
is, that many are sick, and many are dead, the Lord in mercy look
upon them! Some are here entered into a church covenant, the first
four, namely, the Governour, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr.
Dudley, and Mr. Willson; since that, five more are joined unto them,
and others it is like will add themselves to them daily. The Lord
increase them, both in number and holiness, for his mercy’s sake. I
here but lose time and long to be at home, I can do them no good, for
I want drugs, and things fitting to work with: I purpose to be at
home this week (if God permit) and Mr. Johnson, and Captain Endicott
will come with me; and upon their offer, I requested the Governour
to bear them company, who is desirous to come, but saith he cannot
be absent two hours. Mrs. Cottington is dead. Here are divers honest
Christians that are desirous to see us; some out of love, which they
bear to us, and the good persuasion they have of us; others to see
whether we be so evil, as they have heard of us. We have a name of
love and holiness to God and his saints; the Lord make us answerable
and that it may be more than a name, or else it will do us no good.
Be you lovingly saluted, and my sisters, with Mr. Brewster, and Mr.
Smith, and all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus bless us and
the whole Israel of God. Amen.
Your loving brother in law,
SAMUEL FULLER.
_Charlestown, August 2, Anno 1630._
But this worthy gentleman, Mr. Johnson, was prevented of his journey,
for shortly after he fell sick and died, whose loss was great and
much bewailed.
INDEX
ADAMS, John, 40
ALDEN, John, 24, 40
Robert, 26
ALLERTON, Isaac, 1, 3, 9, 10, 15, 19, 23-28, 37-40, 49-52, 54, 57
ALLTHAM, Emnu., 26
AMSTERDAM, 29, 49
ANDREWS, Richard, 26, 37, 40, 45, 49, 50, 54
Thomas, 26
ANABLE, Anthony, 40
ANTHONY, Laurence, 26
ASHLEY, Edward, 53-55
BANGS, Edward, 40
BASS BOAT, 39
BASS, EDWARD, 25, 26
BASSETT, William, 40
BEAUCHAMP} John, 2, 25, 26, 37, 38, 40, 45, 49, 50, 53, 54
BEUCHAMP }
BILLINGTON, John, 13, 40
BLACKSTONE, ——, 43
BLOSSOM, Thomas, 18, 19, 22
BOSTON, Eng., 56, 58
BRADFORD, mrs., 28
William, 1, 3, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 19, 21, 23, 24, 27, 32, 34, 36,
37, 39, 40, 45-47, 49-51, 57, 58
BREDA, 17
BREWER, Thomas, 1-3, 26
BREWSTER, Jonathan, 40, 56
William, 3, 18, 19, 21, 24, 40, 48, 51, 57, 59
BRISTOL, Eng., 51-53, 55
BROWN, Peter, 40
BROWNING, Henry, 26
BROWNISTS, 4
BURROW, ——, 57
BURSLEM, ——, 43
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY, 58
CAPE ANN, 14
CATHERINE, the ship, 1
CHARLES, king, 17, 26
CHARLES RIVER, 56
CHARLESTOWN, 57, 59
COALSON, ——, 55
COLLIER, William, 3, 10, 26, 45, 55
COOKE, Francis, 40
COTTINGTON, ——, 56
mrs., 58
COTTON, John, 56, 58
COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND, 13-15, 30, 34-36, 41, 44
COUNCIL OF NEW NETHERLAND, 29
COVENTRY, Thomas, 26
CRADOCK, ——, 53
CUDBERS, Cudbert, 40
CUSHMAN, Robert, 10, 12, 13
DEAN, Stephen, 40
DE RAZIER, Isaac, 29, 33
DORCHESTER, Mass., 56
DOTY, Edward, 40
DUDLEY, ——, 58
DUTCH PLANTATION, 29, 35, 36
EATON, Francis, 40
ELIZABETH, queen, 32
ENDICOTT, John, 46, 47, 57, 58
ENGLAND, 6, 12, 17, 19, 21, 23-25, 32, 34, 35, 37, 39-41, 46, 47,
56, 58
EUROPE, 28
FAUNCE, John, 40
FLETCHER, Thomas, 3, 10, 15, 16, 26
FOGGE, ——, 55
FRANCE, 45
FRENCHMAN’S POINT, 33
FULLER, Samuel, 24, 40, 47, 48, 56-59
GIBS, ——, 37
GOFFE, Thomas, 26, 37
GORGES, Sir Ferdinando, 36, 43, 51, 52
GOTT, Charles, 48
GREAT-BRITAIN, 33
GUDBURN, Peter, 26
HAMPTON, Eng., 56
HATHERLEY, Timothy, 26, 40, 45, 49, 50, 54, 55
HEATH, Thomas, 26
HENDRICK, prince, 17
HICKS} Robert, 13, 40
HIX}
HIGGINSON, ——, 48
HIGH COMMISSION, 58
HILTON, Edward, 43
HOBSON, William, 26
HOLLAND, Robert, 10, 26
HOLLAND, States of, 31, 34, 46, 49
HOPKINS, Stephen, 40
HOWLAND, John, 24, 40
HUDSON, Thomas, 26
HUMFRIES, ——, 53
JACOBSON, John, 31-33
JEFFREY, ——, 43
JENNEY, John, 24
JESSOP, Francis, 22
JOHNSON, ——, 53, 57-59
KEAYNE, Robert, 3, 25, 26
KEMPTON, Manasseh, 40
KNIGHT, Eliza, 26
John, 26
KNOWLES, Myles, 26
LAUD, bishop, 58
LEYDEN, 12, 16, 17, 19, 21-23, 27, 38, 45, 46, 49, 50, 55
LING, John, 3, 26
LITTLE JAMES, ship, 15
LONDON, 3, 8, 11, 15, 17, 25, 28, 38, 40
LYFORD, John, 1
MANHATAS, 29
MANOMET, 39
MANSFIELD, grave of, 17
MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY, 41, 44, 51, 56, 57
MASTERSON, Richard, 22
MATTAPAN, 56
MAURICE, grave, 17
MAY, ——, 20
MAY-FLOWER, ship, 45
MILLSOP, Thomas, 26
MITCHELL, Experience, 40
MORTON, Thomas, 41, 42, 44
MOTT, Thomas, 26
NANTASKET, 43
NARRAGANSET, 30, 44
NASH, Thomas, 22
NASSAU, bark, 33
NAUMKEAK, 43, 46, 47
NEWBALD, Fria., 26
NEW ENGLAND, 13-15, 31, 41
NEW NETHERLANDS, 29
OLDHAM, John, 12, 42
ORANGE, prince of, 32
OXFORD, Eng., 58
PALMER, William, 40
PARLIAMENT, 38, 52
PASCATAQUACK, 43
PEIRCE, John, 13, 16
William, 51, 54
PEMBROKE, earl of, 58
PENINGTON, William, 26
PENRIN, William, 26
PHILLIPS, ——, 56
PLYMOUTH, N. E., 1, 3, 8, 13, 16, 19, 22-27, 29, 31, 32, 34, 36,
37, 39, 43, 46, 47, 49, 51, 57, 58
POCOCK, John, 25, 26
Joseph, 3
POYNTON, Daniel, 26
PRATT, Joshua, 40
Phineas, 40
PHINEAS, 40
PRINCE, Thomas, 40
QUARLES, William, 26
RAZIER, Isaac de, 29, 33
REAYNE, Robert, 3
REVELL, John, 26
ROBINSON, mrs., 50
John, 15-19, 22, 23
ROOKES, Newman, 26
ROYAL EXCHANGE, London, 25
SALEM, Mass., 46, 48, 49, 51, 53, 57, 58
SHARP, Samuel, 26
SHAW, John, 40
SHIRLEY, James, 3, 10, 25-28, 37, 38, 40, 46, 48, 50, 51, 55
SKELTON, ——, 48
SMITH, Ralph, 48, 57, 59
SOCIETY OF PLYMOUTH IN NEW ENGLAND, 8
SOWAMES, 30, 44
SPAIN, 46
STANDISH, Myles, 12, 14, 15, 24, 39, 40, 51
SUFFOLK, Eng., 56
TALBOT, ship, 45
THOMAS, ——, 45, 55
William, 3
THOMSON, mrs., 43
THORNED, John, 26
THORNHILL, ——, 3
Matthew, 26
TILDEN, Joseph, 26
TRASIE, Stephen, 40
TURKS, 15
VIRGINIA, 20, 31
WARD, Thomas, 26
WARHAM, ——, 56
WARWICK, earl of, 51
WEST-INDIAN COMPANY, 32
WESTON, ——, 1, 2, 13
WHITE, John, 26
Roger, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22
WILLSON, ——, 58
WINSLOW, Edward, 1, 3, 9, 10, 12, 15, 24, 40, 51, 58
WINTHROP, John, 53, 56-58
WIRING, 31, 32
WRIGHT, Richard, 26
William, 40
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Edition of 1856.
[2] Pullen, an obsolete word for poultry.
[3] This was unquestionably a misreading and should have been
“Ouldom”, _i.e._ “Oldham.”—Editor.
[4] These letters I have not.
[5] He hath hitherto done it, blessed be His name!
[6] This was wrote in their own tongue.
[7] The one in French and the other in Dutch.
[8] And his consorts were dispersed.
[9] It was costly indeed, in the conclusion.
[10] Here the sum of the debts and other things were blotted out
again.
[11] Since called Dorchester.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Obvious punctuation errors have been corrected after careful
comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation
of external sources.
Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
Pg 7: ‘such a grevious’ replaced by ‘such a grievous’.
Pg 9: ‘4ly, Let the’ replaced by ‘4thly, Let the’.
Pg 11: ‘heer I must’ replaced by ‘here I must’.
Pg 17: ‘the whole Chruch’ replaced by ‘the whole Church’.
Pg 29: ‘unite us togather’ replaced by ‘unite us together’.
Pg 36: ‘Ferninando Gorges’ replaced by ‘Ferdinando Gorges’.
Pg 39: ‘Captin Miles’ replaced by ‘Captain Miles’.
Pg 40: ‘John Fance’ replaced by ‘John Faunce’.
Pg 45: ‘end the willing’ replaced by ‘and the willing’.
Pg 47: ‘our strengh with’ replaced by ‘our strength with’.
Pg 51: ‘to to draw it up’ replaced by ‘to draw it up’.
Pg 61: (Index) ‘Annable’ replaced by ‘Anable’.
Pg 62: (Index) ‘Naumkeag’ replaced by ‘Naumkeak’.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Governor William Bradford's letter book" ***
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