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Title: General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New York
Author: Pennypacker, Morton
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New York" ***
LONG ISLAND AND IN NEW YORK ***
Transcriber’s Notes
This book contains both Footnotes and Endnotes. The Footnote numbers
and their references are numbered 1-72 and are enclosed in [square
brackets]; the Endnote numbers and their references are numbered
101-142 and are enclosed in (parentheses).
Superscripts on page 80 are indicated by a caret symbol: ^l and ^t.
Other Notes will be found after the Index.
GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES
_On Long Island and
In New York_
LONG ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
OFFICERS
President B. Herbert Smith
First Vice-President Guy Du Val
Second Vice-President William H. Cary
Corresponding Secretary Norman Taylor
Recording Secretary Richards M. Cahoone
Treasurer John D. Talmage
Assistant Treasurer Guy Du Val
Librarian Miss Edna Huntington
DIRECTORS
Joseph Dana Allen, Litt.D.
Hon. George E. Brower
Richards M. Cahoone
William H. Cary
Francis D. Dodge, Ph.D.
Guy Du Val
Rev. Phillips Packer Elliott
Lewis W. Francis
George Hewlett
David H. Lanman
A. Augustus Low
Evelyn Pierrepont Luquer
D. Irving Mead
Walter M. Meserole
Hon. Howard Pervear Nash
Frederic C. Paffard, M.D.
William A. Robbins
Arnold W. Sherman
B. Herbert Smith
John D. Talmage
Norman Taylor
Edwin H. Thatcher
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
B. Herbert Smith, _Chairman_
Joseph Dana Allen
Richards M. Cahoone
William H. Cary
Guy Du Val
Lewis W. Francis
William A. Robbins
John D. Talmage
Norman Taylor
COUNCILORS
_Kings County_
Miss Jessie A. Addoms, J.D.
Mrs. Samuel K. Frost
Rev. John H. Lathrop, D.D.
Lester D. Mapes
Frank L. Van Cleef
Wheeler N. Voorhees
_Nassau County_
George D. A. Combes
Courtney R. Hall, Ph.D.
Henry Hicks
Jesse Merritt
Rt. Rev. Ernest M. Stires, D.D.
_Suffolk County_
Mrs. J. D. Cockcroft
Perry Duryea
Ralph G. Duvall
Morton Pennypacker
Wallace Reid
Mrs. Joseph H. Willets
_Queens County_
William G. Clossen
Arthur White
[Illustration:
Painted by John Ward Dunsmore. (Used by permission of the Title
Guarantee & Trust Co.)
GENERAL WASHINGTON’S COUNCIL OF WAR AFTER THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND
In the Philip Livingston house, later known as the Teunis Joralemon
House, east side of Hicks St., Brooklyn.
In the picture are General Washington, Samuel Parsons, Joseph Spencer,
Thomas Mifflin, John Morin Scott, Alexander McDougall, Israel Putnam,
Peleg Wadsworth and John Fellows.]
GENERAL
WASHINGTON’S
SPIES
_On Long Island and
In New York_
_BY MORTON PENNYPACKER_
BROOKLYN, NEW YORK
_Published by the Long Island Historical Society_
PIERREPONT STREET CORNER CLINTON STREET
_1939_
COPYRIGHT, 1939, BY
MORTON PENNYPACKER
EAST HAMPTON, L. I.
PRINTED BY
COUNTRY LIFE PRESS CORPORATION
GARDEN CITY, N. Y.
PREFATORY NOTE TO “THE TWO SPIES, NATHAN HALE AND ROBERT TOWNSEND.”
_It is nearly one hundred and ten years since America’s first great
novel was written, it being James Fenimore Cooper’s second book. With
“The Spy” for title, it was hailed with unprecedented enthusiasm.
There can be no question but what Governor John Jay’s recital of
the work of the spies made a deep impression upon Cooper, but years
passed before he attempted to record it permanently. Meanwhile, he had
many opportunities to converse with others who were more intimately
connected with the Secret Service work than he ever realized. Elizabeth
Floyd was his mother-in-law, and the visits to members of her family
on Long Island were frequent. Two years preceding the publication of
“The Spy,” he became temporarily a resident of Sag Harbor, although
still retaining his home in Westchester County. It is not, therefore,
surprising to discover that so much that he has placed in Westchester
County actually happened on Long Island._
_To Cooper “The Spy” must have been a disappointment, particularly
after Enoch Crosby had been exploited. Crosby did not conform to his
ideal, but the spies of Washington did. When Tallmadge wished to
send Long Island assistance in October, 1780, Townsend’s reply, as
will be found in these pages, was, “I do not choose that the person
you mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.” When
Abraham Woodhull discovered our country’s need for ready money, he
used his own for incidental expenses of the Secret Service, such as
repairs to their four whaleboats and feed for the horses, and never
complained, although more than seven years of peace passed before our
government reimbursed him. It is inspiring to a greater patriotism to
discover the type of men that these pages reveal._
_The story of Nathan Hale will commend itself for brevity. No
statements at the present day known to be incorrect are even quoted
therein. The hitherto unpublished statement regarding his capture is on
the authority of Robert Townsend, whom General Washington says he found
always reliable. This might have been known seventy years ago had not
Henry Onderdonk added confusing details that discredited it._
_An elaborate chapter was in preparation detailing the scientifically
planned investigation that made certain the identity of Robert Townsend
as the “Culper Junior” of the American Revolution, when it was observed
that the material collected and here published evinced that beyond
comment. Therefore, no documents are here offered to prove what
obviously is a fact._
_Many startling revelations will be discovered by the careful reader
of these pages. Some of them will be observed only after referring to
the secret code printed among the Notes. The return of Major André
after he had been started on his way to freedom is timely as well as
interesting, for we are this fall celebrating the one hundred and
fiftieth anniversary of his execution. A strange hesitancy to-day, as
during the life of Major Tallmadge, may necessitate patient waiting for
more intimate details that will be merely stronger confirmation of this
interesting fact._
_Where letters from either of the Culpers have been condensed for the
sake of brevity, a figure within parentheses has been used to indicate
that the same letter will be found among the Notes beginning on page
232. A more perfect analysis is thus assured to the student of history._
_Acknowledgment is due for assistance to so many, particularly among
the heads of the larger public libraries and historical societies,
that it becomes impracticable to name them individually. They have
shown a uniform enthusiasm and untiring effort that makes the present
publication possible._
MORTON PENNYPACKER
_Kew Gardens, L.I._
_September, 1930._
CONTENTS
FOREWORD 1
NATHAN HALE 19
GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES 30
SECRET SERVICE SECRETS 60
TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY 102
SPIES AND SPIES 112
JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON 120
ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET 144
EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE 160
AFTERMATH 184
CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE 209
A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED 219
NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION 232
INDEX 289
ILLUSTRATIONS
COUNCIL OF WAR, BROOKLYN, AUGUST
29th, 1776 Frontispiece
_From a painting by John Ward Dunsmore_
Showing Generals George Washington, Samuel Parsons,
Joseph Spencer, Thomas Mifflin, John Morin Scott,
Alexander McDougall, Israel Putnam, Peleg Wadsworth
and John Fellows.
FACING PAGE
MAJOR TALLMADGE AND GROUP OF
AMERICAN GENERALS 32
Philip Schuyler, Marquis de LaFayette, Nathaniel
Green, George Clinton, Robert Howe, Israel Putnam,
John Lamb and William Heath.
JOHN JAY’S LETTER TO WASHINGTON 52
Introducing the mode of secret correspondence invented
by his brother James.
WRAPPER ENCLOSING URGENT MESSAGES 82
This is in the handwriting of Abraham Woodhull, made
directly from the original without reduction.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON’S LETTER TO LAFAYETTE 84
Showing how quickly messages from the Culpers were
forwarded through Lafayette to the French fleet.
HOUSES ONCE OCCUPIED BY WASHINGTON’S
SPIES 102
Raynham Hall, Oyster Bay, L. I. Home of Culper Junior
and his sister Sarah Townsend. These contemporary
silhouettes give their only known likenesses.
Lower left--Present-day home of the Colonial Dames
of America. Built by one of Washington’s spies. (See
p. 10 in this volume, and Iconography of Manhattan,
vol. 6, p. 79.) Lower right--Culper Senior’s home at
Setauket. His three great-great-grandchildren in the
foreground.
J. L. GARDINER EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
RECORD 115
His record made near 150 years ago, of a whispered conversation
with Clinton, Major André and Col. Simcoe
that had been overheard by a servant.
A BENEDICT ARNOLD CODE LETTER 126
Advising the British commander that he has accepted the
command of West Point and will betray it.
COL. SIMCOE AND PROMINENT BRITISH
OFFICERS 136
Lord Cornwallis, Major John André, Sir Henry Clinton,
Admiral Arbuthnot, General John Burgoyne, General
Riedesel and Lord Rawdon.
THE CAPTURE OF MAJOR ANDRÉ 160
_Engraved from a painting by J. Halpin_
ALEXANDER HAMILTON’S NOTE 178
Informing General Washington that he was too late to
have Arnold recalled.
WASHINGTON’S LETTER 192
Thanking those who engaged in the capture of Fort St.
George near Mastic, Long Island.
WASHINGTON IN NEW YORK, 1783 206
_From a painting by J. R. Chapin_
There is a story, perhaps true but lacking satisfactory
proof, that one of the mounted figures at the right of the
picture is there to represent Major Tallmadge and the
other, one of his Dragoons; and that the man this way
from him with hat in air is Robert Townsend, otherwise
Culper Junior.
MASKED LETTER USED BY BRITISH 208
Sir Henry Clinton thus informed Burgoyne that there
would be no British army to meet him at Albany.
ROBERT MORRIS’ LETTER TO WASHINGTON
216
His Quaker friends approved the work of the Culpers,
and he could get money for them when it was refused for
other purposes.
CODE USED BY WASHINGTON’S SPIES 218
This was prepared by Major Tallmadge and used by the
Culpers, Senior and Junior.
HANDWRITING THAT DISCOVERED ROBERT
TOWNSEND TO BE GENERAL WASHINGTON’S
CULPER JUNIOR 232
PORTRAITS ON JACKET.
General Washington, Major Tallmadge, John Paulding,
Nathan Hale, James Rivington, Sarah Townsend, Robert
Townsend, alias Culper Junior.
_On backstrap of jacket_, Washington in 1772.
FOREWORD
Certainly there are but few Americans to whom the name of Nathan Hale
is not as familiar as a household word. Everybody has heard of that
Martyr Spy and almost everybody knows his life story. A graduate of
Yale College in 1773 he became a school teacher[1] and more, a patriot,
in every sense the word implies. He enjoyed his work as a pedagogue but
his country’s call was irresistible. Soon he was captain of a Company
and on Long Island he received from the British his Baptism of fire.
Then illness caused him to wonder if after all to him would come the
privilege of rendering worth while service. Can it not be said he
hoped, or better he prayed that he might be useful, and then, sooner
than he expected, he was called to render an unusual service. There was
no reckless haste in his decision. He considered well the hazard of the
work he had been asked to do. It was more than to report the position
of the British Army. It was to discover their intentions, and to report
his findings to General Washington.--A week later he was dead--and
not a line from him had reached the Commander in Chief. His work was a
magnificent failure but the spirit that prompted him to undertake it
entitled him to the everlasting glory which is his.
Hale’s was an unnecessary sacrifice that more careful planning might
have prevented, but as yet there was no time for organized effort,
and for some months no better method was devised than to entrust some
officer to get what was needed, either by the capture of prisoners
or by sending a trusted man into the enemy’s camp. Upon these latter
occasions individuals were met with who seemed anxious to be of
service. Among them were two men later to be known as Culper Junior
and Senior. Certain officers, particularly General Chas. Scott, became
popular with General Washington because of their ability to locate
these men and to get from them intelligence that could be relied upon.
It will be seen that they later formed the Secret Service Bureau that
was so helpful to General Washington all through the Revolutionary War.
This organized service differed from that of Hale’s time in that it
became a business with the men who conducted it, and enabled them
usually to have some one who could get the information when they
feared they were suspected or for any other reason they believed it
too hazardous to undertake themselves. It is remarkable that although
their lives were every moment in danger so carefully were their secrets
guarded that not only to the end of the war but for a hundred and
fifty years thereafter, in spite of frequent efforts to discover their
identity the real men were never suspected. Primarily this was due to
the caution of the men themselves, each declaring that if to any one
other than those of their own selection they should learn that their
names were known they would leave the service and never return; but
it was also due to the care of General Washington in exacting from
all who knew them the most solemn pledge that not to any one at any
time or under any circumstances would they reveal their identity. It
is interesting at this day to observe the fear they had that their
handwriting might betray them, and to note that although they practiced
several styles of writing with the intention of concealing their real
hand nevertheless it was finally this that first enabled positive
identification. It will also be discovered that although those in the
Secret Service requested that the letters they were sending for General
Washington should be destroyed the majority of them were preserved
by him, and that on the contrary with one exception the letters from
General Washington to the Culpers were promptly destroyed by them in
order that they should not be betrayed thereby if searched. That the
contents of so many of the letters to the members of the Secret Service
from General Washington is known is due to his system of saving copies
of them and these as a rule are in the handwriting of the General
himself.
Long before the Culpers were requested to do their own writing both
furnished intelligence, and it is not possible to say which was first
so engaged. Culper Senior had made his fourteenth written report when
Culper Junior’s first was sent, but most of Senior’s information was
furnished by Junior, and probably Scott had it from him before Senior
had attempted it. Their work did not end with the closing days of
1783 but General Washington’s temporary retirement occasioned them
to look to others who may have been less careful in preserving the
records. After the war Culper Senior was from 1799 to 1810 First
Judge of Suffolk County but Junior never accepted any important
political position, although Oliver Templeton, a leader among the
business men of the day, wrote to Culper’s brother when in 1789 it
was announced that his father had been made a member of the Council of
Appointment, saying: “I am informed your father is one of the Council
of Appointment. For God’s sake if that is the case, write your father
immediately not to forget his sons. I am afraid for the opportunity he
may have too much modesty.... Your Brother Robert is fitted for any
office.” He wielded an influence however that was almost uncanny. No
one knew the real patriots in the City of New York at the close of the
war as he did and much that seemed mysterious at the time can be traced
to him, for besides Washington and Tallmadge, Alexander Hamilton,
Richard Varick and several others were familiar with his handwriting
and gave weight to his suggestions and opinions.
Publication of “The Two Spies, Nathan Hale and Robert Townsend”[2] by
Houghton Mifflin Company in 1930 revealed for the first time the names
of those in the secret service employed by General Washington. It was
discovered that Culper Senior was Abraham Woodhull[3] of Setauket, Long
Island, and that Culper Junior was Robert Townsend of Oyster Bay. It
was Robert Townsend who remained in New York City from the beginning
of the war until and after its close. Culper Junior was the man whose
identity every historian from Judge William Smith to those at the
present day was trying to discover. Smith was a co-worker with him and
at times they would both hand communications to James Rivington for his
newspaper at the same moment, but Smith never guessed that Townsend was
General Washington’s Culper Junior. Jared Sparks later went to the
greatest pains to try to identify him, begging those who he knew could
tell him if they would, but no one at any time was willing to break the
pledge by revealing his identity. To prevent any misunderstanding as to
Rivington’s part in the Secret Service a brief sketch of him here seems
necessary.
James Rivington was the son of Charles and Eleanor Rivington. He was
born in 1724. Was twice married, his second wife being Elizabeth Van
Horne of New York, by whom he had two sons and a daughter. A brother
was John, with whom he was in partnership in the publishing business in
London until 1756, when he joined James Fletcher, son of the bookseller
of Oxford. Their most successful venture was Smollett’s History of
England, upon which they cleared ten thousand pounds, the largest
profit then known to have been made on any single work. A growing
love for horse-racing and gambling possessed him until most of his
money was gone. He then came to America and settled as a bookseller
in Philadelphia in 1760. The following year he opened a book store at
the lower end of Wall Street in New York. Then in 1762 he commenced
bookselling in Boston, where he failed. In 1764 he was in Bermuda,
where he opened a printing office for a short time. He soon returned
to New York where in April, 1773, he began “Rivington’s New York
Gazetteer.” By 1775 the matter he permitted to appear in the Gazetteer
was so offensive to the Sons of Liberty that on May 10th his office and
home were mobbed and he with Miles Cooper was obliged to seek refuge
on a British man-of-war in the harbor. Although his plant was damaged
his assistants were able to continue the paper whilst he petitioned the
Continental Congress, saying:
“It is his wish and ambition to be an useful member of society.
Although an Englishman by birth, he is an American by choice, and he
is desirous of devoting his life in the business of his profession,
to the service of the Country he has adopted for his own. He lately
employed no less than sixteen workmen, at near one thousand pounds
annually: and his consumption of printing paper, the manufacture of
Pennsylvania, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts Bay, has amounted
nearly to that sum. His extensive foreign correspondence, his large
acquaintance in Europe and America, and the manner of his education,
are circumstances which, he conceives, have not improperly qualified
him for the situation in which he wishes to continue, and in which he
will exert every endeavour to be useful.”
However, before the close of the year, on November 23d, 1775, his
plant was again mobbed. This time under Colonel Sears’s directions the
presses were ruined and the type all carried away to later be melted
into bullets. Rivington then went to England, but returned to New York
in 1777, now as the king’s printer with a Royal commission and a grant
of £100. per annum. He brought with him new machinery and type and
began republishing his paper on October 4th of that year. He also had
received commissions from several publishers to supply them with the
news of British activities in this country. Several have stated that
Rivington was permitted to remain in New York after the close of the
Revolution; for example, in the news from Springfield, Mass., published
in the Salem (Mass.) Gazette, December 25th, 1783, it was reported as
“an undoubted fact Mr. Rivington, publisher, of New York was, as soon
as our troops entered the city, protected in person, and property,
by a guard and that he will be allowed to reside in the country, for
reasons best known to the great men at helm.” But most have neglected
to show that his treatment was worse than exile. A rival publisher in
his issue of January 1st, 1784, says: “Yesterday Rivington, who has had
the audacity to continue his obnoxious publications was waited on by
General John Lamb, Colonel Willett and Colonel Sears, and forbid the
prosecution of any further business in this city, in consequence of
which, he has discharged his hands, and obeyed the order. To the joy of
every one in the United States, Jemmy Rivington’s political existence
terminated last Wednesday, the 31st ulto. [1783].”
Personal injury was soon to be added to insult, for on the 11th of the
same month Nicholas Cruger gave him a violent beating, claiming he
had suffered in prison during the war because of statements made by
Rivington’s paper.
Rivington had a caller in 1794 in the person of Henry Wansey, who
wrote in his Journal: “June 23d, I dined with James Rivington, the
bookseller, formerly of St. Pauls Churchyard; he is still a cheerful
old man, and enquired of me for Mr. Collins, and Mr. Baston, and many
of his quandam acquaintances in England. During the time the British
kept possession of New York, he printed a newspaper for them, and
opened a kind of coffee-house for the officers; his house was a great
place of resort; he made a great deal of money during that period,
though many of the officers quitted it considerably in arrears to him.”
A record exists in a letter written on May 8th, 1797, showing that
Rivington was then in jail for debts contracted by others but which he
was held responsible for. On the fourth of July, 1802, he breathed his
last, at the age of 78, and was buried in the cemetery of the New Dutch
Church.
After discovering that the chiefs of General Washington’s spies were
Robert Townsend and Abraham Woodhull the problem was still to be
solved how these two men could so frequently meet without attracting
suspicion. For many months it seemed beyond solution. Townsend’s books
showed that he changed his boarding place usually after a year’s stay
but this could be attributed to no more than a precautionary measure.
However when the account books of Woodhull were compared with those
of Townsend it was noticed that both men carried ledger accounts with
these landlords. The first for example was Amos Underhill.[4] There
seemed nothing significant in the name until the family genealogies
were searched. Then it was discovered that on March 21, 1774, Amos
Underhill had married Mary Woodhull. Mary Woodhull was the sister of
Abraham Woodhull. The matter was solved! Townsend was an incidental
roomer at the Underhills’ and Woodhull was a frequent caller on his
sister and brother in law. Culper Senior and Junior could therefore
be with each other whenever necessary without attracting the least
suspicion.
Townsend next boarded with Jacob Seaman, who was married to Margaret
Birdsall. This Margaret was the daughter of Col. Benjamin Birdsall who
furnished our Gen. George Clinton with much valuable information.
Townsend and Woodhull found it necessary to personally scout for
information at its source (see Woodhull’s letter dated Oct. 31, 1778).
Their system also included a score of the most respectable citizens
who were never seen anywhere in situations the least suspicious, but
each employed trusted friends who regularly corresponded with them and
the items they secured were promptly communicated to either Townsend
or Woodhull. Much in these letters might be called camouflage. They
usually began with some expression such as “We have no news” and then
followed the style suggested by General Washington in several of his
communications. Sometimes the information was promptly forwarded, the
following letter being an example:
_My dear Friend_:
We all arrived here yesterday at three o’clock after a passage
of 2 hours. The kindness of yourself and wife and the pleasure
I found at your house are strongly fixed on my mind, and make
me desirous of contributing any thing to the information,
amusement &c. of yourself and friends. I enclose a paper which
will give you all the news that is yet published about Charles
Town. Tomorrow a hand bill will come out with the Capitulation.
Yesterday most of the troops here, Staten Island &c. were
embarked in Sloops &c. to the number, it is said, of 7 or 8
thousand, and proceeding up the Kills, landed about sunset near
Elizabeth Town, and immediately began their march to attack
Washington in his camp at Morris Town. At five o’clock this
morning the troops had got to Springfield, 8 miles short of the
place without much opposition, but since, much firing has been
heard. Brigadier Genl. Sterling[5] was wounded in the thigh by
a random shot at Elizabeth Town last evening and is brought
back but the British met with no other loss there.
A vessel is just arrived from St. Kits but brings no news
except that the fleets were within sight of each other and
another action expected. The British had been reinforced with
three sail.
My Respects to C. Wistar and family. I am sorry katy’s
indisposition prevented her coming with us. I shall send the
nickanees by Tommy. I am affectionately &c.
WILLIAM T. ROBINSON.
7 June, 1780.
Culper Senior had the contents of the above letter on its way to
Washington three days later; see his letter of June 10, 1780, on p. 79.
A shorter but no less important letter reads:
New York, 31st December, 1779.
_My good Friend_:
When I left you at D. Bowne’s, I galloped directly to the
Ferry the nearest way without stopping, and arrived there in
two hours and twenty five minutes, and had there been a boat
ready I might, if I chose it, have gone to meeting here in the
afternoon, but you will readily imagine that I was more intent
on procuring a good dinner, which I did at Brooklyn and got
over before sundown....
We have no news--besides what the enclosed papers contain. The
Southern Fleet, consisting of 150 sail, went out of the Hook at
two o’clock on Sunday and ’tis feared that they have suffered
in the dreadful storm that followed soon after. The fleet for
Europe sailed the thursday before.
This goes by Hick’s boat to Great Neck, to the care of Richard
Thorne. I also send a small paper bundle containing a Book for
Eliza and a pair of skates for my friend Harry--of which I
beg their acceptance. My respects and best wishes attend Mrs.
Lawrence and the family and our two friends over the ICE. I am
affectionately yours,
WM. T. ROBINSON.
_Another Robinson letter will be found in the notes (125)._
It may interest some to know that this Wm. T. Robinson once owned
the property 421 E. 61st Street, New York, now owned and occupied by
the Colonial Dames of America. His helpful intelligence reached the
spies through Joseph Lawrence of Bayside, L. I. The original documents
were preserved in a manner so similar to all the rest of the Culper
Jr. material as to be remarkable. The wife of Joseph Lawrence was
Phebe and there were not so many that knew her maiden name, but it
was Townsend and she was the daughter of the Fourth Henry Townsend.
They were married in 1764 when he was 23. Their son Effingham married
Anne Townsend daughter of Solomon Townsend who was Robert Townsend’s
brother. A daughter of Anne and Effingham twenty three years after
her mother’s death had occasion to go through the homestead and there
under the eaves in the garret at the stone house she found (in 1868)
this interesting correspondence that had evidently been placed there by
her grandparents and had remained unobserved for nearly a century. It
reached the Long Island Collection in East Hampton a few months ago,
having been carefully preserved but without critical examination during
the past seventy years.
John Bolton was the assumed name of the man who stood between the
Culpers and General Washington. With the occasional exception of a
letter to General Washington all from the Culpers were addressed to Mr.
John Bolton, the name assumed by Major Benjamin Tallmadge in the secret
service work. Major Tallmadge did not try to conceal his identity after
the war. Caleb Brewster always permitted his own name to be used.
With his trusty gun and sword he defended it, although the British at
one time offered a large reward for his capture. Austin Roe, also of
Setauket, was the chief messenger. He was given no other name, but was
known by a number, which was 724. Jonas Hawkins was another messenger,
and there were several more that could be depended upon if required,
but Austin Roe became so expert in the service as to eclipse the
rest. One who can realize what he had to contend with must view with
amazement the work of Austin Roe. Across the Sound General Washington
had Dragoons posted, three every fifteen miles apart, to carry the
messages to him, whilst on the Long Island side Austin Roe rode the
fifty-five miles from Setauket to New York and the same distance back,
through the enemy’s country, unattended. True, officers in British
uniforms had permitted him to arrange for relays of horses which he
could exchange along the way as required, but nevertheless it was a
remarkable feat and should yet be recognised as such.
* * * * *
Had it been possible to follow a message from New York to Headquarters
in 1781 one might have seen Austin Roe enter a coffee house in the
vicinity of Wall Street. Visibly tired, and probably hungry as well,
for he had just finished a long ride. Few were in the room at that
hour but in the far corner we will observe two British officers in
conversation with a gentleman dressed in the fashion of the day. This
is Mr. Townsend, and the officers are persuading him to visit their
encampment. They have been advised that he is diffident but they
have discovered that preferment comes to those who receive favorable
publicity in the English Magazines as well as in the Royal Gazette.
Mr. Rivington, the king’s printer, had advised them to cultivate Mr.
Townsend’s acquaintance; to keep him posted as to all their activities
if they value publicity such as he may give them; and they exact from
Townsend the promise of an early visit. They do not know that the
Coffee Room was established for that very purpose: that Townsend and
Rivington although silent partners were its financial backers; and that
Rivington wished to establish it in order to provide a place close by
his printing office where British officers would meet and furnish him
with copy for the English Magazines and his own Royal Gazette. Townsend
he found apt, and most willing to run down news that made good copy;
and the fact that Townsend refused to be on his pay roll or to accept
money for his work did not lessen Rivington’s regard for him. That
James Rivington ever imagined Robert Townsend to be in the service of
General Washington there is no evidence to show. In fact it is very
unlikely. Rivington was not the type of man that Townsend would trust
with that secret.
The sight of Roe was sufficient to apprise Townsend that the General
was expecting a message. When he could excuse himself he left the
Coffee Shop and returned to his own rooms, which were nearby. He was
soon followed by Austin Roe, who handed him a letter from Mr. John
Bolton. This read: “I wish you to send by bearer ½ ream letter paper,
same as the last. Mr. Roe will pay for it.” Townsend paid little
attention to this message, but opening a secret closet brought out
a vial of liquid which he proceeded to brush over the letter. Soon
another message appeared on the same sheet of paper. It was from
General Washington requesting certain important information. Meanwhile
Roe had started down the street for the printing office of James
Rivington at the corner of Queen Street facing the North Front of the
Coffee House. Here he purchased a half ream of paper--had it carefully
wrapped and labeled and then started back with it to Townsend’s rooms.
Very carefully it was unwrapped, in order that it could be sealed again
without showing that it had been opened. Townsend then began counting
the sheets until he arrived at a number previously agreed upon. That
sheet was then extracted, and reaching for a vial of a different liquid
he proceeded to write. But only momentarily could the words be seen. As
soon as the stain was dry it disappeared, leaving no hint that it was
there waiting to be developed by the other liquid.
The supper hour was now approaching when the Coffee Room would be
a scene of great gaiety. There would be gathered new arrivals from
abroad, anxious for an introduction, and those expecting soon to leave
would be tendered an affectionate adieu. It was a huge success from the
standpoint of a news gatherer, and would have been worth while even if
it had not been returning the handsome revenue it did at that time.
So thought Rivington. Doubtless Townsend from the standpoint of a Spy
thought the same, but unlike Rivington he kept his own counsel. It
should not be presumed that all could be gotten in this fashion. There
were reports from at least a dozen to be checked over, and out of the
way places to be visited. When all had been summed up Townsend finished
his letter and returned it to its proper place in the package of letter
paper. Austin Roe packed his saddle bags with a variety of articles
needed by those at the east end of the Island, and carefully stowed
among the things was this half ream of paper for Mr. John Bolton. In
the late forenoon he set off, crossing the Brooklyn ferry and from
there heading either for Jamaica or Flushing he soon was well on his
way. There were times when he met with trouble along the road but upon
this occasion we presume that he reached Setauket without incident, and
just in time to give attention to his cattle, which were kept pastured
in a field belonging to Abraham Woodhull. It might have been a matter
of suspicion had he always left a package with Woodhull, therefore a
box in the field was resorted to on this as upon many occasions, and
straightway home Roe drove the cows. Later Woodhull, passing through
the field, transferred the contents of the box to a bag he was carrying
and soon the intelligence for General Washington was in his private
room. Other messages to accompany those just arrived were now prepared
by Woodhull, who we will not forget always signed himself Culper Senior
in this correspondence.
Caleb Brewster was waiting with his boats to convey these messages
across the Sound. Woodhull knew he was waiting but had not seen him.
He had observed the black petticoat which was the signal of his arrival
hanging on the line across the creek on Strong’s Neck. He knew where
the boats were hid, too, although there were six landing places, but
he had observed hanging with the clothes on the line near half a mile
away four handkerchiefs. Just as one, two, three, five or six hanging
there at one time indicated certain landing places Woodhull knew that
four indicated the Neck, and there when the messages were ready he
took them.[6] It was long a question as to who it was that used this
clothes line signal to guide the delivery of the messages to Brewster
who was to carry them across the sound on their way to Washington’s
headquarters. Finally a clue was found among the papers of the Floyd
family and when this was compared with the Woodhull account book it
was discovered that the signals were arranged by no less a personage
than the wife of Judge Selah Strong. Anna Smith was her maiden name.
She was born on April 14th, 1740, and married Judge Strong on Nov. 9th,
1760.[7]
Brewster sometimes would capture an enemy crew on the way across, and
sometimes when not well protected they would chase him. Occasionally he
found it necessary to kill some of them. Major Tallmadge was not always
to be found in the same place but kept Brewster sufficiently informed
to be able to steer in the right direction. When to Major Tallmadge the
messages were handed they were again examined, in fact frequently the
stain letters were developed and then forwarded to the nearest Dragoons
posted along the road, from whence they were relayed to Headquarters.
* * * * *
No one will challenge the emphasis put upon the importance of the
Secret Service. Only lack of details has deterred its recognition. As
early as April 1779, Major Tallmadge began by saying: “Some pieces of
useful intelligence respecting the movements of the Enemy in this late
intended Expedition to New London, and which I have reason to believe
in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated
by Culper.” “Of very great importance” Washington considered it, and
so wrote on July 11, 1780 “I rely upon this intelligence,” he wrote at
another time. When G. W. P. Custis, adopted son of General Washington,
was told by friends, who probably over-estimated, that the service had
cost between one thousand and fifteen hundred pounds, he wrote: “It
was a cheap, a dog cheap bargain; for, although gold was precious in
the days of the Continental currency, yet the gold paid for the secret
service was of inestimable value, when it is remembered how much it
contributed to the safety and success of the army of Independence.”
Too much can not be said of the personnel of the service, due largely
to Robert Townsend, whom all the others speak of in the highest terms.
“Nothing could induce me to be here but the earnest desire of Culper
Jur.,” said Woodhull in 1779. “He is the person in whom I have the
greatest confidence,” General Washington wrote of Culper Junior in a
letter to Congress. “This much I can assure you,” says Major Tallmadge,
“he is a Gentleman of business, of Education and honor.” Of him on June
20th, 1779, Woodhull wrote: “He is a person that hath the interest of
our Country at heart and of good reputation, character and family, I
have reason to think his advantages for serving you, and abilities, are
far superior to mine. As long as I am here shall be an assistant and
do all that I can.” Again on February 5th, 1780, General Washington
wrote of Culper Junior: “His accounts are intelligent, clear, and
satisfactory ... I rely upon his intelligence,” and Woodhull echoes
“He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment, and his
firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure, you need not
doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a sincere
friend, and hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our
distressed Country.” Then in May, 1781, General Washington recorded:
“Of the Culpers fidelity and ability I entertain the highest opinion.”
In this volume are now collected a majority of the letters still in
existence from spies in the American service during the Revolutionary
War. That General Washington was contented with an occasional report
from other scenes of action evinces the importance he attached to the
territory around New York. That the Spies of Washington are worthy of
important recognition in the annals of the State becomes evident as
their work is examined.
G. M. Pierce, Registrar General of the National Society, D. A. R. in
1918 summed up the Revolutionary Spy in these words: “The man or woman
who enters upon such a career must possess strength of character and be
endowed with all the qualifications of a good soldier and a commanding
officer besides. A soldier must possess bravery and courage, but a
spy must be not only brave and courageous, but must also have what is
called ‘nerve,’ poise, self possession, absolute control of facial
expression, fearlessness, tact and discretion unequalled. For his is
the most hazardous of all undertakings. Discovery means death, the
penalty inflicted alike by all nations.”
FOOTNOTES to “FOREWORD”:
[1] In October, 1773, Nathan Hale began teaching in East Haddam,
Connecticut, but in May, 1774, he took charge of a school in New
London, called the “Union School.” Here he remained until the summer of
1775, when he joined the third company of the 7th Connecticut Regiment,
commanded by Colonel Charles Webb.
[2] “The Two Spies, Nathan Hale and Robert Townsend,” might almost
be called a first edition of this volume, but there being more new
material in this than the entire contents of the first issue, it is
given a new title.
[3] Until this publication the identity of Culper Senior was not
positive. Some said Nathaniel Ruggles was the man; others were correct
in assuming that it was Abraham Woodhull, but others confused matters
by declaring that it was Abraham C. Woodhull, an entirely different
person, although he lived in the same town at the same time.
[4] The above Amos Underhill had brothers, one being Benjamin, whose
wife was the daughter of Sylvanus Townsend. After his death she married
in 1789, John Franklin, son of Thomas. Benjamin’s only son he called
Townsend Underhill, born in 1765. His daughter was Elizabeth. This
Elizabeth Underhill married John Butler Coles. In 1780 he was a clerk
for Thos. Buchanan & Co., and later had his own business at 12 Dock
Street, now Pearl. He was a director of the Bank of New York from 1806
to 1820 and died January 2, 1827, leaving a large estate. His father,
Nathaniel Coles, happy over the return of peace, in 1783 roasted an
entire ox and invited the neighborhood to partake of it. Both Amos and
Benjamin Underhill had business dealings with Robert Townsend.
[5] Sir Thomas Sterling.
[6] A somewhat similar method was used on the New England side, at
least in the vicinity of Newport. It is described on page 48 of a
Discourse by Arthur A. Ross, who a hundred years ago was Pastor of
the First Baptist Church there. Mr. Ross says: “During the whole
time the British had possession of the Island, a correspondence was
maintained between certain individuals of the Island and the main
at Little-Compton, so that the American officers were constantly
apprized of the general movements of the enemy, while in possession of
Rhode-Island. This correspondence was maintained by signals given on
the Island, indicating a clear coast, and that a messenger could pass
over in safety, after dark. The first signal was the leaving down of
a certain pair of bars, which, with a spy-glass, could be distinctly
seen from the main. Afterward, for fear of exciting the suspicion of
the enemy, the signal was changed, when an open window of Mr. Peleg
Peckham’s barn, answered the same purpose. A small vault in the ground,
near the shore, and at no great distance from Mr. Peckham’s, covered
with a flat stone, served as a depository of communication.--Here,
letters and papers were regularly deposited and removed, by the
respective individuals engaged in the correspondence.”
[7] Judge Strong was born on Dec. 25th, 1737, and died July 4, 1815.
His parents were Thomas Strong and Susannah Thompson, daughter of
Samuel Thompson and Hannah Brewster. His wife died August 2, 1812. Anna
Strong’s father was William Henry Smith, b. Mar. 13, 1689, Brookhaven
and d. Jan. 27, 1743. Her mother was Margaret Lloyd, granddaughter of
Grizzell Sylvester.
NATHAN HALE
Late in the evening of September 22, 1776, Captain John Montressor,
of the British Engineers, who was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord
Howe, appeared under flag of truce at the American outposts on Harlem
Plains, New York. He bore a letter to General Washington respecting the
exchange of prisoners. General Putnam, Captain Alexander Hamilton, and
Captain William Hull were among those who met him. To them Montressor
verbally gave the information that an American officer, one Captain
Hale, had been executed that morning as a spy. It was startling news,
and to Hull it came like a shock, for Nathan Hale had been his chum at
college[8] and confided to him details of the dangerous mission he had
undertaken. A week later, the sad news reached the home of Hale, and
one of his brothers, Enoch, started for the encampment of Washington’s
army. There Lieutenant-Colonel Webb was induced to visit the British
headquarters under a flag, and he returned with information that
enabled Enoch to record that “Nathan, being suspected by his movements
that he wanted to get out of New York, was taken up and examined by
the general, and, some minutes being found with him, orders were
immediately given that he should be hanged. When at the gallows, he
spoke and told that he was a captain in the Continental army, by name
Nathan Hale.”
Enoch carried this news home, and later his brother John made entry
in the town records of Coventry which reads as follows: “Capt. Nathan
Hale, the son of Deacon Richard Hale, was taken in the City of New
York by the Britons and Executed as a spie some time in the month of
September, A.D. 1776.”
Tench Tilghman, in a letter to William Duer, written ten days after the
announcement of Hale’s execution, betrays the feeling in the American
army. “The General is determined, if he can bring some in his hands
under the denomination of spies, to execute them,” he writes: “General
Howe hanged a Captain of ours belonging to Knowlton’s Rangers who went
into New York to make discoveries. I don’t see why we should not make
retaliation.”
Another letter, written by an American officer in camp at Harlem, is
dated September 26, 1776, and reads: “One Hale, in N.Y. on suspicion
of being a spy, was taken up and dragged without ceremony to the
Execution Post and hung up.” “Yesterday we hanged an officer of the
Provincials who came as a spy,” writes a British officer to friends at
home; and James Drewett, on board the British frigate Mercury at New
York, writes: “On the 22d we hung a man who was sent as spy by Gen.
Washington.”
It was almost five months later when the newspapers began publishing
garbled accounts. The “Conquest of Canaan,” an epic poem, by Timothy
Dwight, probably the first book to mention Hale, was not published
until nearly nine years after his execution, although, strangely
enough, its author had early in 1776 solicited Hale to get subscribers
to it for him.
Hannah Adams was in fact the first historian to record a concise
account of Hale, and her “History of New England,” in which it appears,
was not published until 1799, nearly twenty-three years after the
event. The story in her book reads as follows:
“The retreat from Long Island left the British in full possession.
What would be their future operations remained uncertain. To obtain
information of their situation, their strength and future movements,
was of high importance. For this purpose, general Washington applied
to Colonel Knowlton, who commanded a regiment of light infantry, which
formed the van of the American army, and desired him to adopt some mode
of gaining the necessary information. Colonel Knowlton communicated
this request to Captain Nathan Hale, of Connecticut, who was then a
captain in his regiment.
“This young officer, animated by a sense of duty, and considering
that an opportunity presented itself, by which he might be useful to
his country, at once offered himself a volunteer for this hazardous
service. He passed in disguise to Long Island, examined every part of
the British army, and obtained the best possible information respecting
their situation and future operations.
“In his attempt to return he was apprehended, carried before Sir
William Howe, and the proof of his object was so clear, that he frankly
acknowledged who he was, and what were his views.
“Sir William Howe at once gave an order to the provost marshal to
execute him the next morning. This order was accordingly executed, in
a most unfeeling manner, and by as great a savage as ever disgraced
humanity. A clergyman, whose attendance was desired, was refused
him; a bible for a few moments devotion was not procured, although
he requested it. Letters, which, on the morning of his execution, he
wrote to his mother[9] and other friends, were destroyed; and this very
extraordinary reason given by the provost marshal, ‘that the rebels
should not know they had a man in their army who could die with so much
firmness.’
“Unknown to all around him, without a single friend to offer him the
least consolation, thus fell as amiable and as worthy a young man as
America could boast, with this as his dying observation, ‘that he only
lamented, that he had but one life to lose for his country.’... To see
such a character, in the flower of youth, cheerfully treading in the
most hazardous paths, influenced by the purest intentions, and only
emulous to do good to his country, without the imputation of a crime,
fall a victim to policy, must have been wounding to the feelings, even
of his enemies. So far [1799] Hale has remained unnoticed, and, it is
scarcely known such a character ever existed....”
Fifty years after Hale’s execution the “Long Island Star” published
(April 2, 1827) extracts from a letter of Stephen Hempstead, Sen., aged
sixty-nine, which Hempstead had published in the “Missouri Republican.”
Another ten years went by before the first printed address appeared,
and thereafter memoirs and biographies followed at frequent intervals
to the present time. Attempts have been made to trace every step in his
career, but there is much that still puzzles the historians. Nobody
has been able to prove how he got to New York, and no one can say
positively where he was captured. From all that has been gathered on
the subject, we have arrived at the following conclusions:
The retreat of the American army from Long Island had been
satisfactorily accomplished, but the officers found themselves in a
most perilous condition when on September 7, 1776, Washington called a
council of war to consider the important question: Should they defend
or abandon New York? At another council on the 12th, it was decided
to move to a position on Harlem Heights, leaving a guard of four
thousand men under General Putnam in the city, with orders to follow if
necessary. On the 14th, Washington made his headquarters at the house
of Robert Murray, father of Lindley Murray the grammarian. From there
he wrote to General Heath, then stationed at Kingsbridge:
“As everything, in a manner, depends upon obtaining intelligence of the
enemy’s motions, I do most earnestly entreat you and General Clinton
to exert yourselves to accomplish this most desirable end. Leave no
stone unturned, nor do not stick at expense, to bring this to pass, as
I was never more uneasy than on account of my want of knowledge on this
score....”
To quote a paragraph from Lossing: “The vital questions pressing for
an answer were, Will they make a direct attack upon the city? Will
they land upon the island, above the city, or at Morrisania beyond the
Harlem River? Will they attempt to cut off our communications with the
main, by seizing the region along the Harlem River or at Kingsbridge,
by landing forces on the shores of the East and Hudson Rivers, at
Turtle Bay, or at Bloomingdale, and, stretching a cordon of armed men
from river to river, cut off the four thousand troops left in the city?”
Washington, in his perplexity, called another council of war at
Murray’s. He told his officers that he could not procure the least
information concerning the intentions of the enemy, and again asked,
What shall be done? It was resolved to send a competent person, in
disguise, into the British camps on Long Island to unveil the momentous
secret. It needed one skilled in military and scientific knowledge; a
man possessed of a quick eye, a cool head, unflinching courage; tact,
caution, and sagacity--a man on whose judgment and fidelity implicit
reliance might be placed.
Washington sent for Lieutenant-Colonel Knowlton and asked him to find
a man for the service. Knowlton summoned a number of officers to a
conference at his quarters and after explaining the service required
called for volunteers. Late in the conference, when it seemed he would
not find a man competent and willing to undertake the perilous mission,
“a young officer appeared, pale from the effects of recent severe
sickness. Knowlton repeated the invitation, when, almost immediately,
the voice of the young soldier was heard uttering the momentous words,
‘I will undertake it!’ It was the voice of Captain Nathan Hale.”
Everybody was astonished. The whole company knew Hale. They loved and
admired him. After the meeting his friends tried to dissuade him from
his decision, setting forth the risk of sacrificing all his good
prospects in life and the fond hopes of his family and friends. Hull
employed all the force of friendship and the arts of persuasion to bend
him from his purpose, but in vain. With warmth and decision Hale said:
“I think I owe to my country the accomplishment of an object so
important and so much desired by the commander of her armies, and I
know no mode of obtaining the information but by assuming a disguise
and passing into the enemy’s camp. I am fully sensible of the
consequences of discovery and capture in such a situation. But for
a year I have been attached to the army, and have not rendered any
material service, while receiving a compensation for which I make
no return. Yet I am not influenced by any expectation of promotion
or pecuniary reward. I wish to be useful; and every kind of service
necessary for the public good becomes honorable by being necessary. If
the exigencies of my country demand a peculiar service, its claims to
the performance of that service are imperious.”
Knowlton presently conducted Hale to Washington, who delivered
instructions concerning his mission. The commander also furnished him
with a general order to the owners of all American vessels in Long
Island Sound to convey him to any point on Long Island which he might
designate.
Asher Wright, his trusty servant, was told to have the horses ready
at the earliest moment, and, in company with Stephen Hempstead, they
set off that Saturday evening. No hint has been given as to how they
reached Norwalk, except that because of the British cruisers in the
vicinity they could find no available boat until they got there,
which may indicate that they spent a part of Sunday, hunting perhaps
at Stamford and other points between there and Rye. Captain Pond,
whom Hale knew, happened to be at Norwalk, then in command of the
armed sloop Schuyler and arrangements were made to take him across
to Huntington on the Long Island shore that night. Hempstead, who
accompanied him this far, writing fifty years later, says that he
changed his uniform for a plain suit of citizens’ brown clothes, with
a round broad-brimmed hat: He does not tell us whether he brought the
extra suit with him, but we must presume that Captain Pond furnished
it, although Hale charged Hempstead with the care of his army clothes,
his commission and public and private papers, and also his silver
shoe buckles, saying they would not comport with his character as
a schoolmaster. He requested Hempstead to wait at Norwalk until he
returned or was heard from.
It was near daylight Monday morning when Hale was landed on the beach
at Huntington. No sound save the plash of the waves disturbed the
quiet of the approaching day. No sign of human habitation was in
sight: no guidepost to indicate the direction to the town; but there
were hills not far away and from these a better view might be had. A
path was discovered and he rightly surmised it led to the town. Who
there entertained this martyr unawares we may never know. Nobody there
wanted a teacher just at that time, but everybody was ready to tell
him how the Whigs were crossing from Huntington every day in order to
escape the British. Foraging parties had already been to Oyster Bay and
other towns. Two hundred wagons had been demanded from the farmers of
Suffolk County to remove the baggage of the British from New Utrecht
to Hellgate, and already three hundred had been sent there. Only the
troops were allowed to cross the ferries from Long Island to New York
without passes;[10] but the market boats were still in service and
doing a good business supplying the British troops with fresh country
produce. Their difficulty was to get men to assist in loading and
unloading.
We cannot think that Hale would fail to take advantage of this
opportunity. Whilst the boats at Huntington were transporting
passengers to Connecticut with their household effects, those from
Oyster Bay were supplying the New York markets and now were making
deliveries directly to the camp kitchens. Without loss of time, Hale
must have followed the road from Huntington to Oyster Bay. There it was
not necessary for him to diverge from the truth. He found Huntington
was already well supplied with teachers, and being willing to work
at anything was glad to assist on the market boats. They stopped at
Whitestone Landing, at Flushing, and at Hellgate, and it was now his
business to inquire how many troops were at each place, how many more
were expected, and how long they would remain, and perhaps even where
they expected to be the following week. Then, with what was left of the
cargo, they crossed to New York and there found ready market.
We know that Nathan Hale upon arrival in the city found that many of
the British had already crossed the river, had engaged the men of his
own company among others, and were now fortifying their positions in
various sections of the city. And undoubtedly he mingled among them
until, early on the morning of the 21st of September, the lower portion
of the city was discovered to be in flames. We may never know how his
time was occupied that day,[11] but it is possible that in spite
of his disguise he discovered he had been recognized as one of the
officers attached to Washington’s army. It may have startled him when
he realized that he was back at the place he started from almost a
week before. Back, but now not among friends. Washington had withdrawn
and the British were now in possession of the ground between him and
the American army. A walk of less than three miles along the shore of
Harlem Creek would bring him within the American lines. It may have
seemed the easiest way to return, and in fact might have been safely
accomplished but for the unusual events of that day. The great curtain
of smoke that hung over the city attracted attention for many miles
around. Among those who went out of their way to obtain details of
its cause was Captain Quarme and the crew of the Halifax. They were
off Whitestone Point at the time, but when they had neared Manhattan
in the vicinity of Ward’s Island, Quarme, with a few men, went ashore
near what is now One Hundred and Eleventh Street. Hale was just
reaching the water-front at that point, and noticing the small boat,
and the Halifax not being in sight as the trees on Ward’s Island hid
the view, concluded it might be a friendly party from Long Island. He
had betrayed his anxiety and attracted suspicion before he realized
his mistake. By Captain Quarme’s order he was left with the sentinels
at the British outposts, who later conducted him to headquarters, and
when the men returned they rowed for the Halifax and sailed back to
anchorage that night in the vicinity of City Island. Later in the war
the Halifax was stationed at Huntington, which may account for the idea
that Hale was captured there.
The documents previously quoted show his treatment after reaching the
British lines.
FOOTNOTES to “NATHAN HALE”:
[8] In the class of 1773 at Yale College among others were Nathan
Hale and his brother Enoch, Benjamin Tallmadge, and William Townsend.
William Hull was in the class of 1772. Of all the college mates of
Nathan Hale perhaps none had as deep an influence over his decisions
as Benjamin Tallmadge, and as may be observed, perhaps none was more
responsible for Tallmadge devoting the greater part of his military
career to assisting the spies of Washington than Hale. A carefully
preserved letter of advice to Hale, written at the time he was
contemplating changing the garb of a teacher for that of a soldier
reads: “Was I in your condition, notwithstanding the many, I had almost
said insuperable, objections against such a resolution, I think the
more extensive service would be my choice. Our holy Religion, the
honour of our God, a glorious country, & a happy constitution is what
we have to defend. Some indeed may say there are others who may supply
your place. True there are men who would gladly accept such a proposal
but are we certain that they would be likely to answer just as good an
end? Could this be certainly known, though we all should be ready to
step forth in the common cause, I could think it highly incumbent on
you not to change your situation. These hints, thrown together in great
haste, proceed from a heart ever devoted to your welfare, and from one
who shall esteem it his happiness to promote yours. I hope to hear from
you soon & to know your determination; in the mean time I remain your
constant friend &c., &c.,
B. Tallmadge.
To Mr. Nathan Hale
New London.
Wethersfield, July 4, 1775.
[9] Hale knew his mother was not living. It was an incorrect guess that
one of the letters was for her.
[10] In a letter from New York we hear that no person is suffered to
go out of the town without giving proper notices of their departure to
Gen. Howe; nor no person suffered to enter without their being first
strictly examined by the general officers commanding the several gates
for admittance.--Middlesex Journal, Sept 24, 1776.
[11] Although most of our large cities have had fires equalling that
of New York, yet because New York’s happened just at the time Nathan
Hale was there there are those who contend that he must have had a hand
in it. So insistent were some that an exhaustive study of the subject
seemed desirable. For this purpose contemporary charts of the tide
and records of the wind on the date of the fire were studied and the
route of the men from near Whitestone to 111th Street. The conclusion
arrived at is that Hale could have had no part in the fire aside from
the possibility of his being an interested eye witness. It must not be
forgotten that he was sent over to Long Island--the British had not
yet entered New York, and from the spot from which he started on his
way to Long Island it was at that time possible to send any man to
any part of the city of New York within an hour. It is not possible
to believe that any sane man would start on a week’s journey to reach
a destination he could arrive at in safety within an hour. Had Hale,
discovering the opportunity favorable, turned aside from the work he
was given to do, he being sent as a spy to discover and report the
intentions of the enemy, he would have deserved the treatment of a
deserter at the hands of General Washington and if he had given the
British any proof that he had acted the part of an incendiary he would
have met death accordingly, and not as alleged “because upon him they
discovered notes and documents that proved him to be a spy.” True many
favored destroying the city at that time, and it is also a fact that a
large quantity of inflammable material was left in the city when the
troops under General Washington moved north, and to these were added
additional stores that the British brought with them. The area of the
fire may have been increased thereby but the contemporary conclusion
that its origin was accidental cannot be changed.
GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES
The capture and execution of Nathan Hale made a failure of the attempt
to get instant information from within the British lines; but it formed
a determination in the General’s mind to establish a Secret Service
Bureau that would be more carefully planned and consequently less
liable to disappointing results. The man selected to manage the spy
system within the city of New York was Robert Townsend, of Oyster Bay,
Long Island. Without discovery he furnished General Washington with
correct information throughout the war, and at its close, lest harm
should come to him, the General determined that his identity should
never be revealed. His books, which remained sealed for over a century,
now permit positive identification.(101)
Before the war began, Robert Townsend acted as purchasing agent for his
father, in importing flax and sugar and molasses, tea and coffee and
iron and rum and similar commodities,(102) and there is a suggestion
that he may have collected a secret fund for the “Sons of Liberty” in
1772, ’73, and ’74. His first war work commenced when the Provincial
Convention resolved unanimously on August 24, 1776, “That Robert
Townsend be a commissary to supply Brigadier-General Woodhull’s
Brigade with provisions”; but it may have been abruptly ended with
the capture of Woodhull and the scattering of his men.(103) Released
from other employment he had opportunity and with the gift of a keen
observation was able to assist General Scott and later Abraham Woodhull
in collecting intelligence. Lack of confidence might have deterred
him from making more than verbal reports had they been required but
at the moment they were satisfactory, and either Woodhull or Scott
embodied his information in the reports to headquarters. Every general
was prepared to furnish spies, but the arrangement now being made was
of a more permanent nature, General Washington proposing that they
should establish headquarters right in the heart of the British camp.
General Chas. Scott took particular interest in arranging for this
but was called to other service before it was fully organized. Major
Benjamin Tallmadge, of the Second Regiment, Light Dragoons, was then
selected to carry on the work. Tallmadge was a native of Long Island,
born at Brookhaven in Suffolk County on February 25, 1754; and it was,
therefore, natural for him to expect to find there those in whom he
could place the greatest confidence. In this he was not disappointed.
Men there were already anxious to be serviceable to their country’s
cause in any capacity. Abraham Woodhull, Caleb Brewster, and Austin
Roe, were among the leaders. So important was their work that without
them little from New York City could have reached the General.
The exact date when the service of systematically transmitting
intelligence commenced cannot be ascertained. In his “Memoir,” Colonel
Tallmadge merely records:
“This year [1778] I opened a private correspondence with some persons
in New York [for Gen. Washington] which lasted through the war. How
beneficial it was to the Commander-in-Chief is evidenced by his
continuing the same to the close of the war. I kept one or more boats
constantly employed in crossing the Sound on this business.... My
station was in the county of Westchester, and occasionally along the
shores of the Sound.”
A letter from Major Tallmadge addressed to General Scott, dated
Bedford, October 29, 1778, reads:
“I have this moment received a letter from a gentleman direct from Long
Island, by the very gentleman whom I made mention to you the other day
to serve as a conveyance for Samuel Culper’s letters. I doubt not it is
authentic.”
Samuel Culper was the name assumed by those who furnished the secret
intelligence. At first without distinction, but later Abraham Woodhull
signed “Samuel Culper, Sr.,” and Robert Townsend, “Samuel Culper, Jr.”
Sometimes in error they would write “Culper Samuel,” and Townsend
sometimes forgot to add the “Jr.”
Abraham Woodhull’s letter of October 31, 1778, indicates the hazard of
the work in New York City, and mentions finding a faithful friend who
will assist him. His letter reads:
“Since my last have explored Long Island, City of New York
and island unto the ten mile stone to Tryons Quarters where
I received his threats for comeing their that made me almost
tremble knowing my situation and business but blessed be God
have been prosperd and particularly successful in ingaging a
faithful friend and one of the first characters in the City
to make it his business and keep his eyes upon every movement
and assist me in all respects and meet and consult weekly in
or near the city. I have the most sanguine hopes of great
advantage will acrue by his assistance.... If bad weather doth
not prevent you will hear from me weekly. I have to request
that you will destroy every letter instantly after reading
for fear of some unforseen accident that may befall you and the
letters get into the enemies hands and probably find me out
and take me before I have any warning. I desire you will be
particularly cairfull. Hopeing this may arrive safe and be able
to serve you better in my next is the earnest desire of your
most obedient Hbl. Servt.
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
[Illustration: 9. MAJOR BENJAMIN TALLMADGE ALIAS JOHN BOLTON
1. Generals Philip Schuyler, 2. Marquis de LaFayette, 3. Nathaniel
Greene, 4. George Clinton, 5. Robert Howe, 6. Israel Putnam, 7. John
Lamb, 8. William Heath.]
Before the end of the next month Culper’s letters were delayed, which
caused Major Tallmadge to address the General with the letter which
follows:
BEDFORD, Novr. 19th, 1778.
Your Excellency’s favr. of yesterday has this moment
arrived--The queries therein contained shall be immediately
transmitted for solution.
I have been hourly waiting, for more than two days, for a
letter from Culper, and I am confident the failure must be
attributed to those employed in crossing the Sound for such
despatches, as his punctuality heretofore in fulfilling all
appointments with his Post, leaves no room to doubt in the
present case. I am further induced to impute it to this
cause inasmuch as I was lately informed that the men who
had been employed with Lt. Brewster on this business, had
not yet returned to their former duty. I could wish that no
difficulties of this nature might prevent his letters coming in
season, as it may be of the utmost importance that his letters
should be immediately forwarded to Headquarters. To the end
that your instructions may be duly transmitted and to make some
little inquiries into the causes of the aforementioned delay, I
determine to ride immediately to Fairfield, where Brewster has
made his Post for some time.
When Genl. Scott was about leaving this Post he proposed
a plan for the regular conveyance of Cr’s letters to your
Excellency, which he intended to lay before your Excellency on
his arrival at Head Quarters. I hope before the General removes
from Fredericksburgh his pleasure may be known, that Cr. may
not be at a loss how to convey his letters with certainty
and expedition. His extreme cautiousness and even timidity,
in his present undertaking, would not admit of having his
business made known to any Persons who are not at present his
confidants--so that, as Genl. Scott observed before he left
us, if it was communicated to any other persons he would most
probably leave his present employment immediately--I mention
this, not fearing that his letters or business will be made
public at camp, but lest some persons in this quarter should be
made acquainted with his present situation, which, as I before
observed, would make him extremely unhappy, and as he assured
when he embarked in the business, he should leave the Island
immediately. I am with all due Respect, &c.
BENJ. TALLMADGE.
To this General Washington replied:
_Headquarters_, 20th. Nov. 1778.
_Sir._ I was favored with your letter of Yesterday. You will be
pleased to observe the strictest silence with respect to C----
As you are to be the only person entrusted with the knowledge
or conveyance of his letters.
The 23d of November found another long letter of Abraham Woodhull’s on
its way to Headquarters, the first page of which may be read among the
Notes.(104) Continuing he says:
“I am firmly of opinion that a sudden attack of ten-thousand
men would take the City and put an end to the war, and save
the stores and Long Island from devastation. All the best of
their troops are on Long Island. There is about 300, most of
them Hessians, at Brooklyn Ferry. 350 New Town, British; 1500
British Jamaica; 800 Yeagers, Flushing; 200 Jerico, most of
them Dragoons; 400 foot, 70 Dragoons Oyster Bay; 150 Lloyd’s
Neck, N. Leveys; 400 Hempstead, Dragoons; Stripping Barns and
out houses for boards to build huts for Winter. 40 wagons
100 troops this day at Smith Town collecting cattle, sheep,
Boards, &c. They make no distinction between Whig and Tory,
abuse all to a great degree, and no redress can be obtained.
Count d’Estaing’s dispatches for France are taken and brought
to town but are Cypher prepared so they cannot be found out. I
will note to you that much provision is brought to town from
the Jerseys privately; flour, beef, &c. I saw a gentleman of
my acquaintance, lately from England, where he hath been three
years; he saith Independence will certainly be granted this
session of Parliament. My business is expensive; so dangerous
traveling that I am obliged to give my assistants high wages,
but am as sparing as possible. I have drawn on you for fifty
Pounds in Specie, York Money, which please accept. I should
be glad to have given you a better account but it cannot be
obtained their movements are so strange that causes every one
to admire. Hoping this may be of some service I remain Your
most Obedt. Hbl. Servt,
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
In a letter enclosing the preceding to Headquarters Major Tallmadge
adds:
“It may not be amiss to observe, in addition to Culper’s
letter, that the gentleman mentioned by him to have lately
arrived from England, is one Doctr. Nicoll, a gentleman of
my acquaintance, on the varacity of whose report I have been
persuaded I might safely depend--Your Excellency will perceive
by the enclosed that C---- has drawn for 26 or 27 Guineas. In
addition to this he has forwarded an order for the payment of
sd. money to his friend. If your Excellency should see fit to
transmit any money, it may be safely entrusted to the Bearer,
on whose integrity I could depend in matters of much greater
importance.”
As will later be observed, General Washington was now in receipt of
a secret formula for their correspondence, which he wished to put to
use. Therefore he answered Major Tallmadge saying: “I should be glad
to have an interview with Culper myself, in which I would put the mode
of corresponding upon such a footing that even if his letters were to
fall into the enemy’s hands, he would have nothing to fear, on that
account.” However in his letter following the above he says: “When I
desired an interview with him I did not know his peculiar situation. I
now see the danger that so long an absence would incur and I must leave
it entirely to you to manage the correspondence in such a manner as
will most probably insure safety to him and answer the desired end.”
* * * * *
Major Tallmadge answered this on December 23d, saying: “Since your
Excellency judges it improper to have an interview with C----, any
private instructions which you may wish to transmit him, not so proper
for me to transcribe, may be very safely conveyed to him, as from the
regularity of his dispatches and the characters of the persons who I
know are entrusted with their conveyance from N. Y. to Brook Haven,
I dare venture to say there is not the least probability, and I had
almost said hardly a possibility of a discovery.”
* * * * *
From Philadelphia on January 2d, 1779, came instructions for Major
Tallmadge to forward his letters through General Putnam. “There are
regular Expresses established between Danbury and the Head Quarters
of the Army,” it reads. “And you therefore need not in future send a
special messenger the whole way. Send your letters to General Putnam at
or near Danbury, letting him know that they are to be forwarded with
dispatch. I shall get them sooner than by a single express.”
* * * * *
Culper’s next letter, dated Feb. 26, is one of great length,(105)
detailing the strength and position of all the troops of the enemy.
In the closing paragraph he says: “Coll. Floyd returned on his Parole
the 16. I earnestly wrote you for his discharge. I repeat it again, I
anxiously desire you would not forget. I am very likely to stand in
need of his services. I desire you will send me one hundred pounds, by
the next appointment without fail, as I have spent already forty pounds
more than I have received from you. Board is £3 per week in New York
besides other necessary expenses postage and etcetra.”
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
* * * * *
An enclosure from Brewster accompanied the above letter. His in full is
as follows:
FAIRFIELD, Feb. 26th, 1779.
_Dear Sir._ I have returned from the Island this day. Genl.
Erskine remains yet at Southampton. He has been reinforced
to the number of 2500. They have three redoubts at South
and East Hampton and are heaving up works at Canoe Place at
a narrow pass before you get into South Hampton. They are
building a number of flat bottom boats. There went a number of
carpenters down last week to South Hampton. It is thought by
the inhabitants that they will cross over to New London after
the Continental Frigates. Col. Hewlet remains yet on Lloyd’s
Neck with 350, wood cutters included. Col. Simcoe remains at
Oyster bay with 300 Foot and Light Horse. There is no troops
from Oyster Bay till you come to Jamaica. There is one Regt.
of Highlanders and some at Flushing and Newtown, the numbers I
cannot tell, but not a regiment at both places. The most of the
shipping of force has left New York. There is one 50, one old
East India man, one 20 that is repairing at the ship yard, the
Scorpion at N. City Island, one old India man at Huntington,
40 guns, the Halifax Brig at Oyster Bay, one sloop of ten guns
they are repairing all their flat bottom boats in New York and
building a number at the ship yard. This intelligence is as
late out of New York as the 20th of the month. The inhabitants
is fitting a number of Privateers out in the City. There was
one French ship brought in with 500 hogsheads of Sugar last
week. I am with respect, Yours, &c.
CALEB BREWSTER.
From General Washington at Middlebrook dated March 21st, 1779, came a
long letter of instructions, most of which will be found in another
chapter. To Tallmadge he says: “With this letter you will receive
fifty guineas for S. C. which you will cause to be delivered as soon
as possible, with an earnest exhortation to use them with all possible
econemy, as I find it very difficult to obtain hard money.... As all
great movements and the fountain of all intelligence must originate
at, and proceed from the Head Quarters of the enemy’s army, C. had
better reside at New York--mix with and put on the airs of a tory,
to cover his real character and avoid suspicion.... The temper and
expectation of the tories and refugees, is worthy of consideration; as
much may be gathered from their expectations and prospects. For this
end an intimacy with some well informed refugee may be political and
advantageous--Highly so will it be to contract an acquaintance with
a person in the Naval Department, who may either be engaged in the
business of procuring transports for the embarkation of the troops, or
in victualling them.”
* * * * *
An unusual line heads Samuel Culper’s next letter. It reads:
“_Sir._ No. 10 10 April 10 1779.
It is the forerunner of their use of a code. Without alteration his
letter follows just as it was originally written.
“Whenever I sit down I always feel and know my Inability to
write a good Letter. As my calling in life never required
it--Nor led to consider how necessary a qualification it was
for a man--and much less did I think it would ever fall to my
lot to serve in such publick and important business as this,
and my letters perused by one of the worthiest men on earth.
But I trust he will overlook any imperfections he may discover
in the dress of my words, and rest assured that I indevour to
collect and convey the most accurate and explicit intelligence
that I possibly can; and hope it may be of some service toward
alleviating the misery of our distressed Country, nothing
but that could have induced me to undertake it, for you must
readily think it is a life of anxiety to be within (on such
business) the lines of a cruel and mistrustful Enemy and that
I most ardently wish and impatiently wait for their departure.
I sincerely congratulate you on the miscarriage of the Enemies
intended expedition up the Sound. I can discover no movement
on foot at present. Their excursions are always very sudden and
seldom begin to move before dark, and it will be ten to one
if ever it will be in my power to give you early intelligence
of their sudden excursions, as I can only write at times. All
I can say you must be every where upon your guard, and be
more assiduous than ever in order to defeat the designs of
our Enemies. Within and without their lines I am confident
that they are using every art to distract your army and to
divide the Country. It is a matter of surprise to me to see
such numbers of deserters come in since the General’s pardon,
published in the News Paper. But it is some releaf to find
that they are mostly those that deserted from them heretofore.
On the 25 Last Month 7 Sail Transports with about one hundred
and seventy Scotch Troops of the Duke of Athol’s Regiment
arrived from Halifax under convoy of the Rainbow of 44 Guns,
Sir George Collier, who is come to succeed Admiral Gambier.
On the 26th, 23 Sail arrived from England (which place they
left the 2th Jany.) under convoy of the Romulus of 44 guns.
They were chiefly loaded with stores and provisions for the
Army. Very few goods came in the fleet. They say they have a
large supply of money come in the Romulus. I have conversed
with several gentlemen of different sentiments that came in
the fleet and those that have a desire in favor of the Crown
cannot give me a sufficient reason to think that any troops
will come out this Spring, or that Great Britain will certainly
continue to act against America. And those on the contrary say
they will withdraw their force and give us Peace. On the 4th
April arrived 7 Sail of Transports from Cork with provisions.
The enemy now have a very large supply of Provisions and Stores
indeed I think enough for three months without any addition.
On the 6th Admiral Gambir sailed for England in the Ardent of
64 guns together with a number of transports, how many I am
not able to ascertain nor think it very material--and this day
sails another small fleet under convoy of the Rose, of 20 guns.
All transports laying in the East or North River are completely
victualed and waterd for sixty five days for their compliment
of troops that they were accustomed to transport. The number of
Ships, Brigs and Snows in the Harbour differeth not much from
two hundred, out of which thers two sloops of war, four Frigets
and two forty four guns ships and an old Indiaman with their
usual number of guns for their defense, and an old 74 Store
Ship, with only her upper teer of guns in. It is currently
reported that Admiral Gambier met an express soon after he
sailed from the Hook, from the West Indies and turned him back
and now lays at the Hook. We expect every day to hear important
news from England. The Enemy seem to be in high spirits, and
say now Great Britain is Roused and will support them and carry
on the war at all events and appear to be more sanguine than
ever. But I dont wonder at it for they are kept as ignorant as
possible and believe every report that is in their favour. The
Torys say they have not the least doubt but that they shall
succeed and enjoy their possessions yet.
“N. B.--
No. 10 represents N. York
20 Setauket
30 and 40 2 Post Riders.”
Another letter also marked No. 10 and dated April 12, addressed to
John Bolton is signed only with the initials S. C. It begins: “Your
No. 6 came to hand, together with a Vial for a purpose that gives me
great satisfaction, and twenty guineas. It is a great satisfaction to
me to hear that his ---- is well pleased with my letters.” The rest
of the two sheets is a repetition of his letter of the 10th and may
be a rough draft of it. It at least puzzled Major Tallmadge and he
promptly started across the Sound for Setauket. There he found Abraham
Woodhull suffering from the greatest fright of his life. It was only
one of a series soon to follow, and was perhaps the least serious of
them all. It would be hard to imagine that when Alexander Hamilton read
this from Tallmadge to General Washington his usual calm countenance
was not convulsed in smiles. The full letter will be found among the
notes.(106) Here is the extract:
“I must now relate an anecdote respecting the Vial which I
forwarded Culper. Much pleased with the curious ink or stain,
and after making some experiments with the same, he was set
down to answer my letter which accompanied it. He had finished
the enclosed when very suddenly two persons broke into the
room (his private apartment). The consideration of having
several officers quartered in the next Chamber, added to his
constant fear of detection and its certain consequences made
him rationally conclude that he was suspected and that those
steps were taken by said officers for discovery. Startled by
so sudden and violent an obtrusion he sprang from his seat,
snatched up his papers, overset his table and broke his Vial.
This step so totally discomposed him that he knew not who they
were or even to which sex they belonged--for in fact they
were two ladies who, living in the house with him, entered
his chamber in this way on purpose to surprise him. Such an
excessive fright and so great a turbulence of passions so
wrought on poor Culper that he has hardly been in tolerable
health since. The above relation I had from his own mouth. He
is much pleased with the Ink and wishes if any more can be
spared to have a little sent him. By this he thinks he could
frequently communicate intelligence by persons permitted to
pass the lines. Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting
the movement of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to
New London; and which I have reason to believe in a great
measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by
Culper.”
In the same letter Major Tallmadge incidentally states: “Culper
was the other day robbed of all his money near Huntington, and
was glad to escape with his life.”
Culper’s next letter was dated from New York, April 29th. It was a
“Stain” letter and only a poor copy of it has survived. Letters of
importance were already on their way to Headquarters when from Smith’s
tavern in the Clove, on June 13th, 1779, General Washington addressed
Major Tallmadge as follows:
“Your letter of yesterday with the enclosures from Culper
came duly to hand. Should suspicions of him rise so high as
to render it unsafe to continue in New York I should wish
him by all means to employ some person of whose attachment
and abilities he entertains the best opinion, to act in his
place, with a request to be critical in his observations rather
than a mere retailer of vulgar reports--To combine the best
information he can get with attentive observation will prove
the most likely means to obtain useful knowledge--a mode of
conveying it quickly is of the utmost importance and claims
much attention. When I can procure more of the liquid Culper
writes for, it shall be sent, at present I can not say when
this may happen--I thank you for the information respecting
Long Island--The letter to Mr. Deane shall be sent.”
Two letters, both dated June 5th, and numbered 13, were the next
received from Abraham Woodhull. In them he relates his narrowest escape
from capture.(107)(108) Colonel Simcoe and his Rangers hastened to
Setauket in April, 1779, upon information furnished by John Wolsey
against him. Fortunately, he was with Robert Townsend in New York at
the time; but they fell upon his father and plundered him in a most
shocking manner.[12] Hardly was it thought possible that Woodhull would
be able to pay the price of satisfaction, but through a friend he
accomplished it.
Woodhull’s next letter is worthy of study. Two features of it are here
emphasized. In full it will be found among the notes.
“No. 14. 20 June 20, 1779.
“Your No. 8, on the 16th, found me at 20, anxiously concerned
for our interest, and unwilling it should be neglected, and
some reason to fear that by delay the door might be shut
and out of my power to performe what I proposed in my No.
13, which I have concluded would be your desire. I thought
proper to detain 40 until I went to 10 to endeavour to gain
the best intelligence I could, and settle the plan proposed.
I returned on the 19, and my success hath exceeded my most
sanguine expectations.(109) I have communicated my business
to an intimate friend, and disclosed every secret, and laid
before him every instruction that hath been handed to me. It
was with great difficulty I gained his complyance, checked by
fear. He is a person that hath the interest of our Country at
heart and of good reputation, character and family as any of
my acquaintance. I am under the most solomn obligations never
to disclose his name to any but the Post, who unavoidably must
know it. I have reason to think his advantages for serving
you and abilities are far superior to mine. I must call on
you for ten guineas which will about defray my charges with
what I have received. If what I have done is disapproved of
it can be dropped, but if mine was worth attention this will
not certainly be of less value. You will receive a letter
from him in a short time beginning at No. 1. He will expect an
ample support at the same time he will be frugal; as long as
I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can. In the
Interim I remain
“Your most Obt. Huml. Servt.,
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
General Washington received through Major Tallmadge on June 26th, the
news of Simcoe’s raid, and the next day answered in a long letter with
which he sent ten guineas for Culper and mentioned one George Higday,
who had attempted to get him information from New York.(110)
Entire direction of the Secret Service within the City of New York
having now been placed in the care of Robert Townsend, his first
letter(111) must have been looked forward to with anxiety by Abraham
Woodhull, who announced its receipt in his No. 15, which is incorrectly
dated June 31, 1779:
“Enclosed you have Mr. Saml. Culper Junr’s letter, which is
but short but hope it may be of some service. He hath wrote in
the stile of Loyalty, I think through fear like me at first
unaccustomed to the business and filled with fear but the
longer one continues in the business if unsuspected of more
real service can he be. I have appointed to see him on the
8th inst. and shall repeat again to him those instructions
that I have received from time to time from you, and use my
utmost endeavor to acquaint him with the steps I used to take
and circumstances necessary to judge from, that a person
unaccustomed would not readily conceive of. My greatest
desire is that he may be useful and answer your most sanguine
expectations. He wishes that the ink or stain might be
forwarded. He hath hinted to you the prospect of their making
excursions in to Connecticut very soon. Very probably the war
will be carried on in that manner, as free liberty is granted
to the Refugees to plunder as much as they can. You must keep
a very good look out or your shores will be destroyed. It is
a pity that company could not be destroyed at Lloyd’s Neck.
Their refugee boats are continually coasting along and much
endanger 40. They entirely disown the defeat of their troops
in Carolina, and I confess I am not fully satisfied about
it. Have not yet seen nor heard of its being published by
authority. Just received the enclosed and the boat awaiting
have not had time to write as I would. Please excuse hast and
any imperfections you may discover, and am your humble servant,
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
These letters, with those significant words, “You must keep a very
good look out,” were on their way, but had not had time to reach Major
Tallmadge when he was surprised by a night attack. Lord Rawdon, with
nearly all of the British light horse, accompanied by a body of light
infantry, had come upon them under cover of the darkness and compelled
them to fight, principally with the broadsword, until Colonel Sheldon
found it necessary to order their retreat. Tallmadge lost in the affray
a fine horse, most of his field baggage, and the money and letters
that General Washington had sent him for the Culpers. Upon receipt of
this information at Headquarters, General Washington replied to Major
Tallmadge on July 5th, as follows:
“_Sir_: I have just received your letter of the 3d. The loss
of your papers was certainly a most unlucky accident and shows
how dangerous it is to keep papers of any consequence at an
advanced post. I beg you will take care to guard against the
like in future. If you will send me a trusty person I will
replace the guineas.
“I observe yourself and other officers have lost some
cloathing. Though I have not given an order of the kind
before, yet in this particular exigence I am ready to give one
on the Clothier to those officers who have been the sufferers
for such articles as are absolutely necessary. You will be
pleased to communicate this to Col. Sheldon and request him to
send the Pay Master with a proper return to Head Quarters.
“The person who is most indangered by the acquisition of your
letter is one Higday, who lives not far from the Bowery, on
the Island of New York. I wish you could endeavour to give
him the speediest notice of what has happened. My anxiety on
his account is great. If he is really the man he has been
represented to be, he will in all probability fall a sacrifice.
I am, etc.”
Nine days later, Samuel Culper’s seventeenth letter, dated July 9th,
was forwarded to Major Tallmadge. He begins by saying it is a long
time since he has heard from him and cannot tell if he wants him to
continue the correspondence, and continues, saying: “I yesterday had
an opportunity of seeing Mr. Culper, Junr. and repeated again all my
instructions ever received from you. I have kept no secret from him and
have consulted every thing and he’s determined to pursue every step
that he may judge for advantage and is determined as soon as I can
communicate to him your authority for my engaging him he will disengage
himself from every other business which at present affords him a
handsome living--He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment
and his firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure you
need not doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a
sincere friend, and will be frugal of all moneys he may receive, and
hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our distressed
Country, and have determined to forward you for the future weekly
intelligence if possible, as I have concluded to remain here as long
as I possibly can (although I look upon myself all the time in danger)
for the sole purpose of advantage to our correspondence.
“Below is what intelligence I could gain from C. Junr. It is
but trifling but he assured theres nothing more worthy of
notice. On the 4th, 10 sail arrived from Halifax under Convoy
of the Romulus of 44 guns with about one hundred of the new
raised Scotch, believe the Duke of Athol’s. Same day 10 Sail
sailed for Cork. On the 6th, 10 sail of Merchantmen from the
West Indies, but brought nothing new, only that Admiral Byron
was cruising for a reinforcement that was expected to join
Count d’Estaing. On the 4th, a Packet from Georgia with an
account of Genl. Provost being with his army 16 miles south of
C. Town, on St. John’s Island. Hardly any thing is said about
the enemy in that quarter. He tells me the spirits of the enemy
in general are much lower than heretofore and that he heard a
very noted refugee say there would certainly be a peace or a
Spanish war in four weeks. The times grows worse within the
Enemy’s lines and Protection for those called rebels is almost
banished, in fact Refugees are let loose to plunder within and
without their lines. Parties of them are hiding in the woods
and laying wait for the unwary and ignorant to deceive them,
putting on the character of people from your shore, and have
succeeded in their design too well. Carried off 10 or 12 men
and stripped their houses lately from about 20. The roads from
here to 10 is infested by them, and likewise the shores. It
makes our correspondence very dangerous and requires great care
and a strict observance of the before mentioned characters and
circumstances. Sincerely,
“SAMUEL CULPER.
“N.B.: Culper Junr. should now be furnished with some money. I
gave him 4 half Joes on the 8th. instant.”
Meanwhile, General Washington had prepared instructions for the
Culpers, a copy of which is still preserved among the papers of Colonel
Tallmadge, as follows:
“INSTRUCTIONS
“C---- Junr, to remain in the City, to collect all the useful
information he can--to do this he should mix as much as
possible among the officers and Refugees, visit the Coffee
Houses, and all public places. He is to pay particular
attention to the movements by land and water in and about the
city especially.
“How their transports are secured against attempt to destroy
them--whether by armed vessels upon the flanks, or by chains,
Booms, or any contrivances to keep off fire Rafts.
“The number of men destined for the defence of the City and
Environs, endeavoring to designate the particular corps, and
where each is posted.
“To be particular in describing the place where the works cross
the Island in the Rear of the City--how many Redoubts are upon
the line from River to River, how many Cannon in each, and of
what weight and whether the Redoubts are closed or open next
the city.
“Whether there are any Works upon the Island of New York
between those near the City and the works at Fort Knyphausen or
Washington, and if any, whereabouts and of what kind.
“To be very particular to find out whether any works are thrown
up on Harlem River, near Harlem Town, and whether Horn’s Hook
is fortifyed. If so, how many men are kept at each place, and
what number and what sized Cannon are in those works.
“To enquire whether they have dug Pits within and in front of
the lines and Works in general, three or four feet deep, in
which sharp pointed stakes are fixed. These are intended to
receive and wound men who attempt a surprise at night.
“The state of the provisions, Forage and Fuel to be attended
to, as also the Health and Spirits of the Army, Navy and City.
“These are the principal matters to be observed within the
Island and about the City of New York. Many more may occur
to a person of C. Junr’s penetration which he will note and
communicate.
“C---- Senior’s station to be upon Long Island to receive and
transmit the intelligence of C---- Junior.
“As it is imagined that the only post of consequence which the
enemy will attempt to hold upon Long Island in case of attack
will be at Brooklyn, I would recommend that some inhabitant in
the neighborhood of that place, and seemingly in the interest
of the enemy, should be procured, who might probably gain daily
admission into the Garrison by carrying on marketing, and from
him intelligence might be gained every day or two of what was
passing within, as the strength of the Garrison, the number and
size of the Cannon, &c.
“Proper persons to be procured at convenient distances along
the Sound from Brooklyn to Newton whose business it shall be to
observe and report what is passing upon the water, as whether
any Vessels or Boats with troops are moving, their number and
which way they seem bound.
“There can be scarcely any need of recommending the greatest
Caution and secrecy in a Business so critical and dangerous.
The following seem to be the best general rules:
“To intrust none but the persons fixed upon to transmit the
Business.
“To deliver the dispatches to none upon our side but those who
shall be pitched upon for the purpose of receiving them and to
transmit them and any intelligence that may be obtained to no
one but the Commander-in-Chief.”
Robert Townsend acknowledges receipt of the above instructions in his
second letter, dated July 15th,(112) and in transmitting it Samuel
Culper added the following:
“Mr. C. Junr. informed me at our interview that Christopher
Duychenik, Sail Maker of 10, formerly Chairman of the Committee
of Mechanics, is amongst you and is positively an agent for
David Mathews, Mayor of 10, under the direction of Tryon he
assisted Mathews, John Rome and others in affecting their
escape. Mr. C. Jr. wishes for some of that Ink or Stain that he
may paint out his character to you. Don’t fail to forward it
immediately, and when you receive the History of his conduct
be very caucious how you handle it for if it should get to
the above mentioned persons ears C. Jr. tells me they would
immediately suspect him. In the mean time I would advise and
is approved on by Culper, Junr. Obtain the Mayor’s signature
and let a letter be wrote suitable for deception, and let it
be handed him by some person of good address, praying his
assistance to escape from the tyranny of Congress, which is the
term used by the Mayor--or something like this plan I do not
doubt will have the desired effect. John Rome is Secretary to
M. Genl. Jones. It is not in my power to favour you with the
Mayor’s signature at present. I am your &c.
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
General Washington forwarded the ink as requested, together with the
following letter, dated West Point, July 25, 1779.
“_Sir_: All the white Ink I now have (indeed all that there is
any prospect of getting soon)[13] is sent in phial No. 1 by
Col. Webb. The liquid in No. 2 is the counterpart which renders
the other visible by wetting the paper with a fine brush after
the first has been used and is dry. You will send these to
C----r, Junr., as soon as possible, and I beg that no mention
may ever be made of your having received such liquids from me
or any one else. In all cases and at all times this procedure
and circumspection is necessary, but it is indispensably so now
as I am informed that Govr. Tryon has a preparation of the same
acid or something similar to it, which may lead to a detection
if it is ever known that a matter of this sort has passed from
me.”
[Illustration: John Jay’s letter to General Washington introducing
through his brother James Jay, the invisible ink that was used so
successfully by the Culpers. The secret of its manufacture still
remains a mystery.
_See page 51._
]
It is not surprising that General Washington so frequently expressed
satisfaction with the intelligence that Robert Townsend was now
furnishing. His third letter as well as those that follow is a good
example. No. 3 is dated 10 July 29, 1779:
“_Sir_, Since my last the number of the Enemy within these
lines have not been augmented by any arrivals. The Romelus,
Daphne and Delaware did not sail as I advised you, owing,
I believe, to the unexpected account of your taking the
Garrison at Stony Point. The account was truly alarming
to the Torys--However, like true Philosophers, they soon
reconciled themselves to it by saying that it would tend to
their advantage in the end, as it would tend to rouse the
British Troops, which in their opinion is all thats wanted
to put a final end to the war. General Clinton, I am told,
was much alarmed. He left New York the next evening attended
with all the Horse (himself mounted on the lowest and meanest
amongst them) which was then in Town, and it is said, declared
that he wou’d make W. pay for it.--
“The Greyhound Frigate, with Lord Cornwallis, General
Patterson, late Adjt. of the Army, & Col. Stewart, son of Lord
Bute, arrived the 21st Inst. Nothing can be collected more
than from news papers, as no private letters came by her. It
is generally believed by the Torys that the Fleet said to have
on board 5000 Troops for N. Y. and 2000 for Carolina, sailed
before the Greyhound. The most intelligent of the Torys expect
a Spanish War, and affect to wish it, as they suppose that
England has at this time a Fleet much superior to the united
Fleets of France and Spain.
“The LeBlond Frigate arrived on Monday last from Penobscot
with Dispatches, in consequence of which (it is said) Sir
Geo. Collier with the Raisonable sails tomorrow. I cannot
learn whether any other Ships goes with him. The movement of
the Troops in consequence of the taking of Stony point, has
prevented my obtaining an account of their situation. The 54th
Regiment marched in town from the Bridge on Monday last. A
number of Transports are ordered to be ready to take on Troops,
said to be the 54th Regt., Queens Rangers and Lord Rawdon’s
Corps, and to be commanded by Lord Cornwallis--it is said by
some of the officers that they are intended for Carolina. This
is also the general opinion. I believe they are bound to the
Southward, as I heard a Pilot belonging to Cape Fear, North
Carolina, say that he expected to go with them. General Vaughan
is positively going home, and some say General Clinton. It
is positively said that preperations are making to Fortify
Governor’s Island, the Narrows at Staten Island, the Gorge at
Fort Knyphausen, repair the Fortifications at Paulus Hook & the
Battery at New York; all of which places are to be put in the
best state of defense.
“The times now are extreamly difficult--guard boats are kept
out every night in the North and East Rivers to prevent any
boats from passing, & I am informed that some persons have been
searched on Long Island; therefore whenever you think that my
intelligence is of no service, beg you will notify me, ’till
which time I will continue as usual. Privateering flags very
much. I have recd. your Dictionary,[14] and will be glad to
have the Stain as soon as possible, when shall endeavour to
find some shorter route to forward my letters. I am, Sir, Your
Hbl. Servant,
“SAMUEL CULPER, JUNR.”
August 6th is the date of Townsend’s 4th letter. It was written
altogether in the stain and required the services of two of the
General’s secretaries to copy it. The first half of the first page is
in the handwriting of Alexander Hamilton but the rest of the three
pages was written by McHenry.(113)
Meanwhile, Samuel Culper continued to advise Robert Townsend that he
should give up his business in New York.[15] In a letter to Tallmadge,
dated August 12th, he writes:(114)
“I do assure you he is a sincere friend and capable of
rendering service to our country. And as such a one I have
again most earnestly endeavoured, and begged him to disengage
himself from all concerns that may interfere with the Public
business he hath undertaken.”
Jonas Hawkins called for Townsend’s fifth letter, but fearing capture
destroyed it before reaching Woodhull. He advised Tallmadge of this in
a letter, mostly in cipher, dated August 15th.(115) The sixth shared
the same fate. Woodhull called for the next, which follows:
No. 7.
LONG ISLAND, Sept. 11th, 1779.
“_Sir_, Your No. 11 & 12 have come to hand, the contents I duly
note. I am very sorry that No. 5 was destroyed, tho’ I can’t
say that it contained any intelligence that wou’d have been of
material consequence--The bearer thought himself in danger.
I believe it was merely imaginary. From timidity and the
situation of affairs at that time, he did not choose to come
to N.Yk; I therefore met him at a place quite out of danger on
Long-Island. I then made an appointment for No. 6, at wch. time
he came, I wrote it, and took it over the Ferry that he might
run no hazard from the Inspector of Letters there. However he
was so much intimidated that it shared the same fate as No. 5.
“I have now the pleasure of seeing our mutual friend Saml.
Culper, Sen. who will run every hazard to forward this.
“I had informed you in No. 6, of the arrival of the British
Fleet consisting of about 70 sail, under convoy of Adml.
Arbuthnot in the Europa of 64 Guns & Russel of 74 Guns--The
number of the Troops from the best information I can collect
does not exceed 3000. They are all new troops, and in bad
health, and are now encamped in and about Bedford; three miles
from Brooklyn Ferry. The 44th. and 3 Hessian Regts. embarked
a few days ago, and are to sail this day--Their destination
said to be for Quebec--This is generally believed--Sir James
Wallace in the Experiment sails sometime for Georgia, with one
Store Ship and two or three other vessels, but no Troops. No
prospect of any other movement further than some vessels are
fitting for Horses. The general opinion is that there will be
no Campaign opened from N.York. The most knowing and judicious
of the Torys think that some troops must be sent to the West
Indies. They have now given up all hope of the second division
so much talked of, as they think they will be wanted at home.
Their spirits in general was much dejected with the accounts of
a Spanish war, and Lord North’s declaration that he had formed
no alliances nor had any prospect of forming any. Their spirits
are now in some measure elevated with the accounts of the
destruction of the American Fleet at Penobscot.--I hope it will
be but a temporary elevation. It certainly is a bad stroke, and
I think it cou’d not be owing to want of inteligence of Sir
Geo. Collier’s sailing. A vessel arrived a few days ago from
St. Kitts, but nothing transpires further than that the French
had embarked 6000 Troops, with an intent, as is supposed, to
take Antegua. The most judicious of the Tory’s think that the
Spaniards have by this invaded Jamaica, and make no doubt
but that they will succeed. A fleet of 12 sail of victualers
arrived yesterday from Cork--Another fleet was to sail in
about four weeks after them, but they are not expected soon
as its thought that the Spanish War will occasion a general
embargo for some time, for the purpose of manning their fleet.
The Guards, 54th, and two Hessian Regts. do duty in and about
N.York. The guards are in the City, 54th encamped at Greenwich,
one Hessian Regt. Near Jones’s on DeLancey’s land, and the
other near the water works. The number on Staten Island I do
not know--On Long Island the new troops as mentioned, a Regt.
of Horse about Flushing, a guard of about 30 men of the 3d.
Battalian of DeLancey’s Brigade, with a party of the Militia
Horse are at Jamaica, as a guard for the General. He might have
been taken off with much ease sometime ago, but it would now
be very difficult, and the Queens Rangers are at Oyster Bay.
Their number is about 450, near 100 of which are mounted. The
3d. Batallian of DeLancey’s brigade are at Lloyd’s Neck. From
the vicinity of the Queens Rangers, who can be there by means
of an alarm gun in two hours, I think it would by no means be
advisable to attack them. They were alarmed on Thursday night
last, and was there in one and a half hours after the alarm.
“My being unwell for a week past, and my engagement in business
has prevented my obtaining a more particular account of the
situation of the enemy. I intended to have disingaged myself
from business agreeable to the solicitations of my friend
Samuel Culper, Sen; but find it will be attended with more
difficulty than I expected, owing to my having a partner, as
I can make no excuse to do it. Untill I can, will continue to
write as usual, and shall be less expensive.
“The Europa, Russel, Renown and four or five Frigates are now
in port. It is thought by many that all the large ships on this
station will be ordered to the West Indies to re-inforce Byron.
“The works at the Battery goes on very slow. The Hessians are
repairing the Fort on Bunker hill, with some alterations. A
very large Fort is building at Brooklyn on the west side of
the road, and abt 80 rods due north from Cobble Hill. A large
number of the Militia of Kings and Queens County are at work
on it. The Militia of Suffolk have not as yet complyed. The
orders, a copy of which you will have forwarded. I fear if they
do not comply that devastation will attend that Loyal County.
No late accounts from Georgia, the last were that their lines
was more contracted. It is the general opinion that nothing
more can be done there till they have re-inforcement which it
is thought will be sent about the beginning of October. You may
rest assured that I will use every endeavour to comply with
your requests. I have made some overtures to a person to convey
letters by a shorter route, and flatter myself that I shall
succeed.
“I am, Sir, Your most obedt. Servt,
“CULPER JUN.”
The General thought it was not necessary for Townsend to give up his
business, and so replied from Headquarters at West Point, September 24,
1779:
“_Sir_, It is not my opinion that Culper Junior should be
advised to give up his present employment. I would imagine
that with a little industry he will be able to carry on his
intelligence with greater security to himself and greater
advantages to us, under cover of his usual business, than if he
were to dedicate himself wholly to the giving of information.
It may afford him opportunities of collecting intelligence that
he could not obtain so well in any other manner. It prevents
also those suspicions which would become natural should he
throw himself out of the line of his present employment. He
may rest assured of every proper attention being paid to his
services. One thing appears to me deserving of his particular
consideration, as it will not only render his communications
less exposed to detection, but relieve the fears of such
persons as may be entrusted with its conveyance to the second
link in the chain, and of course very much facilitate the
object we have in view; I mean, that he should occasionally
write his information on the blank leaves of a pamphlet, on the
first, second, and other pages of a common pocket book, or on
the blank leaves at each end of registers, almanacks, or any
new publication or book of small value. He should be determined
in the choice of these books principally by the goodness of
the blank paper, as the ink is not easily legible unless it is
on paper of a good quality. Having settled a plan of this kind
with his friend, he may forward them without risk of search or
the scrutiny of the enemy, as this is chiefly directed against
paper made up in the form of letters.
“I would add a further hint on this subject. Even letters may
be made more subservient to this communication, than they
have yet been. He may write a familiar letter on domestic
affairs, or on some little matters of business, to his friend
at Setauket or elsewhere, interlining with the stain his secret
intelligence, or writing it on the opposite blank side of
the letter. But that his friend may know how to distinguish
these from letters addressed solely to himself, he may always
leave such as contain secret information without date or place
(dating it with the stain), or fold them up in a particular
manner, which may be concerted between the parties. This last
appears to be the best mark of the two, and may be the signal
of their being designated for me. The first mentioned mode,
however, or that of the books, appears to me the one least
liable to detection. I am, &c.
“GO. WASHINGTON.”
FOOTNOTES to “GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES”:
[12] This, as related by John Jay and Robert Townsend to James Fenimore
Cooper, has been woven into fiction as the basis of the tenth chapter
of _The Spy_.
[13] James Jay, brother of John Jay, claims the credit of this
invention. In a letter to Thomas Jefferson he says: “The curious
experiments in Sympathetic Inks, fluids with which if one writes on the
whitest paper the letters immediately become invisible, are generally
known; and so is likewise the facility with which the writing with
any one of them may be rendered visible. For this reason I presume
the subject has been considered as a matter of mere curiosity and
entertainment, and has never been applied to any use in Politics
or War. When the affairs of America, previous to the commencement
of hostilities, began to wear a serious aspect, and threatened to
issue in civil war, it occurred to me that a fluid might possibly be
discovered for invisible writing, which would elude the generally known
means of detection, and yet could be rendered visible by a suitable
counterpart. Sensible of the great advantages, both in a political and
military line, which we might derive from such a mode of procuring and
transmitting intelligence, I set about the work. After innumerable
experiments, I succeeded to my wish. From England I sent to my brother
John in New York, considerable quantities of these preparations.
He furnished Silas Deane with them when that gentleman first went
to France. When Mr. Deane was in Paris, he writ to me in London,
requesting further supplies of them, which I accordingly sent him. In
the course of the war, General Washington was also furnished with them,
and I have letters from him acknowledging their great utility, and
requesting further supplies. Gordon in his history of the Revolution
relates the fact, but without mentioning the author of the contrivance.
“By means of this mode of conveying intelligence, I transmitted to
America the first authentic account which Congress received, of
the determination of the British Ministry to reduce the Colonies
to unconditional submission; the ministry at the time concealing
this design, and holding out conciliatory measures. My method of
communication was this: To prevent the suspicion which might arise
were I to write to my brother John only, who was a member of Congress,
I writ with black ink a short letter to him, and likewise to 1 or 2
other persons of the family, none exceeding 3 or 4 lines in black
ink. The residue of the blank paper I filled up, invisibly, with
such intelligence and matters as I thought would be useful to the
American Cause. All these letters were left open, and sent in that
condition to the Director or Secretary of the General Post Office, with
a letter insinuating that I thought it could not be the intentions
of Government, in their restraining laws, to put a stop to family
intercourse; and therefore requesting the party to read over the
letters, and if nothing improper appeared in them, that he would permit
them to pass in the mail to New York. They passed accordingly, and on
their arrival in New York were sent into the American Lines. In this
invisible writing I sent to Franklin and Deane, by the mail from London
to Paris, a plan of the intended Expedition under Burgoyne from Canada.”
[14] See it on page 218.
[15] Oakman & Townsend was the firm name, Henry Oakman being the
partner at this time, supplying ships and the public with dry-goods and
groceries.
SECRET SERVICE SECRETS
The hazard of transmitting letters in the ordinary way between
Headquarters and the Culpers continued to increase. It taxed the
ingenuity of General Washington, as his preceding letter indicates;
and Major Tallmadge carefully studied the subject. The first crude use
of a few ciphers (ten for New York and twenty for Setauket) was no
longer deemed sufficient. Early in July, 1779, Major Tallmadge prepared
a “pocket dictionary” in which a new code was arranged. Copies were
furnished the Culpers as well as Headquarters. Reference to it is in
a letter from Washington dated July 27, 1779,[16] and a copy of the
code is now among the letters of General Washington in the Library of
Congress.
In letters Major Tallmadge’s name was never used on Long Island. He
was always addressed as John Bolton. He had also a number, which was
721. Abraham Woodhull was always addressed as Samuel Culper or Culper
Senior, and was known by the number 722. Robert Townsend was Culper
Junior, and his number was 723. Austin Roe[17] 724, Caleb Brewster 725,
George Washington 711, New York 727, Long Island 728, Setauket 729,
etc.
The stain letters were doubtless the most clever, but only fragments of
them have survived. However, copies of those that reached Headquarters
were made by Alexander Hamilton and other trusted members of the
General’s official family, and these are still preserved among the
Washington Papers. Sometimes they reached the General in a manner that
alarmed him, as the following extract shows:
“C----r, Jr. should avoid making use of the Stain upon a Blank
sheet of paper (which is the usual way of its coming to me).
This circumstance alone is sufficient to raise suspicions. A
much better way is to write a letter in the Tory stile with
some mixture of family matters and between the lines and on
the remaining part of the sheet communicate with the stain the
intended intelligence. Such a letter would pass through the
hands of the enemy unsuspected and even if the agents should
be unfaithful or negligent, no discovery would be made to
his prejudice, as these people are not to know that there is
concealed writing in the letter and the intelligent part of it
would be an evidence in its favor.”
Probably Major Tallmadge had not explained that Townsend’s method was
to conceal the sheet by forwarding with it to him an entire package of
the same folded letter-paper, in which there was no way of discovering
this particular sheet except by knowing its position.
It was such a letter from Townsend that Culper Senior mentions in his
of September 19th.(116) He also relates how it became necessary for him
to expose himself in order to protect Brewster, who with his boat was
waiting for it. Culper Junior’s tenth letter is dated October 9th.(117)
In it he says:
“A considerable number of Troops are on the West end of Long
Island. The 17th Dragoons at Hemstead, the mounted Legion and
Queens Rangers at Jericho, and the Foot belonging to the Legion
are at Oyster Bay. No arrivals of any consequence since my
last, except those mentioned. The spirits of the troops flag
much, but still some flatter themselves that there is yet a
probability of England rising superior to all her enemies.
There does not appear the least prospect of this place being
vacated this fall, tho I believe they would be glad to have
them at home.”
With this Samuel Culper encloses his twenty-fifth letter, in which he
relates how he was captured and escaped, as follows:
“Inclosed you have S. C. Junrs. letter, which wish safe to
hand. He desired me to send for some more of that Stain. It
is too great a risque to write with ink in this country of
robbers. I this day just saved my life. Soon after I left
Hempstead Plains and got into the woods I was attacked by four
armed men, one of them I had frequently seen in N.York. They
searched every pocket and lining of my clothes, shoes, and also
my saddle, which the enclosed was in, but thank kind Providence
they did not find it. I had but one dollar in money about me.
It was so little they did not take it, and so came off clear.
Don’t mention this for I keep it a secret for fear it should
intimidate all concerned here--and am Yours Sincerely,
“SAML. CULPER.”
Meanwhile General Washington was dictating a letter to Major Tallmadge,
which reads:
“_Head Quarters_ WEST POINT, 9th October, 1779.
_Dear Sir_, I have your favr of the 8th inclosing a letter
for Major Jameson who is in South Carolina. It shall be
forwarded by the first opportunity. Should a certain operation
take place, it will be necessary to establish a very regular
communication with Long Island. These things are better settled
personally than by letter, I shall therefore be glad to see
you at Head Quarters. After leaving some person who can be
intrusted with the receipt of C-- letters, and who can forward
them and any observations upon the Sound, be pleased to ride
over.”
Townsend’s next letter, dated October 21, and written entirely with the
stain, was copied at Headquarters, and reads:
“I am this day favord with yours of the 12th Inst. and note the
contents. The fleet from Newport, contrary to my information,
sailed the day I wrote to you. I was led into this error by
persons whom I thought could give me the best information, as
they belonged to Newport and intended going in the fleet. They
have been deceived for from that belief they were left behind.
I informed you that a number of vessels had been prepared to
sink at Sandy Hook, four of which were sunk two days after I
wrote you. The Russel, Europa, Raisonable, Defiance, Roebuck
and several Frigates and a number of armed transports still
continue at the Hook. The Renown (dismasted) Solebay and Towey
Frigates are still in the Harbour.
“The Captain of a Privateer which arrived on Friday last, says
that he saw 12 sail of the French fleet the 25th Septr. off
Georgia, not dismasted as the paper mentions but all well; and
that the noted Sir James Wallace was taken.
“The 7th, 23d, and Lord Rowdon’s Corps embarked some days ago.
The 7th and 23d. have disembarked and the 57th with some of
the artillery have embarked in their place, and it’s said will
sail in a few days. Some of the officers say they are going to
Halifax, and it’s generally believed they are.
“The enemy have large magazines of wood and forage and are
daily collecting more, particularly Hay. Some of the Comrs.
of provision say they have enough of all kinds to last 9
months. I believe they have plenty for six months. There is
considerable on board victuallers of this, and the quantity,
I will inform you more particularly in my next. No arrivals
of any consequence since my last, except the Robuste from
Halifax which arrived yesterday. A number of transports have
been taking water and ballast some days past and from which
and some other circumstances it is concluded that another
embarkation will take place. Some transports with some private
vessels sailed yesterday for Newport under convey of the
Hunter Sloop of War. No new forts erecting. That on Bayards
Hill is completed, and also the one back of Jones’ house. The
Battery and the fort on Governors Island is nearly completed. I
entirely approve of your conveying letters, and shall in future
follow it. But shall want some more stain immediately, as I
have scarcely enough for another letter. S. Culper Senior will
forward you a Receipt for the Guineas.
“SAML. CULPER, JUNR.”
Culper Senior’s next letter,(118) dated October 26th, he also,
incorrectly numbers 25. Townsend’s next letter,(119) written with the
stain, is dated October 29th, as is also the following from Culper
Senior:
“Your No. 19 with the inclosed came to hand on the 26th, and
have noted the contents and shall follow your directions as
far as in me lay, and to compleat the same have desired an
interview with Culper Jnr. which if by the movement of your
army it should become necessary that the present rout of
dispatches should be shortened must principally depend on his
acquaintance. If any secrets are with you, and may tend to
the common good by communicating them to us, and enable us to
better judge and assist your measures, don’t fail to do it. I
sincerely declare to you by all that is valuable and sacred
that no person but him and me shall know it--depend nothing
shall be wanting on my part to forward intelligence to you
as frequent as possible. And forget not to urge 725 to his
duty, which I must say he hath lately neglected. Mr. Jackson
perfectly knows it. And he frequently objects to coming so
often.
“I most impatiently wait the arrival of the Count De-Estaing,
and your operations, and as the season is so far advanced,
I greatly fear nothing will be done, but am not altogether
without hopes.
“Since my last the sum of about £400. was subscribed in this
town to be presented to General Clinton in order to obtain his
favour and evade the threatening storme--but before it could
be possibly forwarded, a general demand for all our Oxen, or
cattle of equal value, was sent. None escaped except some
of our Tory gentry, and we have concluded since to keep our
money and let them take and be damned. It is truely cutting to
see the most notorious escape this demand, and the virtuous
distressed. I conceive in my own mind, that their views in
taking the oxen and breaking up teams in general is through
fear they may fall into your hands and be of service to your
army. The enemy still continue to collect hay to the westward,
without estimating it or giving receipts as heretofore, and
are carrying it to Brooklyn Ferry and to Lloyd’s Neck. Unless
prevented they will soon be at this place.
“Night before last a most horrid robbery was committed on the
houses of Coll. Benj. Floyd and Mr. Seton, by three whale boats
from your shore, commanded by Joseph Hulce and Fade Danolson,
and one other master of boat, name unknown to me. 725 can
well inform you of their names. From the best judgment I can
form they took to the value in money, household goods, Bonds
and Notes, of Three Thousand Pounds. They left nothing in the
houses that was portable. They even took their clock and all
their looking glasses, and all Seal Gold Cloths, perhaps none
before theirs in America.
“I cannot put up with such a wanton waste of property, I know
they are enemy’s to our cause, but yet their property should
not go amongst such villians. I beg you would exert yourself
and bring them to justice.”
Major Tallmadge supplements the above in a letter to the General dated
Bedford, Novr. 1, 1779, in which he says:
“I have just recd. the enclosed despatches from the C----rs.
I was obliged to touch the Counterpart on the enclosed letter
written with the Stain to discover whether it was the right
sheet or not as it was in a Quire.
“With respect to the robbery lately committed at Setauket,
as related by C. Senior, I have additional accounts of the
same from others. In addition to the crime of plundering the
distressed inhabitants of Long Island the perpetrators of
such villany never bring their goods before any court for
tryal and condemnation, but proceed to vend them at option.
This species of Privateering (for it goes by this name) is
attended with such numberless bad consequences, that to a
gentleman of your Excellency’s feelings, I am confident I need
not state them. If being so plundered by the enemy that the
inhabitants have hardly a subsistance left, be not sufficient
(for the marauders from our shore make no distinction between
Whig and Tory further than what interest may point out)
it surely cannot be reputable to leave it in the power of
individuals to punish at pleasure, and enrich themselves by
the plunder they take. Perhaps your Excellency may have seen
the Proclamation lately issued by Governor Clinton prohibiting
such practices. I would further observe that the boat that
crosses for dispatches from C---- has been chased quite across
the Sound by those plunderers, perhaps for the sake of being
the more secret in their Villany, while our crew has suspected
them to be the Enemy. Indeed if some stop cannot be put to
such nefarious practices C---- will not risque, nor 725 go
over for dispatches. I should be happy to have permission to
take the men who have been concerned in this Robbery, and have
them delivered over to the authority appointed by Governor
Clinton (as mentioned in his proclamation) to take notice of
such offenders, or other ways punish them. What would give a
peculiar sanction to such a proceeding is that some of the
Perpetrators of this villany belonged to Long island and of
course to the State of New York.
“One of the gentlemen who was plundered was Col. Floyd, who not
long since was brot. over a Prisoner, and is now on Parole.
From a long and intimate acquaintance with this gentleman I
believe him to be of more service to the Whig interest in
Setauket than every other man in it, tho from his family
connection I believe he has been in favor of Royal Government.
The other gentleman, Mr. Seaton, is from England, and purchased
a plantation at Setauket before the War began. This family is
of the first fashion of any on the Island. The whole of their
furniture, Jewels, Clothing, Money, Bonds, and papers of all
kinds were brought off. I hope some steps may be taken to
prevent such conduct in future ...
“BENJ. TALLMADGE.”
Townsend’s next letter, November 3d, announces that General Clinton and
the Admiral were at Oyster Bay on Monday, observing the Harbour. In
detail it reads:
“Being more hurried than usual these three days past and the
Bearer coming unexpectedly, prevents my writing so particularly
as I would wish. I have this day received yours of the 19th
ulto. and I will endeavour to follow your instructions. No
arrivals of any consequence since my last. The information I
gave you, concerning the sailing of the fleet for Halifax, I
thought so good that I might have given it for certain. I could
not have wished for better unless from the Admiral or General.
They did not sail, and I am since informed have disembarked.
Eight or nine private vessels were to sail from the Hook for
New Foundland a few days ago. They are in Ballast and are to
take in Fish for the West Indies. I have not heard from the
Hook these three days past, I therefore cannot say whether they
have sailed. It was positively said the latter end of last
week that several Regiments were to go into Suffolk County.
But I believe it is now given over at least for the present.
A considerable number of transports, (say 10000 tons) are
under orders to take in troops but it is not said where they
are going. Lord Cornwallis is said to be going with them. No
forts or redoubts near this City but those I have mentioned.
The people in general now think that the French Fleet will not
be here this fall. We have no certain accounts from Georgia.
General Clinton and the Admiral were at Oyster Bay on Monday
observing the Harbour. It is positively said a number of
Transports are to be sent there to winter. I believe it is to
be depended upon that the heavy ships of war are to winter at
Halifax. I will write you more particularly in my next. I am
Yrs. &c.
“SAML. CULPER, JUNR.”
Woodhull’s No. 27, dated Nov. 5th, is only short, but written under
excitement. He says: “I have just received the Dispatches, and verbal
accounts, that Coll. Fanning’s Regt. is at Lloyd’s Neck, and the Prince
of Wales American Regt. formerly commanded by Monfort Brown tarried
last night at Jamaica on their way to Huntington. One regiment is
ordered to Jerusalem South side Hempstead Planes. Much talk about their
coming to this place soon, and we are greatly alarmed about it. Should
they come here I shall most certainly retreat to your side as I think
it will be impossible for me to be safe. Shall see Culper, Junr. on the
10th, inst. at which time shall hope to compleat your directions, and
order affairs so that the damage I hope will not be great if it should
become necessary to quit the Island. Depend I shall not do it without
absolute necessity. If you have anything material to communicate to
Culper Junr. let 725 come one night before (say on the 9th.) I give
over entirely the arrival of the French fleet. Nothing is said about
them in New York, and the movement of the enemy looks like their going
into winter quarters. Friends are all well. I am, &c. Your most Obedt.
“SAML. CULPER.”
Abraham Woodhull’s next letter on November 13th covers six sheets(120)
in which he says:
“On the 10th I was to see Culper Junior, at a house he
appointed twelve miles west from here, and set out with all my
letters to meet him, and just before I arrived at the appointed
place I suddenly met a foraging party of 40 horse and 200 foot
and about 100 wagons. Was much surprised but after answering a
few questions passed them unmolested.
“But to my great mortification Culper Junior did not come that
day. I waited all the next, and sent a person westward to
several houses where I thought likely to find him, but could
hear nothing of him. I am much concerned. Fear some accident
hath befallen him, but yet wish to entertain a favorable
thought that he may be sick. The wagons went from Smith Town
yesterday loaded but am informed the troops all stayed behind
waiting their return. We have 20 horse and 4 foot bilited
about in houses, but no wagons have loaded here yet. They are
exceedingly afraid and keep a very strict guard at the foot
of Seaton’s Neck. Coll. Floyd, E. Jones above the Mill. J.
Thompson, P. Lions. John Bayles is Head Quarters. Main guard in
Kelly’s House. They are not expected to stay here more than 10
days, some say not longer than a week. The inhabitants of this
Island at present live a miserable life, which you may readily
judge when having the refuge of three kingdoms and thirteen
States amongst them, plundering and repine increaseth at no
small rate. I am tired of this business, it gives me a deal
of trouble, expecially when disappointment happens. Could not
consent to be any longer an assistant if I was not almost an
enthusiast for our success. I am perfectly acquainted with a
full year’s anxiety, which no one can scarcely have an idea of,
but those that experience. Not long since, there was not the
breadth of your finger betwixt me and death. But so long as I
reside here my faithful endeavours shall never be wanting.”
In his next letter,(121) written with the stain and dated November
27, 1779, Townsend mentions that the British have procured from
Philadelphia “several Reams of the paper made for the last emission
struck by Congress.” “I have taken much pains to find out some of those
concerned, but could not accomplish it,” he adds.
* * * * *
Woodhull, his hand still trembling from fear, sends off his 29th
letter, dated November 29th. It reads:
“Your No. 22 with the enclosed for C. Junr. came to hand and
observed the contents. Your No. 23, with the Blank I received
this morning. It is now late in the evening and just received
the dispaches have hardly time to write any thing as I would,
as I greatly desire to send 725 off from this place of danger.
I cannot tell the sheets that are written with the stain and
agreeable to your desire have requested the same from C. Junr.
This place is very distressed.... Their coming was like death
to me at first but have no fears about me at present and
soon intend to visit N. Y. There’s about 400 in the town and
following the wagons. They take all the forage and oats. I
forbear to write any particulars for want of time and to avoid
danger. I expect the enemy will leave us about next Monday and
have the pleasing hope they will not visit us any more this
winter. I have directed 725 to come on the 12th December, say
the 11th. Hope the way will then be clear and safe. I expected
the express on Saturday last. Excuse me at this time I cannot
serve you better. I am, &c.
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
In his letter of December 12th,(122) Woodhull encloses a blank from
Culper Junior. They are to be together on the 25th (Christmas Day):
“Hope if the weather is favorable you will incline to come
over, as we greatly desire to see you. We would gladly if
possible meet you half way. I have the pleasure to inform you
my fears are much abated since the troops have been with us.
Their approach was like death to me. Did not know wheather
to stand or fall. Had they been the Queens Rangers or Legion
should have been with you before now. Were I now in the
State of New Jersey[18] without fear of Law or Gospel, would
certainly kill Col. Simcoe, for his usage to me.
“SAML. CULPER.”
From Setauket, before he returned from his Christmas meeting, Townsend
wrote a long letter(123) to “Mr. John Bolton” entirely undisguised. And
soon one came from General Washington, in which he says:
MORRISTOWN, 5th Feby. 1780.
“_Dr. Sir_, I have received two letters of yours from
Wethersfield--one dated the 15th of Jan., the other without
a date--By Colo. Blaine, who I expect will be the bearer of
this, I send twenty guineas and a phial containing the stain
and counterpart of the stain for C, Junr., which I wish may be
got to him with as much safety and dispatch as the case will
conveniently admit of. It is my further most earnest wish,
that you would press him to open, if possible, a communication
with me by a more direct route than the present.--His accounts
are intelligent, clear, and satisfactory, consequently would
be valuable, but owing to the circuitous route through which
they are transmitted I can derive no immediate or important
advantage from them, and (as I rely upon his intelligence) the
only satisfaction I derive from it, is, that other accts. are
either confirmed or corrected by his, after they have been some
time received.
“I am sensible of the delicacy of his situation, and the
necessity of caution--for these reasons it is I have hitherto
forborn and am yet unwilling to mention, persons to him as
the vehicles of conveyance lest they should not prove so
trustworthy and prudent as we could wish, but if he cannot form
the first link of the chain of communication himself and will
let me know it, I think I can name one or two men to him who
will receive and convey to me through others such intelligence
as he may think important.”
Woodhull visited Townsend in New York toward the end of February. He
was then probably trying to send his intelligence by the shorter route,
as the next letter would indicate:
“32 729-215-fn-1780
“_Sir_, Late last night I returned from 727, where I had the
pleasure of seeing C. Junr. and many other good friends--I have
nothing to enclose you from C. Junr. He assuring me that Coll.
Ramsay and some other gentlemen that left 727 on Wednesday
last on their way to Head Quarters, was furnished with all the
intelligence that he could informe. Yet requested I would write
to accompany the newspapers. On Saturday last a packet arrived
with the Decr. Mail, and by private letters and all that we can
understand, indicates a continuance of the war. The spirits
of the enemy on the same account are very high. The Loyalist,
formerly the Oliver Cromwell, is about to sail in search of
Genl. Clinton. Hope they are all safely landed in the Eternal
Regions. A few days agone, a ship arrived from Jamaica, but
nothing can be learnt more than what is published. There’s
a large fleet with dry goods &c. daily expected from Europe,
and a great number of Merchantmen from other quarters. Our
prisoners on board of ships hath suffered much this winter, and
to complete the total destruction of the sick, the hospital
ship on Thursday last about 4 o’clock took fire in the Stern,
said by means of a stove, and was immediately consumed. How
many perished I cannot say. Reports are from 3 to 50. There’s
a very great mortality amongst the enemies horses. There was
no appearance of any movement that I could learn. I shall now
mention the situation of several corps on Long Island and
conclude. At Lloyd’s Neck Coll. Ludlow’s Regt. At Oyster Bay
about 40 of German Huzzars. At Jericho the second Battallion
of Skinner’s Brigade. The 17th Dragoons at Hempstead. Coll.
Fannings Regt. at Jamaica. Gover Browns at the head of the Fly
near Flushing. 54th Regt, at Newtown. One Regt of Hessians at
Bushwick. 725 handed me two phials and 20 guineas which shall
be immediately transmitted to C. Junr. I could wish to serve
you better but it not being in my power at this time. Am in
great haste, Yours Sincerely,
“SAML. CULPER.”
Another letter from Samuel Culper is dated March 13.(124) In a
postscript to it he adds:
“I have just heard that the enemy hath made a demand from Smith
Town of a thousand cords of wood and that all the wood lying
near our harbor is to be cut for them--and two regts. is to be
stationed in this Town. If it should take place it will I fear
entirely ruin our correspondence. To prevent which I shall give
you early intelligence of their motions from time to time, that
you may be prepared to give them a fatal blow at the beginning,
or we shall be totally ruined. 725 must come on the 25th
instant. I am yours Sincerely,
“S. CULPER.”
The difficulty in finding the stain letter hid among many similar
looking blank sheets of the same paper is mentioned in the next, which
reads:
No. 3. 729-22-eo-1780.
_Sir._ Inclosed you have a blank--Something fearful not
sending the right and have inclosed three--We seem to be very
unfortunate in forwarding dispaches. Almost every appointment
the weather is rough. I have no verbal accounts worthy of
notice. I am a going to 727 tomorrow and shall return on fg,
when shall hope to 691 you fully. In the Interum I am yours
Sincerely to Serve,
SAML. CULPER.
A missing letter evidently unjustly complained of Townsend, for one,
dated from Setauket April 23d, reads:
“In my No. 2, informed you of the neglect of 723. (Then
entirely ignorant of his informing of you previous to that he
should continue no longer) and resolved to visit him on the
19th past, and returned this day after making every effort
possible with his utter denial--and found yours of the 10th
instant waiting, mentioning an interview of us three on the
1st of May, which if possible shall be compleat. As I shall
see you soon I forbear stating his reasons and the probability
of its being no great damage, and the hope that I have you
shall not be neglected. I shall now give you what intelligence
can be obtained at this time. A person formerly an inhabitant
of Cavarick, came through you about 20 days ago from Canada,
since which an embarcation of four thousand men reports say
will most certainly take place for that quarter unless your
movements prevent. The Troops that sailed from 727 some time
gone and destined for the southward, have left all their heavy
baggage behind and are directed to return as soon as the
subjection of South Carolina is completed. A vessel arrived a
few days ago from Jamaica, the captain is an acquaintance of
Culper, Jr. and told him that upwards of twenty sail of ships
had been drove up on that Island and lost--that a Packet had
arrived there left London the 12th of February, declaring that
25 sail of the Line, 150 Transports with 20 thousand on board
had left Brest, their destination unknown. It is said with us
that Washington hath pledged his honor to the army that a Naval
force will be to their assistance by the 10th of June. Best
judges say that their regular troops amount to no more than six
thousand, and Militia and other vagabonds about 4 thousand, and
only two or three small frigates. I am in past and at present
much indisposed. Nothing more material to say. Hope to see you
soon. I am &c.
“SAML. CULPER.”
It was necessary to search other letters to discover Townsend’s reason
for withdrawing at this particular time. It will be recalled he had
promised General Washington that he would endeavor to shorten the line
of communication and for this purpose he had selected his cousin, James
Townsend. When the messages were ready Townsend set off, and managed
to get safely across the river. However, he did not return at the
appointed time and for some days Culper’s iron nerves were shattered,
fearing that the British had their secret and that his fate was sealed.
But what had actually happened had a less serious termination. James
Townsend, realizing the importance of the messages he was carrying and
perhaps because it was a new experience for him, became bewildered and
although uncertain of the house at which he was to stop called at one
Deansonbury, where were two young people fond of questioning strangers.
They at once permitted him to believe that they were Tories. His first
idea was to assume intoxication but when he found them determined to
make him talk he recalled Washington’s instructions to put on the
airs of a Tory and before long he was able to convince them that he
was one of the king’s most loyal subjects. John, the elder brother of
the household in his affidavit declares he was hiding where he could
hear without being seen, but that “he heard no more, his spirits rose,
he flew into the room and took him prisoner.”[19] He was of course
detained, but was fortunately a prisoner in the American Army. His
pockets were searched and their contents forwarded to headquarters.
There seemed to be nothing very remarkable among them. A poem of 20
lines spread over two sheets of paper and folded into sixteen must
have seemed insignificant. The title “The Lady’s Dress” and the
initials S. T. which had been altered to appear like S. B. were alike
uninteresting. But to Washington it was different. These were the stain
letters and upon applying the counterpart the message showed up between
the widely spaced lines. Washington kept the original and it is now
among the treasures in Washington. The release of James Townsend was
difficult, even after the papers in the case had reached Headquarters,
lest knowledge of his errand might betray the Culpers to the British
spies in the American camp.
* * * * *
Woodhull’s No. 4, dated Setauket May 4, 1780, would indicate that they
did not get together on May 1st. He says:
“I have had an interview with C. Junr. and am sorry to find
he declines serving any longer, as hinted in my last. If any
person can be pointed out by 711 at N. Y. who can be safely
relyed on to supply C. Junr’s place, I will make myself known
to him, and settle a plan for the purpose. C. Junr. will
nevertheless afford every assistance in his power, and give
verbal information as he can collect. I have recd 20 guines
sometime ago, which you sent me and with them have been paying
off the expenses already accrued, and find a ballance still
due me. As soon as convenient could wish you to forward me an
additional sum. I have for some time suspected that Daniel
Diehel living with Hugh Wallace has been employed by 711--If
this be the case would wish to be informed of it. I shall
probably see Jno. Bolton this evening and therefore forbear,
and shall refer you to him, and am yours, &c.
“SAML. CULPER.”
Following this came an order from Headquarters practically discharging
the Culpers. It reads:
“_Head Quarters_, MORRIS TOWN, 19th May, 1780.
“_Dear Sir_: Your favr. of the 8th reached me a few days
ago. As C. junior has totally declined and C. Senior seems
to wish to do it, I think the intercourse may be dropped,
more especially as from our present position the intelligence
is so long getting to hand that it is of no use by the time
it reaches me. I would however have you take an opportunity
of informing the elder C. that we may have occasion for his
services again in the course of the Summer, and that I shall
be glad to employ him if it should become necessary and he is
willing.
“I am endeavoring to open a communication with New York across
Staten Island, but who are the agents in the City, I do not
know. I am &c.
“GO. WASHINGTON.”
Woodhull was not pleased with General Washington’s letter, as his next
to Major Tallmadge indicates:
“June 10, 1780.
“_Sir._ Yours of the 5th inst, together with 711, was handed
me yesterday, and have observed the contents.--The letter,
agreeable to your directions, returned to the bearer. I
am happy to find that 711 is about to establish a more
advantageous channel of intelligence than heretofore. I
perceive that the former he intimates hath been but of little
service. Sorry we have been at so much cost and trouble for
little or no purpose. He also mentions of my backwardness to
serve. He certainly hath been misinformed. You are sensible
I have been indefaticable, and have done it from a principal
of duty rather than from any mercenary end--and as hinted
heretofore, if at any time theres need you may rely on my
faithful endeavours. I perceive there’s no mention made of any
money to discharge the remaining debts, which hath increased
since I saw you, owing to your direction to continue the
correspondence regular until I received your answer from
711. You speak with some assurance that the French is hourly
expected to our assistance--hope they may not fail us--and
that we may soon retrieve the sad misfortune of our Southern
Garrison, which doleful fate the papers enclosed doth too fully
relate, to which I must you refer. The enemy last Tuesday
night, with all the force they could muster, landed in the
Jerseys, in order to surprise G. W. and had not returned on
Friday night. It is thought much blood hath been spilt. A
great number of wounded men hath been sent in together with
General Sterling who had his thigh broke. No particulars had
transpired on Friday night, but our friends are in hopes they
will be defeated. Ther’s a grand movement on foot in N.York.
The troops are called from Lloyd’s Neck and is said from every
other distant post, and an embargo laid on all ships and small
Sloops. It is suspected they are a going to quit N.York, or
are going to make some diversion up the river, or are afraid
of the French. But I cannot but think the former is likely
to take place. For I believe their whole design is to the
Southward. Thus sir, what I have written is from such authority
as you have heretofore depended on, and from such as I call the
best--and is all worthy of notice at this time. Hoping it may
duly come to hand, and find you in health and prosperity is
the earnest desire of your ever affectionate Friend and Hum^l.
Serv^t.
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
A few weeks’ suspension was sufficient to convince Headquarters that
the services of the Culpers were indispensable. Messengers were rushed
to Major Tallmadge to re-engage them, as the next communication shows:
“_Head Quarters_, BERGEN COUNTY, 11th July, 1780.
“_Dear Sir._ As we may every moment expect the arrival of the
French Fleet a revival of the correspondence with the Culpers
will be of very great importance. If the younger cannot be
engaged again, you will endeavor to prevail upon the older to
give you information of the movements and position of the enemy
upon Long Island--as whether they are all confined to the port
at Brooklyn or whether they have any detached posts and where,
and what is their strength at those posts--in short desire him
to inform you of whatever comes under his notice and what seems
worthy of communication. You will transmit your letters to
Genl. Howe, who will forward them to me. I am, &c.
“GO. WASHINGTON.
“P.S. Desire him to attend particularly to the provision which
they are making of wood and forage--and whether they drive in
any stock.”
It is regrettable that at this critical period several of the most
important letters were not preserved or have been lost. But it is
fortunate that enough remains to clearly indicate the purport of the
missing documents. It was three days before the above letter from
Headquarters in Bergen County reached Major Tallmadge at Cortlandt’s
Manor. Then promptly on July 14th, 1780, he addressed General
Washington, saying:
“Your Excellency’s favour of the 11th inst. has just come to
hand; That the instructions therein contained may be faithfully
executed, I shall set out tomorrow morning for Fairfield, where
I will endeavour to put matters on such a footing, (which by
omission have in some measure got deranged) as may answer your
Excellency’s expectations. I would at the same time hint that
by Cr’s last letter, we are something in arrears to him, and
in order to enable him to prosecute the business, it may be
necessary to afford him a small supply of money.”
Tallmadge succeeded in finding Caleb Brewster, who promptly started
across the Sound with messages for Abraham Woodhull and Robert
Townsend. None of them yet knew that the British reinforcements under
Admiral Graves were at that moment arriving in New York. Brewster found
Woodhull ill, but Austin Roe was located and hastened off on the best
obtainable steed to New York City. Had he gone slower he might have
been overtaken by a British spy who on that day traveled the same road,
carrying from East Hampton the news that a French fleet was off Rhode
Island. In New York Roe was kept waiting whilst Townsend collected
the news. To him it seemed the most important yet transmitted. He was
never more fearful of discovery. Efforts were being made to detain
everyone who might carry any information. Fortunately he still had
a limited supply of the stain but to conceal these apparently blank
sheets in a package of heavy goods as was the usual method would
delay by perhaps a day the delivery of the message to headquarters. A
happy thought suggested itself to Townsend. Colonel Benjamin Floyd, a
British subject, had recently been robbed of many articles and was now
obliged to make new purchases. A letter directed to him would attract
no suspicion and its contents would account for the messenger returning
apparently empty handed. Here is his note, which of course was to be
delivered to Woodhull and not to Floyd:
“NEW YORK, July 20th, 1780.
_Sir_, I recd your favor by [Mr. Roe, crossed out but still
readable] and note the contents. The articles you want cannot
be procured, as soon as they can will send them. I am, Your
humble Servant,
SAMUEL CULPER.
Col. Floyd.”
[Illustration: CULPER SENIOR’S MOST URGENT MESSAGE.
_See page 83._
]
As soon as the letters were ready Roe started back[20] and reached
Woodhull in time to get the messages across the Sound that same
evening. With them Woodhull sent what is probably the shortest and
most exciting message he ever wrote. It reads:
“_Sir._ The enclosed requires your immediate departure this day
by all means let not an hour pass: for this day must not be
lost. You have news of the greatest consequence perhaps that
ever happened to your country. John Bolton must order your
returne when he thinks proper.
“S. C.”
Besides the stain letter Woodhull enclosed with the above one of his
own, from information that Roe was able to communicate. It reads:
“Your letter came to hand and found me very ill with a fever,
and still continues. All that I could do was to send Austin
Roe with directions, who returned this day in great haste with
the enclosed dispatches from Culper Junior. Also assures of
the arrival of Admiral Graves with six ships of the line and
is joined by three more out of New York, also one of 50 and
two of 40 guns and has sailed for Rhode Island and is supposed
they will be there before this can possibly reach you. Also
8000 Troops are this day embarking at Whitestone for the before
mentioned port. I am told for certain that the French have only
seven sail of the line. I greatly fear their destination. We
hourly expect a number of the enemy in this quarter, for what
end I know not. You must excuse all imperfections at this time
on the account of my before mentioned fever. Nevertheless you
have perhaps all the needful--and pray for your success and
exercions. And am yours sincerely,
“SAML. CULPER.”
[Illustration: Alexander Hamilton, without waiting for the return of
Washington, forwards Culper’s message to Lafayette.
_See page 84._
]
There being some question about finding Tallmadge at that moment
Woodhull crossed John Bolton’s name from one of the letters and
probably Brewster found a man to carry it directly to Headquarters,
where it was received by Alexander Hamilton before 4 p. m. July 21st.
As General Washington was not there Hamilton sent the news by a special
messenger to General Lafayette, then on his way to Newport.[21]
Likewise Major Tallmadge, as soon as the news reached him sent the
information to General Washington and also to Generals Robert Howe and
William Heath. General Washington later, upon studying the details,
figuratively sharpened his quill pens and with them accomplished more
than might have been possible at that moment with the sword. Hours
went by, in fact several days, for the British transports were slow in
arriving at Frog’s Neck, but they were fairly on their way to Newport
when a man whom none could suspect, left at the British outpost a
package that he claimed he had picked up along the road. It was found
to be the details of General Washington’s plan of attack on New York.
Already it was time for the American forces to strike the blow--they
might be expected at any moment. The British signal fires were
lighted,[22] and promptly came sailing back the fleet. A few days later
as an excuse for the affair, in a letter to Lord George Germain Sir
Henry Clinton said: “Washington must have learned that my armament had
not proceeded to Rhode Island. He (I apprehend in consequence of this)
re-crossed the river, and is now near Orange-town”. But in fact General
Washington was not prepared to attack New York at that time and had no
intention of doing so. In Sir Henry Clinton’s letter he says:
“On the 18th, by a courier from the east end of Long Island,
the first intelligence was received of the arrival, on the
10th, of the French off Rhode-Island, which I transmitted
immediately to Admiral Arbuthnot.
“In the hope that I might yet be in time to undertake something
offensive against the enemy, either by a land attack solely,
or, if the Admiral should have found it advisable, a joint
attempt with the fleet, I determined as speedily as possible to
put a body of troops afloat in the Sound, ready for operation
to the eastward, if further information should warrant it, and
not too distant to return rapidly, and act against the rebel
army, should they, in my absence, form an enterprize against
these posts.
“Many causes conspired to retard the arrival of transports at
Frog’s-neck, from which place my embarkation was only effected
the 27th. During this time all hopes of success from a coup de
main were of course wafted away.
“The Camilla and Amphitrite, which were appointed to convey
us, joining the same day, I proceeded with the transports to
Huntington-bay, where I was honoured with such accounts from
the Admiral of the attention the enemy had given to fortify
themselves, that I no longer entertained an idea of making
any attempt solely with the troops. I cannot judge what might
have been expected from a joint operation; but I presume that,
in the aspect affairs bore at that time, it was not to be
undertaken with propriety.
“On the 31st therefore I returned to White-stone, where I
disembarked the troops, keeping the transports in readiness to
receive them again, if necessary; and the army encamped near
the shore.
“During this time, Washington, by a rapid movement, had, with
an army increased to 12,000 men, passed the North-river, and
was moving towards King’s-bridge, when he must have learned
that my armament had not proceeded to Rhode-Island. He (I
apprehend in consequence of this) re-crossed the river, and is
now near Orange Town.
“The Admiral is near Gardiner’s-Island, to which place I shall,
if possible, proceed to confer with him and his Officers.”[23]
General Washington now ordered a chain of Dragoons to be posted between
New London and Headquarters. There were to be 3 every 15 miles apart,
to convey messages from the Culpers and the French Fleet. Colonel
Sheldon complied under protest, as his letter following shows:
... “I have this morning early sent off an officer with a
sufficient number of my most trusty Dragoons to post them at
every fifteen miles distance, or as near that as the necessity
of forage would admit. The officer is instructed to move on
the Dragoons to Tower Hill, if Mr. Shaw cannot furnish the
expresses beyond New London. The stages at which the officer
is ordered to post the Dragoons, are as follows: Beginning at
the Eastward, namely New London, Lyme, Guilford, New Haven,
Stratford, Green Farms, and Stamford. I do not post another
party between Stamford and Head Quarters lest the plunderers
from below, which infest the intermediate country should take
off the men or seize on the Dispatches when they should arrive.
“While I with the utmost cheerfulness and alacrity obey your
Excellency’s orders I cannot but regret the necessity of
detaching so many of my Dragoons from the field. I do not
mention this as if your Excellency had not considered the
expense of furniture and equipment of Dragoons, but to beg for
the Honour of the Regiment and the good of the service, your
Excellency would be pleased to excuse them from this duty as
soon as possible.
“ELISHA SHELDON.”
Samuel Culper’s next letter is dated the 6th of August, and reads:
“_Sir_, Your several dates of the 23d and 26th of July came to
hand on the 4th inst, and observe the contents. Being still in
a feble state (but mending) was obliged again to have recourse
to Austin Roe, and dispatched him the same evening with such
directions as thought proper. He this instant returned with
the enclosed from Culper, Junior. I hope it contains all the
needful. Roe hath no verbal account worthy of notice. Also you
have enclosed the state of the Garrison at Lloyd’s Neck, but
it is not satisfactory to me, but is the best that could be
procured this time. Coll. Simcoe with his regiment of Rangers,
and three companies of Queens County Militia Foot, and about
thirty of Coll. Ludlow’s Regiment, have been for some time past
in the County, the main body at Southampton, some at the River
Head, some at South Mills, about 30 at Coram. What they have
come down here for is unknown.
“I purpose to go to 727 for the benefit of our 115, and have
130 ready for you, em. Also have the promise of the exact state
of Lloyd’s Neck, which shall then transmit. Am in great haste
and in the interium am Your Sincerely,
“SAML. CULPER.”
General Washington answered from Headquarters August 11, saying:
_Dear Sir_: I have received your letter from North Castle with
its enclosures. I am very much pleased that the Correspondence
with C---- is again opened. I have the greatest dependence in
his good intentions and I am persuaded when he pleases to exert
himself he can give the most useful intelligence. The shorter
the line of communication so much the better. With respect
to the proposed incursion I do not think it advisable under
present circumstances. Although the Enemy appear to be small,
dispersed parties, yet the risque in an attempt more than
counterbalances the advantage which might be obtained.
G. W.
An interesting letter followed Woodhull’s visit to New York, which is
dated August 16, 1780, and reads as follows:
“_Sir_, I have this day returned from New York and am happy
to inform you that Culper Junior hath engaged to serve as
heretofore. I have nothing to enclose from him to you, as
there’s not a word of intelligence worthy of notice in New
York. I have the satisfaction to assure you that the judicious
Torys in New York are more dejected now than ever I knew
before, on account of the neutrality entered into by the Powers
of Europe. A few victualling ships were to sail yesterday to
the fleet now laying in Gardiner’s Bay. Clinton, with about
7000 men are cantoned from Whitestone to Jamaica for this ten
days past have been ordered to hold themselves in readiness
together with the fleet that still lays at Whitestone. Common
reports say they are about to proceed to Rhode Island, but it
is very uncertain. No person can tell, but, by all means be
upon your guard. There is in this county the Queens Rangers,
three companies of Queens County Militia Troop, Coll. Fanning’s
Regiment, the 17th Dragoons, German Huzzars, all marching to
the Eastward, also three Regiments more were ordered to march
recently. Say they are to embark at the east end of this
Island. We have a report that the second division of French
hath arrived. Hope it may be true. Tryon, Patterson and Mathews
are about to sail immediately in the packet for Europe. The
person I depended upon to procure a very accurate account of
Lloyd’s Neck, is taken very ill and hath put it out of my power
to forward it now. I have ordered 725 to return here again on
the f i instant, and intend to send you as frequent dispatches
as possible as long as things are in such motion. In the
interim wishing you health and prosperity I am &c.
“S. CULPER.
“N.B. Next opportunity you’ll have the papers regular as
heretofore. Should have sent them now but lost them out of my
pocket on the road.
“I forgot to mention that General Clinton in person was
escourted through this Town yesterday by the mounted Rangers,
17th Dragoons, and German Huzzars, in all about two hundred and
forty horse.”
The hazard of their employment is calmly illustrated in the next letter
addressed to Major Tallmadge: It was necessary for them to kill a man
whilst waiting for Culper’s messages. Brewster writes:
FAIRFIELD, Aug. 18th, 1780.
_Sir._ I came from Long Island this after noon but have got
no Dispaches. Culper has been down to New York. I waited till
this morning and he was to send them by two oclock, but before
he sent them I was attacked by Glover and Hoyght. I left one
man taken and one wounded. We killed one on the spot. The man
that was taken went after water. I shall want two men before I
come across again. I have got two boats in fine order. I wish
you send me seven men and I engage to take some of their boats.
Mister Muirson will give you a particular account of our cruse.
Austin told me that Sir Henry Clinton went down to the east end
of the Island on the sixteenth. Don’t fail to let me have two
crews if you can of Continental soldiers. With respect, your
friend and humble servant,
CALEB BREWSTER.
Through Major Tallmadge General Washington answered the above from
Headquarters at Orange Town, August 21, 1780, as follows:
_Dear Sir._ I recd. yours of yesterday morning last evening. It
is unfortunate that Lt. B---- could not bring off C---- Junr’s
dispatches, as I imagine they were of consequence. You will
therefore endeavour to procure them as soon as possible.
I have information from another quarter, that Sir Henry Clinton
had gone towards the East end of Long Island, and that the
troops at Whitestone are again embarking. Should the last piece
of intelligence reach you, well authenticated, you will be
pleased to transmit it immediately to Genl. Heath at Newport,
as well as to me, as you will always do anything which seems to
interest the French Army and Navy.
If there are any other Continental Crews upon the Sound besides
those under Lt. Brewster’s directions, they are there without
my knowledge. You will therefore desire him in my name to take
what hands he wants from them, and to report who the others are
and what business they are upon. I am Dear Sir, yr. most obt.
Sert.
GO: WASHINGTON.
Brewster was roused to action. Therefore without waiting to hear from
the General or Major he again crossed to Long Island, as his letter
following shows:
FAIRFIELD, Aug. 21, 1780.
_Dear Sir._ I this morning came from the Island. I got three
boats last Saturday night and went over in search of Glover
and Hoyght, but could hear nothing of them. They never stayed
to bury their dead man. They carried another away with them
mortally wounded. Setauket is full of troops. It is thought
they are going eastward. Austin came to me yesterday and told
me I had best not come on till the middle of next week as the
troops is so thick in Town and marching eastward. I wrote to
you the eighteenth instant which I expect has come to hand.
Skinner is so he will be able to do duty soon as he will be
wanted. I heard nothing from Culper this time. I should been
back the next time had not the wind been so high. There was a
small fleet of large ships went to the Westward this morning.
Capt. Jarvis supplied me with men this time to cross. I shall
want one man to make up my crew for one boat and should be
exceeding glad of five more to man the other boat for the
cussed refugees are so thick I cant go amiss of them....
C. BREWSTER.
As soon as Brewster had delivered the above message he crossed to the
Island again. His next letter follows:
FAIRFIELD, August 27th, 1780.
_Dear Sir_: I returned this morning from the Island. I crossed
on 22d. inst. and was detained by Culper until last night. I
did not see Culper, he is sick. He did not appoint any time for
me that I know of. It was with great difficulty that I got the
dispatches. The troops are very thick. They are at Miller’s
Place, and Coram, Setauket and the Branch, and are like to
stay some time, and the Refugee boats are with them. Glover
and Hoyt has been to Drowned Meadow and disarmed them all, on
Friday last, and I was obliged to lie still for the want of
another boats crew. There is a fine boat at Stanford that rows
with eight oars that belongs to the public, under Capt. John
Suttin, with a crew of Continental Soldiers that was ordered
by General Howe, and I believe that Jubis Fish has one or two
boats at Horse Neck, but I am not certain what public property
and Continental Soldiers. This is a fine time to take some of
the Officers. They are out with their hounds every day. I lay
up back of Esqr. Strongs yesterday and there came a Lieutenant
of 17th Regiment within gun shot of us, looking for Esqr.
Strong’s hounds afoot, but he begged so hard I thought it not
best to take him as it was so near his house. They are riding
continually from one staghorn to the other. The troops are all
come from the Eastward, as far as Miller’s Place. Sir Henry
Clinton gone to New York and the British fleet has sailed from
Gardiner’s Bay....
C. BREWSTER.
A letter from George Washington to Colonel Sheldon, dated as above,
informs him that one of his Dragoon Express had been captured by the
British at Pines Bridge and carried into New York. Fortunately he had
none of the above messages at the time. But Colonel Sheldon had work
for Major Tallmadge aside from the messages, which may account for the
following dated Sept. 1st and 5th not reaching Major Tallmadge until
the 9th.
SETAUKET, September 1st, 1780.
_Sir._ When Culper Junior’s last dispatch came to hand he
directed me to wait on him at Jericho yesterday, but my present
state would not admit--therefore sent the express which handed
him your enclosed--But he hath returned without any answer.
The reason is he had not the counterpart. And in regard of
the state of affairs in general he assured the express they
remained as heretofore or as when wrote you last, nothing
new, everything appeared to be at a stand, and the enemy much
embarissed expecting an attack. I am sorry you have to wait so
long for an answer but it must still unavoidably be lengthened
until the 10th, as Culper Junior said he could not be in New
York before the 8th.
Since my last the infantry have marched to Huntington and
encamped there; Fanning’s Regt., to Lloyd’s Neck, Simcoe’s
Rangers to Oyster Bay, and there’s in Setauket the 17th
Regiment Dragoons, Some Huzzars, Some Rangers, about 20 wagons,
300 horses, 250 men, 220 mounted. They are encamped round
about Capt. Nathan Woodhull’s House and Persons Lyons’. The
former is the Coll. Quarters. The officers mostly lodge in
Camp at night. There’s every appearance of their continuing
here some time as they appear quite easy and off their guard.
Am fully of an opinion that 500 good men would make prisoners
of them all, if secretly conducted on your shore as well as
here. If you intend to attack direct Brewster to cross the
night before, and will meet him and further advise at all
haphazard. Aiqlai Bqyim of Southampton is now on your shore,
and positively an agent for the enemy. He hath been a long time
servicable in that way, and this is his second embassy. I know
it to be true and have lately had a perfect knowledge of his
conduct for this three years past, and have been solicited by
his friend as an assistant.
A little time past a boat from New Haven, loaded with
provisions met a number of Refugees here; one of the mens
names was Trowbridge, an intimate acquaintance of John Clarke;
and you may depend the refugees land on your shore and hide
their boats. The other day I saw a man that had the appearance
of a gentleman, told me he had been three weeks concealed in
Middletown and Hartford--the former being his native place;
but could not find out his name. He told me he had left 20 odd
Thousand Pounds of Counterfeit money of your late emissions
in the hands of the Toreys--to pay their taxes with. You’ll
doubtless take some notice of this information--and anxiously
wait for the arrival of our deliverance, and am Sincerely your
SAML. CULPER.
* * * * *
SETAUKET, September 5th, 1780.
My letter not being forwarded as could have desired on account
of bad weather I have to inform you of the arrival of the
Packet, but cannot learn any news. Coll. Birch is at Setauket
and likely to continue there very probably until winter
he having now just sent for field pieces, but the number
before mentioned is lessened by the departure of the Rangers
yesterday, in number 34, which may be deducted. For God’s sake
attack them, you’ll certainly be successful, if you are secret
about it. Trust not to small boats at this season, you have
three strong vessels on your shore that will be sufficient to
bring live hundred men. Setauket is exceedingly distressed.
Pray offer some relief....
S. C.
* * * * *
NORTH CASTLE, September 9th, 1780.
_Sir._ The enclosed Dispatches from Culper have this moment
come to hand, which are forwarded per line of expresses. C.
writes with great sollicitude for troops to be sent from this
side to attack those lying at Setauket. I need not repeat to
your Excellency how exceedingly happy I should be to assist
in such an Expedition, should it be thot. advisable. I expect
Genl. Parsons will be here this afternoon to take the command
of the Troops at this post....
BENJ. TALLMADGE.
Woodhull’s next letter, dated Sept. 12th, reads:
_Sir._ Yours of the 29th of August came to hand and observe
the contents. Since my last the 17th Dragoons removed to
Smith Town, and encamped in widow Blidenburg’s orchard. It is
said they will stay there 12 days but very uncertain. No one
expected they would move from Setauket so soon. Coll. Birch
hath left the Regiment and is appointed Commandant of New York,
Capt. Archdale commands the Regiment. I must call on you for
more cash having advanced considerable to carry it on. Enclosed
you have Culper Jrs. Dispatch. In great haste am yours &c.
SAML. CULPER.
Major Tallmadge’s letter from Lower Salem, Sept. 13th, and General
Washington’s of the 16th, throw further light upon the service. It may
be noticed that practically all of Culper Junior’s stain letters were
now being deciphered by Major Tallmadge, each time with an apology for
so doing. He was not aware at that time that had he failed to decipher
them Major André would have been able to join Arnold and the treason
plot might not have been discovered until it was too late.
LOWER SALEM, Sept. 13th, 1780.
_Sir._ I have the honor to enclose dispatches from the Culpers
which have this moment come to hand. As C. Junrs. was an answer
in part to my last on the plan of our future correspondence,
it was necessary for me to decipher it. Your Excellency will
observe what he writes respecting his services and as he
informs he can shorten the route on certain conditions, Your
Excellency’s assurance will regulate his future services. This
much I can observe respecting the man, he is a Gentleman of
business, of Education and honor--Culper Senior’s frequent
Expresses to N. Y. for the papers which are forwarded to your
Excellency, and to resolve questions proposed by other Genl.
Officers at other periods, has expended the money which has
been furnished him, as we were considerably in arrears when the
last money was handed him. I have just engaged a man to bring
letters from N. Y. via Kingsbridge if necessary; but cannot as
yet tell whether C. Junr. will deliver him dispatches--His name
and services I believe are well known to your Excellency.
I received Major Humphrey’s letter of the 11th last evening,
and immediately wrote to have the boat cross, which I am
confident will not be delayed only by the present heavy wind
and rain. Your Excellency may depend on my Exertions in the
matter. I shall fold this letter very small to prevent being
discovered if the Express should chance to be taken. [It was
folded to size 2¾ × 4]....
BENJA. TALLMADGE.
* * * * *
_Head Quarters_, BERGIN COUNTY, 16th Sept. 1780.
_Dr: Sir._ I have recd yours of the 13th as I have your several
late favors with their enclosures--It is impossible for me,
circumstanced as matters are, to give a positive answer to C.
Junior’s request, as I cannot, without knowing his views, tell
what are his expectations--Of this, both you and he may rest
assured, that should he continue servicable and faithful, and
should the issue of our affairs prove as favorable as we hope,
I shall be ready to recommend him to the public, if public
employ shall be his aim, and if not that I shall think myself
bound to represent his conduct in the light it deserves[24] and
procure him a compensation of another kind. I shall take the
first good opportunity of sending you a further sum of money
for contingencies. I am Dear Sir, Yours, &c.
GO: WASHINGTON.
It certainly was not possible at the moment to realize the importance
of the messages that were now arriving. Woodhull’s inference that they
contain much good intelligence is prophetic. The first is dated
SETAUKET, September 18th, 1780.
_Sir._ Your favour of the 12th inst, together with the enclosed
came to hand on the 15, at 12 o’clock. I immediately set off
and have done all that in me lay, and is communicated in the
blank inclosed, and it contains much good intelligence, I hope
all that’s needful. Our spirits are extremely low here. We Pray
for your best endeavours. The times requires you to be vigilent
and active. Sir George Rodney’s Fleet hath arrived. See the
Paper. I have induced C. Junr. to shorten the present rout the
letters take, as mentioned in the blank. It will be done in the
course of ten days I hope similar to your plan proposed. I have
made several discoveries of villany but have not time to write
now. Forbid the boat man on with 725 to come any more, and
desire Governor Trumbull immediately to grant him no favours,
or else it will be too late. In my next will state the matter
to you. In the greatest haste am yours sincerely
SAMUEL CULPER.
N.B. 17th Dragoons at the Branch.
* * * * *
GREENFIELD, Tuesday morning, 6 o’clock
19th Septr. 1780.
_Sir._
I have been impatiently waiting at this place for some time for
the arrival of C’s Dispatches, which have this instant come
to hand. A very heavy gale of wind prevented the boat from
crossing at the time appointed. I hope the enclosed may be
satisfactory. I shall inform Genl. Heath of what respects the
French Army at New Port, agreeably to your Excellency’s orders.
Enclosed is an account of expenses from C. A man is obliged
always to ride to New York from the place where the boat
lands and wait Culper’s answer; his expenses on the road and
in the city for himself and horse must be very considerable.
Your excellency will furnish such supplies, in answer to the
enclosed, as may be judged necessary. I had the honor last
night to receive your Excellency’s favor of the 16th inst. the
contents of which shall be duly forwarded to C. Junr. I have
the honor to be, with great Regard, Sir, Your Excellency’s most
Obedt. Servt.
BENJA. TALLMADGE.
At this period the Culpers were using more care to conceal the
intelligence in their letters, as will be observed upon examining
Woodhull’s, dated August 27th.(126) Townsend’s were now all
written with the stain. Tallmadge’s efforts to shorten the line of
communication have been preserved in a series of three of his letters
to Headquarters written during the month of August.
Incidentally, in his zeal he almost betrayed the identity of Culper
Junior. The first letter, dated August 10, 1780, reads:
“Since I last saw your Excellency I have been endeavoring to
open communications with New York by crossing over to Cow
Neck to the westward of Oyster Bay. If this can be effected,
Dispatches may be bro’t from New York to the White Plains in 12
hours on contingencies, as the whole land course on both sides
would not exceed 34 miles, & the Sound not more than 10 miles
over, I am the more induced to this step, as C---- Junr. has a
near Relation living near Cow Neck, whom if I can also engage,
I am sure of C---- Junr’s services.”
Tallmadge’s next letter in this series is dated from North Castle,
August 20, 1780: and reads:
“_Sir._ Since my last I have made several attempts to open a
communication with Culper, Junior, by the way of Oyster Bay
or Cow Neck. The person whom I mentioned to Your Excellency
as the properest man to engage and secure Culper’s services,
was away from home, at New York, and last Monday night I sent
over an Officer who formerly resided at Oyster Bay, but the
person in question was then too ill to be seen. I shall still
pay attention to this matter, tho the Refugee boats which
frequently pass up and down the Sound makes crossing very
dangerous.
“Enclosed is a letter from the person who has for a long
time bro’t dispatches from the Culpers. Your Excellency will
perceive he has been attacked by some of the Refugee Boats.
He requests more men, as may be seen by the enclosed. Your
Excellency will please to direct me in the matter. There are
several Continental Crews at Stamford and Horseneck, whose duty
I am unacquainted with. Perhaps one of those can be spared.
“I am sorry Lt. B.----r was drove from L.I. so suddenly as
dispatches from Culper Junior were then waiting for him. I have
the Honor to be Your Excellency’s most Obedt. Servt.
“BENJ. TALLMADGE.”
In the next letter, dated from Bedford, August 28, 1780,(127) he says:
“After sending several times across the Sound to open a
new communication with Culper Junior, without success, I
have finally referred the whole matter to him, who I expect
will appoint such place and pick on such persons for his
confidential friends, as will best answer our purpose, and
inform me thereof.”
FOOTNOTES to “SECRET SERVICE SECRETS”:
[16] See _Memoir of Colonel Benjamin Tallmadge_, p. 130.
[17] It was this Austin Roe who fell from his horse and broke his leg
while hurrying to keep an engagement with George Washington in 1790.
The President was then touring Long Island and, probably without
disclosing his reason to any one, requested the presence of those who
had faithfully served him during the Revolution. Austin Roe had long
occupied the Setauket homestead, later known as the Dering property,
and still later owned by the Irwins who in 1936 moved the house to
a new location. Roe’s brother, Captain Daniel Roe, was at the time
occupying the Roe homestead at Port Jefferson, then called the Townsend
house. Captain Nathaniel Roe was a cousin, not in the neighborhood at
the time. Austin “bore the title of Captain,” his biographer says, but
few knew what he commanded.
[18] Colonel Simcoe had been captured and was at the time a prisoner in
New Jersey.
[19] Washington Papers, March 23d, 1780, No. 17458.
[20] Austin Roe might justly be called the Paul Revere of New York,
with this difference, that instead of taking one wonderful ride Roe
took a hundred. Paul Revere at his fastest speed did not equal this
ride of Austin Roe that saved Newport from the British. Fifty-five
miles he rode to reach Abraham Woodhull while Brewster waited to
carry the message from Robert Townsend across the Sound. It gave
General Washington the information that 8000 British troops were
embarking at Whitestone destined for Newport, and that Admiral Graves
with eleven ships was already on the way to Rhode Island to meet the
French Fleet which they were assured consisted of only seven sail. The
message reached Washington in time to get the information to British
headquarters that an immediate attack upon New York was contemplated
and therefore the forces were withdrawn from Newport before they had
an opportunity to accomplish the work of destruction.
[21] On the tenth of July, 1780, a powerful fleet under Admiral Tarnay
arrived in Newport Harbor, having on board some six thousand troops
under the command of Count de Rochambeau. The expedition had been
secretly fitted out at the instance of Lafayette, and nothing was known
of it by the Americans until his return in May. On the 17th Lafayette
left headquarters with full authority to arrange plans with the French
commanders for future operations. Hall’s “Life of Parsons,” p. 296.
[22] As early as 1778 the British on Long Island had a method of
transmitting important news that was as rapid almost as the telegraph
is today. For this purpose beacons were established and a system of
signals arranged. Among the papers of Major John Kissam have been
preserved some of the instructions which so clearly state the eminences
upon which these beacons were erected that there would be little
trouble in locating them at the present day. Following are unabridged
copies of these instructions:
Signals: Col. Hamilton will be so good as to place a man at the
most convenient heights, to see Laurel Hill and Morris’s house.
He will observe what signals are made from there--if there are
3 guns from Laurel hill and 3 fires from there or Morris’s
house,
2 guns and 2 fires ditto, or
1 gun and 1 fire from ditto, and report the same to the
commander in chief on board the Grand Duke at Whitestone. Ol.
DeLancey, Aid de Camp.
Signals by day and night for Long Island and Kingsbridge. To be
made from Norwich hill, Sutton’s hill and Flushing Heights in
Queens County, L. I. viz.
1st. On the Enemy’s landing in force eastward of Norwich: by
night, 1 beacon fired at each, by day 1 large smoke at each.
2d. On Enemy landing in force westward of Norwich hill; by
night 2 beacons fired at each; by day, 2 large smokes at each.
Signals acknowledged from Morris’s house. By night; 1st signal, 1
rocket, 2d. signal, 2 rockets. By day none none
N.B. The fires and smoke to be kept up while the Enemy remain on the
Island, or until otherwise observed. After every signal a Light Dragoon
to be sent from Morris’s house to Head Quarters with the intelligence.
Mem. Norwich hill is 2 miles south of Oyster Bay, Sutton’s Hill [now
Beacon hill] is 3 miles from Cowneck Point; Flushing Heights are near
Ustic’s house.
Appointed by the Commander in Chief,
WM. TRYON M. G.
Scorpion
A copy
P. BROWN.
* * * * *
HEMPSTEAD PLAINS, July 30, 1778.
To Major Kissam. _Sir_, In the absence of Col. Hamilton you
will take command of the Queens County Militia, & execute such
measures as you shall think necessary for the benefit and
protection of the County. In particular you will observe the
following directions respecting the Beacons on Cow Neck and
near Norwich, and take steps requisite for their being carried
into execution.
Whenever any Beacons to the Eastward are seen on fire, you will
immediately set fire to those under your care, making one fire
or more, as you observe those to the Eastward have done, in
every instance following their example: and whenever you have
so done, you will send an express to the commanding officer of
the King’s forces at Jamaica, informing him that 1, 2, or 3
beacons (as the fact shall be) are fired to the Eastward.
In all cases when you have certain intelligence of the Enemy
being landed on this Island in force, you will fire all the 3
beacons, and dispatch an express as above with the information,
always keeping up the fires until the intelligence shall have
reached New York. You will of course have a distinct beacon at
each place in readiness to be fired, and if it should happen in
the day time, encourage the smoke as much as possible.
A corporal and 4 men are to mount guard at each place on
them, night and day, always keeping a centinel looking
out for signals. These men you will change weekly, or at
your discretion and excuse them from all military duty. A
compensation will moreover be made them in proportion to their
diligence and service.
These directions are to be strictly observed by the Guard at
each of the 2 places fixed on by Brigr. Genl. DeLancey for the
erection of the beacons, and the guard stationed on the hill
near Norwich will also observe to send an express to Cow neck
whenever the beacons under their care are fired. WM. TRYON. M:
G:
* * * * *
SCORPION OFF NEW CITY ISLAND, Jan. 30, 79
Signals.--If the Rebels are attacking any vessels; or landing
or landed between this station and Hempstead Bay; the Signals
by night are 2 fires on Lawrence Hewlett’s Point; by day, 2
smokes on the same.--If the attack is made in Cow Bay the
signal by night is 1 fire on Lawrence Hewlett’s Point: if by
day 1 smoke on the same.--The above signals will be answered
from the Scorpion; by day by hoisting the colors, or hauling
them down, if hoisted previously; by night with lights,
false-fires or musquets. PHILIP BROWN.
[23] The Spies of Washington did not record the names of the British
vessels in Gardiner’s Bay but the heir to the island, John Lyon
Gardiner, who was a boy ten years old when the fleet arrived, made
record on February 9, 1796, in which he says: “There were eleven ships
of the line and perhaps some frigates. They came in August, 1780, and
went out in March, 1781. There was the ‘Royal Oak,’ 74 guns, Vice
Admiral Arbuthnot, ‘London,’ 90 guns, Rear Admiral Graves, ‘Colloden,’
74 guns, Capt Sweeny, ‘Bedford,’ 74 guns, Capt Affleck, ‘Prudent,’ 74
guns, Capt. Charles Ogle, ‘Robuste,’ ‘America,’ ‘Shrewsbury,’ ‘Europe,’
‘Rising Sun’ and ‘Swan.’”
[24] Note. Before these accounts are finally closed, justice and
propriety call upon me to signify that there are Persons within the
British Lines--if they are not dead or removed, who have a claim upon
the Public under the strongest assurances of compensation from me for
their services in conveying me private intelligence; and which when
exhibited I shall think myself in honor bound to pay. Why these claims
have not made their appearance ere this, unless from either of the
causes above mentioned--or from a disinclination in them to come forth
till the B. force is entirely removed from the United States, I know
not--But I have thought it an incumbent duty on me to bring the matter
to view that it may be held in remembrance in case such claims should
hereafter appear. Go: Washington. [The private account book of Culper
Senior, in the Library at East Hampton, L. I., shows that he received
the balance due him on August 2, 1790. There is nothing to show that
Robert Townsend ever asked for or received his. Before the capture of
Major André he was anxious for assurances that if he used his own money
to promote the service he would be compensated at the close of the
war. Later it is probable that he preferred not to risk discovery by
preparing an itemized bill, as Woodhull was obliged to do.]
TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY
There is no good reason to question those who say in the veins of
Robert Townsend flowed the blood of Norman Conquerors. Upon his own
immediate ancestors he could look with pardonable pride. The first on
Long Island was John Townsend, one of the patentees of Flushing in 1645
and of Rustdorp as Jamaica, Long Island, was then called, in 1656.
Among John’s children was John, usually called John 2d. He had, among
others, a son James, whose son Jacob, born in 1692, was the father of
Samuel Townsend and grandfather of Robert Townsend, whose _alias_ was
Culper Junior. Robert’s father, Samuel, was born in 1717. He married
Sarah, the daughter of William and Mary (Hicks) Stoddard. Mary’s
parents were John and Deborah (Almy) Hicks.
When Robert’s father, Samuel Townsend, was in his twenty-fourth year,
he was appointed by George Clarke, then Lieutenant-Governor and
Commander-in-Chief of the Province of New York, Ensign in the Company
of Militia Foot in Queens County, Joseph Weeks then being Captain.
His commission is dated December 15, 1741, and bears the signature of
George Clarke, and also of the Deputy Secretary, George Moore.
[Illustration: HOUSES ONCE OCCUPIED BY WASHINGTON’S SPIES.
_See page xi._
]
Samuel Townsend is described in family documents as a fine old
gentleman, of regular features, straight nose, a large blue eye,
high forehead. A snuff-colored or gray suit, with silver knee- and
shoe-buckles, a white stock of cambric lawn gathered in five plaits,
fastened behind with a paste buckle, showing no collar, narrow ruffles
at the shirt-bosom, gold-headed cane, and cocked hat. An uncle used to
say he hated to see Sam and Sarah come into meeting, they looked so
tall and proud. He was said to be a member of Meeting by birthright,
his parents being strict Friends, and his wife, although baptized in
the Episcopal Church, preferred the Friends. They had sons, Solomon,
Samuel, Robert, William, and David, and daughters, Audrey Sarah and
Phebe.
Solomon was seven years older than his brother Robert. Much has already
been published about him. He married Anne daughter of Peter Townsend
of Orange County, New York, and they had eight children:(128) Hannah,
Anne, Mary, Phebe, Samuel, Jacob, Peter, and Solomon.
Robert Townsend, _alias_ Culper Junior, was born November 25, 1753, and
died at Oyster Bay, Long Island, March 7, 1838, aged eighty-four years,
three months, and ten days.
Robert Townsend’s father, Samuel, was always a successful merchant. He
conducted his business at Jericho, Long Island, until 1743, after which
he moved to the property now known as “Raynham Hall” at Oyster Bay,
which he had purchased in 1740. Himself a learned man, he was always
careful to see that the education of his children was not neglected.
Pride radiates in the handwriting still preserved on a page of his
ledger, where he records:
“Sarah Townsend went to school to Rebeccah Coles ye 27th of October,
1766. Rebecca Coles School ceased ye last of February, 1767. Sarah and
Phebe Townsend bagan school with John Townsend’s wife ye 16th March,
1767.”
The ages of the girls at that time were five and seven years. Ten
years earlier the tuition of Robert who became Culper Junior began
under the same teacher. Notes preserved by a nephew read: “My uncle
Robert Townsend went to her school when only three years old, so young
that Madam Townsend used to permit him and her little son Ephraim of
about the same age to play at the pond with the young ducks instead of
obliging them at their tender age to pour over to them unintelligable
school books.”
A sister-in-law of Madam Townsend was Zerviah Townsend who married
Dr. Matthew Parish, here mentioned because of her influence over the
destiny of Robert. It is recorded by a contemporary that “while the
British lay at Boston on the eve of the Revolution, she said to Solomon
Wooden, ‘The Lord has assured me and spoken to me and advised’ that the
Troops by Boston shall withdraw; likewise all the Men of War; and that
America shall be the Mother of Nations and feed them with bread.”
At the commencement of hostilities, Samuel Townsend was slow in
renouncing his allegiance to the King. A former experience was probably
responsible for this caution. When in 1758 he had attempted to get
justice for the neutral French and prisoners of war that had been
brought into Kings County in 1756, he was held in the custody of the
Sergeant-at-Arms of the General Assembly of New York for several days
and was then not released until they had passed a Resolve, that “the
said Samuel Townsend, for writing and sending the said Letter, is
guilty of a high misdemeanor and most daring Insult on the Honour,
Justice and Authority of this House,” and he was further required to
pay a heavy fine and promise that for the future he would be more
cautious to avoid every occasion of exposing himself to their censure
or reproof.
There was another Samuel Townsend in Oyster Bay active for the
Crown as early as December, 1774, “who proposed to convince the
world that his Majesty is not without friends here who will support
his government.” Later he joined the American army and if British
Headquarters confused the two men, they did no more than some of the
biographers have done. Upon capture he was severely punished by the
British in the Provost, New York, while for Samuel of Raynham Hall most
of them had great respect.[25]
Samuel Townsend began active service in the Provincial Congress on May
24, 1775, and usually was present in the sessions to July 1st. Toward
the end of July, he again took his seat and toward the close of May,
1776, he became active. He was with them at White Plains from July
9th to August, and during August attended the Provincial Convention
and was also one of the Committee of Safety. But he did not follow
them to Fishkill, where they began meeting on September 5, 1776. He,
therefore, although elected a member of the committee to draft the
first State Constitution, was not able actively to participate in their
deliberations, and choosing to remain at home was obliged to subscribe
to the Oath of Allegiance to the King.[26]
His appointment on committees to advise with and assist
Brigadier-General Woodhull in protecting the stock was an important
service, as the letters still preserved show. One, dated July 12, 1776,
emphasizes this:[27]
The Provincial Convention on August 24th unanimously resolved,
that Robert Townsend be a commissary to supply General
Woodhull’s Brigade with provisions till such time as General
Washington shall give further orders for that purpose, and
that Mr. William Smith and Mr. Samuel Townsend be a committee
to wait on General Washington with a copy of these resolutions
and submit the expediency and necessity of the same to his
consideration and advice; also that they submit to His
Excellency’s consideration the propriety of ordering Colonel
Smith’s and Colonel Remsen’s regiments of militia to join the
said brigade.
On the 26th of August, Samuel Townsend and William Smith reported in
the following words:
“Your committee, ordered to wait on General Washington with
a request from this Convention that he would be pleased to
order Col. Smith and Remsen’s regiments, that are now in
General Greene’s lines at Brookland, into the western part of
Queens county, to join General Woodhull, with that part of his
brigade that has been lately ordered out from the western part
of Suffolk and Queens counties by this Convention.... That
according to order they waited on His Excellency, and conferred
with him on the subject above mentioned, and that he seemed
well pleased, but he said he was afraid it was too late....
General Washington appeared well satisfied with the proceedings
of the Convention, and said that he should at all times, when
he had it in his power, be ready to give them any assistance
consistent with the public good; and that he would immediately
give orders that Col. Smith’s and Remsen’s regiments should
march into Queens county to join General Woodhull....”
The Convention, upon receipt of the above report, addressed General
Woodhull as follows:
“_Sir_--Yours of yesterday is just come to hand in answer to
which we would inform you that Robert Townsend, the son of
Samuel Townsend, Esqr. is appointed commissary for the troops
under your command, of which we beg you will give him the
earliest notice, and that we have made application to Genl.
Washington for the regiments under the command of Cols. Smith
and Remsen to join you; he assured our committee that he would
issue out orders immediately for that purpose, and we expect
that they are upon the spot by this time....”
General Woodhull replied to this in a letter addressed to the
Honourable the Convention of the State of New York, at Harlem, which is
as follows:
“JAMAICA, August, 27, 1776.
“_Gentlemen_, I am now at Jamaica with less than one hundred
men; having brought all the cattle from the westward southward
of the hills, and have sent them off with the troops of horse,
with orders to take all the rest eastward of this place to
and eastward of Hempstead plains, and to put them into the
fields, and set a guard over them. The enemy I am informed are
intrenching from the heights near Howard’s, southward. I have
now received yours, with several resolutions, which I wish was
in my power to put in execution; but, unless Cols. Smith and
Remsen, mentioned in yours, join me with their regiments, or
some other assistance, immediately, I shall not be able; for
the people are all moving east, and I cannot get any assistance
from them. I shall continue here as long as I can, in hopes
of a reinforcement; but if none comes soon, I shall retreat,
and drive the stock before me, into the woods. Cols. Smith and
Remsen I think can not join me. Unless you can send me some
other assistance, I fear I shall soon be obliged to quit this
place. I hope soon to hear from you. I am, gentlemen, Your most
obedient humble servt.
“NATHL. WOODHULL.”
The next mention of Samuel Townsend will be found in the minutes of the
Committee of Safety, dated
HARLEM, Augt. 29, 1776.
The Committee of Safety met.
Colo. Phenehas Fanning waited on the Committee with a letter
from Colo. Josiah Smith, colonel of the drafts of the militia
of Suffolk, Queens and Kings counties, stationed at Brookland,
in Kings county, informing the Committee that his regiment
is ordered by Genl. Washington to withdraw from Long Island,
and wait the further orders of the Convention of this State.
Thereupon it was
Ordered, That Colo. Josiah Smith do, with all possible
despatch, march his regiment to Horn’s Hook, there to receive
further orders from Mr. Samuel Townsend and Major Lawrence
and that he apply to the Commissary-General for five day’s
provisions, and to the Quarter-Master-General for baggage
wagons, it being of the utmost consequence that his regiment
should march without delay. And
Resolved, That Mr. Samuel Townsend and Major Lawrence be
requested and authorized to attend the regiment commanded
by Colo. Smith, in order to supply the said regiment with
provisions, and to devise the most safe and expeditious means
of transporting the said regiment from Long island; and that
they be authorized and impowered to impress horses, wagons,
boats, vessels, &c. for that purpose, for the payment of which,
and every other necessary expense, this Committee pledge the
public faith.
Ordered, That the Treasurer of this State pay to Mr. Samuel
Townsend and Major Lawrence the sum of one hundred pounds, to
be by them accounted for to the Convention of this State. [p.
601]
James Townsend, uncle of Robert Townsend, who with John Sloss Hobart
attempted to make a stand at Huntington, addressed a letter from there
to the Provincial Congress on August 30th, which in part reads:
“_Gentlemen_--To our unspeakable mortification, we found when
we arrived in Queens county, that the militia had dispersed,
and General Woodhull had fallen into the hands of the enemy. We
then proceeded with all despatch to this town as the only place
where we could have any prospect of making an effectual stand,
as the enemy were in full possession of the western parts of
that county as far as Jamaica, and the disaffected from the
east were gone in to them. Though we were not authorized for
the purpose by Convention, we have taken upon ourselves to
order out the militia of the county to rendezvous here, and
have wrote to Col. Mulford at East Hampton, to come up and take
the command, as he is now the senior officer in the brigade....
We shall direct the commissary to furnish the militia with
provisions....”
Only a few more days on Long Island remained for the faithful followers
of Washington and the army. On September 16th, a lone individual passed
the spot where Townsend and Hobart had attempted to make a stand only
seventeen days before. It was Nathan Hale on his way to a glorified
martyrdom.
FOOTNOTES to “TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY”:
[25] There is but a single recorded instance when Samuel was treated
roughly by the British. It was written for posterity in 1876 by Solomon
Townsend, his grandson, who was a nephew of Robert Townsend, and is as
follows:
“I am induced to pen these lines that the record of the arrest of
Saml. Townsend may be transmitted to another centennial as faithfully
as is possible under the light of the testimony of those who were eye
witnesses of the scene--and from whose lips the narrator heard it.
“On a bright September afternoon in the year 1776, a troop of horse
whose helmets were just before seen reflected in the sun’s rays as they
galloped down South Street wheeled up in front of the house of Jacob
Townsend--whose daughter Thomas Buchanan had wedded--and enquired for
Saml. Townsend. They were directed to the next house, upon the piazza
of which that gentleman was seated.
“He had been 30 years a Magistrate, and then a Member of the Colonial
Assembly and was then one of the Provincial Congress, Committee of
Safety, and of the Convention that was deliberating upon the first
Constitution of this State--that of 1777--wherein the mind of John
Jay, and other distinguished Statesmen, was said to have outlined the
Constitution of the United States as inaugurated at Philadelphia a
dozen years later.
“The subaltern in command--asked whether ‘Sam’ Townsend was home and
the reply being ‘I am the man,’ with great discourtesy--accompanied
with an oath, directed him to get himself ready to accompany them to
the Provost (the Prison Ships, &c.) at New York. Mr. T. hoped they
would wait till he had time to send a servant to an outlot for a saddle
horse, a request that was rudely yielded with another blasphemous
expression.
“During this brief delay--the young upstart strutted over the Hall,
taking from one of the mantels a fowling piece and shattering it,
denying the right of a rebel to have in possession even such a weapon.
In the parlor the Portrait of Capt. Solomon Townsend--taken in
Portugal in 1772--when in command of one of Mr. Buchanan’s ships--the
Glasgow--attracted the young martinet’s attention, and he expressed
his regret that it was not in his power to wreak the vengeance of his
superiors upon him also.
“Whilst these scenes were enacting within doors, and Mr. Townsend’s
wife and his young daughters--Sarah and Phebe, were almost frantic at
the rudeness exhibited towards the venerated husband and parent--the
neighbors collected in front and when the agony of the family was
witnessed, their sympathy even to tears was excited, Tories as most
of them were in their political affiliations. My authority--outside
the family for this incident (Miss Elizabeth Wooden, deceased some 20
years), and whose family took the Tory side--said that altho’ among the
crowd of neighbors were some of the instigators of the arrest--they
claimed that Mr. Townsend was not regarding his pledged word to remain
neutral--when they witnessed their really loved and respected neighbor
torn from his family under such painful circumstances, openly regretted
that their political animosity had contributed to produce so sad a
scene.
“Provided with only a change of clothing, Mr. T. was soon taken by
the Troop on their way to the superior officer whose quarters were
then in the vicinity of Jericho. On ascending the hill at the southern
terminus of ‘Pine-hollow’--then and long afterwards known as the ‘Great
Hill,’ Mr. and Mrs. Buchanan in their Phaeton and Miss Audrey, Mr.
Townsend’s eldest daughter met them--Mr. Buchanan at once enquired
into the surprising circumstances, and taking the saddle horse of Miss
Townsend--sent the ladies home, whilst he accompanied the cavalcade
on the route. Arrived at the quarters of the superior officer he
became responsible to the extent of several thousand pounds, that the
prisoners should be produced upon a notice of six hours.
“The two gentlemen then returned to their homes reaching the village at
a late hour of the evening and thus allaying the alarm and distress of
their families.
“To illustrate how even the gentler members of the family were made
to feel the rudeness, or as Colonel Simcoe afterwards wrote in his
Valentine to one of them, ‘the Iron Spear of War,’ when the Troopers
noticed that Miss Townsend rode a fine animal--they insultingly
enquired of her how she dared to appear thus, without the Tory badge
or escutcheon upon its ear--she replied, she preferred riding her own
petted filly as it was.
“The kindness of Mr. Buchanan was returned to him by the continuance of
business prosperity, and finally when a boat lay at the foot of Wall
St. with all his moveable worldly goods ready to take his family to
Nova Scotia--and the property of those of his own political associates
was being daily confiscated or attached by the New York Legislature,
then in session at the head of Wall St., none rose to move the seizure
of that of the noble hearted merchant, Thomas Buchanan, Tory, as he
might be called.”
[26] After the date below Samuel Townsend carried an Oath of
Allegiance, in form as follows:
_Certificate from Judge Hicks_
This is to certify that Samuel Townsend hath submitted to government
and taken the oath of allegiance to his Majesty King George this 10th
Sept. 1776 before me.
WHITEHEAD HICKS,
One of the Judges of the Supr. Court.
[27]
NEW YORK, July 12, 1776.
_Gentlemen_:--We have conferred with the General concerning the removal
of stock back again to the pastures from whence they were driven; he
was much chagrinned at the proposal and absolutely refused to consent,
mentioning the unhappy consequences of not seasonably removing the
stock from Staten Island. He is of opinion that all means should be
used with the utmost expedition to remove the stock from Long Island,
for which he promises to give all necessary assistance. We are of the
same opinion, and hope your House will not lose a moment in giving
peremptory orders concerning a matter of such vast importance. We
are just informed by General Putnam, that one of Lord Howe’s fleet
arrived yesterday: the utmost dispatch is necessary. We need use no
arguments: the affairs at Staten Island being fresh in your minds. We
are gentlemen, your humble servants,
ABRM. KETALTAS,
SAML. TOWNSEND,
JOHN BROOM.
SPIES AND SPIES
As Culper Junior, the spy, the most trying period in the career
of Robert Townsend was now approaching. British officers had been
quartered at his parents’ home at Oyster Bay for the past four years.
His sisters made life agreeable for all,[28] and saved their none too
complacent parent from the wrath of many a would-be enemy. Hannah, his
first cousin and neighbor, had already married Major Joseph Green, of
the British Army. His sister Sarah had received from Colonel Simcoe a
Valentine and other tokens of esteem.[29] Sir William Erskine had been
entertained at Simcoe’s headquarters in their home, and Major André had
upon several occasions visited Colonel Simcoe there and was treated
almost as one of the family. Sarah had frequently furnished her brother
with important information, but now she must have sensed that something
unusual was about to happen. Inquiries were being made about the shores
of the Hudson in the vicinity of West Point, and, thinking himself
unobserved, a supposed Whig from that section had entered the house
and concealed in a little-used cupboard a letter. Sarah examined it
as soon as he had slipped out. It seemed to be only a business letter
addressed to James Anderson, but she determined to watch its fate.
Later Major André entered the room. He searched through the closets and
when he came to the letter hastily concealed it upon his person without
examining it, and, taking a dish of doughnuts that were still hot from
the fire, he hid them as an excuse for entering the forbidden precincts
of the kitchen. Later, Sarah, by listening to a whispered conversation
in Colonel Simcoe’s room,[30] could distinguish the words West Point,
repeated several times.
[Illustration]
A note to her brother Robert was hastily written. Captain Daniel
Youngs, of the British Army, a lifelong friend, was sent for. He
was told they were out of a certain kind of tea she would need for
her party the following evening. It was to be had at her brother’s
store in New York and a messenger must be sent for it at once. Always
accommodating, even though he had to wait nearly three years before he
received on April 1, 1783, £200, and July 16, £200, in all over $1000
in hard money for his services, a horse and rider was furnished and
before night closed, Robert Townsend was in possession of his sister’s
information. It was on its way to Setauket the next morning,[31]
crossed the Sound between midnight and daylight, and soon Benjamin
Tallmadge had the puzzling message. He had been impatiently waiting for
it, having returned from special service for the purpose of keeping an
engagement with Brewster.
In the absence of Major Tallmadge others had opened a letter addressed
to him from Benedict Arnold. It accompanied supplies they were sadly
in need of, the receipt of which made them feel under particular
obligation to him. Tallmadge’s anxiety for the messengers who were
crossing the Sound gave him little opportunity to examine Arnold’s
letter and he had almost forgotten about it when Brewster and his
companions arrived. It seemed so probable that the stain letters
contained vital information that Tallmadge fortunately decided to
translate them as he had the preceding ones. In them he read that
British officers at Oyster Bay were talking about West Point, and had
received under suspicious circumstances a letter from there addressed
to Mr. John Anderson.
Major Tallmadge was still working on a mysterious series of letters
that was passing between Rhode Island and DeLancey in New York. General
Washington had written saying “I applaud your zeal and attention” and
added “I am sufficiently apprized of the circumstances to prevent his
doing any injury.... Keep the matter to yourself as far as practicable.”
* * * * *
Until Major Tallmadge found an opportunity to read General Arnold’s
letter there was little significance in the intelligence from Culper
Junior that British officers were talking about West Point and
receiving letters addressed to a Mr. Anderson, but when he read the
paragraph in the letter from our General at West Point
“If Mr. James Anderson,[32] a person I expect from New York
should come to your quarters, I have to request that you will
give him an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to
this place, and send an express to me that I may meet him.
If your business will permit I wish you to come with him. B.
ARNOLD.”[33]
the suspicious circumstances at once impressed him. However, perhaps
because of General Washington’s advice he betrayed no hint of this
in his reply to Arnold. In fact he agreed to conduct Mr. Anderson to
West Point. Had he later insisted upon Jameson permitting him to do so
Arnold might have been captured as well as André. Extracts from Major
Tallmadge’s letter to Arnold read:
LOWER SALEM, Septr. 21, 1780.
_Sir._ I had the Honor last evening to receive your favor of
the 13th inst. It arrived here in due season, and as I was
absent on Command by special Directions of His Excellency Genl.
Washington, the letter was opened and the instructions therein
contained I trust have been duly attended to.... I expect to
join Col. Jameson immediately, and should Mr. Anderson come
to my Qrs. I will do the needful, and shall be very happy to
wait on him to Hd.Qrs.... I have also just received an accurate
return of the Enemy, so far as respects their Corps and the
Posts they occupy. If you have not the present distribution
of the Enemies forces, I can give it to you from the best
authority, and taken on the spot. The Express is now waiting.
I have no time to add, save that I am, with Every Sentiment of
Esteem, Sir, your most Obedt. Servt.
BENJ. TALLMADGE.
Major Tallmadge was on tour, endeavoring to discover the intentions
of the enemy when Paulding and his companions brought a man to
Headquarters they declared to be a spy. John Jameson, of the Second
Regiment, Light Dragoons, was commanding officer at that time, and
promptly dispatched the prisoner under guard to Benedict Arnold at
West Point. He was well on his way when Major Tallmadge returned that
evening, but, learning that the prisoner’s name was Anderson and
that he had information from West Point, he insisted upon Jameson
ordering his return. Reluctantly he consented, but would not recall
the messenger that was carrying the information to Arnold.[34]
That “John Anderson” acknowledged his real name to be Major André,
Adjutant-General to the British Army, and that on the 2d of October,
1780, he was hanged as a spy, are facts well known to all. Major
Tallmadge’s comment in his “Memoirs” is:
“I might enlarge greatly in anecdotes relating to this
momentous event in our revolutionary war. Some things relating
to the detention of André, after he had been sent to General
Arnold, are purposely omitted.... I have deliberately concluded
never to disclose the circumstances which relate to that
interesting event.”
General Greene, in announcing the discovery of Arnold’s treason[35] on
September 24, 1780, stated:
“The Providential Train of Circumstances which led to it
affords the most convincing Proofs that the Liberties of
America are the Object of Divine Protection.”
FOOTNOTES to “SPIES AND SPIES”:
[28] About ninety years ago a remarkable letter was written by a
prominent member of the Townsend family, then residing in Albany.
It was addressed to another member of the family and was not to be
made public. The writer had journeyed to Oyster Bay to interview Mrs.
Elizabeth Titus, who had seen Washington three times and knew every
member of the Townsend family. There had been two attempts made to
destroy this letter, before it reached the Long Island Collection, by
parties who did not know its value. Once it had actually been thrown
into the fire, but other letters surrounded it so compactly that it
would not burn. A rag-picker put the package in his bag and later
disposed of those letters that were not scorched. It overthrows some
family traditions, but helps to confirm the Culper documents. Extracts
from it follow:
“Our conversation opened by reference to your resemblance to our
ancestor Samuel, and by an easy transition fell upon the loves of
our excellent aunts of Oyster Bay. Sarah Thorne has stated that Aunt
Sarah was the magnet which attracted Winzingeroda. Mrs. Titus thinks
this cannot be. Aunt Sarah she says, was beloved by every one, a
polite way, you know, of insinuating that no one took her in the full
meaning of the word. She thinks too that not Winzingeroda but a brother
lieutenant, Ocksie, was the great admirer of Aunt Phebe; he wrote a
piece of verse, it appears, on the loss of a bow of ribbon from her
shoe.
“These gentlemen belonged to the corps of Yagers, which esteemed
itself above the Hessians. Lewis deWurmb was the Colonel and
commanded the Island. Mrs. Titus remembers seeing him frequently at
her father-in-law’s at Westbury--She recollects a couple of officers
besides lieutenants like the pair above--one of the name of Schoeffer,
the other’s name was pronounced like our Shaker. Wurmb and all his
officers were men popular with the islanders for their unassuming and
courteous demeanour towards them. On the contrary, Simcoe and his
Rangers, a corps composed of recreant Americans, were universally
detested, especially the chief. The British troops were of course in
great part withdrawn from the Island in summer to enter into active
field operations. In winter Flushing used to overflow with troops--It
was customary to detail daily a number to Bayside and the neighborhood,
generally rejoining their respective corps at night in the village from
fear of the whalers. Mrs. Titus remembers the 17th Light Horse, thirty
or forty of whom would often come down to her father’s, turn their
horses into his meadows, and invade and occupy the kitchen without
saying a word. Once Joseph Lawrence presumed to remonstrate against
their digging potatoes, and was peremptorily arrested and sent to learn
better manners towards British Troops in Judge Hicks bars. Commonly the
officers were polite, and it was by no means unusual for them to be
invited to partake of the family dinner.
“The ‘Friends to the country’ were few--Joseph Lawrence and others of
his name and family on the neck--the Townsends of Oyster Bay--Samuel
and Dr. James particularly--and the Onderdonks at Hempstead or the
Harbour. Whenever they used to hear of the escapes of their country men
on the main they contrived to gather in each other’s houses, and find
in their joy and mutual congratulations at such auspicious news some
consolation for the hardships and the suspense they had to endure on
account of their insulated position.
“Mrs. Titus remembers seeing Washington at three distinct periods.
When he came through New York on his way to take command of the army.
He landed at the Battery, and stepping into a sulky drove through ‘the
fields,’ escorted by a few horse. Mrs. T. went with her father to the
top of Beekman street to see him. He was dressed in a plain suit of
drab. Her next sight of him was obtained in the same city a few days
after the British troops evacuated the place. Her third and last she
enjoyed at the time of the inauguration.”
[29] Before the first local history was printed J. Fenimore Cooper
helped to immortalize in fiction, Sarah and her Valentine, in the
closing chapter of _The Spy_.(142)
[30] This was not Major André’s first whispered conversation during
which West Point was mentioned. Before he left “the Brown House” in
East Hampton in August, where General Clinton had summoned him for a
conference with Colonel Simcoe, during an animated conversation the
fort was frequently mentioned. Servants in the house were listening and
heard André say that “if he must go he would, but he did not expect
ever to return.” A record of this conversation has been preserved in
an unusual manner. Dr. Samuel Buell who was minister in East Hampton
during the Revolutionary War obtained a pamphlet “Proceedings of a
Board of General Officers ... respecting Major John André,” printed
in 1780. At Buell’s death it was given to his grandson, John Lyon
Gardiner, who perused it with great interest, for his recollections
of André were vivid, having frequently seen him in Colonel Abraham
Gardiner’s home. On bits of paper he began recording anecdotes and
on the reverse of title of this pamphlet of “Proceedings” which was
a blank page, in his own unmistakable handwriting he has left this
remarkable statement. See page 115. A few whispered words to Major
Davis and Mary Gardiner, wife of Colonel Abraham Gardiner, might have
shared with Sarah Townsend in rescuing West Point and saving the
American army.
[31] One of General Washington’s horses was kept in New York City at
this time, for the purpose of speeding these messages. The General paid
for its feed out of a secret fund, but kept receipts, which are still
preserved. This is probably the first mention of the fact.
[32] Mr. James Anderson. _James_ for _John_ is not a typographical
error. Although perhaps until now it has never been noticed,
nevertheless it is so in the original in the Library of Congress.
[33] Washington Papers, Library of Congress, No. 20155, September 13,
1780.
[34] There would have been no harm in the messages reaching Arnold had
he not been implicated. Recall of the messenger would clearly indicate
that Arnold was suspected. Major Tallmadge had sufficient intelligence
to convict him, but he did not choose to betray the confidence of the
Culpers by producing it.
[35] Orderly Book, September 24, 1780. Original in the
Adjutant-General’s Office, War Department, Washington, D.C.
JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT
Had the treason of Benedict Arnold been less carefully planned there
might be more excuse for his conduct. Certainly at the moment many
conspired to convince him that the time was approaching when it would
become necessary to make peace with the mother country. The best spies
of the enemy were falling into the hands of our Colonel Sheldon’s men
or visiting General Parsons, and all were forwarded to Arnold, where
they were able to accomplish the work they were employed to do, which
was to prejudice him against his country. Letters such as Parsons’
of September 5th, in which he says “the wretches who have crept into
Congress are almost below contempt: our country will never prosper in
their hands and they will starve us in the midst of plenty: to deny
the very obvious justice and to insult us when we require it, is left
only for Politicians of the New World.” Such, and there were others
reached him besides Parsons’, must have induced him to believe that
self government would not succeed. But while these may have encouraged
his treason they are not sufficient to excuse it. Every detail of his
plot was planned with cunning. His attempt to locate all the spies is
an example. The historian Marshall says he received from Lafayette the
information that Arnold endeavored to procure from General Washington
the names of his secret emissaries in New York, otherwise known as the
Culpers. Dunlap[36] says: “An incident which the gallant and honest
Lafayette tells us, marks the character of Arnold more distinctly than
ever the dénouement of his diabolical plot. Before leaving the army for
West Point, he went to the marquis, and mentioning his knowledge that
the noble Frenchman had spies in New York, employed at his own expense,
he asked their names and addresses; suggesting that their intelligence
might reach him more certainly and expeditiously by the way of West
Point, and suggesting that if he was in possession of their names,
he might facilitate the intercourse. The gallant and ever honorable
Lafayette escaped the snare laid by the arch traitor, merely through
his honest and upright sense of duty--replying that those individuals
had confided in him, and he could not divulge their secret to any
person whatever.”
* * * * *
With our General Howe he had better success. In his letter from
Robinson’s House, August 5th, he says:
“As the safety of this Post and garrison in a great measure
depends on having good intelligence of the movements and
designs of the enemy, and as you have been fortunate in the
agents you have employed for that purpose, I must request,
with their permission, to be informed who they are, as I wish
to employ them, for the same purpose. I will engage upon them
to make no discovery of them to any person breathing. Your
complyance will oblige Dear Sir, Your affectionate and obed.
Hbl. Servt.
“B. ARNOLD.”
The reply of Robert Howe on August 14th, was:
“The two most intelligent and confidential I got to undertake
with difficulty, and they did it with the greatest reluctance
and not without my pledging in the most solemn manner my honor
not to inform any person upon earth of their names, or of
their acting in the capacity of emisarys, they are persons of
character and property, who cannot without utter ruin get out
of the enemy’s power, and yet devoted to America, have agreed
to serve in a way they do not like, but which is the only way
they can at present serve her in. I have written to them and
urged them to let me give their address to you, but having
suggested to them long since how it would benefit service if
I should be removed to South Carolina if they would suffer
me to inform some general officers of them, they in the most
positive terms refused; and it is not without great persuasion
and difficulty that they are prevailed upon to continue their
acting even for me; this makes me fear they will not consent to
it tho I sincerely wish they may. I cannot indeed blame this
caution, as their life and the ruin of their families must be
the certain consequence should any accident happen to them. I
have a tolerable agent who acts by way of Long Island and has
been very faithful, intelligent and useful to me; he too has
property. I have written to him also pressing him to disclose
himself to you and have his answer: he says that he will give
you information of every circumstance which relates to your
post or to any part under your command, that he will task
himself to give every information of the enemy’s intentions,
and will faithfully report to you every movement which relates
to you; he will correspond with you under the name of John
Williams, and has made me pledge my honor that you will not
endeavour by any means to learn his real name and if by
accident you find it out that you never disclose it; this sir
I have pledged myself for your assurance of. He will mark the
letters Private, and you must injoin your family not to open
any letters so marked.
“ROBERT HOWE.”
In Arnold’s reply on the 16th he says:
“You lay me under infinite obligations to you, by interesting
yourself so greatly in matters of such important concern to
myself and my command.... You have my honor that I will not
be solicitous about the real name of Mr. Williams and you may
pledge my faith to him that if accident should disclose his
real name to me, I will not discover it. I will take proper
precautions that no gentlemen of my family open any letters
addressed to me as Private.”
The most notorious spy during the War of the Revolution was
unquestionably Major John André, of the British Army. So much depended
upon the success or failure of his undertaking that every move he made
is interesting. The part the spies of Washington played in holding
him when he had almost succeeded in following the traitor Arnold to
freedom, is excuse for the detail that follows:
When André’s fate was known he had a host of sympathizers but there
were never many in this country whom he could call his friends. There
was one notable exception. In John Graves Simcoe at Oyster Bay, Long
Island, he had a faithful friend as well as an admirer. Simcoe, born
in England in 1752, was sent to Eton at the age of fourteen. Thence he
removed to Merton College, Oxford, where his classical education was
completed. At the age of 19 he obtained a commission as ensign in the
35th Regiment, and after three years service he came to America. He
landed in Boston on June 17th, 1775, the day of the Battle of Bunker
Hill; soon purchased command of a company in the 40th Regiment and
for distinguished service was made second in command of the Queen’s
Rangers. This regiment originated in Connecticut with Colonel Rogers
at its head (the same Rogers who made the Rock or Slide in Lake George
famous) and was then known as Rogers’ Rangers. Under Colonel Simcoe
it was composed of American Loyalists including a number of gentlemen
of Virginia. To these he added a company of Highlanders and a company
of Irish until it numbered 550. It was one of the most efficient and
active corps in the service. Whenever possible their headquarters
were at Oyster Bay. After the war he became a member of Parliament
and on the division of the Canadas in 1791, he was appointed the
first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, where he served with great
distinction.[37] During the war, when his headquarters were in the
Townsend House at Oyster Bay the New York papers and London magazines
contained much favorable publicity for him and his Rangers. There is
reason to believe that many of these articles were either handed to or
written by Culper Junior.
Colonel Simcoe was the first, aside from General Clinton, to know of
Major André’s plotting. The twenty-third of August, 1780, found him
back in his old quarters at Oyster Bay, after more than a month’s
absence, on the east end of Long Island. He had seen much of Major
André during that month and they had become warm friends, trusting
each other with their confidences. Simcoe through him was able to
“communicate his wishes and hopes to the commander in chief,” and
André never failed to advise Simcoe of the progress of his coveted
honors. “I am Deputy Adjutant General still and without confirmation
of rank. I do not, however, despair of its being granted me” he writes
on July 5th. The next day, from Flushing, L. I., he found another
occasion to address Colonel Simcoe. Simcoe upon his return to Oyster
Bay outlined a plan he wished André to submit to General Clinton and
under date of August 29th, André reported as follows:
“_Dear Simcoe_--I laid before the General your proposed
arrangement for giving officers to the troops & which he
entirely approves of.... You are to draw a pay of Lt. Colonel
of Cavalry.... I will speak today about your Cavalry joining
you which I forgot to mention yesterday.... JOHN ANDRÉ, Adjt.
Gen.”
In this way, Simcoe says, “Sir Henry Clinton had been pleased to
intrust him with knowledge of the important negotiation which
terminated so unfortunately in the death of Major André, and at the
same time he informed him on what service he should eventually employ
him if it took effect, and directed him to obtain as minute a knowledge
as he could of the country, where future operations were likely to be
carried on.”
It appears that Benedict Arnold’s negotiations began about the time
of his marriage to Margaret Shippen,[38] which occurred in April,
1779. He confided in Beverly Robinson that he was ready to return to
the king’s service if a sufficiently interesting arrangement could be
made. This information was conveyed to Sir Henry Clinton who saw in
it great possibilities. Arnold was encouraged to open negotiations
and André was to carry them to a successful conclusion. Matters were
progressing slowly when, less than a week after André had written from
Flushing, there came to him a letter entirely in the secret cipher
used by Sir Henry Clinton. To André at that time the use of their code
by an American General may have been a mystery, but it is now easily
explained. Moody, a clever British spy, managed to fall into the hands
of Arnold and helped him prepare the letter. He was in duress at West
Point when Arnold took command and it is recorded that his condition
excited the general’s attention. This letter is addressed to John
Anderson (Major André) and advises the British commander that John
Moore (Benedict Arnold) has accepted the command at West Point and will
betray it. In full the letter follows:
[Illustration:
(Original in the William L. Clements Library,
by whose permission it is used.)
“John Moore” [Benedict Arnold] writes to “John Anderson” [Major André]
advising the British Commander that he [Arnold] has accepted the
command at West Point and will betray it.
_See page 126._
]
“I wrote to Capt. B---- on the 7th of June, that a F----fleet
and army were expected to act in conjunction with the A----
army. At the same time I gave Mr. S---- a manifesto intended to
be pubished in C----a, and have from time to time communicated
to him such intelligence as I thought interesting, which he
assures me he has transmitted to you. I have received no
answer to my letter, or any verbal message--I expect soon
to command at W. Pt. and most seriously wish an interview
with some intelligent officers in whom a mutual confidence
could be placed. The necessity is evident to arrange and to
cooperate.--An officer might be taken prisoner near that Post
and permitted to return on parole, or some officer on Parole
sent out to effect an exchange.
“General W---- expects on the arrival of the F----Troops
to collect 30,000 Troops to act in conjunction; if not
disappointed, N. York is fixed on as the first object; if his
numbers are not sufficient for that object, Can-a- is the
second; of which I can inform you in time, as well as of every
other design. I have accepted the command at W. P. as a Post
in which I can render the most essential services, and which
will be in my disposal. The mass of the people are heartily
tired of the war, and wish to be on their former footing.
They are promised great events from this year’s exertion.
If--disappointed--you have only to persevere and the contest
will soon be at an end. The present struggles are like the
pangs of a dying man, violent but of a short duration.
“As life and fortune are risked by serving His Majesty, it
is necessary that the latter shall be secured as well as the
emoluments I give up, and a compensation for services agreed
on, and a sum advanced for that purpose--which I have mentioned
in a letter which accompanies this, which Sir Henry will not, I
believe, think unreasonable. I am, Sir,
“Your hble Servt.
J MOORE.”
“July 12th, 1780
“Mr. Jn. Anderson
“P.S. I have great confidence in the Bearer, but beg Sir Henry
will threaten him with his resentment in case he abuses the
confidence placed in him, which will bring certain ruin on me.
The Bearer will bring me 200 guineas, and pay the remainder to
Capt. A---- who is requested to receive the deposit for Mr.
Moore.”
Moody was still at West Point when another now famous British spy
arrived. He came with a letter of introduction from General Samuel
H. Parsons, which enabled him to dine at Arnold’s table and sleep
in his Headquarters. General Parsons foolishly wrote from Reading,
August 28th, 1780, saying: “Mr. Heron is a neighbor of mine for whose
integrity and firm attachment to the cause of the Country I will
hold myself answerable.... I am certain he will conduct with strict
honor every matter he undertakes.” To the Secret Service of General
Washington William Heron was known as Hiram the British Spy.
From Arnold’s correspondence it would seem that at this particular time
he was looking for some one besides his wife in whom he could confide
his treasonable designs. His letters to Parsons became frequent.
Elisha Sheldon’s letter in which he complains of the assignment
General Washington had given him[39] may have given Arnold a reason to
believe he could depend upon him, for Sheldon closed by saying: “The
friendly acquaintance which I have been honoured with General Arnold,
and his well known military character, will make me peculiarly happy
in receiving any orders from him, which shall be implicitly obeyed.”
Arnold the next day replied saying: “I am happy to have an officer on
the lines in which I can place the greatest confidence.”
From Sheldon two spies from New York were sent to Arnold on August
14th, and another on the 19th.
Early in September he received a barrel of rum with Arnold’s
compliments, which may have been responsible for his being off duty
when so badly needed on September 23d. The order for the rum still
exists among the Washington Papers, No. 19796, and shows that Arnold
had no intentions of paying for it. In full it reads:
_Head Quarters_, August 28, 1780.
“_Sir._ In your return of Rum you will omit the puncheon of
Spirits which I have ordered to be reserved for my own use. You
will please to let me know how long the quantity on hand will
serve the Troops and what State stores are in the Magazine. I
have this day given an order for one Barrel Rum for Colonel
Sheldon, that also to be left out.
“B. ARNOLD.”
Another now famous letter passed from Arnold to André dated August
30th, 1780. It reads:
“_Sir_: On the 24th instant I received a note from you without
date, in answer to mine of the 7th of July, also a letter from
your house of the 24th July, in answer to mine of the 15th,
with a note from Mr. B----, of the 30th July; with an extract
of a letter from Mr. J. Osborne of the 24th. I have paid
particular attention to the contents of the several letters;
had they arrived earlier, you should have had my answer sooner.
A variety of circumstances has prevented my writing you before.
I expect to do it very fully in a few days, and to procure you
an interview with Mr. M----e, when you will be able to settle
your commercial plan, I hope, agreeable to all parties. Mr.
M----e assures me that he is still of opinion that his first
proposal is by no means unreasonable, and makes no doubt,
when he has had a conference with you, that you will close
with it. He expects, when you meet, that you will be fully
authorized from your House; that the risks and profits of the
copartnership may be fully and clearly understood.
“A speculation might at this time be easily made to some
advantage with _ready money_; but there is not the quantity
of goods _at market_ which your partner seems to suppose, and
the number of speculators below, I think, will be against
your making an immediate purchase. I apprehand goods will be
in greater plenty, and much cheaper, in the course of the
season; both dry and wet are much wanted and in demand at this
juncture; some quantities are expected in this part of the
country soon. Mr. M----e flatters himself that in the course of
ten days he will have the pleasure of seeing you; he requests
me to advise you, that he has ordered a draft on you in favor
of our mutual friend S----y for £300, which you will charge on
account of the _tobacco_. I am, in behalf of Mr. M----e & Co.,
Sir, your obedient humble servant,
“GUSTAVUS.
“Mr John Anderson, Merchant,
“To the care of James Osborne, to be left at the Reverend Mr.
Odell’s, New York.”
Next from Lower Salem, dated Sept. 6th, came a letter from Sheldon to
Arnold.[40] He reports having placed the messages as Arnold directed.
His letter closes with the following paragraph:
“The person mentioned is not returned from his Excursion. I
have forwarded Mrs. Arnold’s letter for Major Gibs to Col.
DeLancey and wrote him on the subject; in answer he writes me
that if any articles are sent to him for Mrs. Arnold he will
take particular care of them and inform me immediately. I
fear the matter may be attended with some difficulty, as I am
informed Gen. Parsons will take command on the lines tomorrow,
however will do the best I can to secreet the articles should
they come within my power. I have the Honor to be Dear Sir,
with great Esteem & Regard Your most obt. Humbl. Sert.
“ELISHA SHELDON.”
With the intention of reaching Arnold, but not caring to address him
directly, Major André’s next letter was directed to Sheldon, as follows:
“NEW YORK, 7 Sept. 1780. _Sir_: I am told my name is made known
to you, and that I may hope your indulgence in permitting me to
meet a friend near Your outposts. I will endeavour to obtain
permission to go out with a flag which will be sent to Dobbs’
Ferry on Sunday next the 11th at 12 o’clock, when I shall
be happy to meet Mr. G. Should I not be allowed to go, the
officer who is to command the escort, between whom and myself
no distinction need be made, can speak on the affair. Let me
entreat you, Sir, to favor a matter so interesting to the
parties concerned, and which is of so private a nature that the
public on neither side can be injured by it.
“I shall be happy on my part of doing any act of kindness to
you in a family or property concern, of a similar nature.
“I trust I shall not be detained but should any old grudge be
a cause for it, I should rather risk that than neglect the
business in question or assume a mysterious character to carry
on an innocent affair and as friends have advised get to your
lines by stealth. I am with all regard Yr most humble sert.
“JOHN ANDERSON.”
Shortly before the arrival of the above letter Colonel Sheldon received
a note from Arnold reading:
“ROBINSON’S HOUSE, 7 September, 1780.--Since I saw you, I have
had an opportunity of transmitting a letter to the person
in New York, of whom I made mention, and am in expectation
of procuring a meeting at your quarters. If I can bring
this matter about, as I hope, I shall open a channel of
intelligence, that will be regular and to be depended upon. I
am, &c.
“B. ARNOLD.”
Sheldon was evidently mystified by these letters, and so from Lower
Salem on September 9th, 1780, addressed Arnold:
“_Dear Sir_; Enclosed I send you a letter, which I received
last evening from New York, signed John Anderson, who mentions
his being made known to me. If this is the person you mentioned
in your favor of yesterday, he must have had his information
by your letter, as I never heard his name mentioned before I
received the letter. I hope you will not fail meeting him at
Dobbs’s Ferry; if you cannot meet him yourself, pray send some
person that you can confide in. I am so much out of health,
that I shall not be able to ride that distance in one day. I
am, &c.
“ELISHA SHELDON.”
Arnold showed alarm upon receiving this letter. Probably because André
had spoken in such a manner as he feared would excite suspicion. In his
reply to Sheldon he says:
“ROBINSON’S HOUSE, 10 September, 1780.
“_Dear Sir_; I received last night your favor of yesterday.
You judge right. I wrote to Mr. Anderson on the 3d instant,
requesting him to meet me at your quarters, and informed
him that I had hinted the matter to you, and that you would
send any letter to me, or inform me of his arrival. I did
not mention his name in my letter to you, as I thought it
unnecessary. I was obliged to write with great caution to him.
My letter was signed Gustavus, to prevent any discovery in
case it fell into the hands of the enemy.
“From the tenor of Mr. Anderson’s letter, (in particular that
part where he says, ‘The officer, who commands the escort,
between whom and myself no distinction need be made, can speak
on the affair,’) I am led to conjecture my letter has been
intercepted. There are several things in the letter, which
appear mysterious. As you are unwell, and I want to go to
Verplanck’s Point to give directions in some matters there,
I am determined to go as far as Dobbs’s Ferry and meet the
flag. If Mr. Anderson should not be permitted to come out
with the flag and should find means to come to your quarters,
I wish you to send an express to let me know; and send two
or three horsemen to conduct him on the way to meet me, as
it is difficult for me to ride so far. If your health will
permit, I wish you to come with him. I have promised him your
protection, and that he shall return in safety. I am convinced
of his inclination to serve the public; and if he has received
my letter, and in consequence thereof should come to your
quarters, I make no doubt to fix a mode of intelligence, that
will answer my wishes.
“If General Parsons has arrived, I wish you to show him my
letter, and tell him that my request is to have Mr. Anderson
escorted to meet me. Please to write me by return of the
express through what channel you received Mr. Anderson’s
letter, and if your emissary has returned. I am, with great
regard, &c.
“B. ARNOLD.”
Sheldon’s reply to Arnold’s above was prompt. It is dated Lower Salem,
12 September, 1780.
“_Dear General_, In your favor of the 10th instant, you desired
to know, through what channel I received Mr. Anderson’s
letter. It was by a flag that came to our lines, and forwarded
to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson. It came to me sealed. The
person, so often mentioned, has returned from New York, where
he was detained ten days before he could obtain permission
to return. He was not suffered to leave his quarters, unless
escorted by some person appointed by the Commanding Officer for
that purpose; by which means he had no opportunity of gaining
any intelligence of consequence. He will be at your quarters
within a few days. His name is Elijah Hunter. General Parsons
had not arrived at North Castle yesterday at twelve o’clock. I
am to inform you that I have been in arrest two or three days,
on a complaint exhibited to head-quarters by a villain by the
name of Darius Stoddard, for defrauding the public, together
with sundry other charges. I have the honor to be, &c.
“E. SHELDON.”
General Washington momentarily expected the British boats to ascend
the Hudson, as is evident by his letter to Arnold preparing for that
emergency. Answering it from Headquarters at Robinson’s House on
September 12, 1780, Arnold in a paragraph saves the barge crew for
himself and enables us to record the regiment to which they belonged.
He says:
“... The order, contained in the postscript of your
Excellency’s letter of the 7th, to send the eight bargemen of
Colonel Putnam’s regiment to join their regiment, I conceive to
be on a supposition of their being idle at West Point. I beg
leave to observe, that they are now employed as my bargemen;
that all the militia oarsmen had, previous to the receipt of
the order, been drafted, and sent to different commands, at
King’s Ferry and elsewhere, so that it is out of my power to
procure a proper crew for my barge; for which reason I have
thought proper to detain them until I receive your Excellency’s
further orders on the subject.[41]
“BENEDICT ARNOLD.”
Arnold now started to meet John Anderson, as appointed in his letter
of September 7th. For this purpose he set out in his barge on Sunday
afternoon; passed the night at Joshua Smith’s house, and on the morning
of the 11th of September descended nineteen miles to Dobbs’ Ferry.
There is every reason to believe that André was nearby, expecting him,
but as Arnold’s barge drew near some British gun boats opened such a
fire that Arnold was put in peril of his life and obliged to fall back.
In the hope of being followed he retired to an American post on the
west shore, above the ferry, where he remained until sundown, but no
flag came. That night he returned to West Point and André went back to
New York.
_Simcoe Wished to Capture Washington_
During the first week in September Major André had arranged that
Colonel Simcoe and the Rangers were to take an active part in the
surrender of West Point. Word now reached the Colonel that he was to
be ready to embark upon the arrival of Sir George Rodney’s fleet, and
it was rumored for an intended expedition into the Chesapeake. This so
upset Colonel Simcoe that he hastily and in great distress appealed by
letter to Major André. Immediately upon his return from Dobbs’ Ferry
the Major answered him, as follows:
“September 12, 1780. _Dear Simcoe_: Rely upon it your alarms
are vain. Colonel Watson or you, one or the other, will not
embark. I should have been happy to have seen you and have
hinted that apparent arrangements are not always real ones, but
I beg you to seek no explanation. I should not say what I do
but I cannot, without concern, see you in any uneasiness I can
relieve.
“JOHN ANDRÉ.”
André followed this letter to Oyster Bay and with Simcoe planned for
the capture of General Washington,[42] which plan was not approved of
by Sir Henry Clinton when it was presented to him a few days later.
Simcoe nevertheless prepared for any emergency. An order among the
papers of Captain Daniel Youngs reads:
“OYSTER BAY 14th September, 1780. _Sir_: By order of Colo.
Simcoe am directed to desire you to furnish seven waggons or
oxteams upon the next advice sent of the Regt. moving. These
waggons will be discharged the first Post the Regt. halts at.
This is only to intimate to you to have the teams in readiness
upon the first notice that the baggage, stores &c. of the
Regt, may not suffer by delay when the march is ordered. Robert
Gardner, Sergt. (endorsed) Complied with, Quart. Master, Q. R.”
[Illustration: 8. Colonel John Graves Simcoe and prominent British
Officers. 1. Lord Cornwallis, 2. Sir Henry Clinton, 3. Major John
André, 4. Admiral Arbuthnot, 5. Gen. John Burgoyne, 6. General
Riedesel, 7. Lord Rowdon.]
Meanwhile Benedict Arnold was uneasy. From James Livingston at
Verplanck’s Point came a letter dated Septr. 13th, reading:
“_Dear General_: I am just now informed by the inhabitants of
Tarry Town, that Colo. Robinson came there in a Barge under
pretence of a Flagg, but think its more probable to reconnoitre
the country. I have not the least doubt they will shortly send
out a Foraging Party as the country between this and New York
lies entirely exposed.
“If you think it advisable I will send a party to endeavour to
give them a check in case they should come as high as Tarry
Town. I have ordered the inhabitants to drive off their cattle
should the enemy appear in force.
“JAMES LIVINGSTON.”
Arnold on the same day directed a long letter to Major Tallmadge,
similar as it concerned Anderson to his letter to Sheldon of the 10th.
A postscript reads:
“If Mr. James Anderson, a person I expect from New York should
come to your quarters, I have to request that you will give him
an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to this place,
and send an express to me that I may meet him.
“B. ARNOLD.”
Then he again addressed Mr. John Anderson, as follows:
“September 15th.--_Sir_: On the nth at noon, agreeable to your
request, I attempted to go to Dobb’s Ferry, but was prevented
by the armed boats of the enemy, which fired upon us; and I
continued opposite the Ferry till sunset.
“The foregoing letter was written to caution you not to mention
your business to Colonel Sheldon, or any other person. I
have no confidant. I have made one too many already, who has
prevented some profitable speculation. I will send a person in
whom you can confide by water to meet you at Dobb’s Ferry at
the landing on the east side, on Wednesday the 20th instant,
who will conduct you to a place of safety, where I will meet
you. It will be necessary for you to be disguised, and, if the
enemy’s boats are there, it will favor my plan, as the person
is not suspected by them. If I do not hear from you before, you
may depend on the person’s being punctual at the place above
mentioned. My partner, of whom I hinted in a former letter, has
about ten thousand pounds cash in hand ready for a speculation
if any should offer, which appears probable. I have already one
thousand pounds on hand and can collect fifteen hundred more in
two or three days. Add to this I have some credit. From these
hints you may judge of the purchase that can be made. I cannot
be more explicit at present. Meet me if possible. You may rest
assured, that, if there is no danger in passing your lines, you
will be perfectly safe where I propose a meeting, of which you
shall be informed on Wednesday evening, if you think proper to
be at Dobb’s Ferry. Adieu, and be assured of the friendship of
“GUSTAVUS.”
This letter, although promptly received by Major André, never reached
Clinton’s headquarters. A copy of it was left by one of the crew of a
Connecticut privateer in the pay of Sir Henry Clinton, at the Townsend
House, Oyster Bay, and another copy was forwarded several days later
with the following note added:
“September 18th, The foregoing I found means to send by a very
honest fellow, who went to Kingsbridge on the 16th, and I have
no doubt you received it. But as there is a possibility of its
miscarriage, I send a copy, and am fully persuaded that the
method I have pointed out to meet you is the best and safest,
provided you can obtain leave to come out.”
On the 16th the Vulture again conveyed Beverly Robinson up the river.
Pretending to believe that General Putnam still commanded in the
Highlands, Robinson addressed a note to him requesting an interview
on the subject of his confiscated property, and sent this letter by a
flag, enclosed in one addressed to General Arnold; soliciting of him
the same boon should General Putnam be absent. This letter was received
at Verplanck’s by Livingston and forwarded to headquarters as Robinson
wished it to be.
On the 18th September, Washington with his suite crossed the Hudson to
Verplanck’s Point, in Arnold’s barge, on his way to Hartford. Arnold
accompanied him as far as Peekskill, and on the way laid before him
with affected frankness the letter of Colonel Robinson, and asked
his advice. Washington disapproved of any such interview, observing
that the civil authorities alone had cognizance of these questions of
confiscated property.
Arnold now openly sent a flag on board of the Vulture, as if bearing a
reply to the letter he had communicated to the commander-in-chief. His
message, addressed to Colonel Beverly Robinson, reads:
“September 18th, 1780.--_Sir_: I parted with his Excellency
General Washington this morning, who advises me to avoid
seeing you, as it would occasion suspicions in the minds of
some people, which might operate to my injury. His reason
appears to me to be well founded; but, if I were of a different
opinion, I could not with propriety see you at present. I
shall send a person to Dobb’s Ferry, or on board the Vulture,
Wednesday night the 20th instant, and furnish him with a
boat and a flag of truce. You may depend on his secrecy and
honor, and that your business of whatever nature shall be
kept a profound secret; and, if it is matter in which I can
officially act, I will do everything in my power to oblige
you consistantly with my duty. To avoid censure, this matter
must be conducted with the greatest secrecy. I think it will
be advisable for the Vulture to remain where she is until the
time appointed. I have enclosed a letter for a gentleman in
New York from one in the country on private business, which I
beg the favor of you to forward, and make no doubt he will be
particular to come at the time appointed. I am, &c.
“B. ARNOLD.[43]
“P. S. I expect General Washington to lodge here on Saturday
night next, and will lay before him any matter you may wish to
communicate.”
A further note on the opposite side of the sheet reads: “As no person
except His Excellency Genl. Washington shall be made acquainted with
them. The bearer, Capt. D. Archibald will take particular care of your
letters and deliver them to me with his own hand. B. A.”
On the same day Major André left Oyster Bay, crossed the Sound at
Flushing, and on the New York side met by appointment Sir Henry
Clinton, and together they rode to Mme Riedesel’s for a private
interview. A paragraph in her memoirs records this visit; she says:
“The country residence of General Clinton was an hour’s ride
from the city ... he invited us to spend the summer there.
It was a most beautiful situation, the Hudson River running
directly in front of the house.... Not far from us were the
Hell-gates.... We often saw ships in danger, but only one was
wrecked and went to pieces during our stay. General Clinton
came often to visit us, but in hunter’s dress, accompanied by
only one aid-de-camp.... The last time he came to see us he had
with him the unfortunate--as he afterwards became--Major André,
who, the day afterwards, set out upon the fatal expedition, in
which he was captured by the Americans, and afterwards hung as
a spy.”
This visit was followed by a dinner at Kip’s house in the vicinity of
Kip’s Bay, which was about where 2nd Avenue and 34th Street now is.
Ostensibly it was given to Clinton and his staff but in reality it was
as a parting compliment to André. The next day (Tuesday) he went by
way of King’s Bridge to Dobb’s Ferry and thence to the sloop of war,
Vulture, then probably at Teller’s Point. Reaching her about seven p.
m. he waited all the next day without message or news from Arnold. His
messages to Clinton explain the situation.
ON BOARD THE VULTURE, 21 September.
“_Sir_; As the tide was favorable on my arrival at the sloop
yesterday, I determined to be myself the bearer of your
Excellency’s letters as far as the Vulture. I have suffered for
it, having caught a very bad cold, and had so violent a return
of a disorder in my stomach which had attacked me a few days
ago, that Captain Sutherland and Colonel Robinson insist on my
remaining on board till I am better. I hope tomorrow to get
down again.”
In this letter he enclosed one meant for Clinton only, which read:
“_Sir_: I got on board the Vulture at about seven o’clock last
evening; and after considering upon the letters and the answer
given by Col. Robinson ‘that he would remain on board, and
hoped I should be up,’ we thought it most natural to expect the
man I sent into the Country here, and therefore did not think
of going to the Ferry. Nobody has appeared. This is the second
expedition I have made without an ostensible reason, and Col.
Robinson both times of the party. A third would infallibly fire
suspicions. I have therefore thought it best to remain here on
plea of sickness, as my enclosed letter will feign, and try
further expedients. Yesterday the pretence of a flag of truce
was made to draw people from the Vulture on shore. The boat was
fired upon in violation of the customs of war. Capt. Sutherland
with great propriety means to send a flag to complain of this
to General Arnold. A boat from the Vulture had very nearly
taken him on the 11th. He was pursued close to the float. I
shall favor him with a newspaper containing the Carolina news,
which I brought with me from New York for Anderson, to whom it
is addressed, on board the Vulture. I have the honor, &c.”
The ingenious artifice by which he contrived to let Arnold know that he
was waiting for him was written as follows:
“VULTURE, OFF TELLER’S POINT, 21 September.--_Sir_: I consider
it a duty to complain of any violation of the laws of arms, and
I am satisfied that I now do it where I cannot fail to meet
redress. It is therefore with reluctance I give you the concern
to know, that a flag of truce having been yesterday shown on
Teller’s Point, I sent a boat towards the shore, presuming
some communication was thereby solicited. The boat’s crew on
approaching received a fire from several armed men, who till
then had been concealed.[44] Fortunately none of my people were
hurt, but the treacherous intentions of those who fired are not
vindicated from that circumstance. I have the honor to be, &c.”
(This was signed by Sutherland and countersigned by John Anderson,
Secretary, and in André’s handwriting.)
FOOTNOTES to “JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT”:
[36] Dunlap, vol. 2, p. 171.
[37] The Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt in his Travels in North
America in 1795, says: “But for this inveterate hatred against the
United States, which he too loudly professes, and which carries him too
far, General Simcoe appears in the most advantageous light. He is just,
active, enlightened, brave, frank, and possesses the confidence of the
country, of the troops, and of all those who join him in administration
of public affairs.”
[38] Alexander Hamilton, in a letter to John Laurens, says: “The
project seems to have originated with Arnold himself, and to have been
long premeditated. The first overture is traced back to some time in
January last. It was conveyed in a letter to Colonel Robinson, the
substance of which was, that the ingratitude he had experienced from
his country, concurring with other causes, had entirely changed his
principles; that he now only sought to restore himself in the favour of
his king by some signal of his repentance and would be happy to open a
correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton for that purpose.”
[39] Sheldon says, in his letter of August 10th, 1780: “It mortifies
me not a little, that I am obliged to tell you that more than twenty
of the best of my horses, completely accoutred, are employed as common
Express Riders between this place and Newport exclusive of those which
I am obliged to employ on the same business in conveying despatches
as an intermediate post between Head Quarters and the first stage of
expresses. I hope as horses are much wanted on this advance post those
Dragoons who are employed on such extra service may soon be called to
more honorable duty.”
[40] Washington Papers, No. 19991.
[41] General Washington’s reply from Headquarters, Sept. 14th, 1780,
was: “... Under the circumstances you mention you may detain the men
of Colonel Putnam’s regiment, who are serving as bargemen to you;....
I shall be at Peekskill on Sunday evening, on my way to Hartford,
to meet the French admiral and general. You will be pleased to send
down a guard of a captain and fifty men at that time, and direct the
quartermaster to endeavour to have a night’s forage for about forty
horses. You will keep this to yourself, as I wish to make my journey a
secret. I am, &c. GO. WASHINGTON. (He was delayed in setting out. It
was Monday the 18th.)
[42] Hamilton says: “There was some colour for imagining it was a part
of the plan to betray the General into the hands of the enemy. Arnold
was very anxious to ascertain from him the precise day of his return,
and the enemy’s movements seem to have corresponded to this point. But
if it was really the case it was very injudicious. The success must
have depended on surprise, and as the officers at the advanced posts
were not in the secret, their measures might have given the alarm, and
General Washington, taking the command of the post, might have rendered
the whole scheme abortive. Arnold it is true, had so dispersed the
garrison as to have made the defence difficult, but not impracticable;
and the acquisition of West Point was of such magnitude to the enemy,
that it would have been unwise to connect it with any other object,
however great, which might make the obtaining of it precarious.”
[43] There is preserved in the Library of Congress among the Washington
Papers, No. 20268, an interesting answer to this letter. It is in the
handwriting of Beverly Robinson, and reads: ‘Vulture off Tellers point,
Septr. 19, 1780. Sir. I am favoured with yours by Capt. Archibald and
am sorry I have missed the opportunity of seeing General Putnam, and
that it is not thought proper to allow me to see you, my business
being entirely of a private nature, only concerning my self & no ways
affecting publick matters of either side; I was induced to make the
application to you in hopes of meeting with a favorable reception from
a gentleman of your character. But I have not the least reason to
expect any civility from the Civil Authority of this State, neither
am I at all disposed to ask any favour from them. Had I known Genl.
Washington was with you I should certainly have made my application to
him as I flatter myself I should be allowed very reasonable indulgence
from him, I beg my best respects may be presented to him; I can
have nothing further to say to you at present, but must wait a more
favorable opportunity of doing something for my family. I return you my
thanks for your polite letter and Civil Expressions to me and am Your
verry Humble Servt. BEV: ROBINSON.”
[44] The excuse for this story was two intoxicated men with one gun.
They hung a shirt on the bushes which was mistaken for a flag; as the
boat approached they fired the gun as a warning to keep away.
ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET
We now come to the evening of the 20th of September, 1780. Joshua
Hett Smith, returning from Fishkill, met Samuel Colquhoun[45] after
crossing the river near Stony Point, and asked him to accompany him
to his house. When they had ascended the stairs and were in Smith’s
private room he asked Colquhoun to go with him that night a piece down
the river. Colquhoun told Smith he had no mind to go, and did not want
to go, and Smith did not urge him. Then Smith told Colquhoun he must
send him up express to General Arnold, and they should go over to the
other house; but upon Colquhoun telling him again that he had no mind
to go Smith seemed to urge his going and said it was great business.
Colquhoun then agreed to go. They went over to the house of Smith’s
brother and there Colquhoun was furnished with a horse, and a paper to
Major Keirs[46] and started off to General Arnold.
The sun was rising when Colquhoun reached the headquarters of Arnold,
on the east bank of the Hudson River, below West Point. The General
was not up but he delivered the letter from Smith to a gentleman
there[47] and in a few minutes he was informed there was no occasion
for an answer. He was requested however to return as quickly as he
could. That afternoon Arnold passed him and rode to Smith’s house.
When Smith again hailed Colquhoun it was near sun down as he was going
for the cows. He told him to come up to his house as the General wanted
to speak with him. He found Arnold there and was asked by him to go a
piece that night. Colquhoun told him he could not go as he had been up
the night before, and he also told him he was afraid to go, but General
Arnold urged, and told him if he was a friend to his country he should
do his best. Colquhoun then asked Arnold where he wanted him to go and
was told on board the ship in the river. Smith told him there was a man
there the General wanted to see very much. Colquhoun then asked what
was the reason he could not stay till the morning and Arnold replied
that it must be done that night. Colquhoun’s next excuse was that he
could not go alone, and then Smith told him to go fetch his brother.
In a short time Colquhoun returned and reported that his wife objected
to his going and that the guard boats were out. Arnold told him there
was no danger from the guard boats and also that if he did not go he
would look upon him as a disaffected man. He then went for his brother
and when they returned they argued awhile before consenting to go. This
brother was Joseph Colquhoun, and he has left such a concise narrative
that much of it is here quoted.
“Mr. Smith, last Thursday night week, sent word to me to come
over to his house, and he wanted to speak to me. I went. When
I came there he met me at the door, and sat down on the bench
with me, and on asking him what was his desire, he said he
wanted me to go with him that night. On asking Mr. Smith where
he wanted to go, he said, ‘A little way down the river.’ On
asking him how far and where, he said ‘On board the man-of-war
as a flag, on business of General Arnold.’ I told him I was
sorry I was wanted for that purpose, and said, upon any other
thing I was willing to serve him or the General. Mr. Smith
asked me why, and said there was no hurt in going, as it was
general business. On asking him whether he did not think we
should be taken up by the water-guard, (meaning the Continental
water guard,) he said, No, for he had a Pass from the General
to go, and the countersign he said was ‘Congress,’ which, when
he came up he must give, and so pass. Mr. Smith made answer to
me and said, ‘Have you not always heard that I was a friend
to the country, and did that which was always best for the
country?’ I told him, Yes, and always thought he was, upon
which I asked him why the flag was not sent down in the day
time, as it ought to be done? He said because it was to be kept
private from the inhabitants and common men. The officers, he
said, knew it, and said there was a man on board, that the
General wanted to speak to; and that he must be brought on
shore and carried on board again. I then told him I did not
chuse to go. He said there was no hurt in going, at all; and
said if anything should come against me he would defend me,
and clear me from all. I told him he could not clear me if
there was any bad in it; and Mr. Smith afterwards got up and
went into the house to General Arnold. General Arnold came out
soon after Mr. Smith went in, and said, upon his coming out, I
need not be afraid to go with Mr. Smith, and said it must be
done for the good of the country; and said it was not done in
private, for the officers at the Ferry knew it, the Captain of
the water guards also, and had the countersign; and that it
was not a secret to any persons but the inhabitants and common
men. I thought at first it was not good, but thought otherwise
upon the General’s mentioning that it was known. The General
also said Major Kierce had agreed to send him up a boat to the
creek at Colonel Hay’s landing place, but had not done it,
and he did not know the reason; upon which Mr. Smith asked me
if I would take his horse and ride down to the ferry, to see
whether the boat was come. I said No, he ought send his negro:
he ordered the negro to get the horse, and the negro went off.
While the negro was gone myself and my brother concluded not to
go; but both were afraid to tell the General of it, and afraid
not to go for him, and the time passed away until the negro
came. When he came I asked him what news concerning the boat;
and he said he did not know, and he brought a letter from Major
Kierce to the General, upon which I told my brother I would go
up and tell the General. I had no mind to go and as I was going
up, I met Mr. Smith in the entry, and he told me the General
wanted to speak with me; and he passed out to the stoop, and I
went into the room to the General, who was sitting by a table,
with paper, and his speaking to me, I acquainted him I had no
mind to go, as it was late; and said I would rather go in the
morning. General Arnold said he must go to headquarters by ten
o’clock in the morning; and if I would not assist when I was
required for the good of my country and Congress, he would put
me under guard immediately. Upon which Mr. Smith came in and I
went out; and just after this Mr. Smith came out to the stoop;
asked my brother and myself if we would have a dram, and gave
us each one, and afterwards the General came out, and Mr. Smith
and myself and brother were together. The General and Mr. Smith
talked together, but what they said I do not know. My brother,
Mr. Smith and myself went down to the landing, about a half
mile below King’s Ferry, and passed off in the boat; and I
think it was pretty well near midnight when we got off. Mr.
Smith had on a whitish coat, a pretty large one, which I have
seen him wear before.”
The boatman’s story is here interrupted to insert paragraphs in the
words of Joshua H. Smith, more complete in detail than Colquhoun’s.
“After General Arnold had given the order for muffling the
oars, that we might not be impeded by the boats that guarded
the shores, a precaution necessary, as there was a regular
water patrole, to prevent those disaffected to the American
interest, or Tories, as the friends to the royal cause were
called, from carrying provisions or intelligence to the British
ships occasionally lying in the river. This precaution,
however, staggered the confidence of the eldest of the
watermen, who bluntly told General Arnold that if the business
was of a fair and upright nature, as he assured them it was,
he saw no necessity for any disguise, or to seize the veil of
night to execute that which might be as well transacted in
broad daylight. The watermen were simple, honest men, had been
accustomed to their occupation, and were my tenants, in whom
I could place the utmost confidence. General Arnold insisted
on their pursuing the business, and assured them he had the
command of the militia of the county for 60 miles round West
Point by order of Congress....
“The Vulture was then lying at the extremity of Haverstraw
Bay. The night was serene, the tide favorable, and the silent
manner in which we passed the fort at Stony Point, at the mouth
of Haverstraw Creek, precluded any obstructions; in short,
although the distance was nearly 12 miles, we soon reached
the ship. On our approach we were hailed by the Sentinel on
deck, ordered to bring to, and questioned whither bound? I
answered, with a flag of truce to the Vulture sloop of war,
upon which I was heartily assailed with a volley of oaths, all
in the peculiarity of sea language, by the officer commanding
the watch on the quarter deck, and commanded instantly to haul
alongside, or he would blow us out of the water. Upon coming
alongside, I was saluted with another discharge of the same
nautical eloquence; and orders were given to hoist the rebel
rascal on board, which was prevented by my climbing up a rope
fastened to the main chains, and so reaching the main deck.
I was questioned as to my business, and how I could presume
to come on board his Majesty’s ship under colour of a flag of
truce at night? To which I answered, I was so authorized by my
papers, which I requested he would give to captain Sutherland,
the commander of the ship, and Colonel Robinson, as I knew
they were on board; this request, however, seemed to have no
effect; but he poured on me torrents of abuse, threatening to
hang me at the yard-arm, as he said another rebel had been a
few days before; being nevertheless unintimidated, and seeing
Colonel Robinson and the Captain, for whom I had letters, I
raised my voice and said, he must be answerable for my being
delayed: whether I was heard in the cabin or not I cannot say,
but soon afterwards a boy came on deck and said, ‘the captain
orders the man below.’ He conducted me into the cabin, where
on my entrance I saw a venerable looking gentleman, whom
I recognised to be Colonel Beverly Robinson, dressed in a
regimental uniform. He received me politely, desired me to be
seated, and shortly introduced me to Captain Sutherland, who
lay ill in his birth. Colonel Beverly Robinson having perused
the letter from General Arnold, apologized for retiring a few
minutes, ordering some refreshments, and left me to converse
with Captain Sutherland, to whom I related my uncourtly
reception on deck; and his amiable urbanity compensated me for
the incivility of his officer on deck. Having conversed with
Captain Sutherland for twenty minutes on indifferent subjects,
Colonel Robinson returned, and introduced Mr. Anderson to me,
saying he was mentioned in General Arnold’s letter, for whom he
had sent a pass to come on shore, in case he Colonel Robinson
should be unable to accompany me. Colonel Robinson pleaded
indisposition, and said Mr. Anderson could as effectually
answer all the purposes by going on shore as himself; there
seemed no reluctance on the part of Anderson to supply Colonel
Robinson’s place, and he appeared in a dress equipped for the
purpose, wearing boots and a large blue great-coat. For my own
part it made no difference to me who bore me company, so that
the object of my mission was fully answered, and the great
national ends obtained, which Arnold assured me would be the
result of the affair.
“Mr. Anderson being ready, we left the ship, and were rowed in
a short time to the western shore, to the place which General
Arnold had appointed for the interview; this was at the foot
of a mountain called the Long Clove, near the low water mark,
whither my servant had conducted General Arnold, on horseback,
he being still lame from his wounds.
“Very little conversation passed between Mr. Anderson and
myself, excepting trivial remarks about the tide, the weather,
and matters of no concern. Mr. Anderson, from his youthful
appearance and the softness of his manners, did not seem to me
to be qualified for a business of such moment....
“On my approach to the place of appointment, I found General
Arnold ready to receive me; he was hid among firs. I mentioned
to him Colonel Beverly Robinson’s reason for not accompanying
me, and the delegation of a young gentleman, a Mr. Anderson,
whom I had brought with me, and who was then with the watermen
on the strand. He appeared much agitated and expressed chagrin
at the disappointment of not seeing Colonel Robinson. He
desired me, however, to conduct Mr. Anderson to him, which
being done, he requested me to remain with the hands at the
boat. I went as directed, but felt greatly mortified at not
being present at the interview, to which I conceived myself
entitled from my rank in life, and the trouble I had taken to
effect the meeting. At length they continued such a time in
conference, that I deemed it expedient to inform them of the
approaching dawn of day. Shortly afterwards both came down to
the boat, and General Arnold, with much earnestness, solicited
me to return with Mr. Anderson to the Vulture: But I pointed
out the impracticability of effecting his wish, from the great
distance, and the fatigue of the hands. He then applied to
the men, who declared themselves unable to gratify his wish,
through want of strength to accomplish it, and the ebb tide
being against them. Convinced of the apparent impracticability
of the attempt to reach the ship and return before day without
being discovered from either shore by the inhabitants, whose
eyes were constantly watching the movements on the river,
not only from the forts, but the surrounding shores, he
relinquished his solicitations, and desired I would endeavour
to return the boat to the place from whence we first embarked:
this with much labour, and taking the circuit of the eddies,
was nearly effected, (as we left the boat at Crane’s Island)
when our attention was called to the cannonade from Gallows
Point against the Vulture, which was compelled to fall down the
river and appeared to be set on fire.”
Joseph Colquhoun continues the narrative by saying: “When we
landed at Crom’s Island, I stepped out and got down under a
bush, and was drowsy, and had no conversation with Mr. Smith
and I declare I have not seen Mr. Smith from that time until
this day. General Arnold promised me fifty weight of flour
for going on board the vessel; but I never saw it.... When we
came to Mr. Smith’s house it was after day-light. I saw Mr.
Arnold there. He walked lame and had on a blue coat and white
breeches.”
Smith says that on his return he found General Arnold and Mr. Anderson
had arrived long before him. Mr. Anderson having mounted the horse
his servant rode when he followed Arnold to the Long Clove. Anderson
appeared vexed that the ship had been compelled to leave her position.
Breakfast was soon served and during the meal one of the topics of
conversation was the arrival of the fleet at New York under Arbuthnot.
A recurrence of his chronic complaint, together with loss of sleep
obliged Smith to retire as soon as they had finished the meal. Arnold
and André were left alone the greater part of the day.
There is no reliable statement as to where they went but it is probable
that Arnold improved this opportunity to show Major André the West
Point approaches. Major Tallmadge found André thoroughly familiar with
them, and outlined his intentions when six days later he was escorted
down the river in a barge. On that trip with Tallmadge André could
point to a table of land on the west shore, which he said was the spot
where he should have landed at the head of a select corps, and he
was able to traverse the course up the mountain in the rear of Fort
Putnam, which overlooked the whole Parade of West Point, with great
exactness. Later in the day they returned to Smith’s house, and there
was some talk of going to the “Vulture,” which it was noticed had
nearly regained her former station; but probably the cannon that could
hit the mark with one shot deterred them; General Arnold returned to
West Point after suggesting that it would be necessary for Anderson
to discard his military coat in exchange for a plain one, which Smith
furnished. Smith says he showed André the prospect from the upper
part of his house, from whence there was an extensive view over the
capacious bay of Haverstraw, to the opposite shore and adds: “He cast
an anxious look towards the Vulture and with a heavy sigh wished he
was on board.” Smith having promised to accompany André at least part
way to the White Plains by land was now urged to prepare for their
departure, and his servant having been ordered to get the horses ready
they started for the ferry about sun down.
Major Burroughs was the first to notice the party on their way to
King’s Ferry on that 22d of September, 1780. His testimony follows:
“Between sundown and dark I was overtaken on the road, about
three quarters of a mile from Stoney Point, by Mr. Smith and
another gentleman; Mr. Smith’s servant, a negro boy, was with
him: Mr. Smith as he passed by, spoke, and said ‘How do you do,
Captain Livingston?’ I told him he was mistaken; on that he
stopped, and said: ‘How do you do, Major Burroughs?’ and turned
about his horse, and talked to me for about a minute, in which
time, I rode up between the gentleman who was with Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith while he stopped told me he was going for Mrs. Smith
and the ladies, to West Point and should be happy to see me at
tea the next afternoon; Mr. Smith then turned about his horse,
and rode off pretty fast; I told him I thought it rather late,
and he said he had business. André had a round hat on and a
blue coat or cloak, the cape of which was buttoned up tight
around the neck, and the other part was also buttoned.”
Another half mile and they are before the tent of William Jameson,
who records that on Friday evening, just as it was getting dusk, the
twenty-second day of September, 1780, Mr. Smith came to his tent at
King’s Ferry, on Stoney Point side, after sun down, with a gentleman
who was in company and a waiter; the gentleman who was in company with
Mr. Smith rode a little past the tent, and Mr. Smith made a halt; there
were some gentlemen sitting in the tent, who handed him a bowl of
liquor they had been drinking out of, upon which Mr. Smith dismounted
his horse and handed the bowl to him and desired he would fill it,
which he did; as he handed him the liquor again Mr. Smith spoke to Mr.
Cooley, and said, “in three weeks’ time we shall all be in New York;”
Mr. Cooley made answer, “Sir, I don’t know,” upon which Mr. Smith said,
“Let it be three months;” Mr. Smith upon this, took his horse and went
off, down to the ferry-stairs; the person with Mr. Smith had on a
flopped hat and a great coat, the color I cannot recollect; the person
rode a little past when Mr. Smith halted, made a little halt and he was
on the ferry-stairs when Mr. Smith got down; Mr. Smith at his tent,
took one drink out of the bowl, handed it about, and then went down to
the Ferry-stairs.” William Jameson’s statement above was confirmed by
William Cooley.
* * * * *
Cornelius and Lambert Lambert, with their brother Henry Lambert, were
the ferrymen. Smith urged them to greater speed and when they reached
the shore he gave Henry, who steered the boat, an eight dollar bill.
Benjamin Acker was also an observer.
The party, still consisting of André, Smith and the colored boy, all
mounted, are now on the east bank of the Hudson river near Verplanck’s
Point. Here James Livingston, who fired the cannon that morning at
daylight, landing the first shot on the deck of the Vulture, has a
word to say: “Just after dark Smith stopped at my marquee for a few
minutes. I asked him where he was going. He said up toward General
Arnold’s, or that route, and I gave him one letter to be delivered to
General Arnold and another to General Clinton as he had informed me it
was likely he would go that route. I then urged him to stay awhile and
take supper or a drink of grog. He then informed me that there was a
gentleman waiting for him that had just rode on, and was in a hurry to
get off, and informed me his business was very urgent, and I did not
insist on his staying any longer. He then rode off and I did not see
the person who was with him, it being dark and he having rode forward.
I desired him to request the person to walk in, and he informed me the
gentleman had rode on slowly, and he was in a hurry to go after him.”
* * * * *
It was four miles to Peekskill and about eight miles to Crompond, and
it is at Crompond where they are next discovered.
“Last Friday a week ago, the 22d of September last,” says Ebenezer Boyd
in relating the event, “between eight and nine o’clock, as near as I
can recollect, at night, the sentry stopped Mr. Smith, another person,
and a negro with him. When the sentry hailed them, they answered,
‘Friends.’ The sentry ordered one to dismount; Mr. Smith readily
dismounted, and spoke to the person who was with him to hold his horse,
and Mr. Smith advanced till he came near the sentry; Mr. Smith asked
who commanded the party; the sentry said Captain Boyd; upon that I was
called for; what passed between Mr. Smith and the sentry I heard, as I
have related, being close by the sentry; Mr. Smith came to me, upon my
calling for him; I asked him who he was; he told me his name was Joshua
Smith, and that he had a pass from General Arnold to pass all guards;
I asked him where he lived, or where he belonged; he told me he lived
in the white house on the other side of King’s Ferry; I asked him what
time he crossed the ferry; he said about dusk; I asked him how far he
was bound for, and where to? He told me he intended to go that night
as far as Major Strang’s; I told him Major Strang was not at home, and
he spoke something of going to old Colonel Gil Drake’s, as he was an
old acquaintance of his; I told him he did not live where he used to,
but had moved to Salem; I told him about his saying he was going to
Major Strang’s, that his lady might be in bed, and it would incommode
her much, likewise I desired to see Mr. Smith’s pass; and went into a
little house close by there, and got a light; and I found that he had a
pass from General Arnold, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and
return, being on business of importance, I think were the words of the
pass. After I had read the pass we came out, and Mr. Smith and myself
talked alone privately; then I desired him to let me know something of
his business; he made answer that he had no objection to my knowing it;
he told me that he was a brother of William Smith, in New York, though
very different in principle, and that he was employed by General Arnold
to go with the person who was with him to get intelligence from the
enemy; and they expected to meet a gentleman at or near White Plains,
for the same purpose. I asked Mr. Smith what gentlemen he was who was
with him. Mr. Smith said he was a gentleman that General Arnold had in
his employ; and told me his name was John Anderson. I think Mr. Smith
told me he was not so positive as that he should go himself, as far as
the White Plains, or not; on this I advised Mr. Smith to put up there,
at one Andraes Miller’s, close by where we were, and so start as soon
as it was light; the reasons I gave Mr. Smith were, that the riding
in the night would be dangerous when they got below Croton River,
from the Cow Boys; Mr. Smith made answer that he would speak to his
partner; whereupon Mr. Smith went to him; I was pretty close to them;
and when they conversed together they spoke low; Mr. Smith told him
he thought it would be best to put up, and said he thought they might
be interrupted; upon that they concluded to turn back to this house,
to put up; I concluded in my mind their speaking low was occasioned
by what Mr. Smith had said to me before, which was, he did not want
everyone to know what business they were on; Mr. Smith then asked
my opinion about the roads, which would be the safest to the White
Plains, and not fall into the hands of those ‘Cow Boys’ or Refugees;
putting confidence in what they were upon, I gave him my opinion as to
the safest road, that the safest road would be to go by North-Castle
Church, and by Wright’s Mills, by reason if they went the Tarry-Town
road, they would fall into the lower party’s hands--these ‘Cow Boys.’ I
likewise advised him to call upon Captain Delavan, next morning, pretty
early. Mr. Smith asked me if I thought that Captain Delavan would
assist them with an escort or two or three horse. I told him I did not
doubt but that he might when he came to understand what his business
was. They then went back towards Andraes Miller’s, which was the last
I saw of them that night. I was a little at a stand about Mr. Smith’s
name being Joshua, as he was called by the name of Jo Smith, but his
pass was in the name of Joshua. What made me put more confidence in
what Mr. Smith told me, was, I had heard it frequently mentioned that
General Howe used to employ Mr. Smith in getting intelligence.”
* * * * *
Here Smith again takes up the narrative, saying: “With no small
difficulty we returned and gained admittance into a house for the
night; while such was the caution and danger of admitting nocturnal
inmates, that we were obliged to take to bed or keep the family up,
who would not retire until they saw us safely lodged. We slept in the
same bed; and I was often disturbed with the restless motions, and
uneasiness of mind exhibited by my bed-fellow, who on observing the
first approach of day, summoned my servant to prepare the horses for
our departure. He appeared in the morning as if he had not slept an
hour during the night; he at first was much dejected, but a pleasing
change took place in his countenance when summoned to mount his horse.
The landlord, who was a very kind and civil man refused to take any
compensation for the trouble which we had given him.... We rode very
cheerfully towards Pine’s bridge without interruption, or any event
that excited apprehension; here I proposed to leave my companion; but
I observed that the nearer we approached the bridge, the more his
countenance brightened into a cheerful serenity, and he became very
affable; in short, I now found him highly entertaining.... He descanted
on the richness of the scenery around us, and particularly admired,
from every eminence, the grandeur of the Highland mountains, bathing
their summits in the clouds from their seeming watery base at the north
extremity of Haverstraw Bay. The pleasantry of converse, and mildness
of the weather, so insensiably beguiled the time that we at length
found ourselves at the bridge before I thought we had got half way; and
I now had reason to think my fellow-traveller a different person from
the character I had at first formed of him.
“This bridge crosses the Croton river, a branch of the Hudson; here
we halted, and at a house on the right endeavored to obtain some
breakfast, from an old matronly Dutch woman, and provender for the
horses; in this expectation, however, we were disappointed; the Cow
Boys or Skinners had been there the night before, and taken all the
supplies of her cupboard, except some Indian meal, which she had mixed
up with water, and boiled into a consistency, by the Dutch called
suppon. This with the addition of some milk from a single cow they had
left her, was the only fare we could procure, and of this we made a
good meal, our appetites being keen from having been supperless the
preceding night. While at breakfast I mentioned my determination to
proceed no farther. Having discharged the bill to the woman, in the
local money of the county, my companion (Major André) requested me to
lend him some, and I cheerfully supplied him with the half of my pocket
amount, although I was afraid it was not current below that place;
the bridge being accounted the south boundary of the American lines.
He was affected at parting, and offered me a valuable gold watch in
remembrance of him, as a keep sake, which I refused. The horse was
furnished by General Arnold; the saddle and bridle were borrowed of me,
with the promise that they should be returned, or the value of them
paid to me.
“Having given him directions about the road he was to take upon
crossing the bridge, with a message to my brother, the chief justice,
whom he knew, we parted, and I proceded on my way to Fish Kill.”
FOOTNOTES to “ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET”:
[45] Trial report says Cahoon, Smith Calquhoon.
[46] Report says Keirce.
[47] Probably Major Franks.
EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE
Perhaps as they parted no two men held more opposite ideas of danger
than Smith and Major André. The very name “Cow Boy” struck terror in
the heart of Smith, for they would have robbed him of all he possessed
and then discovering that he was a nephew of William Livingston would
probably have held him for ransom; but for André the Cow Boys had no
terror. They were under control of James DeLancey and it would only be
necessary to convince them that he was a British officer and offer to
reward them for their assistance and they would conduct him with speed
and in safety to headquarters. It was not surprising therefore that as
soon as Smith was out of sight he turned from the White Plains road and
started down the other road towards Tarrytown and the Cow Boys that
Smith and Captain Boyd had impressed him made that road impassable as
it was almost certain they would be encountered there.
[Illustration: THE CAPTURE OF MAJOR ANDRÉ
Few persons realize how closely identified this event is with the
history of our country. Col. Trumbull is recorded as saying: “But for
that event the Declaration of Independence might have proved abortive,
and the blood of so many of our countrymen shed in vain.”]
* * * * *
John Paulding will now take up the narrative, in the words he used
the day after the execution of Major André in explaining the matter
to a board of officers at the request of General Washington. Paulding
says:
“Myself, Isaac Van Weart and David Williams, were lying by the side of
the road, about a half a mile above Tarry Town, and about fifteen miles
from King’s-bridge, on Saturday morning, between nine and ten o’clock,
the twenty third of September last (1780). We had lain there about an
hour and a half, as near as I can recollect, and saw several persons we
were acquainted with, whom we let pass. Presently, one of the young men
who was with me said, ‘There comes a gentleman-like looking man, who
appears to be well dressed, and has boots on, who you had better step
out and stop if you don’t know him.’ On that I got up and presented
my firelock at the breast of the person, and I told him to stand; and
then I asked him which way he was going. Says he, ‘Gentlemen, I hope
you belong to our party.’ I asked him ‘What Party?’ He said, ‘The lower
party.’ Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, ‘I am a British
officer out of the country, on particular business, and I hope you
won’t detain me a minute!’ and to show that he was a British officer,
he pulled out his watch; upon which I told him to dismount. Upon that,
he said, ‘My God, I must do anything to get “along”;’ seemed to make a
kind of a laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold’s pass, which was
to John Anderson, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and further.
Upon that he dismounted, and says he, ‘Gentlemen you had best let me
go, or you will bring yourselves in trouble, for, by your stopping of
me you will detain the General’s business;’ and he said he was to go
to Dobb’s Ferry, to meet a person there, on the General’s business.
Upon that I told him I hoped he would not be offended, and I told him
we did not mean to take anything from him; and told him there were
many bad people going along the road, and I did not know but perhaps
he might be one; and I asked him if he had any letters about him. He
made answer, ‘No.’ Upon that, myself, or one of my comrades, though
I think myself, told him to pull off his clothes, which he did. We
searched his clothes, but could find nothing; and I told him to pull
off his boots; he rather seemed backward of pulling them off; however,
he pulled off one of them, and I felt at his foot, where I felt the
papers in his stocking under his foot; then I told him to pull off the
other boot, and when the other boot was off, I found other papers in
his stocking, under his foot. Then I looked on the back of the papers,
and I said to the young fellows who were with me, ‘This is a spy.’ One
of the young fellows who were with me asked him if he would give up
his horse, saddle, and bridle, and watch, and a hundred guineas, if he
would let him go. He made answer, ‘Yes, and whatever sum of money you
will mention, or quantity of dry goods.’ And then I made answer, ‘No,
by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas, you should not stir
a step.’ One of the young fellows winked at me, who had a mind to find
out a little more, and I made answer to the lads who were with me to
come along, for I would have nothing more to say to him, and we asked
him some questions as we were going along the road, and he begged we
would ask him none till he came to some officers, and then he would
reveal the whole. We carried him to Colonel Jameson and there he took
him into his custody,[48] and I have not seen him from that time until
I saw him the other day.” Paulding added that had he pulled out General
Arnold’s pass before he said he was a British officer he would have let
him go.
David Williams’ story, as recorded on October 4th, 1780, confirmed
Paulding’s, and it would be a repetition to print it; but one statement
in it needs emphasizing. Williams said: “Mr. Paulding looked at the
contents and said he was a spy; upon which we made him pull off his
other boot, and there we found three more papers at the bottom of his
foot, within his stocking; upon which we made him dress himself, and I
asked him what he would give us to let him go; he said he would give
us any sum of money. I asked him whether he would give us his horse,
saddle, bridle, watch, and one hundred guineas, upon which he said,
‘Yes;’ and he told us he would direct it to any place even if it was
to that very spot, so that we could get it. I asked him whether he
would not give us more; he said he would give us any quantity of dry
goods or any sum of money, and bring it to any place that we might
pitch upon, so that we might get it; upon which Mr. Paulding answered
‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas you shall not
stir one step.’”[49]
There was a sequel to the capture of Major André by Paulding and his
friends that prejudiced Major Tallmadge to such an extent that when a
petition was presented to Congress in 1817 to increase their reward
he created a sensation by opposing it. It appears either the taste
of the world’s applause or the earnest entreaties of the much abused
inhabitants of the neutral ground induced Paulding and others to
undertake another expedition against the “Cow Boys,” this time aimed at
their chief. Without consulting Major Tallmadge these young men took
it upon themselves to attempt the capture of James DeLancey, whose
home was in Westchester County. Here lived his mother and her family.
In an earlier raid they had met with such cruel treatment at the hands
of a band of outlaws that both sides had been appealed to and in all
probability the property was under the protection of Major Tallmadge
as well as Oliver DeLancey at the time. Nevertheless Paulding and his
friends were so anxious to punish James DeLancey, who had command of
the “Cow Boys,” that with all the force they could get together they
secretly marched to his home on January 25th, 1783, hoping to capture
him there. Being disappointed in this they ransacked the house and
took therefrom all they could carry away that was of any value. The
alarm was given and the next day they were overtaken and seven of them
captured. One was killed and John Paulding was among the prisoners
taken to the provost in New York and consigned to the care of the
notorious William Cunningham. A sister of James DeLancey was Nancy,
who with her mother Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, a daughter of Cadwalader
Colden, occupied the Westchester County estate at that time. Among the
friends and frequent visitors were the Floyds, in particular Elizabeth
Floyd who married John Peter DeLancey and became the mother of Mrs.
James Fenimore Cooper, and her cousin Mary Floyd, daughter of William
Floyd, signer of the Declaration of Independence, who a few months
later became the wife of Major Tallmadge.
* * * * *
Rivington’s paper, the Royal Gazette, No. 662, published on January
29th, 1783, the following account:
“On Saturday last (Jan. 25,) a party of militia, thirty-three
in number, commanded by a Captain Williams, generally known
by the name of Skinner’s Party, made an attempt to carry off,
from his house at West-chester, Colonel DeLancey, of the Royal
Refugees, but missing their aim, they plundered the house of
wearing apparel. &c. and retreated with precipitation to Croton
Hill, near Croton Bridge, where, thinking themselves safe, they
exposed their plunder for sale; but a party of Loyal Refugees
soon surprized them, killed one man on the spot, wounded
several, and took seven prisoners. The prisoners were brought
to town on Sunday; one badly wounded was sent to the General
Hospital to be taken care of, and the rest safely lodged in
the provost. John Paulding, one of the persons who took Major
André prisoner, is among the number, and slightly wounded.
This design on the person of Colonel DeLancey is said to have
been planned by Colonel Drake and Mr. Vantassel, who were sure
of success, as they kept it a secret from all but Captain
Williams, and he only informed the party of it when they came
near to the Colonel’s house.”
A few days later from headquarters of General Washington came
instructions to Colonel W. S. Smith to secure their exchange. In full
this document reads:
_Head Quarters_ 6th Feby, 1783.
_Sir._ In a late excursion of the militia on the other side
under a captain Williams, John Paulding, one of the persons
who took Major André, was made prisoner with some others. His
friends, apprehensive for his safety have made intercession
with the Commander in Chief on his behalf, and, tho His
Excellency does not approve the excursions of these people,
yet, in consideration of the former services of Mr. Paulding
and as we have in the Provost Guard four Prisoners taken by
them some time since, he has been pleased to consent that those
four Prisoners be sent in on Parol with a request to send out
Paulding and the others mentioned hereon. The prisoners to be
sent in will go from hence tomorrow morning.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your very obedt. Servant, Ben
Walker, Aid DeCamp.
Addressed to Lieut. Coll. W. S. Smith,
commanding at Dobbs Ferry.
John Paulding
Pero Faller
Richd. Dusenberry
James Mandeville
On the 24th of the same month Colonel Smith advised Headquarters
saying: “I have brought with me the paroles of Paulding, and those
taken with him at Croton.”
* * * * *
Under ordinary circumstances Colonel Jameson would have held Mr.
Anderson when John Paulding and his companions pronounced him a spy,
but General Arnold had anticipated this possibility and thus saved his
own life. He had written to several, Jameson being one, saying: “If
Mr. John Anderson, a person I expect from New York should come to your
quarters, I have to request that you will give him an escort of two
Horse to bring him on his way to this place, and send an express to me
that I may meet him.” Here was the very man that Arnold was expecting
being detained as a spy! Were the letters decoys? It was beyond him
to know; but the instructions of his General were plain, and off to
Headquarters he promptly sent him.
* * * * *
Major Benjamin Tallmadge, in two letters addressed to Jared Sparks,
carries the narrative through the 23d of September and into the 24th.
He says: “No circumstances during that eventful period made a deeper
impression on my mind than those which related to Arnold, the Traitor,
and Major André, the sufferer. I proceed then to remark that the 2d
Regt. of Light Dragoons, Commanded by Col. Sheldon, was stationed in
advance of the Army, near North Castle, and Col. Sheldon being absent,
I think at Salem, Lt. Col. Jameson was the commanding officer, and I
was the Major. Early in the morning of the 23d of September, 1780, I
marched with a large Detachment of Dragoons to reconnoitre the Country
below the white plains, down to East Chester, which was a sort of
neutral ground, from which Tour I did not return until late in the
evening of the same day. Soon after I halted and had disposed of my
Detachment, I was informed that a prisoner had been bro’t in that
day, who called himself John Anderson. On enquiry, I found that three
men, by the names of John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Van Wart,
who had passed below our ordinary military Patrols on the road from
Tarry Town to Kingsbridge, had fallen in with this John Anderson on his
way to New York. They took him aside for examination, and discovering
sundry papers upon him, which he had concealed in his boots, they
determined to detain him a prisoner. Notwithstanding Anderson’s offers
to pecuniary satisfaction if they would permit him to proceed on his
course, they determined to bring him up to the headquarters of our
Regiment, then on the advance Post of our Army, and near to North
Castle. This they effected in the afternoon of the 23d of September,
1780, by delivering said Anderson to Lt. Col Jameson of the 2nd Regt Lt
Dragoons, who was then the Commanding Officer at said Post, Col Sheldon
being then at old Salem, I believe under Arrest.
“His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an appointment to meet the
Count Rochambeau (who commanded the French Army then at Newport, R. I.)
at Hartford, in Conn. about the 18th or 20th of September, and was
on his return to the Army at the time of Anderson’s capture. When I
reached Lt. Col. Jameson’s Quarters late in the evening of the 23d of
Sept., and had learned the circumstances relating to the capture of the
said Anderson, I was much surprised to learn that he was sent on by
Lt. Col. Jameson to Arnold’s Head Quarters at West Point, accompanied
by a letter of information respecting his capture. At the same time he
despatched an Express with the papers found on John Anderson to meet
General Washington, then on his return to West Point.
“I felt very much surprised at the course which had been taken in
this business, and did not fail to state the glaring inconsistency
of their conduct to Lt. Col. Jameson in a private and most friendly
manner. He appeared greatly agitated, more especially when I suggested
to him a plan which I wished to pursue, offering to take the entire
responsibility on myself, and which, as he deemed it too perilous
to permit, I will not further disclose. Failing in this purpose, I
instantly set about a plan to remand the Prisoner to our Quarters
again, which I finally effected, although with reluctance on the part
of Lt. Col. Jameson. When the order was about to be despatched to the
Officer to bring back the Prisoner, strange as it may seem, Lt. Col. J.
would persist in his purpose of sending his letter to Gen. Arnold--The
letter did go on, and was the first information that Arch Traitor
received that his plot was blown up. The Officer returned with his
prisoner early the next morning.... We soon concluded that the safest
course was to take the prisoner to Salem to Col. Sheldon’s Quarters,
and I was appointed to take charge of him. After we reached Salem,
it was manifest that his agitation and anxiety increased, and in the
afternoon he asked to be furnished with pen, ink and paper, which were
readily furnished, when he penned the letter to Gen’l. Washington,
dated ‘Salem, 24th September, 1780.’ In this letter he disclosed his
Character to be Major John André, Adjutant Genl. to the British Army.
When I had perused the letter, which he handed to me to read, my
agitation was extreme, and my emotions wholly indescribable....”
In another letter Major Tallmadge, although in a measure repeating
himself, throws more light upon the subject. In this he says: “I have
already informed you, that on the day when the Captors of Major André
bro’t him up to our Regt. at North Castle (Sept. 23d, 1780) I was out
on duty in advance of the Regt. below the white plains and did not
return with my detachment until the evening of that day. After I had
disposed of my Troops and had spoken with Lt. Col. Jameson, he informed
me of the capture of John Anderson and that he had been brought up
and delivered over to him by his captors. When I enquired where the
prisoner was, he informed me that he had sent him on, under Guard to
Gen’l Arnold at West Point. I expressed my astonishment at such a
course and immediately entered on a course of measures to frustrate
what I considered so unjudicious a procedure. My first proposal was to
give me leave of absence for official object which I fully explained to
Col. Jameson, and which for special reasons I have not disclosed, as no
public benefit could result from it. Failing in this request my next
plan was to remand the prisoner, then probably 8 or 10 miles on his way
to West Point, which I did not accomplish until late in the evening.
After the order was despatched for the officers and Guard to return
with the prisoner, I waited impatiently for the coming morning, when
for the first time I saw the face of John Anderson.
“What influenced Col. Jameson[50] to send on Major André to Arnold, I
cannot tell, not being present with him when he sent him off; but I
well remember that he expressed great confidence in him as I believe
was the case thro’ the army. Until the papers were found on Anderson, I
had no suspicion of his lack of patriotism or political integrity....
“With Arnold’s character I became acquainted while I was a member of
Yale College and he residing at New Haven, and I well remember that
I was impressed with the belief that he was not a man of integrity.
The revolutionary war was coming on soon after I left college, and
Arnold engaged in it with so much zeal, and behaving so gallantly in
the capture of Burgoyne, we all seemed, as if by common consent, to
forget his knavish tricks. When he was put in command of West Point, I
had official communications with him, particularly as it related to my
private Correspondence with persons in New York, of which you must have
seen much in my Letters to Genl. Washington. When he turned traitor and
went off, I felt for a time extremely anxious for some trusty friends
in New York, but as I never gave their names to him, he was not able to
discover them, although I believe he tried hard to find them out.”
* * * * *
What follows discloses the life of Benedict Arnold as observed by
members of his military family during the months of July, August and
September, 1780, when he was in command of the fortifications at West
Point. Upon assuming command he invited Colonel Richard Varick[51] to
join his military family as aid and secretary, naming, among other
inducements for his acceptance, the fact that Mrs. Arnold was about to
join him at his headquarters. Varick had acted as private secretary
to General Schuyler, and then mustering officer in the Northern
Department, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In this way they had
become acquainted and he readily accepted the invitation, reporting for
duty on August 13th.
As his private headquarters Arnold had selected the Robinson House,
on the opposite side of the river a little below West Point. Upon the
arrival of Mrs. Arnold on September 15th, his military family or the
party which messed at his own table, consisted of himself, Mrs. Arnold,
Colonel Varick, and Major David S. Franks, who had been an aid to the
general for some time, having left Canada to join the American Army. As
might be expected with an excellent cook and charming hostess dinner
guests were frequent. Officers vied with each other in their attentions
and witty entertainment. But one visitor particularly ruffled the
temper of the “Family” at the Robinson House. This was Joshua Hett
Smith, for whom Colonel Varick could not conceal his dislike.
Opposition began upon receipt of a letter from him dated August 13.
Varick told Arnold in the presence of Franks that he considered him a
liar and a rascal, and Franks thereafter entertained that opinion of
him.
On the 14th of September Arnold went down the river in his barge, to
meet Mrs. Arnold, who was being escorted by Franks from Philadelphia.
They returned on the 15th. Meanwhile Varick discovered that Arnold had
sent for Capt. Robinson, a skipper, and asked him to sell some rum for
him. Finding that he was a Tory his employ was prevented.
Smith brought his wife with him to call upon Mrs. Arnold the day
after her arrival, and remained two days. At table he asserted that
America might have made an honorable peace with Great Britain when the
commissioners came out in 1778. Varick’s answer occasioned Mrs. Arnold
to tell Franks that Colonel Varick was in her opinion a very warm and
staunch whig.
It was whilst Smith was dining at Arnold’s Quarters on the 23d of
September that Varick’s indignation reached a crisis. “My unfavorable
opinion of his moral and political character, and his unusual and
unparalleled impertinence and forwardness, and General Arnold’s
countenancing him (notwithstanding my advice and frequent solicitations
to the contrary) fixed a resolution in me to affront him before Arnold
the first opportunity. A trifling one offered at table. I embraced it
with warmth,” says Varick.
As much as has been preserved of it follows:
_Mrs. Arnold_ (to servant). A little more butter please.
_Servant._ There is no more, Madam.
_Arnold._ Bless me, I had forgotten the oil I bought in Philadelphia;
it will do very well with this salt fish.
_Servant_ produces the oil.
_Arnold._ That oil cost eighty dollars.
_Smith._ Eighty pence, a dollar is no more than a penny.
_Varick_ (in a voice meant as an affront). That is not true, Mr. Smith.
_Franks_, _Arnold_, _Smith_, _Varick_, all join in a hot dispute, until
Mrs. Arnold, observing her husband in a passion, begged them to drop
the matter. Varick soon quitted the table and went to his room which
was then in the office. Smith went off soon after dinner and Arnold
went to the office and took Franks to task in very illiberal language
for affronting him.
_Arnold._ If I asked the Devil to dine with me the gentlemen of my
family should be civil to him.
_Franks._ Let me tell you that if Smith had not been at your table I
would have sent the bottle at his head. Hereafter I will treat him as a
rascal.
_Varick._ It was I who affronted Smith, not Franks.
_Franks_ (to Arnold). I have of late observed that you view every part
of my conduct with an eye of prejudice. I beg you to discharge me from
your family. [Leaves room in passion and goes to Newburgh, where he
remains over night.]
The dispute continues between Arnold and Varick.
_Varick_ (to Arnold). Smith is a ---- ---- rascal, a scoundrel and a
Spy. My reason for affronting him is that I think him so. My advice
to you has proceeded from a regard to your reputation which you
wished should stand well in this State and which I have very often
told you will suffer by an improper intimacy with Smith. Smith’s
insolence to Franks and his ungentlemanlike conduct to Mrs. Arnold, in
speaking impertinently to Franks before her in a language she did not
understand, justifies Franks’ treating him as he did and worse, and
also merited your resentment instead of countenance.
_Arnold._ I am always willing to be advised by the gentlemen of my
family, but by ---- I will not be dictated to by them. I think I
possess as much prudence as the gentlemen of my family.
That evening Varick received a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Benson,
of Governor Clinton’s family, in answer to one of his of the 24th of
August inquiring of Smith’s real political character and the truth
of some information he had given Arnold. The answer contained an
opinion by no means favorable. Varick showed it to Arnold and then
told him that he considered his past conduct and language to him as
unwarrantable and that he thought he did not place the confidence in
his repeated friendly assurance and advice which he had a right to
expect and which was necessary to be put in a person acting in his
capacity, and that he could not act longer with propriety. Arnold gave
him assurances of his full confidence in him, of a conviction of the
rectitude of his conduct, of Smith’s being a rascal, and of his error
in treating him with such cavalier language, and that he would never go
to Smith’s house again, or be seen with him but in company.
We now come to the day of Arnold’s flight [Sept. 25, 1780]. Varick is
not well, he remained in bed most of the morning. Before breakfast
Arnold entered his room and inquired:
_Arnold._ Have you answered the letters received from Lt. Colonel
Jameson? Has Major Tallmadge’s letter been answered? Have you written
to Gov. Clinton inclosing copies of the letters of Colonel Beverly
Robinson?
_Varick._ No sir, I am sick and am not able to.
_Arnold._ [Taking Colonel Tallmadge’s letter out of the office with
him.] I will write to Tallmadge myself.
Some minutes later the messenger from Lieutenant Colonel Jameson hands
Arnold two letters. After reading them he ascends the stairs to Mrs.
Arnold’s room.
Two minutes later His Excellency General Washington’s servant comes to
the door and informs Major Franks that His Excellency is nigh at hand.
Franks goes immediately up stairs and informs Arnold of it. Arnold
comes down in great confusion, orders a horse to be saddled, mounts
him, and tells Franks to inform His Excellency that he is going to West
Point and will return in about an hour.
Half an hour later General Washington arrives and after taking a hasty
breakfast starts for West Point. Franks in the interval had stopped
at Varick’s room and told him that Arnold had gone to West Point.
Lieutenant Hubbell also entered Varick’s room and incidentally told him
he saw Arnold’s barge going down the river. It should have been going
up to reach West Point, but at the moment this made no impression.
Colonel Varick’s room was on the ground floor. There was a window
near the bed that could be opened from the outside. Presently this
was raised by Franks and with suppressed emotion he informed Varick
that he believed Arnold was a villain: that he had heard a report
that one Anderson was taken as a spy on the lines and that a Militia
officer had brought a letter to Arnold and that he was enjoined secrecy
by Arnold. Varick concurred and with indescribable agitation they
discussed the subject, but finally concluded that it was uncharitable
and unwarrantable even to suppose it.
Franks had only time to lower the window when Mrs. Arnold called for
Varick. As soon as he conveniently could he waited on her. She was in
great distress and had apparently lost her reason. Dr. Eustice was
summoned. After an examination he addressed Varick: “Where has General
Arnold gone? I beg you for God’s sake to send for him, or the woman
will die.” Franks was with them by this time and taking Dr. Eustice
into an adjoining room, after enjoining the most sacred secrecy, they
informed him of their suspicions that Arnold had gone to the enemy.
They made him understand that it was a bare suspicion, and that they
were afraid to lisp it to any creature living, lest proving untrue it
should ruin their reputations. Their suspicions were soon confirmed
and communicated to Dr. Eustice, when upon Varick’s remarking to
Mrs. Arnold that she would soon have the General with her again, she
exclaimed, “Oh no, no! he is gone, gone forever!”[52]
General Washington has arrived at the Robinson House, the Headquarters
of Arnold. And now in his own words will be told what next happened.
One day in 1796 he related this at the close of an enjoyable meal
at his own table. His secretary, Tobias Lear, carefully recorded it
and begged permission to preserve it for permanent record. General
Washington says:
“On my return from Hartford I met Chevalier Luzerne towards evening
within about 15 miles of West Point, which I intended to reach that
night, but he insisted upon turning back with me to the next public
house; where, in politeness to him, I could not but stay all night,
determining, however, to get to West Point to breakfast very early.
I sent off my baggage and desired Colonel Hamilton to go forward and
inform General Arnold that I would breakfast with him. Soon after he
arrived at Arnold’s quarters, a letter was delivered to Arnold which
threw him into the greatest confusion. He told Colonel Hamilton that
something required his immediate attendance at the garrison which was
on the opposite side of the river to his quarters; and immediately
ordered a horse, to take him to the river; and the barge which he
kept to cross, to be ready; and desired Major Franks, his Aid, to
inform me when I should arrive that he was gone over the river and
would return immediately. When I got to his quarters and did not find
him there, I desired Major Franks to order me some breakfast; and
as I intended to visit the fortifications I would see General Arnold
there. After I had breakfasted I went over the river, and inquiring
for Arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had not been there.
I likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no one could give me
any information where he was. The impropriety of his conduct when he
knew I was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind misgave
me; but I had not the least idea of the real cause. When I returned
to Arnold’s quarters about two hours after, and told Colonel Hamilton
that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just arrived
for me from Colonel Jameson, which immediately brought the matter to
light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his horse and proceed with
the greatest dispatch to a post on the river about eight miles below,
in order to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was too late.
It seems that the letter which Arnold received which threw him in such
confusion was from Colonel Jameson, informing him that André was taken
and that the papers found upon him were in his possession. Colonel
Jameson when André was taken with the papers, could not believe that
Arnold was a traitor, but rather that it was an imposition of the
British in order to destroy our confidence in Arnold. He, however,
immediately on their being taken, dispatched an express after me,
ordering him to ride night and day till he came up with me. The
express went the lower road, which was the road by which I had gone
to Connecticut, expecting that I would return by the same route, and
that he would meet me; but before he had proceeded far, he was informed
that I was returning by the upper road. He then cut across the country
and followed my track till I arrived at West Point. He arrived about
two hours after and brought the above packet. When Arnold got down
to the barge he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows and
some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board
the Vulture sloop of war, as a flag, which was lying down the river;
saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short
time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would
exert themselves. They did, accordingly; but when they got on board the
Vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the cockswain
to be called down into the cabin and informed him that he and the men
must consider themselves as prisoners.
“The cockswain was very much astonished, and told him that they came on
board under the sanction of a flag. He answered that that was nothing
to the purpose; they were prisoners. But the Captain of the Vulture had
more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and told the cockswain
that he would take his parole for going on shore and getting his
clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and his companions.
He accordingly came, got his clothes and returned on board. When they
got to New York General Clinton, ashamed of such low and mean action,
set them at liberty.”
[Illustration: “WE ARE TOO LATE.” HAMILTON’S NOTE TO GENERAL
WASHINGTON. Reproduced directly from the original.
_See page 178._
* * * * *
On p. 100 in the Diary of Hugh Gaine is this entry: “Sept. 26. This day
Gen. Arnold came in from West Point, to the great surprise of every
person who was not in the secret.”]
* * * * *
It is not proposed to even mention here the prompt measures that were
taken to protect West Point. General Washington’s letter to General
Heath follows as a continuation of the narrative of Arnold’s escape and
extracts from a letter of General Green to show in what contempt he was
held.
* * * * *
The letter to William Heath is dated
ROBINSON HOUSE, Sept. 26, 1780.
_Dear Sir_: In the present situation of things, I think it
necessary that you should join the army; and request that
you will do it. You will come to headquarters yourself. The
route through Litchfield will be the most eligible for you, on
account of security, and you may direct your baggage to halt
at Fishkill, for your further orders. I write to the Count de
Rochambeau by this conveyance; and I trust that your coming
away now will not be attended with any material inconvenience
to him.
I cannot conclude without informing you of an event which has
happened here, which will strike you with astonishment and
indignation:--Major General Arnold has gone to the enemy. He
had had an interview with Major André, Adjutant General of
the British Army, and had put into his possession a state of
the army of the garrison at this post, of the number of men
considered as necessary for the defense of it, a return of the
ordinance, and the disposition of the artillery corps, in case
of an alarm. By a most providential interposition, Major André
was taken in returning to New York, with all the papers in
General Arnold’s hand writing; who, hearing of the matter, kept
it to himself, left his quarters immediately, under pretext of
going over to West Point, on Monday forenoon, about an hour
before my arrival; then pushed down the river in the barge,
which was not discovered until I had returned from West Point
in the afternoon, and when I received the first information of
Mr. André’s capture. Measures were instantly taken to apprehend
him, but, before the officer sent for the purpose could reach
Verplanck’s Point he had passed it with a flag, and got on
board the Vulture ship of war, which lay a few miles below. He
knew of my approach, and that I was visiting, with the Marquis,
the north and middle redoubts; and from the circumstances was
so straightened in point of time, that I believe he carried
with him but very few, if any, material papers; tho he has very
precise knowledge of the affairs of the post. The gentlemen of
General Arnold’s family I have the greatest reason to believe,
were not privy in the least degree to the measures he was
carrying on, or to his excape.
GO. WASHINGTON.
Nathaniel Green’s letter is addressed to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth
at Hartford, and reads: “I think I have not written you since the
late desertion of Arnold. Was you ever more astonished in your life?
A man high in reputation, and with the fairest prospects of domestic
happiness. The love of parade and the thirst for gold has proved
his ruin. How black, how despised, loved by none, and hated by all.
Once his Country’s Idol now her horror. Curse on his folly nay his
villainy and most of all his meanness. The latter has been displayed
in such dirty colours in his transactions at this post, as has not
been equaled in the history of man. All kind of private and public
robery has he pursued, and accompanied it, with such circumstances of
littleness as shows him to be the basest of mortals. I freely confess
I had no conception notwithstanding the converse I have had with
mankind, that it was possible for human nature to arrive at such a
degree of corruption. The discovery has been very providential. Had
these Posts fallen into the Enemies’ hand God knows what might have
been the consequence. But I think little short of the entire subjection
of America. What a triumph to British pride; and what a downfall to
American glory. Poor Congress what would have become of you?”
_Benedict Arnold_
We know that his mother’s maiden name was Hannah Waterman, and that she
married first Absalom King, of Long Island, and then, after his death,
on November 8th, 1733, she married Benedict Arnold and that Benedict,
the traitor, was born on January 3d, 1740, new style Jan. 14, 1741;
and that he had a sister Hannah, born Dec. 9th, 1742. We also know
that while yet a lad he was apprenticed to a druggist in Norwich and
that another lad likewise apprenticed was Hopkins. Arnold when only
sixteen enlisted in a regiment and went off to Hartford but at his
mother’s earnest solicitation he was sent back; only to run away again
and enlist in a regiment stationed in the vicinity of Ticonderoga. He
soon deserted and returned to his home and business and after serving
his apprenticeship started in the drug business for himself in New
Haven. This for awhile prospered and later failed. We know that before
the war, in 1767, he was married at New Haven to a lady by the name
of Margaret Mansfield. They had three sons, Benedict, Richard and
Henry. This lady probably died in 1775. We know that during the war, in
April, 1779, he was married to the youngest daughter of Edward Shippen
of Philadelphia, Pa. Margaret, or as she was more frequently called,
Peggy Shippen, a girl under nineteen in 1779. We know they went to
England before the close of the war and Benedict Arnold was in England
in 1786 and part of 1787. We do not know if he was married again after
the war, but we know that a lady calling herself Mrs. Arnold arrived
in Massachusetts on January 3, 1796. She came in the ship _Outram_
from London 56 days out. With her was her daughter Elizabeth Arnold,
then nine years old. A man showed them marked attention during the
voyage and after they had been some time settled in Boston Mrs. Arnold
announced that she had married this individual, who was Charles Tubbs,
before leaving England. Mrs. Tubbs and her daughter Betty or Elizabeth
Arnold became stage favorites and in 1802 the daughter Elizabeth
Arnold, then fifteen years old, married C. D. Hopkins, and they
continued to take prominent parts on the stage until his death, which
occurred on October 26th, 1805. Meanwhile David Poe, the son of David
Poe of Baltimore, Maryland, had fallen desperately in love with Betty
Arnold Hopkins. Her husband’s sudden death enabled them to marry and
in July 1806 Mr. and Mrs. Poe appeared together at the Vauxhall Garden
Theatre in New York. In January, 1809, they were together, filling an
engagement on the Boston stage, assisted by John Howard Payne, the
immortal author of Home, Sweet Home, when on the 19th of the month
Edgar Poe was born. What became of his Arnold grandmother may always
remain a mystery. She may have died in Philadelphia in 1798 after which
date she was never heard of, but wherever she reposes, with her is
probably buried for all time that question one might like to solve. Was
her child, as some affirm, the daughter of Benedict Arnold? If this
Betty Arnold was his daughter then our immortal poet Edgar Allan Poe
was a grandson of the arch traitor, Benedict Arnold.
FOOTNOTES to “EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE”:
[48] Bancroft, vol. 10, p. 388 says: When they had delivered André
to Col. Jameson they “went their way not asking a reward for their
services or leaving their names.” John Jameson practically confirms
this in the letter he wrote to General Washington at the time. In full
it reads:
NORTH CASTLE, Sept. 27th, 1780.
This will be delivered you by John Paulding, one of the young
men that took Major André and who nobly refused any sum of
money that he should demand. The other two young men that were
in company with him are not yet found; as soon as they arrive
they shall be sent on. I have just seen L. Kennecut. He thinks
it will be impossible for him to go below again; he begs your
instruction and assistance; almost all his furniture, clothes
and money are below. Some of the slanderers from above have
stole his horses which makes him very poor; he has gone down
between the lines to try to get out some of his things and
to give notice to some people that have assisted him in his
business.
I should take it as a particular favour if you would use your
influence with Governor Clinton to have some board appointed to
enquire into and determine the horrid practice of plundering
that is carried on in this part of the country. I have no doubt
but that the plunderers above and below are connected. If some
proper board could be appointed or the commanding officer on
the lines vested with proper authority from Governor Clinton
many petty villains near the lines may be detected I make no
doubt who hold a correspondence with DeLancey’s Cow Boys. I
am very sorry that I wrote to G-- Arnold. I did not think of
a British Ship being up the River and expected that if he was
the man he has since turned out to be that he would come down
to the troops in this quarter in which case I should have
secured him. (I mentioned my intention to Major Tallmadge and
some other of the field officers all of which were clearly of
opinion that it would be right) until I could hear from your
Excellency. The Queens Rangers I am informed marched from
Oyster Bay last Saturday for Kingsbridge, the 17th on Sunday
and some others ordered to hold themselves in readiness. Two
British Officers went on board the Vulture just above Tarrytown
they were out in the country cloathed in mean ragged country
cloaths and at the river side changed them for fine laced
regimentals. Some gentleman came out from Kingsbridge about a
fortnight ago with a handkerchief full of gold; changed his
clothes for an old sack coat and pushed up the North River. I
am with regard and esteem Your Excellency’s most Obedient and
very humble servant
JOHN JAMESON.
[49] Paulding died in 1818, and in 1827 the Corporation of the City
of New York placed a monument over his grave in the old cemetery just
north of Peekskill, reciting, “The Corporation of the City of New York
erected this tomb as a Memorial Sacred to Public Gratitude.” Van Wart
died in 1828, and in the Greenburgh church-yard the citizens of this
county erected a memorial in “Testimony of his virtuous and patriotic
conduct.” Williams died in Livingstonville, in Schoharie County, in
1831, and was buried with military honors. In 1876 the State erected
a monument, and his remains were re-interred in the old stone fort at
Schoharie Court House. On the spot where André was captured the young
men of Westchester County, in 1853, built a cenotaph in honor of his
captors.
[50] Jameson addressed another letter to headquarters on the very day
of André’s execution. It is dated from Northcastle, New Purchase, Oct.
2nd, 1780, and reads:
“_Sir_, I have just received information that about six
thousand men are embarked and embarking, some say they are
destined for Rhode-Island, some for Pennsylvania, and others
that they are going to Philadelphia. It is said that all the
Pennsylvania refugees are to go on board the fleet. It is also
said that part of their Cavalry are to go. The man I wrote to
you about in my last letter, is up in this neighborhood. He
tells me that he has been informed that most of the people that
were friends to America in New York are confined. He is very
desirous to move his family from the lines, but says that he is
not able. A party of the inhabitants and some of my men have
killed two of DeLancey’s men and three prisoners. One of the
prisoners was so badly wounded that he was left on Parole. The
inhabitants are very desirous to have the prisoners exchanged
for some men of their own company that are prisoners now in the
sugar-house. I am with esteem, Your Excellency’s most obedient,
and very humble servant.
“JOHN JAMESON.”
[51] Colonel Richard Varick was born in New Jersey, on March 25,
1753. Making law his profession, he entered the office of John Morin
Scott, in New York City, with whom he served his law apprenticeship in
1772, 1773 and 1774, and who from friendship and personal confidence
embarked him in professional business as soon as he attained the years
of maturity and responsibility. The Revolutionary troubles coming on,
he took up his sword, being appointed sixth Captain of McDougall’s
regiment on June 28, 1775. A day or two later, July 1, Schuyler made
him his Private Secretary, and when the General resigned in 1776,
Congress appointed Varick, September 26, Deputy Muster Master General
of the Northern Department, giving him the rank, November 7, of
Lieutenant-Colonel. This office he held until January 12, 1780, when
all the mustering officers of the department were discharged. Varick
was then on the point of retiring to civil life, when he received
Arnold’s invitation to become his Secretary. Nor was he long off duty
after the traitor’s family was broken up, as he favorably impressed
the Commander-in-Chief, who appointed him Recording Secretary under
resolution of Congress in the spring of 1781, for the purpose of
arranging his military correspondence for preservation; and this office
he retained to the close of the war. Resuming his law practice in 1784,
Varick rose to influence, became Recorder of the city, Attorney-General
of the State, and finally Mayor, which office he held for twelve years,
from 1789 to 1800. His death occurred July 30, 1831. He left a widow,
formerly Miss Maria Roosevelt, of New York, who survived him a number
of years. They had no children. The above, written by H. P. Johnston,
will be found on p. 733 of the Magazine of American History, November
1882, copied from the original papers, then in possession of the
Mercantile Library, New York City.
[52] The name of Mrs. Arnold’s baby, born that fall, was Edward
Shippen Arnold. He died Dec. 15, 1813.
AFTERMATH
None were more shocked at the news of André’s execution than the
Townsend family. Robert in particular feared that his friends among
the British officers might betray him in retaliation. He considered
it necessary to visit personally every one in his employ. Meanwhile,
his store in New York was closed for nearly three weeks and upon the
day of his return entries were made of over £500 in cash that had been
given to sundry persons. In a letter dated from Bedford, October 11,
1778,[53] Major Tallmadge writes:
“The conduct of Arnold, since his arrival at N. Y. has been
such, that though he knows not a single link in the chain of
my correspondence, still those who have assisted us in this
way, are at present too apprehensive of Danger to give their
immediate usual intelligence. I hope as the tumult subsides
matters will go on in their old channels.
“Culper, Junr. has requested an interview with me on Long
Island on the 13th inst, but in the present situation of
affairs I believe it would be rather imprudent. What makes it
peculiarly so at this time is the swarm of Refugee Boats which
cruise along the shore of Long Island. I have wrote Culper,
Junr. assuring him that his name or character are not even
known by any officer but myself in the army, tho should your
Excellency wish to have me meet Culper, Junr. I will appoint an
interview at any time, with great Regard Regard[54]
Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient sert.
“BENJ. TALLMADGE.”
In reply to this General Washington wrote:
“_Dear Sir_, I recd. your favr. of the 11th, with C. Senior’s
enclosed. I think you were right in declining an interview at
this time, as the enemy would act with more than common rigor
just now should an officer be taken under circumstances the
least suspicious--I should be exceedingly glad to hear from
C. Junior, because all my accounts from other quarters are
very defective as to the number of troops to be embarked, or,
indeed, whether an embarkation is seriously in contemplation.
The last account was of the 13th, and it was then said the
expedition was delayed for some purpose or other.”
General Washington supplements this justifiable praise with the
following paragraph which will be found in a letter to the Congress
(No. 20645):
“Unluckily, the person in whom I have the greatest confidence
is afraid to take any measures for communicating with me just
at this time, as he is apprehensive that Arnold may possibly
have some knowledge of the connection and may have him watched.”
Townsend, meanwhile, in a letter addressed to John Bolton, Esq.,
replied to two he had received from Major Tallmadge, as follows:
“729. 462. 20th, 1780
“_Sir_, Yours of the 30th of Sept. & 6th of October are now
before me. In answer to the first, W-s assurances are as much
as I could expect. When I conclude to open another route you
shall be informed of it. I do not choose that the person you
mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.
“I am happy to think that Arnold does not know my name.
However, no person has been taken up on his information. I was
not much surprised at his conduct, for it was no more than
I expected of him. Genl. Clinton has introduced him to the
General officers on parade as General Arnold in the British
service, and he is much caressed by General Robinson. This will
tend to gloss his character with the venal part of the enemy,
but the independent part must hold him in contempt; and his
name will stink to eternity with the generous of all parties.
“I never felt more sensibly for the death of a person whom I
knew only by sight, and had heard converse, than I did for
Major André. He was a most amiable character. General Clinton
was inconsolable for some days; and the army in general and
inhabitants were much exasperated, and think that General
Washington must have been destitute of feeling, or he would
have saved him. I believe General Washington felt sincerely for
him, and would have saved him if it could have been done with
propriety.
“The long time I have been out of town prevents my giving
you any information of consequence. The army which embarked
last week are generally supposed intended to make a diversion
in Virginia or Cape Fear in North Carolina, to favour Lord
Cornwallis--They take but few horses, but a number of saddles
with an intention to mount a number of dismounted dragoons who
are going with them. The Cork and English fleets are, I expect,
arrived by this. I hope and expect that all my letters are
destroyed after they are perused. I am yours &c.
“SAMUEL CULPER JUNIOR.”
Culper Senior enclosed one of his in the above,(129) in which he says:
“C. Junr. is now with me.... I was in hopes you might have come and
seen him.” Major Tallmadge forwarded these to General Washington on
October 17th, and in a note of his own(130) says: “As circumstances
have since turned out I wish I had met C. Junr. as mentioned in my last
to Your Excellency.”
* * * * *
Again on October 23d, Major Tallmadge wrote to General Washington,
saying that he was obliged to attend Colonel Sheldon’s trial that day
at West Point, and expected to be detained some time. Nevertheless he
would give attention to the Culper messages.
* * * * *
The momentary retirement of Townsend, Woodhull’s fear to remain in
the city, and request that Tallmadge undertake the expedition that
terminated in the capture of Fort St. George, are features of the
next letter from Culper Senior, dated October 26, 1780. In full, as
translated, it reads:
“_Dear Sir._ Your favour of the ee instant came to hand, and
observe the contents. Your desire to have a shorter conveyance
opened hath been repeatedly urged from time to time. I have
this day returned from New York, and am sorry to informe you
that the present commotions and watchfullness of the Enemy at
New York hath resolved C. Jur. for the present to quit writing
and retire into the country for a time.--Most certainly the
enemy are very severe, and the spirits of our friends very low.
I did not think myself safe there a moment, and as nothing is
like to be done about New York, perhaps it may not be much
disadvantage to drop it for a time, and if need requires C.
Junr. will undertake again, and in the interum if anything in
particular is wanted to be known, shall be ready to serve and
faithfully transmit what I may know. The enemy’s Fleet left
the Hook on the 17--and very probable this moment are landed
in Virginia. They were in case of a separation to rendezvous
in Hampton Roads. Another embarcation is thought will take
place soon, accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton, and is thought
will proceed to reinforce Lord Cornwallis. The sum of their
intention is you may depend, to exert their whole force against
the Southern Provinces. The Militia together with their ships
and about four thousand regular Troops are to defend New York
this winter. The English fleet consisted of about fifty sail
the better half merchantmen. The best information that can be
collected says the recruits do not exceed twenty five hundred
men with one general officer. They have had a short passage and
are not very sickly. A Cork fleet is daily expected, and the
enemy are in fears about them. Should they not arrive it would
ruin them and the inhabitants of Long Island. The French have
taken twenty six sail of outward bound East and West Indiamen,
five of them were bound to the East Indies. The 17th Dragoons
in about five days will be at Musqueto Cove, handy to take some
of the gentlemen. They are now at Cedar Swamp--The enemy are
foraging in these parts, with a very small guard of Militia
Troops. I yesterday saw a guard of 17 men following one hundred
and five Brigade Wagons. Most certainly they will be this
way in three or four days, and expect they will go to South
Hampton. Yourself with fifty men might do as you would with
them. They are much off their guard. I think if you undertake
and call on me you will do something handsome. Arnold is about
to publish an address to his County Men, which am fearful may
do you much harm, assuring all officers and men countenance and
protection, that may come in, and have the same rank in the
British service as they have now in your army. Thus sir, have
communicated as much as possibly could--and in the mean time
Remain your most obed. Humbl. Servt.
“SAML. CULPER.”
The saddest letter in the correspondence comes next. Some of those
friends of their country were captured by the British in New York.
Culper transmits the information to John Bolton in the following letter:
“SETAUKET, November 12th, 1780
“_Dear Sir._--Your favour of the k instant is received--and
observe the contents--In answer to your first question I
again inform you, that I was at New York about the 20th of
last month. I then, with the advice of C. Junr. and others,
transmitted you the most accurate account of the embarkation
under Genl. Mathews that could possibly obtain, and assured
you of their going to Virginia, as also of another embarkation
bound to the Southward, then just in embryo--which were
positively to sail three days ago. said to amount to 1300
men. I then informed you of the severity and watchfulness
of the Enemy. Several of our dear friends were imprisoned,
in particular one that hath been ever serviceable to this
correspondence. This step so dejected the spirits of C. Junr.
that he resolved to leave New York for a time. I earnestly
endeavoured to prevent it but could not, so that I have no
person there now that I can send the Express to that can rely
upon.--In respect to the different corps and numbers that have
embarked and those within these lines, I cannot ascertain,
neither do I think it can possibly be done properly, for this
reason. The Enemy make it a rule to supply every embarcation
almost with draughts from every Regt in their army. The
beforementioned reason, together with some other difficulties
that attend me at this time, prevents me from making the
attempt to give you a return of the enemy, and hope you’ll
excuse my non complyance. Austin Roe returned from New York
two days ago. The Cork Fleet was not then arrived. The Enemy
in great fears about them. I think they must fall into your
hands for the want of provision if the fleet should miscarry.
The last accounts from England say that 23 line of Battle Ships
belonging to the Russians and Danes were at Spithead--What
can this mean. The 17th Dragoons is at Hempstead. The Hessian
Yeagers at Jericho and Oyster Bay. There’s troops at Jamaica
and Flushing, which is all I can say. Last Thursday there was
a hot press in New York to man Admiral Rodney’s Fleet which is
about to sail, said for the West Indies. There’s now 13 sail
of the line besides Frigates Laying in Gardiner’s Bay at the
eastward. There’s a very intelligent person gone to New York
now, on the same account. Have taken the liberty to direct
Brewster to cross again on the 19th instant when shall hope to
hear from you. After that shall make one more appointment, as
I intend to visit every quarter of the enemy if possible, and
write you fully as I expect the winter will soon prevent the
communication and in the Spring if need requires by some means
or other will if possible open it again on a better footing.
Depend my endeavours shall continue, as I hope never to lose
sight of our cause, truly sensible our all is at stake. I
greatly desire to see you but little hope of it at present, and
conclude your affectionate Friend and Humble Servt.
“SAML. CULPER.”
In homely words Brewster modestly records one of his brave exploits on
a sheet accompanying the above letter, which reads as follows:
“FAIRFIELD, November 13th, 1780.
“_Dear Sir._ Returned this evening from the Island. I left on
Saturday. Culper was not at home and had to weight till this
morning for him.
“Forrage is at Corum yet in stack where tavern is kept. Their
remains about forty Ruffigeus yet at Mastick on Mr. Smith’s
place. They have no connon, nothing but muskets.
“I took a prize a coming across today. A fine large boat from
New Haven, which had been to carry passengers over. We run up
long side of them and made them believe we came from Lloyd’s
Neck. They enformed me who secreted the persons in New Haven
four weeks and their connections, and I wrote it all down
before they found out their mistake. We up sail and came off
together and they engaged to pilot us to a gard on the west
side of New Haven harbour to take them. We got two thirds
across the Sound before they found out their mistake and I got
them safe under guard. I am Dear Sir, your most obedient humbil
servant,
“C. BREWSTER.”
Major Tallmadge quickly responded to the advice of Culper and Brewster.
Indeed, so quickly that Fort St. George was captured sooner than
Woodhull expected it would be.(131)
[Illustration: A TYPICAL WASHINGTON LETTER
_See page 191._
]
Years afterwards, Major Tallmadge’s account of this expedition was
written for his “Memoirs.” Another officer, one of the party, who had
accompanied Brewster on several occasions, fresh from the smoke of the
battle, wrote in detail to a friend an account of the expedition. As
until now his account has never been published, it is here carefully
copied:
“FAIRFIELD, November 26, 1780.[55]
“_My dear Friend_--I am at a loss how the account stands
between us respecting letters, but as it is immaterial at
present if I am in debt to you, I now propose to myself the
pleasure of paying it, and if it brings you in debt I am sure
you will take pleasure in discharging it, however as this
is a mere subject of ceremony, will quit it, and tell you a
small story of a tour we have had to St. George’s Manor, on
Long Island. We arrived in this town from North Castle ye
16th Instant. Major Tallmadge, Captain Edgar, myself, and
40 dismounted Dragoons. The weather and want of provisions
detained us here until 21st, when we embarked on board 8 whale
boats, and in a few hours landed at the Old Mans on the Island.
A severe storm prevented our doing any thing until the evening
of the 22d, when we began our march with the addition of about
20 men, boatmen, and at 4 o’clock in the morning of the 23d,
attacked and carried Fort St. George, (on Major Wm. Smith’s
Farm) in a few minutes without the loss of one man.
“It is a very pretty built strong place. The works was
completed a few days before. They were completely surprised. We
tarried there until about 7 o’clock, when we began the march
back and on the return burned about 300 tons of forage at
Coram, collected for the British Army. We arrived at our boats
about 6 o’clock, and at eleven landed safe at this place, more
fatigued and more pleased than I ever was in my life. In little
more than twenty-four hours we marched 40 miles and crossed the
sound 20 miles wide.
“The Fort is built right west from Mr. Smith’s new house,
about the same distance that the old house is from the new. It
is four square, about ninety feet square. The parapet from the
bottom of the ditch is about 10 feet high, the ditch about 4
feet wide and 3 deep. Besides this is a strong row of Abbatis
entirely around the Fort. From the N. E. corner of the Fort to
ye N. W. corner of the old house to ye N. E. of the new house
and from the S. W. ( ) the new house to the S. E. corner of
the Fort ( ) of the fort is on the east side, and opens under
cover of this strong stockade. Having fully described to you
this post will just mention the mode of attack.
“When we arrived within about three quarters of a mile of the
place, I was ordered to the command of 15 men to gain the front
of the Fort and there lay concealed until the alarm was given
from the other way, by the main body under Major Tallmadge,
Captain Edgar, and Lieut. Brewster. I came very close to the
Abbatis undiscovered and as soon as the alarm was given, pushed
over the Abbatis ditch and parapet, with little opposition,
without the loss of one man and without discharging one musket
on my part, and met Lieut. Brewster just entering the gates.
He came through the entry of the house, followed by the main
body, except a small party which filed off and attacked at the
same time the old house. The poor dogs had not time to rub
their eyes, or gasp before they were obliged to cry Quarters.
A musical sound. Here was a scene my friend, of war my eyes
never beheld nor description cannot equal. The cries of the
wounded in the agonies of death. The screeching of the women
and children while the parent and friend were entreating pity
and compassion, called forth every tender feeling, yet add to
these the shouts of the veterans it gives a pleasing lustre to
the triumphs of a soldier.
“We had one man wounded. The enemy about 7 killed and wounded.
Prisoners: 1 Lt. Coln. and 1 Capt. half pay. One lieutenant and
50 rank and file. Some were paroled and we have about forty,
which I move off to West Point with tomorrow. This tour will
take me 7 or 8 days, soon after which I hope to see you, as it
grows time for winter quarters and very probably we shall come
some where in Connecticut.... You must excuse inaccuracies as I
write in haste. Adieu.
“THOS. TREDWELL JACKSON.”
There was too much transpiring in the fall of 1780 to permit using all
the intelligence in its chronological order. It is therefore necessary
to return to the closing days of September to examine the rest of the
correspondence. On September 27th Woodhull wrote, saying:
“Inclosed you have C. Junr’s Blank, which I trust contains all
that may be known in and about 727. And have only to mention
the departure of the en Dragoons from Smith Town and are now
at Jericho. None but Coll. Ludloe’s Regt, is at Lloyd’s Neck,
nor none except the en Dragoons eastward of Jamaica. A number
of Refugees have built a Block House on Jesse Arthur’s Farm for
the purpose of cutting wood on the lands of Mr. Treddle and
Platt. Queens Rangers is at Jamaica. Let 725 come again 462 the
5. In the interim am yours,
“SAML. CULPER.”
Again on the 8th of October he wrote:
729--462--0th, 1780.
_Sir._ 708--356 of the fi of 616 came to hand, together with
the enclosed blank, the lines of which were easily discovered
and some sentences could be read. The paper being so bad I
judge is the reason. To prevent the like for the future have
forwarded you some good paper which please make use of for that
purpose alone. The 174 return’d last night from 727 but without
a blank from C. Jur. The present commotion that hath risen on
account of that infamous Arnold, together with little or no
intelligence at this time was the reason that he did not write.
That have only to say the Enemies embarcation goes on but slow.
They don’t seem to act with spirit about it. Culper Junr. is
to be with me on the ef instant, if no unforeseen accident
doth prevent. If possible, and think proper, come and see
him. It may be of mutual advantage. There appears nothing in
the way but the dangers of the Seas, and hope this invitation
will come to hand timely for the purpose. Have just heard that
Capt. Cornelius Conklin with a boat’s Crew hath fell into the
hands of the refugees near Treadells Banks with the loss of
Lieut. Ketchak Killd Dead. Their misfortune is owing to Abijah
Tooker of Seatauket. Have nothing further to ad, and am yours
Sincerely,
SAML. CULPER.
Comparatively few letters from this period to the end of the war have
survived. The next is Woodhull’s, as follows:
“NEW YORK, December 24, 1780.
“_Sir._ I yesterday returned from New York and shall now
communicate all that have been able to collect. General Arnold
saild on the 20th instant, from Sandy Hook, with a detachment
not exceeding sixteen hundred men, consisting of British,
Germans and volunteers. Arnold is intrusted with the command of
a Military Chest where he may give and take thousands. Coll.
Simcoe with part of his regiment is gone with him. Various are
the conjectures concerning their destination. Some say to the
West Indies, some to the Carolinas, some to the Floridas,
others to Virginia. The latter the most probable, as a very
noted Refugee, (I think by the name of Charles Williams)
formerly an inhabitant of the beforementioned place, is gone
with a large quantity of goods suitable for cloathing negroes.
I am told Arnold’s having the command is displeased many of the
independent gentlemen of the Army, and is called by some the
Rebel Fleet. The enemy have certain accounts of a large fleet
sailing from France, and in consequence thereof, four thousand
Troops may be expected to arrive shortly at New York or to the
Southward.... Admiral Rodney hath sent a considerable number
of prisoners, both masters and seamen, to England, a step
unheard of heretofore, which drew tears from our unfortunate
countrymen. I hope you’ll endeavour to exchange as many as
possible, for the prisoners will suffer more this winter
than ever, as the tender and well disposed inhabitants are
debarred from sending them any assistance without endangering
themselves....
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
A mystery concerning the next letter remains unsolved. It appears to
have taken three months to get to Tallmadge. It is an invitation from
Arnold, inviting him to become a traitor, like himself. In forwarding a
copy of it to General Washington Major Tallmadge says:
WETHERSFIELD, Jan. 28th, 1781.
_Dr. Genl._ Enclosed your Excellency will receive a copy of
a letter from B. Arnold[56] which has this day come to hand.
I am equally a stranger to the channel through which it was
conveyed, the reason why it was so long on its way, or the
motives which induced the Traitor to address himself thus
particularly to me. I have determined to treat the Author with
the contempt his conduct merits, by not answering his letter,
unless Your Excellency should advise a different Measure....
BENJ. TALLMADGE.
Woodhull’s letter of February 8th, 1781(132), predicts success. He
thinks it is not far distant, but nevertheless he urges vigilance and
activity. He pleads in behalf of Samuel Townsend[57] who as a British
prisoner is suffering severely. He calls to mind that all the money
General Washington has been able to send him in the last twelve months
is 29 Guineas.
Brewster had a letter to accompany this on its way to General
Washington.(133) He captured a boat and with it eight persons, whose
names he forwarded. They reached Fishkill and from there General
Parsons also reported to Headquarters, but mentions only six men
instead of eight. He suggests the exchange of two of the leaders of the
British crew for Major Brush and Captain Conklin. General Washington
from New Windsor, on Feb. 23d, questions Brewster as follows:
“_Sir._ I have recd. yours of the 14th. Your return mentions
the names of eight persons sent to the provost Guard--General
Parsons says(134) only six were committed. You should enquire
of the corporal who had them in charge, how this happened.
You will dispose of the Boat and what you took in her for the
benefit of the captors.”
Culper Senior’s next letter, dated March 18th, 1781,(135) mentions
that “C. Junr. is again in New York and entering into business again
as heretofore, and you may soon I hope receive his dispatches,” but
his letter following(136) on April 23d, states that they have found it
necessary to employ another man to collect information. He says that
Culper Junior has recently visited him, but that he will not send a
letter out of New York on any account. It might have discovered them to
put in a letter the reason for this. In fact Robert Townsend preferred
the risk of the long trip to putting on paper the information for
Woodhull. At that moment the British had information that might lead
to their identity. William Heron, otherwise known as “Hiram, the Spy,”
clever agent for Sir Henry Clinton, and good friend of our General
Parsons, had reported to British Headquarters in a communication dated
February 4th, 1781, that “Private dispatches are frequently sent from
New York to the Chieftain here (George Washington) by some traitors.
They come by the way of Setalket, where a certain Brewster receives
them at, or near, a certain womans.” Townsend must have trembled when
he discovered that Clinton had this information and perhaps his trip to
caution Woodhull was made none too soon.
If the secret service was to be continued money was now badly needed.
In another chapter will be explained the efforts General Washington
was making to procure it. Doubtless Major Tallmadge explained this
to Culper Senior, who thereupon agreed to finance the work. From
Newport, Rhode Island, on April 25th, 1781, Major Tallmadge sent this
information to General Washington in the following note:
_Sir._ In my late interview with Cr. the matter of a future
Correspondence, to be rendered more regular and advantageous,
was fully discussed. The plan which he has consented to adopt,
on certain conditions, is for him to remain for the most part
on Long Island and C. Junr. whom he thinks might be engaged
again, to reside constantly at New York. That some confidential
person must of course be employed to carry dispatches as it
would cause suspicions which might lead to detection if either
of the Culpers should be frequently passing from New York to
Setauket, &c. they being men of some considerable note. What
he will of course want will be a sufficient sum of money to
defray the contingent expenses which as living at New York
and traveling an Long Island is very dear, the expenses
accruing must be considerable. C. Senior observes that he is
already considerably in advance for the business, which from
its situation and other circumstances he is sorry to believe
has been of but little service to your Excellency the last
campaign. He further observes that if in the present state of
our public affairs it should be found difficult to furnish
money for the purpose, he will advance 100 guineas or more if
needed, receiving your excellency’s assurance that it shall
be refunded by the Public, with reasonable interest, after
the War. This money to be expended and properly accounted for
whenever demanded. These are the outlines of the plan which
Culper proposed, and which I promised him to communicate to
your Excellency. If the whole or any part of it should be
satisfactory, I shall immediately communicate the necessary
instructions....
BENJ. TALLMADGE.
Promptly before the end of the month came orders to Major Tallmadge
to re-engage the Culpers. From Headquarters at New Windsor General
Washington wrote:
Your two favors of the 24th and 25th have been duly received.
Fully impressed with the idea of the utility of early, regular
and accurate communications of the kind in contemplation,
I shall make no difficulty in acceding to the proposal
contained in your private letter from New Port of the 25th.
But at the same time I am engaging in behalf of the United
States a liberal reward for the services of the C----s, (of
whose fidelity and ability I entertain a high opinion) it is
certainly but reasonable, from patriotism and every other
principle, that their exertions should be proportionately
great, to subserve essentially the interest of the Public. All
the interior and minute arrangements of the Correspondence,
I request you will settle with them as expeditiously and
as advantageously as may be: and especially that you will
urge, in very forcible terms, the necessity of having the
communications as circumstantial, frequent and expeditious, as
possible. The great object of information you are very well
acquainted with--such as, Arrivals, Embarkations, Preparations
for Movements, alterations of Positions, situation of Posts,
Fortifications, Garrisons, strength or weakness of each,
distribution and strength of Corps, and in general every
thing which can be interesting and important for us to know.
Besides these, you are also sensible there are many things,
upon a smaller scale, which are necessary to be reported: and
that whatever intelligence is communicated ought to be not in
general terms, but in detail, and with the greatest precision.
At present I am anxious to know (for the reports have been very
numerous vague and uncertain) whether another embarkation is
preparing, and if so to what amount, and where destined. What
the present force of the Enemy is; particularly on Long Island,
in New York and at King’s Bridge. What Corps are at the latter
place, how strong, and where posted exactly--and indeed what
the situation, prospect, and designs of the enemy are, so far
as they can be penetrated into.
The need of this information was anticipated both by Major Tallmadge
and by the Culpers. Therefore much of it was in the intelligence
forwarded by Culper Senior on May 8th.(137) That trip was quickly
followed by another, from which he returned on May 19th, and wrote:
SIR. Your very pressing letter of the 3d inst. came to hand.
And it is a matter of grief to me that I cannot completely
execute your request. When at New York myself, together with
Culper Junior almost racked our invention to point out a proper
person and made several attempts but failed--no person will
write. The enemy have got some hint of me for when passing
at Brooklyn Ferry was strictly examined and told some vilian
supported a correspondence from this place. I do assure you
am greatly alarmed--and wished to be relieved from my present
anxiety. I shall not think it safe for me to go to New York
very soon--and can only supply you with verbal accounts as hath
been the case for some time. If that will answer let me know
as shall continue as heretofore until I hear from you. Austin
Roe came from New York yesterday, who saith, Culper Junior
informed as is the following.--Admiral Arbuthnot together with
the troops mentioned in my last, sailed on Sunday last supposed
to stop up the Delaware. And is something expected that
Admiral Arbuthnot will soon appear at Block Island. The enemy
have impressed 300 of your prisoners and put them on board
of the ships of war--this is fact--Nothing material from any
other quarter except a late arrival from Europe, and brings a
prospect of peace. See the paper, and private accounts declare
that the Russian Ambassador hath left the Court of Britain. I
believe this is fact. I intended to have wrote you a very long
letter but have not time now, but have neglected nothing that
is of importance. Capt. Hazard with a party of refugees are
about to take up their quarters again at Fort St. George. In
haste am Yours Sincerely,
SAML. CULPER.
The above was followed by his letters of May 27th(138) and June
4th(139) and then on the 27th of June he wrote, saying:
Your letter of the 23d instant was handed me yesterday by Mr.
S. and observe the contents. Sorry it had not arrived one
day earlier, that might have directed Austin Roe, agreeable
thereto. I cannot think I would be safe in going to New York
for reasons mentioned heretofore and the most can do in
complyance with your very urgent request, is, have engaged a
faithful and capable friend to report to me agreeable to your
queries, on the 4th of July. Sooner could not obtain it.
Below is the report of Austin Roe this moment returned from
New York and communicated to him by our late correspondents. A
Cork Fleet just arrived at the Hook, numbers and particulars
unknown--Arbuthnot’s Fleet cruising off the Hook. Accounts
from the South favorable. Coll. Ludlow’s and the Jersey
volunteers have left Lloyd’s Neck and are now at Jamaica. The
Yeagers and Anspach Regiment amounting to about 800 men crossed
Hell Gate yesterday on to York Island. The 17th Dragoons and
mounted Yeagers are about Islip South. The enemy expect an
attack and are contracting their lines, and collecting in force
at the Bridge. There appears a greater number of Transports in
full view about New York now than some time past but no Ships
of force. Inclosed you have the papers, and believe me to be
yours Sincerely,
SAML. CULPER.
N.B. The Enemy have no more than six sail of the line.
It would be possible to name several who were at this time trying to
commit to paper the intelligence the Culpers found it too dangerous
to attempt. Probably not more than three or four letters from any one
of these individuals was written, and that mostly from information
furnished verbally by the Culpers. Little appears to have survived of
that which must have reached Headquarters during the Yorktown Campaign.
Among the shortest and most welcome intelligence was a note inspired by
verbal information furnished by Robert Townsend with the preliminary
announcement of peace. This reads:
May 5th, 1782.
_Sir._ Your correspondent being absent which occasions my
writing you the news here, which is as follows, just come to
hand through the first channel. A cessation of arms is ordered,
to take place within these lines both by Land and Sea--and
terms of peace are given to Congress, but the conditions is
here unknown, but generally supposed Independence is offered.
The Enemy still continue to fortify, nevertheless, both on
York and on Long Island. I have nothing further to inform you
of but hope soon to have peace in our land--And am yours, &c.
SAMUEL CULPER.
Written on the same day of the month two months later a long letter of
Abraham Woodhull’s clears what has been a mystery to some members of
the Townsend family.(140) With all his ingenuity Dr. Peter Townsend,
the nephew of Robert, never succeeded in getting from him a syllable as
to the part he played in the struggle for American Independence. It was
common for him to relate experiences of others but his own were never
mentioned. One day during his lifetime the young folks discovered among
his effects a uniform looking suspiciously British. They knew him to be
in sentiment a Whig and an uncompromising Federalist, and in amazement
they questioned him as to the uniform. He admitted that at one period
during the war he was obliged to stand on duty in the front doorway of
British officers headquarters. Frequently thereafter the family would
tease him by referring to this but although it appeared to greatly
embarrass him he never gave them further enlightenment on the subject.
Woodhull in this letter says: “Carlton’s called a Tyrant at New York by
the inhabitants in general and makes them do Soldiers duty in the city
without distinction. The first Gentlemen in the City stand at Officer’s
doors Soldier like.”
* * * * *
From Newburgh on August 10, 1782, General Washington addressed Major
Tallmadge as follows:
“I wish you without delay to open again, or at least to renew
effectually, the channel of intelligence through the C..s. I
know your correspondents have heretofore, in general, been
well informed and that the only great difficulty has been in
the circuitous route of communication.”
The answer to this is dated Newtown, August 18, 1782.
“_Sir_: I have had the honor to receive your Excellency’s
letter of the 10th inst. in consequence of which I immediately
repaired to Fairfield, and effected an interview with S. G. to
whom I communicated the purport of Your Excellency’s letter.
At the same time I forwarded, by him, similar instructions to
S. C. Senior and Junr. The absence of Capt. Brewster on a short
cruise to the eastward, may perhaps occasion some delay, but I
cannot but believe my correspondents will exert themselves on
this occasion, as I have wrote pressingly on the subject.
“From some intimations I have reason to believe that a certain
Character, in great repute among the Refugees and very
particularly intimate with Col. Upham A.D.C. to Genl. Clinton,
would be happy in an opportunity to render important services
to the State and army. His character is by no means notorious,
but very sagatious. I have ventured to write him on the subject
of intelligence, and have great hopes from his services.
“I must again repeat to Your Excellency the necessity of having
a sum of money, as well as a little stain, forwarded for the
use of this Communication--to the want of both these articles I
presume may be attributed in some measure, the declination of
this correspondence.
“I have the Honor to be, With the highest esteem and regard,
Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient servant,
“BENJ. TALLMADGE.”
Repeated requests that his letters be destroyed was now probably
complied with, for with one exception only stain letters can be found
and they cannot now be deciphered.
This last of the Culper Junior letters to survive contained welcome
news for weary soldiers: It was carried by Robert Townsend into
Westchester County, where he met Major Tallmadge, who forwarded it to
Washington. Dated September 19, 1782, it reads as follows:
“The last packet, so far from bringing better news to the
loyalists, has indeed brought the clearest and unequivocal
Proofs that the independence of America is unconditionally to
be acknowledged, nor will there be any conditions insisted on
for those who have joined the King’s Standard.
“It is said that an Expedition is now forming at N.Y. and by
many conjectured to be against the French Fleet &c. at Boston;
a number of British Troops were embarking when I left the city
on the 14th and 15th inst. But I conversed fully with one of
Carleton’s Aides on this subject, who told me that I might
depend they were bound to the W. Indies or Halifax. For my own
part I have no expectation that they think of any offensive
movements. The above gentleman, with whom I am most intimately
connected, informed me that it is now under consideration to
send all the B. Troops to the West Indies and to garrison the
City with the jagers and new raised corps for the present.
“A fleet is now taking in water at Staten Island and another at
White Stone--various conjectures about their destination. It is
a fact that a fleet is going to Charlestown to bring off that
Garrison.
“A packet is just about sailing for England and another will
follow very shortly, and Sir Guy himself says that he thinks
it not improbable that the next Packet may bring orders for an
evacuation of N. York.
“A fleet is getting ready to sail for the Bay of Fundy about
the first of October to transport a large number of Refugees to
that Quarter. The Aide above referred to informs us that he
thinks it probable he shall go there himself. Indeed, I never
saw such general distress and dissatisfaction in my life as is
painted in the countenance of every Tory at N.Y.
“The Beef Contractors had orders a few days past to cease
purchasing any more for the Navy and from the appearance of
things the whole fleet are getting ready for a movement.
“I am myself uncertain when the Troops will leave N.Y. but I
must confess I rather believe if the King’s Magazines can be
removed, that they will leave us this fall.
“The King’s wood yards are tolerably supply’d but they have no
Magazines of forage.”
[Illustration: ENTRANCE OF GENERAL WASHINGTON INTO NEW YORK, NOV. 25TH,
1783]
Major Tallmadge confirmed Townsend’s statement in his letter of March
31, 1783, and asked to be permitted to be one of the first to enter New
York.(141)
At the request of the General, he sent from Litchfield on August 16,
1783, an account of the incidental expenses that had been incurred in
the Secret Service work, which account is missing. One that Culper
Senior submitted on July 5th, and which formed a part of it, is still
preserved.
* * * * *
Accompanying this was the following letter, dated:
BROOKHAVEN, July 5th, 1783.
_Dr. Sir._ Your favour of the 14th June was handed me this
day--and agreeable to your request have enclosed my account
for your inspection. I am unable to particularize dates for I
only kept the most simple account that I possibly could,[58]
for fear it should betray me, but I trust it is a just one--and
I do assure you I have been as frugal as possibly could. I
desire you would explain to the Genl. the circumstances that
attended this lengthy correspondence that he may be satisfied
that we have not been extravagant....
SAML. CULPER.
It is worthy of note that both the Culpers lived for over fifty years
after the war began. Some day someone may wish to put in type the story
of those interesting years.
[Illustration:
(Original in the William L. Clements Library,
by whose permission it is used.)
Masked letter sent by Sir Henry Clinton inform Burgoyne that there
would be no British army to meet him at Albany.
_See page 215._
]
FOOTNOTES to “AFTERMATH”:
[53] 1778 it is written, but undoubtedly in error. Major Tallmadge must
have had something else on his mind. He plainly meant to write 1780.
[54] Regard is repeated in the original, as above.
[55] This letter is in the Long Island Collection at East Hampton.
[56] Major Tallmadge, _Dear Sir_: As I know you to be a man of sense,
I am convinced you are by this time fully of opinion that the real
interest and happiness of America consists in a reunion with Great
Britain. To effect which happy purpose I have taken a commission in the
British Army, and invite you to join me with as many men as you can
bring over with you. If you think proper to embrace my offer, you shall
have the same rank you now hold, in the Cavalry I am about to raise.
I shall make use of no arguments to convince you, or to induce you
to take a step which I think right. Your own good sense will suggest
everything I can say on the subject. I will only add that the English
Fleet has just arrived with a very large reinforcement of Troops. I am,
Sir, Your Hmbl. Servt.
B. ARNOLD.
N. YORK, Oct. 25th, 1780.
[57] This is the other Samuel Townsend. Not Culper Junior’s father,
although both lived in the same community. Both had John Townsend 1st.
for common ancestor, but Culper Junior’s ancestors were John, James,
Jacob, and Samuel, as will be found on another page; while this man’s
ancestors were George who married Mary Hawxhurst, then George who
married Rosanah Coles, then Squire George who married Rosanah Youngs,
the last named being his parents. He was 36 years of age at the time
and was married since 1773 to Sarah Horton.
[58] This book is now in the collection at East Hampton, Long Island,
where it may be examined by historians.
CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE
The necessity of transmitting information in a private manner taxed
the ingenuity of many during the Revolutionary War. Clever ideas
were experimented with, but none were more practical than those used
by General Washington’s spies. True, when they first realized the
necessity of secrecy a very crude method was adopted, originating with
Abraham Woodhull and used first in his letter of April 10th, 1779. This
was the use of the figures 10 for New York, 30 and 40 for Post Riders
and 20 for Setauket. By July of that year Major Tallmadge had prepared
pocket dictionaries for the General, the Culpers, and himself. These
consisted of closely written columns of figures and words, arranged
on a double sheet of foolscap paper. The words were those they would
be most apt to need, extracted from a copy of Entick’s Dictionary and
written in columns in alphabetical order. Then opposite each word was
placed a number and this number was thereafter used to designate the
word. Then there were proper names, beginning with General Washington
711, General Clinton 712, Tryon 713, Erskine 714, Vaughan 715, Robinson
716, Brown 717, General Garth 718, Lord North 719, Germain 720, John
Bolton 721, Sami. Culper 722, Culper Junr. 723, Austin Roe 724, C.
Brewster 725, Rivington 726. Then 37 places have numbers assigned them,
and there is an alphabet for words not listed and letters for numerals.
These tables were used to the close of the war.
Much more important to the Secret Service of General Washington was
the use of an invisible stain which required developing with another
chemical before the writing became visible. It reached the Culpers
about the time the above dictionary was prepared but was first proposed
to General Washington in a letter from John Jay, a facsimile of which
is opposite page 52. In another chapter his brother, James Jay, tells
how he invented this stain, and its practical use. It was an important
factor in the success of the service and it is regrettable that no one
ever sufficiently thanked the Jays for it. The Culpers were frequently
asking for more of it, and General Washington, low in funds, had to
depend upon James Jay to furnish it. Becoming a tax upon his resources
he found it necessary to explain the situation to General Washington in
the following letter:
FISHKILL, Septr. 19, 1780.
_Dear Sir_: I am extremely sorry it has not been in my power to
supply you sooner with the medicine. The disagreeable situation
which I have hithertoo been in, owing to a very considerable
loss I am likely to sustain by the new System of Finance,
deprived me of that pleasure; for I am always happy to have
an opportunity of showing that I am, with great esteem and
respect, Dear Sir, Your most Obt. & hemble Servt.
JAMES JAY.
At times, because of lack of funds to purchase it the Culpers were
without the Counterpart to develop the letters from Headquarters, and
sometimes they had no stain with which to write their intelligence.
They guarded well its discovery, in fact so well that the matter was
never mentioned historically until now although several incorrect
guesses were made as to the method they used to convey their messages.
More clever than those written between the lines were their letters
addressed to prominent Tories. These could be sent with fair
assurance of safety. The messenger knew of course that they were not
to be delivered to the party addressed and discovery of them in his
possession would only have disarmed suspicion. Their only rival in
cleverness was the British Headquarters, where André and DeLancey
exerted themselves. Like the early attempts on the American side those
used by the British were sometimes more ingenious than efficient, as
exemplified in the silver bullets which were used to convey messages
between Generals Burgoyne,[59] Clinton, and Howe. Experiences of
several of these messengers are historically recorded. One courier
being cautioned that upon no account was the message to be delivered
to anyone besides General Burgoyne unless it was General Clinton
himself, suspecting that he was in territory occupied by the British,
was surprised when challenged, but declared himself to be a friend of
General Clinton’s and asked to be taken to him. He had no knowledge
that there was a Clinton on both sides and not until he found himself
in the presence of General George Clinton did he discover his mistake.
Then he swallowed the silver bullet, but it was too late. His action
had been observed and he was immediately taken into custody, when
being interrogated as to what business he had with General Clinton,
and discovering some embarrassment in his answer, it was proposed to
administer an emetic, to ascertain what he had swallowed with such
precipitation. The idea was adopted, and the consequence was that he
threw up the silver ball; which being unscrewed was found to contain
important intelligence. The courier was of course hung as a spy.
General Washington believed more could be accomplished by strategy than
by bullets. He was careful to conceal his plans during the war but when
peace came he permitted to be published in the “Columbian Centinal” a
letter which he wrote from Mount Vernon, dated July 31, 1788.[60] The
following extracts from this letter give an interesting angle to the
campaign around New York:
“It was determined by me, nearly twelve months before hand,
at all hazards, to give out, and cause it to be believed by
the highest military as well as civil officers, that New York
was the destined place of attack, for the important purpose
of inducing the eastern and middle States to make greater
exertions in furnishing specific supplies, than they otherwise
would have done, as well as for the interesting purpose of
rendering the enemy less prepared elsewhere. It never was in
contemplation to attack New York, unless the Garrison should
first have been so far degarnished to carry on the southern
operations as to render our success in the siege of that place,
as infallible as any future military event can ever be made....
That much trouble was taken and finesse used to misguide and
bewilder Sir Henry Clinton, in regard to the real object, by
fictitious communications, as well as by making a deceptive
provision of ovens, forage, and boats, in the neighborhood, is
certain: Nor were less pains taken to deceive our own army;
for I had always conceived, where the imposition does not
completely take place at home, it would never sufficiently
succeed abroad.... Your desire of obtaining truth, is very
laudable; I wish I had more leisure to gratify it as I am
equally solicitious the undisguised verity should be known.
Many circumstances will unavoidably be misconceived, and
misrepresented. Notwithstanding most of the papers, which may
properly be deemed official, are preserved; yet the knowledge
of innumerable things, of a more delicate and secret nature
is confined to the perishable remembrance of some few of the
present generation. With esteem, I am, Sir, your most obedient
humble servant.
“GO. WASHINGTON.”
Many deceptive letters were forwarded by General Washington, and of
extreme interest were the experiences of those who carried them. The
almost instantaneous success of those he prepared in July 1780 is
mentioned in the chapter on Secret Service Secrets. Another that was
equally successful Mrs. Elizabeth Oakes Smith, one time of Patchogue,
Long Island, recalls in her book “Hugo.” This little work was written
after a visit to the Iron Furnaces in northern New Jersey and New York,
owned and operated by Peter Townsend whose daughter married the brother
of Culper Junior. Mrs. Smith says:
“It was here, adown these glens, that the intercepted messenger
of Washington passed with dispatches meant to delude Sir Henry
Clinton into the belief that New York was the point of attack
designed by the combined French and American forces. At the
moment these intercepted documents were published in New York
and the city put into careful state of defence, the whole
forces of Washington were rapidly and silently on their route
to Yorktown. This politic stroke of Washington’s is told with
much spirit by many of the older inhabitants of the valley.
The author heard it from the lips of Mr. Pierson, a gentleman
of eighty-seven, with a mind still clear and vigorous, who had
the incident from Montaigne, himself the intercepted messenger.
When Washington gave him the package he carefully pointed
out the route designed for him to take, and then resumed his
writing, for the great man was busily employed at a small
table. Montaigne saw at once the way would lead him directly
under a battery of the enemy, who at that time held what is
called the Clove or Ramapo Pass. He remained at the door,
hesitating to obey, and fearful to explain the difficulty.
Washington lifted up his head--‘What, not gone, sir!’ he cried.
Montaigne then said: ‘Why, General, I shall be taken, if I go
through the Clove!’ Washington bent his eyes sternly upon him,
and brought his foot down heavily upon the floor--‘Your duty,
sir, is not to talk, but to obey.’”
The _Political Magazine_ in London printed the sequel to the above on
page 343 of their June, 1781, issue. It is copied from the New York
_Gazette_ of April 4, and reads: “On Saturday another rebel mail was
brought to this city taken last Thursday with Montaigne the post rider,
who was in person brought to town by the captors. It contains a great
number of letters.”[61] Several are published in full, including
Washington’s, in which it is hinted that he is preparing to attack New
York.
* * * * *
Masks were also used by British Headquarters to disguise the contents
of important intelligence. These required two sheets of blank paper
through each of which an oblong opening was cut. One of these sheets
was deposited with the recipient and the other kept by the sender. A
letter was then so written that the message to be conveyed could be
read through the opening when the mask or cut out sheet of paper was
laid over the letter. Without the mask the letter was so worded as to
convey an altogether different meaning. On another page is illustrated
the masked letter sent by General Clinton to inform Burgoyne that there
would be no British army to meet him at Albany. Another illustration
shows a code letter that Moody, the British spy, assisted Benedict
Arnold in preparing. It is addressed to John Anderson (Major André),
advising the British commander that he (Arnold) has accepted the
command at West Point and will betray it. The full text of this letter
will be found on page 127.
* * * * *
Besides the Stain, John Jay had a code that General Washington was
familiar with, but it appears not to have been used by the Culpers. In
a letter to a friend he explains its use briefly, as follows:
“I cannot omit this opportunity of giving you a cypher, Viz.
Entick’s New Spelling Dictionary, printed at London in 1775,
which you will easily find at Philadelphia. I bought mine at
Bell’s book-store. Add twenty to the number of the page, and
ten to that of the word you use. Distinguish the first column
by a dot over the first figure, and the second column by a dot
over the second figure. For instance, the word duration is the
first word in the first column of the 139th page, and must
be thus written, 159 11. Again, the word beauty is the tenth
word in the second column of the 60th page, and must be thus
written, 80 20. But as it may often happen that you may want to
write names or words which you will not find in the dictionary,
use the following alphabet in such cases:
“a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z
n m l k i h f i e d c b a l y v x t u r p w s z o y
“The design of this alphabet is obvious; use n for a, m for b,
&c.”
[Illustration: A CODE LETTER FROM ROBERT MORRIS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON
_See page 216._
]
The code letter that may have given General Washington the greatest
thrill required still another dictionary to translate it. It was that
used by Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolution. On another page
the closing half of one of his letters is illustrated. Historians tell
us how Washington had appealed to Morris for funds to conduct the war.
Sometimes he was fortunate in raising a sufficiency but at a critical
period it seemed to Robert Morris that his only prospect was to obtain
the needed sums from a wealthy Quaker. “How can I, friend Robert, who
am a man of peace, lend thee money for the purpose of war? Friend
George is, I believe, a good man and fighting in a good cause; but I
am opposed to fighting of any sort.” This was the Quaker’s plea, but
Morris recalled that Washington had also mentioned the urgency of funds
for the secret service. That appealed to the Quaker. “The gold was dug
up from his garden and handed over to Morris to forward to General
Washington. His adopted son Custis says: ‘Its application to the secret
service produced the happiest effects upon the cause of the Revolution
in that critical period of our destiny.’”[62]
The code used by the Culpers covers too much space for reproduction
here. However some of the words most frequently used have been
collected and will be found on the page following, and a section of the
original code prepared by Major Tallmadge for General Washington is
reproduced on page 218.
This is part of the secret code used by General Washington,
Benjamin Tallmadge, Robert Townsend, and Abraham Woodhull,
during the Revolutionary War.
---------------+--------------------------------+--------------------
USE OF MEANS |USE OF MEANS |USE OF MEANS
| |
e a | 711 General Washington | 15 advice
f b | | 28 appointment
g c | 712 Clinton | 60 better
h d | | 121 day
i e | 713 Tryon | 156 deliver
j f | | 151 disorder
a g | 721 Major Tallmadge | 178 enemy
b h | alias John Bolton | 174 express
c i | 722 Abraham Woodhull | 230 guineas
d j | alias Samuel Culper | 286 ink
o k | 723 Robert Townsend | 309 infantry
m l | alias Samuel Culper, Jr. | 317 importance
n m | 724 Austin Roe | 322 inquiry
p n | | 345 knowledge
q o | 725 Caleb Brewster | 347 land
r p | | 349 low
k q | 726 Rivington | 355 lady
l r | | 356 letter
u s | 727 New York | 371 man
v t | | 476 parts
w u | 728 Long Island | 585 refugees
x v | | 592 ships
y w | 729 Setauket | 660 vigilant
z x | | 680 war
s y | 745 England | 691 written
t z | | 708 your
341 January | e 1 | 73 camp
215 February | f 2 |
374 March | g 3 |
22 April | i 4 |
373 May | k 5 |
336 June | m 6 |
337 July | n 7 |
29 August | o 8 |
616 September | q 9 |
462 October | u 0 |
427 November | |
154 December | |
---------------+--------------------------------+--------------------
[Illustration: A SECTION OF THE CODE PREPARED BY MAJOR TALLMADGE FOR
GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES]
FOOTNOTES to “CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE”:
[59] Of ten messengers sent out by different routes to Howe, not one
returned to Burgoyne.--Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of
America, Vol. VI, p. 312.
[60] In full a copy of the letter from which the above extracts are
taken may be examined in the collection at East Hampton, L. I.
[61] The boldness with which some of the English magazines mentioned
affairs in America during the Revolution is surprising. How many of
these were inspired by Robert Townsend it would be interesting to know.
In fact even Rivington might have been surprised had he discovered how
often among the news items he had troubled Townsend to prepare and
mail for him to the English magazines there were extra items written
by Townsend that he had never seen. One that was published after the
surrender of Cornwallis, calculated to destroy the morale of the
troops, appears on page 676 in the December, 1781, issue of the same
London magazine. It reads: “By only showing themselves one morning for
a few hours near Kingsbridge, and sending the French baker boys round,
to make a rattling among the broken bricks and rubbish, at the mouth of
the Rariton. This was enough for him (Clinton). He instantly sent off
express upon express, demanding assistance ... from Lord Cornwallis,
who, at that very instant was besieged, at the distance of nearly 500
miles from New York, by that very army which still kept him in such
alarm.”
[62] See Recollections of Washington by G. W. P. Custis, p. 294.
A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED
The spies were never safe; to them sometimes friends were as dangerous
as foes. The British and Americans upon several occasions captured
their own men, but perhaps only once was the same whale boat captured
by both sides. The discovery that they were detaining their own men
certainly embarrassed the British officers in this particular instance.
It was no less than William Heron who by capture they were not only
detaining but from him their own men had taken the boat and outfit and
it was necessary for them to get his things together again. William
Heron’s home was in Reading, Connecticut, and he was at the time a
member of the state legislature.
Hiram he called himself in correspondence with British Headquarters,
and as Hiram he was known to Washington’s secret service. Perhaps none,
aside from General Parsons, knew that Heron was their most active spy,
even Governor Trumbull being deceived into giving him a commission as
a privateersman. His trips across the Sound with messages for British
Headquarters were frequent and he was most active particularly during
the weeks of Arnold’s treason. When he visited West Point he was
entertained by Arnold and slept under his roof. Parsons gave him a
letter of introduction in which he vouches for him and Arnold trusted
him with letters he wished to reach British Headquarters.
At the time of his capture which was in April, 1781, he was negotiating
to make a second Arnold of Parsons.[63] Matters were progressing nicely
when he crossed the Sound and landed near Oyster Bay with messages
for Headquarters. Soon he was surrounded by British troops and found
himself and crew prisoners. His actions must have appeared suspicious
for that they claimed to be bearers of a flag did not deter their
captors from making away with the boat and all that was in it. The
available correspondence on the subject is interesting. First is a
letter dated Westbury 21st April, 1781.
To Major Kissam. _Sir_, I had the honor to receive yours
this evening and have forwarded the letter to Major DeLancey
immediately. The bearers of flags of truces agreeable to
General Orders are to be sent back as soon as they have
delivered their dispatches, but if Wm. Heron has to transact
business in his private affairs on this Island, he must first
obtain his Ex. Gov. Robertson’s particular leave for that
purpose; and shall therefore have the honor to wait upon you,
Sir, tomorrow morning at 10 o’clock, in order to see whether
Heron’s request is likely to be granted, and till that time I
beg to detain him at your house or any other proper place. I am
with great regard, Sir, Your most obedt. humble servant,
DEWURMB, LT. C.
Another dated Westbury 23d Apl. 1781 reads:
To Major Kissam, Cowbay. _Sir_, I enclose a passport for Mr.
Heron, and should wish for his return to Stamford whenever the
wind will permit of it. I have not yet received an answer from
New York but as soon as those things wanted by Gen. Parsons
shall arrive I will not fail to forward them to the General by
another flag.--I have the honor to be with great regard, Sir,
Your most Obedt. humble servt.
DEWURMB, LT. C.
Probably Heron feared he would not be able to reach Headquarters.
He therefore from his place of confinement addressed a long letter
to Major DeLancy which unfortunately for General Parsons has been
preserved. This letter explains the progress he had made since his last
visit. It is dated April 24th, and reads:
“The business I had to negotiate with Genl. P----s after my
return home, I paid the utmost attention to, and in order to
break the ice (as says the vulgar adage) I found myself under
the necessity of summoning what little address I was master
of, in order to secure myself a retreat should the matter I
had to propose prove disagreeable to P----s. Therefore after
giving him a satisfactory account of my commercial negotiation
(which I knew would be alluring to him) I introduced the other
branch of the business in the following manner. I told him that
in justice to the confidence he reposed in me, I conceived
myself in duty bound to conceal no material circumstance from
him. Impressed with this sense I begged leave to communicate
the substance of a conversation I had with a gentleman at New
York, whom I knew to be in the highest confidence with the
Commander in chief.... ‘The terms offered by the parent state’
continued the gentleman, ‘are so liberal and generous, that I
wonder at any gentleman of an enlarged and liberal mind, giving
his assistance in prolonging the calamities of his country,
and as General P----s is well known to possess these talents
as well as great influence in the army and country, Government
would wish to make use of him for the laudable and honorable
purpose of lending his aid in terminating this unhappy war in
an amicable Re-union with the parent State: should he undertake
it, Government will amply reward him, both in a lucrative and
honorary way and manner, besides, I super-added, making a
provision for his son.’
“... During this conversation I observed that he listened with
uncommon attention, and as it grew very late, he said it was a
matter which required deliberation, he therefore postponed it
to another opportunity,
“Next morning he sent for me and resumed the subject of our
last or preceding nights discourse. He said he had weighed
the matter and found himself, upon the strictest examination,
disposed to a reconciliation and to effect which he would use
his influence and lend his aid to promote it, but that he saw
the embarrassments in his way in regard to inculcating such
principles in the army, though he did not doubt, but in time,
he could bring the officers of the Connecticut line over to his
opinion. That in order to effect it he thought he could do it
more to the purpose by resigning his commission, which would
save every appearance of those honorary ideas, inseperable
from the military profession; that he would draw after him the
officers above referred to, who look up to him as a father, and
that their joint influence would be exerted among the citizens,
which would turn the tables in favor of Government in our
State: but in consideration of those services, he must have a
reasonable and meet compensation for his Commission, it being
all he had to depend upon.”
Filed with the above are other papers which show that he was permitted
to reach Headquarters. They are dated 25th April, 1781, and read:
“Memorandums taken of a conversation with Hiram.
“He promises to get from Genl Pa----s the following information.
“The exact state of West Point.
“What troops.
“What Magazines.
“What new works and how many Guns.
“Who commands.
“If there is a boom below Fort Clinton.
“He is to let me know what P----s wish is, how we can serve him
and the method he means to point out himself. He is to tell
him he can no way serve us so well as continuing in the army;
that the higher his command, the more material service he can
render--he is to promise him great rewards for any services he
may do us. He is to hold up the idea of Monk to him, and that
we expect from his services an end to the war. That during
the time he continues in their army, he shall have a handsome
support and should he be obliged to fly, to remind him of the
Example & situation of Arnold.”... Twelve additional questions
by Major DeLancy were filed on the 20th of June. The first
reads: “Is it your opinion that Genl. P----s will enter so
heartily as to make us hope he will take an open determined
step in our favor? Should that be the case you can hold up
the situation of General Arnold and say it is in his power to
place himself in one equally conspicuous; and as he must loose
his present property for a time the Commander in Chief will,
for every man he puts in our possession pay three guineas; or
should he choose it, he will specify the sum that shall be paid
on such event as we shall wish taking place. In the meantime
should he exert himself to give us intelligence, he need only
name the recompense, and most punctual attention shall be paid
to it.”
The correspondence continues:
BROOKLYN, Ap. 26, 1781.
To Captain Poers, Commander of His Majesty’s Brig Argo, &c.
_Sir_, Major Gen. De Riedesel begs you will in compliance with
the directions from Head Quarters, as you will see by the
enclosed extract of a letter from the Deputy Adjt. General,
order Mr. Wm. Heron’s boat which you took possession of a few
days ago, back in all haste to the place where you first found
her; and the men who navigated her will be sent without any
delay to that place to receive their boat; and it is requested,
Sir, that you will please to give such particular directions
to your people, that she and everything belonging to her, may
be restored to them as complete as she was found, without any
further detention whatever. I have the honor to be with all
respect, sir, Your very obedient humble servant.
---- ----.
Then from Westbury, under date of April 27th, 1781, the following note
was forwarded by the detained men, who found upon their arrival Heron
and the boat waiting for them:
“To Major Kissam. _Sir_, The enclosed papers will inform
you that the people belonging to the Flag of Mr. Heron are
to be sent to the other side as soon as Mr. Heron returns.
The prisoners I hereby send, and beg you will be kind enough
to guard them until they leave the Island; and in case of
necessity to furnish them with provisions which shall be paid
for whenever you will let me know the price thereof. The
boat which was taken by the Argo brig will perhaps arrive at
Hempstead Harbor to-day. I have the honor to be with great
regard, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,
“DEWURMB, Lt.C.”
Without delay they set out for Stamford and reached there just in time
to fall into the hands of our General Waterbury, who treated them just
as the British had on the other side of the Sound. We know now what
they never suspected, that one of them, namely Heron, had recently
furnished British Headquarters with information intended to enable
Sir Henry Clinton to capture the spies of General Washington. Perhaps
he had not quite sufficient detail. More likely the Culpers saved
themselves by refusing to work as soon as the discovery was made that
they were about to be betrayed. Employed with this crew of Heron’s were
two whaleboat men who were also in Washington’s service. One was able
to persuade General Waterbury to send him express to Headquarters.
Promptly came word to release the crew and return their boat, just as
the British had done on the other side. The letter was addressed to
General Waterbury, Stamford, and reads as follows:
_Head Quarters_, NEW WINDSOR, 29, April, 1781.
_Sir._ Captains Scudder and Dean inform me that you had, from
not being acquainted with circumstances, detained a Boat in
which they had been over to Long Island. These Gentlemen were
employed under my order at that time and will have occasion to
cross the Sound every now and then as the business upon which
they are engaged may require.--You will therefore be pleased
to give them up the boat, and as I have now, in a confidential
manner, intrusted you with their business, I shall hope that
you will not only keep it a secret, but endeavour to assist
them in the prosecution of a plan in which the public goods
much interested. I do not mean to protect or countenance them
in any manner of trade should they attempt to carry it on. I
am, &c.
P.S. It may very probably lay in your way to obtain
intelligence from New York. Should any thing material occur,
you will oblige me by communicating it to me.
It was the William Heron above who made a farce of the engagement at
the Setauket Church in August 1777. Putnam’s orders to Parsons were
to destroy the enemy at Huntington and Setauket, bring off all the
officers and soldiers of the Continental Army on Long Island, and
destroy all the stores; and what he did was to capture a number of
horse blankets and a dozen mounts. On page 108 of the life of Parsons
will be found a part of what follows, including the original orders:
* * * * *
In August, 1777, Colonel Richard Hewlett, with two hundred and sixty
Queens County Loyalists, had fortified himself in the Presbyterian
Meeting House at Setauket, on the Long Island shore nearly opposite
Fairfield and at the head of the little bay of that name. About the
middle of the month, General Parsons prepared an expedition to surprise
and capture this force. The following are the orders issued to him by
General Putnam, the commander of the Connecticut Division:--
_Headquarters_, August 16, 1777.
You are hereby required to take under your command a detachment
from the Continental Army and proceed to the sea coast near
Fairfield and procure a number of boats to transport four or
five hundred men, and small armed or other vessels as you find
necessary and proper.
You are to make a descent on Long Island and deplete and
destroy such parties of the enemy as are found at Huntington
and Setauket or other place on the Island, and, if you find it
practical without too great hazard, you are to retake and bring
off all the officers and soldiers of the Continental Army now
on Long Island.
If any military stores, magazines, provisions, forage or naval
stores are found on the Island, you are to bring off and
destroy them. You are to procure such information before you
attempt to go on as will render the descent possible and the
design practicable. If you find the position of the enemy on
the Island or the ships in the Sound such as you judge will not
facilitate the carrying the design into execution, you will
not attempt it. This is left to your judgment. If that should
be the case you will return by way of White Plains and receive
further orders. You will take such men from the militia or the
troops necessary for the defense of the State of Connecticut,
in addition to the Continental troops, found necessary, and
also a field piece. From the sea coast you will be careful
to secure the return of your men to the Main in such manner
and from such place as you judge most effectual after having
affected the business you were sent to perform.
Wishing you success, I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
ISRAEL PUTNAM.
Parsons’ order of August 16, to Colonel Samuel B. Webb of his brigade,
was as follows:--
_Sir._--You will have your command parade in the street in
front of Colonel Wyllys’ regiment at 12 o’clock, provided with
arms, thirty rounds of ammunition and three days’ provisions,
and march them to Crompound where you will open the enclosed,
which will give you further directions. This you will
communicate to no one until you march forward.
* * * * *
FAIRFIELD, August 21, 1777.
Order of Brigadier General Parsons:
On the present expedition, ’tis of the first importance to the
success of the enterprise and the credit, honor and safety
of the troops, that the most exact order and discipline be
observed, and the honor of our arms and the righteousness
of our contest will be made manifest to the world and our
enemies by the regular and orderly behaviour of the officers
and soldiers. ’Tis not from base and mercinary motives, ’tis
not to distress the helpless women and honest citizen we
draw our swords, but from the noble and generous principle
of maintaining the right of humanity and vindicating the
liberties of freemen. The officers and soldiers are therefore
most earnestly exhorted and strictly commanded to forbear all
violation of personal property; not the least article is to be
taken but by orders; we are to convince our enemies we despise
their practices and scorn to follow their example. But should
any person be so lost to all virtue and honor as to infringe
this order, he or they may depend on the most exemplary
punishment.
No officer is to suffer a soldier to leave his ranks on any
pretense whatever and the greatest silence on the march is to
be observed.
SAML. L. PARSONS.
These orders effectually tied the hands of the men who accompanied him.
“Landing at Crane’s Neck very early in the morning, General
Parsons demanded the surrender of the Post; but ‘by means of
some infernal Tory’[64] says the Boston Gazette, ‘which shows
how much we suffer from internal foes who get knowledge of our
most secret movements and find means to convey it to the enemy’
Hewlett had obtained intelligence of the intended surprise,
and protected the church so effectively by breastworks six
feet high, thrown up thirty feet from the building, in which
were mounted four swivel guns, that, with the means at hand,
the Post was practically impregnable. The enemy refused to
surrender, Parsons opened on them with his guns, but failing
to make any considerable impression, and fearing that the
British fleet on the Sound might be attracted by the firing,
he withdrew, not, however, without capturing a quantity of
blankets and twelve or thirteen horses belonging to the
British, and returned to Connecticut the next day in safety.”
This expedition had long been contemplated; at least as early as March,
at which time the Connecticut Legislators were in session. Parsons had
received instructions from General Washington which he took with him
and read in the presence of William Heron. The British, therefore, had
ample time to prepare themselves.[65]
* * * * *
Henry Onderdonk in his Revolutionary Incidents of Suffolk County
publishes on p. 66 the letters that passed between Parsons and Hewlett,
as follows:
August 22d, 1777. Brig. Gen. Parsons, the Commanding officer
of the troops of the United American Army, now investing
the enemy’s Post at Setauket, to prevent the effusion of
human blood, requires the immediate surrender of the Post;
the officers and soldiers, and those who are under their
protection, shall be entitled to their baggage, and treated
with that humanity which prisoners are entitled to. Your
answer is desired in 10 minutes. I am fully sensible of your
condition, and as my whole strength and artillery will soon be
here, if your refusal should oblige to the effusion of blood
you must charge it to your own obstinacy.
The flag brought this reply: “Col. Hewlett’s compliments to
Gen. Parsons, and requests half an hour to consult his officers
on the subject of his summons.”
Then Parsons sent another flag: “Gen. Parsons’ compliments
to Col. Hewlett, and grants 10 minutes only for
consideration--longer time will not be granted.”
And back came this: “Col. Hewitt presents his compliments to
Gen. Parsons, and is determined to defend the fort while he has
a man left.”
The final message in this battle of words reads: “Gen. Parsons’
compliments to Col. Hewlett, and should have been happy to have
done himself the pleasure of paying him a longer visit, but the
extreme heat of the weather prevents him.”
In Vol. I, page 182 of Thomas Jones’ “History of New York during the
Revolutionary War,” a paragraph will be found covering this exploit. It
reads:
“In July (should read about August 22d) 1777, General Parsons,
with 1000 men (should read about 500) and several pieces of
cannon, passed from Fairfield in Connecticut to Long Island,
and laid siege to a small fort at Brookhaven, in Suffolk
County, garrisoned by about 300 men of DeLancey’s brigade,
under the command of Richard Hewlett, Esq., of Hempstead in
Queens County, Lieutenant Colonel of the 3d Battalion of
that Brigade; a bold, spirited, resolute, intrepid man. He
had served as an officer in the New York provincials to the
preceding war, with honour, credit, and applause. Parsons took
possession of some high ground at no great distance from the
fort, and having mounted his cannon, he sent a summons to
the garrison requiring its immediate surrender, in which case
he promised honourable terms, but in case of refusal a storm
should be the consequence, in which if attended with success,
no quarter was to be expected. To this summons Hewlett replied,
that though his garrison was not large, he had men enough to
man all his works; that he had provisions and stores enough
to stand a longer siege than the enemy could possibly carry
on by regular approaches, with any possibility of success,
before relief could be had; as to the threats of a storm, he
minded them not, his garrison consisted of loyal subjects who
were determined to spend the last drop of their blood in the
cause of their Sovereign rather than submit to a rebel banditti
commanded by a shoemaker. This answer irritated the General. He
began his cannonade. It was as warmly returned by the fort ...
the rebel General, after sustaining a considerable loss, drew
off, embarked, and returned to Connecticut. Hewlett’s garrison
was so small, and the rebels so numerous, that a pursuit would
have been a piece of madness. It was therefore declined. In
this expedition the rebels lost about thirty men, the garrison
one.”
FOOTNOTES to “A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED”:
[63] In folio 212 of the William Smith papers in the New York Public
Library a memorandum in Smith’s Diary dated August 23d, 1781, reads:
“In an interview with Sir Henry Clinton this day ... he said a late
letter of General Parson’s said the Rebels dealt out 10,000 Rations--He
allowed for 3000 less--but I recollect that Parsons made both armies
but 8000 as Henry Van Schack had it from Colo. James DeLancey who saw
and delivered the Letters.”
[64] This “infernal Tory” was William Heron, a good friend and close
associate of Parsons.
[65] See R. R. Hinman, Connecticut during War of the Revolution, page
419.
NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION
(101) For ten years an endeavor to discover a handwriting that
corresponded with the existing documents written by Samuel Culper
Junior, was continued without success, until, upon examining a chest of
old documents, once the property of Robert Townsend of Oyster Bay, Long
Island, a startling resemblance was discovered. This led to a critical
examination of the letters written under the _alias_ of Samuel Culper
Junior, still preserved among the papers of General Washington, and it
was found that the paper upon which they were written was identical.
The same watermark, the same shade, the same weight, the same laid
marks minutely varying one from the other on the same sheet, but
corresponding exactly with all the little variations and flaws with
other sheets among the Townsend Papers. The handwriting, looking so
similar, was not declared identical until the world’s greatest expert,
Albert S. Osborn, had examined it. The books showed accounts with
Abraham Woodhull, who had already been identified as Culper Senior,
and with several others known to be engaged in the secret service
work. The movements of Culper Junior corresponded with those of Robert
Townsend as revealed in his documents, and the stain invented by James
Jay had been twice tested on documents still carefully preserved among
Townsend’s effects. Long before all the evidence was discovered, it was
certain that the identity of Culper Junior, that most active spy of the
Revolution, had been revealed. Everything since gathered adds to the
confirmation of that identity.
[Illustration: Handwriting that discovered Robert Townsend to be
General Washington’s Culper Junior.]
(102) Robert, although not yet of age, like his brother, Solomon,
traveled extensively before the Revolution. From Wilmington, North
Carolina, on November 22, 1774, he addressed his father as follows:
“_Honored Father_: I wrote you a few days since from Brunswick.
Have now to advise you of my arrival here the 18th. Instant.--I
am much afraid whether I shall be able to purchase any Flaxseed
being very little yet come to markett.--There is considerable
to come from the country, which they cant yet bring owing to
the waters being so very low in river.--I am with Duty to
Mother, love to Brothers & Sisters,
“Your Dutyfull Son,
“ROBT. TOWNSEND.
“P.S. Expect we shall sail about the 1st. of Decr.”
(103) Besides what will be found in these pages regarding Nathaniel
Woodhull, there is much of interest that appears to have escaped the
historians in the Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of
New York. There are still preserved many letters written by cousins
of Abraham Woodhull, among the most interesting of them being those
from the Reverend John Woodhull, son of Culper Senior’s uncle John,
and therefore one of his first cousins. In writing to his wife, he
describes the Battle of Long Island as he witnessed it from a distance
as follows:
“_Near Midnight_, Aug. 27, 1776.
“_My Dear Sally_:--The solemn Day is come at last,--Long
Island is made a field of Blood--now the cannon & small arms
make a continued roar, even at this time of Night: Day before
yesterday the battle began, and with some intermission has
continued till now, yea now is roaring in my ears and God only
knows when it will end.
“Yesterday morning it was very hot, as yet we have no account
which may be fully depended on, only that in general that Howe
has landed with most of his men upon Long Island. Small parties
engaged till yesterday morning, when they made an attack upon
us, they were beat back three times, the last time our People
pursued them too far, when a strong reinforcement of the Enemy
endeavored to cut off our retreat and did us a good deal
of damage, tis reported that General Sullivan and Stirling
are missing. Tis also said we have made great havoc amongst
them--but I can tell but very little for certainty as yet,
except that there is a mighty Battle which is continuing--May
a good God grant that it end in our favor and for the glory of
his Name! Goodnight!”
* * * * *
“Aug. 30th, 1776.
“_My Dear Sally_:--Thro’ divine goodness I am very well as are
our congregation in general that are here. Adam Woods has the
ague. General Washington has thought proper to draw his men
from Long Island, this was done last night.
“The enemy are now firing upon New York, from Long Island; our
men here are drawing up to be in readiness, in case we are
needed.
“How many were lost upon the Island is yet uncertain, some say
we have 700 missing and that we have killed twice as many of
the enemy, tho I believe it is but guess work as yet.
“Generals Sullivan and Stirling who are missing are said to be
prisoners, it is also said general Grant on the other side is
killed, they talk of another General of theirs Killed.
“It is reported that Col. Atly is wounded and a prisoner. Think
it likely that our people will burn New York, and retreat into
the chain of Forts which are above it--when that is done am in
hopes our Enemies will get no farther. Poor Long Island! I know
not what will become of my Relations there. May God help them.
They are left to the mercy of our Cruel Enemy.
“Our men are in high spirits and I trust we shall, thro’ ye
help of God soon break the power of our Foes.
“My Love to the Girls, my little son, and the Neighbors.
Remember me to Elsy and the boys--and accept yourself the best
affections of your....
“JOHN WOODHULL.”
(104) _Abraham Woodhull meets with the inhabitants._
November 23, 1778.
_Sir._ The enclosed will explain to you a meeting of the
inhabitants, at which I was present, and with satisfaction
beheld their dijected countenances. The Commissioners sales
this day in the Roebuck, it is sd. Lord Cornwallace is a going
with them. The second division under Brig. Genl. Cambell that
have laid some time at Sandy Hook, on the account D’Estaing
sailing consisting of about three thousand troops, are to sail
this day. Two ships with Troops drove to sea in a violent
gale of wind from the northward about the 10th inst. and have
not been heard of since. A friget sent yesterday with all
expedition to Rhode Island said for transports, The Bedford in
the Harbour lost her fore and Missen Mast, is to go home under
Jurey Masts with expedition. She was one of four in A. Byron’s
fleet that was missing after the gale of wind the beginning of
the month. With her came in the Richmond Friget dismasted. The
cannon and field pieces are removed from the common to Fort
George. Some of the cannon on that Fort and the Battery near
it are put as ballace on board several transports, on the 19th
Inst. Some Capital Merchants were very buisy the day and night
following in packing and putting their goods on board ships.
The whole of the Kings Troops on York Island includeing out
posts, doth not exceed three thousand five hundred men, and not
much to be feared from the inhabitants. The whole City seaged
with a Panike and a general dissatisfaction taken place.
(105) _Woodhull’s longest letter._
SETAUKET, Feby. 26, 1779.
_Sir_. No. 8.
Your No. 4 and 5 came to hand. The former forgot to acknowledge
the receipt of in my No. 7. The latter have carefully observed
and will follow your directions. I shall now endeavour to give
you as an authentic of affairs and transactions that hath
past since my No. 7 (together with the state of the enemy) as
I possibly can. The troops within these lines have not been
augmented by any arrivals from Europe. The number consequently
remaining the same, save two companies of Light Infantry from
Rhode Island landed on Long Island and marched immediately
for Southampton, about fifty came down to New York, said to
be deserters from General Burgoin’s Army. The force of the
enemy on this, Staten, Powles Hook and York Island are as
follows: and think you may very safely rely upon it as I have
been for some time engaged to find out the true state of the
Enemy, and to correct my former accounts. The 44, 57, 63,
Colls. Robinson’s and Emmerick with three German Regiments all
commanded by Governor Tryon, are cantoned from King’s Bridge
to and within four miles of the city. From these posts to and
within the City are two Battallions of Guards, 28 Regm. Welch
Fusileers, The Volunteers of Ireland, called Lord Rhoden’s
Regm. and four German Regm. Also in the City are Genls.
Clinton, Jones, Mathews, DeLancey, Knyphousen, with one other
German Genl. think his name is Smyth--64th Regm. Powles Hook,
26, 37, one German, Colls. Buskearks and Barton’s, with Genls.
Leslie and Skinner on Staten Island, Long Island and Brooklyn
ferry one German Regt. 33 at Bedford, a small part of the 42
and 71 with three companies of Germans commanded by Genl.
Vaughn are at New Town. One German Regm. Yaigers at Flushing,
Queen’s Rangers Coll. Simcoe at Oyster Bay, Coll. Ludlow’s
Regiment under Genl. DeLancey New Levies at Lloyd’s Neck. The
17th Regm. Dragoons, Coll. Burch and Lord Cathcart Legion are
at South Hampton together with all the Grenadeers and Light
Infantry belonging to the enemy within these lines, except
about two hundred left at Jamaica. Their several movements to
South Hampton make that body about two thousand men. They have
lived upon the miserable inhabitants of Suffolk County ever
since they have been in it and there is a great probability
of the inhabitants wanting the necessities of life. They give
receipts for cattle, hay and etc. but are not paid. They have
been out of money nearly two months. I compute the whole
force of the enemy to be thirty four Battallions, equal to
two hundred and fifty in a battallion, and believe it to be
a very just computation. I saw a private letter from London
brought in the Packet that left Falmouth the 20th of November
and arrived here the 24th January, which I think you may rely
on, that Spain and the two Sicily’s have followed the steps of
France in favour of America which compleets the whole family
of the House of Bourbone. The Dutch have demanded satisfaction
of his Brittannick Majesty of all damages sustained on their
shipping by seasure ever since the year 1734, and His Majesty
hath complyed with their request. Bergoin a discarded Lord and
General Howe are both to undergo parliamentary examinations.
15 Privateers and 300 sail of Merchantmen and 2 ships of War
have been lately taken by the French. No prospect of any troops
being sent to America but a great probability of the King
giving up the contest. This sir agrees in substance with the
English papers, which I have seen up to the 3d of November.
Other accounts say his Majesty will continue the war and that a
large body of troops will be sent to America in the Spring, but
I doubt if any troops comes, but begin to be fearful that these
troops here will stay longer than some time ago I expected. I
can positively inform you that Genl. Clinton had liberty from
his Majesty to leave New York the first of November last on
which a council of war was held and concluded it was not for
the interest of the Crown to do it. I think if it had not been
for the sake of the Tory’s they would have quit America then.
The cannon that was taken from the Battery near Fort George
and put on board the Lord Townsend transport was some time ago
relanded. On the first instant a Cork Fleet, consisting of
eleven sail arrived with provisions but brought no news. On the
8th six transports arrived from Hallifax under convoy of the
Delaware Frigate. Same day some ships from Rhode Island with
the troops before mentioned. On the 14th Instant his Majesty’s
Speech was handed us from Jersy, it appears very mild and not
very pleasing to the enemy; it is all we have had from England
since the November Packet. It is said the December Packet is
taken. There is a fleet of Victiallers and private adventurers
preparing for Georgia. It is said some Troops will go in the
Fleet. I think it very likely. Their convoy will certainly be
weak. I do not know to be but three or four ships of war in and
about the city, their ships of war are all gone to the West
Indies. Six ships of the Line could now very easily block up
the Port and reduce New York. It is reported fifteen hundred
troops have sailed from Rhode Island for Georgia but it wants
confirmation. On the 15th Inst. a fleet sailed for Ireland
consisting of about ten or fifteen sail. The enemy will shortly
be in great want of forage, which they will endeavour to get a
supply from the Jersey’s before long, their flat boats in the
King’s yard have lately been put in good repair. I frequently
see General Clinton amongst the Carpenters, in particular
viewing the boats. Ther’s upwards of Seventy Privateers and
Letters of Marque from this port and have been very successful.
A large French ship arrived here on the 15th with upwards of
500 hhd. of Sugar and 5 tons of Indigo, with some specie and
other articles. Sir William Erskin is a fortifieing at and
about Southampton and building flat boats, probably they intend
to cross and do you some damage. On the 17th it was said a
fleet was at the Hook from England but being obliged to leave
the city that afternoon I can give no further account about
it. Their movements puzzles the greatest politicians and I am
at a loss to judge whether we shall have peace or war this
Spring. I think upon the whole there is a greater prospect of
war than peace. I believe now that the King will endeavour to
see if his fleet can get the better of the French Fleet. If
they should not he will then make peace with France and quit
America. I don’t doubt but by the next appointment we shall
know the determination of Parliament and give a better guess.
Their success in Georgia under Campbell and as they say Adml.
Byron blocking up Count D’Estaing in Martineco and Genl. Grant
defeating the French with great loss at St. Lucea, hath given
the Enemy fresh spirits. I cannot bear the thoughts of the
war continuing another year, as could wish to see an end of
this great distress. Were I to undertake to give an account of
the sad destruction that the enemy makes within these lines I
should fail. They have no regard to age, sex, whig or tory. I
lament to hear the depreciation of your money and in particular
the civil dissentions among you at Philadelphia. I think them
very alarming. It sinks the spirits of our suffering friends
here and pleases the enemy. Cannot the disturbers see that they
are working their own ruin. Is there no remedy to apply. Better
had they be cut off from the land of the living than to be
suffered to go on. There’s nothing will give the enemy greater
courage than Civil dissentions, and as long as there’s any hope
they will endeavour. Thus sir, I have wrote you as fully and
clearly as is in my power at this time, and please excuse any
imperfections that you may discover. Coll. Floyd returned on
his Parole the 16th. I earnestly wrote you for his discharge. I
repeat it again, I anxiously desire you would not forget it. I
am very likely to stand in need of his services. I desire you
will send me one hundred Pounds by the next appointment without
fail, as I have spent already forty pounds more than I have
received from you. Board is £3 pr. week in New York besides
other necessary expenses, postage, &c. I now conclude with my
sincere regard and desire for your health and safety.
SAMUEL CULPER.
(106) _Tallmadge finds Woodhull ill from fright._
_Sir._ FAIRFIELD, April 21, 1779.
Agreeable to your Excellency’s instructions I have forwarded
the Vial delivered me and the directions for C----s future
conduct. In answer to which he wrote, but as I wished to see
him to communicate many things, I appointed an interview at
Brook Haven, Long Island, where I met C. on the 16th instant,
and was detained on the Island till this morning by a violent
storm and contrary winds.
In addition to what C. informs by the enclosed, he has given me
some memorandums. You may perceive in the close of his second
letter No. 10 he mentions something respecting the transport
lately arrived at New York from Rhode Island. He assures me
that the business of their mission is a proposed feint, and
that by diligent attention and enquiry he finds they are
taking on board the remaining baggage of the troops now at
Rhode Island. The conjecture among them is that they intend to
evacuate that post, and by their taking their baggage from New
York they cannot be returning there.
He thinks there never has been such a prospect of peace as at
present. Bets are now laying 2 to 1 that there will be a peace
in less than 2 months from this. Many of those who have been
particularly active against us are selling off their estates.
General DeLancey and Mr. McAdams in particular have proposed
their estates for sale, neither of them in want of money. In
England Government takes up money at most enormous interests,
from 10 to 14 per cent.
The Troops at the East End of Long Island are ordered to supply
themselves with forage for 14 days, and by the beginning of
next month it is thought they will move westward. Most of the
flat boats have moved thro’ South bay for New York.
In addition to the 20 Guineas acknowledged to have been
received by Culper in the enclosed, I have handed him 30
more. He informs that his expenses are necessarily great,
but whenever your Excellency may wish him to discontinue
his present correspondence he will most cheerfully quit the
employment, as he proposes no advantage to himself from the
undertaking. I have urged by letter and verbally the plan of
forwarding letters by some shorter route to Headquarters. C.
wishes as much as your Excellency to hit on some more speedy
mode of conveyance, but finds such a step difficult and
dangerous. That same Brown at Bergen, whom your Excellency
mentioned to me, C. informs is now in provost on suspicion of
having given information of the late movement of the enemy to
Elizabeth Town. If he should soon get released C. thinks he
would be a very proper man for the business. He will in the
mean time pay the greatest attention to the proposal. He says
a man may be engaged to reside on Staten Island (if he can be
supported) who will receive his dispatches and forward them at
all times. In this case some person must be appointed to go
across with a boat to an appointed place.
I must now relate an anecdote respecting the Vial which I
forwarded Cr. Much pleased with the curious Ink or Stain and
after making some experiments with the same, he was set down
to answer my letter which accompanied it. He had finished
the enclosed when suddenly two persons broke into the room
(his private apartment). The consideration of having several
officers quartered in the next Chamber, added to his constant
fear of detection and its certain consequences made him
rationally conclude that he was suspected, and that those
steps were taken by said officers for discovery. Startled by
so sudden and violent an obtrusion he sprang from his seat,
snatched up his papers, overset his table and broke his Vial.
This step so totally discomposed him that he knew not who they
were, or even to which sex they belonged--for in fact they
were two ladies who, living in the house with him, entered
his chamber in this way on purpose to surprise him. Such an
excessive fright and so great a turbulence of passions so
wrought on poor C. that he has hardly been in tolerable health
since. The above relation I had from his own mouth. He is much
pleased with the Ink, and wishes if any more can be spared, to
have a little sent him. By this he thinks he could frequently
communicate intelligence by persons permitted to pass the lines.
Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movement of
the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London, and
which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated
their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.
There are some men on this side the Sound who conduct most
villionously towards the inhabitants of Long Island by lying
on the road and robbing the inhabitants as they pass. Cr. was
the other day robbed of all his money near Huntington, and was
glad to escape with his life. I know the names of several, some
of whom under sanction of Commissions for cruising in the Sound
land on Long Island and plunder the inhabitants promiscously.
I have now put the Correspondence with Cr. on such a footing
that any letter he may forward by the old conveyance will
be sent to Capt. Grinell of this place, on whom I can most
implicitly depend. He will forward them to Genl. Putnam
agreeable to instructions. Any instructions which your
Excellency may wish to communicate to Cr. you will please to
forward to me as usual, no other person being appointed in this
quarter with whom he would be willing to correspond.
The bearer having some business to transact and wishing to see
his friends, will return in 4 or 5 days, when your Excellency’s
commands and in particular the above mentioned Ink, may be
forwarded with safety. I am, with profound Respect, Your
Excellency’s most Obedt. Hbl. Servt.
BENJ. TALLMADGE.
(107) _Culper Senior near capture by Colonel Simcoe._
“No. 13 20 June 5, 1779.
“_Dear Sir_, Your No 7 came to hand and have observed its
contents. I Purpose this only to informe you of my Misfortune.
On the 24 of April. John Wolsey returned from Connecticut
being Paroled by the Company of Prisoners (although taken
in a Privateer). And Lodged information against me before
Coll. Simcoe of the Queens Rangers who thinking of finding
me at Setauket came down but happily I set out for N. York
the day before his arrival, and to make some compensation for
his voige he fell upon my father and plundered him in a most
shocking manner. I hearing of it and his intentions, used
every endeavour to defeat his designs which I happily did in a
measure by a friend of mine makeing interest with the Genl Aid
and only that saved me. But I am very obnoxious to them and
think I am in continual danger you will see the contents of the
other letter and the proposals there made and at once see the
necessity of destroying these letters after perusull.
“I was in town that night you was. I wish I had a known it. I
am with esteem Yours &c.
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
(108) _Woodhull fears handwriting may betray him._
“No. 13 20 June 5, 1779-- 12
“_Sir_, Your No 7 came to hand and have duely observed the
contents. It is now a long time since I have wrote you, And do
assure you not through neglect but owing to the difficulty I
have laboured under ever since I saw you--In my other letter I
have stated the particulars. And I dre say you will be filled
with wonder and surprise, that I have had the good fortune to
escape confinement. And am sorry to inform you that it hath
rendered me almost unservicable to you. I purpose quitting _10_
and residing at _20_. As I am now a suspected person I cannot
frequent their camp as heretofore. And think only just residing
at _10_ and be obliged to take up with common reports will not
answer your purpose, or make by any means compensation for the
expense--I have truely the interest of our Country at heart[66]
and could not wish to spend one shilling useless--I shall
visit _10_ as often as I can with any degree of safety--and
have not as yet stoped the channel of intelligence and shall
anxiously wait your directions--Weather I shall endeavour
to establish a confidential friend to step into my place if
agreeable direct in your next and forward the ink--When I have
effected this most probable I shall come to you. And shall
wish to joyne in the common defence--I shall now endeavour to
give you an authentick account of the principle arrivals and
departures of all fleets--foreign intelligence, and the temper
and expectations of the enemy and movements since the 14th of
May, all before hath been forwarded. The latter of which I am
sensible can be of little or no service now but may be some
satisfaction. About the 15th May sailed a Cork fleet and on the
_18_ arrived 12 sail from Cork with provisions and serveral
private ships have arrived at different times from Europe one
bringing the news of the surrender of Pondicherry in India,
but I do not believe it yet. you may depend that the Cutter
that said to bring the news saild some time from Ireland and
of course before the last Cork fleet and they brought no such
account. Provisions are very plenty at _10_ and a Cork fleet
is expected also a large fleet from England with ten thousand
troops is said to be expected in, in about ten days. The troops
that went from hence last fall for West India and Georgia it
is said are about returning. I think it probable for they are
very sickly in those quarters. I hear some tell us of Peace
amongst you. God grant it may take place on honourable terms.
But I must tell you thers less appearance of Peace here now
than some time agone--And thers nothing we can hear from Europe
that demonstrates it. The spirits of their troops is high,
and the expectation of the Tory’s is great to admiration. I
hope you will not trust to an uncertainty, but prepare for the
worst. I have a long time expected to hear of your appearing
in force near the Bridge and keeping them in their strongholds
and hope that their present expedition may serve to further
convince them of the impracticability of subduing this country.
And call your army together and be upon your guard and be very
industrious to find out the schemes of the Torys amongst you.
Almost every action is handed down by them and men is said to
pass (and I believe they do) from hence to the enemy on the
frontiers. The enemy have almost intirely quit Long Island
and the whole of the force on Long Island does not exceed
three hundred only a few individuals left at their different
stations they have likewise taken all their baggage from Long
Island and on the 29 arrived their Virginia fleet with about
30 prizes mostly small schooners and a number of negroes and
some white females, upon the whole that expedition is thought
but little of and as the 30 sailed immediately up the river
about 20 transports the Raisonable of 64 guns and 2 frigats
on the 28th the army and troops in general left _10_ together
with all their train of artillery that stood on the common.
There was not on the 3 instant one thousand troops in and about
the city only one Batallion of guards and two small German
Regt. to do duty in and about _10_ There orders for to raise a
number of men for the terme of six months out of the Militia of
Kings and Queens Countys to do duty as occasion may require.
This is very disagreeable to the inhabitants. On the 3 instant
there was only 3 frigates in the river except those before
mentioned--Thus sir I shall conclude with this request that
you would upon sufficient Perusual consume it for if by any
accident this or any other of my letters should fall into the
enemy’s hands very probable my handwriting or some circumstance
mentioned might be the cause of detection. And conclude with my
great desire for your success and welfair. I remain your most
obet. H. Servt. Samuel Culper. Just as I was about to seal this
I saw a gentleman from 10 that said every sixth man in 10 and
the before mentioned places were immediately to be Draughfet I
purpose waiting at 20 until I receive an answer from you.
“S. C.”
(109) _Robert Townsend now becomes chief._
_Sir._ No. 14. 20 June 20 1779.
Your No. 8 on the 16 found me at 20 anxiously concerned for
our interest, and unwilling it should be neglected, and some
reason to fear that by delay the door might be shut and out
of my power to perform what I proposed in my No. 13, which
I have concluded would be your desire. I thought proper
to detain 40 until I went to 10 to endeavour to gain the
best intelligence I could, and settle the plan proposed. I
returned on the 19th, and my success hath exceeded my most
sanguine expectations.--There hath been no arrival of any
fleet from any quarter since my last--and the enemy hath not
been strengthened. On the 18 Gen. Clinton went out of 10 in
person to go to his camp. You may depend their whole force is
up the river, and that can’t exceed 8000 men. I expect they
are evacuating Rhode Island, if not all part of their troops
are coming to 10, it is said four Regiments, this I have from
good authority, likewise that it is certainly Gen. Clinton’s
positive order and determination to burn all the fields of
wheat as soon as they are dry, and intends to exert himself
in that to the utmost. They have brought in many cattle. If
you don’t exert yourself the country will greatly suffer. A
considerable force to march towards the Bridge would make them
quit the River and country, for they are very fearful of your
getting New York and have frequently said they have in all
but just a garrison, it is the admiration of all friends that
they can hold their ground up the river. Their strength by sea
is trifling. Much the same as mentioned in my last only it is
said you have taken the Delaware of 28 guns. It is currently
reported in New York that the enemy are entirely defeated near
Charles Town, and is believed by some, and the enemy in general
trembles for fear if it should be true they acknowledge that it
will ruin them. In answer to yours concerning the strength of
the enemy at Lloyd’s Neck and what saw mills were sawing for
the use of the enemy I cannot give so satisfactory an account
about the above questions as I could wish. The former shall
endeavour to refer you to Capt. Cornelius Conklin, Major Brush,
Capt. Rojers and some others mostly residing at Norwalk that
frequently cross near there, the latter shall advise--Coll.
Ludlow’s Regiment is very small, don’t exceed 150 men. The
Refugees that are there are all armed and take their turn as
guards with the regiment, how many I cannot tell but readily
conclude they exceed the number in the regiment. I cannot tell
whether there’s any cannon in the fort nor how it is situated.
Coll. Hulet that commands is a brave officer. Many deserters
and refugees that know they will be hanged and think they will
make a desperate resistance, and think if it is done at all it
must be by surprise.
Tillotson hath a Saw mill at the County House, Havens one at
Moriches, Seth Worth one at Fire Place, Humphry Avery one at
West Neck, Nichols and one Willets each one at Islip, Edmond
Smith at Stony Brook, Samuel Phillips, Caleb Smith, Botts at
Smith Town. All alike in serving the King and all professed
friends to the country except Havens and Nicols. And it is
the nature of the people here, they will do any thing to get
money. The navigation of South Bay is now entirely stopped
by Whale Boats. I am entirely against destroying property if
can be avoided. Saw mills are built with little expense and
if torn down no great loss to build again. If people are a
mind to be obstinate the following I do not doubt will answer
the desired effect. Print in hand bills, let them be conveyed
over in all quarters if possible and be posted up, entirely
forbidding every saw mill on the Island from stricking a stroke
under penalty of destruction of their property, it will most
certainly be adhered to, they never will saw no more.
They are determined to raise 400 men out out of the Militia
of Long Island. The people in general much against it, and
certainly will quit their homes before they will comply.
I have communicated my business to an intimate friend and
disclosed every secret and laid before him every instruction
that hath been handed to me; it was with great difficulty
I gained his complyance, checked by fear. He is a person
that hath the interest of our country at heart and of good
reputation, character and family as any of my acquaintance. I
am under the most solemn obligation never to disclose his name
to any but the Post who unavoidably must know it. I have reason
to think his advantages for serving you and abilities are far
superior to mine.
I must call on you for ten Guineas which will about defray
my charges with what I have received. If what I have done
is disaproved of it can be dropped, but if mine was worth
attention this will not certainly be of less value. You will
receive a letter from him in a short time beginning at No. 1.
He will expect an ample support, at the same time he will be
frugal. As long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all
that I can. In the interim I remain Your Most Obt. Huml. Servt.
SAMUEL CULPER.
(110) _George Washington to Major Talmadge._
“NEW WINDSOR, June 27th, 1779.
“_Sir_, Your letter of yesterday came safe to my hand, and by
the Dragoon who was the bearer of it I send you Ten guineas
for C----r.--His successor (whose name I have no desire
to be informed of provided his intelligence is good, and
seasonably transmitted) should endeavour to hit upon some
certain mode of conveying his information quickly, for it is
of little avail to be told of things after they have become
matter of public notoriety, and known to every body.--This
new agent should communicate his signature and the private
marks by which genuine papers are to be distinguished from
counterfeits.--There is a man on York Island living on or near
the North River, of the name of George Higday who I am told
hath given signal proofs of his attachment to us, and at the
same time stands well with the enemy. If upon enquiry this
is found to be the case (and much caution should be used in
investigating the matter, as well on his own account as on that
of Higday) he will be a fit instrument to convey intelligence
to me while I am on the west side of the North River, as he is
enterprizing & connected with people in Bergen County who will
assist in forming a chain to me in any manner they shall agree
on.
“I do not know who H---- employs, but from H---- I obtain
intelligence, and his name and business should be kept
profoundly secret, otherwise we not only lose the benefits
desired from it, but may subject him to some unhappy fate....
“I wish you to use every method in your power through H---- and
others, to obtain information of the enemy’s situation--and
as far as it is to be come at, designs. C----r speaks of the
Enemy’s force up the River as now exceeding 8000 men, but as
I know he is mistaken if he comprehends their whole force I
should be glad if his successor was cautioned against giving
positive numbers by guess.--this is deceptions--let him
ascertain the particular Corps which can be no difficult matter
to do, & he will soon by taking a little pains, indirectly come
at the strength of them and where they lie.
“I am Sir with esteem and regard, Yr. very H. Servt.
“GO. WASHINGTON.”
(111) _Townsend’s first official letter._
“No 1 NEW YORK, 29th June, 1779
“_Sir_, The present offers nothing material, save that of the
arrival of Capt. Mernaid, who left Plimouth the first of May,
at which time the Grand fleet for this place had not sailed,
and was quite uncertain when they would, and likewise that
some Troops now coming out--say not more than three thousand.
However as he is a Rebel we do not entirely believe it, but are
much afraid that its too true.
“I was this day informed that 2 British Regts. 1 Regt, of
Amsuch, Col. Fanning’s Corps & the associated loyalists,
is now at white Stone, where they arrived yesterday from
Rhode-Island--This I have no doubt of, as it was told me by
a person who came passenger with them--He thinks they are to
make excursions into Connecticut--and from what I can collect I
believe they are, and very soon.
“Most of the Troops are come from Verplanks Point, and are now
near and about the Boats. Several Transports are ordered to be
in readiness, but no troops embarked.
“We are much alarmed with the prospect of a Spanish war--Should
that be the case, I fear poor old England will not be able to
oppose the whole but will be obliged to sue for a peace.
“Wou’d wish to write you more particularly, but the person
going sooner than I expected prevents.
“I am, Sir, Your Humble Servant,
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
(112) _Townsend’s second letter._
“No. 2 10, July 15th, 1779.
“_Sir_, I did not mean that No. 1 shou’d be sent as it was
wrote, I intended it as hints for my friend S. C. Senr., and
expected that he would have wrote you more particularly--the
shortness of the notice, and not at that time being
sufficiently acquainted with the Character of 30, prevented my
writing so particular as I wou’d have wished--However I flatter
myself that it was of some service. I saw S. C. Senr. a few
days ago, and informed him of the arrival of 10 sail of vessels
from the West Indies, with Rum, &c. and a small fleet from
Halifax, but no Troops. 12 sail of Cork Victuallers arrived on
Sunday last--2 which were then missing are since arrived. Also
a ship from Theneruffe loaden with wines--A Fleet, say about
six sail, from Jamaica laden with Rum &c. is daily expected;
they are to take the advantage of the June Convoy for England.
The Romulus of 44 guns fell down to the Hook this day. The
Daphni and Delaware Frigates are to fall down tomorrow, with
some eight Transports which are said to be bound for Halifax.
The Romulus, Daphni, & Delaware are to cruise in Boston Bay
for the purpose of annoying their trade, and to intercept a
number of Privateers and armed vessels which it is said are now
fitting out of Boston. I have conversed with some of the most
intelligent of the Masters of the Cork Victuallers, and from
what I can collect from them, there will be but few Troops from
England this season. Some say, who I am certain do not wish it,
that there will not be more than 4 Regiments to this place.
Ireland is almost to a man against the present administration,
and that most loyal of all Countrys, Scotland, has been for
some time past in the greatest confusion, said to be occasioned
by a motion made by Lord North for to pass some Laws in favor
of the Scotch Roman Catholicks--they have gone so far as to
burn that Ministry in Effigie--This is fact.
“I have recd yours of the 10th Inst, and note the contents--The
instructions shall be followed as far as in my power. 30 came
unexpectedly this evening, and says he must go out tomorrow
morning, which prevents my being so particular as I could wish.
I did not expect him till saturday. The situation of the army
I cannot give you with any exactness; but will endeavour to
send it by next opportunity. You may rest assured that I will
not give you any intelligence as fact, but such as I am certain
is so. I will not intentionally deceive you, as I know that it
may be attended with the most fatal consequences. I gave S. C.
Senr. some hints concerning a Christopher Duyckenik, formerly
Chairman of the Committee of Mechanicks of this place, and hope
he has transmitted. This much I will inform you, that he has
acted as agent for David Mathews from the commencement of the
war. The particulars must be kept a profound secret, as few
persons but myself know them, and it is known that I do. Note
a paragraph in Rivington’s paper of the 10th Inst. under the
N.Yk. head, and you’ll observe that something has either leaked
out or they have conjectured very right.
“I am, Sir, Your Humble Servant,
“SAMUEL CULPER, JUNR.”
(113) _Townsend’s fourth letter._
August 6, 1779
Since my last the number of the enemy within these lines have
not been augmented by arrivals. I have received your favour of
the 30th of July with the vials 1 and 2--The contents shall be
duly observed. The Raisonable with four frigates sailed from
this the day I mentioned--but did not sail from the Hook till
a few days ago. The Rainbow with two sloops of war are said to
be cruising off the Delaware Bay. The Romulus with two frigates
are supposed to be cruising in Boston-bay--and the Greyhound
is cruising alone. I am sorry that I cannot give you an exact
account of the situation of the troops. You may think that I
have not taken sufficient pains to obtain it. I assure you that
I have, and find it more difficult than I expected. It is in
some measure owing to my not having got into a regular line
of getting intelligence. To depend upon common reports would
not do. I saw and conversed with two officers of different
corps from Kings-bridge from neither of whom I could obtain an
account of the situation of the army there. I was afraid of
being too particular. I saw a person who had been throughout
all West Chester and came in yesterday, who told me that there
were 2000 troops out from Kingsbridge. This I by no means give
as certain. The number on Staten Island does not exceed 1000.
The whole of the guards, two Hessian Regiments. The 54th and
some of the 46th in town. A detachment of 100 from the Hessians
are at Brookline, and the 3d Battalion of G. DeLancey’s brigade
consisting of about 200 are at Lloyd’s Neck, Long Island, near
half of which are acting as marines on board armed vessels,
and a guard of about 20 men are at Jamaica, where G. D.
resides. These are all on Long Island. They have begun to
fortify at the narrows on the Staten Island side and to refit
the fortifications at the battery in this city. They have
done nothing more than lay the platforms and not but one gun
mounted, which has been there for a long time past. The cannon
for the forts are expected in the fleet. We have positive
accounts of the French having taken the Island of St. Vincent
and Grenada, and that there has been an engagement between
Byron and D’Estaing in which according to public reports Byron
came off victorious. But from many circumstances we have reason
to believe he had the worst of it: and indeed all the most
intelligent of the tories think so. This with Stoney-point
and the uncertainty when the fleet from England will arrive,
discourages them very much. Admiral Arbuthnot certainly did
sail for this port, but hearing that the French had landed on
the Island of Jersey, went there, where he may meet with such
diversion as may detain him for some time. There appears no
prospect of a speedy movement from this. But it is generaly
reported and believed by the most knowing ones that there will
be a detachment sent from this to the southward as soon as the
works are put in a proper state of defence. However some think
that no troops can be spared at any rate till a reinforcement
arrives.
Arrivals: A small fleet from Rhode Island a few days ago. The
Renown from same place on Wednesday evening, and last evening a
privateer brig of 14 guns belonging to New London taken by the
Greyhound off the east end of Long Island. A fleet of four or
five armed ships will sail in about a week for the West Indies.
The guard boats are still kept out which makes it impossible to
send any letters by a shorter route. As soon as I can find an
opportunity you may depend that I will embrace it. The Renown
and Daphne are the only ships of war in port. In my next will
if possible give you a particular account of the situation of
the troops. Yours,
CULPER, JUNR.
(114) _Would have Townsend give up business._
“722 to 721. No. 23 729 August 12, 1779.
“_Sir_, Your several Nos. 13, 14, & 15, are before me. The
contents have duly observed and communicated them to Culper
Jur. and he hath in general replyed, that have only to add,
That your fears of the Queens Rangers crossing the Sound, I
think must be groundless. I think the main reason of their
being stationed ther’s to Succor Coll. Ludloe’s Regt, on
Lloyd’s Neck if need should require, and to recruit their
Horses and men, that are much worne down with service.
Agreeable to your request, shall endeavour to gain every
intelligence from that and every other quarter and communicate.
Your observations concerning the bad tendency that might
follow the Capture of certain Persons mentioned heretofore,
is worthy of due consideration. And perhaps it will be best
to let them fill up the measure of their Sins, and ripen for
greater ruin. If it had been done instantly after the capture
of some persons here I should have feared no danger that might
have risen from such a step. You could have stoped plundering
here nevertheless--To have taken two for one then, matter not
wheather Whig or Tory, would have been pollitick in you, and a
glorious barrier in favour of our Country, and Nutrallity, for
as they are continually pressing us to be active, and daily
cursing of us for not complying, and laying at your mercy and
unprotected by them; and suffering for so small an affair,
perhaps would induce them to think more favorable of us, and
consider our situation, and treat us with more compassion.--I
say if ever such an opportunity should present again, I shall
beg that it may be embraced, and would be highly favorable
to this unhappy country, now universally throughout attended
with the greatest sickness and frequent deaths that ever was
remembered by the oldest man now living. And dayly threaten’d
by that Judas Tryon. Devastation or banishment for not
complying with their exorbitant demand enclosed when striped of
Items, and out of our Power to fulfill--don’t let the inclosed
be published in News Paper.
“Your desire that no time may be lost after dispatches arrive
hath ever been complyed with, at appointed times, I always
attended. When he comes unexpectedly it hath been unavoidably
attended with some loss of time, once in particular, owing
to a certain persons family being sick, and attendance there
which debared him from making himself known. A step on purpose
to acquaint me. I received a message from a person that I
intimated in my last was an acquaintance of Hamiltons, three
days ago, that 4 or 5 Regts. were embarking, generally said for
Quebeck had taken altogether thick clothing, yet nevertheless
he thought most likely for Georgia, and believed they all had
but a short time to stay here.
“I have had much discourse with Culper, Jur. Contrary to his
intimation and my expectation, he continues in business, that
engroseth some part of his time, and interfereth with the
important business he hath undertaken. I do assure you he is a
sincere friend and capable of rendering service to our country.
And as such a one I have again most earnestly endeavored and
beged him to disengage himself from all concerns that may
intefere with the Public business he hath undertaken. His reply
in substance was this, that he feared his inability. He was
willing to do all he could to serve his Country, and not leave
himself entirely out of the line of business, and be destitute
of a support.”
(115) _Use of ciphers by the Culpers._
“No. 21 729 29 15th 1779.
“_Sir_, Dqpeu Beyocpu agreeable to 28 met 723 not far from 727
& received a 356, but on his return was under the necessity to
destroy the same, or be detected, but have the satisfaction to
informe you that theres nothing of 317 to 15 you of. Thers been
no augmentation by 592 of 680 or 347 forces, and everything
very quiet. Every 356 is opened at the entrance of 727 and
every 371 is searched, that for the future every 356 must be
691 with the 286 received. They have some 345 of the route our
356 takes. I judge it was mentioned in the 356 taken or they
would not be so 660. I do not think it will continue long so.
I intend to visit 727 before long and think by the assistance
of a 355 of my acquaintance, shall be able to out wit them all.
The next 28 for 725 to be here is the 1 of 616 that it is so
prolonged. It may be better times before then. I hope ther
will be means found out for our deliverance. Nothing could
induce me to be here but the ernest desire of 723. Friends are
all well, and am your very Humble Servant, 722.”
(116) _Samuel Culper tells of dangers._
“729 Sepr. 19, 1779.
“_Dear Sir._ Agreeable to the few lines in the inclosure of the
several dates of the 11 & 12, I parted with 725 and expected
his immediate returne to you, But next day understood he was
waiting for the enclosed dispatch, replying his boat must have
a repair before he could come again--Perhaps it is best, as the
former dispaches hath been so long detained I judge they have
nearly lost their value, if any. The inclosed written with the
stain, I am ready to believe contains something of importance.
By the report of Pevbep Yqqhbwmm, who hath just returned from
727 he tells me there’s a council of war holding of all the
General Officers and every thing appears to be much confused on
account of an Express from Genl. Prescot that a Sloop arrived
at Rhode Island sailed two days in sight of a large French
fleet stearing North West course in latitude 25 or 35 he cannot
remember certain which. That a large number of troops were
embarking, Transports prepared to receive one thousand and
those on board. He was one of the Petitioners but got nothing
but hard words, that infernal Tryon saying we would never raise
any men for government, and now the Spanish and French had
combined against them and in difficulty would grant them no
assistance. It would be no matter he said if we were all laid
waist and those that were sick he would put in their hospitals.
I hope a foreign fleet is at hand and that some thing may
intefere to our advantage--I have just heard from Oyster Bay
that Coll. Simcoe is a going to leave that place. They are
selling their horses that is their own private property and are
loading all their baggage, his destination unknown but believed
they will all leave us soon.
“I yesterday was waiting for the Express with the enclosed
dispatch at Stony Brook, when about one o’clock warning was
given out from Capt. Woodhull for his Company to meet persuant
to an order from Coll. Floyd to the several Capts. of this
Township, to pursue and lay wait for Ebenezar Dayton and his
companions, that last night plundered two houses at South.
I immediately took a confidential friend and went in search
of 725, and after passing by one boat hid in the woods, found
his, and him, and advised him the necessary steps for his
safety. I then repair’d to the place of rendezvous, and found
the Militia just in motion to drive mount misery, to prevent
which I was obliged to open myself to the several Capts. and
had the good fortune to order matters to my mind. These things
you will readily conceive lays me open, and I desire you to
take such measures to prevent the like again. Plundering makes
as much difficulty with us as perhaps taking of some persons.
Dayton’s[67] excursion heretofore, was the sole cause of the
loss of C. Jur. No. 5. The Refugees and some Troops were
filling the road that the express was to pass.
“Culper Junior hath appointed no time. I therefore appoint the
30th Instant for 725 to cross, and am yours &c. 722. N.B. If
you think well of it send several phials of that stain and I
will place it in two or three confidential persons hands in New
York that will do their endeavour.”
_A Townsend stain letter translated._
NEW YORK, Sept. 29th, 1779.
_Sir_, In my last I informed you that a number of the enemy
were under orders for embarkation part of which consisting
of about 3000 embarked in the fore part of last week, and
sailed from the Hook on Friday last but returned the next day.
It is said and generally believed that it was in consequence
of some intelligence they got from some vessel at sea, some
say from a Spanish prize, the master of which reports that he
left the French Fleet on the Bahama Banks and that they were
steering for the Continent. This is certain that a number of
transports were immediately ordered for Rhode Island, part of
which sailed on Monday, 27, and the rest sailed this day. It is
positively asserted that it will be evacuated immediately. The
troops returned not yet disembarked. The works at the Battery
are nearly completed and a number of guns mounted. The forts
on Bayard’s Hill and back of Jones’ House nearly completed.
The Gorge of Fort Kniphhousen (or Washington) very strongly
fortified. The Militia of Kings and Queens County are still at
work on the fort at Brooklyn. All the operations of the Enemy
indicate their fears of a speedy attack--The fleet under convoy
of Sir Andrew Hammond arrived the 22d inst. The number of
troops does not exceed six hundred, mostly Hessian Recruits. I
am Sir, Yours &c.
C. JUNR.
(117) _A typical Townsend letter._
“October 9th, 1779.
“_Sir_, In my No 9 I informed you that the first division
of Troops had returned--They disembarked on Long-Island &
Staten Island that day. The next morning about 100 of the
inhabitants went on Governor’s Island, and began to repair the
works there, and have continued going every day since.--The
works are now nearly completed. About that time the Garrison
was much alarmed, as by a number of coroborating documents
they had great reason to expect D’Estaing. All the Men of War
and a number of arm’d Transports were ordered down to the
Hook, with several old hulks to sink in the Channel in case
D’Estaing should appear. They had also two or three fire ships
prepairing, and are building a very strong Fort at the Light
House. The ships do still continue there, tho their fears
are now in some measure abated. The transports destin’d for
New York are still at White Stone, and it’s now thought quite
uncertain whether it will be evacuated this Fall. The vessels
belonging to private people sailed this day, and are to stop
at Huntington to join the wood Fleet, and proceed from there
immediately. From this circumstance I think it will not be
evacuated. It is now said that the first division of Troops
are to re-embark immediately, and it’s generally believed that
they are destined for Georgia. The last accounts from the West
Indies say that Byron was at Barbadoes about a month ago.
There positively is a letter from his Secretary to a gentleman
in this place dated the first of Sept: which says that Byron
was going home and that the Fleet was taking in water, and
preparing with all expedition to go down to Jamaica, expecting
that D’Estaing had gone against it. A vessel from Tortula which
left it the 10th. Septr, the Capt of which says that it was
reported there, and generally believed that D’Estaing had come
to this Continent.--He likewise says that the English trade in
the West Indies, is almost ruined by the number of French &
Spanish Cruisers. Tortula has already been plundered, and it’s
expected that all the rest of the English Islands will share
the same fate in the course of the winter. The Spaniards, he
says, are even fitting out privateers at St. Thomas’ & St.
Croix.--Some say that Pensicola is invaded by the Spaniards.
Accounts from England, via Rhode Island, as late as the 10th
of August, say that there has been no engagement between the
French and English Fleets.--No late accounts from Georgia;
Some begin to fear that all is not well there.--A considerable
number of Troops are on the West end of Long-Island--The 17th
Dragoons at Hempstead--The mounted Legion of Queens Rangers at
Jericho, and the Foot belonging to the Legion are at Oyster
Bay. No arrivals of any consequence since my last, except those
mentioned. The Spirits of the Tory’s Flags much, but still some
flatter themselves that there is yet a probability of England’s
rising superior to all her enemies. There does not appear the
least prospect of this place being evacuated this fall. Tho’ I
believe thay would be glad to have them at home, as from the
best accounts they are in a very critical situation--if we were
only to judge from Sir Joseph York’s memorial presented to
their High Mightinesses, they are low enough.
“Large Magazines of Hay is already collected, and more
collecting. The expense of transporting letters has already
amounted to the money sent;[68] I am therefore under the
necessity of requesting that you will send me 20 Guineas by
next conveyance.
“I am, Yours, &c.
“SAML. CULPER, JUN.”
(118) _Culper answers Bolton’s eighteenth letter._
“No. 25 October 26th, 1779.
“_Sir_: Your No. 18 with the enclosed came to hand, and was
immediately forwarded to 723. And the inclosed blanks are his
returns, which hope may be satisfactory at this conjuncture.
I have again heard Count D’Estaing with his whole fleet are
in Delaware Bay. This Glorious assistance together with the
dejection of our Enemies, bids fair for our delivery, the
pleasing hopes of which hath almost transported all our
friends. But here much may be done toward our destruction
within the space of a week, and to the great advantage of the
enemy, to prevent which requires your immediate operations.
From the effect of that Infernal Tryon’s expedition into this
county last year and branding a number of cattle that he left
behind, last week a demand for 198 was made, not one quarter
of that number was ever marked; and about 30 head was drove up
but are not satisfied, and insist upon the whole number, and
are now at Smith Town with carts from Lloyd’s Neck and a number
of wagons are hourly expected with a number of Troops at that
place, for hay. They have nearly collected all the forage in
Queens County and carrying it to Brooklyn; in one word, every
preparation is a making for their defence--I hope you will
not forget to grant us assistance as soon as possible. Your
letter to Mr. C----r, Junr. was instantly forwarded, forgot to
mention it in my last, then being in such haste, as I had not
time before dark and 725 I expected was a waiting. I received
20 Guineas from 725 which I sent to 723. I have nothing more to
say--and may God grant us Success. And am
“Your very Humble Servt.,
“SAMUEL CULPER.”
(119) _Big guns at Battery._
“NEW YORK, October 29th, 1779
“_Sir._ I have made inquiry concerning the quantity of
provisions on this Island, and am well convinced there is
sufficient to last this Garrison 6 months. Several vessels have
not discharged. The packet arrived the 23d Inst. The accounts
by her are very alarming to the Tories. They are now convinced
that the English fleet dare not engage the united fleets of
France and Spain. The Ardent is taken, and some say that they
chased the English fleet into Portsmouth--This is certain that
they lay off there several days, which caused the greatest
consternation, as they expected to be invaded. The troops from
Stoney and Verplanks points got down on Sunday evening. The
troops which I mentioned to have embarked sails for Halifax
this day with all the heavy ships of war except the Europa.
The Daphne Frigate with Sir George Collin and Col. Stewart
sails at the same time for England. Another Fort is erecting
near Harrison’s Brewery on the banks of the North River.
That on Long Island will not be completed in some time. The
Battery will be completed in a few days. Eighteen 24 pounders
are now mounted. We have no late accounts from Georgia but it
is generally believed that the Garrison there is taken. The
fleet with the garrison from Rhode Island arrived the 27th,
Inst. The Rainbow arrived at Sandy Hook from Halifax the same
day. The enemy are daily collecting forage and have lately
been about Oyster Bay and took all the hay in that quarter,
notwithstanding the Legion quartered there. From this they
mean to contract their lines very soon. No prospect of any
speedy movement. The transports which I intimated are taking
in Water and Ballast was for the use of the ships at Sandy
Hook. The pilots say that it is now very difficult to bring a
vessel in, owing to the hulks which were lately sunk there. A
fleet of Victuallers were to sail from Cork the latter part of
September. A fleet of Store ships and Merchantmen were to sail
from Spithead at the same time. I shall want some more of the
Stain immediately as I am now quite out.
“I am Yrs, &c.
“SAML. CULPER, JUNR.”
(120) _Woodhull meets British Foot and Horse._
“No. 28 427 eg 1779
“_Sir._ Your No. 20 & 21 came to hand pressing an immediate
answer to sundry questions. It not being then in my power to
send a person, to make the necessary inquiry, and the next
appointment very short, and dispatches waiting, thought it best
to order his return. Accordingly on the 7th sent a person, who
visited every quarter between this and Hempstead Harbour, and
on the 9th returned to me, and reported: No piles of wood on
any Necks or Shores. As soon as it is cut it is put on board
and carried to New York. Lord Cathcart Legion are stationed
at Jericho and Oyster Bay. In Huntington and Lloyd’s Neck are
Coll. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s, Coll. Fanning’s Regiments. New
Levies, 43 of foot 17 Dragoons, one Regt, of Hessians, all
commanded by Genl. Leland if I do not mistake his name. However
I am sure it is similar to such a name, and are collecting
large magazines of wood and Forage near the house of Nathl.
Williams--The whole number is computed to be sixteen hundred
men.--On the 10 was to see C. Jur. at a house he appointed
twelve miles west from here, and set out with all my letters
to meet him, and just before I arrived at the appointed place
I suddenly met a foraging party of 40 Horse and 200 foot and
about a hundred wagons. Was much surprised but after answering
a few questions passed them unmolested. This party were
draughts from the 17, 43, & Coll. Burch of the 17th. But to my
great mortification Culper Jur. did not come that day. I waited
all the next, and sent a person westward to several houses
where I thought likely to find him, but could hear nothing of
him. I am much concerned, fear some accident hath befallen him,
but yet wish to entertain a favorable thought that he may be
sick.
“The wagons went from Smith Town yesterday, loaded, but am
informed the Troops all stayed behind waiting their return.
We have 20 Horse and 4 foot bilited about in houses, but no
wagons have loaded here yet, they are exceedingly afraid and
keep a very strict guard at the foot of Seaton’s Neck. Coll.
Floyd, E. Jones, above the Mill, J. Thompson’s, P. Lions, John
Bayles is Head Quarters Main guard in Kelly’s House. They are
not expected to stay here more than 10 days, some say not
longer than a week. It will be precarious to attack them, they
may be reinforced in one day’s time. They are continually
reconnoitering the shores and the weather is very uncertain.
I am told the New York Paper saith Admrl. Parker hath taken 5
ships of the line from the French. I think something is the
matter or they must have been here before now. I give over
all hope of their coming to our relief this winter, and it
is a killing thought to me. We shall see more distress this
winter than ever since the war began. The inhabitants of this
Island at present live a miserable life, which you may readily
judge when having the refuse of three kingdoms and thirteen
States amongst them. Plundering and rapine increaseth at no
small rate. I am tired of this business, it gives me a deal
of trouble, especially when disappointments happen. Could not
consent to be any longer an assistant if I was not almost an
Enthusiast for our success.--I am perfectly acquainted with a
full year’s anxiety, which no one can scarcely have an idea
of but those that experience, and not long since there was
not the breadth of your finger betwixt me and death--but so
long as I reside here my faithful endeavours shall never be
wanting. 725 loudly complains of his fatigue and declares he
will not come so often. Should the enemy be stationed here this
winter it will be very dangerous for him to come. You say you
will take all the pains possible to secure Coll. Floyd and Mr.
Seaton’s goods. I hope they may be saved and the public get the
benefit. I have no love for Coll. Floyd nor for no Tory under
Heaven, but in my present situation am obliged to cultivate
his friendship, and for that reason dare not mention to him
what you purposed. I do not doubt he would be glad to hear it
and perhaps keep it entirely secret for his own interest, but
yet he would view me with an Evil Eye. I have not as yet heard
of 725 arrival but as the weather is now favorable expect him
this night, and shall expect his return on the 20th Instant,
when shall hope to be ready for him, and shall if no accident
hath befallen C. Jur. hope to see him soon. And in the interim
remain your most obt. H. Servt.
“SAML. CULLPER.”[69]
(121) _British counterfeiting money._
“No. 14 NEW YORK, 27th Nov. 1779.
“_Sir._ It is now said by the most knowing ones that a
considerable part of the Army is to go to Georgia as soon as it
is known that D’Estaing has left the Coast, and some think that
several Regiments will be sent to the West Indies. Charlestown
is fixed on as the grand object this campaign and winter.
“The spirits of the Tory’s is amazingly elated with the reports
of the Army in Georgia. It has been repeated some time past
that Parker has taken seven sail of French Men of War in the
West Indies, and on Friday an account was brought by a Cartel
from Boston that there had been an engagement between the grand
Fleets in the Channel, in which the combined fleets of France
and Spain were defeated with the loss of .. ships sunk and
taken. The former account is now thought premature, and the
latter improbable, as it is said to have happened on the 2d. of
September and the packet left Falmouth the 7th, and brings no
such account.
“The Tories are extremely anxious for the fate of the British
Fleet. They think that the success of the contest depends
entirely on it. They have hopes that England will be able to
form some alliance this winter, which will enable them to carry
on the War here another campaign, which they flatter themselves
will end in their favour, as they think America will not be
able to keep an Army together another campaign. Truth reasons
that their currency will be entirely depreciated, and that
there will not be provision in the country to supply an Army
another campaign. That of the currency I am afraid will prove
true, as they are indefatigable in increasing the quantity
of it. Several reams of the paper made for the last emission
struck by Congress have been procured from Philadelphia. I have
taken much pains to find out some of those concerned, but could
not accomplish it. But that there is such paper brought in you
may depend on as a fact. A large ship was sent into the Hook
yesterday but it is not known where she is from. The Men of
War at the Hook have taken in water for several months and on
Friday the Admiral went down with all his baggage. A Fleet for
Cork and a number of vessels for England will sail in a few
days, some of which are loaded with valuable cargoes. However,
some think that they will not sail till D’Estaing has left the
Coast, or till there is some arrival from England. Privateering
is now almost over, not more than six now out and few fitting.
There has not any prizes of value arrived for some time past.
“I am, Your humble Servt.
“SAML. CULPER, JUNR.”
(122) _Woodhull would kill Simcoe._
“No. 30 729 December 12, 1779.
“_Sir_: Inclosed you have a blank just come to hand from C.
Junr., which I conclude contains some important intelligence,
and as this is the appointed night, and very good hope it will
soon reach your hands. On Monday last the Foraging Party left
us, after collecting the Forage in general as far Eastward
as this township extends, some from South Hold and South
Hampton. The Forage collected in this county is all carried
to Huntington; and are as fast as possible sending it to N.
York. As soon as they get it all from that place the enemy will
most certainly leave there, except the Garrison on Lloyd’s
Neck. We are not a little comforted after our distress, with
the pleasing hope that the Enemy will not trouble us any
farther this winter, and glad our correspondence will not be
interrepted or subject to greater danger than usual. The said
misfortune attending our endeavours to the Southward hath
greatly lifted up our Enemies and dejected our friends, and
deeply affected me and allmost ready to conclude that the day
of our deliverance is farther distant than we ever glanced a
thought, and that all the Carolinas will fall into their hands,
as is most certain a large embarcation destined for Charles
Town is about to take place, and believe Clinton will go
himself. But yet hope such measures will be adopted that they
may be spaird and protected. Culper Junior is entirely out of
the Counterpart, and unable to read any future blanks that may
come. Don’t fail to forward it next opportunity, and we cannot
get any person to run the risk written with common ink. C. Jur.
is to be with me on the 25th, hope if the weather is favorable
you will incline to come as we greatly desire to see you. We
would gladly if possible meet you half way. I have the pleasure
to inform you my fears are much abated since the troops have
been with us. Their approach was like death to me. Did not
know wether to stand or fall. Had they been the Queens Rangers
or legion should have been with you before now. Were I now in
the State of New Jersey without fear of Law or Gospel would
certainly 344 Gqm. Ucngqi for his usage to me. I have nothing
further to say at present, and am
“Yours sincerely,
“SAML. CULPER.”
(123) _British sail for Charleston._
“No. 17 729 Dec. 27th, 1779.
“_Sir_, In my last I informed you that a considerable number of
the enemy were under orders for Embarkation. The number does
not exceed seven thousand. I have now to inform you that they
have all Embarked, and part of the Transports fell down to the
Hook a few days ago. They were to sail the 26th Inst. under
Convoy of the Russel, Robust, Europa, Defiance, Raisonable,
Roebuck, Renown, Romulus & Perseus. Genl. Clinton goes in the
Romulus. The time that it will necessarily take for this to
get to hand makes it almost useless to inform you that they
are positively going to Charlestown. Governor Martin with a
considerable number of North Carolina Refugees, and all the
Officers who have been on furloe from Georgia, goes with the
expedition. Five vessels are loaded with ordnance stores, and
they have taken fifty chests of Arms for the purpose of arming
the Tory’s and Negroes. It is said that they are to act on
a very different plan from what they formerly have, i.e. to
settle the Country as they Conquer it, by securing all those
whom they may suppose dangerous; and to give the most noted
Tory’s a considerable command. It is said that Clinton will
go home immediately after taking possession of Charlestown,
and leave the command to Lord Cornwallis. The most sanguine
of the Tory’s flatter themselves that the British army will
be in possession of both the Carolinas May next. I sincerely
hope that such measures will be taken as may disappoint
their expectations, even to the taking of Charlestown. If
the Garrison destin’d to defend it will have a Retrospect to
Georgia, and immitate them I think they may hold it. Clinton
will make a vigorous push for it, for I believe he thinks that
it is necessary to do something to distinguish himself before
he returns to England.
“The Garrison at New-York is left under the command of Tryon &
Knyphausen. It is now entirely out of wood, and can get none
but what they bring from a considerable distance by land. A
considerable number of teams are ordered from Queens County to
Brooklyn Ferry, each to carry a load of wood, and to continue
there for six days to cart wood from the nearest wood land for
the use of the Army. If the creeks continue shut any time,
the inhabitants will be greatly distressed for the want of
fuel. The Markets are well supply’d with fresh provisions of
every kind, and will continue so while there is any cattle in
Connecticut & New Jersey. A considerable number of cattle and
other provisions is daily brought over from Connecticut to
the East end of Long Island, and from thence conveyed to New
York; and there has ever been regular supplies from Shrewsbury,
Middletown, and every other part of East Jersey. It is almost
needless to mention Kings Bridge, for it has been, and ever
will be a practice to get supplies in that way.
“No arrivals since my last, and none from Europe since the
September Packet. The Fleet for Europe, consisting of near one
hundred sail, sailed from Sandy Hook the 23d Inst. under convoy
of the Solebay & Lioness, Frigates.
“The expense of conveying letters obliges me to request that
you will send me Twenty Guineas pr. next conveyance. I am now
entirely out of the Counterpart of the Stain.
“I am, Yours, &c &c.
“SAML. CULPER, JUN.”
(124) _Prison ship set on fire._
“729 374 eg 1780.
“724 returned from 727 last night with a blank for 711 which I
have inclosed and forwarded, together with the Newspapers. The
papers declare the willful burning of the Prison Ship by one
Woodberry of Connecticut, on the 5th inst. No account of Sir
H. Clinton yet. Verbal accounts sent me from a person thats
had the perusal of the English papers say the debates run much
higher than ever, some having fought duels. Lord Charles
Gorden declared in the Parliament he had in Scotland 150
thousand men ready to take vengeance on the present ministry.
Hope it may be true.
“SAML. CULPER.”
(125) _Robinson quotes Rivington._
_Esteemed Friend._
I enclose for the amusement of yourself, our friend Wistar &c
three New York Papers--Yesterday about Forty transports full of
Troops, sailed up the North River, and at three in the morning
the troops at Elizabeth Town moved out, when there was an
abundance of firing, which continued till ten. It is supposed
that those in transports are designed to take possession of
the strong country above, and that the movement from Elizabeth
was intended to draw off the attention of the Rebels--I was
just now informed by _Rivington_ that the troops returned to
Elizabeth Town last evening--but there is yet no account from
them.
The _Rebels_ affect to console themselves for the loss of
Charlestown, by attributing it to the want of Provisions--this
indeed gives the affair a better appearance than if it had
been timidly surrendered amidst a plentiful supply of every
thing necessary for its defence, and I find their well wishers
here are somewhat comforted by this circumstance, and say
that had the garrison been properly supplied they would have
laughed at all the efforts that Clinton could have made against
them--so strong by nature and well fortified by art, was that
Capital--and people who were there say that no deficiency of
skill or courage appeared in the besieged. Its fall they say
must be attributed to some fatality which prevented their
being properly furnished with Provisions. Ten days before the
Capitulation the Garrison and Inhabitants had nothing but Rice,
and on the 12th of May there was only two days allowance of
that left. The Rebel officers are outrageous against their
Commisary, and say he will be hanged. When they reckoned upon
three months provisions there was only twenty days in store.
The malcontents build great hopes upon a French Fleet and
Troops that is expected--and indeed _we_ are not clear of
apprehension on that account. They are expected at the
eastward--and as several Flags which have been due for some
time, do not come, we fear they are detained on that account.
My Respects to both families. I am with Esteem,
Your assured Friend,
WM. T. ROBINSON.
June 24th, 1780.
(126) _Code words here freely used._
“729 29 fn 1780.
“_Sir._ I have now to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the
ff Instant--and one of an earlier date, as also eu 230. The 121
I 691 my last before had time to 156 it. Was taken very cmm
with the 73 151, but am now 60, though very 349. My 151 hath
put it out of my power to make any 322 about the 178 in these
476. Genl. 712 hath returned to 727 some 121 ago. The en Regt.
D. is in 729. ei Companies of 309 are at Smith Town. Queens
Rangers and Fannings Regts. are yet East of here, where know
not. The whole number is about 1500. It appears probable they
will continue in these parts some time. Their wanton waste of
the necessities of life (which will occasion people to perish
for want of subsistance unless can be procured elsewhere)
hath given rise to a prevailing opinion that this is the last
visit we shall ever have from them, and that they will leave
727 soon. I was told so when at 727, but could see nothing
that looked like it. There’s the same accounts in 727 from 745
as mentioned in your 356. Hope the flame begun may increase,
and fill with horror all those cursed destroyers of mankind.
The 585 keep up a constant communication with your courts,
and carries large sums of counterfeit paper currency of every
emission and puts it into the hands of Tory’s for to pay their
taxes with. This I do assure from undoubted authority is their
practice. I shall at a more convenient time write you further
on the subject of treachery, and some discoveries that I hope
soon to make. Inclosed you have a blank from C. Jur. just come
to hand, and yours enclosed to him shall be delivered into his
hands on Wednesday next. On the f 616 let 725 cross again. In
the interim am yours sincerl.
“SAML. CULPER.”
(127) _Major Tallmadge deciphers Townsend’s letters._
“BEDFORD, Aug. 28th, 1780.
“_Sir._ I have the Honor to enclose a letter from C. Junr., &
one from Lt. B...r which have just come to hand. I have also
recd. a letter from C... Junr. of which the following is an
extract:
N. Y. Aug. 23d, 1780.
“C. Senr. was in Town & wrote you by the last conveyance. The
present offers nothing material. Clinton seems now preparing
to act on the defensive. He is fortifying on L. I. opposite
Frog’s Point, the Heights of Harlem, & the Island eastward of
Hellgate. However some of our most knowing politicians say that
Rhode Island is still the object, & that he is only waiting
the arrival of three Regts that are expected from Carolina,
and some Hanoverian Troops that are expected some time in
September, and that Arbuthnot is to keep off N. Port till that
time. Others think that this garrison will be put in the best
state of defence & that Arbuthnot will go to the West Indies.
“A fleet of Transports, Victuallers, & some private vessels
under convoy of the Renown, will sail for England in a few
days. The 22d, 76th, Robinsons, and two Hessian Regts, do duty
in Town. Forty two pieces of Cannon are mounted on the Battery.
“C. Senr. will furnish you with the situation of the troops on
Long Island.
“I was obliged to decypher C... Junr. letter, as I was
convinced it referred to the future mode of our correspondence.
After his next arrives, I hope to have no further occasion to
decypher his letters, as I hope by that time our plans will
be finished. After sending several times across the Sound to
open a new communication with Culper Junior, without success,
I have finally referred the whole matter to him, who I expect
will appoint such place and pick on such persons for his
confidential friends, as will best answer our purpose, and
inform me thereof.
“Lt. B...r informs of several boats with Continental Crews,
being along the Sound, which were appointed by Genl. Officers.
Possibly Major Humpreys knows more about this matter. If they
are not wanted on their present duty, one of them would be of
very great service to Lt. B...r. I have the Honor to be, with
great regard, Your Excellency’s most Obedt. Hbl. Sert.
“BENJ. TALLMADGE.”
(128) _Genealogy._
Samuel Townsend and his wife Sarah, parents of Robert Townsend,
_alias_ Culper Junior, had eight children; Solomon, Samuel,
Robert, William, David, Audrey, Sarah, and Phebe. Only the
descendants of his son Solomon have survived to the present day.
* * * * *
SOLOMON,[70] son of Samuel and brother of Robert Townsend, also
had eight children, namely, Hannah, Anne, Mary, Phebe, Samuel,
Jacob, Peter, and Solomon.
* * * * *
_Hannah_, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon,
married Isaiah Townsend, of Albany. When he died, February 17,
1838, the merchants met and resolved to close all the stores
and to attend his funeral. She died November 1, 1854. Her
children were Isaiah, Anna, Robert, Franklin, who was Mayor of
Albany in 1850–51, Howard, Frederick, and Mary. Isaiah married
Harriet Townsend, Anna married Henry H. Martin, Robert married
Harriet Monroe, Franklin married Anna King, Howard married
Justina Van Rensselaer, Frederick married Sarah Rathbone, Mary
married General William H. Walker.
* * * * *
_Anna_, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon,
married Effingham Lawrence, one-time first judge of the County
of Queens. He was a son of Phebe Townsend, of Orange County,
who in 1764 married Joseph Lawrence. His grandfather, Richard
Lawrence, born in 1691, married Hannah Bowne, daughter of
Samuel Bowne, and granddaughter of John Bowne, of Flushing, and
his great-grandfather was Joseph Lawrence, who in 1690 married
Mary Townley and inherited from his mother a large estate at
Flushing and Little Neck. His great-great-grandfather was
William Lawrence, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard
“Bull” Smith, patentee of Smithtown. The town of Elizabeth, New
Jersey, was so named in honor of this lady. Anna (Townsend)
Lawrence had eight children: Townsend, Lydia, Henry, William,
Effingham, Robert, Mary, and Edward. She died October 11, 1845.
* * * * *
_Mary_, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon,
married Edward Holland Nicoll, son of Henry and Elizabeth
(Woodhull) Nicoll, and grandson of General Nathaniel Woodhull.
She was born in 1789 and died in 1849. Her children were:
Henry, born October 23, 1812, and died November 28, 1879; he
married Anna Townsend Thorne, daughter of James and Phebe
(Townsend) Thorne; Solomon Townsend Nicoll, born November 13,
1813, and died December 23, 1865; Edward Holland Nicoll, born
December 25, 1815, died January 26, 1820. Solomon Townsend
Nicoll, above, married Charlotte, daughter of Samuel Benjamin
Nicoll, of Shelter Island. Their children were Annie, DeLancey,
Benjamin, Mary Townsend, Edward Holland, and Charlotte.
DeLancey Nicoll above, the well-known lawyer of New York City,
is therefore a grandson of Robert Townsend’s niece.
* * * * *
_Phebe_, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon,
married James Thorne, of Albany. They had children: Sarah,
Anna, Robert, Mary, Edward, John, James, and Martha.
* * * * *
_Samuel_ and _Jacob_ died unmarried.
* * * * *
_Peter S. Townsend_, nephew of Robert Townsend and son of
Solomon, died March 26, 1849. His activities would fill a
volume and are worthy of careful preservation.
* * * * *
_Solomon_, nephew of Robert Townsend and son of Solomon, was
born October 8, 1805, and died April 2, 1880. He resided at
“Raynham Hall,” Oyster Bay, married Helene, daughter of Dr.
Charles Townsend, of Albany, and had six children: Solomon,
Charles, Robert, Maurice, Edward, and Maria.
(129) _S. Culper urges Howell’s imprisonment._
“729 462 ei 1780
“_Sir._ Your favour of the k Instant hath been duly received,
and observe the contents. I am pleased with your intention
of apprehending Aiqlai Bqyim. Pray be active and vigilent
to secure our Country. No man’s character stands in better
light with the Enemy and hath been a particular friend of
Tryon’s. And whilst resided at his native town held a constant
correspondence with Tryon & Coll. Burch. He never faild in his
request for favors when asked for. Could obtain permission for
five hundred pounds worth of goods at one time, when others
could not for fifty. You may rest assured that B. & J. Nwcluqp
are his bosom friends and know his heart. Not long since, B.
Nwcluqp told me he was very uneasy about him. Said he had
been expected back for some time, asked me if I had not heard
nothing about him and desired if possible to enquire after him.
Said this was the second time he had been out in the service of
Government and was afraid he would be found out. He is largely
in debt at 727 and his departure appeared like one fleeing for
refuge but it was all to cloak his villany. Arnolds affair hath
now become an old story, I am sorry for the death of Major
André but better so than to lose the post. He was seeking your
ruin. C. Junr. is now with me and shall refer you to his letter
for intelligence. I was in hopes you might have come and seen
him. I have enclosed you receipt for fifteen Guineas. The other
five pieces were too light and could not be of any service to
me, two of which were Quarter Joes, and have sent them back
again.
“S. CULPER.”
(130) _Bad money is returned to Washington._
“PINE BRIDGE, Oct. 17th, ’80
“_Sir._ I have this moment recd. the enclosed from the C. .s.
As circumstances have since turned out I wish I had met C.
Junr. as mentioned in my last to Your Excellency.
“C. has returned me five of the Guineas which I recd. of your
Excellency at Tappan, for reasons which are mentioned in his
enclosed letter. I will forward them to Hd. Qrs. or otherwise
dispose of them as I may be directed.
“With respect to the person mentioned in C. Senior’s letter, I
really believe he is a very dangerous man among us, and from
the charges adduced against him by C. should suppose he ought
to be apprehended. I am informed he has lately been to Rhode
Island; his business may be guessed at. The person mentioned in
C. Senior’s letter as friends to Aiqlai Bqyim are the brothers
of the person who had a permit from Genl. Parsons to cross
with Lt. Brewster, but has since been prohibited agreeable to
your Excellency’s order through me. I am very confident Genl.
Parsons was much deceived in the man....
“BENJ. TALLMADGE.”
(131) _Woodhull congratulates Tallmadge._
“729 427 fo 1780
“_Dear Sir._ I congratulate you on your success within the
bounds of 729. The burning the forage is agreeable to me
and must hurt the enemy much. It cannot be replaced and was
what I advised 725 to do some time ago but was opposed by a
person of some consequence in this place and so gave up the
matter. In order to continue your success and endeavours I
rode yesterday above sixty miles, and now can inform you
that the 17th Dragoons at Hemstead, about 200 grenadiers at
Newtown, 1000 Hessians at Flushing. Some few at Jamaica, 900
Yeagers and Anspach Germans cantoned from Herrick along the
north side of Hempstead Plains and some to Oyster Bay. About
sixty occupies the fort at the last mentioned place, about 200
consisting of Ludloes. A Major Coldens Volunteers at Lloyd’s
Neck. There about 50 Refugees at and about Tredles farme near
Smiths Town possess a small fort, two field pieces, but are
under no command each man thinks himself equal to their Capt.
Luke, and are disagreeing continually. Good judges say they can
be taken at any time with ease and is thought they will leave
that quarter soon, if they should not be attacked. The woods
afford a cover almost to their works. Last week the enemy lost
a Frigate going through Helgate bound to the fleet at this east
end, and sunk immediately. To serve you I purpose if possible
to ride the circuit of these lines and return on the 20th day
of December, at which time let 725 cross again. Perhaps you may
think the time long but cannot well be sooner. If you should
think proper to send him about the 10th it will be agreeable
and will write you all I can. Perhaps may hear something of
importance, or you may wish to give me some instructions
which is ever agreeable. I have had but a few minutes to write
and please excuse the imperfections you may discover. The
intelligence is the best concerning the enemy and am
“Yours Sincerely,
“SAML. CULPER.”
(132) _Culper Senior pleads for Samuel Townsend._
SETAUKET, Feby. 8th, 1781.
_Sir_, I returned from New York yesterday but have nothing of
much importance to communicate--The English Fleet of Transports
and Merchantmen of about seventy sail left Sandy Hook about the
middle of last week--A private ship arrived from England on
Friday last, with the king’s speech (see the papers enclosed)
and an account of Admiral Darby with thirty four sail of the
line being in sight of the combined fleets consisting of fifty
sail--The Enemies papers gives a large account of Arnold’s
success in Virginia but is not fully believed. Genl. Clinton
is said to be dissatisfied with Arnolds conduct--we have
nothing from the Carolinas or any other quarter worthy of
notice. The prisoners are used very hard, numbers are confined
in the Dungeons, and condemned rooms supported only on bread
and water. In particular one Mr. Saml. Townsend, said to be
one of your Commissary’s, who suffers beyond expression. I
can say but little about the situation of the army. The 17th
Dragoons is at Hempstead, Coll. Ludlow’s Regt. of DeLancey’s
Brigade and the Jersey Volunteers is at Lloyd’s Neck. A very
considerable part of the Yaugers and Anspack Regiments are
cantoned from Oyster Bay to Herricks--Three Battallions of
Hessian Grenadeers are cantoned from Jamaica to Flushing, and
think the 37th Regiment is also at Flushing. All the grenadeers
and infantry are cantoned at Bedford and Newtown--the 17th
of Foot is at Flatbush. There’s one Battallion of Hessian
Grenadeers on York Island near Kings Bridge which is all I
can say with any certainty. To conclude, the Enemy expect a
large French Fleet in the Spring--and their spirits are very
low--The principal inhabitants that are most obnoxious to you
still continue to offer their property to sale. It appears
to me that we need not doubt of success, and that it is not
far distant--But, nevertheless must urge you to be vigilent
and active. In particular be watchful of the Enemies among
you who are daily forwarding supplies to the Enemy. I could
mention numbers that I know are guilty and many circumstances
that might detect others but am fearful it would lead to a
discovery. At all hazards, I will mention one Robert Bown, of
Shrewsbury in Jersey that I assure you keeps up a connection
with the Refugees and hath frequently had them at his house. I
have given you such information as this repeatedly but could
never hear you made any use of it. It was not long ago that I
declared to you of a certain person being in your lines and
in the Enemy’s service, and but a few days ago he found his
way into New York and waited on the Commander in Chief. It is
now a full year that I have supported this correspondence and
have forwarded frequent dispatches--and the expenses incurred
amounts to one hundred and seven pounds eighteen shillings, and
all I have received is 29 Guineas. The balance is due me and
in want thereof, wish it could be forwarded soon. Agreeable to
your request hope shall soon be able to place a person at 727
as heretofore, and am yours sincerely,
SAML. CULPER.
(133) _Brewster captures boat and crew._
FAIRFIELD, February 14, 1781.
_Sir._ My appointment on the 6th Inst. was frustrated until
the 9th by bad weather, when I crossed and from information
found I would not accomplish my business without endangering
particular persons, as there were numerous crews of Reffugees
scattered in the town, which made it impossible for me to
see the person I wished. I thought it most prudent to return
immediately, and take with me an additional boat when I
crossed again, both for my own safety, and to annoy them if
they fell in my way. On the 12th, at night I crossed again
with three boats, and affected my purpose, and on the morning
following just as we were embarking to return I discovered a
boat rowing from the eastward. I lay concealed till she came
opposite to me when I detached one of my boats in pursuit; she
discovering our strength immediately came on shore and proved
to be a cruising refugee boat carrying eight men, a list of
their names and character I have the honor to enclose to your
Excellency. The interest of my country induces me to inform
your Excellency that there is a constant communication kept up
for trade and intelligence by the enemy boats, bringing over
goods and taking provisions in return, and in such force that
renders it impossible and many times makes it dangerous to
transact my business with my present command. An addition of
one or two boats will make my appointments certain, and when
not on command should be able to keep the coast clear from any
enterprise they would form. I am with Respect your Excellency’s
most Humble Servant,
CALEB BREWSTER.
Joseph Easton Trowbridge, Capt. of the Boat. Henry Gibbs,
Benjamin Prescott: These three are from New Haven and have
been condemned to the mines for illicit trade but broke goal.
James Smith, Capt. of the Kings Militia Volunteers. From the
Block House on Tredwells Banks are Thomas Davis, Thomas Wilson,
Christopher Young, Job Mosier. The above prisoners I have sent
to your Excellency under a Couporal and six men and would wish
your Excellencys directions with the boat, apparel and arms.
CALEB BREWSTER.
(134) _Gen. Parsons wants Brush and Conklin released._
CAMP HIGHLAND, 17 Feb. 1781.
_Dear General._ Last night six prisoners were brought to
the Provost Guard in Fishkill, who belonged to the State of
Connecticut. Three of them viz. Jos Easton Trowbridge, Henry
Gibbs and Benjamin Prescott were sentenced last October to be
confined in Symsbury Mines Eighteen Months. The two former
escaped on their way and joined the enemy. Prescott, a brother
in law to Roger Sherman Esq. made interest through his brother
for a pardon, which he obtained and immediately fled to New
York. One Willson, one of the number, has been guilty of
putting of very large sums of Counterfeit money which I am able
to prove against him but he has had no trial.
Major Brush and Capt. Conklin have been long confined in the
Provost in New York and there appears very little prospect
of their consenting to exchange them unless some characters
of repute with them are given for them--these gentlemen are
persons who deserve the attention of every Friend to his
Country, and I am enclined to believe Smith, who is a Captain
of their Militia and Trowbridge who has a commission for one of
their Whale boats would be acceptable to them: If they may be
offered for these two men, who are confined in a most vigorous
manner and have long suffered in confinement, your Excellency
will relieve the Distress of two numerous families suffering
greatly by the absence of these gentlemen. I am sir, Yr. most
Obedt. Servt.
SAM H. PARSONS.
(135) _Townsend back in New York._
“729 374 the eo 1781.
“_Sir._ Your several favours of the fo of 215 and of the ee
instant have been received and observe the contents. I have
but little to communicate at this time. Genl. Phillips hath
embarked some days ago with all the infantry, the Seventy-Six
Regiment and two German Regiments. The whole said to amount
to sixteen hundred men, generally believed are bound to the
assistance of Arnold. They had not sailed last Thursday and
am of opinion they will not go. They certainly have not a
sufficient convoy. A few days past a small boat arrived from
Arnold in forty eight hours but nothing could be learned from
her. There’s nothing from any other quarter, save Britain
declaring war against the United States of Holland and their
taking St. Estutias and one hundred and sixty sail of ships.
See the papers inclosed. The enemy are very low on the same
account. I think they must make peace shortly. The Memorial
of Prussia mentioned in the News Paper is not thought to
be genuine here. C. Jur. is again in 727 and entering into
business as heretofore and you may soon I hope receive his
dispatches. And remain your very Humbl. Servt.
“SAML CULPER.”
(136) _Woodhull reports a visit from Culper Junior._
SETAUKET, April 23d, 1781.
_Sir._ Inclosed I send you the report of a faithful person that
I employed a few days past to visit the several places therein
mentioned, and think you may place much confidence therein. I
do assure you it’s more than I could possibly do. The number
of men at Lloyd’s Neck is certainly not more than 500 nor less
than 400 fighting men. There’s of the Yagers and Anspach Regt.
about 800 cantoned from Oysterbay to Herrick’s. Sometimes a
picket is at Dosons. I think some of them might be taken. I
have made further enquire about the embarcation under General
Phillips and am assured that better information respecting him
cannot be procured than what have transmitted. The enemy on the
Island to all appearance rest as easy as if they had no enemies
to fear. Hope you may disturb them ere long.
A few days past I had a visit from C. Junr. and am sorry to
inform you that he will not write any more on any account
whatever. And as yet neither of us can think of a suitable
person to establish. Yet nevertheless shall when receive
your determination as proposed further endeavour. If should
fail shall be exceedingly sorry. I can always procure verbal
accounts from C. Junr. and other persons of good observation
similar to the present, but it cannot be done without expense.
A few days past a Spy left Rhode Island and went to New York
in as much haste as perhaps ever any person traveled. Having
nothing further to say at present I remain yours Sincerely,
SAMUEL CULPER.
The person that procured the enclosed knows not the smallest
link in our chain if need should require I mean to employ him
at times knowing him to be capable, and much used to armies and
fortifications.
(137) _Woodhull finds no one will write from New York._
May 8.
_Sir._ Your favor of the 28th of April is before me and observe
the contents. Agreeable to your request I immediately repaired
to New York and have done all that in me lay to engage a proper
person, but have failed as no one will write on any account. I
can only obtain verbal accounts for you and that but seldom,
as the enemy have lately been made to believe that a line of
intelligence is supported here. They are jealous of every
person that they may see from this part. I have received from
you three English and seven French Guineas, the former have
placed to your credit, the latter have returned, they being not
permitted to pass and consequently are of no use to me.
You may now see the following intelligence. The latest accounts
from Europe says that the Dutch have not declared war against
Great Britain, but as one of the neutral powers have referred
their situation to the Congress, sitting at Petersburgh, which
is looked upon here as great wisdom and will soon be productive
of peace. The British when I left New York consisted of 7
ships of the line, 2 of 50 and 4 of 44 Guns, and two or three
smaller Ships, which on their arrival landed 7 or 800 sick
and wounded, and have replaced them again with negroes, boys,
carmen, fishermen--never was so warm a press in America before.
Gentlemen’s servants going to market did not escape. The fleet
have laid down Staten Island, and were to sail yesterday,
supposed to cruise of the Capes of Virginia. The following
regiments have embarked and are under orders for embarcation
and said to be bound to Virginia. Regiment of Anspach, the 43d
and 17th Dragoons and Infantry of the same; the remainder of
the 76th and 80th. The whole Culper Junior says will amount to
2000 men and not more than 4000 will be left in Garrison. It
is a matter of surprise that they will leave the Garrison so
weak and gives reason to believe that some troops are expected
from Europe, or that they are going to make some attack near
at hand. It is reported the French Army are about marching
westward, if they should the enemy will not leave New York on
their expedition. I have directed 725 to cross again on the
tenth inst. I am yours, &c.
SAML. CULPER.
P. S. All hands agree that the Capt. of the Confederacy gave
his ship away. The Crew have all been taken on board the
British Fleet against their will. It is the opinion of some
that ⅓ of the men on board the fleet had rather fight against
them.
(138) _British march troops towards N. Y. then back again._
SETAUKET, May 27th, 1781.
_Sir._ Your favour of the 13th instant hath come to hand, and
note the contents--I have proposed the affair to the person
mentioned in your last but can only send him down at times,
he cannot reside there at present, and cannot procure any
person as yet to do it. Austin Roe hath just returned from New
York but brings nothing material. Pensacola is taken by the
Spaniards and there’s a fleet preparing to sail for Europe,
probably will be ready in about ten days, their said to be
conveyed by five ships of war. The troops were all ordered
to leave Long Island a few days past but before they got to
Brooklyn were ordered to return to their quarters again.
What this maneuver was for cannot say. It is reported that
the second division of French have arrived at Boston. You
desired to know the state of the enemy at Kingsbridge. I have
directed an enquirie. They’re most certainly very weak there.
But I think you cannot surprise them and were you to make any
movement there you may depend they could move their whole force
there in twelve hours. Their regular troops certainly doth not
much exceed four thousand. And I am assured that the Militia
and others that they could muster on an emergency would amount
to five thousand more, some say six.
I have forwarded the papers regular and have expended the ten
guineas. A few days past several men from New Haven were at
Setauket. Two of them were named Thompson and Brother. Further
cannot describe. They brought on Shoes and Flour and other
necessaries of life. There’s a person been to New York this
week, I suppose you are not unacquainted with his errand. Hope
he hath rendered a good account. I am in haste. And remain your
very humble servant,
SAML. CULPER.
General Phillips is dead and General Robinson, commonly called
Jimmy, goes to take the command in Virginia.
(139) _Stephen Smith shoots up Port Jefferson._[71]
SETAUKET, June 4th, 1781.
_Dear Sir._ Your favour of the 23d of May is just come to
hand--together with five Guineas. Austin Roe hath just returned
from New York but brings very little intelligence. He says all
is silence and no kind of movement about to take place. Admiral
Arbuthnot is off Sandy Hook. And the Fleet for Europe mentioned
in my last are in number near one hundred and are about to
sail. The Confederacy is one of their Convoys. Further cannot
say. The Enemy are much alarmed at so large a French Fleet
arriving in the West Indies. See the papers forwarded with the
Magazine. We think here that a peace must shortly take place.
A few days past a number of men commanded by one Stephen Smith
a Deserter from Coll. Ludloe’s Regiment, much abused and
plundered several houses at a place caled Drowned Meadow; broke
their windows, fired into their houses, whipped and threatened
both old and young. The like hath happened on the South Side of
Long Island and eighteen out of forty two, by thirty men under
the command of one Henry Nicol, were made prisoners. We live
in daily fear of death and destruction. This added to my usual
anxiety hath almost unmanned me. I must now (as painful as it
is to me) disappoint your expectations, and out of my power to
avoid if matters were ever so secure on my part which is the
reverse. I dare not visit New York myself and those that have
been employed will serve no longer, through fear. I am fully
persuaded by various circumstances and observation that have
made from time to time, that if it were in my power to continue
it regular without any interval, should shortly be devoted to
ruin, and it appears clear to me that it would be presumption
to take one step further at present--And could not expect that
protection from Heaven that have hitherto enjoyed. You must
acknowledge and readily conclude that have done all that I
could, and stood by you when others have failed, and have not
left you in the darkest hour but when our affairs appear as
clear as the Sun in the Heavens, and promiseth a speedy and
I hope a happy conclusion. Inclosed you have an account of
transports as requested and should be exceedingly happy to see
you. And in the Interum wishing you health and prosperity I
remain your ever mindful and Humble Servant,
SAMUEL CULPER.
(140) _Woodhull explains how Robert Townsend used British uniform._
_Sir._ Your favour was handed me some days past requesting
some information relative to the Enemy. My circumstances would
not admit me to undertake to visit the several quarters of the
Enemy. I therefore dispached one of the usual carriers with the
contents of your letter to our esteemed friends at ---- and
their return is as follows: Lloyd’s Neck is supposed to be in a
weak condition, is commanded by Major Hubbel, their number doth
not exceed two hundred men, without discipline and off their
guard and daily decreasing. They subsist entirely by trading
to your shore. Their protection by water is a Brig, Sloop and
Gaily. At Success one mile or two from Herricks north side of
Hempstead Plains Coll. Murray’s Horse, two Regiments of Yagers
and Anspach in the whole about one thousand men. Encamped near
Brooklyn Church Coll. Ludloe’s Regt. at Flatbush. That’s all
can say with any precision with respect to Long Island. At
York Island they are encamped from the City to the Bridge, and
fortifying on the banks of the River near the City, and it is
expected they will contract their lines and only attempt to
defend a part of York Island near the town if they should be
attacked. They have a number of ships ready to sink in the
River if an Enemy should appear. There’s only two ships of any
consequence in the Harbor, the Lion and Centurion. Their design
appears only to act on the defensive and be as little expense
to the Crown as possible. God grant their time may be short for
we have much reason to fear within their lines that Carleton’s
finger will be heavier than Clinton’s Thigh. He’s called a
Tyrant at New York by the inhabitants in general and makes them
do soldiers duty in the City without distinction. The first
gentlemen in the City stand at Officers doors Soldier like. I
believe the overturne and regulations that he hath made here
was only to promote his favorites, and burden the inhabitants.
I cannot be assured that they have sold any horses belonging
to the Crown as yet, although it hath been reported so here
fifty times. We have no accounts from Europe or West Indies
lately. Many say the troops from Charlestown are expected at
New York and that they have actually left St Augustine and
Georgia. I am sorry to see trade flourish as it doth, Never
was such an intercourse with your shore before. I believe not
one day or scarcely an hour but live stock and produce of all
kinds are landed on Long Island on vessels pushing into the
Enemy’s posts. Capt. William Davidson of Milford is now selling
a cargo at New York. Could mention numbers but forbear. Many
that are called first characters with you are concerned in
it. Most of our friends are encouraging it here and supplying
them with goods. To prevent which I could earnestly advise the
State of New York to issue a proclamation, declaring all within
these lines Enemies to their country who shall procure any
merchandise whatever from New York more than for their families
use. I have not a doubt but something of this kind would do
much service. I am convinced that if some measures are not
taken to prevent it will be of bad consequence and occasion
bloodshed on your shore, which hope may be prevented by some
speedy measures. Wishing you Health and Success I remain your
Humble Servt.
SAMUEL CULPER.
(141) _Tallmadge’s request to be first to officially enter New York._
“GREENFIELD, March 31st, 1783.
“_Sir._ I had the honor to write Your Excellency on the
29th inst. on which day I crossed to Long Island as then
proposed, from whence I have just returned. From every enquiry
& a variety of information, it appears to be reduced to a
certainty that a general peace has been concluded on in Europe,
an authenticated account of which great event I hope Your
Excellency has received before this time.
“I saw several of my old correspondents from New York, who
inform that although official information respecting a Peace
had not yet reached N. Y. yet preparations were making for the
Garrison to be ready to leave that place. They inform that a
considerable number of the Loyalists are about setting off for
Nova Scotia; that the foreign troops are preparing to embark
as they are to sail first if there should not be transports
enough to remove the whole & in that case the British Troops
will remove on to Staten Island. They are in expectation of
Transports from Europe, as they have only about eighty for that
service at New York.
“From the present auspicious appearance of our public affairs
and from a persuasion that the American Troops will soon be in
possession of New York, I have to request that Your Excellency
would be pleased to suffer me, with my detachment, to be among
the first who may go into the City. I have many reasons for
making this early request but the principal argument which I
would offer, and which I am conscious will have due weight in
Your Excellency’s breast, is that particular attention may be
paid to certain Characters in New York, who have served us very
essentially, and who may other ways be treated amiss. It is a
favor which they will by all means expect, and some of them
will not wish to have the nature of their services divulged....
“BENJ. TALLMADGE.”
(142) _VALENTINE From Lieutenant-Colonel J. G. Simcoe to Miss Sarah
Townsend; written and delivered at Oyster Bay, L. I. St. Valentine’s
day 1779_:--
Fairest Maid where all are fair,
Beauty’s pride and Nature’s care;
To you my heart I must resign;
O choose me for your Valentine!
Love, Mighty God! thou know’st full well,
Where all thy Mother’s graces dwell,
Where they inhabit and combine
To fix thy power with spells divine;
Thou know’st what powerful magick lies
Within the round of Sarah’s eyes,
Or darted thence like lightning fires,
And Heaven’s own joys around inspires;
Thou know’st my heart will always prove
The shrine of pure unchanging love!
Say; awful God! since to thy throne
Two ways that lead are only known--
Here gay Variety presides,
And many a youthful circle guides
Through paths where lilies, roses sweet,
Bloom and decay beneath their feet;
Here constancy with sober mien
Regardless of the flowery Scene
With Myrtle crowned that never fades,
In silence seeks the Cypress Shades,
Or fixed near Contemplation’s cell,
Chief with the Muses loves to dwell,
Leads those who inward feel and burn
And often clasp the abandon’d urn,--
Say, awful God! did’st thou not prove
My heart was formed for Constant love?
Thou saw’st me once on every plain
To Delia pour the artless strain--
Thou wept’sd her death and bad’st me change
My happier days no more to range
O’er hill, o’er dale, in sweet Employ,
Of singing Delia, Nature’s joy;
Thou bad’st me change the pastoral scene
Forget my Crook; with haughty mien
To raise the iron Spear of War,
Victim of Grief and deep Despair:
Say, must I all my joys forego
And still maintain this outward show?
Say, shall this breast that’s pained to feel
Be ever clad in horrid steel?
Nor swell with other joys than those
Of conquest o’er unworthy foes?
Shall no fair maid with equal fire
Awake the flames of soft desire;
My bosom born, for transport, burn
And raise my thoughts from Delia’s urn?
“Fond Youth,” the God of Love replies,
“Your answer take from Sarah’s eyes.”
An incident in the lives of the secret service men is detailed in Major
Tallmadge’s letter, dated Greenfield, Feb. 21, 1783, and addressed to
General Washington. Major Tallmadge says:
I am happy in having occasion to congratulate your Excellency
on the success which attended a part of my detachment yesterday
in capturing one of the Enemy’s armed Vessels on the Sound.
In my letter of the 20th ulto. I had the honor to inform your
Excellency that an attempt had been made to board one of
the Enemy’s Gallies; since which, for some reason, she has
been hauled up at Huntington and her Crew has left her. The
detection of many boats belonging to this shore, has induced
the enemy to employ their armed vessels in the Trade. Several
loads of fat Beaves have been taken from this shore under cover
of their guns.
About ten days ago I was informed that one of the Enemies
Privateers had landed a large quantity of English Goods near
Stratford, and that she was soon to return and receive a cargo
of Beef. As this vessel was one of the principal cruizers in
the Sound, and had been largely used in trade, I tho’t it
my duty if possible to prevent her doing further mischief,
accordingly a detachment of forty five men from the Light
Infantry of the Legion, under the orders of Lieuts. Rhea and
Hanly, together with Capt. Brewster’s Boat Crew of Continental
Troops, were held ready for service. Yesterday the enemies
vessel was discovered near Stratford Point, where at 2 o’clock
p. m. the troops were embarked in a fast sailing vessel
prepared for that purpose, which was cammanded by Capt. Hubbel,
and at 4 p. m. they came up with her, when she gave a discharge
of her Cannon followed by her Swivles and Musquetry, (our
troops being concealed) till both vessels met, when the troops
rose, gave the Enemy one discharge of Musquetry, and boarded
them with fixed bayonets. The Captain of the Privateer was
killed and only three or four of his men were wounded, two of
them supposed mortally wounded.[72] Tho Capt. Hubbel’s Vessel
was much damaged in her hull, spars and Rigging, yet not a man
on board was killed or wounded. Capt Brewster who Commanded
the Troops, as well as the other officers and soldiers on board
deserve commendation for the spirit and zeal with which their
service has been performed. The Privateer is called the Three
Brothers, was commanded by Capt. Johnstone, mounting eleven
Carriage Guns, four swivels, twenty five stand of small arms
and navigated by twenty one men. The Prize now lies at Black
Rock under a Guard, and we shall be glad of your Excellency’s
order of Condemnation upon her. As there has been a particular
agreement between Captain Hubbell and myself respecting the
proportion of the Prize to be drawn by the Vessel and the
Troops, I shall thank your Excellency to leave the division to
us. The Prisoners who are able to march (except two negroes
left with Capt. Hubbel) are on their way to camp.
I cannot but hope these successful attempts will have good
effects and in some measure answer your Excellency’s wishes to
prevent the Illicit Trade. I have enclosed a Protection from
Admiral Digby taken on board the Prize, which proves that the
same vessel was not long since loaded with Stock in Connecticut
River. I have the Honor to be, With great Regard, Sir, your
Excellency’s most Obedt. Servt.
BENJ. TALLMADGE.
P.S. Previous to the taking of Captain Johnstone, he had
captured one of our boats with a crew of Continental Troops,
who found a happy release. Last friday Col. Thompson’s Corps
left Huntington, and marched Westward. They halted at Jamaica,
but it is conjectured that they are soon to embark for the West
Indies.
B. T.
CALEB BREWSTER
Caleb Brewster at the time of his birth had for near neighbor Samuel
Thompson of Setauket, whose son the historian, Benjamin F. Thompson,
left a carefully prepared sketch of his life in 1843. In full Thompson
says:
“Among those who engaged in defence of their country, against the
oppression of a foreign power, few have had as good fortune to be
remembered by posterity, or to receive their due share of respect and
gratitude. It therefore devolves upon the historian, when opportunity
offers, to rescue from oblivion the memory of the virtue and services
of those, to whose exertions and sufferings we are indebted for the
many privileges we enjoy. Great were the sacrifices of those who aided
in the achievement of independence, and the establishment of the happy
form of government under which we live. In this array of zeal and
suffering, the subject of this notice stands pre-eminent.
“Mr. Brewster was the son of Benjamin, grandson of Daniel, and great
grandson of the Rev. Nathaniel Brewster of Setauket, who was the son of
Jonathan, and grandson of elder William Brewster of Plymouth, one of
those worthies who arrived in the May Flower in December 1620.
“The father of Mr. Brewster was a farmer, and, as was too often the
custom of the day, gave his only son a limited education. He was born
at Setauket, in 1747, and learned such branches as were taught in the
country schools of that period, comprehending little else than reading,
writing, and arithmetic. Being naturally of an ardent and enterprising
disposition, and anxious to explore beyond the confines of his native
town, he chose the life of a sailor; and at the age of nineteen,
engaged himself on board a whaling vessel, commanded by Captain
Jonathan Worth, bound to the coast of Greenland. His next voyage was to
London in a merchant ship, and upon his return, he found his country
involved in the Revolutionary contest. His enthusiasm in the cause
of liberty did not allow him to hesitate, for a moment, the course
which his duty called him to pursue, and he immediately volunteered
his services in securing American Independence. He was honored, in a
short time, with the commission of lieutenant of artillery, and from
that time forward was eminently distinguished for zeal and intrepidity,
possessing to the fullest extent the confidence of the officers of
the army and that of the commander-in-chief. In short, such was the
exalted opinion entertained of his integrity, courage, patriotism, and
prudence, that in 1778 he was employed as a confidential and secret
agent of Congress; and he devoted himself, through the remainder of
the struggle, in procuring and transmitting the most minute, accurate,
and important intelligence relative to the movements and intentions
of the enemy at different points, and particularly in New York and
on Long Island; for which he was uncommonly well qualified, as well
by his intimate topographical knowledge of the country, as his
acquaintance with the people on both sides the political question, and
therefore knew in whom, of either party, he could venture to confide.
He was among those who, under Col. Parsons, crossed the Sound to Long
Island in 1777, for the purpose of capturing a body of British and
tories, which, under Col. Hewlett, had taken possession and garrisoned
the Presbyterian church at Setauket. On the 23d of June, 1780, he
was appointed captain of artillery, and was frequently engaged with
separate gangs of marauders, who sometimes extended their predatory
excursions upon the main.
“In November 1780, he was a volunteer with Benajah Strong and Heathcote
Muirson, in the expedition under Maj. Tallmadge, to the South side of
Long Island, where they surprised and took prisoners a party of British
troops encamped upon Smith’s Point at Mastic, and on their return
destroyed a large quantity of hay and military stores at Corum. In 1781
he engaged with, and captured an armed boat with her whole crew, in the
Sound, which he carried safely into Black Rock Harbor.
“On the 7th of December, 1782, Captain Brewster, with the whaleboats
under his command, gave chase to several armed boats of the enemy in
the Sound, and after a desperate encounter, in which most of the men
on both sides were either killed or wounded, he succeeded in capturing
two of the enemy’s boats. This action has generally been denominated,
by way of distinction, the boat fight; and at the time was justly
considered, in connection with its attendant circumstances, one of the
most valorous and extraordinary engagements of that portentious period.
It was indeed a truly perilous adventure; yet the contest lasted only
twenty minutes, and some of his boats refusing to come up, he was
compelled, from his peculiar situation, to engage with the enemy almost
single handed. During the short but terriable conflict his shoulder was
pierced by a rifle ball, which passed out at his back. His prudence
and resolution enabled him to keep this occurrence a profound secret
till the enemy surrendered, when he found himself exhausted from the
effusion of blood. After reaching the shore, he was confined, under
the hands of a surgeon, for some time; for the injury thus received,
he was placed upon the pension roll of the army, and continued to
receive a gratuity from his country for the remainder of his life.
He participated in several other important and hazardous engagements,
while attached to the line of the army, the interesting particulars
of which it is impossible to ascertain, as none of his compatriots on
those occasions are now living. On the 9th of March, 1783, he took
command of a sloop at Fairfield, for the purpose of attacking the Fox,
a British armed vessel in the Sound; and as soon as he came near, he
ordered his men to board her with fixed bayonets, himself leading the
way. In less than two minutes, she became their prize. Captain Johnson,
of the Fox, and two men, were killed, and several others wounded; while
Captain Brewster had not a person injured. This extraordinary exertion
on his part was more than his then state of health could endure, and
in consequence of which he was confined to his bed for several months.
When he recovered, the preliminaries of peace had been exchanged, and
his beloved country had assumed her appropriate station among the free
nations of the earth. In 1784 he married Anne, daughter of Jonathan
Lewis of Fairfield, Connecticut; where he continued afterwards to
reside, when not in public service, to the close of life. In 1793 he
was commissioned a lieutenant of the revenue cutter for the district of
New York; and such was his well known skill and prudence, that on the
death of Captain Dennis, soon after, he was appointed her commander,
which he retained till 1816, with the exception of three years of Mr.
Adam’s administration, to which he was opposed. In that year he retired
to his farm at Black Rock, where he departed this life at the age of
seventy-nine years, February 13th, 1827. In stature, Captain Brewster
was above common size, of fine proportions, a commanding countenance,
a constitution athletic and vigorous, and of extraordinary activity.
His talent for wit and humor was almost unrivalled, and for relating
anecdotes few men could be found more entertaining.
“His excellency Governor Tompkins, Dr. Mitchill, James Fairlie, Esq.,
and several other gentlemen, accompanied Captain Brewster in a voyage
around Long Island, in September, 1809; and so highly gratified were
they all with his polite attention to their comfort, that it was
resolved to present him a silver cup as a token of their obligation and
regard. The fort at Staten Island, where most of the gentlemen were
present, was the spot chosen for delivering the cup, on which occasion
Dr. Mitchill made an address in his usual able manner, and was happily
responded to by Captain Brewster. On the subject of his military
services, Mr. Knox, former secretary of war, on the petition of Captain
Brewster, reported to the House of Representatives, the 21st of June,
1790, that ‘he was a lieutenant of artillery during the war, and was
confidentially employed in an armed boat by the commander-in-chief, to
keep open the communication between Connecticut and Long Island, for
the purpose of obtaining intelligence. That he performed this ardous
and hazardous service with fidelity, judgment and bravery, and to
the entire approbation of General Washington, appears by his letters
written to Captain Brewster, as well as his certificate, bearing date
June 10, 1784.’
“By the zeal and activity which he manifested in this employment, he
became, as a matter of course, a peculiar object of the enemy’s hate,
who made many attempts, and in various ways, to take or destroy him.
He, and those under his command, in the month of Dec., 1782, behaved
with the highest gallantry, in an engagement with the enemy’s armed
boats, the largest of which he captured, after an obstinate resistance,
in which perilous action he was dangerously wounded, and was carried to
Connecticut, at a distance from any hospital, where he languished for a
long time under the pain of his wounds, from which he finally recovered.
“His widow survived her husband several years, and died in 1835,
leaving a number of children, one of whom, Sturges Brewster, Esq., has
been for many years attached to the New York Custom House.”
FOOTNOTES to “NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION”:
[66] Abraham Woodhull loaned money to the State, upon their request.
See _New York in the Revolution_, vol. 2, p. 196.
[67] The east end of Long Island will always remember Ebenezer Dayton
as the man who gave them the measles. He became known as a daring
privateer during the early days of the Revolution, but, not satisfied
to obey the rules of war, he made excursions on land that amounted to
robbery. In retaliation the Tories crossed to his store in Connecticut
and robbed him of £450 in gold and destroyed most of his effects.
After the Revolution he became a peddler, and upon this particular
occasion visited East Hampton with fancy goods for sale, arriving
Saturday evening. On Sunday, although having symptoms of the measles,
and against the advice of the hostess who had entertained him, he
persisted in attending Church service, thereby notifying the public
of his presence. News of his indiscretion was spread over the town
and the indignation of the people was so obvious that he left in the
early morning following. He was pursued by a few young men, overtaken,
brought back to the village, ridden on a rail through the streets,
ducked in the town pond, and submitted to other indignities. Nearly one
hundred took the measles, and several died. Colonel Aaron Burr, then
a young aspiring lawyer, advocated the suit of the peddler, and under
his powerful presentation the jury rendered a verdict of one thousand
dollars damages against the young men. Before the close of the war the
men who robbed him in Connecticut were captured in Brookhaven, Long
Island, and some of his effects recovered. One of the party was hanged
and the others were severely punished.
[68] “The expenses already amount to the money sent.” All are familiar
with the difficulties Washington had in obtaining money. However,
he realized the importance of the Secret Service work and when they
asked for it usually supplied small amounts. Woodhull seems to have
feared Townsend would attribute this to lack of appreciation, and when
sums came, forwarded all to Townsend, retaining nothing for himself.
Townsend correctly considered himself an agent of General Washington,
and expected him to meet the obligations it became necessary to incur,
just as the General insisted upon being furnished promptly with
sufficient to meet his own expenses. Like Washington, also, neither
of the Culpers received money as a reward or hire for their personal
services, and like him they were obliged to draw upon their personal
funds. It may be roughly estimated that both men spent as much again as
Washington sent them.
[69] _Cullper_ instead of _Culper_ it is written in Woodhull’s
handwriting.
[70] A stone at the grave of Solomon Townsend, brother of Robert,
is inscribed: “In Memory of Solomon Townsend, Member of the State
Legislature from the City of New York, who departed this life on the
27th March, 1811, during the Session, aged 64 years 5 months and 2
days. The remains were transferred from Albany to this place Dec. 9th
1848.”
[71] Drowned Meadow is now called Port Jefferson, L. I.
[72] This letter says the captain was killed and only three or four
of his 21 men wounded, while Coll. Tallmadge’s Memoirs, p. 75 says:
“Nearly every man on board was either killed or wounded.” The fact that
his memoirs were written fifty years after the event may account for
this.
INDEX
Acker, Benjamin, 154
Almy, Deborah, 102
America shall be Mother of Nations, 104
Anderson, James, 117, written James instead of John, 117
Anderson, John, 117, 167
André, Maj. John, vi, 113, 114;
hides doughnuts, 114;
hanged, Oct. 2, 1780, 118, 123, 124;
letter to Simcoe, 124;
gets code letter, 126;
planned capture of Gen. Washington, 136;
returned to New York, 141;
his letter to Clinton, 142;
letter to Arnold, Sept 21, 1780, 143;
mentioned, 186
Arbuthnot, Admiral Marriott, 55, 85, 152, 202, 267;
off Sandy Hook, 278
Archdale, Capt., 96
Archibald, Capt., 141
Army’s situation, Feb. 1781, 272
Arnold, Benedict, 118, 144, 167, 177, 195, 195, 220, 223;
writes Tallmadge, 116;
influenced by British spies, 120;
treason carefully planned, 120;
asks Washington for real names of Culpers, 121;
letter to Gen. Howe, 121;
reply to Robert Howe, 123;
began plotting in 1779, 125;
writes code letter to André signed J. Moore, 126;
wants Sheldon’s help, 128;
sends Sheldon barrel of Rum, 128;
letter to André signed Gustavus, 130;
writes Sheldon and desires a meeting, 132;
reply to Sheldon, Sept. 10, 1780, 132;
starts to meet André, 135;
writes to Tallmadge, 137;
uneasy, 137;
addresses Anderson, Sept. 15, 1780, 137;
letter to Beverly Robinson, Sept. 18, 1780, 139;
tried to obtain names of those helping Washington, 171;
life at West Point, 171;
flight, Sept. 25, 1780, 175;
sketch, 181;
invites Major Tallmadge to become a traitor, 196;
success in Virginia, 272
Arnold, Benedict, Jr., 182
Arnold, Benedict, Sr., 181
Arnold, Betty, 182
Arnold, Edward, 177
Arnold, Elizabeth, 182
Arnold, Hannah, 182
Arnold, Henry, 182
Arnold, Mrs., 172, 176, 182
Arnold, Richard, 182
Arthur, Jesse, Block house on his farm, 194
Bad money returned to Washington, 270
Bancroft’s comment, 162
Barton, Gen., 236
Battery, guns mounted, 255;
mounts 42 pieces, 267;
refitting fortifications at, 250;
work at the, 57
Battle of Bunker Hill. Simcoe in Boston, 123
Battle of Long Island, described by eyewitness, 233
Bay of Fundy, 206
Bayard’s Hill, 64
Bayles, John, headquarters, 70
Bayside, L. I., 10
Beacons and signals on L. I., 84
Bedford, L. I., 56
Bedford, Westchester Co., 33, 66
Benson, Lieut. Colonel, 175
Bergen County, 246
Birch, Col., appointed commandant of New York, 96;
at Setauket, 95;
at Southampton, 236
Birdsall, Benjamin, 8
Birdsall, Margaret, 8
Black Rock, 284;
Brewster’s Farm at, 287
Black Rock Harbor, 287
Block Island, 202
Board in New York is £3 per week, 37, 238
Boatman forbid to cross, 99
Bolton, John. See Tallmadge, Major Benj., 11, 60, 83
Bown, Robert, of Shrewsbury, 273
Bowne, D., 10
Bowne, Hannah, 268
Bowne, John, of Flushing, 268
Bowne, Samuel, of Flushing, 268
Boyd, Ebenezer, relates the event, 155
Branch, troops there, 93
Brewster, Benjamin, 285
Brewster, Caleb, Letters:
Feb. 26, 1779, 38;
Aug. 18, 1780, 91;
Aug. 21, 1780, 92;
Aug. 27, 1780, 93;
Nov. 13, 1780, 191;
Feb. 14, 1781, 197, 273;
Advised of necessary steps for safety, 254;
attacked by Glover and Hoyght, 91;
Boat fight, 286;
captures another boat, 197;
carries important message, 116;
finds British works at Canoe Place, 38;
finds Erskine at Southampton with 2500, 37;
finds three redoubts at South and East Hampton, 37;
makes post at Fairfield, 33;
finds it necessary to kill a man, 91;
took a prize, 191;
takes 8 prisoners, 273;
mentioned, 11, 14, 16, 31, 33, 81, 94, 116, 190, 191, 267, 283, 288;
Sketch, 284
Brewster, Daniel, 285
Brewster, Hannah, 16
Brewster, Jonathan, 285
Brewster, Rev. Nathaniel, 285
Brewster, Sturges, 288
Brewster, William, of Plymouth, 285
British Boats mentioned by name:
Amphitrite, 87;
America, 87;
Ardent, 40, 258;
Argo, 224;
Bedford, 87, 235;
Camilla, 87;
Centurian, 280;
Colloden, 87;
Confederacy, 278;
Daphne, 52, 248, 250, 258;
Defiance, 63, 263;
Delaware, 52, 237, 244, 248;
Europa, 55, 57, 63, 87, 258, 263;
Experiment, 56;
Fox, 287;
Grand Duke, 85;
Greyhound, 53, 249;
Halifax, 38;
Hunter, 63;
LeBlond, 53;
Loyalist, 73;
London, 87;
Lioness, 264;
Lord Townsend, 237;
Lion, 280;
Oliver Cromwell, 73;
Perseus, 263;
Prudent, 87;
Rainbow, 40, 249, 258;
Raisonable, 53, 63, 243, 249, 263;
Renown, 57, 63, 250, 263, 267;
Richmond, 235;
Rising Sun, 87;
Romulus, 40, 48, 52, 248, 249, 263;
Roebuck, 63, 235, 263;
Robuste, 64, 87, 263;
Rose, 41;
Royal Oak, 87;
Russel, 55, 57, 63, 263;
Scorpion, 38, 86;
Shrewsbury, 87;
Solebay, 64, 264;
Swan, 87;
Towey, 64;
Vulture, 139, 141, 148, 151, 152, 179
British Fleet has sailed from Gardiner’s Bay, 94
Brookhaven, L. I., 16, 31, 239
Brooklyn, Large Fort at, 57;
work on the fort at, 58;
carrying forage to, 257
Brooklyn Ferry, 10, 35, 55, 236;
British carrying hay to, 66;
teams from Queens Co. ordered to, 264
Brown at Bergen in provost on suspicion, 240
Brown, Monfort, 69
Brown, Philip, 86
Brush, Major, 198, 245, 274
Buchanan, Thos. & Co., 8
Bunker Hill, Repairing Fort on, 57
Burgoyne, General, 171, 211, 235
Burr, Aaron, defends E. Dayton, 254
Burroughs, Major. His testimony regarding André, 153
Bushwick, Hessians at, 74
Buskearks Regiment, 236
Bute, Lord, 53
By all means be upon your guard, 90
Byron, Admiral, 48, 235, 256
Colquhoun, Joseph, his narrative, 145;
continues narrative, 151
Campball, Brig. Gen., 235
Canada, 75
Canoe Place, 37
Carleton’s Aides, 206
Carleton, called a tyrant, 204, 280
Carleton’s finger will be heavier than Clinton’s thigh, 280
Carolina, 46, 53, 267
Cattle come from Connecticut and East Jersey, 264
Cathcart, Lord, at Southampton, 236
Catholics, Scotch Roman, 248
Cedar Swamp, 188
Charleston is fixed on, 261;
troops destined for, 262;
Fleet going to, 206;
British sail for, 263;
Capitulation of, 9;
troops expected at New York, 280;
mentioned, 265
Clarke, George, 102
Clarke, John, 95
Clinton, Gen. George, 8, 155
Clinton, Governor, 67, 163
Clinton, Sir Henry, 53, 65, 73, 91, 125, 179, 186, 186, 188, 198,
211, 213, 237, 244, 262, 263, 264, 267;
at Oyster Bay, 68;
among the carpenters, 137;
between Whitestone and Jamaica, 90;
His apology, 85;
gone to New York, 94;
£400 raised for, 65;
with 240 horse escorted through Setauket, 91;
misguided and bewildered by Washington, 213;
informs Burgoyne that there will be no British Army to meet him at
Albany, 215;
orders all fields of wheat burned, 244;
dissatisfied with Arnold, 272
Clove or Ramapo Pass, 214
Cobble Hill, 57
Code, first that Culpers used, 41;
Codes, 209;
code Culpers used, 218;
code messages, 252
Coffee House, 12
Colden, Cadwalader. His daughter Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, 165
Coles, John Butler, 8
Coles, Rebecca, 103
Collier, Sir George, 40, 53, 56
Collin, Sir George, 258
Colonel Hay’s landing place, 147
Colquhoun, Samuel, 144
Columbian Centinal article by Washington, 212
Conklin, Capt. Cornelius, 178, 245, 274;
captured, 195
Connecticut, 247
Cooley, William, confirms Jameson’s statement, 154
Cooper, James Fenimore, “The Spy”, v, 44, 113
Coram, British troops there, 89, 93;
mentioned, 195, 286;
forage at, 191
Cork fleet is expected, 188
Cork fleet arrived at the Hook, 202
Cornwallis, Charles, Lord, to take troops, 68;
mentioned, 53, 187, 188, 263
Cortlandts Manor, 81
Council of Appointment, 4
Counterfeit money, 95;
to pay taxes with, 266
Counterpart of the Stain, 264
Cow Bay, 221
Cow Neck, 100
Cowneck Point, 86
Crane’s Island, 151
Crompound, 155
Crom’s Island, 151
Crosby, Enoch, v
Croton, Paulding captured at, 167
Cruger, Nicholas, beats James Rivington, 7
Culper Junior, mentioned, 1, 4, 45, 88, 101, 112, 117, 184;
again engaged, 90;
again in New York, 198;
back in New York, 275;
makes special visit to Senior, 276;
his British uniform, 204;
note addressed to Floyd, 82;
Culper’s reports, 3;
meets with Woodhull without attracting suspicion, 8;
almost betrayed, 198;
Letters: June 29, 1779, 45, 247;
July 15, 1779, 50 and 248;
July 29, 1779, 52;
Aug. 6, 1779, 54 and 249;
Sept. 11, 1779, 55;
Sept. 29, 1779, 254;
Oct. 9, 1779, 255;
Nov. 3, 1779, 68;
Nov. 27, 1779, 71, 224;
Dec. 27, 1779, 7, 263;
July 20, 1780, 82;
Aug. 23, 1780, 267;
Oct. 20, 1780, 186;
May 5, 1782, 203;
Sept. 19, 1782, 206
Culper Senior, 2;
First Judge of Suffolk Co., 3;
trusts Washington will overlook imperfections, 39;
says “be everywhere upon your guard”, 40;
pleased with curious ink, 42;
robbed, 43;
searched and robbed, 62;
agrees to advance Washington the money needed for the secret
service work, 199;
examined at Brooklyn Ferry, 201;
fears handwriting may betray him, 244;
to see Junior 12 miles from Setauket, 259;
meets British force under Col. Burch, 259;
says “not the breadth of your hand between me and death”, 260;
Col. Floyd, 260;
would kill Simcoe, 262;
Letters:
Oct. 31, 1778, 32;
Nov. 23, 1778, 34;
Feb. 26, 1779, 37;
Apl. 10, 1779, 39;
Apl. 12, 1779, 41;
Apl. 29, 1779, 43;
June 5, 1779, 43 and 241;
June 20, 1779, 44;
June 30, 1779, 45;
July 9, 1779, 47;
July 15, 1779, 50;
Aug. 12, 1779, 54, 251;
Aug. 15, 1779, 55, 252;
Sept. 19, 1779, 62, 253;
Oct 10, 1779, 62;
Oct. 26, 1779, 65, 257;
Oct. 29, 1779, 65;
Nov. 5, 1779, 69;
Nov. 13, 1779, 70, 259;
Nov. 29, 1779, 71;
Dec. 12, 1779, 72, 262;
Feb. 27, 1780, 73;
Mar. 13, 1780, 74, 264;
April 18, 1780, 75;
April 23, 1780, 75;
May 4, 1780, 77;
June 10, 1780, 79;
July 20, 1780, two, one to Washington and one to Caleb Brewster,
83;
Aug. 6, 1780, 88;
Aug. 16, 1780, 90;
Sept. 1, 1780, 94;
Sept. 5, 1780, 95;
Sept. 12, 1780, 96;
Sept. 18, 1780, 99;
Aug. 27, 1780, 266;
Oct. 14, 1780, 187, 270;
Oct. 26, 1780, 187;
Nov. 12, 1780, 189;
Sept. 27, 1780, 194;
Oct. 8, 1780, 194;
Nov. 28, 1780, 271;
Dec. 24, 1780, 195;
Feb. 8, 1781, 197, 272;
Mar. 18, 1781, 198, 275;
April 23, 1781, 198, 275;
May 8, 1781, 201, 276;
May 19, 1781, 201;
May 27, 1781, 202, 277;
June 4, 1781, 202, 278;
June 27, 1781, 202;
July 5, 1782, 204, 279;
July 5, 1783, 207
Cunningham, William, 165
Custis, G. W. P. wrote: “the gold paid for the secret service was of
inestimable value”, 16
Danbury, 37
Danes, ship belonging to, 190
Danolson, Fade, 66
Darby, Admiral, 272
Davidson, Capt. William, 280
Dayton, Ebenezer, ducked at East Hampton, 254
Dean, Capt., 225
Deane, Mr., 43
Deane, Silas, 51
Deceptive letters, 213
DeLancey’s brigade at Lloyd’s Neck, 250
DeLancey, Brigr. Gen., 86
DeLancey, James and the Cow Boys, 160;
attempt to capture, 164
DeLancey, John Peter, who married Elizabeth Floyd, 165
DeLancey, Mrs. Elizabeth, 165
DeLancey, 236, and Mr. McAdams would sell their estates, 239
DeLancey, Major, 220, 221
DeLancey, Nancy, 165
DeLancey, Ol., 85 (footnote 22)
DeLancey resides at Jamaica, 250
Delavan, Capt., 157
Delaware Bay, 249
Dennis, Capt., 287
DeRiedesel, 224
D’Estaing, 235, 261;
expected, 255;
reported in Delaware Bay, 257
DeWurmb, 220
Dictionary, 54
Diehl, Daniel, 78
Digby, protection from, 284
Dobbs’ Ferry, 135, 137
Dragoons posted 15 miles apart, 11, 88
Dragoons, 17th Regiment of, 94;
at Musqueto Cove, 188;
at Hempstead, 190, 256
Drake, Colonel Gil, 156, 166
Drowned Meadow, 93
Duke de la Rochefoucault, Liancourt, 124
Duke of Athol’s Regiment, 40, 48
Dusenberry, Richd., 166
Duyckenik, Christopher, 50, 249
East Chester, 167
East Haddam, Conn., 1
East Hampton, L. I., 37, 81;
boys deck Dayton, 254
Elizabeth, 236
Elizabeth Town, 240;
troops land near, 9
Emmerick, 236
England, Packet sailing for, 206
English fleet, about 75 sail left Sandy Hook, 272
Erskine, Sir Wm., 113;
fortifying at Southampton and building boats, 237
Estaing, Charles Henry, Count d’, 48, 65
Eustice, Dr., 177
Expenses for self and horse considerable, 100
Fairfield, 33, 37, 81, 226, 287
Fairlie, James, 287
Faller, Pero, 166
Fanning’s Regiment, 94, 266;
at Lloyd’s Neck, 69;
at White Stone, 247
Fish, Jubis, has boats at Horse Neck, 93
Fishkill, 107, 144, 159, 197
Floyd Family, 15;
Benjamin, 82;
Elizabeth, v;
Elizabeth, the mother of Mrs. James Fenimore Cooper, 165;
Mary, who married Major Tallmadge, 165;
Colonel, 37;
Col. Benjamin, robbed, 66, of service to Whig interests, 67;
Col. after E. Dayton, 253;
Culper likely to stand in need of his services, 238;
returned on his Parole, 238
Flushing, L. I., 14, 38, 102, 190, 268;
Major André at, 125;
Browns regiment at, 74;
a regiment of Horse at, 57;
1000 Hessians at, 271;
Yaigers at, 236
Flushing Heights, 85
Foreword, 1
Fort Putnam, 152
Fort St. George, 191;
Capt. Hazard going there, 202
Forts nearly completed, 255
Fort Washington strongly fortified, 255
Fortifying L. I. opposite Frog’s Point, 267
Fortifying the Heights of Harlem, 267
France, Large fleet sailing from, 196
Franklin, John, 8
Franks, David S., 172
Franks, Major, 145, 176, 178
French Fleet, mentioned, 69, 206, 253;
arrives off Rhode Island, 81;
second division to arrive, 90;
steering for the Continent, 255
Frigate sank off Helgate, 271
Frog’s Neck, 84
Gallows Point, Cannonade from, 151
Gambier, Admiral, 40
Gardiner’s Bay, fleet there, 190;
British Fleet sails from, 94
Gardiner’s Island, 87
Gardner, Sergt. Robert, 137
Gazette, Royal, 12;
tells of John Paulding’s capture, 165
Genealogy--Townsend, 268
General Assembly of New York, 104
Gentlemen stand soldier like, 280
Georgia, mentioned, 56, 64, 69, 237, 238, 224, 252, 256, 261, 280;
no late accounts from, 58, 258;
troops for, 256
Glover and Hoyt, 93
Gordon, Lord Charles, 265
Governor’s Island, 64;
repairing works, 255
Graves, Admiral, arrives in New York, 81
Great Neck, 10
Green Farms, 88
Green, General, announces Arnold’s treason, 119
Green, Genl. Nathaniel, letter to Coll. Wadsworth, 181
Greene’s, Genl., lines at Brooklyn, 108
Greenland, 285
Grinell, Capt., 241
Guard boats kept out, 250
Guilford, 88
Gustavus letter, 138
Hale, Nathan, where he was captured, 20;
Enoch Hale recorded that “Nathan, being suspected by his movements
that he wanted to get out of New York was hanged,” 20;
John Hale entered in the town records of Coventry, “Capt. Nathan
Hale was taken in the City of New York and executed,” 20;
Chapter I, pages 19–29;
mentioned, vi, 1, 30, 111
Halifax, mentioned, 40, 48, 64, 68, 237, 248
Hammond, Sir Andrew, arrives, 255
Hamilton, Alexander, mentioned, 4, 54, 61, 125;
acts for Washington, 84;
his opinion of plot to capture Washington, 136
Hamilton, Coll. (Alexander), 177
Hamilton, Coll. (British), 84
Hampton Roads, 188
Handwriting, 3
Handkerchief full of gold, 163
Hanly, Lieutenant, 283
Harrison’s Brewery, 258
Hartford, mentioned, 95, 168, 177, 182
Haverstraw, 153
Haverstraw Bay, 148
Hawkins, Jonas, 11, 55
Hazard, Capt., 202
Heath, Genl., 84, 92, 99
Heath, General William, letter from Washington, 179
Hempstead Bay, 86
Hempstead Harbor, 259
Hempstead Plains, 85
Hempstead, 17th Dragoons at, 62, 74, 271
Heron, William, otherwise Hiram, the British Spy, 128, 198, 220, 230
Hessians at Brooklyn Ferry, 35
Hessian Regiments, 56, 267
Hessian Yeagers at Jericho, 190
Hessian Yeagers at Oyster Bay, 190
Hewlet, Col. remains on Lloyd’s Neck, 38
Hewlett, Col. Richard, 226
Hicks Boat, 10
Hicks, John, 102
Hicks, Mary, 102
Higday, George, 45, 47, 246
Hiram, 219 (see Heron)
Hobart, John Sloss, 110
Hopkins, Benedict Arnold’s chum in Boston, 182
Hopkins, C. D., marries Elizabeth Arnold, 182
Horseneck, 101
Horses not sold yet, 280
Hospital Ship destroyed by fire, 74
Hot Press in New York, 190
Houghton Mifflin Company, 4
Howe, Genl., 93, 157, 211
Howe, Robert, his letter to Arnold, 122
Howe, Genl. Robert, innocently betrays his spies to Arnold, 122
Howel, George (Aiqlai Bqyim), 95
Howel, a particular friend of Tryon, 270
Hubbel, Capt., 283
Hubbel, Major, at Lloyd’s Neck, 279
Hubbell, Lieut., 176
“Hugo,” by Mrs. Smith, 213
Hulce, Joseph, 66
Hulet, Coll., 245
Humphreys, Major, 97, 267
Hunter, Elijah, sent to Arnold, 134
Huntington, 43, 94, 226, 241, 256, 262, 284
Huntington Bay, 87
Huntington has Coll. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s and Coll. Fanning’s
Regiments, 259
Huzzars, 94
Imprisoned, Several friends, 189
Independence offered, 203
Inspector of Letters at Brooklyn Ferry, 55
Intercepted Messages, 213
Jackson, T. T., Account of the capture of Fort St. George, 192
Jamaica. A guard for the General there, 57;
Col. Ludlow there, 203;
commanding officer of Kings Forces at, 86;
Coll. Fanning’s Regiment at, 74;
DeLancey there, 250;
Regiment of Highlanders there, 38;
Troops at, 190;
200 men left at, 236;
mentioned: 14, 102, 284
Jameson, Colonel John, mentioned, 117, 162, 167, 178;
His letter to Washington, 162
Jameson, William, His record of meeting André, 154
Jarvis, Capt., 93
Jay, James, furnishes ink for spies, 51;
his letter to Washington, 210
Jay, John, mentioned, 44, 51, 210;
his code from Entick’s Dictionary, 215
Jericho, mentioned, 103, 194;
Queens Rangers at, 62;
second Battalion of Skinner’s Brigade at, 74
Jerusalem South, 69
Johnson, Capt., 287
Johnstone, Capt., killed, 283
Jones, E., 70
Jones, General, 236
Jones, M. Genl., 51
Jones, Thomas, his account of the Setauket affair, 230
Keirs, Major, 144
Kelly’s House, 70
Ketchak, Lieut., killed, 195
King, Absalom, of Long Island, 181
King, Anna, 268
Kings Bridge, 85, 97, 168, 236, 264
King’s Ferry, 134, 148
Kip’s house. André dines there, 141
Kissam, Major John, 84
Knyphausen, 236, 264
Knox, Secretary, 288
Lafayette, 84;
escapes snare laid by Arnold, 121
Lake George, 124
Lamb, General John, 7
Lambert: Cornelius Lambert, Lambert Lambert and Henry Lambert, the
ferrymen, 154
Laurel Hill, 85
Laurens, John, 125
Lawrence, Edward, 269;
Effingham, 10, 268, 269;
Henry, 269;
Joseph, 10, 268;
Lydia, 269;
Mary, 269;
Major, 110;
Richard, 268;
Robert, 269;
Townsend, 269;
William, 269
Lawrence Hewlett’s Point, 86
Leer, Tobias, 177
Leland, General, 259
Leslie, General, 236
Letter folded very small, 97
Letters, necessity for destroying them, 241
Lewis, Anne, 287
Lewis, Jonathan, 287
Light House, strong fort there, 255
Lions, P., 70
Liquid for secret letters hard to get, 43
Little Neck, 269
Livingston, James, letter to Arnold, 137;
forwards Robinson’s letter, 139;
has a word, 154
Livingston, William, 160
Lloyd, Margaret, 16
Lloyd’s Neck, British carry hay to, 66;
Col. Ludlow’s Regt., there, 74;
Colden’s Volunteers at, 271;
DeLancey’s brigade there, 57;
Lloyd’s Neck has Col. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s, and Col. Fanning’s
Regiments, 259;
troops called from, 79;
Jersey Volunteers leave, 203;
mentioned, 46, 89, 90, 262
Location of British, 280
London, 285
Long Clove, where André met Arnold, 150, 152
L. I. Troops on west end, 256
Lord Cathcart’s Legion at Jericho, 259;
at Oyster Bay, 259
Lord Rawdon’s Corps, 64
Lord Rhoden’s Regiment, 236
Lower Salem, 117
Loyalists, American, 124
Loyalists setting off for Nova Scotia, 281
Ludlow, Col., has left Lloyd’s Neck, 203
Ludlow, Col., Regiment, 245
Ludlow’s Regiment at Lloyd’s Neck, 194, 236
Luzerne, Chevalier, 177
Lyme, 88
Lyons, Parsons, 95
Mandeville, James, 166
Mansfield, Margaret, wife of Benedict Arnold, 182
Marshall quotes Lafayette, 121
Martin, Gov., 263
Martin, Henry H., 268
Masks to disguise letters, 215
Mastic, 191
Mathews to sail for Europe, 90
Mathews, Gen., 189, 236
Mayflower, 285
McAdams would sell his estate, 239
Mernaid, Capt., 247
Middletown, 95
Milford, 280
Miller, Andraes, 156
Millers Place, troops there, 93
Mitchill, Dr., 287
Monroe, Harriet, 268
Montaigne, 214
Moody, clever British Spy, 126;
and Arnold’s code letter offering to betray West Point, 215;
Moody meets Heron, another British Spy, at West Point, 127
Moore, George, 102
Moore, John (alias B. Arnold), 126
Morris House, 85
Morris, Robert, code letters, 216;
gets gold for secret service, 216
Mount Misery, Militia to drive, 254
Muirson, 91;
betrays Howell to Woodhull, 270
Muirson, Heathcote, 286
Mulford, Col. at East Hampton, 111
Musqueto Cove, 188
Newburgh, 174, 204
New Haven, 88, 95, 171, 182, 191
New London, 16, 42, 88;
Union School, 1
Newport, 63, 168;
used similar signals to those on Long Island, 15;
harbor, 84
Newtown, L. I., 38;
54th regiment at, 74;
200 Grenadiers at, 271
New York, 38, 85, 90, 188, 189, 196, 244, 259, 264;
Custom House, 288
Nicoll:
Annie, 269;
Benjamin, 269;
Charlotte, 269;
Delancey, 269;
Dr., 35;
Edward Holland, 269;
Henry, 269, 279;
Mary Townsend, 269;
Samuel Benjamin of Shelter Island, 269;
Solomon Townsend, 269
North Castle, 89, 96, 101, 167, 168;
Church, 157
North, Lord, 56
Norwich, 182
Norwich Hill, L. I., 85
“Not long since there was not the breadth of your finger betwixt me
and death”, 71
Oakman, Henry, 54
Oakman & Townsend, 54
Odells, Mr., 130
Officers out with hounds every day, 93
Onderdonk, Henry, vi;
gives details of Setauket “Battle,” 229
Orange County, 103
Orange Town, 91
Osborne, J., 129
Outram, Ship, from London, 182
Oxen demanded by British, 65
Oyster Bay, 4, 30, 35, 57, 68, 94, 101, 124, 136, 141, 220, 258;
Foot belonging to Legend at, 62;
German Huzzars at, 74;
Heron captured near, 220;
Coll. Simcoe at, 38, 94, 236;
Col. Simcoe going to leave, 253;
Yeagers and Germans at, 271
Paper, British get for counterfeiting, 71
Paper from Philadelphia for Counterfeit money, 261
Paper. What Tallmadge had was too poor to use, 194
Parish, Dr. Matthew, 104
Parker, Admiral, 260, 261
Parsons, Genl. Samuel H., 96, 133, 197, 198, 219, 220;
demands surrender of Setauket church, 229;
captures horse-blankets, 226;
was to be a second Arnold, 220;
sends letters and British spies to Benedict Arnold, 120;
introduces Heron, the British Spy, to B. Arnold, 127;
letter of Feb. 17, 1781, 274
Patterson, Genl., 53;
to sail for Europe, 90
Paulding, John, 167;
brings spy to headquarters, 118;
his narrative, 160;
among the prisoners, 166;
monument near Peekskill, 164
Payne, John Howard, with the parents when Edgar Poe was born, 183
Peekskill, 155
Penobscot, 53;
American Fleet at, 56
Petticoat and Handkerchiefs, 15
Philadelphia, Pa., 37, 173, 182, 238
Phillips, General, 276;
is dead, 278
Pierce, G. M., quoted, 17
Pierson, Mr., 214
Pine’s Bridge, 158
Poe, David, Jr. and Sr. of Baltimore, 183
Poe, Edgar Allan, 183
Poe, Mrs., 183
Poers, Captain, 224
Port Jefferson shot up by Stephen Smith, 278
Portsmouth, 258
Powles Hook, 235
Presbyterian Meeting House, Setauket, 226
Prescot, Genl., Express from, 253
Prince of Wales American Regiment at Jamaica on way to Huntington, 69
Provincial Convention, 30
Provost, Genl., 48
Putnam, Coll. Barge Crew, 135
Putnam, General, 37, 107, 139, 141;
his orders to Parsons, 226
Quebec, 56
Queens County Loyalists, 226
Queens County Militia, 85, 86
Queens Rangers, 53, 90, 124, 251, 266;
at Oyster Bay, 57, 236, 256;
marched from Oyster Bay to André’s aid, 163;
at Jamaica, 194;
at Jericho, 256
Ramsay, Coll., 73
Rathbone, Sarah, 268
Rawdon, Lord Francis, captures Tallmadge’s baggage and money for the
Culpers, 46;
mentioned, 53
Raynham Hall at Oyster Bay, 103
Remsen’s, Colonel, regiment, 108
Rhea, Lieutenant, 283
Rhode Island, 85, 90, 116, 235, 237, 244, 253, 256, 258, 267
Riedesel, Mme., entertains Major André and General Clinton, 141
River Head, British troops there, 89
Rivington, James, Sketch, 5;
His Coffee House, 7;
in Jail, 7;
mentioned, 13, 265;
His paper, 165, 249
Robbers, 241
Robertson, Gov., 220
Robinson, Capt., 173
Robinson, Coll. Beverly, 149, 175;
his letter Sept. 19, 1780, 141;
a confidant of André, 125
Robinson, General, 186
Robinson, Genl. (Jimmy), to command in Virginia, 278
Robinson House, 121, 172
Robinson’s Regiment, 236, 267
Robinson, William T., Culper’s assistant, once owned property,
421 E. 61st St., N. Y., 10;
his letters, June 7, 1780, 9;
Dec. 31, 1779, 10;
June 24, 1780, 265
Rochambeau, Count, 168;
arrives at Newport, 84
Rodney, Admiral, 190, 196
Rodney, Sir George, fleet arrives, 99, 135
Roe, Austin, 13, 31, 61, 81, 89, 190, 202;
The “Paul Revere” of New York, 82;
How his leg was broken, 61
Rogers, Capt., 245
Rogers, Coll., 124
Rome, John, 50, 51
Ruggles, Nathaniel, mentioned, 4
Russia, ships belonging to, 190
Russian Ambassador, 202
Rustdorf, 102
Sag Harbor, v
Salem, 167, 169
Samuel Culper Junior, hopes and expects all his letters are
destroyed, 187
Sandy Hook, 195, 235;
hulks sunk there, 258
Saw Mills used by enemy, Culper would destroy, 245;
Located: Humphrey Avery’s at West Neck, 245;
Botts at Smithtown, 245;
Havens at Moriches, 245;
Samuel Phillips at Smithtown, 245;
Caleb Smiths at Smithtown, 245;
Nichols at Islip, 245;
Edmond Smith at Stony Brook, 245;
Tillotsons at the County House, 245;
Seth Worth at Fire Place, 245;
Willets at Islip, 245
Schuyler, General, 172
Scott, General Chas., 2, 31, 32, 33
Scudder, Capt., 225
Seaman, Jacob, 8
Sears, Coll., mentioned, 6
Seaton’s Neck, 70, 260
Secret Formula, 36
Secret Service, 2, 3, 16
Setauket church, 226
Setauket, L. I., mentioned, 4, 11, 14, 59, 69, 94, 95, 116, 195;
full of troops, 92;
20 horse and 4 foot billeted, 260;
British billeted at Coll. Floyd’s, E. Jones, J. Thompson’s, P.
Lions, John Bayles, Kelly’s house, 260
Seton, Mr., robbed, 66
Shaw, Mr., 88
Sheldon, Colonel Elisha, 88, 128, 167;
posts Dragoons under protest, 88;
orders retreat, 46;
sends British spies to Arnold, 120;
forwards letter from Mrs. Arnold to Coll. DeLancey, 130;
John Anderson, otherwise Major André, writes to him, 131;
sends Arnold André’s letter, 132;
writes to Arnold, Sept. 12, 1780, 133;
his Trial, 195
Shippen, Edward, 182
Shippen, Margaret, 182
Shippen, Peggy, 182
Ships in New York Harbor, about 200, 41
Sickness on Long Island, 251
Signal Fires, British lighted, 84
Silver Bullets, 211
Simcoe, Coll. John Graves, mentioned, 43, 72, 113, 241;
at Oyster Bay, 35, 38, 94, 124, 236;
with others on the Island, 89;
friendship for André, 123;
through André knew Sir Henry Clinton’s plans for capture of West
Point, 125;
planned to capture Genl. Washington, 135;
plundered Woodhull’s father in most shocking manner, 241;
sails with Arnold, 195;
first Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, 124;
sketch of his career, 123
Sink vessels at Sandy Hook, 63
Skinner, General, 92, 236
Smithtown, L. I., 70, 194, 257;
must furnish 1000 cords of wood, 74;
17th Dragoons encamped in widow Blidenburg’s orchard, 96;
wagons and troops at, 260;
Refugees at Tredles farm, 271
Smith, Elizabeth, 269
Smith, Mrs. Elizabeth Oakes, 213
Smith, Mrs. J. H., 173
Smith, Joshua Hett, 135, 144, 172;
his story of meeting André, 148;
continues the narrative, 157
Smith, Colo. Josiah, his regiment, 108;
ordered by Gen. Washington to withdraw from Long Island, 110
Smith, Richard, alias Bull Smith, 269
Smith, Stephen, shoots up Port Jefferson, 278
Smith, William, 108
Smith, Judge Wm., 4
Smith, William Henry, 16
Smith, Lieutenant Coll. W. S., 166
Smith’s, William, farm at Mastick neck, 192
Smith’s place, Mastic, 191, 286
Sons of Liberty, 5, 30
Southampton, 37, 95, 188, 235, 262;
British there, 87
South Bay, 245
South Carolina, 76
Southerland, Capt. of the Vulture, 149
Southold, 263
South Mills, 89
Spanish War, 247
Sparks, Jared, tried to identify Culpers, 5;
uses letters from Tallmadge, 167
Springfield, British troops arrive at, 7
St. Augustine, 280
Stain, invisible, 210
Stain Letters, 13;
frequently developed, 16
Stain sheets mixed, 71
Stamford, 88, 93, 101, 225
Staten Island, 206, 240, 250, 281, 287;
troops from, land at Elizabeth Town, June, 1780, 9
Sterling, Sir Thomas, Genl., 9, 79
Stewart, Coll., 53
Stoddard, Darius, causes Sheldon’s arrest, 134
Stoddard, William, 102
Stony Point, 53, 144, 148;
troops get back, 258
Strang, Major, 156
Stratford Point, 283
Strong, Benajah, 286
Strong, Judge Selah, 15
Strong, Thomas, 15
Strong’s Neck, 15
Success, L. I., 280
Surrender of West Point Planned, 135
Suttin, Capt. John, 93
Sutton’s Hill, now Beacon Hill, 85
Sylvester, Grizzell, 16
Tallmadge, Major Benjamin. Letters: Oct 29, 1778, 32;
Nov. 19, 1778, 33;
Nov. 29, 1778, 35;
Dec. 23, 1778, 33;
April 21, 1779, 42 and 239;
Nov. 1, 1779, 66;
July 14, 1780, 81;
Sept 9, 1780, 96;
Sept 13, 1780, 97;
Sept. 19, 1780, 99;
Aug. 10, 1780, 100;
Aug. 20, 1780, 101;
Aug. 28, 1780, 101;
Sept. 21, 1780, 117;
Letters to Jared Sparks, 167, 169;
Oct. 11, 1780, 184;
Oct. 17, 1780, 187, 270;
Oct. 23, 1780, 187;
Jan. 28, 1781, 196;
April 25, 1781, 199;
Aug. 18, 1782, 205;
Mar. 31, 1783, 207, 281;
Feb. 21, 1783, 283
Tallmadge, Major Benjamin, mentioned: vi, 11, 16, 31, 32, 80, 83, 84,
118, 152, 167, 191, 193, 196, 199, 206, 286;
his letter to Nathan Hale, 19;
his Code, 218;
surprised by night attack, 46;
says: Culper’s Intelligence defeated British expedition to New
London, 240;
obliged to use counterpart to stain letters, 66;
deciphers stain letters, 97;
translates important stain message, 116;
obliged to decipher letters, 267;
reads Arnold’s letter, 117;
tells Arnold he will conduct Anderson to West Point, 118;
insists upon André’s return, 118;
Arnold invites him to become a traitor, 196;
narrative of Sept. 23, 1780, 167;
prejudiced against André’s captors, 164;
requests to be first to enter New York, 281;
captures enemy’s armed vessel, 283
Tarnay, Admiral, French Fleet arrives, 84
Tarry-Town, 137, 157, 161, 168
Tellers Point, 143
Templeton, Oliver, praises Townsend, 4
Thompson, Benjamin F. His sketch of Caleb Brewster, 284
Thompson, J., 70
Thompson, Samuel, 15
Thompson, Susannah, 15
Thompson’s Coll., Corps, 284
Thorne, Anna; Anna Townsend, Edward, James, John, Martha, Mary, Phebe
Townsend, Robert, Sarah, 269;
Sarah, 112
Three Brothers, Privateer, captured, 284
Ticonderoga, 182
Titus, Mrs. Elizabeth, 112
Tompkins, Governor, 287
Tooker, Abijah, responsible for Conklin’s capture, 195
Tower Hill, 88
Townley, Mary, 268
Townsend Family, 184;
Anna, daughter of Hannah, 268;
Anne, 11, 103, 268;
Audrey, 103, 268;
Dr. Charles of Albany, 231;
David, 103;
Ephraim, 104;
Franklin, son of Hannah and once Mayor of Albany, 268;
Frederick, 268;
Hannah, who married Major Green of the British Army, 113;
Hannah, 268;
Harriet, 268;
Helene, 269;
Howard, son of Hannah, 268;
Isaiah of Albany, 268;
Isaiah, Jr., 268;
Jacob, born 1692, father of Samuel, 102;
Jacob, 268;
James, his experience as messenger, 76;
James, 102;
James, his letter to the Provincial Congress, 110;
John, 102;
John 2d, 102;
Mrs. John, 104;
Mary, 268;
Peter, his family, 103;
Peter, 204, 213, 268;
Peter S., 269;
Phebe, 103;
Phebe, 103, 268;
Phebe of Orange Co., 268;
Phebe, da. of the Fourth Henry, 11;
Robert, mentioned, vi, 4, 8, 12, 13, 30, 44, 45, 83, 102, 203;
Robert, alias Culper Junior, son of Samuel, 102, 268;
called Culper Junior, 60;
appointed Commissary by Provincial Convention, 30, 107;
how he used British uniform, 279;
Woodhull’s opinion of, 244;
genealogy of, 103;
Robert, son of Hannah, 268;
Samuel, 103, 268;
born in 1717, 102;
in 1758 helped neutral French, 104;
in Provincial Congress in 1775, 106;
member Council of Appointment, 4;
Samuel, son of Samuel, 268;
Samuel (the other Samuel), 104, 197, 272;
Sarah, 103, 103;
mother of Robert, 268
Townsend, Sarah and Coll. Simcoe’s valentine, 113, 282;
sister of Robert, 268
Townsend, Solomon, 103, 268;
nephew of Robert, 268;
had 6 children, Solomon, Charles, Robert, Maurice, Edward and
Maria, 269
Townsend, Sylvanus, 8;
William, 103;
Wm. David, 268;
Zerviah, 104
Townsend House, Oyster Bay, 124
Transports from Cork, 40
Troops all marching to the eastward, 90
Trowbridge, 95
Trumbull, Governor, 99, 219
Tryon, 52, 85, 236, 253, 264;
to sail for Europe, 90
Tubbs, Charles, 182
Underhill, Amos, 8
Underhill, Benjamin, 8
Underhill, Elizabeth, 8
Underhill, Townsend, 8
Upham, Coll., 205
Ustic’s House, 85
Van Rensselaer, Justina, 268
Vantassel, Mr., 166
Van Weart, Isaac, 161;
memorial, 164
Varick, Colonel Richard, 4, 171
Vaughan, Genl., 54
Verplanck’s, 139
Verplanck’s Point, 137, 139, 154, 247
Virginia, 189
Virginia Fleet, 243
Virginia, gentlemen of, 124
Vulture takes Robinson up the river, Sept. 16, 1780, 139
Walker, Ben, 166
Walker, William H., 268
Wallace, Hugh, 78
Wallace, Sir James, 56, 64
Wansey, Henry, 7
Washington, General George. Letters:
Nov. 20, 1778, 34;
Nov. 29, 1778, 36;
Dec. 17, 1778, 36;
Jan. 2, 1779, 37;
Mar. 21, 1779, 38;
June 13, 1779, 43;
June 27, 1779, 45 and 246;
July 25, 1779, 51;
Sept. 24, 1779, 58;
Oct 9, 1779, 63;
Feb. 5, 1780, 72;
May 19, 1780, 78;
July 11, 1780, 80;
Aug. 11, 1780, 89;
Aug. 21, 1780, 91;
Aug. 27, 1780, 94;
Sept. 16, 1780, 98;
Sept. 7, 1780, 134;
Sept. 14, 1780, 135;
Sept. 26, 1780, 180, 185;
Feb. 23, 1781, 198;
April 30, 1781, 200;
Aug. 10, 1782, 204;
July 31, 1788, 212;
April 29, 1781, 225
Washington, General George, care in exacting pledge, 3;
his opinion of Culper Junior, 17;
says, “I rely upon his Intelligence”, 17;
letter of instructions, 38;
requests Culper to reside in New York, 38;
pleased with Culpers, 89;
horse kept in New York City for the Spies, 116;
instructions for Culper Junior, 49;
advises Townsend how to conceal his writing, 59;
orders Dragoons posted every 15 miles, 88;
arrives at West Point, 176;
tells how Arnold escaped, 177;
says: “I shall think myself bound to represent his (Culper Junior)
conduct in the light it deserves”, 99
Washington, General George, mentioned, vi, 60, 84, 85, 108, 114, 121,
132, 139, 160, 166, 168, 176, 186, 195, 198, 199, 234, 288
Washington Papers, 141
Waterbury, Genl., 225
Waterman, Hannah, 181
Watson, Coll., 136
Webb, Col., 52
Webb, Col. Charles, 1
Webb, Col. Samuel B., 227
Weeks, Joseph, 102
Welch Fusileers, 236
Westbury, 221, 224
Westchester County, v, 164, 165, 250
West Point, 114, 116, 117, 118, 126, 134, 145, 168, 170, 171, 176,
177, 195, 219
Whaleboat, both sides capture same, 219
Whaleboat men in Washington’s service, 225
Whitestone, L. I., 206;
8000 British Troops embarking at, 83;
transports there, 256
White Plains, 100, 106, 153, 157, 227
Willett, Coll., 7
Wilmington, North Carolina, 233
Williams, Capt., 165
Williams, Charles, 196
Williams, David, 161;
his story of André’s capture, 163;
monument, 164
Williams, John, 122
Williams, Nathl., 259
Wistar, 265
Wistar, C., 9
Wolsey, John, 43, 241
Woodbury of Connecticut burns the Prison Ship, 264
Wooden, Solomon, hears prophecy, 104
Woodhull, Abraham (see Culper, Senior), v, 4, 8, 14, 31, 33, 81;
called Samuel Culper or Culper Senior, 60;
suffers from fright, 42;
his most exciting message, 83;
his father tortured, 44;
would kill Colonel Simcoe, 72;
to be Townsend’s assistant, 246
Woodhull, Abraham C., not one of the Culpers, 4
Woodhull, Capt., His Company to meet, 253
Woodhull, Elizabeth, 269
Woodhull, Rev. John, 233
Woodhull, Mary, 8
Woodhull, Capt. Nathan, 95
Woodhull, Nathan, otherwise Pevbepy Yqqhbwmm, 253
Woodhull, Genl. Nathaniel, 107, 269;
letter to and from the Convention, 108, 109
Woods, Adam, 234
Worth, Capt. Jonathan, 285
Wright’s Mills, 157
Wurmb, Lewis de, the Hessian Colonel, 112
Yale College, 1
Yeagers crossed Hell Gate, 203
York, Sir Joseph, 256
Youngs, Capt. Daniel, 114;
ordered by Coll. Simcoe to be ready, 136
[Illustration: (Map of area surrounding western Long Island Sound)]
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling inconsistencies have not been
changed in this eBook, as many of them likely were intentional parts of
the codes being used, and different people wrote the various letters.
Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned between paragraphs
and outside quotations.
A decorative headpiece on the first page of every chapter appears in
the HTML version, but is not indicated in the Plain Text version.
Available electronic copies of the original book did not include images
of the jacket as referenced in the List of Illustrations.
The index was not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page
references.
The original book contains Footnotes at the bottoms of pages, and
Endnotes in the “Notes and Amplification” chapter. In this ebook, the
Footnotes have been assigned an ascending numeric sequence of 1-72 in
the order in which they appear, and the Endnotes have been assigned an
ascending numeric sequence of 101-142. The Footnote numbers and their
references are shown in [square brackets]; the Endnotes and their
references are shown in (parentheses), as they were in the original
book. Then, the Footnotes have been collected and placed at the ends of
the chapters that reference them. In the HTML version of this eBook,
links to the Footnotes and Endnotes lead to the appropriate ones.
Footnote 62, originally on page 216, was not referenced in the text.
Transcriber added the missing reference by examining the citation.
Page 193: Two pairs of empty parentheses were printed that way in the
original book.
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