Elizabeth Hooton : $b First Quaker woman preacher (1600-1672)

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Title: Elizabeth Hooton : First Quaker woman preacher (1600-1672)
Author: Manners, Emily, Penney, Norman
Language: English
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[Illustration: SKEGBY VILLAGE.

_Frontispiece._] [_See p. vi._]

ELIZABETH HOOTON
FIRST QUAKER WOMAN PREACHER
(1600-1672)

BY
EMILY MANNERS

WITH NOTES, ETC., BY
NORMAN PENNEY, F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S.

London:
HEADLEY BROTHERS, Bishopsgate, E.C.

American Agents:
DAVID S. TABER, 144 East 20th Street, New York.
VINCENT D. NICHOLSON, Earlham College, Richmond, Ind.
GRACE W. BLAIR, Media, Pa.

1914.

This volume is issued
as Supplement 12 to
THE JOURNAL OF THE
FRIENDS HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Preface

The Notes collected by the late Mary Radley, of Warwick, for her
contemplated “Life of Elizabeth Hooton” seem to indicate a work of much
wider scope than I have attempted. Since her research commenced many
notable works on the rise of the Society of Friends have been issued
which cover the investigations made by her. I have therefore endeavoured
to bring together in a collected form the scattered fragments of
Elizabeth Hooton’s history, which are to be found up and down, together
with many of her letters, or extracts from them, which I believe have
never before been published.

Many kind friends have materially assisted in the work, and I desire
gratefully to acknowledge their services here: to Norman Penney, F.S.A.,
and the staff at Devonshire House, London, without whose invaluable help
I could not have compiled the little history; to Mrs. Dodsley of Skegby
Hall, for her search of the Skegby Manor Rolls, and the Church Registers,
also for the illustration of the village which she kindly lent for
reproduction; to A. S. Buxton, Esq., for various notes connected with the
history of the district and for his unfailing help and interest in the
work; to Mrs. Mary G. Swift, of Millbrook, New York, for notes of various
authorities; to my cousin, Ethel Barringer, for her sketch of Lincoln
Castle Gateway; and to my daughter, Rachel L. Manners, for her photograph
of Beckingham Church and her suggestions and advice generally.

For New England History I have drawn largely on Dr. Rufus M. Jones’s
recent book, _The Quakers in the American Colonies_, and for the account
of the Quaker persecution in that country my authority has been _New
England Judged_, 1703 edition.

EMILY MANNERS.

_Edenbank, Mansfield._

Contents

CHAPTER PAGE

I.—EARLY SERVICE IN ENGLAND 1

II.—FIRST VISIT TO NEW ENGLAND 18

III.—SECOND VISIT TO NEW ENGLAND 35

IV.—CLOSING YEARS 53

ADDENDA:

The Husband of Elizabeth Hooton 77

Noah Bullock 78

Commitment to Lincoln Castle 78

Unketty 79

A Young Man out of the North of England 79

Hooton Descendants:

Samuel Hooton 80

Elizabeth Hooton, Jr. 82

Oliver Hooton 83

Martha Hooton 84

Thomas Hooton 84

John Hooton 85

Josiah Hooton 86

Judge Endicott 86

BIBLIOGRAPHY 87

INDEX 91

Illustrations

SKEGBY VILLAGE prior to 1897 _Frontispiece._

Photograph by the Sherwood Photographic Co., Mansfield.

The tall house on the extreme left of the picture is standing
to-day. It was the property of the Society of Friends until
1800, when it was sold, with the adjoining Burial Ground, now
a garden, the proceeds going towards the re-building of the
Meeting House at Mansfield. The house is considered by some
to have been the home of Elizabeth Hooton. It is probably of
seventeenth century construction.

LETTER FROM ELIZABETH HOOTON TO GEORGE FOX, 1653 [?] 12

Photograph by Henry G. Summerhayes.

This is probably an autograph letter. It is endorsed by Fox:
“e houton to gﬀ 1655.”

BECKINGHAM CHURCH 14

Photograph by Rachel L. Manners.

The village of Beckingham is about five miles south of
Newark-on-Trent. The church has a fine Norman porch and
the churchyard is remarkable, being the shape of a coffin.

HEADING OF THE TRACT “FALSE TEACHERS,” ETC. 17

Photograph by Humphrey L. Penney from the original. See p. 11.

SIGNATURE OF JOHN ENDICOTT 34

Photograph by Walter J. Hutchins from a facsimile in _Annals
of Salem_.

ENDORSEMENT BY GEORGE FOX 52

Photograph by W. J. Hutchins from an early copy of a letter
from Elizabeth Hooton to Oliver Cromwell. See p. 10.

A PORTION OF A PAGE OF THE EARLIEST MINUTE BOOK OF
NOTTINGHAMSHIRE QUARTERLY MEETING 75

Photograph by Sherwood Photographic Co., Mansfield, from the
original. See p. 81.

LINCOLN CASTLE GATEWAY 78

Original drawing by Ethel Barringer.

This, with some fragments of the old wall, and a small,
strongly-built structure, supposed to have been a dungeon and
known as Cobb’s Hall, is all that remains of the old Castle.
The area of the fortress is now occupied by the County Hall
and a building now disused, which was the County Gaol.

Key to Abbreviations

=D.= = The Friends’ Reference Library, at Devonshire House, 136,
Bishopsgate, London, E.C.

A.R.B. MSS. = A collection of two hundred and fifty Letters of early
Friends, 1654 to 1688, so named because worked over by Abram Rawlinson
Barclay in 1841. In =D.=

Camb. _Jnl._ = _The Journal of George Fox_, Cambridge ed., 1911.

_D.N.B._ = _Dictionary of National Biography_, 68 vols., 1885-1904.

_F.P.T._ = “_The First Publishers of Truth_,” being early Records (now
first printed) of the Introduction of Quakerism into the Counties of
England and Wales. Edited for the Friends Historical Society by Norman
Penney, with Introduction by Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., D.Litt., 1907.

_Jnl. F.H.S._ = The quarterly Journal of the Friends Historical Society,
commencing 1903.

Spence MSS. = A collection of seventeenth century MSS. belonging to
Robert Spence, of London. 3 vols. Deposited in =D.=

Swarth. MSS. = A Collection of about fourteen hundred letters, papers,
etc. of the seventeenth century. In =D.=

CHAPTER I

Early Service in England

Travelling on through some parts of Leicestershire and into
Nottinghamshire, I met with a tender people, and a very tender
woman whose name was Elizabeth Hooton.

_Journal of George Fox._

Such is our introduction to the earliest convert of George Fox: one
who was destined to travel far in the service of Truth and whose
steadfastness, determination, fearlessness and patience are unconsciously
revealed in the numerous letters which she wrote. No insignificant place
was hers in the long and bitter struggle for religious liberty, and her
life’s story has left an indelible mark on the history of the beginnings
of the Society of Friends.

Little is known of her early life. Crœse says:[1]

In this same Fiftieth Year, Elizabeth Hooton, born and living
in Nottingham, a Woman pretty far advanced in Years, was the
first of her Sex among the Quakers who attempted to imitate Men
and Preach, which she now (in this year) commenced.

After her Example, many of her Sex had the confidence to
undertake the same Office.

This woman afterwards went with George Fox into New-England,
where she wholly devoted her self to this Work; and after
having suffered many Affronts from that People, went into
Jamaica, and there finished her Life.

An exhaustive examination of the Nottinghamshire Parish Registers shows
that the name of Hooton is not an uncommon one and appears in many
different places. Ollerton, however, a village situated about eight
miles north of Mansfield, seems to have been the home of the family, and
here we find definite traces of Elizabeth Hooton. Amongst the names of
the owners of Ollerton in 1612, given by Robert Thoroton,[2] an early
Nottinghamshire historian, is Robert Hooton, and in 1631 the Parish
Register shows that “Robert Hooton Paterfamilias” died. On 11th May,
1628, a certain Oliver Hooton married Elizabeth Carrier; it is uncertain
whether this Elizabeth was the convert to Quakerism, for from further
entries in the record of Baptisms and Burials it seems probable that
there were two men of the same name living in the parish at that time,
and in 1629 the wife of one whose name was Elizabeth died: it is clear,
however, that later on an Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton were living in
Ollerton, for there on 4th May, 1633, “Samuell s. of Oliver and Elizabeth
Hooton” was baptized.

Hardly a trace of the seventeenth century village of Ollerton remains
except the ancient churchyard; in 1797 Throsby[3] describes Ollerton as
follows:

This lordship belongs to the hon. Lumley Savile of Rufford
Abbey. It contains about 1,300 acres of land enclosed. Many
hops are grown hereabouts. This place has a little market
on Friday, and two fairs, one on May day, and the other the
26th of September for hops; in which month there is a kind of
market or hop club every Tuesday. The town contains about 600
inhabitants. The bridge here like many others was thrown down
(or blown up as it is called) in the flood of 1795. The church,
or rather chapel, is small and is newly built, consequently no
food there for the mind of the antiquary; but at the Hop-pole,
near the church, I have more than once after journeying
from village to village completely tired, found comfortable
refreshment for the body.

The principal inn still bears the name of “The Hop-pole”—all that remains
to tell of the vanished industry, but the ancient forest still surrounds
the village, and the quiet stream flows gently on as in the time long
past.

Between the years 1633 and 1636 Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton appear to
have migrated to Skegby, a village about four miles west of Mansfield.
The Parish Registers there show that in 1636 “Thomas [?] yᵉ sonne of
Olive Hooton and Elizabeth” was baptized, and in the years 1639 and 1641
the names of John and Josiah appear. There is no entry of the births of
her two children, Oliver and Elizabeth, so possibly they were born at
Ollerton between the years 1633 and 1636, when no entries appear in those
Registers.

The owners of the village of Skegby in 1612 were stated by Thoroton to
be “William Lyndley Gent: Lord of the Mannor, Roger Swinstone, Clark,
Richard Tomlinson, William Butler, Francis Swinstone, Will. Osborne,
James Cowper of Tibshelf, Thomas Jackson of Askham,” and as the name of
Hooton does not appear on the Manor Rolls it is evident Oliver Hooton
did not own the property on which he settled. In 1650 Thomas Lyndley of
Skegby was appointed a Commissioner to assess the fines of confiscated
Royalist estates. Thomas Lyndley applied for and received a licence for
the holding of Divine service in part of his house. This particular
building still remains (1914) and is now used as a laundry for Skegby
Hall.

Francis Chapman, in his return made in accordance with the order issued
by the Archbishop of Canterbury, July 1669, “to enquire after all
Conventicles, or unlawful meetings under pretence of religion and the
worship of God, by such as separate from the unitie and conformitie of
the Church as by law established,”[4] says:

In reply to your worshipful Archdeacon’s letter, I know
nothing but this: that in Mansfield Woodhouse we have no
conventicle but one of Quakers, at the house of Robert
Bingham (excommunicated for not comynge to church) but who
they are who frequent it I cannot say. At Skegby, alsoe,
there is a conventicle of Quakers at the house of Elizabeth
Hatton [Hutton] widow; but I cannot learn who they are who
frequent them, they being all of other towns. In the same
town of Skegby, alsoe, there is another conventicle, reputed
Anabaptists and fifth monarchy men, held at Mr. [Mrs.]
Lyndley’s (excommunicate also) but I know neither their
speakers or hearers.

Possibly it was with these last-named people Elizabeth Hooton associated
before her meeting with George Fox, for it is evident from the
following[5] that she had dissociated herself from the Church before that
time and joined a Baptist community:

Oliver Hutton Saith

And my Mother Joyned with yᵉ Baptists but after some time
finding them yᵗ they were not upright hearted to yᵉ Lord but
did his work negligently and she haveing testifyed agᵗ their
deceit Left yᵐ who in those parts soon after were scatered
& gone: about the year 1647 George ﬀox Came amongst them in
Nottinghamshire & then after he went into Lestershire where
yᵉ mighty power of yᵉ Lord was manifest that startled their
former separate meeting & some Came noe more but most yᵗ were
Convinced of yᵉ truth stood of wᶜʰ my mother was one and
Jmbraced itt:

Oliver Hutton
writes in his
hystry pag: 46:

Soe here you may see yᵗ they were Called Baptists and Separates
not Children of yᵉ Light till after G: ﬀ: had preached yᵉ Light
of yᵉ Gospell to them & they Received itt.

The memorable meeting with George Fox in 1646-7 changed the whole tenour
of her life. At first she met with opposition at home.

Her husband (says Fox in his Testimony concerning her)[6]

being Zealous for yᵉ Priests much opposed her, in soe much that
they had like to have parted but at Last it pleased yᵉ Lord
to open his understanding that hee was Convinced alsoe & was
faithfull untill Death.

But clearly her faithfulness had its reward, for he further adds:

She had Meetings at her house where yᵉ Lord by his power
wrought many Myracles to yᵉ Astonishing of yᵉ world &
Confirming People of yᵉ Truth wᶜʰ she there Received about 1646.

During these years Fox appears to have spent much time in Mansfield and
the neighbourhood, and in his _Journal_ at this period are noted some
of his deepest religious experiences. Here was revealed to him that
over the sorrow and suffering, the sin and pain, of the world,—“the
ocean of darkness and death,” as he termed it, there for ever flowed the
infinite ocean of God’s light and love; and this perception brought added
strength, for he tells us, “I had great openings”; and who can doubt that
this deeper spiritual experience and its resultant strength proved an
inspiration to his early disciple?

The rapid development of the Mansfield of to-day has brought many
changes, and but little remains to remind one of the seventeenth century
town. The “steeple house” mentioned by Fox has been restored but its
interesting features have been preserved; near it there still stands on
old house, a survival of the past in the midst of modern surroundings,
which was undoubtedly in existence when he walked “by the steeple house
side in Mansfield.” Hard by lived Elizabeth Heath, that benefactress to
the town whose thoughtful charity has brightened the lives of so many
aged pensioners. Though it does not appear that she ever openly joined
the followers of Fox, she still held their honesty and probity in such
high esteem that she appointed all the trustees of her charity from
amongst them, and to-day the trust is still administered by members of
the Society of Friends.[7]

In the year 1649 George Fox suffered imprisonment at Nottingham and in
his “Short Journall”[8] we read: “There came a Woman to mee to the Prison
& two wᵗʰ her and said yᵗ shee had been possessed two and thirty years.”
He goes on to describe her symptoms and how “the Priests had kept her,
and had kept fasting days about her, and could not do her any good.”
After his release from prison he bade “friends have her to Mansfield.”
Her conduct there was apparently so extraordinary that she

would set all friends in a heat and Sweat.... And so she
affrighten’d the World from our meettings; and then they said
if that were cast out of her while she were wᵗʰ us and were
made well, Then They would say yᵗ wee were of God: this said
The world.... And Then it was upon mee that wee should have a
meetting at Skekbey at Elizabeth Huttons house, where wee had
her there, and there were many friends almost overcome by her
... and yᵉ same day shee was worse then ever shee was.

Another meeting was held and a cure was effected. Then the narrative
continues:

Wee kept her about a fortnight in yᵉ sight of yᵉ world, and
she wrought and did Things and then wee sent her away to her
friends. And Then the Worlds Professors Priests & Teachers
never could call us any more false prophetts deceivers or
witches after but it did a great deal of good in yᵉ Countrey
among People in relac̄on to yᵉ Truth and to yᵉ stopping the
mouths of yᵉ world & their Slandrous Aspersions.

Shortly after this time Elizabeth Hooton’s active ministry commenced and
bonds and bitter persecutions awaited her. At Derby in 1651 she suffered
imprisonment for “speaking to one of the Priests there, who so resented
her Reproof that he applied to the Magistrate to punish her. For it is
common with Men who most deserve Reprehension, to be most offended with
those who administer it.”[9] Although 1651 is the date given, there is
preserved a letter from E. Hooton written from Derby gaol and bearing two
endorsements, the first in the handwriting of George Fox: (1) “To the
meir of darby from Elliz: hoton 1650.” (2) “This was sent to the meir
of darby from Goodde hutton.” The letter consists entirely of religious
exhortations, and is similar to many others bearing her signature. It
concludes: “Would you have me put in beale wᶜʰ have not trensgresed your
lawe nor mes be haved my selfe—Conseder is this the Good ould way that
you was touth [taught?].” It is addressed to “noaH Bullocke of derby in
the towne” and is chiefly interesting as the earliest letter of hers
known to be in existence, addressed to a public official.[10]

There is no record of the length of her imprisonment at Derby but in 1652
she was committed to York Castle for speaking in the Steeple House at
Rotherham and remained there for sixteen months. There are interesting
allusions to Elizabeth Hooton and her husband in letters from Thomas
Aldam[11] written from York Castle in the above year; he says:[12]

... We have great friendship and love from yᵉ governor of the
Towne, and many of yᵉ Souldiers are very sollid & loveing. Oh
his wonderful love and oh the exceeding riches of his grace
held forth to vs. to him alone all glorie, honour, and praise,
now & for ever; My Sister Elizebeth Hooten remembers her dear
love vnto you in yᵉ lord, and my sister Mary ﬀisher[13] who was
brought to prison from Selbie for speakeing to yᵉ preist in yᵉ
Steeple house there, she was as servant with Richard Tomlingson
of Selbie.

And again:[14]

... My sister Elizebeth Hooton & I did looke for noe Calling
to goe before the Judge & Elizabeth husband in the flesh came
to the Assize & went backe againe shortly: the Justices told
him shee might not bee Called here but at their Sessions: but
at the end of their Assizes they called vs all together to goe
before them; ... an inward peace & rejoiceing was given mee
in goeing up.... I was made to Cry out, Woe to the partiall
Judge.... My sisters was made to speake in great bouldnes
at the Bench against the deceite of their Corrupt Lawes &
Governements & deceitfull Preists we are Kept all of vs in
greate friedome in these outward bonds, & the Lord is p̄sent
wᵗʰ vs in power; to him alone bee praises for ever & ever....
Your deare Brethren & Sisters in the Lord,

THO: ALDAM
WILL. PEARES[15]
ELIZABETH HOOTON
JANE HOLMES[16]
MARY FFISHER

There are two letters signed by Elizabeth Hooton which were probably
written at this period. The first is as follows:[17]

Deare Freind Cap: Stothers[18] & the wife: my deare and tender
love to yᵘ both, my deare freinds I am moved to writ to you my
brethren, yᵗ wee are well, the lord is pleased to recover me
and shew me abundance of his mercy, makeing me acquainted with
Satans wiles and Cuning devices, to trap the simple Seed, and
to ensnare and bondage the people of god, with his subtil bayts
Continually, O deare frends, when the lord hath set you free
and brought you into joy, then you thinke you have over come
all, but there is a daiely Crosse to bee taken vp, whilst yᵗ
the fleshly will remaineth, if any of yᵗ stand vncrucified, the
Serpent there getts hould and brings into death, & darkenesse,
soe yᵗ there is a continuall Warfare for there is noe thing
obtained but throug Death & Suferings, which is by the power
of Faith, which Caryes through all troubles, keepeing Close
to it the power of darkenes cannot hurt, but lookeing out to
satisfie the will of the flesh, there doth the Serpent get in
& tells the Creature of ease, & liberty in the flesh. and say
thou needest to take vp the Crosse noe longer, for thou art
now come to thy rest, thou may eate & drinke and bee merry & I
will give thee joy enough, & thus many a pore soule is drowned
and runs on in lightnes & wantonnes, tho become odious both in
the sight of god and men, & cause Scandalls to arise against yᵉ
Church, & soe through backesliders we are rendered odious to
the world putting on yᵗ which was once put of, disobedience is
the beginner of these things: O deare frends beeware & exort
others, yᵗ wee may sit doune in the lowest roome, taking vp the
Crosse dayely and foloweing Christ & yᵗ hee may goe before vs
& leade vs at his one pleasure, I have experience of the wiles
of Satan, the lord hath exercised mee, but there is noe way but
sit doune and submitt to his will, & there is rest and peace.

farewell. my love to Richard Hatter & his wife & to Will:
Tomlinson.

your frend ELIZABETH HOOTON

The second of the two letters is a plea on behalf of James Halliday,[19]
of Northumberland, imprisoned in York Castle:[20]

Yoᵘ that sitt on the Bench doe Justice and Equity to those
honest hearted people Called Quakers whome yoᵘ putt in prison
and Call them to the Barr & sett them at Liberty for they have
done yoᵘ noe wrong nor hurt the cause is for worshiping of
God as hee requires in Spᵗ & in Truth that they Suffer—James
Holliday who hath Laine in Six Months being A North Country
freind the Geoler hath very much Abused By Taking away his
Victualls & Beateing of him till hee hath been black & Blew &
his Skin broake & soe oʳ desire is that yoᵘ would sett this
poore man at Liberty whome the Geoler keepeth for his fees

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

In a very vigorous and lengthy letter[21], endorsed by Fox: “e hoten
at the gale at yorke to olefer Cromwell 1653,” in which she describes
herself as a Prisoner of the Lord at York Castle, she reminds the
Protector:

The Lord hath beene pleased to make [the] an Instruement of
warr and Victorie; hee hath given the power over thy enemies
& ours, hee hath given much into thy hand, & thou hast beene
Looked vppon, & sett vpp wᵗʰ many, and wᵗʰ my selfe.

She denounces in no measured terms the corruptness of Judges,
Magistrates, teachers and clergymen and all officers and gaolers and
compares them to Herod and Pontius Pilate; and continues:

Your Judges Judge for reward, And at this Yorke many wᶜʰ
Committed murder escaped throughe frends & money, & pore people
for Lesser facts are put to death; many Lighe in prison for
fees yet; they Called their Assize a generall Gaole Delivʳie,
but many was but delivʳed from the p̄sence of the Judges in
to the hands of two greate Tirantes vizᵗ. the Gaoler & the
Clearcke of the Assize & these two keepes many pore Creatures
still in prison for fees, the Gaoler hee must have Twenty
shillinge four pence for his fee; & the Clearcke of the Assize
hee must have fifteene shillinges eight pence, & this they will
have of pore Creatures; or els they must starve in prison,
They Lighe worse then doggs for want of strawe, Many beinge in
greate want, that they have not to releeve them wᵗʰall; yet
these Tirants keepe them in this pore Condic̄on The Judges &
Magistrates they might as well have put them to death at the
Assize as put them into the hands of these two tirants who
keepes men for money starveing them in a hole till they be
ruined [?] or starved to death.

She next complains of the way she and her fellow sufferers for the Truth
are treated and tells the Protector: “Wee have not that Libertie that
Paull had of the Heathenish Romans.” She then appeals to him as follows:

O man what dost thou there except thou stand for the truth
which is trampled under foote Who knowes but thou was Called
to deliver thy brethren out of bondage & slaverie, & that the
Truth may bee set free to speake freely, wᵗʰout money or wᵗʰout
Prize.... O frend thou must lighe downe in the dust & Cast thy
Crowne at the feete of Jesus, how Can you beleeve that seeke
honor one of another & seekes not the honor wᶜʰ is of god
onely; Distribute to the pore, & Denie thy honor, & take up the
Crosse & followe Jesus Christ.

Much more follows in the same strain, mingled with warnings of the
woes that will come upon him and the nation generally if justice is
not done. The whole is a very good example of the epistolary methods
of the period, and at the same time throws an interesting light on the
condition of prisoners, and the way Justice was administered—or rather
not administered—during the Commonwealth.

A Tract entitled, _False Prophets and false Teachers described_, signed
by Thomas Aldam, Elizabeth Hooton, William Pears, Benjamin Nicholson,[22]
Jane Holmes, and Mary Fisher; “Prisoners of the Lord at York Castle,
1652,” is an eloquent testimony to their unceasing activity in Truth’s
service.[23]

Another detailed account of this imprisonment is given in a further
letter, sealed and directed: “ﬀor Capt Stodard at his house in Long Aley
in more fields this đ đ đ in London.” E. Hooton writes:[24]

Deare friends [_paper torn_] unto you Concerning yᵉ assise
but we 3 sisters were not Called, but they keepe us still in
prison, with the Rest of oure brethren, 3 of them was Called,
but the corupt Judge sett fines vpon them, for Comeing wᵗʰ
their hatts on, but they keepe yᵉ truth murdred, in a whole &
will not suffered it to speake in shutting us vp, what yᵉ truth
should be declared, Some of our brethren was bold & did speake
freely to them, but my bro: Thomas [Aldam] they would not let
him stay nor sufer him to speake, but we are maide to Rest in
yᵉ will of god ... if we would submitt to their wills, then
would they take of our fines, but we dare not deny yᵉ lord,
for at yᵗ time yᵗ he hath apointed he will sett vs fre, from
vnder yᵉ bondage of men, but our fredom is wᵗʰ yᵉ father & yᵉ
sone, whom yᵉ sone hath maide fre is fre indeede.... O noble
Captaine yᵉ lord hath manifested his love to the, & he hath
maide the an instrument of good to his people, now it stands
yᵉ vpon to stand vp for the leberty of yᵉ gospell, yᵗ them yᵗ
hath frely Received it, may have fredome to preach itt, & hold
it out to yᵉ world, yᵗ hierlings may be putt downe & have no
more hier, for they through there deceits deceives yᵉ people &
Raises vp yᵉ Magestraites for persecution, for they, yᵉ Clergy
& yᵉ gentry, hath yᵉ lande betwixt them, & yᵉ people of god
& yᵉ power doe they persecute & treade vnder feete, & those
Corupt Magestraits wᶜʰ knowes noe true Justice, keepes yᵉ poore
people in bondage & ꝑsecutes according to their own will, many
of vs are put heare in prison, not ofending their owne way,
Consider of these things and as thou art moved soe speake to yᵉ
generall [Cromwell] yᵗ yᵉ truth may be sett fre, though we be
willing to waite the lords laysure. I did sende some letters to
yᵉ generall, & would know whether they ever was seene, or noe,
& one to yᵉ Parlement, I would know wᵗ became of them, whether
they were brought to light or noe, any of them.

ELIZABETH HOOTON,
A prisoner of yᵉ lord in Yorke Castle.

At what period her liberation from York Castle took place is as yet
undetermined—on the 11th June, 1653, she wrote from the Castle to George
Fox,[25] but when free, undeterred by this imprisonment, she went forward
in her religious service. Here follow some glimpses of her further labour
and suffering.

[Illustration: ELIZABETH HOOTON TO GEORGE FOX.

_To face p. 12._] [_See p. vi._]

Margaret Killam[26], writing to George Fox, in 1653, says:[27]

I was moued of the lord to goe to Cambridge, & I went by
Newarke side & was att a meetinge uppon the first day there, &
I was moued to goe to the Steeplehouse & I was kept in Silence
whilst their teacher had done, & hee gaue ouer in subtilty, a
litle, & after began againe, thinkinge to haue ensnred mee, but
in the wisdome of god I was p̄served, & did not speake untill
hee was come downe out of the place.... His hearers were uery
silent & attentiue to heare & did confesse itt was the truth
wᶜʰ was spoken to them, & was troubled att their Teacher yᵗ hee
fled away. Itt was the same wᶜʰ did Imprison Elizabeth Hooton,
& did ensnare her by his craft, & hee had told them if any came
& spoke in meeknesse hee would heare.

Besse has no record of the above-mentioned imprisonment of Elizabeth
Hooton, so possibly it was not of long duration.

In the year 1654 George Fox says: “I came to Balby; from whence several
Friends went with me into Lincolnshire; of whom some went to the
steeple-houses and some to private meetings.”[28]

* * * * *

From the following interesting entry in an early Lincolnshire minute
book[29] it appears likely that John Whitehead[30] and Elizabeth Hooton
were of this company:

In the beginning of the Ninth Month in the yeare 1654 John
Whitehead first came to preach the Light within, & for beareing
Testimony in the High Place called the Minster in Lincoln that
it is the Light of the Glorious Gospell that Shines in Man’s
heart & Discovers Sin, He was buffetted & most shamefully
intreated, being often knocked down by the Rude & Barberous
People, who were encouraged thereunto by Humphrey Walcott who
then was in Commission to have kept the peace; but brake it by
striking of the said John Whitehead with his owne hands, wᶜʰ so
encouraged the Rude People, that so far as could be seene they
had slaine the said John, but that God stirred some Souldiers
to take him by ﬀorce from amongst them.

Elizabeth Hooton was imprisoned in Lincoln Castle in the 9ᵗʰ
month 1654 by the Procurement of Joseph Thurston, then Priest
of Beckingham, for speaking to him in the Steeplehouse, she
was kept Prisoner about 6 months. She was Imprisoned againe by
procurement of the same priest at Lincoln Castle in Ninth Month
1655 for speaking to him after the Exercise was done, & at that
time kept prisoner eleven or twelve weeks.

According to Besse, E. Hooton was the first sufferer for the Truth in
Lincolnshire.[31]

[Illustration: BECKINGHAM CHURCH.

_To face p. 14_] [_See p. vi._]

There is an imperfect letter from Elizabeth Hooton in existence, which,
though undated, appears to belong to this period and naturally finds a
place here. It is endorsed: “E. H. Prisoner in Lincolne Castle, pleads
to him in Authority to reforme the abuses of yᵉ Goal,” and contains a
striking description of the state of the gaols of the Commonwealth and
of the many abuses connected with their management.[32] Her protests
against strong drink, her plea for the separation of the sexes and for
the employment of the prisoners reads more like an appeal from Elizabeth
Fry two centuries later.

O thou that artt sett in Authoryty to doe Justice and
Judgmente, and to lett the oppressed goe free, thease things
are required att thy hands, looke vpon the pore prissonors,
heare is that hath not an[y] [al]lowance all though thear be
a greatte sume of mony comes out of the country suffic[ien]tt
to hellpe them all that is in want, booth theare dew alowance
and to sett them aworke which would labor, And those that are
sentt hether for deb[ts] that theare rates for beds, which is
ten grots the weeke may be taken downe [_paper torn_] at to
reasonable raites, And theare beare which is sould at such an
vnreasonab[le] [_paper torn_] thear meseuers being so extreame
littell that itt may be amendid [_paper torn_] and equity, for
many pore detters is sett in heare for a small dett and [_paper
torn_] a great deale of the score fare more then thear dette.
And it is [? a place of g]reate dissorder and of wickednes,
so that for oppression and prophaines J neuer came in such a
place, because a milignant woman keeps the gole.

Opprission in meat and in drinke and in feese, and in that
which they call garnishes, and in many other thinges, And J
my selfe am much abused, booth hir and hir prissonars, and
hir houshould, so that J cannott walke quiatly abroade but be
abused with those that belonge vnto hir. When a drunken preist
comes to reade command praire, or to preach aftar his owne in
vention or Jmmaginations, then thay locke me up, and all the
rest are comanded to come forth to heare, and so is keptt in
blindnes.

And so in drinking and profaines and wantonnes, men and women
to gether many times partte of the night, which grefes the
spiritt of god in me night and day. This is required of the o
man, to reforme this place, as thy power and Authority doth
alow, ether remove strong drinke out of this place or remove
the Golar, seckondly that theare rates for theare beds may be
taken dowen. That theare garnishes and theare greate fese may
be taken of, and thease oppresed prissonors may come to some
hearing, such as is wrongfuly prissoned, And that theare may be
some beter order amongst the men and woman which is prissonars
to keepe them assunder and sett them a worke, and sett them att
libbirty that is not able to pay the feese, and to take out the
dissordred person, which kipeth all in dissorder, in carding
and dicinge, and many other vaine sportes, and so J leave itt
to thy Concsence to redres the dissorders in this rewde place,
and so have J discarged my Concsence [_paper torn_] much vpon
me, that thou mightest know itt and itt redres.

ELIZEBETH HOUTON,
prisonr in linckoln Castell.

George Fox, after his missionary visit into Lincolnshire, accompanied
by Robert Craven, the Sheriff of Lincoln (who had been convinced by his
preaching) and by Thomas Aldam, passed into Derbyshire and thence into
Nottinghamshire to Skegby, “where,” he records, “we had a great meeting
of divers sorts of people: and the Lord’s power went over them and all
was quiet. The people were turned to the spirit of God, by which many
came to receive his power, and to sit under the teaching of Christ their
Saviour. A great people the Lord hath in these parts.”[33] No mention
is made of Elizabeth Hooton, possibly she was in Lincolnshire at the
time, but it may be that her fostering care of the infant Church and
her unwavering steadfastness to the Truth which she had received had
been mainly instrumental in raising up “a great people to the Lord.”
In 1655 we know she was again in Lincolnshire, but the brief entry in
the Lincoln Minute Book appears to be the only record of her labours in
that county at this period. She was one of the first Quaker preachers to
visit Oxfordshire as evidenced by an early Minute which runs: “Also Eliz
Hutton, a good ould woman, came and vised us early.”[34]

* * * * *

In 1657 her husband, Oliver Hooton, died. The entry in the digest of
Friends’ burial registers preserved at Nottingham reads:

Oliver Hooton died 30 4 1657 Seckbie, Mansfield Mo. Meeting
Buried 30 4 1657. Seckbie.

This is confirmed by the Parish Register at Skegby where he is described
as the Elder, but there is a slight discrepancy as to day and month, the
latter stating he was buried 24th July, 1657.[35]

* * * * *

At an early date Friends acquired a Burial Ground at Skegby where members
of the Society from the district were interred. The entries in the
Register show that many Mansfield Friends were buried there, for until
Elizabeth Heath gave a piece of ground as a burial place in 1693, Friends
of Mansfield had no place of sepulture there.

Quite recently, in the course of repairs to the house at Skegby, which
up to 1800 was the property of Friends and was known as the Meeting
House, and by some was believed to be the house in which Elizabeth Hooton
lived, a stone used as a shelf in the pantry was found on which there
were remains of an inscription and the date 1687. An old lady of Skegby,
aged ninety-eight, states that she fancies she can remember seeing some
tombstones in the garden which covers the site of the old graveyard.

No record of Elizabeth Hooton’s ministry, or allusion to
her, has been found in contemporary documents for the years
1658-1659, but in the early part of the year 1660 she was
in Nottinghamshire, and Besse gives the following graphic
description of an apparently unprovoked assault on her by
Priest Jackson of Selston: “On the 2d of the Month called
April, Elizabeth Hooton, passing quietly on the Road, was met
by one Jackson, Priest of Selston, who abused her, beat her
with many Blows, knockt her down, and afterward put her into
the Water.”[36]

With this incident, the record of her early service in England ends. We
next follow her in her perilous journeyings in a distant land.

[Illustration: Falſe Prophets and falſe Teachers deſcribed. 1652.

(see page 11.)]

CHAPTER II

First Visit to New England

“Why touch upon such themes?” perhaps some friend
May ask, incredulous; “and to what good end?
Why drag again into the light of day
The errors of an age long passed away?”
I answer: “For the lesson that they teach;
The tolerance of opinion and of speech.
Hope, Faith, and Charity remain—these three;
And greatest of them all is Charity.”

LONGFELLOW, _New England Tragedies_, Prologue to “Endicott.”

We owe to their heroic devotion the most priceless of our
treasures, our perfect liberty of thought and speech; and all
who love our country’s freedom may well reverence the memory of
those martyred Quakers, by whose death and agony the battle in
New England has been won.

BROOKE ADAMS, _Emancipation of Massachusetts_.

Fierce and cruel as was the persecution in England it was far exceeded
by the tortures which awaited the first Quaker missionaries in the New
World. Barely fifty years earlier the Pilgrim Fathers had left the
homeland and gone forth into an unknown wilderness, there to establish
freedom of worship; their descendants, by bitter persecution of the
Quakers, demonstrated their failure—in spite of their own sufferings—to
learn the lesson of religious toleration. The general attitude of those
in authority in the Colonies is very well pourtrayed in the writings of
the Rev. Mr. Ward, of Ipswich, Massachusetts, in 1645: “It is said that
men ought to have liberty of conscience and that it is _persecution_ to
debar them of it. I can rather stand amazed than reply to this. It is
an astonishment that the brains of a man should be parboiled in such
impious ignorance”; and, further, John Callender, writing in 1739, said
that in 1637 “the true Grounds of Liberty of Conscience were not then
known or embraced by any Sect or Party of Christians.”[37]

The early history of the New England Colony shows that, some years before
the advent of the Quakers, religious differences had arisen amongst
the Colonists, and a certain section of the community had not escaped
persecution. Anne Hutchinson, a brave and intrepid woman, had boldly
protested against what might almost be termed a purely theological
religion and the extreme power which was of necessity vested in the
priest, which was the basis of the Puritan faith. Dr. Rufus Jones states
the differing points of view very clearly:[38]

The real issue, as I see it in the fragments that are
preserved, was an issue between what we nowadays call “religion
of the first-hand type,” and “religion of the second-hand
type,” that is to say, a religion on the one hand which insists
on “knowledge of acquaintance” through immediate experience,
and a religion on the other hand which magnifies the importance
and sufficiency of “knowledge about.”

Anne Hutchinson was arraigned before a General Court of all the
ministers, held in Boston in 1637. She defended herself with great
ability, but without avail, in fact it is very possible that such unusual
temerity on the part of a woman may have been largely responsible for
the severity of the sentence passed upon her, for she was condemned
to banishment and declared excommunicate. As the exiled outcast woman
passed sadly down the aisle, one Mary Dyer[39] joined her and went
forth with her, thus taking the first step on that path of suffering
which led, twenty-three years later, to the gallows on Boston Common.
Anne Hutchinson, after sentence of exile had been pronounced, joined
her friends. She had a very considerable following in the new Colony of
Aquiday, or Aquidneck, now called Rhode Island, which later became for
the persecuted Quakers a veritable “little Zoar,”[40] for these early
settlers learned the lesson of religious toleration which was reflected
in their laws.[41]

The King’s Commissioners, who visited the Colony about 1664, reported
that in Rhode Island “all who desire it are admitted freemen. Liberty of
conscience and worship is allowed to all who live civilly. They admitted
all religions, even Quakers and Generalists, and is generally hated by
other Colonies.”[42]

Not only was Rhode Island a city of refuge for the persecuted Quakers,
but their message was sympathetically received by many in the Colony.
Anne Hutchinson did not live to witness the sufferings of the Quakers,
as she and several members of her family were murdered by the Indians
in the autumn of 1643; her sister Katharine Scot,[43] however, early
joined the new sect; she is described as “a Mother of many Children, one
that had lived with her Husband, of an Unblameable Conversation, and a
Grave, Sober, Ancient Woman, and of good Breeding, as to the Outward, as
Men account.”[44] She came from Providence, Rhode Island, to Boston on
hearing of the sentence passed on three young men who, for the crime of
being Quakers, were condemned each to the loss of an ear; on account of
her comments thereon she was cast into prison and received “Ten Cruel
Stripes with a three-fold-corded-knotted-Whip,” and warned that “if she
came thither again they were likely to have a law to hang her,” to which
she replied: “If God call us, Wo be to us, if we come not; And I question
not, but he whom we love, will make us not to count our Lives dear unto
our selves for the sake of his Name.”[45] Truly she and her sister Anne
Hutchinson came of heroic stock.

In 1656 the first Quaker preachers in the persons of Mary Fisher and Anne
Austin[46] arrived at Boston. In consequence of the many wild rumours
which had reached the Colony of the strange actions and teaching of the
Quakers in England, they were detained on shipboard and their luggage
searched for Quaker books or tracts. Several were found and these were
ordered to be burned by the common executioner, and the women themselves
were stripped and examined to see if they bore upon them marks which
should prove them to be witches. They were detained in gaol for about
five weeks and then deported again to Barbados. Their inhospitable
reception did not in the least quench the missionary zeal of the early
Friends, and very shortly after, eight more arrived on the shores of New
England, who, after two days’ examination, were sent back to England by
the ship on which they came. The authorities of Boston then passed a
law inflicting a fine of £100 on any shipmaster who knowingly conveyed
a Quaker to the Colonies. This law failed as a deterrent, many Quakers
obtaining an entrance to the Colonies, and still fiercer became the
persecution. A strengthening of the law was deemed necessary and it was
further decreed:

What Quaker so ever shall arrive from foreign Parts or Parts
adjacent shall be forth with committed to the House of
Correction; and at their entrance to be severely whipp’d, and
by the master thereof to be kept constantly at Work, and none
suffered to speak or converse with them.—If any Person shall
knowingly Import any Quakers Books or Writings concerning their
Devilish opinions, shall pay for every such Book or Writing
the Sum of £5. who soever shall disperse or conceal any such
Book or Writing and it be found with him or her shall forfeit
or pay £5—and that if any Person within this Colony shall take
upon them to defend the Heretical opinions of the said Quakers
or any of their Books, &c., shall be fined for the first time
40/—If they shall persist in the same and again defend it the
second time £4.—If they shall again so defend they shall be
committed to the House of Correction till there be convenient
Passage to send them out of the Land, being sentenced by the
Court of Assistants to Banishment [1656].

This law was proclaimed by beat of drum before the house of Nicholas
Upsall[47] who was rightly suspected of sympathy with the hated sect; he
protested against the law and suffered banishment in consequence. In 1657
the law was again strengthened; and if a male Quaker, after he had once
been banished, returned again to New England, he was to suffer the loss
of one ear and to be kept in the House of Correction, and every woman
was to be severely whipped and consigned to the same place. This law was
to apply to “every Quaker arising from amongst ourselves” as well as to
“Foreign Quakers.” Three men suffered the penalty of loss of their ears
at Boston. Further laws were made and penalties inflicted for meeting
together to worship God after the manner of Friends. In 1658, in addition
to the penalties already inflicted, any of the “Sect of Quakers,” after a
trial by a special Jury and conviction by same, were to be sentenced to
death.

In spite of, or rather because of these harsh laws and the inhumanity
with which they were administered, the Quaker community rapidly
increased; thus we are told[48] that

these Violent and Bloody Proceedings so affected the
Inhabitants of Salem and so preached unto them, that divers
of them could no longer partake with those who mingled Blood
with their Sacrifices, but chusing rather Peace with God in
their Consciences, whose Witness in them testified against such
Worships, than to joyn with their persecutors, whatsoever they
might therefore suffer, withdrew from the Publick Assemblies,
and met together by themselves on the first Days of the Week,
Quiet and Peaceable in one anothers Houses waiting on the Lord.

The authorities quickly noticed these abstentions from public worship
and warrants were issued under a law of 1646, the offenders being fined
for non-attendance 5s. a week; and on a second examination, after the
Clerk of the Court had perverted their explanation as to their belief
in the doctrine of the Inward Light, three of their number—Lawrence
and Cassandra Southwick, with Josiah their son[49] (“all of a Family
to terrifie the rest”) were sent to Boston, and there in the House of
Correction were “caused to be Whipp’d in the coldest Season of the Year
with Cords, as those afore, tho’ two of them were Aged People.”[50]

Many examples of the ferocity with which the Quakers were treated in
the New England Colonies might be cited, yet so inspired were these
early pioneers with the deep significance and importance of their
message that they were compelled to brave the untried wilderness paths
and surmount difficulties which we in these days might be tempted to
deem insurmountable, in order to deliver it; women with their babes at
the breast would not hesitate to undertake “a very sore Journey, and
(according to Man) hardly accomplishable, through a Wilderness above
Sixty Miles,” knowing that it led inevitably to stripes and bondage and
possible death; yet in spite of all, we are told of one such that she
was enabled to kneel down and pray in the spirit of the Master for the
forgiveness of her cruel persecutors. This “so reached upon a Woman that
stood by, and wrought upon her, that she gave Glory to God, and said that
surely she could not have done that thing, if it had not been by the
Spirit of the Lord.”[51]

The Quakers still continued boldly to preach, and persecution waxed
fiercer and fiercer. The Chronicler says: “Their lives (as men) became
worse than Death and as living Burials.” The offences for which
Friends suffered so severely were of a most trivial character, such as
non-attendance at Public Worship for which they had been previously
fined, and for not removing their hats. In the event of their refusal to
pay any fines which might be imposed they became liable under a law made
on accounts of debts, by which it was permissible to sell those persons
who refused or were unable to pay their fines “to any of the English
Nations as Virginia or Barbadoes to Answer the said Fines.”

Worse was to follow—in June, 1659, William Robinson, of London, Merchant,
and Marmaduke Stevenson, a country-man from East Yorkshire, under a
religious concern, passed from Rhode Island to Boston, where with an aged
man named Nicholas Davis[52] they were speedily imprisoned, Mary Dyer,
who came from Rhode Island, sharing the same fate; there they remained
until the sitting of the Court of Assistants, when they were sentenced to
banishment, and should they be found within the Jurisdiction of the Court
after the 14th of September following they were condemned to death. They
were kept prisoners till the 12th of September. Mary Dyer and Nicholas
Davis “found freedom to depart” out of the Province; but William Robinson
and Marmaduke Stevenson “were constrained in the love and power of God
not to depart,” so they passed out of prison to Salem and remained
there and at Piscataway and the parts thereabouts in the service of the
Lord. On the 13th of October they returned to Boston “that metropolis of
Blood” as it was styled, and with them Alice Cowland, “who came to bring
Linnen to wrap the dead bodies of them who were to suffer.” Several other
Friends joined them and the Chronicler tells us: “These all came together
in the Moving and Power of the Lord as one, to look your Bloody Laws in
the Face,” and to accompany those who should suffer by them. Mary Dyer
had returned also and on the 19th of the same month she, with William
Robinson and Marmaduke Stevenson, was condemned to death. On the 28th of
the same month they were led forth to execution, by the back way, we are
told, for the authorities were afraid “of the fore way lest it should
affect the people too much.” Drums, too, were beaten, so that no words
from the prisoners might be heard; we are told that they came “to the
place of Execution Hand in Hand, all three of them as to a Weding-day,
with great Chearfulness of Heart.” The two men were hanged, but Mary Dyer
was reprieved at the last moment, by petition of her son, only to suffer
the death penalty a few months later.

Yet another martyr was to seal his testimony with his blood—William
Leddra, described as of Barbados but a native of Cornwall, was executed
at Boston the 14th of March, 1660/61, under the law of banishment, who,
before his final trial, had suffered much persecution and grievous
cruelty. His beautiful and saintly nature is revealed in a letter written
by him “To the Society of the little Flock of Christ,” dated from Boston
prison the day before his execution; therein is no fierce denunciation
of his persecutors, but words of consolation and hope to his sorrowing
friends.[53]

A contemporary letter, printed in _New England Judged_, is extremely
interesting as showing the unbiassed opinion given by an entire stranger
of the sentence passed upon this saintly man. So moved was he by the
scene at the execution that he was impelled to remonstrate with those in
authority. The letter is from Thomas Wilkie to his friend, George Lad,
“Master of the _America_, of Dartmouth, now at Barbados,” dated Boston,
26th of March, 1661. It is as follows:[54]

On the 14th of this Instant, here was one William Leddra, which
was put to Death. The People of the Town told me, He might go
away if he would: But when I made further Enquiry I heard the
Marshal say, That he was Chained in Prison, from the time he
was condemned, to the Day of his Execution. I am not of his
Opinion: But yet Truly me thought the Lord did mightily appear
in the Man.

I went to one of the Magistrates of Cambridge who had been
of the Jury that condemned him (as he told me himself) and I
asked him by what Rule he did it? He answered me, That he was
a Rogue, a very Rogue. But what is this to the Question (I
said) where is your Rule? He said, He had abused Authority.
Then I goes after the Man [William Leddra], and asked him,
Whether he did not look on it as a Breach of Rule, to slight
and undervalue Authority? And I said, That Paul gave Festus
the Title of Honour tho’ he was a Heathen (I do not say these
Magistrates are Heathens) I said then, when the Man was on the
Ladder, He looked on me, and called me Friend, and said, Know,
that this Day I am willing to offer up my Life, for the Witness
of JESUS. Then I desired leave of the Officers to speak, and
said, Gentlemen, I am a Stranger, both to your Persons and
Country, and yet a Friend to both: And I cried aloud, For
the Lord’s sake, take not away the Man’s Life; but remember
Gamaliel’s Counsel to the Jews, If this be of Man, it will come
to nought; but if it be of God, ye cannot Overthrow it; But be
careful ye be not found Fighters against God. And the Captain
said, Why had you not come to the Prison? The Reason was,
Because I heard, the Man might go if he would; and therefore I
called him down from the Tree and said, Come down, William, you
may go away if you will. Then Captain Oliver said, It was no
such matter; And asked, What I had to do with it? And besides,
Bad me be gone. And I told them, I was willing; for I cannot
endure to see this, I said. And when I was in the Town, some
did seem to Sympathise with me in my Grief. But I told them,
That they had no Warrant from the Word of God, nor President
from our Country; nor Power from his Majesty, to Hang the Man.
I rest,

Your Friend,

THOMAS WILKIE.

A bold protest, boldly made; the Chronicler, to our regret, is silent as
to the fate of the protester.

Soon after the Restoration, Charles II., “judging it necessary that so
many remote Colonies should be brought under uniform inspection for
their future regulation, security and improvement,” signed a Commission
appointing thirty-five members of Privy Council, the nobility, gentry
and merchants, a Council for Foreign Plantations. (_Calendar of State
Papers Colonial_). Wide powers were vested in this Council, any five
members were empowered to “inform themselves of the condition of
Plantations and of the Commissions by which they were governed as well
as to require from any Governor an exact account of the constitution of
his laws and government, number of inhabitants and any information he
was able to give.” The Commissioners were also “to provide learned and
orthodox ministers to reform debaucheries of planters and servants and
instruct natives and slaves in the Christian faith.” The first meeting
was held 7th of January, 1661, when Committees were appointed for the
several Plantations; attention was first directed to the New England
Colonies, and information, petitions and relations of those who had been
sufferers were laid before the Council. At a subsequent meeting held on
11th of March, 1661, Captain Thomas Breedon, who had returned from New
England in 1660, appeared and reported as to conditions in Massachusetts
Colony. He presented a book of the Laws of the Colony which were stated
to be by patent from the King, but he had never seen the patent and did
not know whether they acted in accordance with the same. “Distinctions
between freemen and non-freemen, members and non-members, is as famous
as Cavaliers and Roundheads was in England, and will shortly become as
odious. The grievances of the non-members who are really for the King,
and also some of the members, are very many.”

In Breedon’s report, too, we have symptoms of discontent and
disaffection—heralds of the storm which a hundred years later broke, and
severed for ever the American Colonies from the mother-land. He continues:

They look on themselves as a free state, they sat in Council
December last, a week before they could agree in writing to
His Majesty, there being so many against owning the king or
having any dependence on England. Has not seen their petition
but questions their allegiance to the King, because they have
not proclaimed him, they do not act in his name, and they do
not give the act [? oath] of allegiance, but force an oath of
fidelity to themselves and their Governor as in the Book of
Laws.

That there was considerable doubt in the minds of those in authority
in New England as to the manner in which the news of their high-handed
and ferocious persecution of the Quakers would be received by the Home
Government is evident from a letter written by Captain John Leverett,
London Agent for Massachusetts, to Governor Endicott and the General
Court, 13th of September, 1660. After some discourse on other matters he
continues:

Yᵉ Quakers I hear have been with yᵉ King concerning your
putting to death those of theyr Frᵈˢ executed at Boston. Yᵉ
general vogue of people is yᵗ a Govʳ will be sent over. Other
rumours yʳᵉ are concerning you, but I omit yᵐ, not knowing how
to move & appeare at Court on your behalf. I spoke to Lᵈ Say &
Sele to yᵉ Eˡ of Manchester &c.

Yʳˢ in all faithfulness to serve you,

JOHN LEVERETT.

Some Quakers say yᵗ they are promised to have order for yᵉ
liberty of being with you.

News of the sufferings of Friends in New England had indeed reached their
Friends in the old country; Edward Burrough[55] had obtained audience of
the King and represented in powerful though simple language the story of
their inhuman treatment. His appeal resulted in the issue of a Mandamus
by the King, dated Whitehall, 9th day of September, 1661, to John
Endicott, and the Governors of the other Colonies,[56] commanding that
all Quakers condemned to death or imprisoned should be sent to England
for trial; Edward Burrough urged that this order should be sent with all
speed, but the King objected, in his usual spirit of procrastination,
that he had “no occasion at present to send a ship thither.” Burrough,
however, was given permission to send the Mandamus by the hand of
a messenger of his own choosing; he at once decided that Samuel
Shattuck,[57] of Salem, a Quaker exile from the Colony, should return
as the bearer of the King’s message. English Friends at once chartered
a vessel belonging to Ralph Goldsmith,[58] himself a Quaker. After a
tempestuous voyage of six weeks the vessel reached the American shore. As
she lay anchored in Boston Harbour one Sunday morning in October, 1661,
Captain Oliver,[59] a Boston official, boarded her, and on his return
to the town it is said he reported: “There is Shattock and the Devil
and all.” The Mandamus was delivered in person by Samuel Shattuck to
Governor Endicott and the immediate result was that, shortly after, many
Quaker prisoners were set at liberty.[60] Whittier, in his poem, _The
King’s Missive_, gives us a beautiful word picture of the incident and
its setting; one can imagine how the weary prisoners “paused on their way
to look on the martyr graves by the Common side,” and how surpassingly
lovely the landscape seemed to eyes so long accustomed to the gloom of
the prison-house for

The autumn haze lay soft and still
On wood and meadow and upland farms,

and

Broad in the sunshine stretched away,
With its capes and islands, the turquoise bay;
And over water and dusk of pines
Blue hills lifted their faint outlines.

And with awe and deep humility we can enter in some faint degree into
their silent yet fervent thanksgiving for “the great deliverance God had
wrought,” and ah! how vividly we can picture how

Through lane and alley the gazing town
Noisily followed them up and down;
Some with scoffing and brutal jeer,
Some with pity and words of cheer.

Into the heat of this persecution Elizabeth Hooton with her companion,
Joan Brocksopp,[61] had ventured. They suffered imprisonment in Boston
prison on account of visiting Friends confined there, and were liberated
with twenty-five others, after the receipt of John Leverett’s warning
letter to Governor Endicott and the General Court.

But we will let Elizabeth Hooton give the story of her call to the
service, her journeyings and the hardships she endured on the American
Continent, in her own words:[62]

This is to lay before freinds or all where it may come of the
sufferings & persecutions which we suffered in newe England J
Elizabeth Hooton have tasted on by the prefessours of Boston &
Cambridge, who call themselves Jndependants who fled from the
bishops formerly, which have behaved themselves, worse then
the bishops did to them by many degries, making the people
of God to suffer much more then ever they did by the bishops
which causeth their name to stink all over the world becaus of
cruelty.

Jn yᵉ year 1661 it was upon me from the Lord & my freind Joan
Broksopp [_paper rubbed at crease and writing illegible_] for
God & his people to those people in the heate of persecution,
& if God required us to lay down our lives for the testimony
of Jesus & in love to their soules, not knowing but what they
might heare & so be saved yᵗ they might be left without excuse
& God might have his glory & we cleare of their bloud if they
would not heare: ane old woman above three score yeares old
when J went thither & my companion, but they had made a lawe
of a hunder pounds fine to evry ship yᵗ caried a quaker & to
cary them back againe, so yᵗ no ship would cary us from England
thither, but we took ship to Virginia, & when we came there
many ships denied us, & therfore we knew nothing but to goe by
land which was a dangerous voyage, yet God was pleased to order
us a way by a Katch to carie us a part of the way, & so we went
the rest by land.[63]

When we came to Boston after a hard passage then there was no
house to receive us as we knewe of by reason of their fines,
yet did we venture in the night to a woman friends house where
when we were gotten in, it pleased the Lord yᵗ we stayed yᵉ
night by reason yᵗ the tyde did rise so speedily as we could
not get a way, & so we went away in the morning to prison to
visit freinds; but the Jaylour & his wife being filled full
of cruelty, they would not let us come neare to the prison to
see our freinds, but haled us away & he went to the Governour
Jndicot & brought us before him, & many questions he asked us,
to which the Lord inabled us to answer, but a mittimus he made
to cary us to the Goale; for if any called quakers came into
yᵗ country yᵗ was crime enough to commit us to prison without
any just offence of lawe, & four of our freinds was hanged upon
yᵗ same act of their own making for if they shall ask if they
be quaker, & if they own it then yᵗ was crime enough to hange
them: One of them called William Leathry [Leddra] was hanged
since the king came to England & he saide yᵗ he would appeale
to the Lawes of Old England, he was hanged; & another[64] he
did appeale to the generall Court of Boston he was reprieved
though once condemned with the other yᵗ was hanged:

Allso they put 29 of us into prison at Boston till the generall
Court did sit there, & when they sat in their Court they did
call severall Juries upon us, wherby some were condemned to
be hanged, some to be whipt at the carts taille, & some to be
kept into prison, till they should resolve how to dispose of
us; but another Jury after yᵗ was called which did condemne
us to be banished to the French Jland, but yᵗ did not hold &
after yᵗ they called another Jury which condemned us all to be
driven out of their Jurisdiction by men & horses armed with
swords & staffes & weapons of warre who went alonge with us
neire two dayes journey in the willdernes, & there they left us
towards the night amongst the great rivers & many wild beasts
yᵗ useth to devoure & yᵗ night we lay in the woods without any
victualls, but a fewe biskets yᵗ we brought with us which we
soaked in the water, so did the Lord help & deliver us & one
caried another through the waters & we escaped their hands.

And their lawes were broken, & yᵗ which they intendet against
us it may fall upon themselves, & was a deliverance never to be
forgotten praises be to the Lord for ever & ever & now their
Lawes being broken & we delivered, for the terrour of the Lord
did so seise upon them when we were in prison at the time of
the Court, they were distressed both night & day as Caen was
when he had Slaine his brother & they raised up all their
souldiers about in the country to defend themselves against us
that intended them no hurt, so did we come to Providence & Rhod
Jland where was appointed by freinds a generall meeting[65] for
New England where we were abundantly refreshed one with another
for the space of a week, so yᵗ the persecutors of Boston &
professors there were tormented because of innocent blood which
they had shed they thought ane army was comming against them
wᶜʰ was no other then yᵉ feare yᵗ surprised yᵉ hypocrite, yᵉ
wrath of yᵉ Lord exceedingly seised upon them while we were
kept in prison.

So we tooke shipping & went to Barbados & afterwards was moved
to returne to New Englᵈ againe, through much of this country we
went amonst ﬀriends & then was moved to goe to Boston againe
& cry through yᵉ towne, after yᵉ Lawe was broken, & then yᵉ
Constable tooke hold of us to carry me to yᵉ ship & yᵉ wicked
officer said it was their delight & could rejoice to follow us
to yᵉ execution as much as ever they did, in wᶜʰ ship we did
both of us Returne to England. & yᵉ bloud-thirsty men stopped
in their desires blessed be yᵉ Lord for ever & for ever.

Two contemporary letters to Margaret Fell[66] give us a glimpse of the
travellers in Barbados. Joan Brocksopp, writing from that island, 9th of
August, 1661, says:[67] “We came here about A week since. We expect to
Returne thether [Boston] agayne. Elizabeth Houtton dearly saluts thee.”

Ann Clayton,[68] writing also from Barbados under the same date, says:[69]

I shall pas towards New England as soon as Conuenient
opertunity p̄sents, and Jeane Brocksopp hath thoughts of going
with mee, for she sayth shee is not yet Cleare of that Place, &
its like Elizabeth Houton may Returne againe alsoe. Theyer Law
is bad, but yᵉ Powre of yᵉ Lord is sufisient, hee alone p̄serue
vs in it to trust that hee may haue yᵉ whole prayes of his owne
worke, and be sanctified in all our Harts Amen.

A. C.

An account of Elizabeth Hooton and her companion’s sufferings and
the perils they passed through is given in _New England Judged_, but
this account somewhat lacks the vivid touches of the autobiographical
narrative given above. In the following words the travellers conclude the
record of their experiences:[70]

Now ﬀriends as yᵉ Lord hath delivʳed us from yᵉ first sore
travell that yᵉ hands of those bloud thirsty men could not
prevaile to take away oʳ lives, but we came home againe unlookt
for of many yᵗ we should ever returne so safelie because yᵉ
heate of persecution ranged over yᵉ Nations, & an ill savour &
example they set forth wᶜʰ strengthned yᵉ hands of yᵉ wicked
in all those Countries as Virginia & Mariland, & over all yᵉ
Dutch plantations, thinking to have rooted out yᵉ Truth & its
Children.

Joan Brocksopp, too, adds her testimony, and in her _Lamentation for New
England_ writes:[71]

Oh how doth my Soul pity you, ye Rulers of Boston, that ever
ye should be so ignorant of your own Salvation, to turn the
truth of our God into a ly, and put his Servants to death when
he sent them among you to warn you.... Oh ye Rulers of Boston,
my heart is made sad when I remember your condition and your
state, how you are found out of the ways of God against your
own soules.... And say not but that you were warned in your
Life time by one who is a true Lover of the Seed of God, known
unto the World by the Name of

JONE BROOKSOP

The 4 Month 1662.

And so at length after many hairbreadth escapes, “Elizabeth,” in the
words of the old Chronicler, “having also suffered for her Testimony to
the Truth returned to old England and abode some space of time at her own
Habitation.”[72]

A perilous journey for two women, neither of them young, to undertake,
and one marvels at the high courage and faith, and the deep sense of the
guiding hand of God, which sent them forth “looking death in the face” to
deliver the message of their Lord.

[Illustration: _See page 28._]

CHAPTER III

Second Visit to New England

It is easy for us, at this comfortable distance, in an ordered
society in which one believes what he wants to believe—or
peradventure believes nothing at all—to say that these Friends
walked of their own accord into the lion’s den.... That is
undoubtedly true, but it indicates a superficial acquaintance
with the spirit of these Quakers.... They would have preferred
the life of comfort to the hard prison and the gallows rope if
they could have taken the line of least resistance with inward
peace, but that was impossible to them.... They had learned to
obey the visions which they _believed_ were heavenly, and they
had grown accustomed to go straight ahead where the Voice which
they believed to be Divine called them.

RUFUS M. JONES, _Quakers in the American Colonies_, p. 80.

To one of Elizabeth Hooton’s temperament it was obviously impossible that
there should be any long period of rest after her arduous journeyings,
and we soon find her dauntlessly remonstrating with magistrates, visiting
prisoners, and appearing before King Charles II. About this period she
rented a farm near Syston or Sileby in Leicestershire, which was worked
for her by her son Samuel, its assessable value being £5. In 1662 we
find that Samuel was “taken at a meeting” possibly at that place and
thrown into Leicester prison, and from him were taken “three mares with
geares.” This distraint is the subject of many letters to the King, the
Lord Chamberlain, and various other people. On reading these epistles one
is frequently reminded of the unjust judge and the importunate widow; it
is not at all clear that she received reparation, though her numberless
appeals, one would have thought, might have proved sufficiently wearisome.

The following is E. Hooton’s own account of one interview with the King,
perhaps the first:[73]

ﬀreinds,

My goeing to London hath not beene for my owne ends, but in
obedience to the will of god, for it was layed before me,
when J were on the sea, and in great danger of my life, that
J should goe before the King to witnesse for god, whether he
would heare or noe, and to lay downe my life as J did at Boston
if it bee required, and the Lord hath giuen me peace in my
Journey, and god hath soe ordered that the takeing away of my
Cattle hath beene very seruiceable, for by that meanes haue
J had great priuiledge to speake to the faces of the great
men, they had noe wayes to Couer their deceits, nor send me
to prison whatsoeuer J said, because the oppression was layed
before them, and there waited J for Justice, and Judgement, and
equity, from day to day, soe did this oppression Ring ouer all
the Court, and among the souldiers, and many of the Citisens,
and Countrey men and water men that were at the Whitehall and J
laboured amonge them both from morning till night, both great
men and priests and all sorts of people that there were.

J followed the King with this Cry J waite for Justice of thee
o King, for in the Countrey, J can haue noe Justice among
the Magistrates, nor Shreiffes, nor Baylyes, for they haue
taken away my goods contrary to the Law, soe did J open the
grieuances of our freinds all ouer the Nation, the Cry of
the Jnnocent is great, for they haue made Lawes to persecute
Conscience, and J followed the King wheresoeuer he went with
this Cry, the Cry of the innocent regard, J followed him twice
to the Tenace Court, and spoke to him when he went vp into his
Coach, after he had beene at his sport, and some of them read
my Letters openly amongst the rest, the Kings Coachman read
one of my Letters aloud, and in some the witnesse of god was
raised, to beare witnesse against the scoffers with boldnesse
and Courage, and confounded one of the guard that did laugh,
and stop the mouthes of the gainesayers, and they Cry they were
my disciples, and soe great seruice there were for the lord in
these things.

J waited vpon the King which way soeuer he went, J mett him in
the Parke, and gaue him two letters, which he tooke at my hand,
but the people murmured because J did not Kneele, but J went
along by the King and spoke as J went, but J could gett noe
answer of my Letters, soe J waited for an answer many dayes,
and watch for his goeing vp into the Coach in the Court, and
some souldiers began to be fauourable to me, and soe let me
speake to the King, and soe the power of the lord was raised
in me, and J spoke freely to the King and Counsell, that J
waited for Justice, and looked for an answer of what J had
giuen into his hand, and the power of the lord was risen in
me, and the witnesse of god rose in many that did answer me,
and some wicked ones said that it was of the deuill and some
present made answer and said they wish they had that spirit,
and then they said they were my disiples, because they answered
on truths behalfe, and the power of the lord was ouer them
all, and J had pretty time to speake what the Lord gaue me to
speake, till a souldier Came and tooke me away, and said it was
the Kings Court, and J might not preach there, but J declared
through both Courts as J went along and they put me forth at
the gates, and it Came vpon me to gett a Coat of sackecloath,
and it was plaine to me how J should haue it, soe we made that
Coat, and the next morning J were moued to goe amongst them
againe at Whitehall in sackecloath and ashes, and the people
was much strucken, both great men and women was strucken into
silence, the witnesse of god was raised in many, and a fine
time J had amongst them, till a souldier pulled me away, and
said J should not preach there, but J was moued to speak all
the way J went vp to Westminster hall, and through the pallace
yard, a great way of it, declareing against the Lawyers, that
were vniust in their places, and warneing all people to repent,
soe are they left without excuse, if they had neuer more spoken
to them, but the Lord is fitting others for the same purpose,
but he made me an instrument to make way, that some others may
follow in the same exercise, and as they are filling vp the
measure of pride and Costlynesse, and wantonnesse, persecution,
lasciuiousnesse, with all manner of sin filling vp their
measures, soe is the lord now filling vp his violls of wrath to
poure out vpon the throne of the beast, soe that all freinds to
be faithfull and bold and valliant to the measure, which god
hath manifested to you, for a Crowne of life is laid vp for all
that abide faithfull.

ELIZABETH HUTTON.

London the 17ᵗʰ of the 8ᵗʰ Month 1662.

This letter gives sufficient evidence of her determination and the
fearlessness of her methods of procedure; an account which reads
strangely to-day, when one considers the difficulty of access to the
Sovereign and the forces and formalities which guard and hedge him about.

Another letter, undated, addressed “To you yᵗ are Judges or Magistrates
in yᵉ Court,” possibly belongs to this period. Elizabeth, in very plain
language, calls attention to the licentiousness of the times.[74]

... Take heed what you doe Least yᵉ Lord Arise in yᵉ
feircenesse of his anger, and find you Beating yoʳ fellow
servants, and shamefully abuseing them which doe well, and lett
yᵉ wicked goe free. You haue sett yᵉ wicked a worke to spoyle
vs of our goodes, and putt vs in prison for worshipping god,
and turne yoʳ sword backward, which yᵉ higher power cannot doe,
soe you make yoʳselues rediculouse to all people who haue sence
and reason ... god will not be mocked, for such as you sowe
such must you reape: for yᵉ cry of yᵉ Jnnocent will arise in
yᵉ eares of yᵉ Lord, and he will terriblely shake yᵉ wicked:
then will yoʳ dayes of pleasure be turned into mourning, &
weepeing and howleing. Oh yᵗ you would consider this betimes,
before it be too late, and instead of pulling downe yᵉ houses
of gods people, pull downe whore houses and play houses, which
keepes yᵉ people in vanitie and wickedneess. Every wicked worke
is now att Libertie; and vertue Rightiousnesse & holynesse you
sett yoʳ selues against with all yoʳ force. Oh what a nation
would this be if you might haue yoʳ wills. Goe into Smythfeild
& you shall see what store of play houses there is; and what
abundance of wicked company resorts to them; which greiues
the spirit of yᵉ Lord in yᵉ hearts of his people, to see yᵉ
wickednesse of this citty.

After more in the same strain the letter concludes:

J am a Louer of yoʳ soules yᵗ am sent to warne you.

ELISABETH HOOTON.

Although Charles II. had by his Mandamus issued in 1661 obtained
some remission of the cruelties practised against the Quakers in
Massachusetts, he appears to have quickly repented his clemency, for in
an Order in Council, issued 28th of June, 1662, after acknowledging the
receipt of an Address from that Colony and confirming the Patent and
Charter granted by his father, he continues:

And as the principal end of their Charter was liberty of
conscience His Majesty requires that those who desire to
perform their devotions according to the Book of Common Prayer
be not denied the exercise thereof nor undergo any predjudice
thereby and that all persons of good and honest lives be
admitted to the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper according to
the Book of Common Prayer and their children to Baptism.
We cannot be understood hereby to direct or wish that any
indulgence should be granted to those persons commonly called
Quakers, whose principles being inconsistent with any kind of
Government, we have found it necessary, by the advice of our
Parliament, here to make a sharp Law against them and are well
contented that you do the like there.

Undeterred by the prospect of further persecution and the improbability
of the King again intervening on behalf of the Quakers, Elizabeth Hooton
once more believed herself called of the Lord to visit New England. This
time she carried with her a licence from the King “to purchase land in
any of his plantations beyond the seas.” One cannot help suspecting
that King Charles, wearied with her importunities, had hit upon this
method of ridding himself of the necessity of an enquiry into the
high-handed proceedings of the Leicestershire magistrates, of which she
had so vigourously complained, and that it would be a matter of perfect
indifference to him whether she succeeded in making good the purchase in
the Boston Courts, or not. Fortunately, again, the account of her journey
and her sufferings can be given in her own words. She says:[75]

Afterwards was J moved of yᵉ Lord & called by his spᵗ to goe
to New England againe, & tooke wᵗʰ me my Daughter to beare
there my 2ᵈ Testimony, where when yᵉ persecutoʳˢ understood J
was come they would have fined yᵉ ships Mʳ 100ˡⁱ, but yᵗ he
told them J had been wᵗʰ yᵉ King & thither was J come to buy
an house so stopped them from seizing on his goods, when J
had been a while in yᵉ Country among ﬀriends, then came J up
to Boston to buy an house & went to their Courts 4 times but
they denied it me in open Court by James Oliver, who was one
of their chief a persecutor, so J told yᵐ yᵗ if they denyed
me an house yᵉ King having promised us libertie in any of his
plantaçons beyond yᵉ Sea then might J goe to England & lay it
before yᵉ King if God was pleased.

So when J returned from them J went up Eastward toward Piscatua
& there was imprisoned ﬀor bearing my testimony against
Seaborn Cotton[76] yᵉ Priest who sent his Man & tooke a (a 2
yʳᵉ. Heyfer)[77] cow from one of oʳ ﬀriends[78] who owed him
nothing & his Church Members tooke from 2 poore men (Eliakim
Wardill John Hussey[79])[77] almost all yᵉ estate they had,
because of a fine they had put on them for absenting from their
Worship, yᵉ one of them they tooke away all yᵉ fatt kines he
had & a fat calfe wᶜʰ they feasted themselves wᵗʰ besides
12 bussheles of wheate & provision in his house wᶜʰ was for
himself & children & threatned to take away his Children &
sell them for ten pounds wᶜʰ they demanded, where also they
imprisoned me, & at Salem Haythorne[80] yᵉ ruler whipped foure
ﬀrᵈˢ & sought also for me, though afterwards J was moved to cry
through yᵉ towne, but had noe power to hurt me at yᵗ time, So
at Dover in Piscatua there ﬀor asking Priest Rayner a question
when he had done they put me in yᵉ stocks Richᵈ Walden being
(deputye)[77] Magistraite (for Dover) (his wife begged the
office in mischeife to friends) & put me in prison 4 dayes
in yᵉ cold of winter but yᵉ Lord upheld & preserved my life,
where my service to yᵉ Lord was profitable for strengthning
of friends & leaving yᵉ other wᵗʰout excuse, So more could
Stormes did J endure & more persecution then J can expresse,
so afterwards J returned to Cambridg, where they were very
thirsty for bloud because none had been there before yᵗ J knew
of & J cryed repentance through some part of yᵉ towne, So they
tooke me & had me early in yᵉ morning before Thomaˢ Danford &
Danˡ Goggins 2 of their Magistrates who by their Gailer thrust
me in a very dark dungeon for yᵉ space of 2 dayes & 2 nights
wᵗʰout helping me to eithʳ bread or water but a frᵈ (Benanuel
Bowre)[81] brought me some milk & they cast him into prison
because he entertained a stranger & fined him 5ˡⁱ & at 2 dayes
end they fetch me to their Court & asked me who recᵈ me J said,
if J had come to his House J should have seen if he would have
recᵈ me for J was much wearied wᵗʰ my travel & they ought to
entertaine strangers so J asked whethʳ he would not receive
me wᶜʰ he did deny then J said sell me an House or let me one
to rent yᵗ J may entertane strangers & laid yᵉ Kings promisse
before them concerning libertie we should enjoy beyond yᵉ seas,
but they regarded it not, but made a Warrant to whip me for a
wandring vagabond[82] Quaker at 3 townes 10 stripes at whipping
poast im Cambridg & 10 at Watertowne & 10 stripes at Deddam
at yᵉ Carts tayle wᵗʰ a 3 corded whip 3 knotts at end, & a
handfull of willow rods at Watertown on a cold frosty morning
So they put me on a horse & carried me into yᵉ wildernesse
many miles, where was many wild beasts both beares & wolves &
many deep waters where J waded through very deep but yᵉ Lord
delivered me, though J ware in yᵉ night to goe 20 miles but he
strengthned me over all troubles & feares, though they caried
me thither for to have been devoured, Saying they thought they
should never see me againe.

So being dilivʳed J gott among oʳ frᵈˢ through much danger by
yᵉ watʳ & after yᵗ to Road Jsland whence J tooke my Daughter
wᵗʰ me to fetch my cloathes & othʳ things wᶜʰ was about 80
miles, So when we came there for my Cloaths there Thomas
Danford made a Warrant for yᵉ Constable of Charles towne to
apprehend us & one of their own Jnhabitʳˢ Sarah Coleman an
auntient woman of Scituate where he met us in yᵉ Woods comeing
back & he asked us whether we were Quakʳˢ for he said he was to
apprehend Quakʳˢ, So J answʳᵈ wilt yᵘ apprehend thou Knowes not
who nor for wᵗ, so he said J suppose you are Quakʳˢ therefore
in his Majᵗˢ name stand, wᵗ Majesty J asked him he said yᵉ
Kings, now said J thou hast told a lye for J was later at yᵉ
King then thou & he hath made noe such Lawes, saith he J must
take you to Cambridge, but yᵉ ﬀriend yᵗ was inhabiter said she
would not goe except he carried her, then he met wᵗʰ a Cart &
he comanded yᵐ to aid him & set us all upon yᵉ Cart & caried us
away to Cambridg to Daniel Goggings house, but he came not home
till night & in yᵉ night they fetcht us before him & a wicked
Crew of Cambridg scollars there were yᵗ abused me both times, &
Goggins said did not we charg you yee should not come hither,
so J said we were forced thither in a Cart, J came thither to
fetch my Cloaths, because they would not let me take yᵐ wᵗʰ
me. So he asked the Jnhabiter, if she owned me, she said she
owned yᵉ truth so he wrote her down for a wandring Vagabond
Quaker yᵗ had no dwelling place, & she dwelt but a little way
of him, & he knew it & to my daughter he said dost thou own thy
Mothʳˢ religion & she said no thing, & he set her downe for
a wandring Vagabond Quaker wᶜʰ had not a dwelling place, & J
Eliz Hooton was set downe for a wandring Vagabond Quaker, who
would have bought a House among them, & this was in yᵉ night,
when yᵉ house was full of Cambridg Scollers being a Cage of
uncleane birds[83] yᵗ gave us many bad languages & yᵉ Colledg
Mʳˢ & priests sons, stood mocking of old Sarah Coleman wᶜʰ had
formerly fed them wᵗ yᵉ best things wᶜʰ she & her husband could
get, & told her she should be whipt wᵗʰ thwangs & wᵗʰ ends her
husband being a Shoemaker, & had given them yᵉ making of their
shoes, & mending, thus was she rewarded evill for good, & so
sent us all to yᵉ House of correction in yᵉ night, wᶜʰ was a
cold open place & had nothing but a little dirty straw, & dirty
old cloath.

So early in yᵉ morning before it was light yᵉ Whippʳ a Member
of their Church came up, wᶜʰ had said to me before yᵗ yᵉ
governoʳ of Boston was his God & yᵉ Magistrates were his God,
J answered many Gods many Lords blind sottish Men both Priests
& people, & asked us whether we would be whipt there or below,
J said wilt thou take our bloud in yᵉ dark before yᵉ people be
rissen to see wᵗ thou dost, so he tooke me downe & lockt them
up, & said J was acquainted wᵗʰ their whipping because J had
been there before. So to yᵉ whipping post he lockt my hands,
having 2 men by to beare him Witnesse yᵗ J was whipt before
it was light, then fetcht he downe Sarah Coleman being as J
thought older then my selfe & whipt her & then my daughter &
whipt us each 10 stripes a piece wᵗʰ a 3 corded whip, & said
to my Daughter are you not glad now its yoʳ turne she said J
am content, so they put her hands in a very streight place
wᶜʰ pressed her armes very much, & so this Daniel Goggins yᵉ
Magistrate walked out of dore wᵗʰ my Bible in his hand, for it
had yᵉ Epistle to yᵉ Laodiceans[84] & other things opening of
yᵉ Corruption of translations then he asked me, whethʳ J would
promise him to goe to Scituate, J said J submit to yᵉ will of
yᵉ Lord wᵗʰ other words J spake why he should whip us so wᵗʰout
a Cause, but he ran & made anothʳ warrᵗ & fetcht yᵉ Constable
to whip us at other two townes, & yᵉ Constable provided company
to goe a long wᵗʰ us, but Sarah Coleman was not able to goe so
they got a horse & yᵗ day they went with us from towne to towne.

So when they came to Unketty yᵉ Constable saw it was such a
mercilesse thing yᵗ he tooke yᵉ warrant away wᵗʰ him to carrie
to Boston, & left one of oʳ frᵈˢ to goe wᵗʰ us. So were we
persecuted from place to place till we came to Scituate, so
after yᵗ J returned back to Boston, & there was a youngman
out of yᵉ North of England wᶜʰ was moved to goe into their
Meeting place & breake 2 bottles before them for a signe how
they should be broken whom violently they tooke & whipt at yᵉ
great Gun in Boston 10 or 12 stripes & as many more in yᵉ house
of Correction, & yᵉ next mornḡ they had him away, & J was
moved of yᵉ Lord to goe in sackcloath & ashes upon my head to
beare my testimony agˢᵗ them in Jndicots house & they put me
out of dores & set Bellingam in (in yᵉ place of Jndicote) yᵉ
place of persecution, so J was moved to goe along to Billingams
house who was yᵉ Deputie, & there bare my testimony agˢᵗ them
for shedding Jnocᵗ bloud, So they fetcht me in & J cleared my
Conscience to them & he made a mittimg to have me to yᵉ Goale
& whip me at yᵉ whipping post so they J told they filled up
yᵉ measure of persecution wᶜʰ their Bretheren in England left
undone, so there Warrant was to whip me at other two townes,
at Rocksbury & Deddam at each 10 stripes apiece, & when J came
to Rocksbury yᵉ Constable & yᵉ othʳ ﬀrᵈ met us there yᵗ they
might whip him there at the Carts taile where they whipt him &
me together, so when they had done wᵗʰ us J bare my testimony &
we met yᵉ Priest of yᵉ towne who said he was going to take of
our whipping & J asked him his reason he said because we tooke
5ˡⁱ a time for oʳ whipping J asked him where we should have it
he answerd in England a Company of lyers they were J said, &
yᵉ Constable yᵗ was wᵗʰ us lost both his Warrants & when he
came to Deddam he gott him to anothʳ Persecutoʳˢ house yᵗ he
might fulfill yᵗ wᶜʰ yᵉ othʳ had lost yᵉ Warrant for, & then
they there tyed us both to yᵉ carts taile yᵉ youngman & J in yᵗ
cold weather & stript us as usual to yᵉ middle & there whipt us
from whence they had us to Medfield, & would fain have whipt us
there also, wᶜʰ yᵉ Priest desired & sought much for oʳ bloud
but could not obtaine it, So yᵉ Constable wᵗʰ his long sword
went wᵗʰ anothʳ man to guard us out of their Jurisdiction, into
yᵉ woods & left us to goe 20 miles in yᵉ night among yᵉ Bears &
wild beasts & watʳˢ & yet we were preserved & yᵉ Constable when
he saw me returne lift up his hands & said he never expected to
see me againe, And allwayes they drive us toward Road Jsl being
a place of liberty to us.

So afterwards J went to one of their Meeting places & spoke
to yᵉ priest when he had done, who sent me to prison, but his
wife would never give him rest till he sett me at libertie, so
J went up into yᵉ Country among ﬀrᵈˢ so comeing back againe, J
was moved oﬀ yᵉ Lord to goe to yᵉ othʳ Meeting place where J
stood till they had done, in yᵉ meane time they abused me as
J stood, & when he had done J asked yᵉ priest a question, yᵉ
people violently flew upon me young & old, & flung me downe
on yᵉ ground So J said this was yᵉ fruit of their Ministry,
& their Lawes J did deny & being contrary to yᵉ Law of God &
yᵉ King & one of their Magistrates had said to me, it was yᵉ
Devils Law if it were contrary to Gods Law to take away a poore
Mans Cow, So 2 dayes & 2 nights J was in prison & they fetcht
me before Bellingam yᵉ Deputy, who sentenced me to be whipt
from yᵉ prison dore to yᵉ townes end at yᵉ Carts taile & so
all along out of their jurisdiction, wᶜʰ was between 20 & 30
miles, but they whipt me to yᵉ towns end & yᵉ next time J came
J was to be hanged, Such a Law had they now made, So when yᵉ
Kings Comissionʳˢ came to Boston, they did desire we should
Visit them there, So J & othʳ ﬀrᵈˢ rode to Boston & my Horse
they tooke away & Windlocks, to carry away yᵉ Comissionʳˢ out
of yᵉ towne, though we were called wandring Vagabond Quakers &
3 score mile J had to goe wᶜʰ was towards Road Jsland & they
had no power to execute their Law upon me, wᶜʰ was a dangerous
voyage not only for me but for one yᵗ was wᵗʰ me, neare to be
lost J cannot expresse yᵉ danger J went through in yᵗ voyage
though yᵉ Lord delivered us both miraculously praises to his
holy Name for ever & for ever, for yᵉ end & purpose of their
doing to us was for murther.

7 or 8 more ﬀriends yᵗ came out of England did they thus abuse
wᵗʰ horrible whippings & mangling of our bodyes wᵗʰ whips
fining imprisoning & banishing into yᵉ Wildernesse yᵗ when yᵉ
snowes were very deep & no tread but wᵗ Wolves had made going
before me, & my life neare lost many times in yᵉ cold of yᵉ
winter & yᵉ hazard of the Journeys, & thus have they used us
English people, as Vagabond Rogues & wandring Quakʳˢ wᶜʰ had
not a dwelling place wᶜʰ were true borne English people of
their own Nation, yet had yᵉ Jndians wᶜʰ were barbarous savage
people, wᶜʰ neither knew God nor Christ in any profession have
been willing to receive us into their Wigwams, or houses, when
these professoʳˢ would murther us, so in comeing back againe
from my dangerous Jour[ney] for want of my Horse, wᶜʰ yᵉ
Kings Comissionʳˢ would not have had if they would have found
them any other & so me they put in prison, & tooke me out of
prison in yᵉ night to yᵉ ship because they heard J was to goe
away, but in yᵉ morning very early they sent their Constables
to search for Quakers, & found 4 of oʳ ﬀriends in their beds
& had them before their Rulers Bellingam & yᵉ rest, & asked
them wᵗ they came thither for who said they came to visit yᵉ
Kings Comissionʳˢ but they said they would whip yᵉ Comissionʳˢ
upon yᵉ Quakʳˢ backs, & so they whipt us very grievously at 3
towns & out of their Jurisdiction they put us & kept one of yᵐ
wᶜʰ was an inhabitant of yᵗ Country in prison, but yᵉ Kings
Comissionʳˢ were grieved at wᵗ they did unto them, because they
knew yᵗ their enmity was to them as well as to us, but they
durst not do yᵗ to them, wᶜʰ they did unto us least yᵉ Country
had risen agˢᵗ them, ﬀor oʳ Kingdome is not of this world,
therefore his servᵗˢ could not fight, but we have comitted oʳ
Cause to God who hath & wil defend it to his glory: for yᵉ
defence of their ﬀaith yᵗ are yᵉ persecutoʳˢ, were Goales &
whips ﬀines & banishmᵗˢ & their gallowes on wᶜʰ they hanged
foure, & their persecuting powers wᶜʰ ﬀaith is at an end, when
another power comes over their heads, this was New Englands
ﬀaith, wᶜʰ was full of cruelty, more then J can expresse by
writing wᶜʰ J did receive being an old womⁿ being about 3 score
years old, had not yᵉ Lord been on my side J had utterly failed.

Blessed be yᵉ Lord for ever & ever yᵗ hath brought me to
England againe to my Native Country & amongst Gods people,
where we are refreshed together yᵗ J may never forget his mercy
whose Name is in yᵉ flesh

ELIZAB. HOOTON.

This wᶜʰ J have declared is yᵉ worke of Cains ofspring part of
wᵗ they have done to yᵉ Jnnocent. So J end for yᵉ present.

The story of the help given by Elizabeth Hooton to the King’s
Commissioners, referred to in the foregoing narration, is told more
fully in a letter “To the King and Counsell,” written presumably after
her return home; but before quoting this it may be well to consider the
reasons for the appointment of the Commissioners as gleaned from the
_Calendar of State Papers_. It will be remembered that as early as 1661
evidence was taken respecting alleged grievances in the Colonies, after
many delays and recommendations as to the best way of dealing with the
disaffection that was rife there; the Lord Chancellor drew up a paper of
“Considerations in order to the establishing of His Majesty’s interests
in New England.”

In April, 1663, the King in an Order in Council made a similar
Declaration, at the same time promising to preserve the Massachusetts
charter though he wished to know how it was maintained on the part of the
Province.

Another year elapsed before Charles II. signed Commissions and
Instructions, in April, 1664, “for Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr,
George Cartwright and Samuel Mavericke to visit the Colonies of New
England and determine all complaints and appeals for settling their
peace and security.” An elaborate letter to the Governor and Council was
sent by the King explaining his reasons for sending the Commissioners.
He commanded that his letter should be communicated to the “Council and
to a General Assembly to be called for that purpose, and while desiring
their co-operation and assistance he declared that he doubted not they
would give his Commissioners proper reception and treatment.” Strong
opposition, however, awaited them on their arrival in Piscataqua; there
was a suspicion abroad that the Colonies were to be taxed for the support
of the Crown, and wagers were freely laid that the Commissioners would
never sit in Boston. Rather than risk open defiance these gentlemen
decided that it would be wiser to visit the other three Colonies first,
“as they thought if they had good success there Massachusetts would also
give them a good reception.” Their visitation extended over two years,
when they were recalled. The King expressed his satisfaction with the
reception given to his Commissioners except in the case of Massachusetts,
and express commands were issued to the “Governor and others of that
Colony to attend the King and answer their proceeding.” These commands
were never obeyed, one excuse being that “Governor Bellingham was nearly
eighty years of age and had many infirmities.”

Elizabeth Hooton’s account, as given in the following letter, is an
interesting contribution to the history of the controversy. She writes as
follows:[85]

To the King & Councell

This is to let you understand how J haue beene in service
to god & to the King & his Commissionᵉʳˢ in New England: My
message for the Lord was to beare witnesse to his Truth against
those persecuting people who fled from the Bishops because they
would not suffer; And now in New England are become greater
Persecuters then the Bishops were, both in fining imprisoning,
Banishing, whipping & hanging some of those that came out of
England, for vagabond Quakers, who cald their owne Country
people vagabonds: And when the King sent his Commissioners
amongst them J was in that Countrey, & oft had beene
Jmprisoned, oft whipt, oft driven into the Wildernesse among
the wild beasts in the night; yet did god preserve me, though
J had many miles in it to goe amongst the wild beasts and many
great waters; Now the Kings Commissionᵉʳˢ comming thither
they would not receaue them soe freely as our friends did; &
therefore they durst not trust their lives with them as they
did with our friends. And moreover they made a decree against
them, to rise in foure & Twenty houres against them, to fight
with them; & when J heard that, J went among severall of their
Church-members, & warnd them to take heed what they did, for
if they did fight against them they would destroy themselues,
for there were enough that would take the Kings Commissioners
parts; And J said to them you had better (as we haue such an
example) to suffer rather then fight, or else conforme as some
of your brethren in old England doe; But if you doe fight you
will destroy your Country.

And they seemed to looke lightly upon my words, yet they tooke
them into Consideration, & George Cartwright they said he was a
Papist or a Jesuit; & they had a purpose to seeke his life, But
J told them J believd the man was an honest man, & noe papist,
he was my neighbour at Mansfield, & J never heard any such
things by him, therefore take heed what you doe, for the lord
will giue you into their hands because you haue shed Jnnocent
bloud, & persecuted the Just & J sent to the Commissioners at
New Yorke to bid them beware how they came, & soe they came to
the Towne by one at once to read the Kings Packet, & at that
time there was a Court & they had their company about them,
they sought for our friends very early in the morning & woke
them in their beds, & had them before their Court, & Questioned
them why they came thither, & one of them answerd, they came
to visit the Kings Commissionᵉʳˢ & they said they would whip
the Kings Commissioners upon the Quakers backs, because our
friends were willing to receaue them & had a love to them, soe
they whipt them out of their Coast towards Rhode Jsland, where
we had liberty of Conscience, & the Kings Commissioners had
their liberty too, & for me they had me out of prison to go to
the ship to ship me away & soe warned the ship master he should
let me come in noe more & brought me away to Barbados but the
Kings Commissionᵉʳˢ they would not receive neither them nor
their Commission, But it was reported they drove them out of
the Towne, & once they did whip me, because J owned not their
government, but the Kings.

And many more things J would declare, but it would be too much
answering the Kings behalfe. And now J am come hither for some
Justice & to haue my goods restord againe which were taken away
in my absence or else my friends restord out of prison, which
never did the King nor the Counsell any harme, And soe in love
to all your soules J haue written this paper to let you know
that by my going to New England J was made serviceable to the
King & his Commissionᵉʳˢ Therefore reward not me evil for good,
as some do threaten me; & let not our friends be put into the
hands of wicked & unreasonable men; Nor into the hands of the
Priests who would destroy all that we haue for Tythes; that
take Tythes & make a spoyle of their Corne & keepe their bodies
in prison many over England. Jf they will haue their Tythes,
Let our friends haue their bodies at Liberty to worke for
more: for husbandmen are Jmpoverisht much, & ready to throw up
their farmes, by reason of Tythes Taxes & Assessments & great
Rents. And if Husbandmen cast up their farmes what will ye
all doe for there is great oppression in the Country & little
money to be had for any thing. the Cattle & Corne will not pay
their rents, & Taxes & Assessments, chimney money & excise is
a great oppression: for the King J belieue hath not the Tenth
part of what is taken for when they are not able to pay their
chimney money they take away their Bedding in the Country; And
soe consider this all ye that sit in Authority & let Justice &
equity be done in the Country: for the Lord he will arise, & he
will plead the cause of the Jnnocent.

J am a lover of your Soules who came not hither in my owne will

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

[Endorsed]

To yᵉ King & Councill Expressing her service to yᵉ Kings Comʳˢ
in New England & thereupon pleading for justice to herselfe &
liberty to friends

Further particulars of the seizing of her horse for the use of the
King’s Commissioners are given in the following fragment; possibly her
acquaintance with George Cartwright was largely responsible for the
restoration of the animal. She says:[86]

... When J came againe [to Boston] with other ﬀreinds, the
Kings Comissionʳˢ being in the Towne, they tooke away my horse
J rodd on to cary away the Kings Comissionʳˢ on forth of the
Towne, into the Country, soe J was necessitated to goe three
score Miles through the woods a foote among the wild beasts
with a woman freind that was bigg with Child, who was to goe
to Barbadoes soe for want of my horse was our Lives hazarded
and coming back againe myselfe through the woods, and yᵉ snow
pretty deep, a Company of woalves had gon before mee and made
a path J having noe Company with mee. Soe gott J back againe
to Boston, and after seaven dayes the Comissionʳˢ sent mee my
horse, and told them it was a quakers horse, saying J know
noe Evill by them, and rid not back on the horse, had not
the Comissionʳˢ been in the Towne, the Magistrates of Boston
purposed to have put me to death and never to have restored my
horse againe....

There is another letter to the Lord Chamberlain again recounting her
services to the King’s Commissioners and on the strength of those
services pleading for justice to herself. The letter is endorsed:[87]

This was deliuered to the Lord Chamberlaine by my selfe upon
the 21ᵗʰ day of the 4ᵗʰ month 1667.

It is especially interesting on account of the following certificate
which is attached to it and was delivered with it:

These are humbly to certifie that this woman Elizabeth Hooton
was very serviceable to his Majestyes Com̄issioners in new
England

Giuen vnder my hand the 6ˣᵗ Decembʳ 1666.

GEORGE CARTWRIGHT.

Whilst E. Hooton was in New England some controversy arose respecting
Samuel Shattuck, the King’s messenger to the authorities of Boston, the
echoes of which may be heard in letters of the period. In March, 1664/5,
Shattuck is addressed by Ann Richardson[88] in no measured terms[89]; and
at the same time she reports the case to George Fox:[90]

... deare Jane Nicholson[91] a trew harted freind with me was
at Salem & deare Elesebeth Hooton who truly gaue her testimony
for yᵉ truth & against the deceit which was there gotten vp....
They reported that I was there greatest troubler And writ
papers to them & made E H set her hand to it which was false
for I writ for her when it lay on her & could frely own what I
writ for her.

In March, 1664/5, that stern persecutor of the Quakers, John
Endicott,[92] died at Boston. Bowden states[93]:

Elizabeth Hooton was imprisoned for attending the funeral of
this notorious bigot; the probability is she attempted to
exhort the company against persecution, and to call their
attention to the judgment of the Most High upon the deceased,
as evinced in the miserable condition in which he died.

In New England as in the old country, we find E. Hooton foremost in
championing the cause of the oppressed, and one marvels again and again
at her courage and persistency.

The history of her American journey may be fittingly concluded by
extracts from her “Lamentation for Bosston and Camberig Her Sister:”[94]

Oh bosston oh bosston how oft Hast thou been warned by the
searuents of the Lord who Have been sent unto the of the Lord.
How Hast thou slitted [slighted] the day of thy visitation and
Hast Rewearded The Lord euill for good and Hast slain the Just
and jnoseant whome the Lord Hath seant to wearn you of all your
vngodly wayes which wickednes A boundeth A monst you jn A great
measur with cruell whipings and Jmprisinments and banishments
A pon pain of death to the Cuting of of the Liues of many ...
and thy sister Camberig who js one with thee jn thy wicked Act
who js the fowntain and Nusery of all decait you are the too
eyes of new jngland by whome The rest sees How to doe mischif
and pearsecut the just by your vnrighttous decrees hatcht at
Cambrig and made at bosston you are the too breasts of new
ingland whear all Cruelty js nursed vp, and feeds both preists
and professores, and by thes too breasts thay Are blood suckers
persecuters and murderers and Robers of the poor jnoseant
Harmleas peopull all ouer the Cuntry.

Jn many places Are thy Chilldrin tearing and scourging the
jnoseant and taking a way Thear means as at Hamton and other
Places whear the cry of the jnoseant Are eantered jnto the
eares of the Lord of sabothes.... And Hee will rend and teare
and deliuor His Littill ones out of your Hands, and shake
Tirabully, and put out your two eyes.... You Are brieres and
Thorns that js nigh vnto burning: Ah woo and mi[s]ary [?] js
neare you. Howill And weep lest your lawfter be turnd jnto
mourning and your Joy jnto Heauines.... Ah Las How js all your
Religion And profession mared and stained with blood you Haue
forsakin the Liuing fountain and gotton brookin seastornes that
will Hould no water you Haue Hated the Light and pearsecuted
jt; thearfor you Cannot eskeape and so take this jnto
considiration, and weigh jt well and doe not sleight jt for jt
js to you the word of the Lord whether you will Hear or forbear.

ELIZABEATH HOTON.

At the close of his summary of E. Hooton’s sufferings in N.E., William
Sewel (1654-1720) writes:[95] “Since which I have several times seen her
in England in a good condition.” We can imagine something of the interest
the boy in his teens would take at the sight of this ancient warrior of
the Cross.

[Illustration: ENDORSEMENT BY GEORGE FOX.

_See page 10._]

CHAPTER IV

Closing Years

And, if they be but faithful to their trust,
Earth will remember them with love and joy;
And oh, far better, God will not forget.
For he who settles Freedom’s principles
Writes the death-warrant of all tyranny;
Who speaks the truth stabs falsehood to the heart;
And his mere word makes despots tremble more
Than ever Brutus with his dagger could.—LOWELL, _L’Envoi_.

As to the reason why I write some remarkable Passages of my
Sufferings for Truth, and also the great Things which the
Lord hath wrought for me, both in supporting me therein, and
delivering me out of. I say these Things are wrote, that my
Children and others may be encouraged to be faithful to the
Lord, and valiant for the Truth upon the Earth; for for that
Cause it came into my Mind, to tell unto others how good the
Lord hath been unto me, for which I am deeply engaged to Praise
his great Name.—JOHN GRATTON, _Journal_, 1720, p. 119.

Some time during the year 1665-6 Elizabeth Hooton must have returned
to England, for again we find her writing to the King a letter bearing
this endorsement, which approximately fixes the date, “This was in the
abating of yᵉ Sicknes,” thus showing that it was written in the year of
the Plague. An extract from it is interesting, confirming the fact that
banishment, and that under terrible conditions, was a punishment to which
the Quakers were subjected:[96]

O King,

... What reason is there to carry vs into other lands, and
thrust many into an old vissited shipp wᶜʰ was rotten, & leaked
water, whose blood will be laid to the charge of them that did
it, for many of them are dead, and the rest wee know not what
is become of them, Except they bee took by the Hollanders,
as some of them are. And in three shipps before this was
there more carryed away into other lands both old and Young
from wiues & Children & other relations & their owne Natiue
Country....

There are in existence letters from E. Hooton’s son Samuel, who about
this time believed himself called to pay a religious visit to America,
and from one of these we find that although the family had interests in
Leicestershire, they still held the farm at Skegby. It is dated: “the
17ᵗʰ day of yᵉ 3ᵈ Mo:[May] 66. From Samuell Hooton, now on yᵉ sea goeing
for new England” and is addressed: “To Timothy Garland[97] in Mansfeild
Nottingam shʳ ﬀor Oliver Hooton in Skegsby, Wᵗʰ Care.”[98]

The Journal of Samuel Hooton’s visit to New England contains the
following interesting allusion to his mother. He had held a large meeting
in Boston and in consequence had been taken with many others to the house
of the Governor.[99] In the course of his defence he said:[100]

I had an old mother was here amongst you, & bore many of your
stripes, & much cruelty at your hands, & when shee came at
the first, I was against her coming; & now shee is returned.
Is shee returned? saith Bellingham, Yea, I said, shee is safe
returned. And now yᵉ lord hath laid it vpon mee to come hither
to bear witness against your cruelty & hardheartednesse against
the lords innocent lambs; And before I was made willing to give
vp to come, I was brought even to deaths doore, if I had not
obeyed I had been dead before this day. Therefore I can say
with boldnesse, before you all, the lord hath sent mee hither
to bear witnesse against your cruelty.

Truly the son had inherited something of the mother’s boldness.

* * * * *

As so many of Elizabeth Hooton’s letters are undated, they are of but
slight assistance in determining the order of events in her life, but
in an account written by Patrick Livingstone,[101] of his service in
Leicestershire, and his subsequent imprisonment in Leicester gaol, we
get a glimpse of her still engaged about what she conceived to be “her
Master’s business.” Here are extracts from the narrative:[102]

As I was on my Journy I came into Sison [Syston], it was
ordered, that some Friends, and other sober people of the Town
came into the house, and the love of God did spring in my heart
to the people whom I exhorted.... There came in a Constable,
with one John Lewins, who violently haled me away ... to a
Justices house.

A young man present, having “passed his word,” against the prisoner’s
wishes, for his appearance several days later, he was liberated, and
during the time other meetings were held and more Friends imprisoned. At
what period Elizabeth Hooton comes on to the scenes we are not told, but
while the prisoners were detained in an alehouse she

came in to see the Prisoners, and she prayed among them; but
the wicked man Lewins pulled and drew her, & used her badly,
and had like to have hurt her, being an old weak woman, and yet
she was not at the Meeting....

At night they had them to one called Justice Babington,[103]
but no justice appeared in him. He gave order to have them the
next day to Thumerstone ... and put us in an Orchard, where
many people came, and the everlasting Truth was declared....
For several hours we kept the Meeting amongst the people ...
and we were at the back of the house where the Justice was, but
none had power to stop the declaration of Truth.

These determined and intrepid “publishers of the Truth” were called away
from their meeting one after another to stand before two Justices, on the
charge of illegal gathering, and after much argument with the Bench they
were fined and imprisoned, E. Hooton’s share being £1 or three weeks. The
narrative concludes as follows (p. 38):

Now we are fully persuaded in our own minds by the Spirit of
God that we do not meet out of contempt to Authority but in
obedience to Divine commands: we must not forbear our Meeting
because they say they fear we will plot. God in his due time
will fully clear us; but in the mean time we must do our duty
as the Lord requires us ... and so long as we stand obedient to
the will of our God it shall be well with us whatever comes,
loss of life or any thing else, our Life in God they cannot
touch....

Written in Leicester-Prison the sixth day of the fourth month,
1667.

It seems probable that Patrick Livingstone visited Elizabeth Hooton
at her home at Skegby; his future wife, Sarah Hyfeild, of Nottingham,
appears as one of the Friends named for “publicke service” in the Minute
Book of the Women’s Quarterly Meeting for Nottinghamshire, which Meeting
was “setled” in 1671. The marriage took place in 1676, and the occasion
elicited from the Friends of Aberdeen Monthly Meeting a fully-signed
liberating certificate, which remains a noble tribute to the bridegroom’s
Christian character, and a token of the high esteem and love of his
north country friends; Robert Barclay and David Barclay are amongst the
signatories.[104]

* * * * *

Accustomed as we are to the easy tolerance of the present day, the echoes
of the fierce controversies waged between opposing religious sects during
the seventeenth century sound strangely in our ears; Elizabeth Hooton, as
one would naturally expect, was not behind in engaging in this wordy war.
In 1667 we find her writing:[105]

You bawling Women from yᵉ Ranters ... you have said Wee have
made an Jdoll of George Fox.... You have hunted for Richard
Farneworth & others formerly.... Therefore misery will come
upon you.

About 1668, Elizabeth Hooton came into violent conflict with the sect of
the Muggletonians. She appears to have written a letter against Lodowicke
Muggleton,[106] to which he refers in a letter he sent to her in January,
1668, commencing as follows:[107]

I saw a letter of yours sent to James Brocke; it is supposed
that you are the mother, or some relation to that Samuel Hooton
of Nottingham, who was damned to eternity by me in the year
1662. It is no great marvel unto me that he proved such a
desperate devil, seeing his mother was such an old she-serpent
that brought him forth into this world.... She hath shot forth
her poisonous arrows at me in blasphemy, curses, and words,
thinking herself stronger than her brethren.... Therefore, in
obedience to my commission ... I do pronounce Elizabeth Hooton,
Quaker, ... cursed and damned, both in soul and body, from the
presence of God, elect men and angels, to eternity.

It is only fair to state that if the quotations from the letter written
by her to Brocke are correct, her denunciations were equally emphatic.

* * * * *

It is with relief we turn from this phase in her career to find her
again pleading the cause of the oppressed, and in statesman-like manner
pointing out the evils consequent upon oppression. Here is her letter to
the King and both Houses of Parliament:[108]

ﬀreinds consider in time wᵗ you haue done Both in Citty and
Countrey by this late Act how haue you ruinated hundreds of
Antient housekeepers in the Countrey and yᵉ cry of yᵉ Jnnocent
is entred into the eares of yᵉ Lord against you yᵗ haue done
it, Consider therefore what you will doe with these poore
people you haue Jmpouerished and restore them theire goods
againe, for they were releiuers of the poore And paid theire
Rents and Taxes duly.

But the Justices and some of the preists haue Bought theire
goods for halfe that they were worth and drunkards and swearers
runs away with the rest they sweare men are at the meeting when
they are not & by false sweareinge the Compasse mens goods
into theire hands which is theft; and soe theiues and Robbers
haue entered vpon our goods And men weomen and Children are by
this meanes driuen to great want; They haueing within some few
months enough & to releiue others Soe if you consider not these
things in time it will Bring A ruination both vpon the King and
Countrey, Soe its good for you to consider it in time before it
be to late And take of this Act and make better Lawes Least you
ruinate all.

This is done in the Countrey besides all bodyly Abuses consider
what they doe in this citty they pull downe our houses the[y]
Batter and bruise men And weomen with theire Swords with theire
guns with theire hallbards & with pikes & Staues runing vpon
them with horses what may wee expect But yᵗ many of these are
papists and outlandish men yᵗ doth it. Jf such wicked things
as these bee Tollerated to destroy honest people who serues
the Lord with all theire harts and great companys that follows
Mountebancks play houses & other vaine pastimes that are vpheld
in this Citty what may wee expect But yᵗ the hand of yᵉ Lord
may fall sodainely vpon you.

Therefore in time repent and take heed and doe Justice and loue
mercy And walke humbly with your god that you may find a place
of repentance Least you be shutt out for ever J am a louer of
yoʳ soules who would not haue you to perish,

ELISABETH HOOTON.

Elizabeth Hooton also made a point of informing the King as to what
was taking place in Nottinghamshire. In one of these letters, after
stating that she, an aged woman, had travelled over a hundred miles,
and recounting the “greuieous havock” under the “New Act”[109] caused
to Friends in London, she continues:[110] “I Brought you A Letter
from Nottingham shire to the Kings hall; which sett forth how Greate
oppresshon one side of the shier had suffered Amounting to a Boue three
hundred pounds, beeing att one meeting....” Apparently there were
only two others present besides the family at whose house the meeting
was held, and £12 and £15 were taken from them in fines. “They make
noe Conscience what they take,” she continues; and she also tells how
one magistrate had fined a man twenty pounds for “worshipping of god”
and then had ordered his officers to take three or four times as much
“beecause they might Sell good peny worthes, and They Tooke Thirty pownds
worth of Goods and sent to the same man for Titth wooll and Lambe After
they had taken away his sheep.” She tells also of the loss of her own
cows.

In another letter to the King, she writes:[111]

They have taken to Prisson both Men & Boyes in yᵉ Country
& brought yᵐ to Nottingham Prisson Contrary to yᵉ Act & yᵉ
Country is against itt and Jtt brings a Ruination.

And again, to King and Parliament, she writes:[112]

They took from one man for heaueing of 3 meetings in his house
150ˡⁱ pounds & Ruined him his wife and Children by penniston
Whally Justice & Waker yᵉ informer And Ruined other to younge
men at farnsfeild.

And we have another letter asking for an order to the Leicestershire
magistrates to restore her goods “that J may haue a horse to ride on in
my old age.”[113] So many of her appeals are on the same theme that it is
exceedingly difficult in making selections to avoid reiteration, but the
following addressed to the Lord Chamberlain[114] is so characteristic of
her that, in spite of repetition, we hardly like to omit it:[115]

ﬀrind.

This J wright that thou maist consider the cause of the
innocent, with the cause of the widdow, how it is as yit
sleighted by one & another.

J labored on foot to come hither to London, aboue 100 miles
being one yᵗ is aged, & weake, to lay before the King &
counsell the greuiances of the innocent, who are imprisoned
all ouer the Nation, who haue not wronged the King, nor his
Counsell, nor haue not entertained euill in our hearts against
him, to doe him any hurt, or wrong in the least, & hither
haue J come time after time, for that thinge, & for equity,
& Justice, who had my goods taken away contrary to yʳ owne
law, my goods, for another bodies fine, though he allsoe did
fulfill yʳ law in suffering the penalty of it, & what could be
more required. They took from me 20ˡ worth of goods in time of
harvest, namely my teame, which at that time was aboue 100ˡ
losse to me, & my ﬀamily, both as to the losse of my cattle
& corne, and putting off my ﬀarme. This was don at Sileby in
Leicester shire by Mathew Babington of Roadby, whome they call
Justice, he bearinge Sway aboue the rest to doe mischeife, by
setting a Baly of the hundred on worke called William Palmer,
who took away my goods, and sold them, and J would haue had a
warrant time after time of the Justices to fetch him before
them, but they would grant me none, But the hand of the Lord
light on that man, and he died a miserable death.

Soe seing J could not be heard there in the Country, nor
righted, Therefore J haue appealed and applyed my selfe to the
King, who bid me goe to the Lord Chamberlane, and J should haue
an answer by him, soe J applyed my selfe to thee, to know an
answer from the King, how J might haue my ﬀrinds at liberty,
or gett my goods restored, but as yit J haue had noe answer as
to either of them, but when J was heare before, thou writ me
a letter to carry to the Earle of Stamford,[116] and sealed
it, which J did carry to him accordingly, in a sore jurney to
the endangering of my life, but had J Knowne what had been in
it, J should haue labored more to the King & Duke of Yorke
before J went, which then might haue been serviceable to me or
my ﬀrinds, J neuer did desire any Lords favor, for my goods
againe, nor deed of Charity, for these were not my words, but
onely equity & Justice.

My harts desire is, that you may doe Justice & Judgement, all
of you while you haue time, least yʳ day goe ouer yʳ heads,
as to others it hath don before you; and so come to yᵗ which
is true honor, out of all flattering titles, for the true
Nobility is to hear the cry of the Jnnocent and to doe Justice
& Judgmᵗ to the widdow, the ﬀatherlesse, and to Keep yʳ selues
vnspotted from the world, and this is the true Nobility which
is vnchangeable & that man is noble in his place which will
hear the cry of the Jnnocent & help them in theire distresse
but he yᵗ will not doe it, comes short of the vnjust Judge,
whoe though he neither feared God nor regarded man, yit did
the widdow Justice, least shee should weary him, Soe ﬀrind,
take these thinges into thy Consideration, for J haue respected
thee, more then many because of thy moderation which is noble
in itts place....

Concerning that letter which the Earle of Stamford sent to thee
by me itt being soe coldly handled between you both, noe thinge
is don for my satisfaction, and whereas his letter saith, that
some men are dead that bought my cattle, and that the rest are
vnwilling to contribute any considerable matter, to this, J
say, that the Baley of hundred is dead but the men that bought
the cattle of him were aliue, when J came, for J was with
them, but if any that they sold them to be dead, or noe, that
J cannot tell, but he that should restore my goods is Mathew
Babington if J may haue my right.

The Earle of Stamford hath been about it, to see what they will
doe who had my goods, but seing he hath noe more forceable
letter from hence, he could doe nothing but hath left it vnto
thee, therefore if thou writest to him againe lett it be
effectually that J may haue Justice, for the law is not against
me but for me, (though J cannot make vse of it in a way of
sute) and this J know you may doe between you, being sett in
greater power then many others.

this was deliuered
the 10ᵗʰ day of the
5ᵗʰ month 1667

A louer of your soules
& a frind to all that
are honest harted

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Evidently this letter to the Lord Chamberlain had no effect, for there is
a further appeal to the King, mainly interesting as the following names
are given as witnesses to the truth of her statement: Thomas Snooden,
William Snooden, Timothy Garland, Nicholas House, Nicholas Parsons,
Thomas Barradell, Robert Clarke.[117]

In the same letter she writes:

The Magistrates which will doe me noe justice—Behman [Beaumont]
Dixey, Justice Babington of Rodely [_sic_], Earle of Stamford
and John Grey his sonne, with many others in Leicestershire,
which some said they would doe me Justice, but did me none.

In the Countrey there is no Justice but Cruelty: they will not
heare the Cry of the innocent.

She also appeals to the Duke of York, and in the conclusion of a letter
to him, she says:[118]

Therefore I allso apply my selfe to thee, for thy asistance,
in this thing, yᵗ some effectuall meanes may be used for the
restoring of my goods.... The Earle of Stamford who is the
Kings freind knowes how my busines is, & may dispatch it, if
effectually writ to.

Here is another extract setting forth her opinion of lawyers, and others
called upon to administer the law, and also demonstrating her pertinacity
in her endeavours to obtain justice. She begins in the customary manner
by recounting the history of her visits to the King, and continues:[119]

... The King had put it in to the [hands of the] Justices to
[_paper torn_] things and J said J had beene with them and they
would [_paper torn_] me no Right but bad me goe to law but the
lawyars i said ar corrup as the maiestrats ar that J cannot vse
them but they said go to the maiestrats againe and see if they
will do Justice if they will not bring there names and som to
testify the goods were mine and i should haue Justice.

And so i came to another sessions and let them know what J
had done and what they said and hath waited for Justice agen
J went to som of there houses and to the bench and followed
them whether they went both day and at nights when they met to
gether to know whether they would do me Justice or no Justice
to which they hardened there harts and stifened there necks
against the widows complaint and Regarded no Just law....

She did not hesitate boldly to warn the King of his errors, as the
following passage shows:[120]

How oft haue J come to thee in my old age both for thy
reformation and safety, for the good of thy soule And for
Justice and equity. Oh that thou would not giue thy Kingdome to
yᵉ papists nor thy strength to weomen....

In her efforts to obtain Justice for herself she was never unmindful of
the interests of her friends, and in one of her numerous letters to the
King and Council she mentions that William Dewsbury, Thomas Goodaire
and Henry Jackson, three Yorkshire men, were in Warwick Prison, Francis
Howgill in Kendal, and Thomas Taylor in Aylesbury.[121]

In Northampton there are fifteene under the Act of Banishment.
J desire that you may set them at libertye besides all the rest
that are there. These are all yᵉ Kings Prisoners.[122]

In another letter to the King and Council she mentions that there were
forty Friends in Reading prison, and that some had been confined there
six or seven years.[123]

In yet another letter addressed to the King she makes allusion to the
national calamities, and points a lesson therefrom:[124] “If there be
not A speedy repentance judgmᵗˢ will ensue, as Late hath been in England
yᵉ Pestilence yᵉ Sword & yᵉ Fire.” It was probably written in the year
1667 or 1668, after the arrival of the Dutch ships in the Thames under De
Ruyter. Pepys, under date 11th of June, 1667, in his _Diary_ says: “Pett
writes us word that Sheerenesse is lost last night, after two or three
hours’ dispute,” and he gives a graphic account of the alarm in the city,
consequent on the withdrawal of the soldiers to Chatham and elsewhere:
“which looks as if they had a design to ruin the City and give it up to
be undone; which, I hear, makes the sober citizens to think very sadly of
things.” John Evelyn, too, speaking of the Dutch incursion, says: “The
alarme was so greate that it put both Country and Citty into a paniq
feare and consternation such as I hope I shall never see more; every body
was flying none knew why or whither.”

* * * * *

It is pleasant to turn from sufferings and controversies to events of a
domestic character in the strenuous life of Elizabeth Hooton. On 21st
September, 1669, her daughter Elizabeth, who had been a sufferer with her
mother in New England, was married to Thomas Lambert, of Handsworth, at
her mother’s house at Skegby. We have more details of this event in the
following record:

Thos: Lamberd of Heansworth Woodhouse in Yorkshire & Elizabeth
Hooton of Skegby in Nottinghamshire, Daughter of Elizabeth
Hooton did take one another to be husband & wife according to
the Church order & yᵉ practice of yᵉ holy men of God in yᵉ
Scripture in yᵉ House of Elizabeth Hooton upon yᵉ 21 of yᵉ VII
mo in yᵉ year 1669 unto yᵉ Truth of which we have set to our
names—

WILLIAM MALSON
THOMAS COCKRAM
ROBERT STACY
ROBERT HASSEHURST
MAHLON STACY
JOHN FFRETWELL
THOMAS BROCKSOPP
JOHN BINGHAM
THOMAS FFOUKE
GEORGE COCKRAM
WILLIAM CLAY
GODFREY NEWBOULD
ABRAHAM SENOR
ROBERT GRACE[125]

The names of most of the Friends who signed Thomas and Elizabeth
Lambert’s wedding certificate appear again in the book recording the
sufferings of Friends in the Mansfield district, and in the early Minute
Book of the Women’s Quarterly Meeting for Nottinghamshire.

Fourteen months later, 30th of November, 1670, Elizabeth Hooton’s son
Samuel was married to Elizabeth Smedley, of Skegby, at his mother’s
house. There is a very interesting entry in the first Nottinghamshire
Quarterly Meeting Minute Book in reference to this marriage. Elizabeth
Hooton, in assuring the Meeting of her consent to this union,
writes,[126] 26th of December, 1670:

This doe I certify concering my sonne Samuel. I spake to Geo:
Fox about taking the young woman to wife, & he asked me what
she was, & I told him as near as I could of her behaviour, & he
bade me let him take her, & soe that makes me willing that he
should take her to wife.—ELIZABETH HOOTON.

As in the case of the daughter’s marriage the names of no women appear
amongst the witnesses, but as their mother was in England at this time,
she was most likely present at both ceremonies.

* * * * *

In the Episcopal Returns for 1669, we find the name of Elizabeth Hooton
among those of “Heads & Teachʳˢ” of the Friends’ Meeting at Harby,
Lincs.[127]

About this time too we find E. Hooton intervened in the dispute between
Margaret Fell and her son and daughter-in-law, George and Hannah Fell.
There are two letters in existence, both evidently addressed to Hannah
Fell; one is endorsed: “ﬀor George ﬀells widdow at Marsh Grainge in
ﬀurnace,” the other: “To a Woman unnamed, who had got a judgmᵗ agᵗ her
mother in law.”[128] From the latter we learn that Elizabeth Hooton must
have seen George Fell on the subject of the litigation, for she writes:

Freind.

When J was wᵗʰ the & thy Husband J hadd some thing on my Spᵗ
from yᵉ Lord yᵗ hee might bee warned from ꝑsecuteing yᵉ Just,
or Joyneing wᵗʰ them yᵗ did, for he is gon from yᵗ Truth wᶜʰ
hee once was in, & had Joyned himselfe wᵗʰ yᵉ ꝑsecuteing
magistrates & preists, & had been a meanes to Cause his mother
to bee ꝑsecuted, & imprisoned, & yᵐ yᵗ mett at hir howse & this
(soe farr as J did heare) was thy Husbands worke, but J was
moved of yᵉ Lord to goe to him, & declare to him hee was gon
out from that Truth he was in before; & now hath hee Joyned him
selfe wᵗʰ yᵉ ꝑsecutors, & was a lover of pleasures & did not
at all love yᵉ Truth, but ꝑsecute it; & was a meanes to keep
his Mother in prison, & was a meanes for ought J Could heare to
premunire hir, but J was made to tell him yᵗ if hee did goe on
in yᵗ ꝑsecuting way & would not turne to yᵉ Truth wᶜʰ hee once
Received, yᵉ Lord would Cutt him off boath Root & branch, &
though his Mother were sett at liberty againe by yᵉ King, yett
did thy Husband goe to yᵉ King againe, & Gott hir premunired &
put into prison againe, (for ought [J] know) & now the lords
hand hath Cutt him off & shortened his dayes.

And Now it is Reported yᵗ thou hast Gotten a Judgmᵗ against thy
Syce to Sweep away all yᵗ shee hath, boath goods, & Land, wᵗ a
Rebellious Daughter in law art thou.

The rest of the letter consists of warnings and predictions of what will
befall if such unjust conduct is persisted in. It concludes:

Soe to yᵉ light of Xᵗ in thy Conscience Returne, wᶜʰ will lett
the see all thy wayes; J am a lover of thy Soule

ELIZABETH HOOTEN.

Her intervention did not end here, for we find her writing to the King
and Council on behalf of Margaret Fox. In an undated letter, after
calling their attention to the great distress caused by the Act “which
hath ruined many hundred of famylies which cannot now pay Rents taxes nor
sesments which did releiue many poore and now is not able to releiue them
selues,” she continues:[129]

Shee yᵗ was Judge ﬀells wife had a rebellious and disobedient
sonn which sought the ruination of his own mother the Lord Cutt
him of by Death and now her sonnes wife seekes to ruinate her
mother in Law by getting a Judgmᵗ against her att this Size at
Lancaster to dispossesse her of her proper right and soe both
ruinate her and her children if shee can: Lett the King and
Councill Consider this and holpe the widow and the fatherlesse.
That which her husband left her, her daughter in Law seekes to
ruinate her of. Soe I beseech you consider it in tyme and send
some thing speedily to yᵉ Judges yᵗ Justice may be administred.

I am a louer of your Soules

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Undeterred by age, the perils and discomforts of the voyage, or the
prospect of bonds and imprisonment which it was possible would be her
portion, Elizabeth Hooton, in a letter written from London in conjunction
with Hannah Salter[130] to Margaret Fox, a prisoner in Lancaster Castle,
speaks of the call she had received to proceed with George Fox and the
party of Friends who were intending to visit their brothers and sisters
in the faith beyond the seas:[131]

Deare Margret who Art faithfull and in the wisdome of god and
art A sufferer for god and his Truth and thy sufferings hath
been many and great and thou art A Mother in Jsraele god is thy
witnese thou hast suffered more then many haue Expected, yet
hath yᵉ Lord deliuered thee, Euerlasting praises to his name
for euer, bee thou of good Cumfort yᵉ Lord will Deliuer thee
still and they that seeke to Ruinate thee will yᵉ Lord Ruinate,
Jf they doe not Speedely Repent and Amend: there is no way but
to trust in yᵉ Lord for hee is A true deliuerer.

Hannah Salter hath been with the King and Leighboured much in
thy Cause and J haue been prety much with the parliment and
haue giuen them prety many Bookes and spoken prety much to
them. We haue giuen yᵉ parliment above 200 of the Reighnment
of Popery[132] besids many other good Bookes, J beleiue to the
worth of 20ˡⁱ and they tooke them uery well, but what they will
do to us more J Know not.

J haue A great desier to see thee Jf thou could but Come to
thy husband before hee goe so the Lord giue thee some Liberty
that thou may see him, and it would make my hart glad. J know
nothing but J may goe with him it hath been much on mee to goe
a great while and to doe yᵉ best that Js Required for him. One
Letter haue J written to thy Sons wife and J desire thou may
see it ouer, that Jf there bee any thing in it yᵗ is Amisse
thou maist mend it, for it ware much on mee to write it, and so
at present J haue no more but my Loue to thee and thy daughters
and friends for J am in hast to goe up againe to the parlement
and so farwell my dearly beloued friend which art in the Power
of Truth, god blessed for euer.

ELIZ: HOOTON.

Hannah Salter hath some hopes yᵗ the Buisinesse will bee
effected shee would not leaue yᵉ King till he had Granted what
was required and his Counscill with him promised her yᵗ it
should be done Soe shee goes to him againe yᵉ second day to
haue it written & sealed soe J hope it will be done in gods
tyme, yᵗ wee may all praise his holy name for his mercy towards
thee & towards vs. Soe J end farewell, deare Margrett.

From the above letter we obtain an insight into Elizabeth Hooton’s
activities in the year 1670. On the 15th January, 1670, Friends in
Nottinghamshire appealed to King and Parliament for the relief of their
sufferings, and among the Appellants are Elizabeth Hooton and Elizabeth
Hooton, Junr.[133] The latter was, probably, the wife of Samuel, become
Hooton only a month or two before.

In these days, when we are constantly reminding those outside our Society
of the acknowledgment by our early Friends of the spiritual equality
of men and women, it is extremely interesting to note that women were
frequently engaged in and actually did carry through negotiations of a
very delicate and decidedly secular character. This is proved by George
Fox’s account of his wife’s release from Lancaster Castle, which took
place in April, 1671; he says:[134]

I was moved to speak to Martha Fisher[135] and another woman
Friend, to go to the King about her liberty. They went in
faith, and in the Lord’s power, who gave them favour with the
King, so that he granted a discharge under the broad-seal, to
clear both her and her estate, after she had been ten years a
prisoner and premunired; the like wherof [of such discharge]
was scarcely to be heard in England.

John Rous, writing to his mother-in-law, Margaret Fox, gives a more
detailed account of the proceedings attendant on her release, in a letter
dated 4th of April, 1671; he says:[136]

Last 6ᵗʰ day yᵉ two women tooke the grant out of the Attourney
Generals office, & he gave yᵐ his fee, wᶜʰ should have been
5ˡⁱ, & his clerke tooke but 20ˢ, wheras his fee was 40ˢ.
Yesterday they went with it to yᵉ King who signed it in the
Counsell & Arlington[137] also signed it but would take noe
fees, wheras his fees would have been 12ˡⁱ or 20ˡⁱ, neither
would Williamsons[138] man take any thing saying yᵗ if any
religion were true, it is ours, tomorrow it is to passe yᵉ
Signet; & on 6ᵗʰ day, the privy seale, & afterwards the broad
Seale wᶜʰ may be done on any day. The power of the Lord hath
bowed their hearts wonderfully.

Margaret Fox, after her release from Lancaster, returned to Swarthmoor
for a brief period; she then joined George Fox in London for the Yearly
Meeting of 1671, and afterwards remained with him, until, three months
later, 13th August, he and his little company of twelve set sail “towards
America and some of the Isles thereunto belonging.” Elizabeth Hooton and
Elizabeth Miers[139] were the only women included in the party.

From George Fox and others we have a very full account of the voyage of
the “Catch _Industry_, Master Thomas Foster.” Margaret Fox and other
Friends accompanied the travellers as far as Deal. After these had left
the boat her voyage was interrupted by a visit from the “Presse Master”
of one of the two men-of-war which were lying in the Downs. He took
off three of their seamen which action might have postponed the voyage
indefinitely had not the Captain of the other frigate, “out of Compassion
and much Civillity,” spared two of his men.

Their vessel was leaky: on the 27th of August this entry appears in the
diary of the voyage, kept by John Hull:[140]

Our Ship soe leaky ever since wee came to the Downes that
Seamen and passengers doe for the most part day and night
pumpe. this day wee observed that in two houres she suckt in
sixteene Inches of water in the well, some makes it tenne Tunn
a day. It is well however for it is good to keepe Seamen and
passengers in health.

Travellers of to-day would probably strongly object to this particular
form of health-giving exercise, except under the very sternest necessity.

Then the Journal tells of an apparent “Chace” given by a strange ship
which “some conjectur’d by her sayles among the Marriners that it was
likely a Sally man of warr, standing of the A sores Ilands, which caused
a great feare among some of the passengers, dreading to be taken by them,
but friends were well satisfyed in themselves, having no feare upon their
spirrits.” George Fox assured the Master when he came “to advise with him
and understand his Judgment of it in the power made answer that the life
was over all, and the power was betweene them and us.” The _Industry_
escaped attack and eventually they lost sight of the “Sally man.”

Many meetings were also held, some amongst Friends only, and others with
the passengers who “seemed to be very attentive.”

At length, after nearly two months, this voyage—not lacking in interest
and incident—ended, and the _Industry_ anchored in Carlisle Bay,
Barbados, about nine o’clock at night on the 3rd October.

During his stay, George Fox addressed a letter to the Governor of
Barbados, defending the Quakers against gross slanders which had been
promulgated against them. We have also two letters from Elizabeth
Hooton. Whether both were written at this period is uncertain. One is
addressed “To the Rulers and Magestrats of this Island that ought to Rule
for god.” After general exhortations and warnings, she continues:[141]

J haue seene many ouerturnes, and the Lord will ouerturne
Still. Therefore haue a Care in the feare of the Lord that
hee may giue a blessing vnto you.... And soe Consider what is
required for in this Jsland. There is Great need of Justice
and Judgment, for if one goe vp into the Countrey, there is A
great Cry of the Poore being Robbed by Rich mens Negroes, Soe
that they cannot with out great Troble, keep any thing from
being Stolen; And if they doe complaine they Cannot get any
Sattisfaction; Now it is the Duty of Euery man to take Care and
see there family haue Suffitient food and any thing else the
stand in need off; as Jnstructed in that that is good, that
they may bee Kept from Stealeing and doeing any thing that is
Euill; Soe that yoᵘ may make good Lawes and yoʳ People be Kept
in good order, according to what is made knowne to them by them
that Rule ouer them. And soe yoᵘ Come ... to a true Reformation
yoʳ Selues, first reforming yoʳ Selues in yoʳ familyes, and
yoᵘ will see Clearly how to Rule others, for a Reformation god
looks for Among yoᵘ and all People, that god may bless yoᵘ....
Therefore to the Light of Christ returne; that yoᵘ may see what
yoᵘ should doe and what yoᵘ should not doe and that all yoʳ
ac̄c̄ons may be guided by itt, for hee hath Jnlightened Euery
one that Comes in to the World. J am a louer of yoʳ Soules and
am Come to Warne yoᵘ

ELIZA: HOOTON.

The second letter[142] is probably the last she wrote, and was evidently
prompted by the same reasons which had influenced George Fox in
addressing the Rulers of the Island. It is endorsed: “E. Hooton to some
Ruler in Barbado’s 7ᵗʰ of 10/mo 1671 To warne him not to give eare to
false reports & yᵉ Priests suggestions agᵗ yᵉ innocent.”

ﬀrend.

Some thing J haue to thee, Jf thou wilt be noble in thy place,
lend not an eare to the wicked nor to persecutors, if thee
Prests come about thee aganst the Jnnocent, as they haue all
wayes don, and Cry help magistrats or else our traid will goe
downe. Neither giue eare to Any Sett that comes to the wᵗʰ
falce Accusations.... The Lord hath somtimes Restrained such
men as would haue done us mischeefe and oft haue J been wᵗʰ the
Parlement & they haue been very Ciuell to me & J haue giuen
them many Boockes & Letters & they haue Receᵈ them & haue not
done those many bad Things against us as Sum would haue had
them to haue done; but let persecution sease, and our Meetings
in London ware & are still as wee are informed by yᵉ Last
Shipes peaceable: and the Last Mayor that wos when J wos there
never did us hurt nor broke up ouer metings....

Ther fore take heade that thou doe not Joyne with them that
would percecute & wrong yᵉ Jnnocent, for Jf thou doest thou
wilt wrong thy one Sole: neither harken thou to such wicked men
as will bring thee Storeys & lyes against George ﬀox, nor anny
of Gods people for J haue knone him to be An upright honest
harted man as wast in England this twenty fiue years: Soe quit
thy selfe well in thy Place & god will bles the but Giue not
head to folce accusors nor to the preasts for thos war thay
that Crusified Christ & put his Apossells to deth and thay are
yᵉ men yᵗ now would doe the same thinges if thay had power.
J haue knone there Cruelty aboue this twenty yeares to me &
to many others, thouf J haue no Enmyty against them nor noe
Revenage Jn my harte but desire that thay Repent and turne to
the Lorde as sum of them haue done: Soe Returne to the Light in
thy Consciene wᶜʰ will not let the doe any Wrong to any if thou
be Obedient to Jt:

from one yᵗ is a louer of thy Sole

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Barbados this 7ᵗʰ of the 10ᵗʰ monᵗʰ 1671.

After three months’ stay in that island, on the 8th January, 1671/2,
George Fox, accompanied by Elizabeth Hooton and others, left for Jamaica
and arrived safely on the 18th.

From the Testimony of James Lancaster[143] concerning Elizabeth Hooton we
gather particulars of her illness and death. He says:[144]

Her seruise was to stay at the place called porte royall and
alsoe my seruise to be there the next ﬀirst day and soe comeing
in vpon the 7 day of the weeke found her weake in bodie at
present though the day before shee had beene among friends in
the towne exorting them to faithfullnes in the worke of god and
J came vp the staires where shee was and the had newlie taken
her out of her bed into a chaire.

She was much swelled and J said let her haue iaire and the
opened the windowes and opened her bodies and then her breath
came and shee looked vp and see me but could not speake. J said
let vs put her into her bed least shee gett cold, and we did
and shee looked vpon me and J her my life rose towards her and
allsoe her life answered mine again with greate Joy betwixt vs
and shee said it is well James thou art come and fastened her
arms aboute me and said blessed be the lord god that has made
vs partakers of those heuenly mercies and more words to the
like effecte and embraced me with a kisse and laid her selfe
Downe and turned her selfe on her side and soe her breath went
weaker and weaker till it was gone from her and soe passed away
as though shee had beene asleep and none knew of her departure
but as her breath was gone....

And so, still in the thick of the fight, far from her home in the quiet
Nottinghamshire village, she fell on sleep. Though her story is so far
removed from our own time, something of that peace enters into our souls
in the knowledge that her long and strenuous life ended in a great calm.

George Fox, writing to Friends from Rhode Island, 19th June, 1672,
says:[145]

Elizabeth Hootton is deceased at Jamaicae ... James Lancaster
was by her and can give an account what words she spoke and of
her Testimony concerneing Truth a farther account I shall give
concerneing her outward things to her Relations but let her
Sonne Oliver gather up all her papers and her sufferings and
send them to London that her life and death may bee printed.

To our lasting regret the latter injunction never appears to have been
carried out, or at any rate the record has been lost, for no history of
her, written by a contemporary, remains, and after the lapse of over two
hundred and forty years there are necessarily many blanks which can
never be filled. George Fox, in his Testimony concerning her, written in
1690, says:[146]

In her Life she was very much Exercised with priests outward
Professours Apostates Backsliders and Profane, for she was
a Godly Woman & had a Great Care Lay upon her for People to
walk in yᵉ Truth that did Profess itt, and from her Receiving
yᵉ Truth she never turned her Back of itt but was fervent &
ﬀaithfull for it till Death.

This is amply confirmed by the fragments of her history which remain
to us, and from these fragments she emerges a heroic figure, one who
worthily played her part in the heroic age of the Society of Friends:
always valiant for the truth, quick to seize any opportunity that
offered to plead the cause of her fellow sufferers, even though her own
sufferings made the occasion—fearless in denouncing the evils of the
time—far in advance of the age in which she lived in her advocacy of
prison and other reforms, and, though her methods may appear strangely
uncouth in our politer days, yet her history is eloquent in its lessons
for us, conscious, it may be, that, in the words of Whittier,

The spirit’s temper grows too soft in this still air.[147]

Does not the injunction of an earlier writer[148] need special emphasis
to-day? “May we not now, in a time of ease and liberty, live carelessly
and indifferently towards Him, but in deep reverence and fear worship
him, our great Deliverer, who powerfully wrought in the King’s heart
to the setting at freedom and liberty these sons and children of the
morning!”

Another age, other problems, and as we consider those which confront us
to-day, we ask, with Florence Nightingale, “Was there ever an age in so
much need of heroism?” and we recognise too that to solve those problems
aright we must approach them in the spirit in which Elizabeth Hooton
approached the problems of her time, that spirit which prompted her to
say:

All this and much more I have gone thorugh and suffered,
and much more could I for the Seed’s sake which is Buried
and Oppressed, and as a Cart is laden with Sheaves and as
a Prisoner in an inward Prison-House; Yea, the Love that I
bear to the Souls of all Men, making me willing to undergo
whatsoever can be inflicted.[149]

[Illustration: FROM THE EARLIEST MINUTE BOOK OF NOTTINGHAMSHIRE Q.M.

_See p. vii._]

Addenda

THE HUSBAND OF ELIZABETH HOOTON (pp. 2, 16)

Several writers on Elizabeth Hooton have stated that her husband was
_Samuel_: James Bowden, _Hist._ i. 260; A. C. Bickley in _D.N.B._;
Charlotte Fell Smith in _The British Friend_, 1893.

Mrs. Manners has come to the conclusion that Elizabeth’s husband was
_Oliver_. She thus states her case:

1. Though an exhaustive search of the Nottinghamshire Parish Registers
has been made, I failed to find any marriage of a _Samuel_ Hooton to
Elizabeth ⸺ in any years when it would possibly have occurred.

2. At Ollerton (which village is said by Thoroton to have been partly
owned by Hootons) I found that in the year 1628 _Oliver_ Hooton married
Elizabeth Carrier—and on the 4th of May, 1633, Samuel, son of Oliver and
Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized. (Ollerton Parish Registers.)

3. No entries in Ollerton Registers between the years 1633 and 1636.

4. At Skegby in the year 1636 a son was born to _Oliver_ and Elizabeth
Hooton, and in succeeding years the children born are described as above.

5. In 1657, in the Friends’ Digest Register, the death of _Oliver_ Hooton
is recorded, and under the same year the Skegby Parish Registers record
_Oliver_ Hooton the elder buried.

6. We learn from a letter written by Thomas Aldam from York Castle, where
he and Elizabeth Hooton were imprisoned in 1652, that E. H.’s husband was
living at that time.

7. George Fox in his Testimony concerning E. H. says: “Her husband being
Zealous for yᵉ Priests much opposed her, in soe much that they had like
to have parted but at Last it pleased yᵉ Lord to open his understanding
that hee was Convinced alsoe & was faithfull untill Death.” From this
statement I should expect to find the entry of his death in the Friends’
Register. The name of _Samuel_ does not occur in either Register of
deaths.

8. The late Mary Radley also arrived at the conclusion that the husband’s
name was _Oliver_, and our investigations were conducted entirely
independently.

NOAH BULLOCK (p. 7)

The name of Noah Bullock does _not_ appear in the list of Mayors of
Derby given in William Hutton’s _History of Derby_, ed. of 1791, but the
following curious allusion to Bullock occurs in the same work, page 236:

“1676—We sometimes behold that singularity of character which joyfully
steps out of the beaten track for the sake of being ridiculous; thus the
Barber, to excite attention, exhibited in his window green, blue and
yellow wigs, and thus Noah Bullock, enraptured with his name, that of
the first navigator, and the founder of the largest family upon record,
having 3 sons, named them after those of his predecessor, Shem, Ham and
Japhet; and to complete the farce, being a man of property, built an
ark, and launched it upon the Derwent, above St. Mary’s-bridge; whether
a bullock graced the stern history is silent. Here Noah and his sons
enjoyed their abode and the world their laugh. But nothing is more
common than for people to deceive each other. The world acts under a
mask. If they publicly ridiculed him, he privately laughed at them: for
it afterwards appeared he had more sense than honesty; and more craft
than either; for this disguise and retreat were to be a security to coin
money. He knew Justice could not easily overtake him, and if it should,
the deep was ready to hide his coins and utensils. Sir Simon Degge, an
active magistrate, who resided at Babington-hall, was informed of Noah’s
proceedings, whom he personally knew: the Knight sent for him and told
him, ‘he had taken up a new occupation, and desired to see a specimen of
his work.’ Noah hesitated. The magistrate promised that no evil should
ensue, provided that he relinquished the trade. He then pulled out a
sixpence and told Sir Simon ‘He could make as good work as that.’ The
Knight smiled; Noah withdrew, broke up his ark, and escaped the halter.”

The family is an ancient one; there are monumental inscriptions in
St. Alkmund’s church to Bullocks of Darley Abbey. The name is still
represented in the town.

Information supplied by Edward Watkins, of Fritchley, Derby.

COMMITMENT TO LINCOLN CASTLE (p. 14)

Lyncolnshere.

J was gon out of becingham, & was gone to barnbe in Nottingham shire, &
as J was warneing some to repent in yᵉ towne, there come a wicked man
forth whose name was Atkingson, a proud man, he stroake me unreasonably,
then pul’d he me out of my way over a bridge & when J was over he sent
to the Preist of becingham to serve his warrant upon me, & wᵗʰ his
warrant he sent me to the Justice, & the Justice being a wicked man he
sent me to prison to Lincoln goal. The same Preist put another Man friend
into prison for tithes, & hee dyed, & his house keeper came through the
chamber where the Preist lay, & he sᵈ good morrow Valentine in a vain
light condition, & tooke her in his armes to salute her & suddainly the
Lord stroak him wᵗʰ death, though he cryed for his bottle of strong
waters but it would not save him, thus the hand of the Lord is agᵗ wicked
men, both old & young, [they] shall perish if they transgress. Atkingson
came to nought alsoe & was taken away suddainly, yet the Lord was with
me in prison though J endured a very cold winter, it was God’s mercy in
preserving me that winter from being starved to death, & this widdow
woman that kept yᵉ goal was full of cruelty towards me & all yᵉ prisoners.

[Endorsement]

An imperfect paper, yet expressing the Manner of her being sent to
Lyncolne Prison: and Gods hand upon yᵉ Priest & Atkinson that were yᵉ
cause of her Jmprisonmᵗ there.

MS. in =D.= (Portfolio i. 136)

[Illustration: LINCOLN CASTLE GATEWAY.

_To face p. 78._] [_See p. vii._]

UNKETTY (page 43)

An enquiry addressed to Augustine Jones, LL.B., of Newton Highlands,
Mass., has brought the following information:

Unquity, or Unquity-quisset was the Indian name for Dorchester, which, in
1662, was incorporated as Milton. It is across the Neponset River from
Boston, on the somewhat indirect way from Cambridge to Scituate.

Unquity means “a place at the end of the small tidal stream or creek.”

A YOUNG MAN OUT OF THE NORTH OF ENGLAND (p. 43)

This was probably Thomas Newhouse, whose name is included in a list of
English Friends visiting N.E., 1661 to 1671 (in the possession of William
C. Braithwaite, Banbury, Oxon). The incident is associated with the
name of Thomas Newhouse in the histories of Bishop, Besse and Bowden.
In Newhouse’s own account of the event and its results, given by Bishop
(_op. cit._ p. 472), we read:

“Upon a Lecture-day at Boston in New-England, I was much pressed in
Spirit to go into their Worship-house amongst them.... They cryed, Away
with him; and some took me by the Throat, and would not suffer me to
answer to it, but hurried me down Stairs, to the Carriage of a great
Gun, which stood in the Market place, where I was stripp’d, and tyed to
the wheel, and whipp’d with ten Stripes ... and then ... whipp’d ... at
Roxbury ... and at Dedham ... and then sent into the Woods.”

In Bishop’s fuller account of this scene, he tells us (_op. cit._ p. 432)
that Newhouse, “having two Glass Bottles in his Hands, dash’d them to
pieces, saying to this effect, That so they should be dash’d in Pieces”—a
very close parallel with the account given by E. Hooton.

William Edmondson states in his _Journal_, under date 1672, that the
Friends of Virginia were “stumbled and scatter’d by his [Newhouse’s] evil
Example ... who went from Truth into the Filth and Uncleanness of the
World.” See Jones, _Quakers in American Colonies_.

It must have been a sorry spectacle—an old woman and a young man, both
half naked, tied side by side to the back of a cart, and lashed with a
whip of three knotted cords till blood ran.

HOOTON DESCENDANTS

The materials with which to re-erect the house of Hooton are scattered
and difficult to identify; the frequent use of the same fore-name is a
source of danger; but we venture to place before our readers such facts
as at present see the light, in the hope that later research will be
aided thereby.

SAMUEL HOOTON

Samuel, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized at Ollerton in
1633.

The hand of persecution rested upon him in early life; we find him
in prison in Nottingham in 1660 for refusing to take the Oath of
Allegiance,[150] and in Leicester in 1662 he was in prison with George
Fox and others,[151] being “cast into yᵉ Dungeon amongst yᵉ felons.
There was hardeley roome to lye downe they [the prisoners] were soe
thronge.”[152] Before reaching the age of thirty he was the objective of
Muggletonian curses,[153] as was his mother later; and eight years after,
in 1670, as recorded by Besse,[154] restraints were laid upon his goods
“for the Cause of religiously Assembling to worship God.”

On the 30th of November, 1670, Samuel Hooton married Elizabeth Smedley,
both of Skegby, at the home of the bridegroom’s mother. There were two
children born at Skegby, Oliver[155] in 1671 and Elizabeth in 1673.

Of his religious service we have found nothing before his departure for
New England early in 1666, as related _ante_, and the next reference
is dated two years later, May, 1668: “one Samuel, son of old Elizabeth
Hooten,” is mentioned among “those that labour in the work of the
ministry.”[156]

Towards the close of 1670, among signatories to An Appeal from
Nottinghamshire, occurs the name Samuel Hooton.

In the Minute Book of Nottinghamshire Quarterly Meeting, at the date,
26 x. (Dec.) 1670, the same date on which his mother wrote the letter
given _ante_, the word “backslider” is written beside the name of Samuel
Hooton (see photo. facsimile, p. 75). This was probably done a few years
later in connection with the passing of the following minutes by the
Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Nine & Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 29ᵗʰ day of first
month 1675.

Exhortation the 1ˢᵗ time

Robert Grace & Thomas ﬀarnsworth Exhorted Sammuell Hooten for
paing of Tyths, as to that he would giue noe Answer but was
found very scornefull.

Exhortation the 2ⁿᵈ time.

Georg Cockram, & Mathias Brackney Exhorted Sammuell Hooten for
paing of Tyths, his answer was, he was neuer conuienced in
his conscience but that they ought to be payed, it was spoken
to him as that he did beare his testimoney against them and
suffered the spoyling of his goods for his Testimony he said
that he did it out of the strength of his owne will.

Agreed that a Testimonie be drawne up Against the Spirit that
Leads Sammuell Hooten To pay tythes (& justifie his paying of
them) and to be giuen him by Robert Grace and William Malson, a
Coppy as followeth:

“A Testimonie from the people of god (in scorne called Quakers)
Against Tythes & Tithe takers & all that pay them in Generall
(whoe denie Christ Jesus come in the flesh—who hath Ended the
Law & the Changable preisthood, and is becom the unchangable
high preist over the house of god for Euer) But more Especialy
against the Spirit that now acts in & by Sammuell Hooten.

“Whereas Sammuell Hooten hath Long beene a professor of gods
blessed truth and hath borne a Larg verball Testimony thereunto
& not onely soe but hath suffered much thereby, by all which
according to outward Apearance he was Looked upon by many to be
a faithfull wittness for god, but Alass as a flourishing tree
which brings forth noe good fruite, soe is a profession without
the possession of the truth, & as Euery Tree is knowne by his
fruite soe is Euery spirit knowne by its Action, and though
the said Sammuell hath walked Long in apearance as aboue said,
yet hath he Lately brought forth bad fruit to the dishoner of
god in paing Tiths to an Jmpropriator and though he hath beene
tenderly dealt withall yet he still persists to manetaine the
thing as Lawfull, soe that wee are constrained for the truth
sake to giue forth this testimony against that Spirit that Led
him to pay tiths (and plead for them) and doe foreuer judg it,
& Condemne it in him or in whome-soeuer it is found, being the
same Spirit with them that takes Tithes by whome many of our
deare friends haue suffered Jmprisonment unto death & sealed
there testimoney with there Bloud, and this is to goe forth
into the world that truth may be cleared, & all false Reports
stopped & Judged, who now say we alow what we formerly declared
against, noe more but in true Loue to all people we Reste.”

ﬀrom the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild, the 29ᵗʰ day of the
1ˢᵗ month 1675.

It is possible that the family emigrated to the Western World. Mrs.
Amelia Mott Gummere, of Haverford, Pa., contributes the following, which
may refer to the above Samuel:

“Elizabeth Hooton, wife of Samuel Hooton, of Shrewsbury,
New Jersey, with her daughter Elizabeth, wife of Thomas
Hillborne, were appointed guardians of Samuel Hooton, when the
latter became insane in 1694. Thomas Hillborne and Elizabeth
Hooton, both of Shrewsbury, N.J., were married 12th December,
1688, at the house of her mother, Elizabeth Hooton. The
original marriage certificate was in the possession of Thomas
Darlington, of Birmingham, Pa., in 1863.”

Of the Hootons of N.J., Mrs. Kate B. Stillé wrote in the _Jnl. F.H.S._
iv. 50: “Their descendants hold the land near Burlington and Evesham,
which was bought from the Indians.”

ELIZABETH HOOTON, JR., AFTERWARDS LAMBERT.

The marriage of the younger Elizabeth with Thomas Lambert, of Tickhill,
21st of September, 1669, is recorded in the Registers of Nottinghamshire,
but there is no entry therein of any children or of the deaths of Thomas
and Elizabeth Lambert.

We may hazard the suggestion that emigration to the New World removed
their names from the Registers of the Old. In the published _New Jersey
Archives_, first series, vol. xxiii., p. 236, we read:

“1692-3, Feb. 20. Hooton John. Letters of administration on the estate
of, formerly granted to Thomas Lambert in behalf of his wife, confirmed,
notwithstanding application of Richard & Thomas Hilbourne on behalf
of Samuel Hooton for it, based on the order of Gov. Hamilton making
Elizabeth, the wife of the said Samuel, Thos. Hilbourne and wife
Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel, his guardians during his lunacy (_N.J.
Arch._, vol. xxi., p. 193). John White, attorney for Thos. Lambert,
submits the affidavit of John Snowden, to whom John Hooton had said,
shortly before his death, he did not intend his brother Samuel should
have his plantation, while William Black and John Birch attest that
deceased had expressed his intention that John, the son of his brother,
Thomas Lambert, should have it. (Burlington Records, p. 18.)”

OLIVER HOOTON

1. Oliver, son of Elizabeth, is mentioned by Fox in his _Journal_, under
date 1672, and he was apparently at home in England at the time (Camb.
_Jnl._ ii. 213).

His “hystry” is referred to on page 4, also his Certificate concerning
George Fox.

He was at Skegby in May, 1666 (page 54).

2. Oliver Hooton, living in Barbados, is referred to in sundry places.

He wrote a Testimony concerning William Sympson (dropping into verse at
the close), on the 16th of February, 1670, printed in _A Short Relation
... of William Simpson_, 1671.

In 1674, he was fined 1,592 lbs. of sugar for “not appearing in
Arms.”[157]

Thomas and Alice Curwen visited him, and wrote a letter from his house,
dated the 12th February, 1676.[158]

In 1677, with other Friends, he signed an Appeal to Governor Atkins on
behalf of sufferers for the Truth.[159]

There is a letter in =D.=[160] from O. Hooton to George Fox, dated
“Barbados yᵉ 8: 2ᵈ mᵒ 1682.” References to the writer’s personal history
are wanting, but he writes as one who knew Fox, “from the begining of yᵉ
apearance of yᵗ Glorious Day, yᵉ dawnings wherof (in our dayes) first
made knowne its Splendor through thee.... I have both loved and honored
thee from yᵉ first.” The writer is on the eve of a visit “to see yᵉ new
Countreys of new Jarsey and Pensilvania,” but he “cannot say to Setle
there.”

There does not appear to be sufficient evidence to state that 1 and 2 are
the same persons.

3. The Registers of Mansfield Monthly Meeting record the death of Oliver
Hooton, son of Samuel and Elizabeth Hooton, 14 xi. 1671, who died at his
parents’ house at “Seckby” and was buried at “Skegby.” See page 81, note
1.

MARTHA HOOTON

The name, Martha Hooton, also appears in the records of Barbados—in 1689
she was fined £4 19s. 0d. “for Default of sending a Man and a Horse armed
in to the Troop,”[161] and there is in =D.= a curious manuscript, being
a petition from a slave girl named Mama to obtain the freedom granted by
her mistress, Martha Hooton, widow, in her will dated “the third day of
the fifth Month ... 1704,” she having died on the 8th September of that
year.

THOMAS HOOTON

1. Thomas, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized 1636. Of this
son, Mrs. Manners writes: “The late Mary Radley thought that Thomas was
an older son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, but I think she must have
read this name as ‘Timothy.’ Mrs. Dodsley, who searched the Skegby Parish
Registers for me, thinks the name given is ‘Thomas,’ and as I have found
no mention of ‘Timothy’ in any of the documents I have searched, I am
inclined to think Mrs. Dodsley’s surmise is correct.”

2. According to the Friends’ Registers for the County of Lincoln, Thomas
Hooton, of Sibsey [? Sibson], Leicestershire, married Mary Sharp of
Barnby at the house of John Pidd, at Barnby, Notts, 1662 xii. 15. The
Hooton home in Leicestershire was Sileby, and the home of the bride,
Barnby, is not far distant from Ollerton, the Notts Hooton home.

3. The following extracts have been taken from the Minutes of
Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 28ᵗʰ day of the 4ᵗʰ
month 1675.

Agreed that William Malson Robert Grace Francis Clay, & Mathias
Brackney, doe consider with Thomas Hooton about the Repairing
of Joseph Roberts house.

One and Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 27ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ
month 1675.

It is Agreed that friends at the monthly meeting belonging to
Maunsfeild put an End to the buseniss betwixt Thomas Hooton and
friends, About Joseph Roberts house & ground.

Six & Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Nottingham the 28ᵗʰ day of the 10ᵗʰ
month 1676.

Paid out of the publique Stocke for the Reparing of Joseph
Roberts house the sume of £2: 10: 6.

4. At a Quarterly Meeting held at Lincoln, 27 x. 1693, the following
minute was made: “At this meeting Thomas Hooton sent Twenty Shillings to
be disposed of this Meeting received and disposed of at this accordingly.”

5. There was a Thomas Hooton of London, of whom more is known. He and
his family emigrated to New Jersey. See Besse’s _Sufferings_; Clement’s
_Settlers in West New Jersey_, 1877, p. 301; _The Friend_ (Phila.),
lxxvii. (1903), p. 52; _New Jersey Archives_.

JOHN HOOTON

The following is from the Minutes of the Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Seauen Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly meeting at Maunsfeild, the 28ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ
moᵗʰ 1674.

Exhortation the first time—

Georg Corkram & Mathias Brackney exhorted John Hooton for
paying of Tyths, his answer was that if they take it he would
not hinder them and that he had as good pay tythes as pay Rente
for them.

Eight and Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild, the 28ᵗʰ day of the
10ᵗʰ month 1674.

Exhortation the Second time

Robert Grace & Thomas ﬀarnsworth Exhorted John Hooton for paing
of Tythes, & his Answer was, he was not fully conuinced, but
that it was the Jmpropriators Right or due after they had set
there marke in it and he said if he found anything in himselfe
that did oppose it for the time to come he hoped he should be
faithfull to it, And he was Lowe & tender.

One and Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 27ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ
month 1675.

Exhortation the 3ʳᵈ time.

Francis Clay, and Robert Grace Exhorted John Hooton for paing
of tyths, his Answer was that he found that it was not right to
be paied, neither did he jntend to pay any more but he said his
seruants did Leaue some contrary to his order, and he was found
very tender.

For John Hooton, of N.J., see under Elizabeth Hooton, _aft._ Lambert.

JOSIAH HOOTON

Of Josiah Hooton, mentioned on page 3, nothing further appears.

JUDGE ENDICOTT (p. 50)

“It was not the people of Massachusetts—it was Endicott and the
Clergy”—who persecuted the Quakers.—JOHN FISKE, _Beginnings of New
England_, 1895.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _The General History of the Quakers_, by Gerard Crœse, 1696, pt. 1,
p. 37.

[2] Dr. Robert Thoroton, J.P. (1623-1678), published his _Antiquities
of Nottinghamshire_ in 1677. He appears in Besse’s _Sufferings_ as a
persecutor of Friends in Notts.

_D.N.B._; Cropper, _Sufferings_, 1892, quoting Brown’s _Worthies of
Nottinghamshire_.

[3] John Throsby (1740-1803) republished Thoroton’s _Nottinghamshire_,
with additions, in 1790. He wrote also on Leicestershire.

[4] See _Original Records of Early Nonconformity under Persecution
and Indulgence_, compiled by G. Lyon Turner, 1911, iii. 13. See other
references to E. Hooton, i. 155, ii. 725, iii. 744. Chapman was Vicar of
Mansfield Woodhouse.

[5] MS. in =D.= This piece is endorsed: “Oliver Huttons Certificate
Concerning G: ﬀ:”; and is among other similar certificates which were
read at the Second Day’s Meeting, 16 xii. 1686/7. “Oliver Hutton’s
hystry” does not appear to have survived. See Braithwaite, _Beginnings of
Quakerism_, 1912, pp. 43, 44.

[6] MS. in =D.= entitled: “A Testimony Concerning our Dear ﬀriend and
Sister in yᵉ Lord Elizabeth Hutton,” dated 1690, but not in Fox’s writing.

[7] For an illustrated article on Elizabeth Heath (d. 1693) and her
charity see _Journal F.H.S._ x.

[8] MS. in =D.= endorsed by Fox: “a short jornall of gﬀ never wer
printd,” and by another writer: “of Some Short things from abᵗ yᵉ year
1648 to King Charles yᵉ 2ᵈ Dayes.” The MS. is much worn at the edges, but
some words have been inserted from a contemporary copy.

[9] Besse, _Sufferings of the Quakers_, 1753, i. 137.

[10] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. ii. 43)

[11] The home of Thomas Aldam (c. 1616-1660) was Warmsworth, near
Doncaster. His detention in York Castle followed a _contretemps_ with the
clergyman of this village, Thomas Rookby; he was two and a half years in
the Castle. _Short Testimony_ by his son, Thomas, 1690; _Piety Promoted_;
_D.N.B._; Camb. _Jnl._

[12] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 373)

[13] Mary Fisher (c. 1623-1698), afterwards Bayly and Cross, became a
prominent preacher and traveller. She visited Cambridge and preached to
the students, travelled in the West Indies and Eastern Europe, and died
in Charlestown, South Carolina. Camb. _Jnl._; _Quaker Women_, 1915.

[14] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 36)

[15] According to a MS. in =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 91), William Peares
died in York Castle. Fox endorses this scrap of paper: “W peres died
in presen at York abought 1654.” In the MS. we read: “The cause of his
Jmprisonment was, because he was moued to stripe himselfe naked. A ﬀigure
off all the nakedness of the world.... Jt was the naked that suffered for
the naked truth.”

In _A Declaration of present Sufferings_, printed 1659, recounting six
years of persecution, we have a confirmation of G. F.’s statement: under
Yorkshire, “William Peers imprisoned till death for Tithes.” (p. 20.)

[16] Prior to her incarceration in York Castle, Jane Holmes was one of
the Friends whose preaching made such an impression on the town of Malton
that “some was caused to burne a great deale of riboning of silkes and
braueries and such things” (=D.= Swarth. MSS. i. 373). While in the
Castle her health suffered, and this may partly account for the low
spiritual condition into which she fell. The MSS. tell us that the “wilde
nature was exalted in her, aboue the seede of god” and “the wilde Eyrie
spirit was exalted aboue the Crosse” (Swarth. MSS. iii. 40), resulting in
her “going out” from her quondam friends into darkness and obscurity. See
Braithwaite, _Beginnings of Quakerism_, 1912, pp. 72, 73.

[17] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 35a)

[18] Amor Stoddard (d. 1670), frequently styled Captain, was one of Fox’s
companions on various missionary journeys. He lived in London. His wife
died in 1665.

Beck and Ball, _London Friends’ Meeting_, 1869; Camb. _Jnl._

[19] James Halliday was a weaver of Allartown, in Northumberland. He
travelled frequently with Patrick Livingstone. The date of his detention
in York is not found.

[20] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 15) endorsed: “El: Hooton to yᵉ Bench,
to set James Holydah free & to call others to yᵉ Bar & set yᵐ at liberty.”

[21] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 3) Although this letter is signed
“Elizabeth Hooton,” there are evidences that it is in the handwriting of
Thomas Aldam, so it is possible that it may have been partly composed or
edited by him.

[22] As with William Peares, so with Benjamin Nicholson, the rigours of
York Castle, though unable to reduce the spirit, proved too strong for
the enfeebled body. Benjamin Nicholson died there in 1660. His home was
Tickhill near Doncaster.

[23] Two copies are in =D.= An interesting and curious production, and
badly printed. On page 3 we read: “You do not read in all the Holy
Scriptures, that any of the Holy men of God were Cambridge or Oxford
Scollers, or Universitie men, or called Masters; but (on the contrary),
they were plain men, and laboured with their hands, and taught freely, as
they had received it freely from the Lord.”

[24] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 5)

[25] See photo reproduction of this letter. Fox has endorsed it: 1655,
but we think 1653 must be the date; the Author’s unit figure is not very
clear.

[26] Margaret Killam was wife of John Killam, of Balby, Yorks. She was a
great traveller and sufferer for the Truth.

[27] =D.= Swarth. MSS. i. 2. Margaret Killam, writing to George Fox,
in 1654, mentions holding a meeting at “Oliuer Hoottens,” also one at
“Thomas Brockshows att Mansfild side,” and continues: “And soe as the
lord directs to send ouer sum̄ frends it may bee of greate seruice there
abouts; and to Mansfild side, for there is much deadnes ther awaies”
(Swarth. MSS. i. 374). There is mention of another meeting at Oliver
Hooton’s, at Skegby, in 1653 (=D.= Swarthmore MSS. iii. 52).

[28] _Journal of George Fox_, bi-cent. ed. i. 197.

[29] This MS. is the property of Broughton, Gainsborough and Spalding
Monthly Meeting. See _F.P.T._ 152.

[30] John Whitehead (1630-1696) was a Yorkshireman in early life and
afterwards resided at Fiskerton, near Lincoln. See Camb. _Jnl._

[31] _Suff._ i. 346.

[32] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 37)

[33] _Journal_, bi-cent. ed. i. 198.

[34] _F.P.T._ 219.

[35] It must be remembered that according to the Old Style, the year
began with March, which the Quakers designated First Month. Hence Fourth
Month was June.

[36] _Suff._ i. 553.

[37] CALLENDER, _Historical Discourse_, Boston, 1739. Both these
quotations are taken from _The Quakers in the American Colonies_, by
RUFUS M. JONES, London, 1911, p. xxi.

[38] _Quakers in American Colonies_, p. 8.

[39] Mary Dyer (????-1660) was the wife of William Dyer, then of Newport,
Rhode Island. She was described by George Bishop as “A Comely Grave
Woman, and of a goodly Personage, and one of a good Report, having an
Husband of an Estate, fearing the Lord, and a Mother of [six] Children”
(_New England Judged_, 1703, p. 157). Her husband and she emigrated from
London to Boston in 1635. See ROGERS, _Mary Dyer_, 1896.

[40] CALAMY, _Account of the Ejected Ministers_, i. 481, calls Mansfield,
Nottinghamshire, England, a “little Zoar.” In the chapel known as the Old
Meeting House, in Mansfield, which was built in the year 1702, by the
descendants of the congregation which had formerly received the Ejected
Ministers, there are two commemorative brasses above the altar, placed
there by the late Rev. A. W. Worthington, a former minister, which bear
the following inscription: “In memory of the conscientious sacrifice
and Christianity of the Rev. Robert Porter, Vicar of Pentrich, the Rev.
John Whitlock, M.A., Vicar of St. Mary’s, Nottingham, the Rev. William
Reynolds, M.A., lecturer at the same church, the Rev. John Billingsley,
M.A., Vicar of Chesterfield, Joseph Truman, B.D., Rector of Cromwell, the
Rev. Robert Smalley, Vicar of Greasley, and others, who resigned their
livings when the Act of Uniformity was passed in 1662.

“Driven from their homes by the Oxford Act, in 1666, they found in
Mansfield a little Zoar, a shelter and a sanctuary; and united in hearty
love and concord, they worshipped together till the Act of Toleration was
passed in 1688, when all who survived the day of persecution returned to
their ministry, save the Rev. R. Porter, who remained in charge of this
congregation till his death, January 22nd, 1690.”

[41] In 1641, the assembled citizens made the following declaration:
“This Body Politick is a Democracie; that is to say, it is in the Power
of the Body of Freemen, orderly assembled, or the major part of them, to
make Just Lawes by which they will be regulated.” Under the same date
the following act was passed: “It is ordered that none bee accounted a
delinquent for doctrine,” and later in the same year this was re-affirmed
in these words: the “Law of the last Court made concerning Libertie of
Conscience in Point of Doctrine be perpetuated.” Quoted from _Rhode
Island Colony Records_, by JONES, _op. cit._, p. 23.

[42] _Calendar of State Papers Colonial._

[43] Katharine Scott, wife of Richard Scott, was the daughter of (Rev.)
Francis Marbury, of London, and her mother was of the family of John
Dryden, the poet. Her daughter, Mary, married Christopher Holder, and
another daughter, Hannah, married Walter Clarke, once Governor of Rhode
Island. Her daughter, Patience (1648-????), was specially noted for
her early suffering for conscience sake. ROGERS, _Mary Dyer_; SCULL,
_Dorothea Scott_, 1882; _Holders of Holderness_, 1902.

[44] BISHOP, _New England Judged_, 1703, p. 94.

[45] _Ibid._ p. 95.

[46] Of Anne Austin (d. 1665, in London) little is known. She was
advanced in years at the time of her American visit. See BOWDEN, _Hist._
i. 30-37, etc.

[47] Upsall endeavoured to supply Quaker prisoners with food, but only
succeeded by a weekly payment to the gaoler of five shillings (BISHOP,
_op. cit._ p. 8). Bishop tells us that he was “a long-liver in Boston, an
Ancient Man, and full of Years.”

[48] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 54.

[49] The Southwicks lived at Salem. Other children were Daniel and
Provided. Bishop has many notices of the family.

[50] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 55.

[51] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 60, in the case of Horred Gardner, of Newport.

[52] Nicholas Davis was of Plymouth Colony.

[53] Printed in _New England Judged_, p. 299.

[54] _New England Judged_, p. 333.

[55] One of the young and vigorous preachers of early Quakerism
(1634-1662). He died in Newgate Jail, London. See Camb. _Jnl._

[56] It was spread abroad in N.E. that the Quakers had forged the King’s
letter and counterfeited his seal (=D.= Spence MSS. iii. 116).

[57] The furious attack on the Quaker travellers, Christopher Holder
and John Copeland, in 1657, made by the civil and Church authorities
of Salem, so affected Samuel Shattuck (c. 1620-1689), a man of good
reputation, that he interfered on behalf of the sufferers and as a
consequence was imprisoned at Boston, and whipped; and finally, in
May, 1659, he was banished the Colony. Some trouble which arose in the
early part of 1665 is referred to later (see p. 50), and it may be
that Shattuck, as a consequence, dissociated himself from Friends. His
remains were buried in the Charter Street Burying Ground in Salem; on the
tombstone the date is given in non-Quaker style—“ye sixth day of June.”
His intervention on behalf of Christopher Holder is recorded in full.
There is a picture of the stone in _The Holders of Holderness_, 1902. A
son of Shattuck appears in one of the Salem witch trials (_Witchcraft
and Quakerism_, 1908, p. 8). His descendants are still living in Salem
(_Holders_, p. 104).

[58] In a letter from John Philly to George Fox, in 1661 (Swarth. MSS.
iv. 158), there is this mention of Ralph Goldsmith: “There is one Ralph
Goldsmith, A friend & master of A ship, his house is in Jacobs street
Nere Sauorys Dock, Nere Redrife, whoe hath taken A viag for Venus
[Venice].” Little is known of this Quaker shipmaster. Besse notes one of
the name among sufferers in Barbados (_Suff._ ii. 279).

[59] Captain James Oliver is frequently mentioned in the history of
these troublous times. He led forth Robinson and Stevenson to execution,
causing drums to beat when they attempted to speak (there is a striking
illustration of this scene in _McClures Magazine_, Nov. 1906, from a
painting by Howard Pyle); and when Edward Wharton intervened in the trial
of Leddra, Oliver cried out; “Knock him on the pate” (BISHOP, _op. cit._
p. 318).

[60] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 345. There is in =D.= a MS. account of the
voyage of the King’s messenger.

[61] Joan Brocksopp (d. 1681) was the wife of Thomas Brocksopp, of Little
Normanton, near Chesterfield, Derbyshire.

[62] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27) This may be the “E. Hootons Manscr”
of the margin of Whiting’s _Truth and Innocency Defended_, 1702, see pp.
95, 109, etc.

[63] Mary G. Swift, of Millbrook, N.Y., who has made considerable study
of Hooton printed literature, suggests that Elizabeth Hooton and Jane
Brocksopp were the “two Friends,” mentioned in a letter from George Rofe
to Richard Hubberthorne (quoted in Bowden’s _Hist._ i. 230), and that
they accompanied him a part of the journey from Va. to N. E. in his
“small boat,” and on arrival united with him in appointing the first
General Meeting in America, at Newport, R.I., in 1661. He writes: “_We_
appointed a general meeting,” etc., the antecedent to _we_ being the
writer and his two Friends. In her own account of this visit to New
England (see p. 32), E. Hooton states: “We did come to Rhod Jland where
was appointed by freinds a generall meeting for New England.” Bishop
tells us of the two women that “the Lord afforded them an opportunity by
a Catch, which carried them part of the way” (_New England Judged_, p.
404). Whiting relates that they “got to Rhode Island, where was a General
Meeting” (_Truth and Innocency_, p. 109). It would be very interesting
if it could be stated with certainty that E. Hooton was concerned in the
calling of the first Y.M. in America. See p. 32, n. 2.

[64] Margin gives the name—Wenlock Christison.

[65] This may have been the first General Meeting in America. See p. 31,
n. 1, and the account of the 250th Anniversary of the Beginning of New
England Yearly Meeting, 1911.

[66] Margaret Fell (1614-1702) was the wife and widow of Judge Thomas
Fell (1598-1658). In 1669 she married George Fox (1624-1691). She was the
nursing mother of the early Quaker Church.

[67] Swarth. MSS. i. 75.

[68] Ann Clayton held some position of trust in the Swarthmoor household,
but she also travelled in the ministry at home and abroad. It was she, or
another of the same name, who became the wife of Nicholas Easton of R.I.,
prior to 1672. See Camb. _Jnl._

[69] Swarth. MSS. i. 76.

[70] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27), close of first portion.

[71] At the end of her _Invitation of Love_.

[72] In the voluminous records of the cost of many religious journeys
taken by the early Friends, there is no record of any money paid to
Elizabeth Hooton. It may be that she met the cost of these extensive
travels out of her own pocket. Bowden states that “she was in very
sufficient circumstances” (_Hist._ i. 256).

[73] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 34).

[74] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 10).

[75] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27), second portion.

[76] Seaborne Cotton was a son of John Cotton (1584-1652), the noted
Puritan minister, of Boston. His wife was a daughter of Simon Bradstreet,
sometime Governor of Massachusetts Colony. Cotton was minister of
Hampton, and as such came into frequent conflict with Quakerism.

[77] The words within parentheses were added to the MS. by another hand.

[78] This was Eliakim Wardell, mentioned two lines below. His home was
at Hampton. He was one of those who suffered for entertaining the Quaker
travellers. His wife, Lydia, “being a young and tender and chaste Woman
... as a Sign to them, went in naked among them,” on which action Bishop
comments: “This might be permitted as a stumbling-block, rather for their
Hardening than Conversion, after they had rejected better Examples and
Warnings” (_New England Judged_, p. 376).

[79] John Hussey and Rebecca his wife, _née_ Perkins, lived near the
Wardells at Hampton.

[80] Captain William Hathorne was a Salem magistrate. His descendant,
Nathaniel Hawthorne, the author (1804-1864), writes of him: “He was a
bitter persecutor, as witness the Quakers, who have remembered him in
their histories” (_The Custom House_, quoted in _Jnl. F.H.S._ xii). See
BISHOP, _op. cit._; FELT, _Annals of Salem_, 1842.

[81] Benanuel Bower, of Cambridge, Mass., was originally a Baptist,
but later his family and he became Friends. A correspondent quoted
in _Friends’ Intelligencer_, 1887, p. 243 (copied into _The Friend_
(Phila.) for the same year), writes: “Thomas Danforth, who was the county
treasurer and magistrate, whenever short of business, was in the habit of
persecuting B. Bowers, and then he would enter it at full length upon the
records” in the Court House in Cambridge.

[82] The correspondent referred to in the previous note copied the
wording of the warrant as found in the public records of the Cambridge
Court House, and it appears in the periodicals named in note [81]. He
writes further: “There is this much to be said in the favor of the old
Puritans, that they did not treat the Quakers any worse than they did
their own members whom they accused of heresy, and in most cases they
gave the victim the choice of paying a fine or taking a whipping. I found
one case in which they gave a man a second whipping because he invited
his friends to come and see him whipped the first time.”

[83] This phrase—“a Cage of uncleane birds”—quoted originally from the
Bible—“Babylon is become ... a cage of every unclean and hateful bird,”
Rev. xviii. 2, was frequently used by early Friends to describe their
opponents. Francis Bugg (apostate Quaker) states that George Fox used it
“about the year 1662” in reference to “the Church of England” (_Pilgrim’s
Progress from Quakerism to Christianity_, 1698, p. 130).

[84] This is doubtless a reference to an early, undated quarto pamphlet,
issued by Friends, entitled _Something concerning Agbarus, Prince of
the Edesseans.... Also Paul’s Epistle to the Laodiceans.... As also how
several scriptures are corrupted by the Translators_. Other editions, in
octavo, were printed later in the century.

[85] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 59)

[86] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 43)

[87] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 62) The following is taken from the
_Calendar of State Papers Colonial_, 1665, i. 292:

April 10, 1665.

From Captain Breedon’s House at Boston.

Col. George Cartwright to Col. Nicholls:

“This day, a Quaker (my country-woman) told me before Captain
Breedon, that she had heard several say yᵗ I was a Papist ...
and that Sir Robᵗ. Carr kept a naughty woman; I examined her if
I had not kept one too, or if she knew me not to be a Papist.”
E. Hooton writes: “They said that Cartwright, that was one of
the Comissionʳˢ, was a papist, or a Jesuit, but hee being my
Country man, J did vindicate him, and told them that J knew noe
such thinge” (MS. in =D.= Portfolio iii. 43).

[88] Ann Richardson was, by her first marriage, Ann Burden. After some
years of married life in Mass., Thomas and Ann Burden returned to
England, their native land, and settled at Bristol, where the husband
died. His widow crossed the Atlantic again about 1657, and, with Mary
Dyer, visited Mass., whence they were both banished. About 1665, as Ann
Richardson, she again visited New England.

[89] Swarth. MSS. iii. 104.

[90] Swarth. MSS. iii. 101. Fox adds to the endorsement: “shee died in
the trouth.”

[91] Jane Nicholson (d. 1712) was the wife of Joseph Nicholson, of
Bootle, Lancs. They visited the New World in 1659, and again, for several
years, they were in New England. See Camb. _Jnl._; _Household Account
Book of Sarah Fell of Swarthmoor Hall_, 1915.

[92] John Endicott (c. 1588-1665), first Governor of New England, will go
down to the end of time as the arch-opponent of New England Quakerism.
See _Annals of Salem_, 1845, where there is a portrait; _Chronicle of the
Pilgrim Fathers_; _Jnl. F.H.S._ xii.; etc.

[93] _Hist._ i. 259.

[94] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 36)

[95] _Hist._ under date 1662.

[96] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii, 63)

[97] The Nottingham and Mansfield Quarterly Meeting was long held at the
house of Timothy Garland. Letters for Friends were at times addressed:
“To be left at Timothy Garlands at the Green Dragon in Mansfeild.”
(LOCKER-LAMPSON, _A Quaker Post-bag_, 1910, pp. 48, 51. See also THE
JOURNAL, iv., v.)

[98] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 81) The difficulties and delays of
travel on land and sea at this period are illustrated by another letter
of Samuel Hooton, dated 4th of June, 1666, in which he tells us that the
ship on which he sailed—“the royall exchang”—was “staying in the harbar
at the Kows for the wind, how long i may staye I know not.” MS. in =D.=
(Portfolio iii. 82)

[99] Richard Bellingham (1592?-1672) was Deputy-Governor of Massachusetts
from 1635, and Governor from 1665 to his death.

[100] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 80). The Journal appears in full in
_The Friend_ (Phila.), lxxvii. (1904), 204.

[101] Patrick Livingstone (????-1694) was born at Angus in Scotland,
and was convinced in the North of England in 1658. He travelled in the
ministry with James Halliday (_F.P.T._ 201). In later years he lived in
Nottingham and London. See _Jnl. F.H.S._ vii. 184.

[102] Given in his _Truth Owned_, 1667, pp. 6ﬀ.

[103] Justice Matthew Babington lived at Rotherby, Leics. He was an
ancestor of Lord Macaulay. Mary Radley states that he was the “Some
Justice” addressed by E. Hooton (=D.= Portfolio iii. 6). He appears in
Besse’s book of _Sufferings_ as a persecutor (i. 335).

[104] See _Jnl. F.H.S._ v. 140.

[105] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 33), dated “13ᵗʰ day of 6ᵗʰ Month
1667,” and endorsed: “El. Hooton to some Spirits who were gone out from
yᵉ trueth.” At the close of the paper occur the names: “Eliza: Barnes &
Rose Atkinson” (see Camb. _Jnl._).

[106] Lodowicke Muggleton (1609-1697/8) and John Reeve (1608-1658)
announced themselves the “two witnesses” of Rev. xi. 3. The sect of the
Muggletonians was never very numerous, but it still exists, sharing with
the Quakers the distinction of being the only survivals of those numerous
religious bodies which sprang into existence during Commonwealth times.

[107] _A Volume of Spiritual Epistles written by John Reeve and Lodowicke
Muggleton_, printed 1755, reprinted 1820, p. 227.

[108] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 67) This is printed at the end of
addresses to the King, and to the King and both Houses of Parliament, by
Thomas Taylor. The first is dated 1st of December, 1670.

[109] The Conventicle Act of 1664. For particulars of its working see
_F.P.T._ 357.

[110] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 53)

[111] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 52)

[112] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 69)

[113] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 73)

[114] Edward Montagu, second Earl of Manchester (1602-1671), was Lord
Chamberlain at this time, having been appointed in 1660 (_D.N.B._).

[115] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii, 11) It is endorsed: “To yᵉ Lᵈ
Chamberlane for Release of Prisonᵉʳˢ & justice to her selfe.”

[116] Henry Grey (1599?-1673), created Earl of Stamford in 1628.
(_D.N.B._) He was a Leicestershire nobleman. His son, John Grey, is
mentioned later.

[117] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 47)

[118] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 17), endorsed: “To yᵉ Duke of York
desiring an Answer to her former papers, & pressing for justice to her
selfe.”

[119] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 44)

[120] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 57)

[121] William Dewsbury (1621-1688), Thomas Goodaire (????-1693), and
Henry Jackson (????-1727), were prominent Friends of the early day.
Dewsbury spent nigh twenty years of his life within prison walls.

Francis Howgill (1618-1668/9) was of Westmorland. He died in Appleby
Jail. Thomas Taylor (c. 1617-1681/2), a Yorkshireman, spent long years in
prison for conscience sake.

[122] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 56)

[123] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 55)

[124] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 60)

[125] The copy of this record is amongst the late Mary Radley’s notes,
but the authority is not stated. The names of witnesses correspond with
those given on the certificate obtained from Somerset House.

[126] It will be noticed that this letter is dated a month after the
marriage had taken place. Possibly Elizabeth Hooton was travelling when
the intention of marriage came before the Meeting, and it was thought
well to record her letter of approval when it was obtained.

[127] See Turner, _Original Records_, 1911, i. 76, ii. 771, iii. 745.

[128] MSS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 1, 29)

[129] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 75), endorsed: “El. Hooton To yᵉ King &
Councell on behalf of yᵉ innocent & Judge Fells Widdow.” Further mention
of this dispute may be found in Maria Webb’s _Fells of Swarthmoor Hall_,
1865, pp. 255 ff. See also _Jnl. F.H.S._ xi. 181.

[130] Hannah Salter, as Hannah _Stringer_, the wife of John Stringer,
of London, participated in the troubles associated with James Nayler in
1656, but repented thereof, and returned to the Quaker fold. In 1666 she
married Henry Salter, of London.

[131] Swarth. MSS. i. 152, addressed: “Leaue this with Sarah ﬀell at
Swarthmore ﬀor to be sent to her mother In Lancashire.” Endorsed by Fox.

[132] _The Arraignment of Popery_; being a short Collection, taken out
of the Chronicles, and other Books, of the State of the Church in the
Primitive Times; also the State of the Papists ... by George Fox and
Ellis Hookes, 1667, a learned treatise of 140 pages.

[133] _Extracts from State Papers_, 1913, p. 341.

[134] _The Journal of George Fox_, bi-cent. ed. ii. 140. The other woman
friend was Hannah Salter; see note to this name in Fox’s _Journal_, Camb.
ed.

[135] Martha Fisher (c. 1631-1687) was a member of the valuable band of
London women Friends active in work for the cause of Truth.

[136] Swarth. MSS. i. 83. The letter is addressed: “ﬀor Sarah ﬀell this
at Swarthmore To be left wᵗʰ Thomas Green grocer in Lancaster,” and
endorsed by Fox: “j rous to mﬀ 1671 of patin of releas.”

[137] Henry Bennet, first Earl of Arlington (1618-1685), was Secretary of
State 1662-1674, and Lord Chamberlain 1674 (_D.N.B._).

[138] Sir Joseph Williamson (1633-1701) was Clerk of the Council 1672,
and afterwards, 1674, Secretary of State to Charles II. (_D.N.B._)

[139] Of the previous life of Elizabeth Miers we are yet in ignorance.
Apparently she did not proceed further than Barbados, and returned home
about 1672 (see WEBB, _Fells_, p. 278).

[140] The account of the voyage is given in detail in the _Journal of
George Fox_, Camb. ed.

[141] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 25) The copyist of this address
endorses it: “El. Hooton to yᵉ Rulers (J suppose) of Barbado’s.”

[142] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 32)

[143] James Lancaster (????-1699) was of Walney Island, Lancashire. He
was one of Fox’s fellow-travellers to the Western World.

[144] MS. in =D.= The endorsement is in three hands—Fox writes: “a
testemony of elesebeth hoton,” another adds: “before she dyed,” and a
third: “by Ja: Lancaster.”

[145] _Journal_, Camb. ed. ii. 213.

[146] MS. in =D.= Not autograph.

[147] _My Birthday_, 1871.

[148] Joseph Oxley, _Journal_, under date 1771.

[149] Bishop, _op. cit._ p. 420.

[150] Besse, _Suff._ i. 553.

[151] _Ibid._ i. 333, 334.

[152] Camb. _Jnl._ ii, 15.

[153] Muggleton, _Spiritual Epistles_, pp. 78, 227.

[154] _Suff._ i. 555.

[155] This may be the same as Oliver 3, see page 84.

[156] T. Salthouse to M. Fell (Swarth. MSS. i. 103), and _Letters of
Early Friends_, p. 165.

[157] Besse, _Suff._ ii. 290.

[158] _Relation of ... Alice Curwen_, 1680.

[159] Besse, _Suff._ ii. 313.

[160] A.R.B. MSS. 45.

[161] Besse, ii, 339.

Bibliography

WRITINGS BY ELIZABETH HOOTON

I.—In print:—

_False Prophets and False Teachers described_ [1652].

_To the King and both Houses of Parliament_ [1670].

_A Short Relation concerning William Simpson_, 1671.

II.—In manuscript:—

Hooton MSS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii.) 1653-1671.

This is a collection of seventy-nine MSS., one only, or at most two, in
the handwriting of the Author, but all of contemporary date. They are,
in the main, addresses to persons in authority or position—Cromwell,
the Mayor of London, the Lord Chamberlain, the Bishops of London and
Canterbury, the King and the Duke of York, Lieutenant Robinson of the
Tower, various “priests” and magistrates, and others.

There is another MS. in =D.= (Portfolio i. 135), being an address
respecting persecution in New England, unsigned, but doubtless by E.
Hooton, though not in her handwriting.

Letter to the Mayor of Derby. 1650. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. ii.
43.)

Letter to George Fox, 1651. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 16.)

Letter to George Fox, 1653. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 14.) See
photo. reproduction, page 12.

Letter to George Fox, n.d. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 153.)

Letter to Margaret Fox, 1670. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 152.)

References to Elizabeth Hooton

I.—In print:—

GERARD CRŒSE, _The General History of the Quakers_, 1696, pt.
I, p. 37.

JOHN WHITING, _Truth and Innocency Defended_, 1702.

GEORGE BISHOP, _New England Judged_, 1703.

J. H. FEUSTKING, _Gynaeceum Haeretico Fanaticum_, 1704.

WILLIAM EDMONDSON, _Journal_, 1715.

WILLIAM SEWEL, _The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress
of the Christian People called Quakers_, 1722.

[WILLIAM GIBSON] _Saul’s Errand to Damascus_, 1728, p. 34.

JOSEPH BESSE, _Sufferings of the Quakers_, 2 vols., 1753.

JOHN GOUGH, _A History of the People called Quakers_, 4 vols.,
1789-1790, iii. 56.

WILLIAM HOGDSON, _Select Historical Memoirs of Friends_, 1844,
ch. xvii.

JAMES BOWDEN, _The History of the Society of Friends in
America_, 2 vols., 1850-1854, i. 225, 226, 255, 262.

BACKHOUSE, EDWARD & THOMAS J., and THOMAS MOUNSEY,
_Biographical Memoirs_, 1854.

_Calendar of State Papers Colonial._

SAMUEL M. JANNEY, _History of the Religious Society of
Friends_, 4 vols., 1859.

[JAMES BOURNE] _The “Friend” in his Family_, 1865, p. 7.

CHARLES EVANS, _Friends in the Seventeenth Century_, 1876.

ROBERT BARCLAY, _The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of
the Commonwealth_, 1876.

RICHARD P. HALLOWELL, _The Quaker Invasion of Massachusetts_,
1887.

_Friends’ Almanac for 1887_ (Philadelphia).

_Friends’ Intelligencer and Journal_, xliv. (1887), 243.

BROOKS ADAMS, _The Emancipation of Massachusetts_, 1887.

_The Friend_ (Philadelphia), lx. (1887), 374.

GEORGE FOX, _Journal_, bicentenary edition, 2 vols., 1891.

AUGUSTUS CHARLES BICKLEY, _Elizabeth Hooten_, in _Dictionary of
National Biography_, 1891, xxvii. 308.

_The British Friend_, 1893, pp. 118, 196.

JOSEPH J. GREEN, _Souvenir of the Address to King Edward_,
1901, p. 28.

_The Journal of the Friends Historical Society_, from 1903, iv.
154; v. 12; vi. 17, 185; vii. 62.

_The Friend_ (Philadelphia), lxxvii. (1904), 205.

“_The First Publishers of Truth_,” edited by NORMAN PENNEY,
1907.

SUSAN WILLIAMS, _Elizabeth Hooton_, in _Quaker Biographies_,
ii. 1909.

GEORGE FOX, _Journal_, Cambridge edition, edited by NORMAN
PENNEY, 2 vols., 1911.

G. LYON TURNER, _Original Records of Early Nonconformity under
Persecution and Indulgence_, 3 vols., 1911-1914.

RUFUS M. JONES, _The Quakers in the American Colonies_, 1911.

WILLIAM C. BRAITHWAITE, _The Beginnings of Quakerism_, 1912.

_Extracts from State Papers relating to Friends_, edited by
NORMAN PENNEY, 1913.

MABEL R. BRAILSFORD, _Elizabeth Hooton, a Seventeenth Century
Elizabeth Fry_, in _Quaker Women_, 1915.

II.—In manuscript:—

THOMAS ALDAM to George Fox, 1652. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii.
36.)

THOMAS ALDAM, from York Castle, n.d. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i.
373.)

MARGARET KILLAM to George Fox, 1653. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i.
2.)

THOMAS SALTHOUSE to Margaret Fell, 1657. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS.
iii. 164.)

GEORGE FOX, Short Journal. In =D.=

JOAN BROCKSOPP to Margaret Fell, 1661. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i.
75.)

ANN CLAYTON to Margaret Fell, 1661. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i.
76.)

MARGARET FELL and others to the King and Council, 166-. In =D.=
(Spence MSS. iii. 116.)

ANN RICHARDSON to George Fox, 1664/5. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS.
iii. 101.)

LEONARD FELL to Margaret Fell, 1666. In =D.= (Gibson MSS. v.
247.)

THOMAS SALTHOUSE to Margaret Fell, 1668. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS.
i. 103.)

JOHN STUBBS to Elizabeth Hooton, 1670. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 97.)

Sundry Ancient Manuscripts, 1671, p. 40. In =D.=

JAMES LANCASTER, Testimony concerning E. Hooton, 1672. In =D.=

EDWARD MAN to Margaret Fox, 1672. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 133.)

OLIVER HOOTON, Certificate concerning George Fox, 1686/7[?] In
=D.=

GEORGE FOX, Testimony concerning E. Hooton, 1690. In =D.=
(Portfolio xvi. 74.)

RADLEY MSS. In the possession of Francis E. Radley, of Gospel
End, Staffs.

Index

Aberdeen, 56.

Agbarus, 43n.

Aldam, Thomas, 7, n, 8, 10n, 12, 15, 77.

Allartown, 9n.

_America_, ship, 25.

Anabaptists, 4.

Angus, 55n.

Appleby, 63n.

Aquidneck, see Rhode Island.

Arlington, Lord, 69, n.

Askham, 3.

Atkins, Governor, 83.

Atkinson, ⸺, 78, 79.

Atkinson, Rose, 57n.

Austin, Anne, 21, n.

Aylesbury, 63.

Azores Islands, 70.

Babbington, Matthew, justice, 56, n, 60-62.

Balby, 13, n.

banishment, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29, 32, 44, 50n, 51, 53, 54, 63.

Baptists, 4, 41n.

Barbados, 21, 24, 26, 29n, 32, 33, 48, 49, 69n, 70-72, 83, 84.

Barclay, David, 57.

Barclay, Robert, 57.

Barke, Samuel, 75.

Barnby, 78, 84.

Barnes, Elizabeth, 57n.

Barradell, Thomas, 62.

Bayly, Mary, _form._ Fisher, _aft._ Cross, 7n.

Beckingham, 14, 78, 79.

Bellingham, Richard, governor, 43-45, 47, 54, n.

Bennet, Henry, see Arlington, Lord.

Bible, The, 43.

Billingsley, John, minister, 20n.

Bingham, John, 64.

Bingham, Robert, 3.

Birch, John, 83.

Black, William, 83.

Bootle, 50n.

Boston, Mass., 19, n, 21-26, 28-34, 36, 39, 40n, 42-44, 46, 49-51,
54, 79.

Bower, Benanuel, 41, n.

Brackney, Matthias, 81, 85.

Bradstreet, Simon, magistrate, 40n.

Breedon, Capt. Thomas, 27, 49n.

Bristol, 50n.

Brocke, James, 57, 58.

Brockshaw, Thomas, 13n.

Brocksopp, Joan, 30-34.

Brocksopp, Thomas, 30n, 64.

Brownley, Richard, 75.

Bugg, Francis, 42n.

Bullock, Noah, 7, 78.

Burden, Ann, _aft._ Richardson, 50n.

Burden, Thomas, 50n.

Burlington, N.J., 82, 83.

Burrough, Edward, 28, n.

“cage of unclean birds,” 42, n.

Callender, John, 19, n.

Cambridge, 11n, 13.

Cambridge, Mass., 26, 30, 40-42, 51, 79.

Carr, Sir Robert, commissioner, 46, 49n.

Carrier, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hooton, 2, 77.

Cartwright, George, commissioner, 46, 47, 49, n, 50.

Chapman, Rev. Francis, 3, n.

Charlestown, Mass., 41.

Charlestown, S.C., 7n.

Chatham, 64.

Chesterfield, 20n, 30n.

“Children of the Light,” 4.

chimney-money, 48.

Christison, Wenlock, 32n.

church, non-attendance at, 24, 40, 80.

churches, speaking in, 7, 13, 14, 49, 44, 79.

Clarke, Hannah, _form._ Scott, 21n.

Clarke, Robert, 62.

Clarke, Walter, governor, 21n.

Clay, Francis, 85, 86.

Clay, William, 64, 75.

Clayton, Ann, 33, n.

Cockram, George, 64, 81, 85.

Cockram, Thomas, 64.

Coleman, Sarah, 41-43.

Conventicle Act, 58, 59, n, 66.

conventicles, 3, 58.

Copeland, John, 29n.

Cornwall, 25.

Cotton, John, minister, 40n.

Cotton, Seaborne, priest, 40, n.

Cowes, I.W., 54n.

Cowland, Alice, 25.

Cowper, James, 3.

Craven, Robert, 15.

Cromwell, Notts, 20n.

Cromwell, Oliver, 10-12, 87.

Cross, Mary, _form._ Fisher and Bayly, 7n.

Curwen, Thomas and Alice, 83.

Danford, Thomas, magistrate, 40, 41, n.

Dartmouth, N.E., 25.

Davis, Nicholas, 24, n.

Deal, 69.

death sentence passed or proposed, 24-26, 31, 32, 34, 44, 49, 51.

Dedham, 41, 43, 44, 80.

Degge, Sir Simon, 78.

Derby, 6, 7, 78.

Derbyshire, 15.

Dewsbury, William, 63, n.

disownments, 8, 80-82.

Dixie, Beaumont, justice, 62.

Doncaster, 7n, 11n.

Dorchester, Mass., 79.

Dover, N.E., 40.

drink, 14, 15.

Dryden, John, 21n.

Dyer, Mary, 19, n, 24, 25, 50n.

Dyer, William, 19n.

Easton, Nicholas, 33n.

Edmondson, William, 80.

Ejected Ministers, 20n.

emigration, 19n, 50n, 82, 83, 85.

Endicott, John, governor, 28-31, 34, 43, 50, n, 86.

Evelyn, J., _Diary_, 64.

Evesham, N.J., 82.

_False Prophets_, 11, 17.

Farnsfield, 59.

Farnsworth, Richard, 57.

Farnsworth, Thomas, 81, 86.

Fell, George, 65, 66.

Fell, Hannah, 65-68.

Fell, Margaret, _aft._ Fox, 33, n, 65, 66n, 81n.

Fell, Sarah, 67n, 69n.

Fell, Thomas, judge, 33n, 66n.

Fifth Monarchists, 4.

Fisher, Martha, 68, n.

Fisher, Mary, _aft._ Bayly and Cross, 7, n, 8, 11, 21.

Fiskerton, 13n.

Foster, Thomas, 69.

Fowke, Thomas, 64.

Fox, George, 4-8n, 12, 13, 15, 29n, 33n, 42n, 50, 57, 65, 67-74, 77,
80, 83.

Fox, Margaret, _form._ Fell, 66, 68, 69.

Fretwell, John, 64.

Fry, Elizabeth, 14.

Furness, 65.

Gardner, Horred, 24n.

Garland, Timothy, 54, n, 62.

Generalists, 20.

Goggins, Daniel, magistrate, 40, 42, 43.

Goldsmith, Ralph, 29, n.

Goodaire, Thomas, 63, n.

Grace, Robert, 64, 81, 85, 86.

Greaseley, 20n.

Green, Thomas, 69n.

Grey, Henry (Earl of Stamford), 61, n, 62.

Grey, John, 61n, 62.

Halliday, James, 9, n, 10, 55n.

Hamilton, Governor, 83.

Hampton, Mass., 40n, 51.

Handsworth Woodhouse, 64.

Harby, 65.

Hassehurst, Robert, 64.

hat honour, 12, 24.

Hathorne, Capt. William, 40, n.

Hatter, Richard, 9.

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 40n.

Heath, Elizabeth, 5, 16.

Hillborne, Elizabeth, _form._ Hooton, 82, 83.

Hillborne, Richard, 83.

Hillborne, Thomas, 82, 83.

Holder, Christopher, 21n, 29n.

Holder, Mary, _form._ Scott, 21n.

Holland, 54, 63, 64.

Holmes, Jane, 8, n, 11.

Hookes, Ellis, 67n.

Hooton, Elizabeth:
family name, 1.
birth (_c._ 1600), 1.
marriage, 2.
early religious associations, 4.
home at Ollerton (1633), 1.
removal to and residence at Skegby (_c._ 1636), 3, 16.
meeting with George Fox and convincement (1647), 4, 72.
in Derby prison (1651), 6.
in York Castle (1652-????), 7.
opposition and convincement of her husband, 4, 5.
meetings at her house, 5, 6.
imprisoned in Lincoln Castle (1654-5), 14.
assaulted by Priest Jackson, 17.
death of her husband (1657), 16.
enters New England (1661), 30.
return to England (1662), 33.
sets out again for New England, 39.
return again to England (1665-6), 53, 54.
marriage of son and daughter, 64, 80.
visits prisons, 35, 55.
correspondence _re_ Fell family, 65.
third visit to the New World (1671), 67.
illness and death (1672), 72, 73.
descendants, 80-86.
her printed writings, 11, 87.
financial condition, 34n.
numerous epistles, 35, 55, 60, 87.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _form._ Carrier, 2, 77.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _aft._ Lambert (daughter), 3, 39, 41-43, 64, 68,
82.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hillborne (granddaughter), 81, 82.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _form._ Smedley, 65, 80, 82-84.

Hooton, John (son), 3, 83, 85.

Hooton, Josiah (son), 3, 86.

Hooton, Martha, 84.

Hooton, Mary, _form._ Sharp, 84.

Hooton, Oliver, 2.

Hooton, Oliver (husband), 4, 5, 7, 8, 13n, 16, 77, 80.

Hooton, Oliver (son), 3, 4, n, 54, 73, 83.

Hooton, Oliver (grandson), 81, 84.

Hooton, Robert, 2.

Hooton, Samuel (son), 2, 35, 54, n, 57, 65, 75, 77, 80-84.

Hooton, Thomas (son), 3, 84.

Hopkinson, George, 75.

House, Nicholas, 62.

Howgill, Francis, 63, n.

Hubberthorne, Richard, 31n.

Hull, John, 70.

Hussey, John, 40, n.

Hussey, Rebecca, _form._ Perkins, 40n.

Hutchinson, Anne, 19-21.

Hyfield, Sarah, _aft._ Livingstone, 56.

Indians, 21, 45, 79, 82.

_Industry_, ship, 69.

Ipswich, Mass., 18.

Jackson, ⸺, priest, 17.

Jackson, Henry, 63, n.

Jackson, Thomas, 3.

Jamaica, 1, 72.

judgments, 32, 38, 51, 66, 79.

Kendal, 63.

Killam, John, 13n.

Killam, Margaret, 13, n.

King’s Commissioners, 20, 27, 44-50.

Ladd, George, 25.

Lambert, Elizabeth, _form._ Hooton, 64, 82, 83.

Lambert, Thomas, 64, 68, 82, 83.

Lancaster, 66-69n.

Lancaster, James, 72, n, 73.

_Laodiceans, Epistle to the_, 43, n.

Leddra, William, 25, 26, 29n, 32.

Leicester, 35, 55, 56, 80.

Leicestershire, 4, 35, 39, 54-56n, 60-62, 84.

Leverett, Capt. John, 28, 30.

Lewins, John, 55.

Lincoln, 13-16, 78, 79, 85.

Lincolnshire, 13-16, 65, 78, 84.

literature distributed, 21, 22, 67, n, 72.

Livingstone, Patrick, 9n, 55, n, 56.

Livingstone, Sarah, _form._ Hyfield, 56.

Lord Chamberlain, see Manchester, Earl of, 35, 49, 50, 60, n.

Lyndley, Mrs., 4.

Lyndley, Thomas, 3.

Lyndley, William, 3.

Macaulay, Lord, 56n.

Malson, William, 64, 75, 81, 85.

Malton, 8n.

Manchester, Earl of, 28, 60n, see Lord Chamberlain.

Mansfield, 2, 3, 5, 6, 13n, 16, 20n, 47, 54, n, 81, 82, 84-86.

Mansfield Woodhouse, 3.

Marbury, Francis, minister, 21n.

Marsh Grange, 65.

Maryland, 34.

Mavericke, Samuel, 46.

Medfield, 44.

Miers, Elizabeth, 69, n.

Milton, Mass., 79.

miracles, 5, 6.

Molson, see Malson.

Montagu, Edward, see Manchester, Earl of.

More, Robert, 75.

Muggleton, Lodowicke, 57, n, 80.

Nayler, James, 67n.

New England, 1, 18-34, 38-52, 54, 64, 79, 81.

Newhouse, Thomas, 79.

New Jersey, 82, 84-86.

New York, 48.

Newark, 13.

Newbould, Godfrey, 64.

Newport, R.I., 19n, 24n, 31n.

Nicholls, Richard, commissioner, 46, 49n.

Nicholson, Benjamin, 11, n.

Nicholson, Jane, 50, n.

Nicholson, Joseph, 50n.

Northampton, 63.

Northumberland, 9, n.

Nottingham, 1, 6, 16, 20n, 55n-57, 59, 80, 85.

Nottinghamshire, 4, 15, 17, 56, 59, 68, 73, 78, 81, 82, 84, 85.

oaths, 80.

Oliver, Capt. James, 26, 29, n, 39.

Ollerton, 2, 3, 77, 80, 84.

Osborne, William, 3.

Oxford, 11n.

Oxfordshire, 16.

Oxley, Joseph, 74, n.

Palmer, William, 60, 61.

Papists, 49n, 58, 63.

Parsons, Nicholas, 62.

peace, 83, 84.

Peares, William, 8, n, 11, n.

Pennsylvania, 84.

Pentrich, 20n.

Pepys, S., _Diary_, 63.

Perkins, Rebecca, _aft._ Hussey, 40n.

Pett, Peter, 64.

Philly, John, 29n.

Pidd, John, 84.

Pilgrim Fathers, 18, 30, 41n, 47, 86.

Piscataway, 25.

Piscatua, 39, 40, 46.

plotting, 56.

Plymouth, N.E., 24n.

Port Royal, Jamaica, 73.

Porter, Robert, minister, 20n.

prison fees, 10, 14, 80.

Providence, R.I., 23, 32.

Puritans, see Pilgrim Fathers.

Radley, Mary, 56n, 64n, 77, 84.

Rayner, ⸺, priest, 40.

Reading, 63.

Reeve, John, 57n.

Reynolds, William, minister, 20n.

Rhode Island, 19n-21n, 24, 31n, 32, 41, 44, 48, 73.

Richardson, Ann, _form._ Burden, 50, n.

Roadby, see Rotherby.

Roberts, Joseph, 85.

Robinson, William, 24, 25, 29n.

Rofe, George, 31n.

Rookby, Thomas, priest, 7n.

Rotherby, 56n, 60, 62.

Rotherham, 7.

Rous, John, 69, n.

Roxbury, Mass., 43, 80.

_Royal Exchange_, ship, 54n.

Rufford, 2.

Ruyter, Admiral de, 63.

Salem, Mass., 23, n, 25, 29, n, 40, n, 50n.

Salter, Hannah, _form._ Stringer, 67, n, 68, n.

Salter, Henry, 67n.

Salthouse, Thomas, 81n.

Savile, Hon. Lumley, 2.

Say and Sele, Lord, 28.

Scituate, 41, 43, 79.

Scotland, 55n.

Scott family, of N.E., 21n.

Scott, Katharine, 21, n.

Selby, 7.

Selston, 17.

Senior, Abraham, 64.

Sharp, Mary, _aft._ Hooton, 84.

Shattuck, Samuel, 29, n, 50.

Sheerness, 64.

Shrewsbury, N.J., 82.

Sibson, 84.

signs, 8n, 37, 40n, 43, 80.

Sileby, 35, 60, 84.

Skegby, 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 54, 56, 64, 65, 77, 80, 81, 83, 84.

slavery, 24, 40, 84.

Smedley, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hooton, 65, 80.

Snooden, Thomas, 62.

Snooden, William, 62.

Snowden, John, 83.

Southwick family, of N.E., 23, n.

sports and pastimes, 58.

Stacy, Mahlon, 64.

Stacy, Robert, 64.

Stamford, Earl of, see Grey, Henry.

Stevenson, Marmaduke, 24, 25, 29n.

Stoddard, Amor, 8, n, 11.

Stringer, Hannah, _aft._ Salter, 67n.

Stringer, John, 67n.

sufferings, 10, 58, 60, see whipping.

Swarthmoor Hall, 33n, 67n, 69, n.

Swinstone, Francis, 3.

Sympson, William, 83.

Syston, 55, see Sileby.

taxes, etc., 48, 58, 66.

Taylor, Thomas, 58n, 63, n.

Thoroton, Robert, 2, 3, 77.

Throsby, John, 2, n.

Thumerstone, 56.

Thurston, Joseph, priest, 14.

Tibshelf, 3.

Tickhill, 11n, 82.

tithes, 8n, 48, 79, 81, 82, 85, 86.

Tomlinson, Richard, 7.

Tomlinson, William, 9.

Truman, Joseph, minister, 20n.

Unketty, 43, 79.

Upsall, Nicholas, 22, n.

Virginia, 24, 31, n, 34, 80.

Waker, ⸺, informer, 59.

Walcott, Humphrey, justice, 14.

Walden, Richard, magistrate, 40.

Walney Island, 72n.

Ward, ⸺, minister, 18.

Wardell, Eliakim, 40, n.

Wardell, Lydia, 40n.

Warmsworth, 7n.

Warwick, 63.

Watertown, 41.

West Indies, 7n, 69-73.

Westmorland, 63n.

Whalley, Penistone, justice, 59.

Wharton, Edward, 29n.

whipping, 21-23, 29n, 32, 40-45, 47, 48, 51, 80, see sufferings.

Whitehead, John, 13, n.

Whitlock, John, minister, 20n.

Wilkie, Thomas, 25.

Williamson, Sir Joseph, 69, n.

Windlocks [?], 44.

Worthington, A. W., minister, 20n.

York, 7-12, 77.

York, Duke of, 61, 62, n, 87.

Yorkshire, 24, 63, n, 64.

HEADLEY BROTHERS, PRINTERS, BISHOPSGATE, E.C.; AND ASHFORD, KENT.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Elizabeth Hooton : First Quaker woman preacher (1600-1672)" ***

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