The agricultural and forest products of British West Africa

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Title: The agricultural and forest products of British West Africa
Author: Dudgeon, Gerald C.
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The agricultural and forest products of British West Africa" ***
PRODUCTS OF BRITISH WEST AFRICA ***

~_IMPERIAL INSTITUTE HANDBOOKS_~

THE AGRICULTURAL AND FOREST
PRODUCTS OF BRITISH WEST AFRICA

IMPERIAL INSTITUTE SERIES OF
HANDBOOKS TO THE COMMERCIAL
RESOURCES OF THE TROPICS,
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
BRITISH WEST AFRICA

ISSUED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE SECRETARY
OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES

EDITED BY
WYNDHAM R. DUNSTAN, C.M.G., M.A., LL.D., F.R.S

DIRECTOR OF THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE; PRESIDENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL
ASSOCIATION FOR TROPICAL AGRICULTURE

[Illustration: =WEST AFRICA=

Territory held by Great Britain under Mandate is hatched
in Red. [Legend]

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

~_IMPERIAL INSTITUTE HANDBOOKS_~

=THE
AGRICULTURAL AND
FOREST PRODUCTS OF
BRITISH WEST AFRICA=

BY
GERALD C. DUDGEON, C.B.E.
LATELY CONSULTING AGRICULTURIST AND DIRECTOR-GENERAL
OF AGRICULTURE IN EGYPT; PREVIOUSLY INSPECTOR OF
AGRICULTURE FOR BRITISH WEST AFRICA

WITH A PREFACE BY
WYNDHAM R. DUNSTAN, C.M.G., M.A., LL.D., F.R.S.
DIRECTOR OF THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE

_SECOND EDITION_

WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1922

=PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION=

Since the first edition of this book appeared, British West Africa
has experienced a serious set-back in its development through the
occurrence of the Great European War. From that war, however, many
lessons will have been learnt, which will, it is hoped, make the
course of progress in the future more sure and perhaps more rapid.

The cultivation of cotton has now been shown to be successful and
profitable in Nigeria. In the Northern Provinces great progress
has been made in perfecting a cotton originally grown from
“American Upland” seed, whilst the Southern Provinces have
produced increasing quantities of an improved native cotton of the
type of “Middling American.” The future of cotton production in
Nigeria is now assured, and its further development chiefly depends
on effective action being taken on commercial lines.

The products of the oil palm and especially palm kernels have been
in increased demand for edible purposes, the war having led to a
far greater use of margarine and similar materials. The perfection
of processes for the better extraction of palm oil from the fruits
which had nearly reached success at the outbreak of war now awaits
completion, when a large additional source of edible oil will be
available. In the meantime the trial cultivation of this palm in
other countries has been attended with remarkable success, the growth
of the palm in plantations having been entirely satisfactory and
furnished yields of oil which exceed those given by the wild palm
in West Africa. The Dutch East Indies, where large plantations have
been made, and also British Malaya, where similar enterprise has been
shown, may before long be formidable rivals to West Africa in the
production of palm kernels and palm oil. The neglect in West Africa
of the wild trees, the imperfect methods followed in extracting the
palm oil, and the large number of palms unutilised are questions
which now need renewed attention, and in fact the entire subject
of the development of the palm-oil industry in West Africa demands
the most serious study in all its aspects if the industry is not
to be supplanted by the enterprise of other countries.

In this and other directions where the continuous acquisition
of new knowledge is requisite, it is satisfactory to learn that
the staffs of the Agricultural Departments in West Africa are
to be extended and better remunerated. In addition to this step,
and perhaps equally important, will be the increased interest and
activity of those merchants and manufacturers who utilise the raw
materials of the country, and to whom the commercial development
of West Africa has hitherto owed so much.

There are many other subjects which, it will be seen from the new
edition of this book, have come to the front since the first edition
appeared, and now need increased attention.

The only rubber tree which has survived as a producer in the years
of strenuous competition is _Hevea brasiliensis_, from which Para
rubber is obtained. Successful plantations of this tree have been
established both in the Southern Provinces of Nigeria and in the Gold
Coast, and from the former commercial rubber is now being produced
of quality equal to that of the rubber plantations of the East.

The Gold Coast has become the chief cocoa producer of the world,
but it is clear that unremitting care and attention in connection
with the cultivation and the preparation of cocoa in that country
will be necessary if that supremacy is to be maintained.

In connection with the production of fibres, cinchona bark,
cinnamon, tobacco, and many other materials, there are promising
possibilities in various parts of West Africa, including those new
territories for which, as a result of the war, Great Britain is
now responsible. Above all, there is the dominant problem of the
growth of foodstuffs sufficient to maintain the native populations
of these countries.

Mr. Dudgeon, within the limits imposed in the production of a revised
but not greatly enlarged edition, has successfully brought this
Handbook up-to-date, and it is hoped that it will continue to serve
as a standard guide to all those who require general information
respecting the agricultural and forest products of West Africa.

WYNDHAM R. DUNSTAN.

IMPERIAL INSTITUTE,
_March_ 1921.

=PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION=

The present series of Handbooks is intended to present a general
account of the principal commercial resources of the tropics,
and has been written with special reference to the resources of
British West Africa. These Handbooks will furnish a description of
the occurrence, cultivation and uses of those tropical materials,
such as cotton and other fibres, cocoa, rubber, oil-seeds, tobacco,
etc., which are of importance to the producer in the tropics,
as well as to the manufacturer and consumer in Europe.

Without attempting to include all the detailed information of a
systematic treatise on each of the subjects included, it is believed
that these Volumes will contain much information which will be of
value to the tropical agriculturist as well as to the merchant and
manufacturer. They will also be of importance to Government Officials
in tropical Colonies where the advancement of the Country and the
welfare of its inhabitants depend so largely on the development
of natural resources. In recent years those candidates who are
selected for administrative appointments under the Colonial Office
in British West Africa are required to pass through a short course
of instruction in tropical cultivation and products, which is now
arranged at the Imperial Institute. For these prospective officials
the present series of Handbooks will be helpful in the study of a
large and generally unfamiliar subject. Similarly it is believed that
the series will provide a valuable aid to the teaching of commercial
geography. It is hoped also that the Handbooks will not be without
interest for the student of Imperial and national problems.

The increase in the productivity of the tropics, and especially
of the tropical regions within the British Empire, is important,
not only for the natives of those countries, and others who are
actually engaged in tropical enterprise, but for the merchant and
manufacturer at home. The preparation for general use of cotton
and other fibres, of tea, coffee and cocoa, of oils, of tobacco,
and of numerous other products exported from the tropics, provides
the means of employment and livelihood for a very large proportion
of the working population of this country, whilst every one at home
is interested in securing an adequate supply at a moderate cost of
these necessaries and luxuries of life.

The subjects of these Handbooks, treated as they will be, as far
as possible, in non-technical language, should therefore appeal to
a large class of readers.

The present Handbook deals with the Agricultural and Forest Products
of British West Africa and serves as an introduction to this
series. Mr. Dudgeon, who until lately was Inspector of Agriculture
in the West African Colonies and Protectorates, writes with an
unrivalled knowledge of his subject, and gives a comprehensive
account of the vegetable products of that country, which will afford
to the general reader some idea of the enormous possibilities of this
British territory now in the process of rapid commercial development.

WYNDHAM R. DUNSTAN.

IMPERIAL INSTITUTE, S.W.
_March 1911_.

=CONTENTS=

PART I
PAGES
THE GAMBIA 1-14

PART II
SIERRA LEONE 15-42

PART III
THE GOLD COAST, ASHANTI, AND THE NORTHERN TERRITORIES 43-92

PART IV
NIGERIA—SOUTHERN PROVINCES 93-119

PART V
NIGERIA—NORTHERN PROVINCES 120-164

INDEX 165-176

=LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS=

SKETCH MAP OF BRITISH WEST AFRICA _Frontispiece_

GAMBIA AND SIERRA LEONE
OPPOSITE PAGE

JOLAH WITH NATIVE HAND-PLOUGH, BULLELAI, FOGNI 3

CANARY ISLAND PLOUGH, AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL, ABUKO 3

RUBBER TREE (_Ficus vogelii_) AT BATHURST 3

RUBBER VINE (_Landolphia heudelotii_) AT KOTOO 9

CEARA RUBBER TREE (_Manihot glaziovii_) AT BAKAU 9

RUBBER TREE (_Castilloa elastica_) AT KOTOO 9

FRUITS OF OIL PALMS, SIERRA LEONE 13

SWEET CASSAVA, WITH BAOBAB TREES, BAKAU 13

INDIGO DYERS, MCCARTHY ISLAND 13

SKETCH MAP OF GAMBIA AND SIERRA LEONE 15

OIL PALMS (_Elæis guineensis_), MAFOKOYIA 21

NATIVE COLLECTING OIL PALM FRUIT, BLAMA 21

KOLA TREE AT MANO 21

NATIVE WEAVER AT PENDEMBU 35

GOLD COAST

KUMASSI, THE CAPITAL OF ASHANTI 35

STONE VAT FOR POUNDING PALM FRUITS, WITH SURROUNDING 35
GUTTER AND OIL WELL, KROBO PLANTATIONS

SKETCH MAP OF GOLD COAST 43

COCOA AT MRAMRA ATTACKED BY BLACK COCOA-BARK BUG 51

DRYING COCOA BEANS AT MRAMRA 51

NATIVE TAPPING INDIGENOUS RUBBER TREE (_Funtumia 51
elastica_), OBOAMANG, ASHANTI

“ODUM” TREES (_Chlorophora excelsa_) 61

PARA RUBBER TREE (_Hevea brasiliensis_), TAPPED AT ABURI 61

RUBBER TREE TAPPED, HERRING-BONE SYSTEM IMPERFECT, ABURI 61

NIGERIA—SOUTHERN PROVINCES

SKETCH MAP OF SOUTHERN NIGERIA 93

STRAINING OIL FROM THE FIBROUS PULP OF THE OIL PALM, 97
OSHOGBO

COTTON BALES, MARLBOROUGH GINNERY, IBADAN 97

AFARA TREE (_Terminalia superba_) AT OLOKOMEJI 97

DWARF CATTLE, ILLARA 119

OWO 119

NIGERIA—NORTHERN PROVINCES

HAUSSA CULTIVATING IMPLEMENTS (LEFT TO RIGHT: I. 119
FATAINYA, II. GARMA, III. SANGUMI), NORTHERN PROVINCES

SKETCH MAP OF NORTHERN NIGERIA 120

SHEA-BUTTER TREE (_Butyrospermum Parkii_), WITH 130
NUT-COLLECTORS, ILORIN

YIELDING GUM TREE (_Acacia caffra_) AT KONTAGORA 130

LOCUST-BEAN TREE (_Parkia filicoidea_) AT ILORIN 130

VILLAGE OF FOGOLA, BUILT OF GUINEA-CORN STALKS 137

OUTSIDE THE EMIR’S PALACE, KANO 137

NEAR THE SOUTHERN GATE, ZARIA 137

BRITISH COTTON GROWING ASSOCIATION GINNERY, OGUDU, ILORIN 155

GWARI TOWN, OPPOSITE MINNA, SOUTH OF ZARIA 155

COW FULANI WOMAN SELLING MILK AT GWARI 155

=THE GAMBIA=

=INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.= =Geographical Position.=—The Gambia Colony
and Protectorate consists of a narrow tract of country following
the winding course of the river from which it takes its name, for
a distance of about 250 miles, and extending approximately four
miles from the river on both banks.

The whole country lies between 12° 10′ and 13° 15′ north
latitude and 13° 50′ and 16° 40′ west longitude. It is the
most northerly of the British West African possessions.

=Area and Population.=—The extent of territory is said to be 3,619
square miles, much of which consists of low-lying land intersected
by creeks and rivers, which under tidal influence are often densely
afforested with mangroves.

According to the census of 1911 the Colony and Protectorate had
populations of 7,700 and 138,401 respectively, totalling 146,101. The
total of 90,404 given in the previous census is now admitted
to have been below the actual amount. A large migratory farming
community exists, coming annually from the adjoining countries,
for the purpose of raising groundnut crops. This in 1911 numbered
3,367. Many of these immigrants are reported to have remained and
established themselves permanently under the British flag.

=Tribes.=—The principal tribes inhabiting the Gambia are the
Mandingoes, Foulahs, Joloffs, and Jolahs. The first-named are
the most numerous, and are, generally speaking, Mohammedans,
although there are many “Sonninkis” or spirit drinkers among
them. The Foulahs are identical with the Fulanis of the Gold Coast
and Northern Nigeria, and are frequently fair-skinned without
negroid features. They are said to be strictly Mohammedan, and to
have originated from the country near the source of the Senegal
river. The Joloffs occupy the northern bank of the Gambia river,
and extend well into Senegal. The Jolahs inhabit the province of
Fogni, and spread into the confines of French territory towards
the Casamance river. They are a curious race, given to living in
small family villages, and are said to be vindictive. They are of
a lower type than the three other tribes mentioned, and are jealous
of their rights.

=Political Divisions.=—The Protectorate is divided into five
districts, each under the control of a Travelling Commissioner. These
districts are named in accordance with their positions: North Bank,
South Bank, M‘Carthy Island, Kommbo and Fogni, and Upper River.

=Natural Conditions.=—The climatic conditions of the country
are favourable to the breeding of cattle and horses, although in
the vicinity of the river and creeks two species of tsetse fly are
common. By carefully preventing animals from straying into these
infested tracts the spread of fly-borne disease is held in check,
and cases are comparatively rare.

During the dry season, which often occupies seven months in the
year, from November to May, the highest maximum and the lowest
minimum temperatures are recorded; the range being from 41° (lowest
minimum, March 1909) to 105° (highest maximum, March 1909 and April
1911). The rainfall, of which official records are kept at Bathurst,
varies considerably, as the following extract will serve to show:

1901 45·31 inches 1910 44·00 inches
1902 29·42 „ 1911 28·14 „
1903 57·13 „ 1912 33·99 „
1904 38·02 „ 1913 23·68 „
1905 66·07 „ 1914 48·91 „
1906 64·36 „ 1915 47·64 „
1907 34·00 „ 1916 38·02 „
1908 43·54 „ 1917 37·68 „
1909 56·59 „ 1918 54·03 „

=Soil.=—The soil generally is of a light sandy nature,
becoming stiffer as the undulating regions of the upper river are
approached. The low countries are subject to flood in the rainy
season, and are only favourable for rice cultivation.

[Illustration: JOLAH WITH NATIVE HAND-PLOUGH, BULLELAI, FOGNI.

Fig. 1, p. 3.]

[Illustration: CANARY ISLAND PLOUGH, AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL, ABUKO.

Fig. 2, p. 3.]

[Illustration: RUBBER TREE (_FICUS VOGELII_) AT BATHURST.

Fig. 3, p. 9.]

=Chief Crops.=—The country is rather sparsely populated, but, on
the whole, the people are fair cultivators and prepare their lands
in a careful manner. Practically the only crop grown for export is
the groundnut, monkey-nut, or earth-pea (_Arachis hypogæa_), which
forms by far the most important article of cultivation. Alternating
this with the staple food-crops of the country, namely, guinea-corn,
maize, millet, and cassava, a fairly useful form of rotation is
obtained.

=Implements.=—Cultivation among the Mandingoes and Joloffs is
performed by means of a large wooden-bladed, iron-shod hoe, with
which the loose earth ridges are thrown up. A small iron hoe is
used for keeping down weeds and clearing. In the Jolah country a
handplough is employed, consisting of a flat blade attached to
a pole, and pushed in front of the operator, so as to throw up
a shallow ridge. This is shown in the picture which represents a
native with the implement at Bullelai (Fig. 1).

=Ploughing.=—Cattle are plentiful, even to the extent of there
being an insufficiency of fodder for them in the dry season in some
localities. They are chiefly kept for the purpose of displaying
the wealth of their owners, and are not employed for any kind of
farm work. Notwithstanding the shortage of manual labour and the
successful demonstrations made by the Government, through the agency
of the Roman Catholic Fathers at the Abuko Agricultural School, to
prove the value of substituting animal draught for manual labour
in tilling the land, the prejudice on the part of the natives
against the use of their cattle for ploughing or cartage has not
been overcome. A photograph is given showing a native with a Canary
Island plough drawn by locally-trained bullocks (Fig. 2). Owing to
the failure attending the efforts to introduce ploughing and cattle
breeding at Abuko, where, for the latter purpose, some Ayrshire
bulls were provided, the Govermnent withdrew the provisional subsidy
in 1911.

=Land Tenure.=—Land ownership is hereditary and descends from
father to son among the Mandingoes and Joloffs. No fees are paid
or presents given to chiefs when a transfer is made. Europeans can
rent land from Government in cases where it is not held or claimed
by a native. Grants are apparently issued for various periods,
but freehold rights are not given.

The rules regarding the itinerant, so-called “strange farmers,”
who annually visit the country to plant groundnuts, vary to some
extent in different parts of the Protectorate. Where hereditary
ruling chiefs exist, a tax of 4_s_. per head is paid to them. In
other places, half of this tax goes to Government, one-quarter to
the chief, and one-quarter to the farmer’s landlord. The landowner
generally gives the groundnut seed and food as well as a piece of
land to be cultivated. In payment for the seed and food, it is a
rule to give one-tenth of the crop. During the time the strange
farmer is in occupation he is expected to give one or two days’
work each week on the landowner’s own farm.

=Labour.=—There is no fixed rate paid by the Government for
labour. All the work on a farm is done by the owner and his own boys,
but occasionally others come in to assist from the neighbouring
farms, but no payment is made—only a present of kolas being
usually given.

=Agricultural Schools.=—An agricultural school, previously
referred to, was started at Abuko, near Lammin, under the
Roman Catholic Fathers there, and a subsidy was granted by the
Government especially for the purpose of educating the sons of large
cultivators and chiefs in the use of ploughs and other labour-saving
implements. A stipulation was made that the work should be inspected
by a Government officer from time to time.

In spite of this a fear was expressed at the outset that the
attendance at these schools would be disappointing, in view of the
fact that Mohammedan chiefs would be restrained by their mallams
from sending their children where there might be a risk of their
religious conversion. Although it had been specially laid down
that no religious teaching would be insisted upon, the fear proved
justified and the school never became a success, the attendance
being only of a few aliens. Since the closing of this school no
renewal of agricultural instruction seems to have been made.

=Chief Exports.=—The following table gives the average amounts
and values of the chief exports for 1900-10, and the individual
figures for the remaining years to 1918.

Groundnuts Rubber lbs. Beeswax lbs. Palm Kernels
Year tons and value and value and value tons and value

1900-10 Av. 39,000 tons 46,000 lbs. 45,500 lbs. 255 tons

£250,000 £3,500 £2,000 £2,260

1911 47,931 tons 10,733 lbs. 33,871 lbs. 443 tons

£437,472 £836 £1,514 £4,758

1912 64,169 tons 4,335 lbs. 30,830 lbs. 445 tons

£502,069 £409 £1,164 £6,518

1913 67,404 tons 12,995 lbs. 31,518 lbs. 546 tons

£622,098 £1,027 £990 £9,026

1914 66,885 tons 3,548 lbs. 15,513 lbs. 495 tons

£650,461 £102 £473 £7,815

1915 96,152 tons 1,171 lbs. 9,563 lbs. 326 tons

£400,435 £31 £311 £5,457

1916 46,366 tons 355 lbs. 6,950 lbs. 669 tons

£506,098 £23 £104 £14,671

1917 74,300 tons 1,753 lbs. 3,962 lbs. 532 tons

£869,790 £187 £247 £7,994

1918 56,489 tons 564 lbs. 8,626 lbs. 644 tons

£800,319 £40 £501 £9,800

_Note._—Cotton exports were 59,828 lbs. and 2,572 lbs. in 1904
and 1905 respectively. None has been exported since.

=GROUNDNUTS.=—This commodity is by far the most important exported
product, and is alone subject to a duty levied by the Administration.

=Uses.=—The undecorticated nuts are shipped, chiefly, to the French
ports and to Hamburg, for the expression of an oil of excellent
quality, of which they yield on an average about 30 per cent.,
estimated on the weight of the raw material. This is equivalent to
about 44 per cent. of the weight of the extracted kernels.

The mode of extraction in general employment in France is to grind
the kernels into a fine meal, from which the first quality of oil is
extracted by cold expression, yielding about 18 per cent. The meal
is then moistened with cold water, and at the second expression 6 per
cent. more is obtained. Both of these oils are useful for alimentary
purposes. A third expression is made from the residue treated with
hot water, and gives a further 6 per cent., which is chiefly employed
for lighting purposes, lubricating and soap-making. The fine oils
are substituted for, or mixed with, the olive-oils of commerce for
salad oils, and enter into the manufacture of oleo-margarine. After
these expressions of oil have been made, the meal is pressed into
cakes and used for cattle-food and manurial purposes.

=Classification and Description of the Groundnut Plant.=—The
groundnut belongs to the Sub-Order _Papilionaceæ_, of the Order
_LEGUMINOSÆ_, and is termed _Arachis hypogæa_, Linn.

The plant cultivated in Senegal and the Gambia grows in a
spreading form, with branches of from 12 to 18 inches in length,
and possesses oval leaflets given off in double pairs. A large number
of conspicuous yellow flowers appear from the upper leaf axils, but
are not capable of fertilisation. Those springing from the lower
leaf axils nearest the ground are small and generally hidden, but
produce fruitful pods. After fertilisation the stems of these flowers
become elongated, and are directed downwards, forcing the ovary
into the ground, in which it commences to swell to the mature size,
frequently penetrating to a depth of two inches beneath the surface.

The fruit is a pale straw-coloured, irregularly-cylindrical pod,
with the surface of the shell pitted and longitudinally ribbed. In
the Gambian variety, which is identical with the common Senegalese
kind, there are usually two kernels in each pod, but three or one
are also found.

The plant is of doubtful origin, but it is generally supposed that
it may have been introduced into Africa from Brazil (where the
genus _Arachis_ is well represented) nearly four centuries ago,
by the Portuguese slave-traders.

About 1840 groundnuts began to attract the attention of European
manufacturers, on account of the value of the oil obtained from
them, and, in common with the Senegalese, the Gambian natives were
induced to undertake cultivation upon a large scale.

The nuts grown in the Gambia and in Saloum, in the French territory
adjoining on the north, are classed as of second quality; those from
Cayor and Rufisque holding the first, and those from the Casamance
and Portuguese Guinea the third, places.

The seeds are sown upon ridges with flattened tops, and
the crop occupies the ground for about four months—July to
October—corresponding to the period of heavy rainfall in the
country. When the branches commence to wither, the whole plant
is carefully pulled up, so that the pods, which are then mature,
remain attached. The plants are then stacked in the fields, and
are often covered over with the leaves of the fan-palm. The green
parts dry into a hay, which, when the pods have been beaten out,
is used as horse-fodder. The advent of rain after stacking often
does great damage to the crop, but the occurrence is so rare that
it has been found difficult to induce the native to take common
precautions against it. During the last two years, however, the
Government have taken steps to enforce a regulation with regard to
this, and in consequence drains are now generally cut around the
stacks, and coverings of palm-leaves are left on until the nuts
are ready to be beaten out.

In the Jolah country raised platforms are constructed for stacking
this crop as well as others. After the nuts have been beaten out
from the dried plants, they are winnowed by allowing them to fall
from a slight elevation in a gentle breeze.

A good crop of nuts in the Gambia is estimated at about 44 bushels
per acre, equivalent to over half a ton, but larger yields are
frequently obtained. The Government standard bushel is used
throughout the country, and may contain from 25 to 31 lbs. of
undecorticated nuts.

Experiments have been made from time to time, to establish a
three-kernel nut instead of the two-kernel one, but the results
obtained have not shown that any advantage could be gained in this
way. Other varieties of nuts have been introduced and cultivated, but
no extensive planting of new kinds has yet been found worth adoption.

The plant seldom suffers from severe attacks of disease, although a
white fungus was prevalent in some localities in 1906. This affection
was termed “tio jarankaro” by the Mandingoes. In the succeeding
year it completely disappeared, and has not been reported to have
occurred since. The extermination of this disease was doubtless in
a large measure due to the careful way in which the selection and
distribution of seed had been carried out. For several years the
Government has been accustomed to purchase a certain quantity of
the best nuts each season, and to distribute these at sowing time
to the cultivators, on credit. Without this precaution, in a season
when the prices for nuts were high, the thriftless native would be
induced to sell every nut, reserving nothing for sowing the next
year. The system adopted is greatly appreciated by the cultivators
and merchants alike, and has without doubt contributed largely
to the prosperity of the country. Seed is not only interchanged,
in this manner, with advantage between different districts, but
fresh seed is sometimes also provided from Senegal.

The immigrant or “strange farmers” are generally welcomed by
the land-owners, who usually manage to lease them the fields which
require the most cleaning. After the immigrant farmer has reaped
his groundnut crop, the field is left in a good state of tilth for
the owner to sow his guinea corn.

The occurrence of ruinous competition among merchants at Bathurst
induced them to form a “combine” to regulate the buying price
of nuts; the purchases being pooled and then divided according to
a fixed scale. A recent attempt to divert Gambian nuts to Senegal
ports for shipment, by the levy of an import tax at Marseilles,
was opposed by the French and British merchants alike, and the fear
that the produce might only be diverted to another destination led to
its abandonment. For further information regarding the cultivation,
varieties and uses of groundnuts, see _Bulletin of the Imperial
Institute_, vol. viii. (1910), pp. 153-72.

=RUBBER.=—A good quality of rubber is produced in the Jolah
country, in particular, from _Landolphia Heudelotii_, an apocynaceous
vine, which grows commonly in the grass lands of Fogni.

The vine is tapped by women, who, after digging a hole near
the root of the plant, make a number of transverse cuts upon the
root-stem. The latex flows rapidly from such cuts, and is coagulated
by throwing salt water on the wound. The scrap rubber which forms
is collected the following day, and the pieces are attached to
one another, forming an open sponge-like ball of a pinkish-white
colour. Sand is often present in these balls owing to the fallen
latex being added to the rest.

[Illustration: RUBBER VINE (_LANDOLPHIA HEUDELOTII_) AT KOTOO.

Fig. 4. p. 9.]

[Illustration: CEARA RUBBER TREE (_MANIHOT GLAZIOVII_) AT BAKAU.

Fig. 5, p. 10.]

[Illustration: RUBBER TREE (_CASTILLOA ELASTICA_) AT KOTOO.

Fig. 6, p. 10.]

In addition to the inhabitants themselves collecting rubber, natives
belonging to a tribe from Portuguese Guinea, called “Manjagos,”
travel through the country for the purpose; the rubber which
they obtain being sold in the French Colony to the south of the
Gambia. The “Manjagos” are said to make a semicircular cut upon
the thick vine-stems just above the ground, to induce the better
flow of latex. This, they maintain, is not a destructive method,
and that, as the root stock is uninjured, the plant continues to
yield latex for a long time. At one time the rubber vine must have
been plentiful, but the rush for it which occurred at the beginning
of the present century has had the effect of exterminating it, except
in the more inaccessible places. The export has declined and is now
insignificant. The plant is known to the Mandingoes as “Folio.”
An illustration is given showing this plant at Kotoo (Fig. 4).

_Landolphia florida_, Benth., is common in places similar to those
where the last-mentioned vine occurs, but the latex is not used in
any way to adulterate the good rubber, nor is inferior “paste”
rubber made from it, as in other places in West Africa. _Ficus
Vogelii_, known as “Kobbo” (Mandingo), has recently been used
for extracting an inferior rubber, which has been shipped in small
quantities. This tree is found growing in Bathurst as well as
in many of the large towns, where it often attains a large size,
and affords an excellent shade for native markets, etc. A view of
a tree in Bathurst is shown (Fig. 3). Information regarding the
composition and value of the rubber of _Ficus Vogelii_ is given in
the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vii. (1909), p. 260.

Some of the South American species of rubber trees have been planted
at different places, but for the most part the climatic conditions
have proved unsuitable for their establishment. An exception to
this is the Ceara rubber (_Manihot Glaziovii_), large trees of
which were to be seen in Bathurst and at Bakau, but in the latter
locality appear to have been cut down during recent years. It is
generally acknowledged that Ceara rubber has not proved successful
in plantations made in different parts of West Africa, for, although
rubber of the finest quality can be easily prepared from the latex,
the tree furnishes an extremely inconstant yield of latex. In the
Gambia the tree reproduces readily, and, as far as can be judged,
produces a latex capable of being coagulated into good rubber. As
a shade tree it is recommended to be grown along public roads, and
it might prove expedient in the country to make small experimental
plantations, in the manner adopted in Togoland and elsewhere. By
this system, tapping is continued for a few years, and whole blocks
of trees are cut out as they cease to yield latex—the seedlings
which have sprung up beneath these trees being permitted to take
the place of the original trees. An illustration showing a Ceara
rubber tree at Bakau is given (Fig. 5).

One specimen of _Castilloa elastica_, of which a photograph is
given (Fig. 6), is growing in the Kotoo farm, about 12 miles
from Bathurst. This tree has not, so far, proved successful in
West Africa, and the example photographed is apparently in better
condition than those grown in the Botanic Gardens of the Gold Coast
and Southern Nigeria.

_Funtumia elastica_, the Lagos silk rubber tree, does not thrive in
the Gambia, and the rainfall has been found to be insufficiently
distributed for the cultivation of the Para rubber tree (_Hevea
brasiliensis_).

The observed facts point to the conclusion that further experimental
trials of certain species of rubber trees in the Gambia should
be made.

=BEESWAX.=—It will be observed that a large quantity of beeswax
is annually exported, the quality of which is high. The native bee
is a small form of _Apis mellifera_, var. _Adansonii_. It is found
in a wild state forming nests in hollow trees or rock cavities. The
Mandingoes collect the wild swarms and confine them in basket-hives,
cylindrical in form and sometimes plastered over with mud. These
are placed in high trees or in abandoned huts. The wax is sold in a
crude form to the Bathurst merchants, who boil it down and strain
it previous to shipment. The European market value of the cleaned
wax is from £5 to £6 per cwt. A detailed description of methods
for the refining of wild bees’ wax for export is published in the
_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. viii. (1910), pp. 23-31.

=PALM KERNELS.=—The West African oil palm, _Elæis guineensis_,
is found commonly in some parts, but the heads produced are small and
carry small fruits, containing little oil. This oil is used locally,
and the kernels from the nuts alone are shipped. The palm is chiefly
valued for the production of palm wine, which is tapped from the
base of the fruiting stems into funnelled gourds, hung beneath the
holes. The tree is apparently never felled for the purpose, and, by
limiting the amount of wine extracted, it survives for a long period.

=COTTON.=—The Mandingoes and Jolahs cultivate cotton for making the
yarn used in their native looms, in which they weave the strips of
cloth called “pagns.” These strips are afterwards sewn together
along their lateral edges and made into gowns.

The native cotton plant varies somewhat in appearance. In Kommbo,
a long straggling form occurs, which is retained for two seasons
to produce cotton, but in the Jolah country a small annual is most
frequently seen. The former is grown as a mixed crop and the latter
in separate patches.

In quality, from the European spinner’s point of view, the
Mandingo cotton lint compares favourably with the commercial
type called “middling American” as far as length of staple
is concerned, although it is not so white, nor is there so much
silkiness apparent. It has been rightly remarked that the native
variety, if properly cultivated, would probably give a better
result than would be obtained from the introduction of American
seed. The Jolah cotton is short-stapled and woolly, though whiter
than the Mandingo. It would be more difficult to improve this kind
sufficiently to suit the European demand.

Egyptian cotton seed was tried in the Gambia about twenty years ago,
and the variety was at first considered suitable; the cultivation
was, however, not proceeded with, owing to local difficulties.

The obstacles which hindered the development of cotton-growing in
the Gambia for export were the same as those experienced in Sierra
Leone. The local demand for raw cotton precluded it from being
obtained at a sufficiently low price to leave a margin of profit
to exporters, and in addition to this, labour was not sufficiently
abundant, nor were the natives familiar with labour-saving methods
in cultivation. Attempts to establish an interest in the matter
produced a fair amount of raw cotton in 1904, but since that
year the exported quantity rapidly diminished and has now ceased
altogether. For reports on the quality of the cotton produced in
the Gambia see Professor Dunstan’s _British Cotton Cultivation_
(Colonial Reports—Miscellaneous Series, Cd. 3997, 1908), p. 26,
and _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1921. Samples may be seen in the Imperial
Institute Collections.

=GRAIN CROPS.=—No grain is exported, as owing to the work of the
scanty population being so largely applied to the cultivation of
groundnuts, scarcely sufficient food-stuff is grown for their
own requirements. Guinea-corn (_Sorghum vulgare_), the two
most important varieties of which are known as “Bassi” and
“Kinto” in the Mandingo language, are commonly used for food,
but during recent years, owing to the repeated annual attacks on
the crop by _Aphis sorghi_, maize-growing was substituted in some
parts of the country. White maize seed was obtained from Lagos,
and yellow maize seed from the Canary Islands, but the grain is
not appreciated to the same extent as Guinea corn. _Pennisetum
typhoideum_, the large millet, of which the commonest variety is
known in Mandingo as “Sannio,” is alternated with Guinea corn or
maize, but is often badly affected by a “smut fungus” (_Ustilago
sp._), which also attacks the “Kinto” variety of Guinea corn. A
small grass is often grown in the millet fields, yielding a crop of
fine seed which is made into flour for the preparation of a kind of
porridge. This is termed “Findi” locally. Rice (_Oryza sativa_)
is somewhat extensively grown in the swamp lands, but the success
of the crop is very largely dependent on the distribution of the
rainfall. Whole tracts of rice fields are destroyed in some years,
owing to excessive floods, as no precautions are taken to guard
against them. It is chiefly on account of the uncertainty of the
grain crops, that a large quantity of rice has to be imported
annually to supplement that produced in the country. These imports
often amount to six or seven thousand tons.

[Illustration: FRUITS OF OIL PALMS, SIERRA LEONE.

Fig. 9, p. 21.]

[Illustration: SWEET CASSAVA, WITH BAOBAB TREES, BAKAU.

Fig. 7, p. 13.]

[Illustration: INDIGO DYERS, McCARTHY ISLAND.

Fig. 8, p. 13.]

=ROOT AND OTHER CROPS.=—Sweet cassava (_Manihot palmata_)
is frequently planted as a terminal crop in the crude rotation
employed. This variety can be eaten without previously washing or
cooking. An illustration of a cassava field is given (Fig. 7). Two or
three kinds of beans are planted, though not extensively in spite
of a good local demand for them. Okra (_Hibiscus esculentus_),
cultivated for the edible fruit pods, indigo (_Indigofera sp._)
employed for making the local blue dye, and tobacco (_Nicotiana
tabacum_), are planted near houses. A photograph is given exhibiting
the different utensils required for the preparation of indigo,
and cakes of the dried and fermented indigo stalks, in the form in
which they are preserved, are shown suspended in the illustration
(Fig. 8). The tobacco prepared is usually ground into snuff, in
which form it is used for chewing as well as for smoking.

=TANNING.=—Goat-skins are tanned in the manner similar to that
employed by the Haussas; _Acacia arabica_ pods being used in the
process. The people who perform the work of preparing and working
leather are termed “Korankos.” Red and black inks, purchased
from the European merchants, are used for staining the leather,
which is inferior to that produced in Northern Nigeria (see p. 142).

=FIBRES.=—The country seems to be plentifully supplied with fibre
plants in a wild state, chiefly belonging to different species of
_Hibiscus_. These are of the jute class, and are used throughout the
country for making native ropes. Indian jute (_Corchorus capsularis_)
has been tried experimentally at Kotoo, and excellent samples were
obtained, but the quantity of fibre per acre turned out to be small,
and the working proved to be too expensive.

The preparation of piassava, which had been abandoned for many
years, is said to have been taken up again by a British firm in
1915. The fibre is obtained from the leaf sheath of a palm (_Raphia
vinifera_) which grows plentifully along the banks of the Gambia
in places. For further information see _Selected Reports from the
Imperial Institute_, Pt. I., Fibres, and _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1915.

=TIMBER.=—There are no trees of commercial importance, accessible
for felling for export, although Gambian mahogany (_Khaya
senegalensis_) and Gambian rosewood (_Pterocarpus erinaceus_)
occur in many parts of the country. In some remote districts the
former tree is said to attain large dimensions (_Bulletin of the
Imperial Institute_, vol. viii. (1910), p. 244).

=TRADE.=—The following extracts from the Colonial Reports
show the diversion of destination of Gambian exports which has
occurred in recent years. For this purpose groundnuts are regarded
as representing the whole of the trade, of which they normally
constitute about 90 per cent.

PERCENTAGES OF EXPORTS FROM THE GAMBIA

Destination 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917

Great Britain 6·30 9·00 6·72 9·92 39·45 53·56 79·56
and British
Possessions

France and 84·80 76·00 59-10 79·34 48·60 36·58 20·35
French
Possessions

Holland 3·20 9·00 6·03 — — 4·20 —

Germany — 3·64 24·56 6·80 — — —

Denmark — — — 1·99 7·68 5·63 —

Spain — — — ·35 4·24 — —

Other countries 5·70 2·36 3·59 1·60 0·03 0·03 0·09
-----------------------------------------
100 100 100 100 100 100 100
-----------------------------------------

From the above it will be noted that Germany began to appear in the
market in 1912, and, in 1913, had taken nearly one-quarter of the
output. This is probably accounted for by the rapid growth of the
vegetable oil industry in Germany and the attempt on the part of
Hamburg crushers to capture the Gambia trade from Marseilles. It
will be seen that a proportionate decrease occurred in exports
to French ports coincident with the increased shipments to German
ports. The European war put Germany out of the market, and in 1914
France took nearly her normal share. In 1915 and 1916, however,
Great Britain felt the lack of imported vegetable oils to such
an extent that factories for their extraction sprang up in the
country; thus it is seen that in 1915 Great Britain took nearly
40 per cent. against France’s 48½ per cent., and in 1916, Great
Britain, for the first time in the last fifty years, took a larger
portion of the Gambian groundnut crop than France.

[Illustration: =GAMBIA & SIERRA LEONE=

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

=SIERRA LEONE=

=INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.= =Geographical Position.=—The Colony and
Protectorate of Sierra Leone are bounded upon the north and west by
French Guinea, and upon the east by Liberia. The Colony is confined
to the hill country of the Sierra Leone Peninsula and Sherbro Island;
the remainder being Protectorate.

=Area and Population.=—The area of the country according to
the Blue Book of 1911 is 31,000 sq. miles. The greater part is
undulating, well watered and fairly fertile, traversed by short
ranges of mountains, mostly running north and south. The population
of the Colony, by the census taken in 1911, was 75,572, and of the
Protectorate 1,327,560.

=Administrative Divisions.=—The country is divided into seven
administrative districts, two of which are in the Colony and
five in the Protectorate. The latter have been formed primarily
in accordance with tribal settlements, due to the expediency of
recognising in each the native customary law; the exception to this
is the Railway district, in which other considerations of greater
importance are involved.

=Natural Features.=—Although the country is largely of a slightly
undulating type, in the north a curious formation of hills exists, in
the Koinadugu district; each hill bearing a curiously-formed pinnacle
of rock on its summit, and presenting a most striking appearance. The
valleys between these hills contain some of the richest soil found
in the country. Farther north, above the 9th degree of latitude, the
country is composed chiefly of grass land interspersed with stunted
trees. Approaching the coast, secondary forest or scrub occurs, which
is constantly being cleared for farms; being so used for a year or
two and then allowed to revert to “bush” for long periods.

=Natives.=—The inhabitants of the Colony are chiefly the
descendants of liberated slaves from North America and the West
Indies, but a number were rescued by British war-vessels from slave
ships, and represent races from all parts of West Africa. The
language adopted by these people is a “pidgin English” of a
peculiar kind, and is easily understood after a few of the curious
idiomatic phrases have been learnt.

The most important tribes are the Mendis, Timanis, Limbas and
Sherbros. These are followed in number by the Konnohs, Port Lokkos,
Susus, Korankos, Bulloms, Krims, Yalunkas, Mandingoes, Gbemas,
Foulahs, Gallinas or Veis and Gpakas. The Mendis are the largest
tribe, and are entirely pagan; they cultivate in a wasteful manner
and are otherwise improvident. The Timanis are more intelligent
and careful, and the Veis, occupying the sea coast to the south,
who have recently adopted cocoa planting, are not only considered
the most intelligent, but, alone among West African natives, have
a written language.

=Land Tenure.=—The land in the Colony is held by the Crown,
and is granted on the authority of the Governor. All grants
made contain reservations with regard to roads and other public
requirements. The tenure of Crown lands is fee simple, but occupation
is also sanctioned under squatters’ licence at a nominal rent,
and the tenure is then in the nature of a tenancy at will. Under
Ordinance No. 14 of 1886, real and personal property may be taken,
acquired, held or disposed of by any alien in a manner similar to
that allowed to a British-born subject.

Fields or waste lands outside town or village limits in the Sierra
Leone Peninsula and Sherbro Island must be taken up in lots of not
less than 20, or more than 200, acres. Such lots are disposed of at
auction, at an upset price of 4_s_. 2_d_. per acre in the former,
and 8_s_. in the latter locality. Up to 1902 the question of land
grants in the Protectorate was unsettled, but arrangements may now
be come to with the chiefs for the lease of tracts of land for long
periods on an annual rental, agreed to between the applicant and
the tribal council; the title requiring the confirmation of the
Government. According to native law, it is generally recognised
that the lands of a chiefdom are not the property of the chief,
but are held in trust by him for the tribe. A chief has no power
to alienate any portion of the land of a chiefdom, or to grant to
any one perpetual rights to any portion, but the lease of land by
an arrangement with the tribal council, and with the approval of
Government, should be satisfactory for all requirements with regard
to legal title.

=Labour.=—Plantations worked by chiefs at the instigation
of Government are usually supplied with labour by the chief,
although monetary assistance in the form of bonuses is occasionally
given. Under such conditions experimental plantations of fibre,
rubber, kola, etc., have been made. There is no fixed rate of pay
for labourers, but the usual wage for an adult man, when hired,
is from 6_d_. to 1_s_. per day.

=Cultivation.=—Throughout the country a shallow type of cultivation
is common, and one in which the bush stumps and roots are not
removed. The seeds of a number of different kinds of agricultural
crops are generally mixed together before being sown broadcast over
the lightly scraped soil of the burnt bush area.

The object of retaining the bush stumps and roots in the fields
is that, after two or three years of cultivation, the bush may
be easily reinstated, and again after ten or fifteen years, when
cut down and burnt, it furnishes a supply of wood ash for the
fertilisation of the field. This application of ash constitutes
the only form of artificial renovation which the soil ever receives.

Recently experiments have been made in the presence of natives,
in order to show the advantages of deep cultivation. To effect
this, without the employment of ploughs, the fork kodalli hoe,
recommended by the writer, has been introduced and generally
adopted. The substantial increase in the production of their rice
fields obtained by the use of this implement made a fortunate
impression among the natives.

The native agricultural implements consist of a straight-handled,
narrow-bladed hoe called “kari” (Mendi), or “katala”
(Timani), and one formed from an angled stick with a charred point,
called “baowe” (Mendi), or “kalal” (Timani). This last is
used for drilling. In addition to these, a large broad-bladed hoe,
called “karu wai” (Mendi), or “katala kabana” (Timani), is
employed for cleaning out weeds and scraping the soil surface; the
latter being the only cultivation the growing crop receives. These
implements are illustrated below.

[Illustration: A. “KARI” (MENDI), “KATALA” (TIMANI).

B. “KAKU WAI” (MENDI), “KATALA KABANA” (TIMANI),

C. “BAOWE” (MENDI), “KALAL” (TIMANI).]

=Agricultural Schools, etc.= _Chiefs’ Sons’ College._—In 1906
a college for the sons of chiefs was established at Bo, and it was
intended that, in addition to the ordinary course of instruction,
the rudiments of improved agriculture should be taught. This
was subsequently found to interfere with the teaching of other
subjects which were considered more necessary, and was abandoned in
consequence. The omission of agricultural training from the course
did not preclude the scholars from cultivating small patches of
vegetables for their own use, upon ground allowed to them for
the purpose.

_Thomas Agricultural College._—In 1908 the erection of an
Agricultural College was commenced at Mabang, under the terms of
the will of Mr. Thomas, a native who bequeathed a large sum of
money to be devoted to this purpose. The College was expected to be
completed in June 1910, when a commencement of lectures and general
instruction was to be made. Scholarships and some official control
were provided for by the terms of the trust, but the project was
never developed, and the buildings were not even completed.

=Principal Crops.=—The most important food crop is rice, but
two varieties of maize are also cultivated for local consumption;
one of these is quick maturing, and is probably identical with the
white variety which is exported from Lagos, from which country it
is said to have been introduced into Sierra Leone. The other kind
is of slower growth, and bears a yellow grain. Yams, sweet potatoes,
and cassava are grown, especially where there is a heavy rainfall.

=Forest Products.=—Besides the agricultural crops, the forests
yield palm oil and kernels, and kola nuts are planted for the
much appreciated seed which their pods contain. The latter nut is
said to have a stimulating effect, and to allay hunger and thirst
when chewed. The nut is in such great demand throughout Northern
Africa that a large trade exists between Sierra Leone and the coast
countries to the north.

The more important exported products are accorded the foremost
positions in the following account.

=OIL PALM.= =Localities and the Influence of Position.=—_Elæis
guineensis_ is found generally throughout the country from the
sea-board towards the interior, diminishing in those districts where
the climate becomes drier or where rocky and mountainous tracts
intervene. In places, owing, doubtless, to the wasteful methods
of treatment and the carelessness in burning the “bush” for
farms, extensive areas without palms are occasionally met with,
even where the soil and climatic conditions are not unfavourable to
their growth. In the extreme north, where the rainfall diminishes,
the tree is only found in the vicinity of streams. The most suitable
situation for growth seems to be one in which the soil is generally
rather moist, although swampy, ill-drained land is not favourable. In
those parts of the country where a gravelly laterite appears as a
surface soil over a deep substratum of syenite, trees may often be
met with in considerable numbers, but it is observed that the trunks
of such trees do not acquire the same thickness as those growing in
a damper and lighter soil. It is probable, although no experiments
have yet been made affording direct evidence for the conclusion,
that the fertility and yield of fruits of the trees growing upon
the flat lands are greater than those established upon the higher
undulating country because they are subject to less wash and more
natural irrigation. It is also quite possible that the variety of
palm fruit produced in the former places will be found to furnish
better commercial results. No distinct varieties are, however,
recognised by the natives, although distinctive names are applied
to the same fruit in different stages of development.

The oil palm does not appear to be able to thrive in heavy forest,
and in a natural state occupies open valleys with low undergrowth,
but upon the clearance of primary forest it soon becomes established.

The seeds or nuts, which are large and heavy, are distributed by
the agency of frugivorous birds and mammals. The grey parrot, for
example, may be observed extracting the ripe fruits from the heads
or picking them from the ground where they have fallen, and, after
conveying these to a convenient tree, carefully removing the oily
pericarp before dropping the nut in a new position. Monkeys doubtless
convey the fruits to even greater distances in their cheek-pouches.

Owing to the presence of rocky and swampy strips of country in
the Protectorate, and the direction in which farm fires have been
carried by the prevailing winds, the distribution of palms has been
thought to assume the character of “belts,” defined by fairly
well-marked boundaries. When looked into more closely, however,
the distribution appears to be better described as consisting of
dense patches linked sometimes by almost unrecognisable chains of
widely scattered trees, and often broken into by short ranges of
hills which are completely destitute of palms.

The patches referred to may bear 500 palm trees to the acre, and
these may represent 80 to 100 per cent. of the total tree-growth
on the patch. The area of such a patch may be roughly estimated at
from ¼ acre to 15 sq. miles, or even more, but it should be added
that, where such extensive tracts as these occur, the difficulties
of transport and the scarcity of the population have constituted
obstacles to working, and to the means of preserving the trees. Oil
palms near Mafokoyia are shown in the picture (Fig. 10).

[Illustration: OIL PALMS (_ELÆIS GUINEENSIS_), MAFOKOYIA.

Fig. 10, p. 21.]

[Illustration: NATIVE COLLECTING OIL PALM FRUIT, BLAMA.

Fig 11, p. 22.]

[Illustration: KOLA TREE AT MANO.

Fig. 12, p. 29.]

The appearance of a young tree is that of a thick stem throwing
out annulate series of long feathery leaf fronds, upon petioles,
which bear roughly-formed spines. As the tree increases in height
the lower petioles are shed, and the trunk assumes a narrower but
more regular form; indistinct rings being traceable, formed by the
bases of the fallen leaf stems. A mature tree will measure about one
foot in diameter at four feet from the ground, and at the ground
surface the diameter will be two and a half to nearly three times
as much. The male flowers are collected in the form of a number
of tassel-like pendants, springing from a common stalk, and one
such bunch is usually found above and upon each side of the female
inflorescence. Both sexes of flowers usually occur upon the trees,
but the natives recognise the existence of a non-fruiting tree,
and one which only produces male flowers. The number of fruit heads
and the weight of these vary according to the position, age, and
treatment of the tree. An idea may be given of the fruitfulness of
trees, from the accounts obtained from natives in different parts
of the country. The palm has two fruiting seasons, one during the
dry weather and another during the rainy season, the latter being
generally the lighter crop. It is estimated that a tree in full
bearing will yield from twelve to twenty fruiting heads in one year,
each of a fairly large size. A younger tree may only produce four
to eight heads, but usually of a larger size; and a tree of only
five or six years old may give about the same number of heads, but
of smaller dimensions. From very old trees small heads with fruits
of a diminished size are obtained. The weight of a moderately large
head will be about thirty pounds, and will contain about twelve
hundred fruits weighing roughly 23 lbs. An illustration showing
two fruiting heads is given (Fig. 9).

The ripe fruiting heads are gathered by a man using a climbing sling,
with which he encircles the tree and his waist, and by means of a
skilful manipulation of the part in contact with the trunk and remote
from the body, he proceeds to ascend the tree rapidly, almost as
though walking up it. On reaching the crown, a number of dead leaves
have to be removed in order to get at the fruit stem. These are cut
by means of a “cutlass” or “machete,” which the climber
carries, and are thrown to the ground. Only one head ripens at a
time upon each tree, and the time occupied in climbing and cutting
out the fruit head is estimated at about eight minutes. A photograph
showing a native climbing a palm tree is reproduced (Fig. 11).

Both the Mendi and Timani races distinguish the fruit, at different
periods during the advance towards maturity, by special names given
with regard to the appearance. Identifications of the same series
of fruits by different individuals have shown that these names are
widely used.

Although it will be seen that in the Gold Coast and Nigeria the
natives recognise a number of different varieties of fruit, this does
not appear to be the case in Sierra Leone. The thin-shelled forms,
so well known to the natives of the former countries, appear unknown,
except around Sherbro, where there are a few trees recognised as
productive of this type of fruit. In the appearance of the mature
fruit, the presence or absence of black at the apex seems to be
of equally common occurrence, but no importance is attached to
this feature.

The Sierra Leone form appears to be at a disadvantage with regard
to the proportion of oily pericarp covering the nut, as well as in
the great thickness of its shell. Comparing it with the varieties
obtained in the Gold Coast, it is probably nearest to, if not
identical with, that called “Abe pa.”

When the percentage of oil extracted from the fruit of the Sierra
Leone trees is compared with that from other parts of West Africa,
it at once becomes apparent that the amount is small. The results
of three series of experiments, made in different parts of the
country, showed that the fibrous pericarp, which contains the oil,
constituted only about 30 per cent. of the whole, the nut containing
the kernel being large and approximating 70 per cent. Palm oil
extracted by native methods gave 1·201, 5·47, 5·637, and 8·326
per cent. respectively in four tests. If these results are compared
with the extractions of oil from the several Gold Coast varieties,
the deficiency is very marked. Compare _Bulletin of the Imperial
Institute_, vol. vii. (1909), pp. 364-71.

A close examination of the local fruit shows that the outer fibrous
portion or pericarp, which alone contains the palm oil, is very thin,
whereas the hard shell surrounding the kernel is thick. The kernel
represents about 15 per cent. of the total weight of the fruit,
and is largely exported from the country for the extraction of
another kind of oil.

=Small Export of Oil compared with Kernels.=—The proportionately
larger weight of kernel than of palm oil capable of extraction,
accounts for the large quantities of kernels exported compared with
palm oil. As an example of this, it may be mentioned that in the
year 1906 Sierra Leone exported only 12½ gallons of palm oil to
each ton of kernels, whereas Southern Nigeria figures for the same
year showed 142 gallons of oil per ton of kernels. Since this date,
up to the beginning of the war, a comparison of the annual exports
of oil and kernels shows a fluctuation between about 12 and 19
gallons of pericarp oil for every ton of kernels; the latter still
remaining disproportionately high.

=Proposal to introduce New Varieties.=—Since it has begun to
be realised that the local variety of palm is probably constantly
inferior as an oil producer to some of the varieties found farther
to the south, it has been suggested that some of the forms, with
a thicker fibrous pericarp and a thin-shelled kernel, should be
introduced and planted upon an extensive scale. It is assumed that
by doing so, a better type would become established. Experiments
made in the Kamerun show, however, that the progeny of palms
having a thin-shelled fruit (Lisombe) do not necessarily retain
their important characters. Dr. Strunk has suggested that, in the
variety mentioned, the characters are not fixed or susceptible of
transmission, but the experiments are not considered as yielding
conclusive evidence, and it is advisable that experimental plots
should be planted with the more useful forms in Sierra Leone and
elsewhere, the seed being obtained from artificially fertilised
sources.

=Improvements in the Local Manufacture.=—During recent years
great efforts have been made by the Administration to increase the
exports of both palm oil and kernels by opening up the previously
rather inaccessible areas in which palm trees were found growing
almost untouched. The first step in this direction was the extension
of the Sierra Leone Railway line from Boia, a small village just
beyond the Headquarters District boundary, to Mafokoyia, lying a
short distance to the north. From here a road was made eastwards
towards Yonnibannah, passing through country fairly well studded
with oil palms. Later from Yonnibannah the objective of the railway
became Baga, a town on the Maybole river, again to the north. At
the present time this line has reached Kamabai, at the foot of the
Koinadugu mountains and to the west of Bumban, passing the town of
Makump on its way there. The whole of this route has been chosen
in order to make the oil palm regions more accessible, and the
increase in exports of both oil and kernels between 1907 and 1913
is almost entirely attributable to this development.

Not only was it desirable to open up new areas from which palm
fruits could be gathered, but, owing to the deficiency of pericarp
oil shipped from the country in comparison with palm kernels,
it was thought that, by the introduction of improved methods
for extracting the pericarp oil, more of this commodity might be
obtainable in the future.

The prospect of working a large area both experimentally and
commercially for oil extraction _in situ_, attracted Messrs. Lever
Brothers, who installed ample mechanical apparatus at Yonnibannah
in 1914. The Government had granted this firm a concession to work
several hundred square miles on the understanding that the local
traders and merchants were not thereby to be debarred from buying the
hand-prepared oil from the natives as before. The scheme was intended
to demonstrate the advantages of mechanical means of extraction over
those of hand power; and it was thought that, by the introduction
of these greater facilities for dealing with the oil palm products,
labour would be liberated and would be employed to a greater extent
in the less heavy and more remunerative direction of plantation
and field work. Messrs. Lever Brothers’ factory was one designed
to be equipped both from a mechanical and research standpoint,
and a special shunting yard on the railway was leased to the firm
by the Government to deal with the anticipated work. The project
seemed so promising that local firms were contemplating following
Messrs. Lever Brothers’ example in other localities. The whole
scheme was, however, abandoned after a short trial; Messrs. Lever
Brothers having probably discovered two facts in connection with the
oil palm industry in Sierra Leone which had been lost sight of. The
first is that the pericarp of the common type of palm fruit found in
Sierra Leone, as pointed out in the first edition of this book, is
very thin and therefore contains very little oil, and that the shell
of the nuts in this thin-pericarped fruit is extremely thick. The
common Sierra Leone kind is therefore of less economic value both
in respect to pericarp oil and kernel contents than the common kind
found in the Gold Coast, Nigeria and Kamerun. The second point is
that the Mendis and Timanis occupying this part of the Protectorate
are a lower type and generally poorer workers by comparison with
the Fanti tribes of the Gold Coast or the Yorubas of Nigeria.

One explanation given for the failure of Messrs. Lever Brothers’
effort in Sierra Leone was that they did not offer a sufficiently
high price for the oil palm fruit heads to induce the natives to
collect and carry them to the factory. As the chiefs and villagers
saw that by selling the fruits to the factory the main occupation of
their wives (the preparation of palm oil and the cracking of nuts
for the extraction of palm kernels) would be taken away, they were
said to be averse to the establishment of a new condition of enforced
idleness, which would impose greater difficulties on them of keeping
their wives in order. The offer by the factory to return the nuts
for cracking in the villages, did not dispose of this difficulty,
as the villagers only saw in it an arrangement involving them in
extra transport. Messrs. Lever Brothers have now transferred their
work to the Belgian Congo, where, by reason of the better type of
palm fruit commonly obtainable, the conditions are more satisfactory
for the development of the mechanical extraction of palm oil on a
commercial scale, and where the inhabitants are less independent
and more accustomed to co-operate with European enterprise.

=Export Figures.=—The average annual export of palm oil and
kernels for the first nine years of the century, and the annual
total of the subsequent ten years are given:

Palm oil Palm kernels
Year Gallons Tons
1900-1908 Av. 303,790 26,630
1909 851,998 42,897
1910 645,339 43,031
1911 725,648 42,892
1912 728,509 50,751
1913 617,088 49,201
1914 436,144 35,915
1915 481,576 39,624
1916 557,751 45,316
1917 543,111 58,020
1918 260,442 40,816

=RUBBER.=—Until 1907 the African tree rubber (_Funtumia elastica_)
had not been recorded from any part of the country, although its
congener, _F. africana_, was found everywhere. A number of trees
of the first-named species have been recently discovered in the
Panguma and Gola forests, and have been carefully examined. The
latex, from trees tapped in the former locality, yielded a good
quality of rubber when boiled with three volumes of water.

=Native Method of Preparation.=—The tree is known to the Mendis as
“Gboi-gboi,” and in order to obtain the latex it is customary
to fell the tree, afterwards ringing it at intervals of about
one foot. The latex, which flows, is collected in leaf cups or
other receptacles, and is heated in an iron pot. When in a state of
semi-coagulation, induced by heat, it is poured upon plantain leaves,
placed on the ground. Another plantain leaf is then used to cover
the mass, which is stamped out with the feet into a rough sheet. The
sheet is hung up to dry in a hut, in which it obtains the benefit
of the fumes from the wood fires used by the occupants. The next
process is to cut the sheet into strips, which are subsequently
wound into large oval balls and enter the Freetown market under
the name of “Manoh twist.”

Owing to the wasteful method of tapping the trees, the species has
been exterminated in many places, and the local Government have
had under consideration the formulation of an ordinance to prevent
the continuance of such destruction. As the existing trees are
now practically only found in the dense forests near the Liberian
frontier, and are probably widely scattered over a large area,
it will prove a difficult matter to enforce any regulations with
regard to collection.

=Vine Rubber: Method of Preparation.=—_Landolphia owariensis_,
var. _Jenje_, is said to be the species of vine from which the
Sierra Leone “Red Nigger” rubber is obtained. The Mendi name
for the plant is “Djenje.” A very destructive method is usually
employed in the preparation of the rubber. The vine is cut down and
the roots dug out, both of which are cut into small pieces and soaked
in water for several weeks. The bark is then removed, and the wood is
pounded and washed repeatedly until a reddish mass of rubber remains,
which usually contains a large amount of woody matter. This is sold
in the form of balls. It is less common for the native to tap the
vine and to coagulate the latex upon the wound with the addition
of salt or lime juice, but this is occasionally done, and balls of
scrap rubber collected in this way are sold in some localities.

Another vine (_Clitandra laxiflora_), which yields an inferior
rubber by means of boiling the latex, is termed “Jawe” by the
Mendis. This was at first considered to be _Clitandra Manni_, but
more recent investigation has proved that _C. Manni_, although called
by the same native name, produces a latex incapable of coagulation.

=The Quality of Indigenous Rubbers and the Export.=—The prices
obtained for Sierra Leone rubbers compare favourably with those of
the other British West African countries. Funtumia rubber, which
is generally largely adulterated in the Gold Coast and Nigeria,
is apparently not so in Sierra Leone, when prepared in the form of
“Manoh twist.” The vine rubber, made from the scrap, is also of
good quality, and the root rubber is not inferior to that shipped
from the other countries. The trade of Sierra Leone is, however,
small, and it is probable that the larger part of that exported
from Freetown is obtained from the adjoining countries of Liberia
and French Guinea. The export of rubber declined since 1906, when
it amounted to 107 tons, to only 6 tons in 1913, while in 1916
and 1917 none was exported. The composition and quality of Sierra
Leone rubbers is given in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
vol. iv. (1906), p. 29; vol. vi. (1908), p. 24; vol. viii. (1910),
p. 16; and vol. xii. (1914), p. 371.

=Rubber Plantations.=—No plantations of Funtumia rubber have
been made although small plots have been planted with the South
American Para tree (_Hevea brasiliensis_) on an experimental
scale at different times and in various parts of the country and a
mixed plantation of rubber, cocoa, coffee and fruit has been made
near Waterloo. Up to 1909, it should be remarked, the work was
in the hands of the Agricultural Service, but from 1910, on the
formation of the Forestry Department as well as the reorganisation
of an Agricultural Department, all forest and plantation work was
transferred to the first-named Department. No plantation rubber
has yet reached the commercial stage, although further trials are
still in progress, and much experience has been gained.

A few Para trees were planted at the beginning of the present century
in the Botanic Gardens at Freetown, but the locality was found
unsuitable, and the trees grew slowly and yielded unsatisfactorily. A
small plantation was made at Moyamba by Madam Yoko, the late chief of
the Mendis, and was well looked after until she died, since when it
seems to have been somewhat neglected. At Mano, the chief of the town
made a good plantation in 1906, and, as the locality was apparently
well selected, the trees have shown satisfactory growth. Small plots
have been put out under Para at the Roman Catholic Mission station
at Serabu, at Segbwema, Tinainahun and the Bo school, with variable
success, in accordance with the cultivation and care bestowed on
the plants. Except in the gravelly positions the tree succeeds well.

_Landolphia owariensis_ and _L. Heudelotii_ have been planted in
forested patches in different parts of the country, the supervision
of such planting having been entrusted to a native who had seen
similar work performed by the French authorities in the neighbouring
colony. Near Batkanu, a few plants can still be seen.

=KOLA NUTS.=—The importance of the kola nut in West Africa
is very high. Sierra Leone produces generally a better quality,
for local consumption and export, than other countries. The kola
trees (_Kola acuminata_ and _K. vera_) do not, however, occur in a
wild state in the country, and the whole produce is obtained from
plantations, which are to be seen near almost every village in the
moist region. A photograph is given showing a kola tree at Mano
(Fig. 12). The destination of the exported kola is chiefly Bathurst
(Gambia), Dakar (Senegal), Bissao (Portuguese Guinea), and to a small
extent Dahomey. The exports of this commodity in recent years are
given below as well as their average annual values per ton, which,
as will be seen, exhibit great fluctuation.

Tons Valued at Equal to £ per ton
1906 1,155 £104,084 £90
1907 1,374 £113,674 £83
1908 1,162 £108,895 £94
1909 1,320 £153,848 £116
1910 1,508 £191,878 £127
1911 1,597 £194,260 £121
1912 1,649 £276,473 £167
1913 1,865 £328,003 £176
1914 1,924 £279,185 £145
1915 2,041 £233,388 £119
1916 2,484 £302,720 £122
1917 1,702 £321,105 £188
1918 2,302 £397,726 £173

Kola nuts are second only to palm kernels in Sierra Leone in
importance as an export, although they are practically entirely
consigned to other coast ports; an insignificant amount of dried
kolas only being destined for Europe.

=RED PEPPER.=—_Capsicum annuum_ and _C. frutescens_ are both
grown among the multitude of plants, the seeds of which are mixed
and broadcasted in the farms; but whereas most of the other plants
are annuals, these are left in the ground for two years or more,
and yield almost continuous crops during that period. The country
of origin of these plants is probably South America, but the date
of their introduction is unknown.

Beside the extensive local use of the pods, the export statistics
of 1909 show that 41 tons were shipped.

=GINGER.=—_Zingiber officinale_ is not found in a wild state
in Africa, but has been widely introduced throughout the tropical
portions, although in Sierra Leone, alone among the West African
countries, has it reached the important position of an export.

Owing to the defective methods of agriculture employed in the Colony,
where for the most part ginger is cultivated, the roots or rhizomes
do not attain a large size, and, in consequence, present great
difficulties in decortication.

The common native method of preparation is to rub the washed and
partially dried rhizomes in sand, and then to dry them more or less
completely in the sun. The effect of this treatment is to remove a
small portion of the outer skin from those prominences which come
into contact with the sandy surface more readily, the depressions
being left untouched. The native has found that the weight of the
prepared ginger is increased by the adhesion of sand, and therefore
prefers to employ this method to that of using a knife. The result
is a very inferior product.

During the last few years attempts have been made among the ginger
growers to deal directly with the European buyers, and a Farmers’
Association was formed with this object in view. Government
assistance was obtained on the assurance that better methods of
cultivation and preparation would be adopted, and this was done
to a certain extent, but greater dependence seems to have been
placed upon the supposed advantage to be obtained from shipping
ginger of the usual inferior quality, without it passing through
the local merchants’ hands. The result was, that a small quantity
of selected ginger was sold at a good price, and a large quantity
of common grade obtained a lower price than previously.

Recent experiments have shown that good results can be obtained with
ginger in Sierra Leone if care be taken to deep-hoe the ground and
then plant out the selected eyes from clean rhizomes. The custom
of attempting to grow a crop in hard laterite gravel without proper
cultivation is the chief cause of the malformed and small rhizomes
usually obtained in native cultivation. Under improved conditions a
crop of five tons per acre of good quality ginger has been procured.

=Export Trade.=—The following amounts of ginger have been shipped
during the last decade:

Tons Value Tons Value
1906 579 10,879 1913 2,048 35,468
1907 618 11,578 1914 1,213 15,639
1908 637 11,871 1915 567 8,091
1909 722 14,147 1916 971 25,814
1910 1,093 33,288 1917 1,136 25,863
1911 1,692 44,668 1918 1,576 39,306
1912 2,200 44,864

It is reported that, owing to the decline in price paid for
Sierra Leone ginger in 1913, about one-third of the crop was left
unharvested, and that the depreciation experienced was due to the
competition from other sources of a better marketed product. It would
be a pity if the promising opportunity of the country to become
established as a large producer of ginger were altogether lost,
owing to the want of a little care in cultivation and preparation
of the product for the market.

The plant is essentially suited to certain parts of the Colony and
Protectorate and is not subject to any serious diseases, the only
recorded one being a fungus which attacks the rhizomes and causes
yellowing of the leaves. This can be prevented from spreading if
the plants be removed and burned as soon as the signs of attack
are apparent on them.

=FIBRES.= =Jute Class.=—In the last few years several fibre plants
indigenous to the country have been experimented with at the Imperial
Institute, in order to ascertain whether any were capable of being
exported for use as substitutes for Indian jute.

_Honckenya ficifolia_, known by the Timani name of “Napunti,” a
plant which occurs in great profusion in the swamps and low lands,
yields a fibre of excellent quality, but owing to the difficulties
experienced in the extraction of it, further experiments are
necessary to devise a means by which it can be economically
prepared. The analyses of the fibre from this plant which have been
made at the Imperial Institute (see _Selected Reports from the
Imperial Institute_, Part I. [Cd. 4588], Fibres, p. 40) are very
satisfactory, and this, combined with the fact that the natural
supply of the plant is very large in districts which are quite
useless for agricultural purposes, renders it important that the
methods of extraction should be more carefully studied.

Among the other fibres of this class which have shown promise,
_Hibiscus quinquelobus_, to which the Mendis give the name of
“Korwey,” is found in a wild state in variable profusion
throughout the country. Unlike the last, which produces erect stems
growing close together, this plant has stems of an almost scandent
character, growing under the shade of moderately large trees and
perforating the upper branches, so that the flowering stems are
often seen fifteen feet or more above the ground. Under cultivation
the experiments seemed to show that the elongated character of the
stems was not maintained, and this defect requires to be remedied if
the fibre is to be prepared upon a commercial scale. The extraction
is easily done by retting, and experimental shipments to Europe of
several tons have shown that the product is quite marketable and
is classed with, or a little below, medium jutes (_ibid._ p. 39).

Recently experiments were carried out in the extraction of fibre
from _Hibiscus esculentus_, the “okra” of tropical countries. A
specimen of the fibre having been examined at the Imperial Institute
and favourably reported upon (_ibid._ p. 35), a plantation was made
at Kangahun, in order to endeavour to produce a crop, which should
have the additional advantage of yielding a marketable supply of the
vegetable okra pods before being cut down and made into fibre. In
order to do this, the seed was sown at close intervals, thereby
introducing a straight growth of stem, and care was exercised not to
permit the fruiting to continue long enough for the stems to become
coarse. The fibre was extracted in the same manner as that of jute,
except that the stems were immersed in a solution of caustic soda
before retting to remove the thin outer bark. The marketed fibre
from the first of these experiments realised an unsatisfactory price,
but it was estimated that the crop of pods yielded £3 per acre.

_Corchorus capsularis_, one of the Indian jutes, was introduced and
planted out in 1906, but the existing native methods of cultivation
and the absence of manure rendered the conditions so different from
those obtained in India, that a successful result was not brought
about. Two species of Corchorus are found in the country, and are
used only as vegetables.

=Ramie Fibre.=—Plantations of Ramie fibre or China grass were
recently made in various parts of the Protectorate, but although
the plant grows well during the rainy season, the long period of
dry weather is detrimental to it.

=Piassava.=—This fibre is produced from the sheath of the leaf
stem of _Raphia vinifera_, the wine palm, and is prepared at several
places, especially in the swampy districts near the coast. The
method of extraction is merely that of steeping and beating out,
and the resulting fibre is, in appearance, somewhat similar to fine
whalebone. The largest amount was exported in 1915, when the figure
reached 1,283 tons. The price in this year attained £61 per ton. The
fibre is chiefly employed for the manufacture of stiff brooms.

=COTTON.=—The native cotton of Sierra Leone showed promise, at
one time, of great development, but insurmountable difficulties
met the efforts of the British Cotton Growing Association in their
attempt to establish cotton growing for export upon a large scale.

The native mode of growing cotton is in combination with a number
of other agricultural crops, the seeds of all being mixed before
being broadcasted in a field, which has been lightly tilled. Cotton
sown in this manner is permitted to yield crops for two seasons,
but the second crop is generally much inferior. Owing to this
irregular manner of planting, the amount of cotton available for
use is small, and is nearly all absorbed for the supply of the
native looms; being readily saleable in the weaving districts at
about 2_d_. per lb. of seed cotton, or about twice as much as the
British Cotton Growing Association were prepared to pay.

The inefficiency of the quality of the local cultivation, and the
disinclination on the part of the native to adopt better methods,
effectually prevented more cotton being grown, and the British Cotton
Growing Association were unable to obtain sufficient material to
keep their ginnery employed.

In connection with the cotton ginnery, erected at Moyamba, a large
plantation was made; the indigenous as well as many exotic varieties
of the plant being put in. The site, however, proved unsuitable,
labour was found to be expensive, and the climatic conditions
were complained of. In consequence of these adverse conditions,
the Association were reluctantly obliged to abandon the work. The
export of cotton was never significant and ceased altogether in 1909.

=Indigenous Varieties.=—Three well-marked types of cotton are
found throughout the country, and are known by the native (Mendi)
names of (1) Kwonde, (2) Fande Wa, (3) Dhoole. The first of these has
a white lint and a seed covered with white wool. An examination of
this at the Imperial Institute showed that the lint from it was the
most valuable of the three; the staple measured about 1″, and was
compared with very good quality “Indian Broach.” Two samples,
valued in 1907, were priced at 5⅜_d_. and 5¾_d_. respectively,
with good Broach at 5⅜_d_., and Middling American at 6·18_d_. The
Fande Wa variety has a creamy lint and a green woolly seed. It
was said to be of good quality, but the colour was not so good as
the last, and the value was consequently lower. Dhoole is rather
rarer than the other two, and has a brick-red or brown lint and a
bare seed. Khaki or red cottons are not in demand upon an European
market, but locally they are somewhat sought after.

=Native Weaving.=—A native cloth woven from the three different
varieties of indigenous cottons is frequently seen; the careful
arrangement of the naturally coloured yarns yielding a distinct
pattern. More often, perhaps, only the first two kinds are used,
and the yarn made from them is dyed with the local indigo. In
width the native cloths are usually narrow, and the strips are sewn
together in order to form gowns, etc. A photograph is given showing
a native weaver at work at Pendembu (Fig. 13). In a few localities
wider cloths are woven, but of no great length. These are often
elaborately designed, and command a high price among the natives,
being preferred to imported materials.

=Exotic Cottons.=—“Cambodia” and “Sea Island” have been
tried experimentally. The latter, though withstanding the heavy
rainfall well, was found to be very susceptible to attacks of the
local cotton stainer. There is still no prospect of the revival of
cotton exportation.

[Illustration: NATIVE WEAVER AT PENDEMBU.

Fig. 13, p. 34.]

[Illustration: KUMASSI, THE CAPITAL OF ASHANTI.

Fig. 14, p. 43.]

[Illustration: STONE VAT FOR POUNDING PALM FRUITS, WITH SURROUNDING
GUTTER AND OIL WELL, KROBO PLANTATIONS.

Fig. 15, p. 68]

=RICE.=—Two forms of rice are grown in the Protectorate; one under
irrigation or in swampy ground, near rivers, etc., and the other
entirely without any conservance of water, depending on the rainfall.

The use of rice is general throughout the country—in fact, it is
probably the most important food crop; and although, as mentioned
above, there are two forms, divided according to their mode of
cultivation, each form contains many varieties distinguished by
different native names.

In the Timani country and the vicinity of Port Lokko the finest
quality is grown, and the husking of this is said to be a prolonged
process of drying, without previously parboiling or soaking. This
rice only requires to be thoroughly dried before the husk will
separate on pounding.

In the Mendi country, the heads of rice at the harvesting are
cut and tied in small bunches to dry in the fields. The grain is
then beaten out, and the chaff winnowed on a tray or in a gentle
breeze. The next step is to parboil the grain while yet in the husk,
during which operation the interior swells up so as to split the
husk. The rice is then again thoroughly dried in the sun upon mats,
and finally lightly pounded in a wooden mortar in order to separate
the loosened husk, which is removed by winnowing. From the time of
harvesting until the rice is ready for sale, the work is performed
by women.

In spite of the fact that a very large quantity of rice is grown, it
frequently happens that in a good season much remains unharvested,
owing to the improvidence of the native. The price just after
harvesting may fall as low as 1_s_. 6_d_. per bushel, but a few
months later it may reach three times that amount. It is customary
for the Protectorate native to realise at once upon his crop,
without taking the precaution to lay in a store for his future
requirements. In consequence of this he is compelled to buy back
supplies for his own consumption at a very much enhanced rate. The
native at the Coast takes advantage of this improvidence and profits
considerably by it; buying up the cheap product at harvesting and
realising a handsome profit after a few months.

In quality the local rice is excellent, but in appearance it is
somewhat reddish, only a few of the finer qualities being nearly
white. The imported rices are usually white, but are said to contain
less nutriment than the local kinds.

Rice has always constituted the staple food of the aboriginal
tribes of the Protectorate, for which reason its cultivation and
the weather conditions necessary for its successful production
locally are matters of great importance. No precaution is taken to
plant any other crop as a stand-by in the event of an unfavourable
rice season. In 1910 a disaster actually occurred, for the rainy
season of 1909 set in so early that it prevented many farms being
burned in time to sow rice. Most of the local varieties mature
their grain from three to five months after sowing, the earlier
producing approximately 15, and the later from 30 to 40 bushels, per
acre. Owing to the failure of the rice crop in 1910, the commodity
should not have been allowed to be exported in that year, but the
importance of this was lost sight of in view of the remunerative
trade in it which had become established with different coast ports
to which it was shipped. In the previous edition of this volume a
recommendation was made to foster the export of surplus Sierra Leone
rice to the Gold Coast, where it was much appreciated, and doubtless
this trade may yet become important when existing restrictions are
removed, and if it is found possible to induce a larger number of
the population in the Protectorate to engage in pure agriculture,
and grow crops in excess of their immediate personal requirements.

The exports for the last nine years were as follows:

Bushels Value £
1910 35,114 5,925
1911 22,621 4,716
1912 30,715 5,712
1913 21,548 3,991
1914 18,705 4,855
1915 19,600 7,228
1916 3,192 1,364
1917 1,022 697
1918 176 93

In 1915, owing to the falling off of imports, it was found necessary
to exercise control over the exports, but in spite of this the amount
exported was higher than in the previous year. In 1916 the urgency of
the matter became even more pronounced and exports were restricted.

The Agricultural Department conducted several comparative trials
with Indian and local varieties of rice. The Indian rices were
much smaller in size of grain and were generally not considered so
suitable as the local kinds, with respect to which it was found that,
with a sufficiency of seed used in sowing and deep cultivation,
excellent crops could be secured. The native method of using less
than half a bushel of seed to sow an acre is accountable for much
of the resultant crop becoming full of weeds. Excellent results
were obtained in sowing 1½ to 3 bushels per acre, when the weeds
were choked out.

=CAMWOOD.=—This material, from which red dye is got, is obtained
from the leguminous tree _Baphia nitida_. The use of it in European
countries has somewhat diminished during recent years, owing to the
substitution for it of artificial red colouring-matter, but a small
quantity is still exported, and is made use of for colouring sausage
skins. The amount of camwood exported in 1915 is given as 635 tons,
valued at £8,761.

=COPAL.=—The tree identified as _Copaifera Guibourtiana_ is tapped,
in the Mendi country especially, for copal. The method in general
practice is to cut small square patches of bark from the main trunk
and branches in the month of January, and to permit these to exude
resin until April, at which time the flow has ceased, and the resin
hardened sufficiently to be collected.

The tree has been recorded from a few localities in Sierra Leone, but
recently plantations have been made near Moyamba and elsewhere. In
the Kwalu district, where clusters of large trees occur, much damage
has been done by overtapping, and many dead trees are to be seen.

The value of Sierra Leone copal is high, sometimes attaining over
two shillings a pound in the European markets. The quality is,
however, somewhat irregular, and the local grading is frequently
inefficient. Information as to the quality and value of Sierra Leone
copal in comparison with other varieties is given in _Selected
Reports from the Imperial Institute_, Part II., Gums and Resins
[Cd. 4971], pp. 170-82.

About thirty tons were annually shipped to Europe for making varnish,
but owing to the destructive methods of collection, the Government
has prohibited trade for five years.

=GROUNDNUTS.=—Practically no trade at present exists in this
crop, but efforts are being made to reintroduce the cultivation
into Bullom, where at one time a large quantity was grown for export.

The cultivation of groundnuts for local consumption is carried on,
but the ridge system of planting, which is in vogue in the Gambia,
is not adopted in Sierra Leone, and the groundnut stalks are
removed from the ground without the nuts attached to them. The
nuts in Sierra Leone are permitted to remain in the ground and
depreciate in quality through insufficient drying. The success of
groundnut cultivation depends largely upon the plant being grown
on a loose bed of friable soil, and, where such conditions exist,
the Gambian method should prove satisfactory.

Experiments show that the nuts should be decorticated before
sowing. The usual local method of sowing is to scatter the nuts upon
the unbroken ground and then cover with loose earth. Some damage is
done by rats, bushpig and termites, and in 1914 a fungoid disease
(_Cercospora personata_) appeared in Karene. The Agricultural
Department has obtained 12 cwts. to the acre in its trials.

The variety of nut grown is apparently identical with that of the
Gambia, from which country the seed has probably been obtained in
the past.

=COCOA.=—Some years ago cocoa was introduced into the Colony, but,
although some of the Colonial planters had received their training in
the cocoa estates of Fernando Po and San Thomé, no success attended
their efforts in Sierra Leone. The heavy rainfall, combined with
the long period of drought peculiar to the country, is detrimental
to the industry. More recently experiments have been conducted in
the Protectorate, where a lighter rainfall occurs; but here also
the conditions are not generally favourable, as the long period of
dry weather is not compensated for by humidity in the atmosphere.

=Importance of Correct Climatic Conditions.=—Cocoa plantations,
in order to be successful, require atmospheric moisture fairly
constantly throughout the year, and will not thrive if exposed to
excessive and prolonged drought, or too much rain. Meteorological
records taken at Bo, a place not far distant from that where cocoa
experiments were made, show that the conditions in respect to
distribution of rainfall, humidity and temperature are unfavourable
there. Many attempts have been made in other localities, but only in
Northern Sherbro has there been any appreciable success. The soil in
this locality is deep and is kept in good tilth by the Gallinas. The
price obtained locally for their cocoa beans was, in 1913, from
3_d_. to 4_d_. per lb.; in 1914 there was an increase in the number
of plants put out, as the price rose in that year to 6_d_. per lb. A
sample of native cocoa was submitted to the Imperial Institute for
examination and report in 1916, and was found to be incompletely
fermented with a rather harsh flavour. The trade valuation, however,
was equal to the standard price ruling for Accra beans at the same
time (cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1916, p. 589). Although the outlook for
Northern Sherbro is promising, cocoa cannot attain much success in
the country generally, on account of unsuitable climatic conditions
and general ineptitude of most of the native tribes.

=COFFEE.=—A few years ago coffee was grown in the Colony for
export, the indigenous variety, _Coffea stenophylla_ as well as
_C. Liberica_ being planted. The former bears a very small berry
and yields an excellent, strong-flavoured beverage. The latter is
better known and has a large berry. Throughout the hill villages of
the Colony a great number of trees are seen, but, owing to a fall
in the price of the product, most of the crop remains unpicked,
although it should not prove unremunerative even at the present
prices to continue the export.

=INDIGO.=—Species of Indigofera and a scandent shrub, _Lonchocarpus
cyanescens_, or “Gara” (Mendi), are used for the extraction
of the blue dyes commonly employed in the country. The leaves of
the latter plant are said to be in such demand that a quantity is
annually imported from Southern Nigeria. A description of the method
of dyeing with “Gara,” and an explanation of the process, are
given in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. v. (1907),
p. 129.

=FRUIT.=—Some parts of the Colony seem favourable for the
cultivation of various tropical fruits, such as bananas, oranges,
mangoes, and pineapples, and it is possible that the proximity of
Sierra Leone to European ports might enable some of these to be
grown for export.

=BEESWAX.=—A small amount of beeswax is collected in the
Protectorate, and instruction has been given to the natives in some
localities with a view to the improvement of the methods employed by
them. The Government has arranged for the instruction of some of the
local officials while on leave in England in practical bee-keeping.

The bee found in Sierra Leone is identical with the variety
of _Apis mellifera_ found throughout West Africa, and is named
var. _Adansonii_. It is rather small, but produces an excellent
honey, which is much appreciated.

=OIL SEEDS.=—A tall tree bearing a large flattened legume, known
to the Mendi people as “Fai,” or “Fawe,” has been sent
for examination to the Imperial Institute on account of the oil
contained in the seed. This tree was identified as _Pentaclethra
macrophylla_, and, although common throughout the forested zone,
is not seen in profusion anywhere. The oil has been tested, and
is said to be capable of utilisation for the manufacture of soap
and candles, but not for alimentary purposes. The difficulties in
connection with the collection of the seed in large quantities and
the extraction of the kernel from the outer horny shell, hinder
the creation of a remunerative export trade.

Another vegetable oil is that obtained from the fruit of _Pentadesma
butyracea_, a tree found in some parts of Bullom and in the
Port Lokko district. The fat extracted from the ripe fruit is
occasionally brought for sale to Freetown, where it is known as
Mandingo butter. It does not occur in sufficient quantities to be
commercially useful, although it yields an edible oil.

_Lophira alata_, which is widely distributed throughout the grass
country in the north, and is replaced by a nearly allied species,
_L. procera_, in the forest zone, bears a seed which contains a
large percentage of oil, which can be used for soap manufacture. The
difficulty of decorticating the seeds and their preservation during
transport are disadvantages in the establishment of an export trade.

Analyses of the fats or oils yielded by these and other West
African oil seeds, and information as to their quality, possible
uses and value will be found in _Selected Reports from the Imperial
Institute_, Pt. V., Oil Seeds (cf. also _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1912,
1913, 1915, 1917, 1918).

=Progress in Agriculture.=—In 1910 the Agricultural Department
was reorganised on a better basis than formerly, and the purely
forestry work, which had been previously carried on by the
Agricultural Superintendent, in addition to his other duties,
was then transferred to a Forestry Department formed in that year.

Briefly, the scheme of work laid down by the new Department of
Agriculture may be said to be on the following chief lines:

(i) The introduction of a cheap and effective organic manure,
and the demonstration of its value in such a manner as to induce
the people to use it on their land, and thereby to employ more
economical means for the production of food, etc.

(ii) The institution of a proper rotation of crops suitable for
each district or locality.

(iii) The demonstration to natives of the fact, that, by the proper
employment of manuring and crop rotation, they would be able to
farm the same piece of land for an indefinite number of years,
during which time it should increase rather than diminish in
fertility. By such demonstration it should be possible to put an
end to the wasteful and permanently destructive methods at present
employed of shifting cultivation.

The Agricultural Department has a piece of land on the Experiment
Farm at Njala, which has been under crops annually for the past
eight years, and the condition of it at present is said to be a more
fertile one, owing to the system of manuring and rotation employed,
than it was at the commencement of work. This is mentioned here, as
it is in contradiction to the well-worn native excuse for changing
the site of farms annually, _i.e._, that it is essential for the
maintenance of the fertility of land that after a few years’
cultivation the “bush” be allowed to become re-established so
that, on burning, a sufficient amount of wood ash may be obtained
to renovate it.

(iv) To encourage the natives in the formation of permanent
plantations of fruit and other economic trees.

To these ends, in the first place, analyses of soils from various
parts of the country have been made by the Imperial Institute. At
the same time samples of the soil taken from localities where kola,
cocoa, rice and groundnuts were grown, have been compared with
that from uncleared “bush.” The result of the examination,
in the latter case, showed the soil had a deficiency of lime and
phosphoric acid. A special analysis was also made of the soil of
the Banana Islands, which was found to have an adequate quantity
of nitrogen but to be deficient in potash and phosphoric acid.

With a view to producing a more satisfactory condition of soil
in some parts, different leguminous crops have been cultivated
and alternated with Sorghum millet (Guinea corn), maize and
rice. Among the species tried by the Agricultural Department
are: soya beans (_Glycine soja_), black gram (_Phaseolus mungo_),
pigeon peas (_Cajanus indicus_), Java beans (_Phaseolus lunatus_),
cowpeas (_Vigna catjang_), sword beans (_Canavalia ensiformis_)
and horse-beans (_Dolichos lablab_). Yams and groundnuts have also
been tried, and a yield of 6 tons 3 cwts. per acre of the former
crop was obtained at the experimental farm at Njala in 1914.

=Forestry.=—On the formation of a Forestry Department in 1910,
a survey was at once proceeded with, and active steps were taken
to save from extinction the small extent of forest remaining in the
Colony and Protectorate. From the survey it appeared that some 99 per
cent. of the Protectorate primary forest had already been destroyed
by the wasteful methods of farming generally practised. Intervals
between the clearing of the bush for farms was from nine to five
years, the effect of which was to entirely eliminate the primary
forest areas. Where patches still remain, however, many useful
species of timber trees are found. By the introduction of regular
forest control and reafforestation, it is hoped that conditions
may be improved to some extent, and economic trees especially
preserved. Forest legislation has already been introduced to insure
the preservation of copal trees.

[Illustration: =GOLD COAST=

Territory held by Great Britain under Mandate is hatched in
Red. [Legend]

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

=THE GOLD COAST, ASHANTI AND THE NORTHERN TERRITORIES=

=INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.= =Geographical Position.=—The Gold
Coast Colony, with the dependencies of Ashanti and the Northern
Territories, forms a nearly oblong tract of country, bounded on the
north by the 11th parallel of north latitude and the French Sudan,
on the south by the Gulf of Guinea, on the east by Togoland, and on
the west by the Ivory Coast (French). The course of the Black Volta
forms the natural boundary on the north-west, and that of the Daka,
continued as the main Volta river, a large extent of the eastern,
which, however, is in course of realignment.

=Area and Population.=—The area of the whole country is estimated
at about 82,000 sq. miles, and the population at upwards of
1,500,000.

=Divisions.=—The Colony proper forms the most southern of the
three divisions of which the country is composed, and is bounded on
the north by an irregular line dividing it from Ashanti. This line
commences upon the western frontier at a point about 6° 40′ N. and
3° 7′ W., and runs to a point on the Ofin river about 6° 30′
N. and 2° W., continuing southward along the course of the Ofin to
its junction with the Pra river, whence it follows the last-named
river in a north-easterly direction to near Abetifi, and continues in
an irregular line to the Volta, meeting it below the junction of the
Assuokoko stream. Ashanti is separated from the Northern Territories
by an irregular boundary-line from east to west, on the south side
of the Black and main Volta rivers. It is almost entirely forested
up to the boundaries of the largest towns. A view of Kumassi,
the capital, is given, showing the proximity of the forest (Fig. 14).

From a climatic as well as an agricultural standpoint the country
is more conveniently divided into two parts by a line which sharply
defines the limits of the region of dense forest from that of the
grass lands with few trees, which is characteristic of the country
to the north. This line is probably the northern limit of the tract
of country subject to a prolonged rainy season, and owing to the
density of the forest south of it seems to have constituted the
extreme distance to which the Mohammedan conquerors from the north
were able to penetrate, when attempting to subdue and convert the
pagan tribes to their south. The improved methods of agriculture
found among the tribes inhabiting the ultra-forest country of
the Northern Territories may be attributable to the teaching of
these conquering people. On account of the marked differences in
the conditions and the agricultural development of the forest and
ultra-forest regions, it appears to be more convenient to refer
to the products from the Northern Territories in a separate part,
and this course has been followed here.

PART I.—GOLD COAST AND ASHANTI

=Origin of Tribes.=—Tradition among the natives maintains that
the two great tribes of Fanti and Ashanti were originally from
the same stock, and it is probable that this was also the case
with regard to the people of Tufel, Denkera, Assin and Aquapim,
who are said to speak a dialect of the same language as that of the
Fantis and Ashantis. Completely different languages are, however,
spoken by the Appolonias, Ahantas, Agoonahs, Accras, and Adampes
living near the coast, and these are supposed to represent the
remains of an earlier race.

The native belief is that the whole people were originally
composed of twelve families or tribes, and that each was called by
a separate name in some way indicating the occupation. According
to Bowdich, those calling themselves after animals of the forest
probably represented the families employing their time in hunting,
and those bearing such names as cornstalk (Abrotoo) and plantain
(Abbradi) applied themselves to agriculture. The name Agoonah,
implying “oil-palm locality,” seems to have been applied to all
those who were traders. Individuals are still said to assume these
distinctive names without regard to their usual tribal affinities.

The probable reason for the backward condition of agriculture in the
forest region is that a food supply was procurable from the forest
itself, and the continual intertribal warfare, in which the people
seemed to have been engaged, was opposed to the cultivation of crops,
which might become an incentive to a covetous attack. More recently,
since these conditions have become altered, through the pacification
of the country, some of the tribes, who were the first to become
settled, have adopted a form of cultivation which, although wasteful,
seems to be common among the forest people of West Africa. By
means of imperfect clearing of the ground before cultivation, and
superficial turning up of the soil, small crops of grain (maize) and
roots (yams and cassava) are raised, and the land is usually left to
revert to a state of weeds and “bush” after two or three years’
use. This resembles the “Chena” system in Ceylon. The tribes
who have developed a better and more economical form of working are
those in whose districts the advent of cocoa planters has so raised
the value of land that they are compelled to utilise the same plot
more frequently for their annual crops. As an indication of this,
the best cultivated fields are those of the Krobos, Akims, Krepes,
and Kwahus, while the least advanced tribes are the Ashantis.

Owing to the remunerative return from cocoa cultivation in parts
of the country, this commodity has attained the first place among
exported agricultural and forest products. In recent years, moreover,
development has been so rapid that the country is now the largest
producer of cocoa in the world. Among exports, rubber, palm oil,
palm kernels and timber follow it in order of importance.

=COCOA.=—As a preliminary to an account of the cocoa industry in
the Gold Coast, it may be considered useful to refer briefly to
the botanical position of the tree which produces cocoa, as well
as to the varieties which are cultivated. A comparison of the
methods employed in the Gold Coast with those adopted elsewhere
seems also necessary.

The tree is a native of Trinidad and the north-eastern part of
South America, and is botanically classified in the Natural Order
_STERCULIACEÆ_, sub-Order _Buettnerieæ_, under the name of
_Theobroma cacao_ of Linnæus.

In the West Indies, from which the cultivation has spread into
several tropical countries, three fairly well-marked varieties are
recognised as commercially useful, and these bear the local names
of “Criollo,” “Forastero,” and “Calabacillo.” The first
of these is said to be identical with that occurring at Caracas,
in Venezuela, and is usually called by the name of that place when
exported from South America. The _Criollo_ variety is the source of
some of the highest-priced produce, but _Forastero_ has some points
in its favour for general cultivation, the chief of which appears to
be greater hardiness. For this reason it seems to have become easily
established in the islands of San Thomé and Fernando Po, where the
sub-variety known as _Amelonado_ is that of general occurrence,
and to have spread from there to the mainland of West Africa. In
Ceylon the _Forastero_ variety is also much grown in plantations. The
third variety, _Calabacillo_, yields an inferior product and does
not appear to have been introduced into the eastern hemisphere.[1]

Cocoa, as shipped from the plantations, is the dried bean or seed,
which has been removed from the fruit pod of the tree, and may or
may not have been fermented before drying. The properly fermented
seeds or beans find more favour in European markets than those which
have not undergone the process, but it is chiefly in an imperfectly
fermented condition that cocoa beans are exported from the Gold
Coast. Attempts are being made to alter this, so as to produce a
better quality.

Cocoa forms a very nutritious food, and beverage after preparation by
the manufacturer, entering the markets in a manufactured form under
the names of cocoa or chocolate. No native manufacture is employed
in the Gold Coast, although cocoa butter has been extracted on a
small scale at Odumase.

The following account is that which is generally accepted regarding
the first introduction of the tree into the Gold Coast. About the
year 1879 a native trader, named Tete Quasshi, brought some of
the seed from Fernando Po and made a small plantation at Mampong,
which is situated about ten miles north of Aburi in the Volta River
District. The trees grew well, and the first crops of pods were said
to have been disposed of to other natives at £1 per pod. Following
the example of this trader, the Basel Mission Trading Association
imported more pods from Fernando Po, and for some time they were
able to dispose of them at a large profit. The variety introduced
was _Forastero-Amelonado_, and was found to thrive extremely well
under the local conditions prevalent in the districts of the Volta
River, Kwahu, and Eastern Akim.

The first shipment of cocoa from the Gold Coast was made in 1891,
when 80 lbs., valued at £4, were exported. From that time onward
the annual exported quantity has increased somewhat irregularly until
the returns for 1919 show 176,155 tons, worth more than £8,000,000.

No estimate can be given of the area at present under cocoa
cultivation, for the reason that a large number of the cultivators
only possess a few trees standing near their houses or scattered
in their farms. Where plantations exist they are usually small,
and, owing to the irregularity of the planting, no efficient idea
of the possible production could be obtained by measurement of the
planted area alone.

Since the settlement of the Ashantis into more peaceful modes of
living, and the adoption by them of agricultural work, cocoa planting
has rapidly spread through Ashanti-Akim, and new plantations may be
found even westward of Kumassi. From Axim also there is an extension
of cocoa-growing towards the north, and it has recently been stated
that the most promising land for the cultivation of the tree is to be
found to the west of the railway, between Sekondi and Kumassi. The
once proverbially truculent and warlike Ashantis have recently,
to a large extent, become peaceful cocoa planters. Plantations are
also found under European control, often in combination with rubber
or kola; but cocoa does not combine with rubber as satisfactorily
as coffee, which is more frequently employed. Under “Rubber”
some particulars of the plantations, whose returns are available,
are supplied.

In common with many other cultivated plants, cocoa requires certain
definite combinations of climate and soil to ensure remunerative
cultivation, and unless these exist the introduction is not to
be recommended. With regard to climate, a considerable rainfall
is generally thought necessary, the intervals of dry weather not
being too prolonged. The drainage of the land should be good, for
if the water cannot drain away within a reasonably short time, the
trees will be adversely and often severely affected. Although it is
recognised that cocoa can sustain itself under conditions of drought
for a short time, districts subject to periodical absence of rain for
a month or more are unsuitable, and trees planted in such places will
generally die after a brief period. The annual rainfall in the cocoa
districts of Trinidad averages about 72 inches, but a much heavier
fall is experienced in the plantations of Ceylon. In neither of
these countries, however, is there an annual long period of complete
drought, which is a feature common in most parts of West Africa;
and even when an interval without rain occurs, the humidity of the
atmosphere compensates for the absence of it. Ceylon is visited by
a double monsoon or rainy season, which is also the case in a less
marked degree in the Gold Coast. The next requirement of importance
is a soil of suitable quality. It is generally considered best to
select land which possesses a moderate amount of loose clay mixed
with sand, and, if the surface be thickly covered with vegetable
deposit, so much the better. Steep hillsides, stiff, boggy, sandy, or
rocky land are to be avoided. The presence of low scrub on uncleared
land is an indication of poverty of soil, although the presence of
heavy forest does not necessarily guarantee the suitability of the
locality, as imperfectly drained land often bears a heavy forest
growth. Good natural drainage is essential, and is nearly always
found where the land slopes and the rock underlying the soil is
friable or deep. Natural drainage can often be improved by artificial
means. The last important condition necessary is the selection of a
position where shade and wind protection can be obtained naturally
to as great an extent as possible. Plantations in valleys, sheltered
by mountain spurs or by belts of high forest, are suitable, and
such formations are met with in many parts of the Gold Coast and
Ashanti. In these localities the climate as well as the positions
and soil obtainable are generally so well adapted for the fruitful
growth of cocoa that, even where the average annual rainfall is as
low as 41 inches (the average at Aburi), plantations are proving
successful, the regular distribution, humidity of the atmosphere,
and the natural shade constituting a compensation for the shortage.

The native planter sows the seeds in small patches or in roughly
prepared beds in the vicinity of water, often in such proximity to
one another as to choke a number of the young plants. This form of
nursery is met with throughout the forests, and it is common to find
circular patches containing two or three hundred plants adjoining
a road. In addition to this, a large number of seedlings are grown
at, and distributed from, the Government Botanic Gardens. Native
plantations are for the most part formed of irregular lines of
trees, generally planted too closely. The evil effect of this
does not become apparent until the trees attain a large size, when
the excessive shade they afford to their fruit-bearing branches,
which in cocoa consist of the trunk and main structure, prevents
the fruit from forming and induces rot through want of evaporation
of moisture. The native planter is slow to recognise this, and
disinclined to remedy the matter by removing some of the trees. The
distance at which cocoa trees are planted by the native is roughly
from 7 to 10 feet apart, whereas that recommended for plantations
in the West Indies and Ceylon varies, with the quality of the soil
and the elevation, from 12 to 15 feet; the latter would be more
suitable for most of the Gold Coast plantations. The advantage
which the native planter sees in his method of planting is, that
in addition to getting a larger number of trees into a given space,
the density of their foliage soon becomes so great that weeds cease
to grow beneath, rendering cultivation unnecessary. Until such a
state has been arrived at, the cutting of weeds is an operation
which may have to be performed twice, or even three times, in the
year. This is the only form of cultivation given, no manure being
used or any breaking of the soil done. In the West Indies it is not
customary to disturb the surface soil, except in so far as it may be
necessary to apply manure or remove catch crops; but even in these
cases great care is exercised, as it is found that the cocoa tree is
to a large extent a surface feeder, and spreads lateral fine roots at
very little depth below the surface. Shade is obtained naturally to
a large degree, but in the early years of the tree’s existence,
cassava and plantains are planted to afford it. The plantation
of Para rubber with cocoa has been recommended in such a manner
that each would occur alternately in a diagonal line. This does
not appear a very satisfactory plan, owing to the fact that Para
rubber trees in West Africa shed their leaves annually at about
the time that cocoa most needs shade. In the small patches of cocoa
trees, which constitute most of the native plantations, permanent
and sufficient shade is generally given by the surrounding forest
trees, and it is of small importance in such cases to consider the
plantation of permanent shade trees.

=Pruning,= in the West Indies, is attended with the greatest amount
of care, and is performed for the purpose of producing a vigorous
tree by the removal of all useless wood, and of encouraging fruiting
branches to increase their production. In order to do the latter it
is essential to remove any superfluous number of primary branches,
three or four being considered sufficient for one tree. A similar
regulation of growth is required with regard to the secondary
and tertiary branches. In addition to this, care is given to
retain the correct balance for the tree, and, when cutting out
branches, to avoid making jagged cuts or slashes. The West African
native does not prune with these objects in view, but employs a
“cutlass” or “machete” to cut out those branches which
seem to be giving too much shade or which have become interlaced,
regardless of their value to the tree or of the wounds inflicted
in the operation. Efforts have been made to teach pruning at the
Botanical Stations, but the demonstrations have not been largely
attended, and a great deal of damage continues to be done through
ignorance of the objects and effects of pruning. Many of the older
plantations, owing to bad treatment and too close planting, are
yielding an annually diminishing crop, but new ones are springing
up in increasing numbers each year, which is an obvious indication
that the industry is proving a profitable one.

=Insect Pests and Vegetable Parasites.=—Wounds, such as those
described above, often render the tree more susceptible to the
attacks of insect pests; but, although it has been stated that cocoa
trees in the Gold Coast are seriously affected in this way, such
is not often the case. Beetles of the _Longicorn_ group are found
damaging the tree to some extent wherever it has been planted. Two
species are recorded from the West Indies: _Steirastoma histrionica_,
White, from Trinidad, and _S. depressa_, Linn., from Grenada. On
the trees in the Gold Coast _Armatosterna buquetiana_, White,
and a _Glenea sp._ have been found doing similar damage. These
insects deposit their eggs in crevices of the bark or on wounds,
and the grubs which emerge bore into the trunk, living and growing
in size in the interior of the wood until mature, when they change
into pupæ, and finally into beetles. The presence of these grubs
is easily detected by the quantity of fine particles of wood or
“frass” which are thrown out of the entrance hole; and, if a
flexible wire be inserted until it reaches and impales the grub,
it will often prevent the damage becoming serious. The nests of
large red ants (_Œcophylla sp._), which feed upon the saccharine
juices which exude from the pods, may often be observed on cocoa
trees, but as the ants viciously bite any living thing which may
venture upon the tree, they are probably a safeguard against the
depredations of rats and squirrels that eat out the contents of
the ripe fruit while still on the tree.

[Illustration: COCOA AT MRAMRA ATTACKED BY BLACK COCOA-BARK BUG.

Fig. 16, p. 51.]

[Illustration: DRYING COCOA BEANS AT MRAMRA.

Fig. 17, p. 53.]

[Illustration: NATIVE TAPPING INDIGENOUS RUBBER TREE (_FUNTUMIA
ELASTICA_), OBOAMANG, ASHANTI.

Fig. 18, p. 61.]

In 1909 the writer drew attention to a black hemipterous insect
causing destruction to plantations in the Ashanti-Akim region,
where careless cultivation prevailed (cf. _Bull. Entom. Research_,
vol. i. pt. viii. 1910). This insect, known as the “Black
cocoa-bark bug” or “Sankonuabe,” was named _Sahlbergella
theobroma_, Distant, and subsists in all its stages upon the
sap of cocoa branches obtained through punctures made by its
proboscis.[2] The attacked trees are atrophied or killed outright
(Fig. 16). Spraying with petroleum-soap emulsion has proved
an effective remedy, but native planters do not readily adopt
it. Recently the insect has been found sapping the silk cotton
tree, and planters are warned against having this tree in their
plantations.

Another insect, which belongs to the same Order as the last,
and the genus _Helopeltis_, has been observed puncturing the pods
and causing them to become black-spotted, distorted, and sometimes
killed by the attack. This is allied to _H. Antonii_, Sign., which
punctures cocoa pods in the same manner in Ceylon. The insect
does not appear to be numerous at present, but should be sought
on damaged pods and killed at every opportunity, as some species
of the same genus have developed into the worst enemies of tea and
cinchona in other parts of the world.

Fungoid parasites appear to be rare in the Gold Coast, although they
have been observed commonly in other places in Africa. In some of
the damper parts of Ashanti a fungoid thread blight was observed
on cocoa, and was found to be common upon several forest shrubs in
the same places. This is perhaps _Stilbum nanum_, Massee; it should
be treated by means of scraping with a wooden knife combined with
spraying with Bordeaux mixture.

=Harvesting and Preparing.=—The native cocoa grower collects the
pods from his trees at the time when he estimates he can gather
the most, and, in consequence, many over-ripe and under-ripe fruits
are taken with the ripe. The effect of this is to give an irregular
product which can never possess the attributes of a good cocoa. The
pods are usually pulled off the tree, a knife being seldom used;
and in the action of pulling off, the cushion, upon which the pod
is borne, is often torn and injured. As it is from this point, or
near it, that the successive crops of flowers and fruits proceed,
the bearing power of the tree is frequently diminished in this
way. The use of a knife and the necessity for frequent pickings,
to ensure the pods being taken when mature, are among the most
important lessons which the native planter should be taught. The
pods after collection are thrown into a heap upon the ground, and
are often left without further attention for two or three days,
after which they are broken open with the aid of a “cutlass,”
and the contents are scooped out into a basket. The result is
a mixture of beans, in their surrounding pulp, in different
stages of maturity. The length of time that the beans remain in
the basket is generally only regulated by the convenience of the
collector. The next operation is to remove as much of the pulp as
possible by washing in a stream, and this is more easily effected
with the over-ripe beans or with those which have been allowed to
“sweat” or ferment. After washing, the beans are spread thinly
upon mats, raised upon rough frames, in order to dry them in the
sun. An illustration is given showing this process (Fig. 17). Such is
the crude and irregular method employed by the natives of the Gold
Coast, who until quite recently had little or no knowledge of the
advantages of fermentation. Owing to the small quantities with which
they worked at one time, it is probable that the fermenting action
in the pulp was seldom set up. During the last few years attention
has been given to this by the more intelligent planters, and it is
not uncommon to find that boxes and barrels have been brought into
use by them, and that fermentation has been allowed to proceed for
from four to ten days with satisfactory results. Drying is still
conducted in the manner described above, and is often incomplete,
but, to remedy the defects of this, one of the European buying
firms has erected a drying machine, in which all the cocoa bought
is thoroughly dried before shipment.

The skilled cocoa planter of the West Indies and Ceylon is careful
to pick only those pods which are quite mature, and, in order to do
this, he is obliged to go over his plantation frequently. Mature
pods are those which have assumed a yellowish or reddish colour,
and considerable experience is necessary to judge this with
accuracy. The pods are removed by means of a cutting instrument
called a “cocoa hook,” with which care can be more easily given
to the preservation of the cushion. The pods are placed in heaps
and, in the case of small estates where one day’s picking is
insufficient to procure a fermentation, they are left for, perhaps,
two days until a sufficient quantity has been obtained. Sorting,
according to variety and degree of maturity, is resorted to before
opening, and, again, when cut open, care is taken to separate such
beans as are found over-ripe. This practice is strictly adhered
to in Ceylon, but is often disregarded in the West Indies. No
washing is done at this stage, but the beans, with their pulp
attached, are placed in barrels, boxes, or vats for the purpose
of fermentation, which is brought about by the decomposition
of the pulp, and is complete when the liquor, thus formed, has
impregnated the interior of the bean and changed the colour of it
from purple to rich chocolate brown. The shell becomes toughened,
and the remaining pulp is more easily removed after this process
has been undergone. Washing, if it is considered necessary, is then
proceeded with, and is generally done in Ceylon, though not in the
West Indies. Drying is chiefly done in the sun in the West Indies,
and the beans are spread thickly and turned constantly. Drying
houses, which have roofs capable of being slid over the cocoa on
the approach of rain, are used. In Ceylon hot air distributed by
centrifugal fans is the common method. Polishing, which is often
employed in the West Indies, is done by sifting finely powdered
red earth over the partly dried beans while they are exposed to
the sun, when, it is maintained, the earth assists to remove the
remaining pulp as well as to absorb the moisture, at the same time
giving the surfaces of the beans a polished exterior. Annatto is
said to be used instead of red earth in Venezuela, but the addition
of this is, presumably, with the object of colouring, rather than
polishing. “Dancing” is an operation designed to prevent the
development of mildew, and consists of treading the beans with the
bare feet.

Some of the large manufacturers in Europe have recommended that
the Gold Coast planters should ferment their produce, but should
not wash the beans after fermentation.

=Markets.=—Certain large cocoa-buying centres are recognised,
which, in the Volta River district, are situated at the foot of the
hilly country, in positions convenient for transport to the ports
of shipment. In addition to these, however, a good deal of buying
is proceeded with at smaller places in the midst of the growing
districts, but these probably represent the localities for the
transactions carried on by agents or middlemen. Until the produce
is actually in the hands of the shippers, the conveyance of cocoa is
almost entirely done by head-loads of about 60 lbs. The head-load is
the standard for trading, and the local price quoted is always with
reference to it. It is customary for the buying shippers to send
out their agents to the cocoa districts to arrange for the purchase
of the crops, and it is always necessary that such purchases should
be paid for in silver, no notes or cheques being accepted. Owing to
competition during the past few years, the agents have often paid
the grower a sum of money long before his crop was ready for picking,
in order to guarantee that it may be bought by no one else. This has
had the effect of making the grower careless in the preparation of
his crop, and has caused the production of much bad material. The
report that at another town, often distant by many days’ journey,
a higher price is being paid than that obtained in a market close at
hand, will frequently induce a native to convey his head-loads to the
distant market, regardless of the fact that the extra shilling or so
he may receive does not appear to be sufficient compensation for the
additional labour and time expended. This points to the fact that
the native does not put the same value on his time and labour when
he is working for himself as he does when he is employed by others.

The buyers of cocoa pack it in bags for shipment, and these are
conveyed to the ports by motor lorries or placed inside large casks,
similar to those used for palm oil, and rolled along the roads. Some
of the shipments are conveyed in river steamers on the Volta, and,
more recently, owing to the growers having found a better market
for a short time at Kumassi, a considerable amount was sent by rail
from that place to Sekondi. In consequence of the imperfect state
of dryness in which the cocoa is often sold by the planter, a great
amount of care should be exercised before mixing and packing. Sorting
is not much practised, and some of the beans often become attacked
by mildew before reaching Europe, which depreciates the value
of the whole package. It is partly owing to the disregard of the
precautions of sorting and final drying that the West African cocoa
has earned such a bad name, and if more shippers were to follow the
example set by the one firm that has erected a drying apparatus,
it would do much to improve matters in this direction. Cocoa is
difficult to dry completely in the growing districts by means of
the sun, as the atmosphere in these localities is often so humid
that the beans absorb moisture when removed from the sun’s rays,
and it is for this reason especially that the final drying should
be done by the shippers. Transport to the ports of shipment from
the growing districts will be facilitated by the construction of a
short railway, which it is contemplated making from Accra, and until
this is ready the carriage by head-loads, cask-rolling, and motor
lorries will probably continue. The presence of the “tsetse”
fly throughout the growing districts prevents the possibility of
draught cattle being used.

A system of pooling purchases was agreed upon some years ago by a
number of leading shippers, in accordance with which competition
among themselves was suppressed, and a fixed price was to be given
for all cocoa. This action was doubtless taken in order to prevent
ruinous competition, but had the effect of checking improvement in
the quality, as no encouragement was given to the planter to prepare
the cocoa with greater care. The few shippers who did not join in
this “combine” were enabled to obtain the better qualities at a
very slightly enhanced price. In 1906 the general quality of Gold
Coast cocoa had so deteriorated that the merchants were asked by
the Government for their assistance to improve it. This led to an
inquiry which revealed the state of affairs mentioned above. The
obvious remedy of paying a price according to quality did not find
favour with the combine, who appear to have argued that it would
not profit them to pay a higher price for the small variable lots
of improved produce which might result. It was stated by some of
the local merchants in Accra that Gold Coast cocoa was generally
suitable for sale in certain European markets, where it was adapted
for the manufacture of a cheap form of sweetmeat, and that, if the
quality were improved and the price raised in consequence, damage
would be done to a new and rapidly growing trade. The merchants
ultimately agreed to endeavour to improve the standard of quality,
and it was arranged that all the cocoa brought in to the markets
at Aimensa and Dodowa should be graded, with a view to regulating
the price according to grade. This plan fell through at the last
moment, as a test sample of picked cocoa was said to have been
priced at only 1_s_. 6_d_. per cwt. over ordinary “Accra” in
the European market. The fall in the value of the residue was said
to be uncompensated for by the small increase mentioned.

=Improvement of Quality.=—Inquiries conducted by the Imperial
Institute pointed to the fact that well-prepared Gold Coast cocoa
could obtain high prices in Europe. In 1907 a consignment was sent
to the Imperial Institute for examination and report, and proved to
be of good quality, and when subsequently sold, it obtained a high
price. This established confidence with regard to the possibility
of fine grades being prepared in the country. During this year,
owing to the action of the Fernando Po and San Thomé growers,
in withholding their crop, a greater demand was created for Gold
Coast cocoa, and the advent of large buyers, working outside the
“combine,” forced the local price to a high figure. This did
not assist in the improvement of the quality, as the competition
induced native buying agents to buy the produce in almost any form,
in consequence of which large quantities of imperfectly dried stuff
were obtained. On the market becoming steadier, many of the more
intelligent natives realised the advantage of careful preparation,
to which they are now turning their attention.

Towards this latter result Messrs. Cadbury Bros., Ltd., rendered
great assistance. This firm sent representatives into the country,
who proved to the natives that they were willing to pay an
enhanced price for cocoa prepared in a manner suitable for their
requirements. A fair amount of cocoa was purchased by them, and
demonstrations were made in some places with regard to the proper
mode of fermentation. In addition to this a number of seedlings
of the _Criollo_ variety were given to the Agricultural Department
for experimental work at the Aburi Botanic Station.

The _Forastero-amelonado_ variety, a hardy but commercially inferior
kind, has been mainly employed in plantations, and experiments
have been carried on for some years at Aburi with _Pentagona_,
_Caracas_ and _Cundeamor_ besides _Criollo_ mentioned above. Such
good results were obtained with _Cundeamor_ that, in 1913, keen
competition was aroused among planters to obtain seed. The years
1913 and 1914 are said to have shown an improvement in the quality
of the cocoa produced. The attention of the Agricultural Department
has been given to the general instruction of the natives in improved
methods of cultivation and preparation, both by means of lectures
and demonstrations at the Botanic Stations and by the issue of
pamphlets in English and the Twi language. There was at first an
insufficient staff for instruction to be given except at the Botanic
Stations, and only those growers who lived in the vicinity were able
to obtain benefit from it. After holding several conferences with
chiefs and planters in the cocoa districts it became evident that
the appointment of European Travelling Instructors was necessary, and
following this the Government detailed certain officers for the work;
the object being that they should occupy a large portion of their
time in travelling through the country in order to give personal
instruction to the natives in correct methods of treating cocoa
and other agricultural products. Persons selected by chiefs are now
trained to act as instructors in planting in their own native towns.

The preparation of a large quantity of cocoa of even quality is so
greatly dependent upon the similarity of the treatment and conditions
at a time when the material is undergoing fermentation and drying,
that it is almost imperative that a large quantity should be
prepared at one operation. This is an important consideration
in British West Africa, where native plantations range in size
from a few trees to about five acres in extent, the average
being perhaps about a hundred trees, or, roughly, one-tenth of
an acre. The production of each plantation is at present prepared
independently, and the result of one picking of pods, if all mature,
is often quite inadequate to yield sufficient for fermentation
purposes, it being recognised that a few hundredweights of beans
in their pulp are necessary for the satisfactory accomplishment
of the operation. The same difficulty has presented itself in the
West Indies with regard to the crops picked by owners of small
plantations, and arrangements are usually made by some larger
concern in the neighbourhood to purchase the pods from them. The
establishment of central fermenting and drying houses, controlled
by the shippers themselves, would perhaps get over the difficulty
on the Gold Coast and result in a superior class of cocoa being
produced. The planters would doubtless consent to sell their pods,
instead of performing the laborious work of preparation themselves,
and would probably be able to extend the size of their individual
plantations, which, by reason of their inability to prepare more
cocoa, single-handed, they have been unable, hitherto, to do. The
efforts of the Administration to improve the preparation have been
somewhat handicapped by the system employed by some merchants of
securing the crop for themselves, by money advances, with but little
regard to its preparation, and of pooling the produce.

Cocoa planting has revolutionised the native system of land
titles. Where only annual crops were under consideration, a
short, temporary occupation with subsequent reversion to tribal
ownership seemed an adequate provision, but with the establishment
of permanent cocoa plantations the planter claimed perpetual and
undivided proprietorship.

Further information regarding Gold Coast cocoa will be found in the
_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, 1907, p. 361; 1912, pp. 240,
556; 1913, p. 154; 1914, p. 387; 1915, pp. 149, 645; 1916, p. 123;
1917, p. 117; 1919, pp. 49, 102; and Johnson’s _Cocoa_, 1912.

=Exports of Cocoa.=—The exports of cocoa from 1900 to 1919 are
as follows:

Year Tons Year Tons Year Tons
1900 536 1907 9,355 1914 52,888
1901 980 1908 12,743 1915 77,278
1902 2,396 1909 20,213 1916 72,162
1903 2,276 1910 22,631 1917 90,964
1904 5,112 1911 39,726 1918 66,342
1905 5,093 1912 38,647 1919 176,155
1906 8,975 1913 50,554

=RUBBER.= =Indigenous Species.=—The most important source of rubber
in the Gold Coast and Ashanti is the indigenous tree locally called
“Ofruntum”; a comparatively small amount is also derived from
some of the vines belonging to the same Natural Order, and from
one or more of the wild trees of the Ficus Order.

Reports on the quality and commercial value of some of the principal
kinds of rubber obtained in the Gold Coast are published in the
_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. v. (1907), p. 248.

=Botanical Position of the “Ofruntum” Tree.=—The
“Ofruntum,” or African rubber, is botanically placed in the
Natural Order _APOCYNACEÆ_, under the specific name of _Funtumia
elastica_, Stapf. Until recently it was referred to as _Kicksia
africana_, Benth. and others (a genus which is not known to occur
in West Africa), and it was also confused with a very nearly allied
species, occurring in the same localities, and now known as _Funtumia
africana_, Stapf. Owing to the great similarity which these species
of Funtumia bear to one another, it is important that the differences
between them should be recognised, _F. africana_ not furnishing any
but very inferior rubber. The most reliable method of testing the
species which produces rubber, is by rubbing a small quantity of
latex between the finger and thumb, when small particles of rubber
should be quickly formed, the latex of _F. africana_ becoming
only a sticky mass under the operation. The leaf of _F. elastica_
can usually be recognised by the presence of a small pit at the
origin of each secondary nerve or vein on the under-surface,
which feature is not characteristic of the leaf of _F. africana_,
although recently individual trees have been found exhibiting this
peculiarity. The flower bud of _F. elastica_ is typically much
shorter than that of _F. africana_, and the double seed pod of the
former species is shorter and more blunt than that of the latter.

=Distribution of _F. elastica_.=—The Funtumia rubber tree occurs in
a wild state in the forests throughout the Gold Coast and Ashanti,
although it has been nearly exterminated in some parts. It appears
to be most plentiful in the dense forest regions of Northern Ashanti.

=Native Methods for Preparing.=—Funtumia rubber is exported
under the names of “Ashanti lump” and “Niggers,” which
consist of much adulterated, evil-smelling substances, for which
a low price is procurable in comparison with that paid for pure
rubber. In certain years the demand for this has been maintained,
but the adequate supplies of good rubber from elsewhere, and the
rapid expansion of the cocoa industry, have caused a diminution
in the export of native-made rubber, which has been replaced to a
small extent by plantation rubber.

The wild trees grow from 50 to 100 feet in height, and often
have a girth of three feet at four feet from the base; the trunk
being commonly without branches for a considerable height. The
native ascends the trunk by means of a sling passed round it,
to one end of which is a loop which fits over his right thigh
and to the other a stirrup in which he keeps his left foot. By
moving the rope up the tree the ascent is quickly accomplished,
and when stationary, both hands are left free. The climber carries
a gouge, or semi-cylindrically-faced chisel, with which he cuts
vertical as well as transverse oblique grooves, forming a rough
“herring-bone” pattern, which may be continued for the whole
length of the trunk, and even extend on to the main branches. To
make the cuts the tool is either used in one hand or is held in
the left and driven by blows on the end of the handle, given with
the palm of the right hand. The flow of latex commences at once,
and is directed down the vertical channel into a calabash placed
at the base of the tree, into which the latex is guided by a lip of
clay or a chip of wood. The illustration shows a native in Ashanti
tapping a tree (Fig. 18). The quantity of latex procured at the
one tapping varies; an exceptionally large amount being about two
quarts from a large tree. The tree is not tapped again for several
months and until the wounds have healed. On the second tapping
the same form of cuts is made upon the opposite side of the tree,
and the transverse channels often intersect those made previously;
besides this, owing to the want of regulation in the depth of the
cuts, the inner or cambium layer of the bark may be so damaged that
the intersecting cuts may ring the tree and cause death. Few trees
probably survive the third or fourth tapping.

[Illustration: “ODUM” TREES _CHLOROPHORA EXCELSA_.

Fig. 19, p. 72.]

[Illustration: PARA RUBBER TREE (_HEVEA BRASILIENSIS_), TAPPED
AT ABURI.

Fig. 20, p. 66.]

[Illustration: RUBBER TREE TAPPED, HERRING-BONE SYSTEM IMPERFECT,
ABURI.

Fig. 21, p. 61.]

If the herring-bone cuts were made carefully upon the lower part of
the trunk, and attention given to their depth and direction, the tree
might be preserved for a longer period. An illustration given shows
the incorrect mode of tapping, where the transverse cuts are opposite
instead of alternate (Fig. 21). Experiments seem to show that there
is not the same “wound response” in the case of Funtumia trees
as is found in that of the “Para” tree (_Hevea brasiliensis_);
the paring of the wounds some days after tapping yielding no flow
of latex similar to that procured in the first instance. On cutting
the bark area between the transverse channels, the latex cells
appeared to be empty and to indicate that a large area is drained
on the first tapping. Further investigation is necessary in order
to compare the results obtained from this tree with those of _Hevea_.

The latex of Funtumia will remain in an uncoagulated state for
a longer time than that of Hevea, but it may become damaged
by fermentation if a quantity is kept in bulk for a lengthened
period. The native does not usually produce a pure Funtumia rubber,
but mixes with the latex the latices of several other plants, among
which may be named “Odum” (_Chlorophora excelsa_), “Osese”
(_Funtumia africana_), “Ofo,” “Okre,” “Sindru”
(_Conopharyngia crassa_ and _Alstonia sp._). Having mixed some of
these latices with that of the Funtumia, the whole is heated and
poured into a hole in the ground, which has been prepared to serve
as a mould. Coagulation and decomposition proceed together at a slow
rate, and finally produce a rubber containing a number of holes which
serve as receptacles for the liquefied decomposed constituents. The
rubber mass is black outwardly, but whitish within, and is more or
less sticky. It is said that the latex of _Landolphia owariensis_,
the vine from which “Krepi ball” rubber is made, is sometimes
mixed with the rest to hasten coagulation.

=Improved Methods.=—In 1906 attention was drawn to the use of a
plant called “Niama” in the Ivory Coast, by which Funtumia rubber
latex was coagulated by adding a hot decoction of the leaves. This
plant was subsequently found to be _Bauhinia reticulata_, which bears
the name of “Otakataka” in the Gold Coast. Experiments with this
afforded excellent results. An examination of the plant made at the
Imperial Institute proved that the tannin contained in the leaves was
responsible for the coagulation of the latex, and that the infusion
of any plant containing tannin is equally effective. The obstacle
to the general use of _B. reticulata_ for coagulation, is that the
plant does not occur in the same localities as the wild Funtumia
tree. Doubtless other tannin-yielding plants may be found in the
rubber forests which would answer the purpose equally well, among
them the pods of _Acacia arabica_. A simple method of coagulation,
which was demonstrated to the chiefs and rubber collectors in 1908,
is that of diluting the latex with about four or more times the
volume of water, straining and boiling it, when the rubber quickly
separates and can be collected from the surface of the water by
means of a stick and immediately pressed into a rough biscuit.

The rubber made in the manner mentioned above has been valued
at more than twice the price obtained for the adulterated stuff,
but it appears difficult to persuade the local merchants to offer
a higher price for it, and it therefore suits the rubber collector
better to make the inferior quality. So long as this state of things
continues, it is to be feared that instruction in the improvement
of quality will not lead to the adoption of better methods.

In 1908 a Commission of Enquiry was appointed and made certain
recommendations for legislation for the protection of the
industry. Articles on Gold Coast rubber will be found in the
_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vols. viii. (1910), x. (1912),
xi. (1913), xii. (1914), xii. (1915) and xv. (1917).

=Plantations.=—Large numbers of Funtumia seedlings have been grown
at and distributed from the Government Botanic Gardens at Aburi,
Tarkwa, and Kumassi, and some of the Ashanti kings and chiefs, who
have expressed a wish to attempt to renovate their rubber forests,
have obtained assistance from the officers of the Agricultural
Department, who have conducted planting operations in the forests
in the presence of those interested. Plantations under European
management and with European capital are in progress in the vicinity
of Axim and Sekondi. Most of the recently made plantations are said
to consist more of Para than of Funtumia rubber trees, although in
1913 one of these in the Dunkwa district of Ashanti was reported to
contain 20,000 trees of the latter kind. The tree appears to thrive
well when planted closely, and straight trunks are soon formed.

=Insect Pest.=—At Aburi and elsewhere the Funtumia tree is found
to be attacked by the larva of a moth of the family _Pyralidæ_,
identified as _Glyphodes ocellata_, Hampson, which denudes it of
leaves. No severe damage seems to be done by this pest, which has
only been observed in plantations, and was destroyed at Aburi by
repeated applications of lime and ashes.

=Fungoid Pest.=—A sooty fungoid growth is sometimes seen upon the
leaves, similar to that occurring on orange trees in the country,
and probably belongs to the genus _Meliola_. It is destroyed by
the application of sprays of Bordeaux mixture.

=Rubber Machinery.=—A fully equipped installation of rubber-washing
and crêpeing machinery was exhibited at the Kumassi Agricultural
Exhibition of 1908, and was subsequently taken over by one of the
leading mercantile firms at that place, where the local rubber
is now washed, crêped, and pressed before export. It might prove
advantageous to come to an arrangement with the rubber collectors
to bring the latex to Kumassi, where, under proper supervision,
it could be made into rubber of high quality. As the latex will
remain for a considerable time without alteration, it should not be
difficult to bring it in from places several days’ journey distant.

=Vine Rubber.=—Several species of vines, belonging to the Natural
Order _APOCYNACEÆ_, produce rubber in Africa, but the only one of
commercial importance occurring in the Gold Coast is _Landolphia
owariensis_, Pal. Beauv., from which “Krepi” or “White ball”
is obtained. Unless the plant is observed during the flowering
as well as the fruiting season, it is difficult to distinguish it
from some nearly allied, but useless, species of the same genus,
which are found commonly in the same localities.

The vine is found throughout the forest region of the Gold Coast
and Ashanti, climbing over and interlacing the main branches of
large forest trees; but an apparently terrestrial form of the same
species has recently been discovered in the ultra-forest region,
where the stunted habit in which it grows is probably occasioned
by the annual grass fires.

Under different atmospheric conditions the latex of _L. owariensis_
behaves differently. In the drier regions it coagulates upon the
wound almost immediately upon exposure to the air, whereas in other
and moister places it runs from the cut in such a manner as to allow
it to be collected in a vessel. The acid juices of some of the local
wild fruits are added to hasten coagulation, when this is necessary,
or the collector is said to smear the fresh latex upon his naked
body, until enough has been coagulated to form a small ball, which
serves as a nucleus for winding on the strings of fresh latex as
the new cuts are made. There is a quantity of “scrap rubber”
formed on the wedge-shaped cuts which it is usual to make, and this
is added to the ball, which attains a diameter of three or four
inches when complete. The crushing of the root and stem for the
manufacture of so-called “root-rubber” does not appear to be
practised in this country, although common elsewhere in West Africa.

On account of the colour and form of this rubber, the name of
“White ball” is usually applied to it, although, from the fact
that the Krepi tribes, living on the east bank of the Volta river,
produce a large quantity of it, the name of “Krepi ball” is
frequently given.

White ball rubber is seldom adulterated by the addition of other
latices, as these would retard coagulation and interfere with the
preparation of it in the manner mentioned. For this reason the
rubber sold under this name usually obtains a higher price than
other rubber.

_Landolphia owariensis_ presents many disadvantages for cultivation
in plantations, and the yield is small in proportion to the space
which the plant occupies. Several species of this and allied genera
are being grown experimentally at the Aburi Botanic Gardens.

“Flake rubber” is a name given to a very inferior quality of
rubber which is produced upon a small scale in many parts of West
Africa, but it has not been determined from which species of vine
that exported from the Gold Coast is obtained. In Northern Nigeria
_Carpodinus hirsutus_, Hua, is said to be the source of the exported
rubber of this name.

=Fig Rubber.=—One or more species of wild fig trees (_Ficus
sp._) are tapped for the production of what is locally termed
“Memeluku” rubber, and it is generally supposed that _F. Vogelii_
is that mostly employed. The trees attain a large size, and the
rubber is composed of the scrap, collected from a large number of
small cuts made on the trunk and branches. This scrap rubber is
pressed together into thick biscuits. The rubber has usually little
resiliency and breaks easily; it is, in consequence, of small value.

=Introduced Species.=—Experiments have been carried on for several
years with “Para” rubber (_Hevea brasiliensis_), “Ceara”
(_Manihot Glaziovii_), and _Castilloa elastica_, all indigenous
to South America. The last-named has been so badly attacked in
the Botanic Stations by boring beetle larvæ that it has shown
no promise of success. Ceara grows well, but for some reason
the production of latex from it is uncertain, and this has caused
little value to be attached to it in the Gold Coast, although in the
drier region of Togoland this species is being planted. Para rubber
seems to show much better results, although, up to the present, no
extensive experiments to ascertain the yield of rubber have been
made. Tapping two trees growing at Aburi, Mr. Johnson obtained a
larger quantity of latex than from _Funtumia elastica_ under the
same conditions; and following this an extensive area was planted
with Hevea trees at the Tarkwa Botanic Gardens, where the experiment
appears to be proving successful. Views are given of a tree at Aburi
(Fig. 20). Large plantations of Hevea are being made near Tarkwa,
Axim and Sekondi as well as in the Kwahu district, where the tree
seems to thrive remarkably well. A few of these plantations made
returns in 1913 showing promise of success. At one, on the Offin
river, there were said to be 90,000 Para trees of different ages,
20,000 Funtumia and 6,000 coffee (_C. robusta_). At another the
yield of rubber from a number of mature trees gave an average of
1·08 lb. of dry rubber per tree in eight months’ tapping, and a
third had 22,000 Para trees of which about 8,450 had been tapped and
yielded 10,565 lbs. of rubber, or 1¼ lb. per tree tapped. Labour
was reported plentiful and good. There are said to be many more
rubber plantations in the country from which returns had not been
received. Up to 1913 the Agricultural Department had distributed
250,000 Para seedlings and 1,500,000 seeds.

Commenting on the fluctuation in the exported amounts of rubber,
His Excellency the Governor (Sir Hugh Clifford), in his message
to the Legislative Council in October 1918, explained the
recrudescence during 1916 and 1917 as due to the development of
rubber plantations under European control. It remains to be seen
whether the Gold Coast will be able to successfully compete in
this work with the Far East. Articles on Para rubber from the Gold
Coast are to be found in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
vol. x. (1912), vol. xi. (1913), vol. xii. (1914), vol. xv. (1917)
and vol. xvii. (1919).

=PALM OIL AND KERNELS.=—Records are available showing that the
export of palm oil from West Africa has continued for over one
hundred years, but the quantity shipped from the Gold Coast during
the last fifteen years shows a rapid decrease from the average of
the twenty years previous.

The tree which yields the oil of commerce is known as _Elæis
guineensis_, Jacq., and is placed in the Tribe _COCOINEÆ_ of the
Natural Order _PALMÆ_, together with the genus _Cocos_, to which
the Coconut palm belongs. (Cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1909, p. 357;
1920, p. 209.)

=Habits of the Oil Palm.=—The oil palm occurs most plentifully
in the moist regions near the coast, although it will not thrive
on land which is perpetually marshy. The palm becomes scarcer when
the dense forests of Ashanti are reached, but it is not entirely
absent until the ultra-forest tract commences.

The tree often bears fruit when it has only attained the height of
ten feet, which it is said to do about the seventh year, but the
yield is supposed to increase annually until the tree is thirty
or more years old, often continuing for a much longer time. It
is not possible to give any positive assurance on this point,
as observations have not been recorded for any length of time.

Although the oil is principally obtained from wild trees, one
extensive plantation in the Krobo Hills has been successfully
carried on for many years by the chief of Odumassi. His trees are
planted at regular intervals and care is given to their upkeep and
cleanliness. Concessions have recently been granted to Europeans for
planting as well as exploiting the wild palms, and experimental work
in the mechanical extraction of pericarp and kernel oil have given
some promise. Two British companies that have erected extraction
plants in the Western Province have laid tram-lines designed to
keep them constantly supplied with the palm fruit.

Trees that have become old and practically barren are usually tapped
for the extraction of “palm wine,” being frequently cut down for
the purpose. In some parts of the country fruitful trees are tapped
while standing, and, as this necessitates the base of the terminal
shoot being cut into, the tree is generally killed in consequence.

Two crops of fruiting heads are yielded by a tree in full bearing
each year, but the autumn crop is heavier than the earlier one,
and the aggregate weight of fruit yielded by a tree in one year is
generally estimated at 40 lbs.

The fruiting heads consist of large bunches which hang from near
the crown of the tree, and each fruit is partly enveloped in a
husk-like covering. When removed from this it is found to be smooth,
somewhat conical or irregularly compressed, tapering towards an
abrupt point. The colour when fresh varies from orange-red to
nearly white, with a more or less broad black apex. In section
it appears to be composed of a thick fibrous layer over a hard,
somewhat rounded stone, which contains a whitish kernel. It is
from the fibrous portion, which is included in what is botanically
termed the pericarp, that the oil is obtained, but the kernel also
contains another valuable oil, for the extraction of which it is
shipped to Europe to a large extent.

=Preparation of Palm Oil.=—When the ripe head has been cut from
the tree, it is left upon the ground for a few days in order that a
shrinkage in the fruits may occur, which renders them more easily
dislodged from their husk-lined places. The fruit also becomes
slightly dull in colour. The heads bearing the fruit are often
beaten to remove the latter, or they are individually broken out by
hand. In order to facilitate the extraction of the fruit kernels, the
fruits are usually buried in the ground in a pit lined with plantain
leaves. Here they remain for from three weeks to a month, during
which time decomposition is set up. The subsequent quality of the oil
is dependent upon the degree to which this is allowed to proceed,
rancid and thick oils resulting when it has been overdone. On the
other hand, the higher the state of decomposition the greater is
the facility for separating the fibrous pulp from the stones. On
removing the fruits from the ground they are placed in an open vat
(Fig. 15) and pounded by a number of people using long poles, after
which they are covered up for several hours in order that the oil
may drain into the small well shown at the side. Several consecutive
poundings are applied, until the fibrous pulp is quite separated and
most of the oil has drained out, after which the stones are combed
out with the fingers, and the pulp is placed in a bag and pressed on
a horizontal bar until the oil flows from it into a pit below. The
oils from these extractions are boiled and cleared, and the residual
pulp is often placed in the boiling pot so as to extract as much oil
as possible. This is the method employed at the Krobo Plantations,
but the operation varies slightly in different districts.

=Kernel Oil=—The value of the kernel for the extraction of oil
was recognised at a much later date than the pericarp, although,
in a few places in the Gold Coast, oil had probably been expressed
from kernels for local consumption for some time. Among the Krobos
the medicine-men prevented the trade in kernels from becoming
established for several years, but they were finally overruled by
the chiefs. A large and increasing trade in kernels continued for
a number of years, but this has fallen off to a small extent more
recently. The shell of the variety of kernel which appears to be
the most common in this country is usually thick, and the laborious
work of cracking each stone individually between two stones, in
such a manner that the kernel is extracted in an unbroken state,
prevents a larger quantity being prepared for sale, and results in
much waste. Nut-cracking machines have been brought into the country,
and are said to prove successful to some extent, but the native is
not in a position to use machinery, and most of the material shipped
is extracted in the primitive method mentioned. Cf. _Bulletin of
the Imperial Institute_, vols. vii., viii. and xv. (1909-17). Before
the cracking can be accomplished without breaking the interior, the
kernel requires to be exposed to the sun and thoroughly dried. Kernel
oil prepared in a native way is of two kinds, one which expressed
without heat being white, whilst that made from the roasted kernels
is dark brown. Both are made by pounding and grinding the kernel
into fine meal, the extraction of the one being effected by cold
and the other by boiling water.

In 1916 a Special Committee was appointed to consider the position
of the palm-kernel trade, chiefly with reference to the protection
of the newly-established British oil-crushing industry against
German competition; and it was considered advisable to recommend
the imposition of a differential export duty of £2 per ton on all
palm kernels from British West African ports. The Colonies concerned
imposed the duty at the rate mentioned and in some instances have
since supplemented it by a direct revenue-producing tax.

=Commercial Uses.=—The chief commercial uses of the oils are for
the manufacture of soap, candles, and glycerine, some qualities of
palm oil being made use of in the manufacture of tin plates. With
improved methods the supply of palm oil and kernels could be
largely increased.

=Varieties of Oil Palms.=—In 1907 information was obtained from the
Imperial Institute that a variety of oil palm was being propagated in
the Kameruns the fruit of which contained a thin-shelled kernel and
was called “Lisombe.” Further investigation in the British West
African countries led to the discovery that a number of well-marked
varieties of _Elæis guineensis_ were distinguished by the natives,
and were called by distinct names. Among these one possessed
a thin-shelled kernel, and, together with about eight others,
has been under investigation at the Imperial Institute, with the
object of ascertaining their respective merits. The thin-shelled
“Lisombe” and the “Gamopale” varieties from the Kameruns
have recently been tried experimentally in the Gold Coast, and
the advantages they possess over the other kinds have been clearly
established. From the descriptions given below of the more important
varieties found on the Gold Coast, it will be seen that particulars
of the comparative weight of the fruit crop and the quality of
the oil yielded are required to determine the relative values. In
addition the proportions of fruit- and kernel-oil of each as well
as the facilities for extracting the kernel must be considered.

A reference is given below to six varieties, which have been fully
examined at the Imperial Institute. The native names are given, and
the percentages have been calculated for comparison, from the more
elaborate figures which have been published (_Bulletin Imperial
Institute_, vol. vii. [1909], p. 366; cf. also vol. xi. [1913],
p. 208).

The characteristic variations of each variety are as follows:—

1. “Abe-pa.” Fruit large, orange-red, with or without black tip,
pericarp thin, nut large with thick shell. This is the commonest
form in the country, and is probably identical with the variety
found in Sierra Leone.

2. “Abe-dam.” Fruit of irregular shape, fairly large, bright
red, pericarp slightly thicker than the last, nut large with a
thick shell. This is not uncommon.

3. “Abe-tuntum.” Fruit moderately large, dark purplish-black,
pericarp very thin, and nut with thick shell. Uncommon.

4. “Abe-bobe.” Fruit usually rather small, red and black,
pericarp thick and soft, nut with a thin kernel (easily broken in
the teeth). Trees rather scarce. This is probably identical with
the “Lisombe” variety from the Kameruns.

5. “Intermediate form between 2 and 4.” Similar to the last
but with a thicker shell to the nut.

6. “Seedless kind.” A very rare kind, nearly corresponding with
the “Difumbe” variety from Angola, which, however, possesses
a kernel but no shell.

The following are the percentages based on the total weight of the
fruit, in each case taken as 100:—

Name Pulp Contg. Fibre Nut Contg. Shell
oil etc. Kernel

1. “Abe-pa” 30 20·13 9·87 70 19·6 50·4

2. “Abe-dam” 37·5 24·03 13·14 62·5 16·87 45·63

3. “Abe-tuntum” 32·5 14·33 18·17 67·5 17·55 49·95

4. “Abe-bobe” 63 36·02 26·98 37 19·98 17·02

5. “Interm. 2 and 4” 51 30·34 20·66 49 20·58 28·42

6. “Seedless” 100 76·00 24·00 rarely a trace

Nos. 4 and 5 seem to be most valuable from a commercial standpoint,
although at present Nos. 1 and 2 are the most commonly used, owing
to the comparative scarcity of the first two mentioned. No. 6
is chiefly interesting from a botanical aspect, and is probably
incapable of reproduction. The sacred palm known in the Gold Coast
as “Abe-ohene,” and identical with “Ope-Ifa” of Southern
Nigeria, belongs to a new species called _E. Thompsonii_, Chev.,
but the fruits are not employed for the extraction of oil.

=OTHER OIL SEEDS.=—Experiments were conducted at the Imperial
Institute in 1908 with the kernels of the “Crabnut” (_Carapa
procera_, D.C.). The kernels were found to contain nearly 50 per
cent. of oil, which was reported to be worth about £20 10_s_. per
ton, but the residual cake could not be used for feeding purposes,
owing to the presence in it of a bitter constituent, and, on account
of the rather low manurial value, was estimated as worth only £2 per
ton (_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vi., 1908, p. 362).

The oil seemed to be well suited for soap-making, but would not be
suitable for lubricating or for edible purposes. The nut does not
occur in such profusion as to warrant profitable exportation from
localities where the oil palm is found.

=TIMBER.= =Mahogany.=—The most valuable and commonly exported
timber is that known in the European and American markets as
“African Mahogany.” The value of that shipped from the Gold
Coast in 1913 was estimated at £366,000.

Several red woods are included under the name of Mahogany, but
the best quality is said to be obtained from _Khaya senegalensis_,
a large tree of the Natural Order _MELIACEÆ_. This tree is known
by the native (Fanti) name of “Dubini.” In the same language
the names “Okumankra” and “Akwabohori” are applied to two
trees which are said to be exported as Mahogany, but of these the
identity has not yet been determined.

=Other Timber-trees.=—The “Odum” tree (_Chlorophora excelsa_)
produces a hard and useful wood, which is much used in the forest
region, but is not often shipped (Fig. 19). In the dry country of
the Northern Territories _Pseudocedrela Kotschyi_ may be found of
value as a red wood for decorative purposes.

Among the other trees which show evidence of yielding hard and
useful woods are “Ahedua” (_Cyanothyrsus sp._), “Opapeh”
(_Afzelia africana_), and “Bako” (_Mimusops sp._). Information
about the working-quality and suitability for export of these and
other Gold Coast timbers is given in the _Bulletin of the Imperial
Institute_, vol. viii., 1910. p. 232.

The largest, and consequently the most valuable, trees belonging to
the different species mentioned, are found in the western part of the
Gold Coast and Ashanti, and most of the mahogany logs are shipped
from Sekondi, Axim, and other places farther to the westward. The
Pra and Ankobra rivers are utilised to float down the squared logs,
which are then moored at the river mouths, to await shipment. The
export of logs is only limited by the facilities with which they
can be brought to a river or the railway, and large, valuable
trees are plentiful in many of the forests, although they would be
unprofitable to fell and trim in some cases, owing to their remote
situations and the difficulties connected with conveyance.

=KOLA.=—Kola-nut is the name usually applied to the fruit of a tree
belonging to the Natural Order _STERCULIACEÆ_, and the wild as well
as the cultivated forms found in the Gold Coast and Ashanti are,
probably, all referable to the species _Kola acuminata_, R. The
fruits or nuts are borne in large pods, each of which contains a
variable number. The nuts themselves are irregular in form, and
have an inconstant number of cotyledons, or seed divisions, varying
from two to five. Some confusion seems to have been caused owing to
this variation, as well as on account of the colour and shape of the
nuts. In some trees they are red, in others white, and others again
pink, and they may be elongate or nearly round. These, however,
are not reliable as distinguishing characters, since nuts of the
three colours have been found on the same tree, and even in the same
pod. Analyses and commercial valuations of several varieties of kola
nuts from the Gold Coast are published in _Selected Reports from the
Imperial Institute_, Part III., “Foodstuffs” (Colonial Reports,
Misc., Cd. 5137, 1910), pp. 259-61; _vide_ also _Bull. Imp. Inst._,
vols. x. (1912) and xvii. (1919).

In the forests to the north of Kumassi large wild kola trees are
found, and the nuts are collected by the natives inhabiting the
villages in the vicinity, where they are sold at from 6_d_. to
9_d_. a hundred. In other places the trees are planted, commonly
on the outskirts of villages, especially in Akim and Kwahu.

Kola nuts are used in tropical Africa in the same manner as betel
nuts are in Asia. Their taste is somewhat bitter, and the mastication
of fresh nuts seems to increase the flow of saliva. Chewing kola
nuts is resorted to by the natives in order to allay thirst, or
even hunger, and for this reason they are in great demand among
the inhabitants of the Sudan, to which country they are largely
exported, being carried by men and donkeys in caravans, which
travel from the forest limits of Ashanti through the Northern
Territories. The donkeys, which are chiefly used to transport the
nuts, do not generally enter the forests, but the kola nuts are
packed in elongated head-loads, in bamboo or palm-stalk frames,
in which form they are carried to the place where the donkeys have
been left. The caravans bring shea-butter, guinea corn, cattle,
and skins, which they exchange for kola.

The weight of nuts exported from the Gold Coast is about 50 per
cent. above that of Sierra Leone, but, in value, the latter are worth
from three to five times as much per ton. The fresh nuts are shipped
to Lagos and are transported far into the interior by Haussa traders.

=COTTON.=—No record is available to show when the tribes of the
forest country commenced to cultivate and use cotton for local
requirements. It has been stated that the people of the kingdoms
of the Western Sudan were acquainted with the uses of the fibre,
and have cultivated the plant, from a remote period, and it is
probable that contact with these people, during their expeditions
against the tribes to their south, led to the adoption by the
latter of cotton-growing upon the small scale in which it still
remains at present. Cruickshank, writing of the Fantis in 1853,
says: “They spin the thread from the cotton which grows in
the country, but they more commonly make use of the thread out
of English cloths, which they pick to pieces.” In speaking of
the Appolonians, a tribe inhabiting the coast region near Axim,
Cruickshank remarks that they “make fine grass cloths, which are
strong and durable.” In Ashanti, until recently, a cloth was
commonly made from the inner bark of a tree, generally supposed
to be _Antiaris toxicaria_ var. _africana_, which was produced by
the removal of the woody portions by beating, leaving a pliable
material composed of the interlacing fibres. These instances are
cited to show that the value of cotton for cultivation has not been
recognised by some of the large and dominant tribes in comparatively
recent times. Since cotton clothing has begun to be appreciated,
the necessity of growing the plant and weaving has been somewhat
checked by the large imports of finished material from Europe.

Throughout the forest region occasional plants of cotton may be
seen growing near villages, but the systematic cultivation of the
plant is only met with on the outer northern boundary of the dense
forest and in the Krepi country to the east of the Volta river. The
inhabitants of the northern forest boundary are a mixed people,
many of whom have probably been driven from the countries farther
north, where cotton is a recognised field crop, whence they have
introduced the cultivation. The adoption of cotton-growing by the
Krepi tribes may be due to similar reasons, although there appears
to be no evidence in support of this conjecture.

In the last-named places the seed is sown in rows on the tops of
ridges, on the sides of which maize plants may be also grown, but
it is not uncommon to find cotton plants growing alone. This is
especially the case on the northern limits of Ashanti. The large
varieties grown in these places are often left in the ground for
a second season and produce two crops, the last of which is said
to be inferior. No system of rotation has been observed, although
it is probable that the cotton is planted during the early years
of cultivation immediately following the yam crop, which is the
practice in some other West African countries.

Three distinct forms or varieties of cotton are cultivated in the
forest region. The first variety is usually referred to as “Green
seed,” and is the commonest one grown. The lint is long-stapled
and nearly white, but experiments seem to show that this form does
not yield heavily. The second form is recognised by the seed being
dark brown or black, without any fuzz, except a small brown tuft at
the apex, which has a sharp spike. The lint of this kind is creamy
white, and the plant is known as “Volta.” The third form differs
in having the dark brown seeds adjoining one another, and forming a
conical mass, from which it is difficult to separate the individual
seeds. At the point of connection each seed bears a small light brown
patch. This form is generally known to the officers at the British
Cotton Growing Association plantation as “Kidney.” All these
varieties are cultivated throughout the forest country, and extend
to some distance beyond; being replaced in the drier parts of the
Northern Territories by a small plant with a white woolly seed. No
cotton in a wild state has been seen in the country, and isolated
plants, found springing up in open places surrounded by forest,
are generally easily traceable to formerly existing cultivation.

The “Green seed,” “Volta,” and “Kidney” cottons,
which are grown in the Gold Coast, are different in habit from
the American and Indian plants, although in form they are similar
to Sea Island and Egyptian, having, perhaps, arisen from the same
original stock. The forms mentioned as cultivated locally attain
the height of from seven to ten feet in nine months from the time
of planting, and the stem near the base is often thicker than a
man’s wrist. The cotton bolls continue to open for three months
or more, and often as many as two hundred bolls are produced on a
single plant in one season. If left for a second year the bolls are
generally diminished in size. The soil which appears most favourable
for growth is a sandy loam containing much humus.

From January to April the bolls ripen continuously, and the cotton
is placed in the sun as soon as it is picked, in order that the
“Seed bugs” may be driven out. In native markets small quantities
are usually exposed for sale in an unginned form throughout the
harvesting season. No gin seems to be in use in the Gold Coast for
native work, and the lint is pulled off the seeds by hand when a
supply is required for spinning.

The greatest damage is done by “Seed bugs” of three
species—_Oxycarenus hyalinipennis_, _O. Dudgeoni_, and
_O. gossipinus_—that infest the lint as soon as the bolls open,
and undergo their complete and rapid metamorphoses during the period
between the opening and the throwing out of the cotton, feeding
meanwhile upon the juices which they suck from the seeds. The injury
caused by the puncturing of the seed often renders it unfertile. A
“cotton stainer” is also common on the plants, and damages the
unopened bolls by puncturing, and the lint by a yellowish stain
which it makes. This insect is known as _Dysdercus nigrofasciatus_,
and it is at least four times as large as any of the species of
_Oxycarenus_, on which it may possibly feed to some extent.

An attempt was evidently made, in the middle of the last century,
to establish the cultivation of cotton for export, and Cruickshank
mentions that an association had taken the matter up, and that
several of the native chiefs were beginning to give it their
attention about that time. Very little success seems to have attended
these efforts.

About 1903 the Government of the Gold Coast commenced the plantation
of an area in the Krepi country, at a place called Anum, and, under
the control of the Agricultural Department, this was transferred
to a better site soon afterwards, at a place named Labolabo on
the east bank of the Volta river. In addition to the extension of
about two hundred acres of land, which were planted with native and
American varieties of cotton, encouragement was given to the natives
in the vicinity to grow more, on the understanding that their crops
would be purchased from them at one penny per pound. Unfortunately
no arrangements had been made to store or gin a large quantity of
seed cotton, and the entire native crop could not be taken over when
brought in. This seems to have induced the native growers to convey
most of their cotton into Togoland, where they were able to dispose
of it at a fair price. Arrangements had to be made with a local
firm possessing a ginning machine, which was erected about sixty
miles lower down the Volta river, by which, on payment of a certain
rate, the seed cotton grown on the Labolabo plantation was ginned
and prepared for shipment. It was soon recognised that the expense
of transport of the seed cotton for this distance, and the price
charged for ginning, prevented the production of cotton for export
except at a heavy financial loss. The co-operation of the British
Cotton Growing Association was asked for, in order to supply gins
at Labolabo, and in 1906 three hand gins were sent from the Gold
Coast Exhibition, which had just been held. The machines were much
damaged in transit, and it was some time before the large stock
of seed cotton, which had accumulated, could be worked off. Soon
after this the Labolabo plantation was transferred entirely to the
British Cotton Growing Association, and an annual grant was made by
the Government to assist in the working. In 1907 a large steam-power
ginnery was put up, and the native farmers again began to bring in
their seed cotton for sale, but still a considerable quantity was
reported to be diverted to Togoland, where the price offered was
a fraction higher than that paid by the Association.

The cotton bales are transported from the ginnery by means of native
canoes as far as Amedika, which is the highest point on the Volta
to which small steamers can ascend, but great risk is entailed in
descending the rapids between Labolabo and this place. The cost
of carriage by native canoe is arranged at twenty shillings a ton,
and the bales are pressed into a suitable form for conveyance.

=American and other Exotic Cottons at Labolabo.=—A large number
of different kinds of American cottons have been tried at Labolabo,
but most of them have proved unsuccessful. Those which yielded a
good crop for the first year have generally been found to produce
seed, which, owing to the greater susceptibility of the plants to the
attacks of insects, refused to germinate in the following year. Some
of the lint produced was, apparently, of excellent quality and sold
well, but the necessity for the renewal of seed each year formed a
serious obstacle to the establishment of a new variety. The plants
from American seed are not so hardy as those from native seed, and
the necessity for greater care in cultivation renders them unsuitable
for use by the natives. Sea Island and various Egyptian cottons
have not proved successful. See _British Cotton Cultivation_, by
Professor Dunstan (“Colonial Reports,” Miscellaneous, Cd. 3997,
1908, pp. 28-30), and the _Bulletins of the Imperial Institute_,
vols. vii., x., xi., xiii., xiv. (1909-16).

=Attempts at Hybridisation.=—In the early days of the plantation
the Agricultural Department made several experiments with a
view to the establishment of a cross between the native and the
American plants, but the subsequent changes in the management of
the plantation resulted in the disappearance of most of these;
subsequently several others were attempted in 1906 and 1907 by
Mr. Fisher.

In all cases plants of the “Green seed” or the “Volta”
native forms were made use of as female parents, and the descendant
plants partook of the characters of the native forms in every way
for the first generation, but in later generations seem to have
produced a number of various types, from which it is now necessary
to make a careful selection. The quantity of lint yielded by the
first generation of plants, from the experiments made by Mr. Fisher
in 1906, is said to have reached a higher figure, per acre, than
that of any other form grown on the plantation, and the quality
was satisfactory; but that of the second generation appeared to be
unequal in type, and could scarcely be compared for quantity owing
to the unfavourable season. The American plants used for pollination
in the 1906 crosses were those which have given the best results
among the exotic forms planted, and are called “Black Rattler”
and “Richmond.” Of the four crosses attempted in that year,
that of “Black Rattler” × “Volta” was said to have proved
the most successful in point of yield.

Small plots of native and American cottons have been planted at
Kumassi, and experimental plants at Aburi, but the conditions have
not been so favourable at these places as at Labolabo. At Obuassi,
in Ashanti, an attempt was also made, but the soil seemed too stiff
and the plants were not healthy. Land suitable for native cotton
farms seems to be that on the west bank of the Volta river, north
of the Labolabo plantation.

=Valuations of Samples examined at the Imperial Institute.=—The
following selection of specimens of Gold Coast cottons examined and
reported on at different times by the Imperial Institute will give
some indication of the relative values:—

Standard
at time of
Place Variety Staple Value valuation
“Middl. Amer.”

Labolabo Volta clean-seed 0·8-1·4 5-5½_d_. 5·05_d_.

„ Green-seed 1-1·4 5_d_. 5·05_d_.

„ Black Volta, small woolly 1-1·4 5½-6_d_. 6·43_d_.
seeded from N. Terr.

„ Black Rattler 1·2-1·8 7_d_. 6·7_d_.

„ Native × Allens 1·2-1·6 6_d_. „

„ Native × Russels 1·2-1·5 4½_d_. „

„ Native × Peruvian 1·2-1·6 7_d_. „

„ Native × Culpepper 1·1-1·5 6½-7_d_. „

„ Volta × Black Rattler 1·1-1·5 5_d_. „

„ Volta × Richmond 1·1-1·6 6-6½_d_. „

„ Greenseed × Black Rattler 1-1·4 5_d_. „

„ Greenseed × Richmond 1-1·4 7_d_. „

Tamale, N. Terr., Native 0·7-1·0 5½_d_. „

The cottons from native varieties crossed with American represent the
first generation only, as in no case were the following generations
found constant.

The large profits which have been made from cocoa in the forest
country have caused cotton-growing to be neglected, and it seems
improbable that large quantities of cotton will be exported from
this region during the next few years. In the same part of the
country palm oil and rubber are easily collected, and, besides being
more remunerative products, require comparatively small exertion
in preparation. An attempt to establish cotton cultivation upon
a commercial scale, among the industrious people of the Northern
Territories, was made by the British Cotton Growing Association,
but the immense distances of the inhabited tracts from a shipping
port and the consequent expense of transport, combined with the
uncertainty of the rainfall in these ultra-forest regions, compelled
the abandonment of the venture in 1916.

=FIBRES.=—Piassava fibre, which has sometimes been called
“vegetable whalebone,” is prepared from the sheath of the lower
parts of the leaf-stem of a tree belonging to the Natural Order
_PALMÆ_, and classified as _Raphia vinifera_, P. Beauv. This tree
is found growing in the vicinity of streams, and occurs commonly
in the forest regions near the coast.

The natives prepare the fibre, which is sold in the European markets
under the name of “Piassava,” by cutting the stem-sheaths and
steeping them in water for a considerable time until the fibrous
strands are easily separated by beating. After being extracted in
this manner they are dried in the sun. Only a small quantity is
exported from the country, but it is a more important article of
export from Sierra Leone and Liberia. As the specific name denotes,
wine is extracted from the tree, by tapping the standing or felled
tree, in the last case with the aid of fire.

On the estate of the African Plantations, Ltd., near Axim,
a fibre of excellent quality, commercially allied to jute, has
been prepared from the stems of a herbaceous plant, which was
supposed to be _Triumfetta semitriloba_, Linn., but which has since
been determined at Kew to be _T. cordifolia_ var. _Hollandii_,
Sprague. The plant belongs to the same Natural Order as Indian
jute—namely, _TILIACEÆ_. A description of this fibre is given
in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vi. (1908), p. 241.

This species has been observed commonly in a wild state in the
forests near Sekondi and Axim, but does not seem to be present in
the interior of Ashanti or in the country towards the Volta river.

Experiments made at the estate of the African Plantations, Ltd.,
are said to show that the best fibre is obtained from stalks which
have been retted or steeped in water for five days, but it will
probably be found that the period required for the operation is
dependent to a great extent upon the age of the stalks used.

The fibre may be prepared by stripping the bark layers from the
soaked stalks and beating these upon the surface of the water until
the actual bark is removed, when the fibre may be dried in the
sun; being finally picked over to get rid of the small remaining
bark particles.

The plant exhibits some advantages for cultivation over jute,
in that it may be cropped twice in one year and treated as a
perennial. Collection of the wild growths would be unsatisfactory
for the production of the fibre upon a large scale, owing to the
time occupied in searching for the plants, but it seems probable
that the plant would repay planting, especially if some better
method of extraction were devised.

The composition, quality, and commercial value of a large number
of fibres obtained from plants indigenous to, or cultivated in,
the Gold Coast are discussed in _Selected Reports from the Imperial
Institute_, Part I., “Fibres” (Colonial Reports, Miscellaneous,
Cd. 4588, 1909), pp. 43, 51, 84, 89, 90, 115.

=SILK.=—A species of wild silkworm is commonly distributed
throughout the forests to the north of Kumassi, and has been
identified as _Anaphe venata_. The silk cocoons of this species
and those of _Anaphe infracta_ are used in Nigeria for spinning
into yarn for weaving the “Saṉyaṉ” cloths of that country,
but no use is apparently made of them in Ashanti. The worms live in
small colonies, and form their cocoons in a common envelope of silk,
from which two or three somewhat tubular processes project to enable
the moths to emerge when the time arrives. The food plant of the
silkworm has not been definitely ascertained, but, as the cocoons
are found on a large number of herbaceous plants as well as trees,
it seems probable that several plants are eaten by it. The quality
of the silk is said to be good, and the colour is usually a golden
or light brown.[3]

=COPAL.=—The tree which produces this resin, often miscalled
“gum,” which is commercially known as “Accra copal,”
occurs throughout the forests of Ashanti and Akim, and has not
yet been specifically determined. Investigations have shown that
it is allied to _Cyanothyrsus oblongus_, Oliver, which yields the
“Ogea” resin of Lagos, and which belongs to the Natural Order
_LEGUMINOSÆ_. The flowers obtained from the Ashanti trees are of
a similar construction to those of _Cyanothyrsus_.

Locally the resin is commonly used for torches and for the
preparation of a scented pigment called “Krobo,” which is used
for elaborating patterns upon the skin, being commonly employed
by the Akim people for this purpose. For export the chief value is
for the preparation of varnish.

The quantity exported reached 178 tons in 1907, after which it
declined, and now no longer reaches a significant figure. The
overwhelming interest attracted by cocoa has led to its
disappearance. Cf. _Selected Reports Imperial Institute_, pt. ii.,
“Gums and Resins” (Col. Rep. Misc., Cd. 4971, 1909), pp. 172-5;
_Bull. Imp. Inst._, vol. xii. (1914), p. 220.

The copal-yielding trees are generally of immense size, and the
resinous liquid may be observed exuding from the main trunk as well
as the branches, in such a way as to form elongated “tears”
or slabs, which harden on exposure to the air. When these become
brittle they are broken off by wind and fall to the ground. Often
the flow of resinous liquid seems to be so profuse that quantities
reach the ground and form what is termed “fossil copal,” owing
to the fact that it is dug from the ground beneath the trees.

There is evidence to show that in some instances the original flow of
the resinous liquid is caused by deep borings in the sap wood made by
insect larvæ (probably _Coleoptera_—beetles), signs of which are
commonly apparent on old trees, which yield the most copal. Specimens
of branches, which have been tunnelled by these larvæ, have been
collected, exhibiting all the cavities filled with hardened resin.

Compared with the copal produced by _Copaifera Guibourtiana_, a
tree which is found in Sierra Leone, the Ashanti product is much
inferior, although the price paid renders it sufficiently valuable
for collection and export. Several different types of the Accra
copal are known, some of which appear to be of less value than
others, although apparently yielded by the same tree. That which is
deemed preferable is clear and pale yellow; milky pieces should be
sorted out, as they are valued at a lower figure. Blocks have been
obtained which weighed over twenty pounds. Sorting is said to have
been adopted by some of the local merchants, and as high a price as
60_s_. per cwt. is reported to have been obtained for sorted copal.

=COPRA.=—Some special attention has been given to the extension of
the copra industry on the coast, and it will be observed that the
average annual exports have nearly doubled during the last eight
years. The coconut (_Cocos nucifera_) is found on the greater part
of the coastline, and the dried contents of the nut constitute
the product known as copra. (Cf. _Oil Seeds and Feeding Cakes_,
Imp. Inst. Monograph, 1915.) No use is apparently made of the fibrous
covering of the nuts, which is exported from other parts of the world
under the name of coir. Locally the nuts are cut down in an unripe
condition, and the “milk” from the interior is used as a drink.

=DYES AND PIGMENTS.=—Camwood is the trade name applied to the
wood of a tree known as _Baphia nitida_, Afzelius, belonging to the
Natural Order _LEGUMINOSÆ_. It has been suggested that the bright
red colouring-matter is produced by decomposition on exposure to
air, the material shipped from different places in West Africa
being apparently in this condition, but investigations in other
parts of West Africa show that the fresh wood is frequently used in
making the colouring-matter. A very small quantity is exported from
the Gold Coast, but the natives make some use of it for staining
different materials.

=Indigo.=—This is prepared from two or three species of
_Indigofera_, which are found growing near villages, but the
process of preparation in the Gold Coast does not appear to have
been recorded, though probably similar to that employed in the
other West African countries.

The resin from the copal tree, mentioned above, is crushed, together
with the bark of a tree called “Krobo,” in Akim especially,
and the balls formed from this mixture are rubbed down, with the
addition of a little water, into a fine sort of lather, when a
greenish-grey-coloured thin paste is procured. With this designs
are traced upon the body and arms as an adornment for women, the
resin imparting to the mixture a pleasant odour.

=FIELD CROPS.=—The soil throughout a large part of the forest
country is very fertile, and no difficulty is experienced in
producing sufficient crops for local needs from a small area of
ground. The usual method is to cut down a piece of forest, leaving
those trees which are too large to be removed or burnt, or which
may yield one of the wild fruits which is appreciated. The stumps
and roots are not removed when only maize (_Zea mays_) is intended
to be grown, but are, to some extent, when yams (_Dioscorea sp._),
or groundnuts (_Arachis hypogea_), are to be cultivated. The
cut “bush” is permitted to dry in the sun for several weeks,
when it is burned, and the ashes are sometimes scattered over the
land. For plantations of maize, the soil is only turned up at the
spots where the seed is to be put in, and very little cultivation is
given for the remainder of the year, although weeding and earthing
up are resorted to in a few places. For the cultivation of yams or
groundnuts, the larger roots are dug out, and the whole field is dug
with small hoes, the soil being scraped together into small mounds,
on the top of which the yams or groundnuts are planted. In the
case of the former, stakes are also put in, upon which the yams are
trained to grow. In addition to this it is usual, in most places,
to plant maize upon the sides of the mounds, and okra (_Hibiscus
esculentus_) and peppers (_Capsicum sp._) in various parts of the
field. Guinea corn (_Sorghum vulgare_) is rarely seen within the
forest limits. Between the mounds, at wide intervals, plantains
(_Musa sapientum_) are generally grown, and occupy the ground after
all the other crops have been removed. In the country near the coast,
as well as in the Volta district, cassava (_Manihot utilissima_)
is a common terminal crop, although it is not frequently grown in
Ashanti. The length of time during which the land usually continues
to yield a grain or root crop, of the kinds above mentioned, seems
limited to about three years. Koko yams (_Colocasia antiquorum_)
are planted in damp places near the villages or beside streams,
and, in the Volta district, sweet potatoes (_Ipomœa batatas_)
are cultivated to a small extent. Small gourds (_Cucurbitaceæ_)
are cultivated in the villages, but are not common, and pineapples,
paw-paws, guavas, oranges, custard apples, sour-sops, and limes may
be found growing in the places near the older European settlements.

Plantains and yams seem to form the chief food of the people in
the interior, but maize is largely used by those near the coast,
who are better cultivators. Plantains are prepared by roasting or
by chopping up and boiling. In some parts, especially in the Krepi
country, the fruits are split and cut in pieces, after which they
are dried in the sun. They become hard and white in the process,
and can be kept for some time. Yams of several kinds are cut up
after peeling, and boiled with peppers or made up with palm oil,
when they form a favourite dish. They are sometimes pounded in a
wooden mortar and made into balls. Maize is ground on flat or grooved
stones by means of a stone hand-roller, after which the flour is
made into dough and baked, a little palm wine having been added
to make it rise. Cassava is treated in the same manner as yams,
but the former requires long soaking before cooking. Palm oil or
groundnut oil is generally used for cooking, and the pulp of the
palm fruit, after the oil has been removed, is eaten. A fermented
drink is made from maize, which is said to taste like weak beer,
but the chief intoxicant made locally is the fermented juice of
the oil and the fibre palms.

With the exception of cotton, which has been separately referred to,
groundnuts appear to have been the only field crop of importance
that has been exported. In 1908 a substantial figure was reached,
but has since declined.

PART II.—THE NORTHERN TERRITORIES

=Tribes.=—The country which is included under the Northern
Territories is inhabited by a number of tribes, now chiefly located
in the northern half; the central portion being liable to inundation
at certain times, and therefore almost unoccupied, and the southern
being, perhaps, considered unsafe owing to the proximity to the
warlike Ashantis. The more important tribes are the Mamprussis,
under the king of Gambaga; the Gonjas, under the king of Kombe;
the Walas, under the king of Wa; and two sections of the Dagombas,
under the chiefs of Savelugu and Karaga (formerly under the king
of Yendi, in German territory). The Lobis, Dagartis, Grunshis,
Kussassis, and several others were dispersed by Samory and Barbetu
in 1896 and 1898, and have now only nominal chiefs. (See _Colonial
Reports—Annual_, No. 566, “Northern Territories of the Gold
Coast,” 1907, p. 8.) The Moshis, whose country extended into
the northern limits of the Northern Territories, were employed
at one time as native levies, but since they were disbanded they
have interfered with the tribes on the Gambaga-Kumassi road, in the
Sapari Hills, and made trading by that route unsafe. (See _Colonial
Reports_, _loc. cit._, p. 10.) Steps have been taken to expel them
from the country, and it is hoped that the people living in the
hills, who are said to be good agriculturists, will now come into
closer contact with civilisation. The Dagombas are apparently the
most industrious tribe in the country, and they seem to be numerous.

Although there does not appear to be any actual record of the
invasion of the eastern part of the country by the Mohammedan
rulers of the Western Sudan, they are said to have overrun the
pagan countries between themselves and the region of dense forest
on several occasions. In 1483 the kingdom of Mossi (Moshi) was
conquered by Sonni Ali, King of Songhay, who was a native of the
Eastern Sudan, and had come from Egypt. Two years later he extended
his conquest through the mountain territory to the south and far into
the pagan belt. Sonni Ali was followed by Askia, who again overran
Mossi, in order to abolish paganism and establish the Mohammedan
faith. This occurred in about the year 1500, and doubtless the
people learnt to adopt the improved methods of agriculture which
the conquerors had introduced into the Western Sudan from Egypt
and the east. Many of the tribes have relapsed completely into
paganism, but amongst others there is a mixture of Mohammedanism and
paganism, which is evidence of the impression made. More recently,
Samodu Almami of Ouassoulou, generally known as Samory, was driven
from his kingdom in the Western Sudan by the French, and overran
the Northern Territories with his Sofa troops; subduing Wa, Bole,
and the whole of the western part of the country. It is, however,
unlikely that agriculture was further improved by his invasion,
as large tracts of country were devastated to feed his troops.

=FIELD CROPS.=—The soil is of a lighter and more sandy nature than
that generally found in the forest region, but it is well adapted
for the cultivation of many different kinds of crops, notably Guinea
corn, millet, groundnuts, and cotton, while it is less satisfactory
for yams. The latter are consequently of smaller size.

=Cotton.=—The cotton grown by the Dagombas is whiter than
those found in the south, and the plants are of small stature;
the species has a wide-opening pale flower, and has been grown
at Labolabo from seed procured in the Northern Territories. The
cotton fields are planted with regular lines of plants, and the
ground appears to be exclusively used for the crop during the
season. The seed is sown upon ridges which have been constructed
from the high conical mounds, upon which the combined crop of
millet (_Pennisetum spp._) or Guinea corn and yams were grown in the
previous year. Cultivation is performed by means of a short-handled
hoe, and the ridges are kept clear of weeds and grass until the
crop is ready. The seed-cotton is sold in the markets, and is in
good demand for the manufacture of native cloths. No insect pests
have been observed attacking the plants, and it is probable that if
an outside demand were established for the produce a large quantity
could be grown. It might be necessary to introduce a better variety
than that at present cultivated, as this yields a rather coarse and
short staple. If cotton from this part of the country is to become
an article of export, the difficulties at present experienced in
transport will first have to be overcome; indeed, this applies
to all the produce capable of being grown in the country. The
navigation of the Volta river and the two main branches seems to
suggest a means which might be employed, for, although there are
several rapids in the course from Daboya and Bole to Labolabo,
only one is impassable for canoes, even in the dry season. This
rapid is at Krachi where a short line has been laid for transporting
loaded canoes. The cost of the hire of canoes for making the journey
would probably be prohibitive, but if the British Cotton Growing
Association undertook the carriage by their own canoes of the salt
and stores required by the merchants who have commenced business in
Yeji and Tamale, the freight on these in the journey upwards would
probably be found to cover the cost of bringing cotton down-stream,
and the export trade in it could be developed in this manner. The
British Cotton Growing Association made an effort to act upon the
suggestion made here, but discontinued their operations in July 1916,
when they handed over their buildings, at Tamale, to the Government,
as it was shown that under the existing conditions and with but one
European representative to further its interests, cotton-growing
in the Northern Territories could not hope to become a remunerative
export business (Colonial Reports, Northern Territories, G.C. 1916,
No. 956). The irregularity of the rainfall is a matter which must be
borne in mind in any future attempts to develop the industry here,
but the possibilities of providing artificial irrigation should not
be overlooked, as large tracts of flat land exist near the White
Volta river capable of becoming fertile under proper irrigation
and drainage.

=Other Field Crops.=—Yams are grown as a primary crop on mounds,
and three different kinds are common, probably referable to
_D. alata_, _D. sativa_, and _D. colocasiæfolia_, the last being
what is termed the water yam and the first the winged yam. Guinea
corn is the most important food grain grown, but millet is sometimes
planted. A red species of sorghum (_S. guineensis_, var. _robustum_)
is cultivated on a small scale for use in staining leather, but is
not used for food. Rice (_Oryza sativa_) is grown in the vicinity
of the large rivers, but is said to suffer damage from elephants and
hippopotami. The variety seems to be similar to the red rice grown in
the Gambia and Sierra Leone. Very little maize is planted, but some
is grown near Salaga. Cassava is only seen in the south near the
forest boundary, and groundnuts are not plentiful, owing, perhaps,
to the fact that cooking oil is obtainable from shea butter trees,
which are common in a wild state. Pigeon peas are often planted
round the borders of fields, and are left to yield more than one
crop. This pea is identical with one of the common “Dhalls”
of India (_Cajanus indicus_); the origin of the introduction is
obscure. Small beans are grown as well as _Indigofera spp._ Sweet
potatoes, okra, capsicum-peppers, sorrel-hibiscus (_H. Sabdariffa_),
and the Fra-Fra potato (_Plectranthus, sp._, “Tumuku” of the
Haussas) are also grown.

=Fibre.=—Plants belonging to two species of _Hibiscus_ are
used for the extraction of fibre for the preparation of cordage,
the cleaned fibre being similar to jute. These plants grow, with
perfectly straight stems, to eight or ten feet in height, bearing
short thin branches with axillary flowers.

=Tobacco.=—The tobacco grown is used for smoking or the manufacture
of snuff in many parts of the Northern Territories, and is prepared
in a special manner. For smoking tobacco the green leaves are pressed
into small gourds until a quantity of juice exudes, the mass being
rolled in this until it assumes an oval form, in which it is sold
in the markets before drying. For snuff it is ground up between
heated stones until the requisite fineness has been obtained,
and is then mixed with a small quantity of the powdered seeds of
_Monodora myristica_. The tobacco fields are usually confined to
small patches near houses, and wood ashes as well as sweepings
are applied as a top dressing. This appears to be the only crop to
which manure or fertiliser is given. The leaves always seem to be
stripped off the stems at one operation, whereby old and immature
leaves are mixed with mature.

=GUMS.=—Two species of _Acacia_ (_A. arabica_ and _A. Sieberiana_)
are found, especially in the uninhabited tracts in the centre of
the country, and the last named appears to yield a large flow of
gum, which, however, is not collected. Examination of this at the
Imperial Institute has shown it to be about equal in quality to
inferior Sudan grades; _A. arabica_ does not seem to yield gum with
such frequency in this locality as elsewhere. _Burkea africana_
and _Pseudocedrela Kotschyi_ produce a quality of gum comparable
with “Talh” from the Sudan. (Cf. _Selected Reports from the
Imperial Institute_, Pt. II., Gums and Resins, pp. 153, 165-7.)

=WOOD OIL.=—By cutting deeply into the base of a tree known as
“Neou” (Dagomba), and “Kawa” (Haussa), a rather copious flow
of resinous liquid is induced, which, when solidified, is a resin
somewhat similar, but inferior, to copal. The tree from which this
is procured is botanically known as _Daniellia thurifera_, Oliv.,
and the so-called “oil” obtained was at one time shipped from
Northern Nigeria under the name of African Balsam of Copaiba. It
is used in the Northern Territories for lighting purposes,
as well as medicinally. The tree yields a handsomely grained
timber. (Cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1915.)

=SHEA BUTTER.=—A tree known botanically as _Butyrospermum Parkii_
bears a fruit, from the kernel of which this valuable vegetable
fat is procured. The fat forms the cooking oil of the ultra-forest
country, taking the place of palm oil in this respect. The mode of
preparation in the Northern Territories is, doubtless, similar to
that employed in Northern Nigeria. The prepared butter is one of
the products carried by the Haussa traders, who visit Ashanti for
the purpose of purchasing kola, and is much appreciated in Kumassi,
where it obtains a high price. A small quantity is carried down
the Volta river by the canoes which bring salt from Adda to Yeji
and Daboya. An analysis made at the Imperial Institute of Shea
butter from the Northern Territories showed that the material is in
no way inferior to the better-known “Shea butter” of Northern
Nigeria. Cf. _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vi. (1908),
p. 370.

=RUBBER.=—Recently some species of _Landolphia_ were found growing
in the district of Wa and elsewhere, and, upon examination, one
of these proved to be _L. owariensis_, P. Beauv. This was at first
thought to occur plentifully, and to assume the underground habits of
_L. Thollonii_, one of the most important sources of root or rhizome
rubber in the Congo. Specimens, which were found growing near the
south bank of the Black Volta river, in grass land, exhibited a
trailing form of growth owing to the absence of supporting trees,
but, although the plants were probably dwarfed by the annual grass
fires, no development of root growth was observed in excess of that
ordinarily produced within the forests. The plant is now reported
to occur rather rarely in the Northern Territories; another nearly
allied, though useless, species having been mistaken for it.

=DYES.=—For dyeing the yarn made from the native cotton, indigo
is made from a species of _Indigofera_, or from the young leaves of
_Lonchocarpus cyanescens_, but the process of preparation employed
in this country has not been carefully observed. It is, however,
probably similar to that in common use in Sierra Leone, Northern
Nigeria, and the Gambia.

=BEESWAX.=—Bees are attracted to hive in calabashes placed in
trees, the honey and wax being taken from them and sold in the
markets. The bee belongs to a small variety of _Apis mellifera_,
known as var. _Adansonii_. A sample of beeswax obtained at Tamale
was examined at the Imperial Institute, and proved to be of excellent
quality and worth £6 15_s_. per cwt. (Dec. 1908).

=LEATHER.=—Tanning of sheep and goats’ skins is done to a small
extent, the same process as that described for the preparation of
Kano leather in Northern Nigeria being followed. The _Acacia_ pods
used for the purpose are obtained from trees often found planted
in the middle of towns.

=CATTLE AND POULTRY.=—A large breed of cattle with a dorsal hump
exists in the Salaga district, and a straight-backed smaller kind
throughout the country to the north. Although “tsetse” flies
of three species are common on the stream banks, the cattle seem
to be healthy for the most part, and often form part of a caravan
travelling to the forest belt, where a good price is said to be
obtained for them from the Ashantis. They are usually killed for
food very soon after entering the forest, where they can no longer
be kept free from the attacks of the three species of “tsetse”
(_Glossina morsitans_, _G. palpalis_, and _G. pallidipes_), all of
which seem to attack them. Horses are bred in some parts, but not
to a large extent. Wire-haired sheep and goats are seen everywhere,
and can be obtained in many places at a low price.

Fowls and Guinea-fowls are reared in several villages, and are
carried to the south for sale. Long open-work baskets are used,
and the fowls are usually conveyed as head-loads. Guinea-fowls,
purchasable for threepence each in some of the villages south
of Daboya, are sold at four or five shillings each near the
coast. No coops seem to be employed in the villages to confine the
guinea-fowls, which habitually roost upon the house-tops and which
may frequently be seen in the adjoining fields. They are scarcely
distinguishable from the wild birds which occur usually in the same
localities. There is, however, a marked tendency on the part of the
domesticated examples to acquire white feathers upon the breast or
wings to a greater or lesser extent.

It should be recorded that a considerable local trade is carried
on in the country in the sale of a flour-like substance obtained
from the interior of the pods of _Parkia filicoidea_. This is made
up with the seeds of the plant into an edible paste, locally termed
“Dawadawa.”

=EXPORTS.=—Excluding cocoa, which is treated separately in its
place, the following table shows the progress of the export trade
between 1910 and 1919:—

KOLA. COPRA. COPAL.
YEAR. Lbs. £ Tons. £ Lbs. £
1910 5,156,500 77,716 755 13,032 53,847 647
1911 5,791,931 93,099 779 13,257 80,042 1,110
1912 7,133,165 134,231 620 11,841 67,133 1,077
1913 7,024,868 144,705 629 14,292 38,205 555
1914 7,862,414 142,190 656 11,825 18,549 265
1915 8,267,100 139,163 770 12,821 28,888 405
1916 6,760,898 130,566 633 14,384 12,549 132
1917 11,985,645 239,134 735 19,916 2,306 24
1918 13,254,538 262,144 99 2,772 1,693 35
1919 16,319,972 350,249 984 30,091 13,748 174

RUBBER. PALM OIL. PALM KERNELS.
Lbs. £ Galls. £ Tons. £
1910 3,223,265 358,876 2,044,868 161,388 14,182 185,058
1911 2,668,667 219,447 1,610,209 128,916 13,254 175,891
1912 1,990,699 168,729 1,444,432 112,885 14,628 205,365
1913 1,317,369 87,915 860,155 65,652 9,744 159,128
1914 654,133 21,631 495,763 37,646 5,633 88,671
1915 647,982 25,167 330,990 25,769 4,064 50,512
1916 2,215,973 78,865 450,360 38,299 5,857 85,899
1917 2,961,204 110,272 198,900 24,770 4,768 74,911
1918 1,391,097 57,006 670,867 83,689 8,933 152,922
1919 721,588 33,637 938,595 140,163 9,892 253,243

GROUNDNUTS.
LUMBER. COTTON. Tons. £
Feet. £ Lbs. £ 1907:
1910 14,938,749 148,122 11,421 263 197 1,815
1911 13,973,396 138,821 9,701 238 not given
1912 23,573,651 228,745 20,395 506 do.
1913 37,391,848 366,094 27,497 688 do.
1914 24,587,217 240,878 23,514 588 do.
1915 9,217,622 90,661 12,016 300 do.
1916 10,334,793 93,980 17,896 447 do.
1917 7,481,468 69,128 43,870 227 do.
1918 14,680,823 137,649 20,640 212 do.
1919 10,432,250 103,238 nil. 7 210

[Illustration: =NIGERIA=, SOUTHERN PROVINCES

Territory held by Great Britain under Mandate is hatched in
Red. [Legend]

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

=NIGERIA-SOUTHERN PROVINCES=

=INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.= =Administrative Divisions.=—On January
1, 1914, the countries, hitherto administered separately under the
names of Northern and Southern Nigeria, were amalgamated and placed
under a Governor-General. It is, nevertheless, convenient, from
the point of view of their agricultural and commercial interests,
to deal with them in this place separately. The inhabitants of the
Northern and Southern Provinces are to a very large extent dissimilar
in languages, religion and customs, and the climatic conditions,
by which distinct varieties of life are so much influenced, are so
suitably defined by the artificial boundary which, until recently,
divided Northern and Southern Nigeria, that little excuse need be
offered for the maintenance of old division in the discussion of
the subjects within the competence of this book. Following then the
plan adopted in the first edition, Southern Nigeria, referred to now
as the Southern Provinces, is being first dealt with and treated,
as far as possible, independently of Northern Nigeria, now entitled
the Northern Provinces, the separate account of which follows.

=Geographical Position.=—Pending the adjustment of the eastern
frontier, occasioned by the outcome of the recent war, the Southern
Provinces of Nigeria extend from 2° 45′ E. to 10° 15′ E. long.:
the Western Province reaching 9° 10′ N., and the Central and
Eastern about 7° 15′ N. lat.

=Area and Population.=—The estimated area of the country before
adjustment was 94,000 sq. miles, and the census of 1911 showed the
population as 7,857,983.

=Natural Divisions.=—The Southern Provinces are conveniently
divided for agricultural considerations into _wet_ and _dry_
zones. In the former the rainfall ranges from about 90 inches
at Bendi to 250 inches at Opobo. In the latter zone the highest
rainfall is reached in Lagos Town, where about 75 inches are
annually registered; the lowest reading being that of 40 inches
at Olokemeji. The densely forested area is practically entirely
within the wet zone; this also including a tract of brackish-water
forest (mangrove) and swamp. In the dry zone grass-land and open
“bush,” with trees peculiar to such localities, occur, and it
is in this portion of the country that most of the agricultural
people are found. The inhabitants of the forested area in the wet
zone give more attention to the collection of forest products,
such as palm oil and rubber, and only grow sufficient grain and
roots for their own consumption.

=Inhabitants.=—The tribes found in the Western Province are chiefly
Yorubas, and among these are some of the most intelligent people
in the country. In the Central Province there are a large number of
tribes speaking different languages, but among these the Benis are
perhaps of most importance. The Ijoas, Ibos, Aros, and many other
tribes inhabit the Eastern Province, and are generally of a lower
grade of civilisation than the others mentioned. The country between
the northern part of the Cross river and the Niger is populated by
other pagan tribes, who seem to be careful cultivators, but very
little is known of them at present.

=Cultivation.=—The Yoruba race are industrious cultivators, and
show considerably more ambition than most of the other West African
peoples. The country in which they live is particularly adapted to
farming, and the climatic conditions are suitable for the cultivation
of cotton and fibrous plants, in addition to the various grain
crops. In some parts cocoa, rubber, and kola are being cultivated,
but these are not so suitable under the prevailing conditions as
they would be within the wet zone—the Western Province, which
these people inhabit, being entirely within the dry region.

Although farming is so extensive, continuous cultivation is not
found, and the use of manure is practically unknown. The usual
practice is to farm a piece of land for a few years, and to permit
it then to return to a wild state for a long period. In their want
of knowledge concerning the value of manure and the application of
artificial irrigation, the Yoruba farmers are behind the Haussas
of Northern Nigeria, but are more careful than the Nupes of the
same country. The depth of the Yoruba cultivation is greater than
that of the northern Haussa, and this in some measure compensates
for the non-employment of manure, etc.

The people of the Central Province are generally less careful in
their farming methods; the Benis often planting their grain crops
in only partially cleared land. Farther to the north in the same
province a better system is noticeable among the Ishans, Ifons, and
the people of Agbede. During recent years, owing to the energetic
efforts of the Forestry Department, the cultivation and better
treatment of the indigenous rubber tree (_Funtumia elastica_)
have been extensively adopted, especially by the people in the
neighbourhood of Benin City, where the climate is well suited to
the species. In addition to rubber, cocoa and kola plantations
might prove successful in the same localities, but as yet no large
plantations of either exist.

In the Eastern Province farming is generally of poor quality until
the region of heavy rainfall is left, when extremely large areas
are met with, highly cultivated, with the earth thrown up into
loose mounds, often five or six feet in height, for the purpose of
growing yams, maize, pepper, okra, Guinea corn, pumpkins, etc.,
all of which are found planted upon each mound; the yams being
carefully trained to climb along fibre strings towards central poles.

=Principal Crops.=—The chief crops grown in the Western Province
are maize, cotton, cassava, yams, sweet potatoes, groundnuts, and
to a small extent Guinea corn, sugar-cane, tobacco, Colocasia yams,
peppers, okra, rice, eggplant, and native beans.

Indigo is extracted from _Lonchocarpus cyanescens_, which occurs
in a wild state, and is preserved when making clearances for
farms. The _Indigofera spp._ are used to a smaller degree for the
same purpose. (See Sierra Leone Section, p. 39; also _Bulletin of
the Imperial Institute_, 1909, p. 319; 1918, p. 11; and 1919, p. 31.)

Fruits are not grown plentifully, and are generally left in an
uncultivated condition. The chief kinds are pineapples, bananas,
pawpaws, akee apple (_Blighia sapida_), oranges, and guavas. There
are several fruits and spices which are collected from the forest
strips, but, taken generally, the Western Province people are
not great fruit eaters. On the sea coast and for a considerable
distance inland, coconut plantations are common, and, near Badagry,
copra is prepared from them for shipment.

The crops cultivated in the Central Province are similar to
those of the Western, but yams become more, and groundnuts less
prominent. Large quantities of palm oil are prepared, and rubber is
collected, the labour available for farm work being thereby reduced.

The most important product of the Eastern Province is undoubtedly
palm oil, but fairly large quantities of yams and maize are grown
outside the forest zone and are transported by native canoes to
the coast ports, in the vicinity of which there is very little
cultivation.

With the exception of the oil palm, which is of general
occurrence throughout the country, the Lagos silk rubber tree
(_Funtumia elastica_) is of the most importance from a commercial
standpoint. Rubber vines of the genera _Landolphia_ and _Carpodinus_
are also valuable wild plants, from which some of the finest
rubbers are at present extracted. Copal, known as “Ogea” gum,
and collected from a tree which has been determined as _Cyanothyrsus
oblongus_ (syn. _ogea_), is exported in varying quantity according
to the market value. A fairly extensive local trade is done in
“chew-sticks” in the Western Province; the sticks being cut
from a tree which occurs in the grass country, and is recognised
as _Anogeissus leiocarpus_. The ash made from the wood of the same
tree is sold for use as a mordant in indigo dyeing. Camwood is
a red dye-wood prepared from at least three different species of
trees—_Baphia nitida_, _Pterocarpus tinctorius_, and _Pterocarpus
sp._—and is almost entirely used locally for staining the human
skin or dyeing leather. Fibre plants do not appear to be cultivated
in any part of the country, but occur to some extent in all the
forested parts. _Hibiscus guineensis_ and _Dombeya buettneri_
are usually employed for native ropes, and the bark of _Sterculia
barteri_ is said to be prepared for the same purpose.

=OIL PALM.=—A description of this tree and information in
connection with the principal characteristics and mode of propagation
have been given in the Sierra Leone portion of this work, and it
may merely be remarked that there is no difference in a general
way between trees grown in the two localities. With regard to the
form of fruit, however, that of Southern Nigeria is separated into
several kinds, varying in the relative proportion of pericarp and
kernel, and these will be referred to later.

The method of preparing palm oil varies to a large degree in the
different localities. The best quality of oil is that produced in
the Western Province. The oil, which on the market is classed as
“Lagos fine grade,” and obtains the highest price among West
African oils, is made from the fresh fruits boiled and pounded in
the manner described for the Sierra Leone oil, but the extracted
oil is further cleared by straining and boiling until a uniformly
clear and limpid product is obtained.

[Illustration: STRAINING OIL FROM THE FIBROUS PULP OF THE OIL PALM,
OSHOGBO.

Fig. 22, p. 97.]

[Illustration: COTTON BALES, MARLBOROUGH GINNERY, IBADAN.

Fig. 23, p. 113.]

[Illustration: AFARA TREE (_TERMINALIA SUPERBA_) AT OLOKOMEJI.

Fig. 24, p. 118.]

An inferior quality is that made at Oshogbo and north of Ibadan
generally. The fruits, after having been boiled for about three
hours, have the fibrous pulp sufficiently loosened, so that the
whole is easily separated from the nuts by pounding in a wooden
mortar. The fibrous mass thus obtained is then put into a pit, which
is filled to a depth of about eighteen inches with cold water, and
the oil is expressed by women and young girls, who tread it out with
their feet. After leaving the water undisturbed for a short time,
the oil rises to the surface, from which it is skimmed, or it may be
precipitated, by the removal of a plug placed in the side of the pit,
into a vessel placed to receive it. The treading process is repeated
until most of the oil is extracted. The oil is then separated from
the water which it contains by boiling. The fibrous pulp is next
removed, strained in baskets, and is placed upon rocks to dry in
the sun, after which it is pressed into large balls, which are sold
in the local markets at 1_d_. each. Much of this finds its way to
Lagos Town, where it is sold for fuel at the rate of 8_d_. for 8½
lb. In this connection it may be mentioned that there appears to be
no foundation for the statement which has been made to the effect
that this residual pulp is exported in large quantities from Lagos
for the further extraction of oil by chemical means in Europe. An
illustration is given showing a girl straining fibrous pulp in an
oil pit at Oshogbo (Fig. 22).

In the Central and Eastern Provinces “hard” oil is the
commercial name applied to the kind which is generally made. At
Onitsha the natives may be seen bringing in this oil, which is of
such a consistency that even at an atmospheric temperature of 90° it
remains in a solid wax-like condition. The earthen vessels in which
such oil is conveyed to the factories, when accidentally dropped
and broken, do not necessarily occasion the loss of any oil. The
thickened condition is entirely due to the method of preparation,
during which important chemical changes occur, which appear to
be detrimental to the oil for some of its most important uses,
especially that of soap manufacture, while rendering it suitable
for employment for making candles. The important difference in the
preparation of this oil lies in the fact that instead of the fresh
fruits being used, the pericarp is separated from the nuts by means
of partial decomposition, induced by burying the fruits in the
ground for a period varying from three weeks to two months. The
semi-decomposed pericarp is then easily removed by pounding or
treading out in a canoe-shaped receptacle, after which the fibrous
mass is boiled, and the liquid oil is skimmed and allowed to set
in earthen jars, in which it is carried for sale to the factories.

The extraction of kernels from the nuts is one of the usual
occupations of the women and children of a village, when not
assisting in the preparation of oil. The nuts are spread in the sun
for about a week or more until a shrinkage of the kernel occurs,
which renders the nut-shell capable of being easily cracked without
damage to the interior. It is said that in the Jebu district, to
the north-east of Lagos, the local price paid for kernels ranges
from 4_d_. to 4½_d_. for a filled tin bowl having the diameter of
nine inches.

The primitive method of extracting kernels, by means of cracking
the nut-shell between stones and picking out the contents, has not
yet given way to the employment of the various machines which have
been introduced from time to time to supersede it.

A black oil is extracted at Oshogbo by roasting the kernels in an
earthen pot until black, and stirring meanwhile until the whole mass
becomes covered with exuded oil. A small quantity of cold water
is then sprinkled into the pot after removing it from the fire,
and the contents are pounded in a mortar until an oily meal is
produced. This is boiled, and, when the mixture is cool, the oil
is skimmed from the surface of the water which has been added for
the boiling. This oil is apparently only used locally.

The existing native social system, under which the male head of
a family receives almost exclusive consideration, is opposed to
native co-operation in any mechanical process, whereby a relief from
labour of his numerous dependants—wives, children, and aged or
infirm relatives—would be incurred at the expense of his enhanced
personal labour; he being the carrier and disposer of the produce at
the market. By the conveyance and sale of nuts instead of kernels,
a much smaller return in value would be obtained for the same
weight of material, _i.e._ a similar amount of personal energy. The
dependants, incapable of assisting in transporting, would remain
idle, unless some similar work could be found for them. Up to a
short distance from the delivery point (which would determine itself)
the nuts instead of the kernels would be brought in for sale, and,
limited by the capabilities of the available palm-tree climbers,
the family dependants would be able to prepare larger quantities
of pericarp oil; but the increased accumulation of kernels would
further decrease the radius from the selling centre at which the
carriers would be able to work.

If the entire fruit were to be bought up for mechanical extraction of
pericarp oil as well as kernels, the carrying labour would be still
further enhanced, and the work of the oil-manufacturing communities
would resolve itself into three operations—viz. climbing trees,
chopping out fruit, and transporting—which would mean the exclusion
from work of all but the strong adults, or the reduction of workers
by 30 to 50 per cent. perhaps. The number of skilled palm-tree
climbers is said to be decreasing in many districts, and, owing
to the sparsity of the population in some localities, a very large
proportion of the annual yield of fruit remains unharvested.

The investigation of the several varieties of the oil palm of the
country is in progress at the Imperial Institute, and the characters
of the most important are now well known, and may be compared here
with the varieties from the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Gambia, and
Northern Nigeria. The typical form, which, although subject to some
variation, possesses certain marked characteristics, may be said
to fall under the following general description:

Fruiting heads generally large. Fruit large, orange to scarlet
in colour, with a variable amount of purplish black suffusion
at the apex, which may extend over more than half of the fruit
or may be altogether absent. Pericarp thin, kernel large with a
thick shell. Names: “Ope yope” or “Ope pankora” (Yoruba),
“Ok-poruk-pu” (Ibo), “Udin” (Beni), “Ak-porro-jub”
(Efik), “Irök-Eyop” (Ibibio), “Abe pa” and perhaps “Abe
dam” (Fanti, Gold Coast), “Tug bore” (Mendi, Sierra Leone),
“Tabel-tiloli” (Timani, Sierra Leone), “Tengo” (Mandingo,
Gambia), “Kabe-kalako” (Jolah, Gambia), “Neul” (Joloff,
Gambia), “Qua-qua” (Haussa, N. Nigeria), “Yi-ku-niche”
(Nupe, N. Nigeria). Only the typical form has as yet been observed
in Sierra Leone, Gambia, and Northern Nigeria.

The other particularly important variety is that commonly referred
to as the “_soft-shelled_” or “_thin-shelled_” palm fruit,
which has been recorded from many localities in West Africa. The
following description will include the forms contained in this group:

Fruiting heads often large. Fruits large or small, generally the
latter, dark coloured. Pericarp thick, kernel rather small, with a
thin shell. Names: “Ope-Arunfo” (Yoruba), “Au-su-ku” (Ibo),
“Ivioronmila” (Beni), “Asoge-e-jub” (Efik), “Eduege Eyop”
(Ibibio), “Abe-bobe” (Fanti, Gold Coast).

The third kind is that frequently called the “_Fetish_”
or “_King_” palm nut. It is rare wherever it occurs, and is
scarcely worth consideration from an economic standpoint. The tree
which bears this fruit has been described under the distinct specific
name of _Elæis Thompsoni_, Chevalier.

Fruiting heads generally small. Fruits medium-sized, red with
black markings occasionally present. Pericarp moderately thick,
kernel and shell medium. The nuts, which possess four eyes, are
not used in the manufacture of commercial oil, but are employed in
connection with the worship of the deity Ifa (Dennett). Names:
“Ope Ifa” (Yoruba), “Ojuku” (Ibo), “Oged-udin”
(Beni), “Affia-ko-jub” (Efik), “Efiako-Eyop” (Ibibio),
“Abe-ohene” (Fanti, Gold Coast).

The above are the three most marked forms of oil palm recognisable,
although other varieties are given special names by natives in
different parts of the country, distinctions being frequently made
between the fruit from trees which assume a tall growth and those
which remain stunted. (Cf. also _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1909, p. 362;
and 1920, p. 223.)

As far as investigations have progressed, the advantage with
regard to yield of oil as well as quality is maintained by the
thin-shelled variety, the greater proportion of pericarp enabling
a larger amount of pericarp oil to be expressed, while the thin
kernel-covering facilitates the extraction of the kernel. Before
being able to definitely state that this variety is of the greatest
economic value, it is necessary that a comparison of the weight of
the annual crops from all varieties should be made.

The advisability of planting any particular variety of oil palm would
in the first place depend on the results obtained from the complete
investigation of all; but at the present time such a project on a
large scale is not likely to be practicable, as it is generally
acknowledged that only a comparatively small proportion of the
existing wild trees are at present utilised.

Experiments in the Kamerun, with different varieties of oil palms,
seemed to indicate that the thin-shelled character was not a fixed
one. In 1910 a forest officer in Nigeria was detailed to study the
distribution, cultivation and preparation of the oil, of the most
appreciated varieties, and a quantity of nuts of the soft-shelled
“Lisombe” kind from the Kamerun were distributed for planting
among the natives of the Eastern Province.

The export figures of this trade from 1910 to 1918 are tabulated
below. Up to the year 1914, those of Northern were separated from
those of Southern Nigeria. In this account, subsequent to that year,
the two sets of figures have been taken together. A quantity of
kernels is imported from Dahomey for re-export, amounting in 1910
to 21,120 tons. The figures indicate that the increase has been
irregular, and, during the last few years, has been influenced
by the war. In 1919 here, as in the other W. African Colonies,
a differential export tax of £2 per ton was imposed, with respect
to palm kernels.

Year Palm oil in tons Palm kernels in tons
(280 galls. = 1 ton)
1910 76,850 172,998
1911 79,337 176,390
1912 76,994 184,624
1913 83,088 174,718
1914 72,531 162,452
1915 72,994 153,319
1916 67,422 161,439
1917 74,619 185,998
1918 86,425 205,167
1919 100,967 216,913

It is interesting to compare the amount of oil produced in
proportion to kernels collected, there being a marked difference
in this respect between the output of the Western Province (Lagos)
and the Central and Eastern Provinces. A previous series of thirteen
years’ exports from the former showed an average of 60·9 gallons
of oil to the ton of kernels; while for the latter a twelve-year
period at the same time gave 219·6 gallons of oil to the ton of
kernels. The mean for the whole was 140·25 gallons at that time,
but during the last seven years it has fallen to 125·7 gallons. In
1912 the first shipments of kernel oil and cake were made from
factories established under European control at Opobo and Lagos,
the amounts exported being 500 tons of oil and 635 tons of cake. In
the following year the value of both products turned out by these
factories is given as £161,000, and in 1914 as £72,000, when,
without any assigned reason, both factories were closed down.

Articles on the African palm-oil industry in the Southern Provinces
of Nigeria will be found in _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
1909, 1911, 1912, 1913, 1914, 1915, 1919.

An interesting article appears in the _Bulletin of the Imperial
Institute_, vol. xviii., No. 2 (1920), entitled “The Cultivation
of the African Oil Palm, with special reference to the East
Indies.” From this it appears that the tree thrives and yields very
satisfactorily, especially in Sumatra; the oil content of the fruit
and kernels being both high. Attention is drawn in this article to
the extension of the use of palm oil in Europe as an edible fat,
in addition to its present uses.

=Other Oil Seeds.=—Excluding the shea nut tree, which will be
referred to later on, three trees have been considered of sufficient
importance for their seeds to be shipped to Europe in order that
their value may be determined. These are _Pentaclethra macrophylla_
(Cutlass bean), _Irvingia Barteri_ (African mango), and _Lophira
alata_. Although the trials proved that the oils of all might be
valuable for the manufacture of soap and candles, none of the trees
occur in sufficient profusion to permit a large export trade in the
seeds being established. (See _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
vol. v. [1907], pp. 10-14, and vol. vi. [1908], pp. 243, 354-80.)

=RUBBER.=—Following the progress made by the Forestry Department
in re-establishing the indigenous rubber tree (_Funtumia elastica_)
in places from which it had almost disappeared, an excellent system
of communal plantations was established. This system, which has
been largely adopted by the chiefs, is one to encourage the village
inhabitants to re-establish rubber trees in their proximity; the
planting and tapping and preparation of the rubber being under
the direction of the Government officers. The resulting rubber is
marketed by the Government, who retain one-third of the sale price
to cover the cost of supervision, etc.; the remaining two-thirds
being paid to the village community. In this manner a large number of
communal plantations have now been established. In 1911 over 400 new
plantations of this kind were made; about 100,000 Funtumia plants
being put in. At the same time 129,000 Para rubber seeds and some
4,000 seedlings were distributed under the same scheme, while Ceara
plantations were made in the drier parts of the country. Licences
to collect wild rubber were simultaneously made compulsory.

The rubber produced on the Government plantation at Mamu Forest,
by the boiling method, proved very satisfactory. In 1910 such rubber
was sold at 6_s_. 6_d_. per lb., being only 6_d_. less than the best
Para fetched at the same time. Three hundred communal plantations
yielded rubber in 1911 against eighty-four in the previous year,
the average yield per tree being 1·59 oz. against 1·406 oz. In
1912 communal rubber amounted to 3,031 lbs., which sold at about
3_s_. 4_d_. per lb.; and in the same year Government plantation
rubber was 3,501 lbs., which realised 3_s_. 10_d_. per lb.

The next rubber plant of importance is the vine, _Landolphia
owariensis_, which is somewhat variable in the form of growth. The
latex at certain seasons coagulates almost instantaneously, but at
other times it runs freely, and can be collected for coagulation by
heat, the admixture of acid, alkali or alcohol, or by spontaneous
exposure. The scrap rubber, which is collected from that coagulated
upon the stem, is made into balls, and comes into the market under
the name of “first Niggers,” and commands a high price.

The native has discovered that a larger amount of rubber can be
obtained at one time if the roots and stems are cut and pounded
up. The result is a product known as “root rubber,” the
collection of which can be justified only where the plant, from
which it is obtained, develops an extensive rhizome or subterranean
growth, capable of being partially removed without killing the
plant. Such vines, although found in some other parts of Africa,
do not occur in Southern Nigeria, and the collection of so-called
“root rubber” from _L. owariensis_ only leads to the complete
destruction of the plant, and should be discouraged. The small
yield of latex from this species after many years of growth, and
the difficulties in connection with the collection of the rubber,
render its cultivation in plantations unprofitable, although planting
has been attempted in the French and German Colonies.

_Clitandra elastica_ is another vine said to yield a copious supply
of latex, capable of being coagulated by means of heating after
dilution with water. In appearance the vine is somewhat similar
to _L. owariensis_, but does not appear to be common. The rubber
produced from this species is reported to be of excellent quality.

_Carpodinus hirsutus_, a common vine in the dry zone and on the
Niger river banks, furnishes a plentiful supply of latex of inferior
quality, and is made into “root” and “paste” rubber by
boiling; the latter being a sticky product of the consistency of
birdlime, and only saleable in Europe at a low price.

The latices of _Landolphia Thompsonii_ and _L. senegalensis_ are
used similarly. Both species are nearly allied to _L. florida_,
which is prepared elsewhere.

A number of latex-yielding plants are employed in the adulteration
of good rubber, among which the following may be mentioned as
the commonest: _Funtumia africana_, _Conopharyngia sp._, _Alstonia
congoensis_, and _Holarrhena Wulfsburgii_. The admixture of these is
usually detected by the stickiness which they impart to good rubber.

The introduction of licences for permission to collect wild rubber
and that of the communal plantation system, previously referred
to, have rendered the position more secure than previously, and
insured the preservation of the wild plants which were threatened
with extinction. This has moreover been effected in the most
economical manner.

The results of the tappings on the Para rubber plantations in
different parts of the country are of interest. In 1911 at Ebute
Metta, trees eighteen years old yielded 3 lbs. 5½ oz. per tree;
at Calabar six year old trees gave an average of 6 oz. per tree;
while at Sapele in the same year, five year old trees yielded
from 14 oz. to 1 lb. 6½ oz. per tree. In the following year the
same trees at Ebute Metta gave 7 lbs. 4¾ oz., while those at
Sapele yielded from 1 lb. 4¾ oz. to 1 lb. 11¾ oz. In 1915 from
two Para rubber estates at Sapele 94,413 lbs. of dry rubber was
harvested. (Cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1910, 1912, 1913, 1918.)

=Export of Rubber.=—The Commercial Intelligence Officer of Southern
Nigeria, in his report on the trade of the country for 1907, gives a
table showing the rubber exported from Southern Nigerian ports from
1900 to 1907; but as these figures include large quantities of the
product from Northern Nigeria, shipped through Southern Nigerian
ports, they do not represent the output from the latter country
alone. Until 1907 apparently no record of the Northern Nigerian
rubber exported was kept, but in the year mentioned 1,187,588 lbs.,
valued at £91,074, were recorded as having passed the customs post
of Northern Nigeria at Ida, on the Niger. The amounts, in tons,
exported from the Southern Provinces alone were: 1907, 690; 1908,
545; 1909, 620; and from the whole of Nigeria from that time: 1910,
1,180; 1911, 966; 1912, 705; 1913, 510; 1914, no figures; 1915, 248;
1916, 396; 1917, 392; 1918, 157; 1919, 398. The rubber production
of the country is to some extent controlled by the market price,
which is at present very low (1921).

=COPAL.=—Some quantity of a kind of copal resin is collected from
_Cyanothyrsus oblongus_ (syn. _C. ogea_), and is exported under the
name of “Ogea gum.” The quality appears to be similar to that
obtained from the Gold Coast _Cyanothyrsus sp._, and which is sold
under the name of “Accra copal.” Both are obtained in a fresh and
a fossil state. Owing to the recent fall in the price of ogea gum,
the collection of it has diminished, but there are said to be large
quantities available which would be collected as soon as a better
demand occurred. (See articles on “Copal Resins from British West
Africa,” _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1908, p. 245; and 1914, p. 218.)

=COCOA.=—The good fortune which has recently attended the planters
in West Africa, owing to a sudden demand for their cocoa, has
encouraged them, especially to the north and north-east of Lagos,
to make more extensive plantations. The climatic conditions in the
Western Province, however, are not favourable, and the repeated
failures of trees, due to the exhausting effect of the long dry
seasons, give the plantations an irregular appearance. The trees in
the plantations made at Agege, where many well-to-do planters have
made farms, are stunted, and planted in too close proximity, mostly
without permanent shade trees. In some instances the trees showed
disease from the sapping of the bark juices occasioned by a Capsid,
the species of which is as yet undetermined. The chief cause of their
sterility and death seems, however, to be the unfavourable climatic
conditions. In the direction of the Abeokuta-Ibadan boundary, better
planting seems to have been done and permanent shade trees preserved.

It is said that the Agege planters are dissatisfied with the
prices they obtain for their cocoa, which they maintain is properly
fermented and of better quality than that of their neighbours. An
association of the local planters was recently formed to ship
their own produce direct to the European markets. The Agege cocoa
generally, however, does not appear to be more carefully prepared
or of better quality than the other local kinds. Fermentation
is certainly practised in many places, and is becoming popular
throughout the Western Province, owing to the discovery that the
fermented pulp juice forms a beverage, which is said to be used as
a substitute for palm wine, but the beans are frequently improperly
dried.

In the Eastern Province the climatic conditions appear to be more
favourable for the plant, and there are now a number of small
plantations near Eket, Old Calabar, and Itu. The product is still
improperly prepared and usually unfermented, but time and experience
will remedy this.

In the Central Province from 1915 some activity in cocoa planting
has occurred in the Benin district, but attention there is still
mainly devoted to rubber planting.

See also _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1914, p. 213; 1915, p. 553; and 1919,
p. 289.

The exports of cocoa have been as follows:

Year Lagos (W. Province) S. Nigeria (C. & E. Provs.)
lbs. value £ lbs. value £
1890 13,657 322 No record
1891 15,254 332 „
1892 15,820 390 „
1893 18,027 488 46,977 655
1894 39,177 929 58,180 992
1895 48,187 832 1,520
1896 27,968 442 109,399 1,532
1897 101,186 1,528 101,214 1,393
1898 76,965 1,579 120,633 1,459
1899 157,708 3,411 142,235 2,548
1900 256,234 5,913 196,455 2,710
1901 229,952 5,042 230,726 3,139
1902 385,540 7,530 302,305 3,677
1903 341,461 6,705 288,614 3,653
1904 821,732 13,892 367,728 4,982
1905 896,350 10,889 388,479 6,019
1906 1,153,439 20,893 466,548 6,161
1907 Combined 2,089,225 47,840
1908 „ 3,060,609 50,587
1909 „ 5,019,417 71,917
1910 „ 6,567,181 101,150
1911 „ 9,858,774 164,664
1912 „ 7,593,711 130,542
1913 „ 8,111,920 157,480
1914 „ 5,000 tons app. 171,751
1915 „ 9,105 „ 313,946
1916 „ 8,956 „ 393,101
1917 „ 15,442 „ 499,009
1918 „ 10,219 „ 235,870
1919 „ 25,711 „ 1,067,675

=COTTON.=—Reviewing the work which has been done in inducing
the agricultural population of the country to cultivate cotton for
export, by far the greatest prominence must be given to the untiring
efforts of the British Cotton Growing Association, who are gradually
surmounting all the obstacles which retarded their progress. The
condition of the industry, especially in the Western Province,
is extremely favourable, and shows signs of further development.

In every Yoruba market sales of cotton are now conducted as a part
of the regular transactions of the day, and cotton from distant
villages filters through from market to market, increasing in
value as it approaches a ginnery, where the full price for it may
be ultimately claimed by the trader who has collected it.

On account of this system of passing from one market to another,
chiefly in the form of barter for other produce, it becomes nearly
impossible to accurately determine the origin of the supplies
brought to the ginneries; and, by reference to the records kept,
very large quantities of cotton often appear as having been sent
from towns which are little more than accumulating centres, and in
the vicinity of which there is little or no cotton grown.

Experience in the plantation of cotton under European control has
shown that without combining the work of a general trader, farmer,
and ginner with that of grower, such an attempt is not likely to
prove remunerative. The British Cotton Growing Association have
abandoned development upon these lines, directing their attention
solely towards buying, ginning and inducing the native farmers
to cultivate the plant in their ordinary field rotations. Such
plantations as still exist are now under the direct control of the
Government and are maintained for the purpose of experimental work
and for the propagation of improved types.

The local varieties of cotton may be roughly classed under five
heads, which are easily recognisable by the characters of the seed
and lint. These are:

1. Black, clean-seeded with a brown tuft or brown woolly and a
brick-red lint.—“Eponkon.”

2. Black, clean-seeded, with a creamy white lint.—Common Western
Province kind; rarer in the Central Province (Ishan).

3. Black, adhering seeds, “kidney” kind, lint creamy.—Common
Central Province.

4. White or brownish woolly seeded, lint creamy.—Meko and Agbede
kinds.

5. Green woolly seeded, lint creamy.—Rather uncommon except
at Agege.

The characters of the above classes do not appear to be sufficiently
constant to render it easy to give each class a specific position,
although some of them are doubtless separable. All native forms of
plant are constantly of greater stature than American, and in this
particular resemble Egyptian kinds.

The red-linted form known as “Eponkon” is identical with the
“Dhoole” of Sierra Leone, and, although prolific, yields a cotton
which is of little value for export. The other four kinds are those
from which the Southern Nigerian output of exported cotton is almost
wholly obtained, and the price realised varies from ½_d_. under
to 1_d_. or more over Middling American. The finest cottons are
those grown at Agege and Meko; the former being supposed to be a
hybrid with an American variety, and the latter a constant local
variety. Some of the shipments, from Illushi, of cotton grown near
Agbede appear to have been of equally desirable quality.

A large number of specimens of cotton have been examined at the
Imperial Institute, and the length of fibre is generally found to
be over one inch in average, but the colour is yellowish, and there
is less lustre than is found in the American kinds. Although the
price obtained is often somewhat higher than that of the standard
Middling American grade, Manchester spinners do not regard West
African cotton as quite suitable for their ordinary requirements,
and it appears that the higher prices have only been paid for small
quantities which were capable of being used for special purposes.

For the reason mentioned, efforts have been made to replace
the indigenous cottons by American kinds, or to hybridise the
two, but the results have not yet been successful, the tendency
being to produce an irregular mixed lint, which is commercially
inferior. American and Egyptian cottons seem to be less capable
of withstanding the attacks of the local insect pests, and a
large proportion of the seed is rendered sterile by the cotton
seed bug. Grown experimentally on a small scale at Olokemeji,
the following results were obtained from several exotic and local
cottons (American Middling at 6·64_d_. per lb.):—

Yield Staple
Variety per A. Lint % average Value
lbs.

1. Black Rattler 82·5 36·36 1·3 in. 6⅝—6¾_d_.
2. Richmond 140 28·5 1·1 „ 6⅝-6¾_d_.
3. Eponkon 525 24·7 1·2 „ no demand
4. Abassi 210 31 1·5 „ 7⅛_d_.
5. Ashmouni 300 33·3 1·3 „ 6¾_d_.
6. Jannovitch 120 33·3 1·0 „ 6⅝-6¾_d_.
7. Kidney 340 41 1·2 „ 6¾_d_.
8. Georgia 150 36·6 1·1 „ 6⅝-6¾_d_.
9. Ogudu 490 28·5 1·5 „ 7_d_.
10. Sea Island 60 33·3 1·4 „ 6¾_d_.
11. Allen’s Improved 195 30·7 1·6 „ 7⅛_d_.
12. Culpepper B. Boll. 150 33·3 1·2 „ 6⅝-6¾_d_.
13. Jannovitch 240 33·3 1·5 „ 7_d_.
14. Peruvian 400 17·5 1·2 „ 6-6¾_d_.
15. Abassi 320 34·4 1·4 „ 7½_d_.
16. Jones’ improved 82·5 36·36 1·4 „ 6_d_.
17. Russell’s B.B. Crop entire failure
18. Hawkins’ Extra Prolific „ „ „
19. Sunflower Box Staple „ „ „

Of the above Nos. 1, 2, 8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, and 19
are American varieties, and were grown from seed supplied by the
British Cotton Growing Association; Nos. 4, 5, 6, 13 and 15 are
Egyptian; No. 9 is a Northern Nigerian variety from North Ilorin,
and Nos. 3 and 7 appear to be local kinds. These cottons are
referred to in Professor Dunstan’s Report (1907), “British
Cotton Cultivation.”

In addition to the susceptibility of the American varieties to the
attacks of the local insect pests, the seed produced from plants
grown in the country is often sterile. In the districts in the
vicinity of the British Cotton Growing Association’s ginneries
American and native cottons are often seen growing in the same field,
but as the time of reaching maturity differs in the various forms,
and the cotton is not easily kept separate in the native methods
of harvesting, a mixed crop is obtained. Experimenting at the
Moor Plantation at Ibadan, the British Cotton Growing Association
have obtained occasionally satisfactory results from the American
plots, as appeared to be the case in the 1908-9 season, when an
American “Upland” variety is said to have yielded 800 lbs. of
seed cotton per acre. In the previous year an indigenous variety
called “Meko” is recorded as having produced over 900 lbs. to
the acre. These results are largely dependent upon the season and
the time of sowing.

Artificial pollination of the female flowers of the local forms
with pollen taken from American kinds has not yet succeeded in
producing a permanent hybrid, although the result in the first
generation has frequently shown great promise. There is no doubt
that the establishment of a hybrid which would carry the lint of
the best American kind and retain the hardiness and blight-resisting
powers of the indigenous forms would be very desirable, but such a
type could only be evolved after careful experiment and selection
for a prolonged period. Such work may probably be undertaken
by the Agricultural Department in the future. Until this can be
scientifically taken up, the improvement of the existing forms by a
more gradual means should be attempted, namely by a careful selection
of seed and elimination of undesirable forms of plants in the field.

Where cotton is planted by natives, the cultivation is usually
carefully carried out. Planting takes place in June, July, or
August, and the crop is harvested from January until April. For
the most part cotton is grown by the Yorubas as a separate crop,
although occasionally it may be found in conjunction with maize. No
manuring is carried on, but the crops are generally fair, except in
the proximity of the Niger, for an unexplained reason. No estimate
can be made of the yield per acre from native cotton fields, but
from 60 to 80 bolls are frequently found upon a single plant.

Before passing to other matters in connection with the condition of
the cotton plant in the country, and the appliances in use for the
preparation of the lint for export, it seems advisable to emphasise
the main points which require attention in the field. 1. Improvement
of the indigenous forms, by the careful selection of seed at the
ginneries, for distribution, and the subsequent elimination of
undesirable types of plant in the field. 2. Demonstration to the
native farmer of a useful method of combination of cotton with the
existing field crops, and especially the advantage of introducing
leguminous crops into the rotation with cotton. 3. Special efforts
to be made in those countries outside the oil palm districts, where
the natives have little else capable of being produced for barter
for imported material. Alter a series of experimental trials it was
decided in 1915 to encourage the planting of Georgia cotton in the
Western Province. In the year mentioned this American variety had
yielded 800 lbs. of seed cotton per acre at Ibadan.

A number of insect pests of a more or less serious nature attack
the plant at different periods of growth. The American boll-worm
(_Chloridea obsoleta_) does some damage annually in the Central
Province (Ugboha, Agbede and Ishan); _Earias insulana_, F.,
the Egyptian boll-worm; _E. imbricata_, an allied species, and
_Diparopsis castanea_ Hamp., the Sudan boll-worm, are common at
Ibadan. The immature boll is often punctured by a scarlet and brown
bug, identified as _Dysdercus superstitiosus_, Fabr., which enters
the opened bolls also, and exudes a yellowish liquid, which stains
the lint. The opened boll is also infested with three species of
cotton-seed bugs—_Oxycarenus hyalinipennis_, _O. gossipinus_,
and _O. Dudgeoni_—which do a large amount of damage in sapping
the juices from the seed and rendering it unproductive. The most
satisfactory method of dispersing this insect is to place the
seed-cotton in a hot sun for several hours. Both _Oxycarenus_ and
_Dysdercus_ may be trapped by placing piles of seed in the field at
intervals, and treating them with kerosene when the insects have
collected on them. A small caterpillar belonging to the family
_Gelechiadæ_[4] is often found in the boll feeding on the seed,
and a leaf-blistering blight, probably _Chlorita flavescens_,
appears to be common in several places. A malady, chiefly on stems
of exotic cottons, and known as “black-arm” in Georgia, U.S.A.,
is seen occasionally. The affection is not attributed to any animal
or vegetable parasite.

The ginneries erected by the British Cotton Growing Association are
probably some of the best equipped in the world. The Marlborough
Ginnery at Ibadan (Fig. 23) has at present the largest output,
although the Jones Ginnery at Oshogbo is larger, and is expected
to receive a greater quantity of cotton for treatment in the
future. The third, which is working in the Western Province, is
the Churchill Ginnery at Lafenwa, near Abeokuta. Smaller ginneries
have been erected at Eruwa Road, Iwo, Oyo, and Agege in the Western
Province, but are at present unused. In the Central Province the
Illushi Ginnery on the Niger is capable of treating all the cotton
of the adjoining districts. A photograph of cotton bales at Ibadan
is reproduced (Fig. 23).

At Ibadan an oil mill has been erected in connection with the
Marlborough Ginnery, and the expression of oil from the seed
is regularly carried on. The seed cake which is turned out is
found to be of rather inferior quality for European consumption,
as the excess of woolly seed renders it undesirable for cattle
food. A very economical local use for this cake has recently been
discovered—namely the employment of it to generate gas to drive
the machinery of the ginnery. It has been found that 6 cwt. of
cotton-seed cake is sufficient to generate gas to drive the 30
h.p. oil-mill engine for nine and a half hours. This discovery
suggests the possibility of doing without coal entirely at the
ginneries, which would mean a very large saving in the cost of
production of cotton.

The cotton ginned by the British Cotton Growing Association is baled
for the most part in rectangular oblong form, each bale weighing
approximately 400 lbs. The production of the country has shown
a rapid increase, especially in the earlier years, though more
recently one of the seasons proved a short one owing to adverse
climatic conditions.

Weight cwts. Weight cwts. Weight cwts.
1902 110 1908 20,485 1914 no figure given
1903 2,588 1909 44,937 1915 24,081
1904 10,255 1910 22,128 1916 66,555
1905 12,275 1911 19,984 1917 47,137
1906 24,071 1912 39,043 1918 13,214
1907 36,513 1913 56,796 1919 60,221

The exports of cotton-seed in 1912 and 1913 reached 4,058
tons and 5,887 tons respectively. (“Cotton Varieties,”
cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, vol. xv. [1917]). Much is expected from
this new development.

=MAIZE.=—In the last few years the cultivation of a short-season
“white” maize has been taken up, especially among the Yorubas,
in the Western Province, although the variety is also found in
the fields farther to the east. (See _Bulletin of the Imperial
Institute_, vol. vii. [1909], pp. 145-8.)

Tons Value £ Tons Value £
1907 9,891 28,520 1913 11,841 40,349
1908 15,529 51,695 1914 — 5,803
1909 10,917 34,335 1915 272 941
1910 5,096 16,689 1916 981 5,064
1911 867 3,128 1917 876 4,367
1912 7,899 28,713 1918 405 3,696

A difficulty has arisen in connection with the preparation of the
crop for shipment; it having been found that very large quantities
arrive in Europe in a weevilly condition. Various methods have
been suggested to remedy this, including disinfection with carbon
bisulphide, but the use of this last is dangerous.

A restriction with regard to the time of buying the July—August
crop is recommended for adoption by the merchants, in order to
prevent immature, insufficiently dried corn being shipped. It
is insisted, however, in some quarters, that, until the holds
of ships are systematically cleaned out before loading, no
amount of precaution on shore will prevent shipments becoming
weevilled during the voyage. (See article on “The Cultivation and
Marketing of Maize” in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
vol. vi. [1908], pp. 261-77.)

Experiments were carried out in 1911, 1912 and 1913 to determine the
most profitable time for sowing maize. The results were, however,
conflicting, and no definite recommendation could be made owing to
the irregularity of rainfall.

=CASSAVA.=—Among the more important field crops, cassava has to be
reckoned. Two well-marked forms occur, which are readily recognised
by the different characters of their leaves, one having the leaflets
digitate and pointed, and the other digitate and spathulate, with the
central leaflet shortened. Cassava forms an important food in many
parts of the country, and is widely cultivated, especially in the
Western Province. No tapioca is prepared from the root in Southern
Nigeria, such as is the case in the West Indies and elsewhere.

=YAMS.=—In many parts of the country, more especially in the
Central and Eastern Provinces, the various forms of yam (_Dioscorea_)
are extensively cultivated alone or with maize, but the presence of
five or six other crops growing upon the heightened yam mounds is
not uncommon, in the Cross River districts particularly. From the
latter locality quantities of yams are sent by river canoes to the
large ports in the vicinity of which cultivated land is often scarce.

The Koko yam (_Colocasia antiquorum_) is also common in the wet zone.

=GROUNDNUTS.=—The cultivation of groundnuts (_Arachis hypogea_),
upon a more extensive scale than at present, is to be recommended, as
there are too few leguminous crops grown in the local rotation. The
colour of most of the Southern Nigerian nuts is probably an obstacle
to their ready sale in Europe; the shell being usually a dirty
greyish instead of a light straw colour. The kernels are, however,
satisfactory. It would, perhaps, therefore be advantageous to ship
decorticated nuts, as is done in the Northern Provinces. Although
new seed and instructors have been brought recently from the Gambia,
very little more is grown than formerly.

The variety seen in the Western Province is a larger one than that
of the Gambia, and has generally two kernels. The market price for
groundnuts at Lapita near Oyo was 200 for 1_d_., which will indicate
the scarcity of the product.

=SHEA NUTS AND BUTTER.=—The export trade in shea nuts
(_Butyrospermum Parkii_) was expected to develop with the extension
of the railway through Ibadan and Ilorin to the Northern Provinces,
but the exported product still has its main source from localities
north of the Niger. The demand does not seem sufficient to induce
expansion to a great extent (_Bull. Imp. Inst._, vol. vi. [1908]).

The butter or fat is much appreciated in the country for culinary
purposes, and has been found of value in Europe for soap and
candle-making, as well as for the manufacture of vegetable butter.

=KOLA.=—Two species of kola (_K. acuminata_ and _K. vera_)
are cultivated, the latter being the indigenous Gold Coast form,
the fruit of which is said to be especially valued in the Haussa
countries to the north. The local native names are, respectively,
“Obi abatta” and “Obi gbanja.” In general appearance the
trees are similar, except that the former has narrower and smaller
leaves. The “gbanja” form of nut is generally pink and divisible
into from two to three parts (cotyledons), whereas the “abatta”
form may vary in colour from deep crimson to white and be separable
into from three to five parts. The price paid for kolas in Lagos
is said to vary from 1_s_. 3_d_. to 5_s_. per hundred.

Although a considerable number of trees have been planted and are
bearing fruit in the Western Province, the demand for kolas for
native consumption is so great that there is a large import trade
from the Gold Coast.

The kola nut is chewed in much the same manner as the betel nut in
the East. It is greatly appreciated for its sustaining qualities,
and forms a token of friendship exchanged among high-grade natives,
as a preliminary to an important discussion of any kind.

=FIBRE.=—Experiments have been made at the Olokemeji Botanic
Station with indigenous fibres, and a small factory has been erected
at Ilaro, where a machine capable of extracting fibre is said to
have been instituted. The reports upon some of the local Hibiscus
fibres have been satisfactory. These are capable of utilisation
as jute substitutes, and it may be possible to grow them in the
crop rotation of the country at some future time for the purpose
of export. (See _Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute_,
No. 1 “Fibres,” pp. 38, 52, 83, 89, and 114.)

Piassava (_Raphia vinifera_) fibre is prepared and shipped,
especially from Uwet in the Eastern Province, the export amounting
to 319 tons in 1910.

=LEATHER.=—A small trade in leather is done among the Yorubas,
and tanners may be met with chiefly in the north of the Western
Province. The process employed in the preparation of the goat and
sheep skins used is similar to that of Northern Nigeria. (See Report
on “Leather from Lagos,” _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
vol. iv. [1906], p. 366, and articles on “Native Leather of West
Africa,” _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vi. [1908],
pp. 175-81 and vol. viii. [1910], pp. 402.)

=TOBACCO.=—Tobacco is produced near Ibadan, and large quantities
are sold in the King’s market of that town. It is probable that the
curing of the leaf is done completely in the sun, as the prepared
material is of a rather light colour and has a mild flavour. The
leaves are apparently rather mixed, and old or immature examples
are frequently included in the same grade.

Experiments will be taken in hand with a view to the improvement of
the quality, but at present the local demand is so great that there
is little prospect of an export trade becoming established. Recent
work in Nyasa-land has shown that good pipe smoking tobacco,
suitable for consumption in England, can be produced in Africa.

=SILK.=—The preparation of a silk yarn, carded and spun from the
boiled cocoons of wild silkworms, is a common occupation of some
of the women of Ibadan. The identity of the insects producing the
silk has been determined to be _Anaphe infracta_ and _A. venata_,
both of which form congregated masses of cocoons. The yarn is of a
brown colour, and is woven with cotton into a cloth which is called
locally “Saṉyaṉ.” It is much valued by the natives on account
of its durability. The silkworms show some sign of becoming scarce
owing to the utilisation of the pupæ as food. (See _Bulletin of the
Imperial Institute_, 1910, p. 150; 1916, p. 168; and 1920, p. 319.)

=COCONUTS.=—The preparation of copra is carried on at Badagri,
where a large coconut plantation exists. Great alarm was recently
caused to the proprietors through the attack of a scale insect
(_Aspidiotus destructor_), which destroyed the leaves of a very
large number of trees. The advent of this pest was, however,
quickly followed by the vast multiplication of the numbers of a
species of large ladybird beetle, which soon checked the spread of
the scale. The directions issued by the Forestry Department with
regard to the means of destroying the infected leaves also assisted
in the extermination of the blight.

=MAHOGANY AND EBONY.=—Among the valuable exported products from
the country, mahogany and ebony must be regarded as occupying an
important place. The largest proportion of the timbers exported
to Europe and sold under the name of mahogany are obtained in the
Central Province, and are cut from trees belonging to the genera
_Khaya_, _Pseudocedrela_, and _Entandrophragma_, of the Natural
Order _MELIACEÆ_. Mr. Thompson, Conservator of Forests, remarks
that a fair number of logs cut from a species of _Guarea_, of the
same Natural Order, have been shipped, and have obtained good prices
in Europe.

A red wood, called locally “Iroko” (_Chlorophora excelsa_),
which is in good demand in the country for making furniture, etc.,
has been shipped to Europe, but at present there is little demand
for it. A photograph of another timber tree (_Terminalia superba_)
is given (Fig. 24).

Mahogany cannot be relied upon as a product capable of permanent
exportation, as trees are only useful for felling in the vicinity of
creeks and rivers, whence the logs may be inexpensively transported
to the sea. The rate at which the available trees are becoming
worked out is much greater than that at which they can be replaced
by nature.

The export values for some recent years are as under:—

1910 £60,191 | 1915 £54,559
1911 £55,575 | 1916 £49,361
1912 £78,007 | 1917 £21,282
1913 £105,440 | 1918 £68,480
1914 £86,522 | 1919 £116,820

The ebony exported from the country is chiefly obtained in the Cross
River District of the Eastern Province, but during recent years the
trade in it has diminished, and it is said that immature trees are
frequently felled. The sources of ebony are two species of trees
belonging to the genus _Diospyros_. The value of ebony exported
during the two years 1909 and 1910 is stated to have been £1,298
and £166 respectively.

Several other trees have recently been examined for export value,
most of them coming into the mahogany or red-wood class. (See
articles on “Timbers from Southern Nigeria,” _Bull. Imp. Inst._,
vol. vi. [1908], p. 144, vol. xviii. [1920], p. 199, and note on
next page.)

=CATTLE.=—The greater part of the moist zone is almost devoid
of cattle, partly owing to the prevalence of “tsetse” fly,
although mainly, perhaps, to the less advanced condition of the
inhabitants. As soon as the intermediate and dry-zone country is
entered, small herds are frequently seen. That the presence of
tsetse fly is not entirely accountable for the scarcity of cattle
in the forested region is shown by the occurrence of the peculiar
dwarfed variety with short legs, which is found in Ondo, Ilesha,
Ifon, Ishan, and even in the Bassa Province in Northern Nigeria,
in all of which districts “tsetse” flies of at least two species
are met with. (_Glossina palpalis_ and _G. pallidipes_.) It is stated
by the natives that the dwarf cattle are immune from fly disease,
but that introduced animals succumb to it. The appearance of these
animals, an illustration of one of which is given, reproduced
from a photograph taken at Illara (Fig. 25), is remarkable. The
prevailing colours are black and white, black, and more rarely
fawn-coloured. There is no dorsal hump, and the forequarters
are generally lower than the hind. A second illustration, from a
photograph taken at Owo (Fig. 26), gives an idea of the relative
size of a full-grown animal compared with that of a boy. Another
peculiarity of the above-mentioned districts is that the goats
occurring there are similarly short-legged and diminutive; there
is also said to be a stunted variety of horse, which is bred for
use at Ondo. When the open country is reached, two varieties of
cattle are seen, one of the Indian zebu type, with a large dorsal
hump, the prevailing colour of which is white, and another with
a straight back. The latter kind is seen as far south as Onitsha,
on the east bank of the Niger.

[Illustration: DWARF CATTLE, ILLARA.

Fig. 25, p. 119.]

[Illustration: OWO.

Fig. 26, p. 119.]

[Illustration: HAUSSA CULTIVATING IMPLEMENTS (LEFT TO RIGHT:
I. FATAINYA, II. GARMA, III. SANGUMI), NORTHERN PROVINCES.

Fig. 27, p. 125.]

=POTTERY.=—Earthen pots are made in several parts of the country,
and are usually symmetrically formed, although no wheel is used in
their preparation. The large earthen jars made at Abeokuta are used
in the palm oil, native beer, and indigo industries.

=FOREST RESERVES.=—These are now being formed everywhere in order
to replace the destruction of recent years. The irregular rainfall
renders natural regeneration very poor, and artificial regeneration
by means of planting by leaseholders for trees cut down has proved
unsatisfactory. In 1913 some villages in the Central Province started
small mahogany plantations, and trees for fuel are now being grown
in several districts. The value of such trees as _Afzelia africana_
and _Triplochiton johnsoni_ has been recently demonstrated.

[Illustration: =NIGERIA=, NORTHERN PROVINCES

Territory held by Great Britain under Mandate is hatched in
Red. [Legend]

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

=NIGERIA-NORTHERN PROVINCES=

=INTRODUCTORY REMARKS=—Until 1914 the Northern Provinces of
Nigeria were separately administered under the designation of
Northern Nigeria, and were the largest as well as the most recent
of our West African Colonies. They lie between 7° 3′ and 13°
54′ north latitude, and 2° 50′ and 14° 5′ east longitude,
and are bounded on the north by the French Sudan, on the east by the
Kameruns and on the west by Dahomey and French Guinea. The Southern
Provinces of Nigeria almost completely adjoin the southern boundary.

The estimate of the populations and areas of the thirteen provinces
given below is taken from the Colonial Office Report No. 821 for
1913:—

Area, sq. miles. Population.
Sokoto 32,600 1,300,000
Kano 29,500 3,500,000
Bornu 33,600 700,000
Central[5] 23,700 700,000
Zaria 13,320 402,000
Niger[5] 16,770 400,000
Kontagora 27,800 122,000
Ilorin 6,500 200,000
Muri 28,700 700,000
Nassarawa 16,710 600,000
Yola 11,600 300,000
Kabba 8,200 140,000
Bassa 6,700 205,000
------- ---------
255,700 9,269,000

The total population is thus nearly double that of the estimation of
1907-8. For convenience the Northern Provinces may in places still
be referred to in this work by the old title of Northern Nigeria.

As will be seen below there is less variation in the rainfall of
the different provinces than is found elsewhere in West Africa. The
averages of the following centres for as many years as are available
until 1913 are given for comparison:—

Av. inches. Av. inches.
Naraguta 50·28 Knepp 40·80
Ilorin 49·75 Yola 38·64
Kontagora 47·77 Kano 33·65
Zaria 46·59 Maifoni 27·85
Baro 46·56 Sokoto 24·86
Lokoja 45·77 Kataguni 19·87
Zungeru 41·67 Geidam 15·14

Of the places mentioned the highest single year’s rainfall was
reached at Ilorin when 65·18 inches fell, and the lowest at Geidam
in 1913 when only 5·76 were recorded. There are localities where
the rainfall exceeds the highest given here and others where it is
undoubtedly much lower, but no records are available. The highest
shade temperatures have been at Dumjeri and Maifoni (North Bornu),
where 120° was attained, the lowest being at Kano, where it fell
to 39°. In Kano and Zaria rain seldom falls between November 1 and
the end of March, but the distribution is more general in the south.

=Administration and Political Divisions.=—The administration
of Northern Nigeria was taken over by the Crown in 1900, having
previously been carried on by the Royal Niger Company. Protectorates
were gradually assumed, and the country placed upon a secure
footing by the suppression of raiding, which had constantly been
carried on by the different Emirs, chiefly upon the pagan tribes. The
devastation caused by these raids is still visible in the country to
the south of Kontagora and elsewhere, and the fear of the raiders
kept the inhabitants within or in close proximity to their walled
towns, leaving large tracts of fertile country unexploited. The work
accomplished by Sir Frederick Lugard, the first High Commissioner,
was largely that of pacification and reassurance of the people,
and until this had been completed, and facilities for transport
provided, it could not be expected that the country could make much
progress from a commercial standpoint.

The further opening up of the country by means of roads and
railways, and the assessment of land revenue upon lines completely
understood and recognised as fair by the natives, was effected
by Sir Percy Girouard, who succeeded Sir Frederick Lugard’s
first administration. Sir Frederick subsequently returned as
Governor-General of the amalgamated Nigeria.

Until April 1907 the country was divided into fourteen provinces,
one of which, Borgu, was absorbed in Kontagora at that time,
making the thirteen mentioned above. By a later reconstruction
the provincial limits of the two provinces of Bauchi and Nupe were
reformed, and the provinces reconstituted under the names of the
Central and Niger Provinces respectively. Groups of provinces were
then placed under First-class Residents. Photographs are given of
Kano and Zaria (Figs. 32 and 33).

=Natural Divisions.=—There is less apparent possibility of
defining limits to the natural conditions of any part of the
country than is found in the countries nearer the coast. There is
no afforested zone in Northern Nigeria, although fairly densely
wooded tracts occur in several places near the larger rivers. It
may be said that grass land studded with well-separated trees is
the condition of the country throughout, the trees becoming more
stunted towards the northern and desert boundaries. To the north of
the 11th degree of latitude, the botanical aspect becomes different;
more trees of the Mimosa group, including the gum-bearing Acacias,
becoming apparent. Cattle thrive well in this region, where the
“tsetse” fly has not yet been observed.

Haussa Land, a term applied to the northern parts of the country,
alone among the British West African territories, may be said to have
been controlled by an ordered form of government from early times,
and to have had a recorded history. Unfortunately these records
were destroyed, wherever possible, by the Fulani conquerors, who
came from the source of the river Senegal and overran the country
at the beginning of the last century, and whose object seemed to be
to endeavour to eliminate from the minds of the conquered people
all recollection of their previous power. In spite of strenuous
efforts in this direction, a few documents have been preserved,
and these, combined with traditions, which have not had time to
become completely distorted, show that, in spite of severe wars,
famines, and other disturbing incidents, the Haussa has maintained
his characteristic traits.

The origin of the Haussa race is still a matter of uncertainty,
although there is some reason to suppose that it came from the east,
and gradually penetrated the Western Sudan from the north. The Haussa
language, which is claimed to be more in use than any other native
language in West Africa, is said, by Lady Lugard, to be classed
with Coptic among the Hamitic languages.[6]

History has established the fact that there were seven divisions
or states in Haussa Land, the people of which, although regarded as
having come from a common stock, were almost perpetually at war with
one another. The mythical account of the formation of these states
relates that each had particular duties assigned to it; those of Kano
and Rano, to the north of Zaria, being specially industrial. At the
beginning of the sixteenth century, when the Songhay kingdom was at
the summit of its power, Kano and Gober, among other Haussa towns,
were specially referred to by Leo Africanus on account of their
cotton trade.[7]

Everywhere along the West Coast the name Haussa is associated
with the idea of trade; the itinerant nature of the race inducing
individuals to visit the remote parts of the pagan countries,
thus creating trade routes in all directions. The Haussa trader
of the present day does not necessarily bring goods from his own
country for trading, but buys in one market to sell or exchange in
another. It is by this means that many European manufactured goods
penetrate into localities where no European trader has yet set foot.

The Haussa is also regarded as a good soldier, and is largely
enlisted in the native regiments of West Africa under European
officers.

The Nupes, Yorubas, Gwaris, Yauris, and others were constantly in
contact with the Haussas, and to a small extent the Haussa language
is spoken by them. Nupe is regarded as an ancient kingdom, occupying
at one time a position of great importance. The Yorubas, who inhabit
nearly the whole of the Ilorin Province and the Western Province
of Southern Nigeria, trace their origin from the Phœnicians of the
tribe of Nimrod, and claim that all the pagan tribes of Haussa Land
are descended from them. The Gwaris, apparently, have no records,
but are a scattered race living among the rocky hills and caves in
the country lying to the south of Zaria.

Bornu was not evidently included in the Songhay kingdom or associated
with the Haussa states, the inhabitants belonging to a distinct race
with separate traditions. Their history in comparison with that of
the Haussas is of recent date. In 1808, after the successful Fulani
conquests of Zaria, Zanfara, Kano, Katsena, and Bauchi, Bornu was
overrun. Shortly after this a sheikh, from the country extending
eastwards from Lake Tchad, believing himself to be inspired to
liberate the country, raised a small army, drove out the Fulani
forces, and founded the present dynasty of Bornu. Some years later
he attempted to expel the Fulanis from the Bauchi Province, but
failed, and was compelled to come to terms.

The Haussas as well as the Bornuese are chiefly Mohammedans, but it
is only among the higher ranks of the other tribes that a semblance
of that religion has been adopted.

The tribes which had migrated from the East brought with them the
agricultural knowledge of the Eastern nations. Among the noticeable
evidences of this may be mentioned the “shaduf,” or dipping
beam, used for irrigation in Egypt, which is similarly employed
near Kano and Zaria. The absence of ploughs and the non-employment
of cattle are, however, difficult to account for, as excellent
cattle are common and thrive well in the most populous parts of
the country. Tillage of the soil is still done entirely by hand,
and, in those parts where the shallowest form exists, manure is
extensively used. Among the many crops grown which are common to
Oriental countries, as well as Northern Nigeria, are Guinea corn,
maize, cotton, groundnuts, millet, benniseed, artichokes, wheat,
and rice.

Agriculture shows the greatest development in the Province of Kano,
where the population is dense, especially in the vicinity of the
town from which the Province takes its name. The concentration of
a large population in this locality was doubtless occasioned by
the protection thus obtained against local enemies; and, as the
realisation of the necessity for this becomes less each year, so
will the inhabitants spread out into the richer lands towards the
south. At a radius of thirty miles from Kano, it may be said that
every available acre of ground is cultivated. It may also be said
that nearly all the cultivation is continuous, and has been so for
a long period, the renovation of the soil being secured each year
by manuring. The mode of cultivation in these localities is for
the most part shallow, and in many places the crops grown subsist
entirely upon the manure applied. The Director of Agriculture,
in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. xi. (1913),
p. 626, refers to the lack of fertility in the soil and to the
common practice of cropping without a fallow for a number of years
in succession. He also mentions, among other matters of interest,
the recent expansion in cultivation of cowpeas and groundnuts;
these being respectively third and fourth in order of importance
among the cultivated crops.

=Implements.=—An illustration is given showing the method of
using the three important agricultural implements employed by
the Haussa cultivator (Fig. 27). The first of these is locally
termed “Fatainya,” and is a curved-handled hoe with a blade
of variable width. It is used for all operations of cultivation
with the exception of turning up broad ridges and drilling. The
implement shown in the centre is termed “Garma,” and is a broad,
spade-like hoe, composed of an iron W-shaped frame, with several
strips of iron riveted on the face, filling the interval between the
arms. In the Zaria Province the iron strips are generally omitted,
and the implement is called “Owya.” It is used for throwing up
large spadefuls of soil in the preparation of the broad ridges which
are made for nearly all kinds of crops. The last implement is the
“Sangumi,” which is a thin rod with a small blade placed near
one end and at right angles to it; its use is entirely for making
drills for sowing seed.

All the fields for growing ordinary food crops, with the exception
of cassava, rice, and sugar-cane, are prepared in ridge formation;
the latter appearing to average about 8 in. high from the original
surface. The furrows from which the loose soil has been removed
increase the apparent height by the extent of their depth, and give
the appearance of a good form of tillage having been practised. This
is, however, seldom the case, as, except where irrigated crops are
being treated, the ground is left untilled beneath the thrown-up
soil. To compensate for the shallow state of the cultivation,
manure is applied in large quantity, all animal refuse and ashes
being carefully preserved, and often conveyed for long distances
to the fields by men or donkeys.

The above conditions apparently apply only to the Haussa race,
the pagan Gwaris and Bassas resorting to a much deeper form of
cultivation and employing no manure. The Nupes and Yorubas do not
know the use of manure for any crops except onions and tobacco,
for both of which wood ashes are the chief substance applied.

The crops of the country may be roughly divided into rainfall,
irrigated, and swamp kinds. The first are sown at the commencement
of the wet season, and are greatly affected by the distribution of
the rain, but include the most important sources of food. These are
Guinea corn, millet, maize, groundnuts, cassava, sweet potatoes,
etc. An inadequate or irregular rainy season often causes famine
conditions. The irrigated crops are yams, Colocasia, onions, tobacco,
peppers, rama-fibre, and wheat, the last being almost confined to
the country north of the 11th degree. Cassava and sugar-cane are also
frequently irrigated in the drier districts to the north. Irrigation
is performed in the northern localities by means of the shaduf. The
swamp crops are rice, Colocasia, and sugar-cane. The first is grown
upon a flat-dug surface, the second upon high ridges made of swamp
mud, and the third on low ridges bordering the rice fields. The
villages north of Kano are often entirely built of the stalks of
Guinea corn, and Fig. 31 represents a principal hut within such a
structure. The fencing of the fields in this locality is generally
made of the same material, but in the vicinity of Kano itself,
Euphorbia or thorn hedges are more common.

Near Rogo, fences and hedges are usually dispensed with, paths
forming the boundaries between fields.

The following table of value of exports shows the progress in the
last five years before amalgamation with the Southern Provinces. The
subsequent years are given at the end of this chapter.

VALUES OF EXPORTS

1908 1909 1910 1911 1912
£ £ £ £ £
Rubber 33,050 40,000 37,900 53,511 [8]
Shea nut products 70,900 93,050 43,150 40,496 51,409
Palm kernels 47,150 41,750 66,100 52,637 64,432
Groundnuts 13,650 16,350 8,150 10,377 18,930
Gum[9] 8,850 6,650 9,750 5,436 1,785
Cotton 1,300 4,400 1,850 945 [8]
Benniseed 2,000 4,000 2,300 2,582 2,972
Fibre 1,382 4,061 — — —
Livestock 2,600 1,300 3,750 6,357 9,132
Gutta percha (“Balata”) — — 2,262 6,695 4,267
Skins and hides[10] — — 5,214 37,809 68,832
Ostrich feathers — — 2,615 7,225 12,621

=RUBBER.=—The extent of the export of this commodity from the
Northern Provinces was less generally recognised than that from
the coast countries, for the reason that the Northern Nigeria’s
exports are necessarily shipped from Southern Nigerian ports,
and have been included in the statistical figures of that country.

Until 1907 no separate statement was furnished indicating the
quantity of rubber actually originating from the Northern Provinces;
the whole produce leaving the country by the Southern Nigerian
ports made it difficult to ascertain this. The following imperfect
records show, however, that the production was of significant extent:

1905. The value of the rubber exported by two of the leading
firms in the Northern Provinces was estimated at £101,207.

1906. The amount exported in the second half-year was given as
556,701 lbs., valued at £34,344. The year’s exports were
said to be 574 tons. Estimating the whole at the same
proportionate value as that given for the second
half-year we have:

1906. 1,283,520 lbs. £79,185

1907. 1,187,588 lbs. £91,074

The decrease in recent years is accounted for by the fall which
occurred in the price of rubber, but is probably partly due to the
extermination of the vines by the wasteful process of preparing
root rubber.

=Sources.=—The following are the trees and plants which have been
used for extracting rubber:—

1. _Funtumia elastica_.—This is only found in a wild state in
Southern Kabba and Bassa Provinces, and is recognised under the
Yoruba name of “Ire.” Small pieces of fairly well-prepared
rubber from this tree are occasionally brought in to Lokoja for sale.

2. _Landolphia sp._ (probably _owariensis_).—A clean “red
nigger” rubber is sold, and is probably obtained from this
species. It is generally of good quality, but not plentiful. It
appears to be collected as a scrap rubber, and is made up in small
irregular balls.

3. _Landolphia sp._—“Root rubber,” termed locally
“Attifufu,” and called by the trade “Brown cluster” or
“Brown medium.” It is probable that several species of vines
are used for this, which is not necessarily prepared from the root
alone, the whole stem being pounded up. This seems to represent
the commonest form of Northern Nigerian rubber, the preparation of
which was at one time prohibited.

4. _Landolphia florida_ or _Thompsonii_ (?).—“Paste rubber,”
called locally “Ebo,” is prepared from the latex of these vines
by boiling with the admixture of “wood oil,” or the resinous
exudation of _Daniellia thurifera_, until it reaches the consistency
of bird-lime, when it is only capable of being handled in water,
in which state it is sold to the merchants, who accumulate it in
casks for shipment. It is inferior in quality, and only capable of
export for cheap manufactures.

5. _Carpodinus hirsutus_.—“Flake rubber,” called
“Aribedda,” is said to be the product of this vine, which grows
commonly in Bassa. It is without resiliency and somewhat resembles
the exudations of some of the species of Ficus.

6. _Ficus platyphylla_.—“Red Kano rubber,” or “Ballata,”
known to the Nupe people as “Ogbagba.” This is prepared by
boiling, without the addition of any foreign matter, and attains the
consistency of a hardened paste, similar to the “guttas” made
from the latex of the Shea-butter tree (_Butyrospermum Parkii_). It
is distinguished in the Kano Province by the name “Danko Gawi,”
shea gutta being known as “Danko Kadainya.”

7. _Ficus trachyphylla_.—This tree is called in Ilorin by
the Yoruba name “Oapottoa,” and yields a latex which is
discoloured pink by the sap of the tree with which it becomes mixed
in tapping. When boiled and allowed to cool, the product is a reddish
hardened substance, somewhat resembling guttapercha in appearance.

8. _Ficus Vogelii_.—Scrap rubber from this tree is said to be
collected. In appearance this rubber is often good, but the shreds
break up easily.

It will be seen from the above, that several of the so-called rubbers
are unlike the valuable kinds in appearance and composition,
and as such are, perhaps, incapable of being used in a pure
state and for the most important manufactures for which rubber
is employed. All kinds, however, seem to be marketable at a price
which is remunerative to the exporter, so that the trade has become
an extensive one.

=Plantations.=—It has been urged that Para rubber (_Hevea
brasiliensis_) might be grown upon a large scale in the moist and
well-watered areas, and Ceara (_Manihot Glaziovii_) and _Funtumia
elastica_ in the drier districts; but the country is not generally
favourably adapted for growing the first and last mentioned. Ceara
rubber seems to thrive well in climates similar to that of this
country, and the rubber made from it is of the finest quality,
but in many tropical countries it has shown great uncertainty in
yield of latex, and often unaccountable cessation of flow. This
has caused it to be less favourably regarded for plantation
work. (Cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1913, 1916.)

Many parts of the country are suitable for Ceara cultivation,
thriving as it does in localities susceptible to long periods of
drought. In the German African Colonies the method of treating the
tree seems advantageous, in view of the uncertainty of the yield
after maturity is reached. In these places the plants are put out in
extensive plots each year, and, after they have reached full growth,
all the latex possible of extraction is taken out of them, and the
exhausted trees are cut out, permitting the area to become renovated
by the self-sown seedlings, which spring up in great profusion. Thus,
each year a plot becomes completely renovated, without great expense
being incurred. If Ceara planting should be adopted in Northern
Nigeria, some such system as this might prove remunerative.

In the Lokoja forest reserve, about a hundred acres of _Funtumia
elastica_ were planted in 1906, but these have not succeeded as well
as was originally expected, owing, probably, to want of moisture. A
few Ceara and even Hevea plants, have been grown at Zungeru and Baro,
but, as yet, no plantations have been made.

=SHEA NUTS.=—The shea nut is the seed or kernel contained in
the green fruit borne by _Butyrospermum Parkii_, called locally
“Kadainya.” The fruit, which ripens about May, is of variable
size, from that of a pigeon’s egg to as large as a hen’s egg
where only one nut is contained, but is nearly twice the size where
two nuts are present in the same fruit. The fleshy rind is not
more than one-sixth of an inch in thickness, is sweet to the taste,
and contains a white latex, which coagulates into a product called
“gutta-shea.” The natives in some places seem to regard the fruit
as a delicacy, and the roads and paths, in districts where the tree
is plentiful, are strewn with the nuts which have been thrown away
after the fruit portions have been eaten. The nut is quite smooth,
and is readily separated from the fleshy part.

The butter, which is extracted by the natives, is appreciated
less than palm oil or groundnut oil for cooking, but is used
as a substitute. In Europe the kernels as well as the extracted
“butter” are employed, especially on the Continent, for the
manufacture of vegetable butter and in candle factories.

In some places the fruits are collected and put in heaps, until the
fleshy parts have decomposed and left the nuts clean, after which
the kernels are extracted, dried in earthen stoves, and pounded
or ground into a fine flour. This is then pounded again, with the
addition of a little water, previous to being mixed in hot water to
separate the fat. The latter rises to the surface and solidifies on
cooling, being melted again for clarification by skimming previous
to being poured into moulds made from plantain leaves or maize-cob
sheaths. In this form it is sold for export, and is then known as
“shea-butter.” An illustration is given (Fig. 28) of some Shea
nut collectors resting beneath a Shea tree in the Ilorin Province.

[Illustration: SHEA-BUTTER TREE (_BUTYROSPERMUM PARKII_), WITH
NUT-COLLECTORS, ILORIN.

Fig. 28, p. 130.]

[Illustration: YIELDING GUM TREE (_ACACIA CAFFRA_) AT KONTAGORA.

Fig. 29, p. 131.]

[Illustration: LOCUST-BEAN TREE (_PARKIA FILICOIDEA_) AT ILORIN.

Fig. 30, p. 162.]

According to results obtained at the Imperial Institute (_Bulletin
of the Imperial Institute_, 1908, p. 370; 1912, p. 290), the kernels
contain from 40 to 50 per cent. of fat, as well as a small quantity
of unsaponifiable matter resembling gutta-shea.

Where the nuts are very plentiful, and transport appears to be
easy, the collection is often neglected, and the reason given is
that there is some difficulty in removing the fruit from the nut,
which makes the occupation unremunerative. But it is noticeable
that the fleshy part quickly decomposes, and the clean nuts are
frequently seen beneath the trees themselves, although in this
situation the advent of heavy rain will often induce germination,
and so spoil the kernel. This difficulty is obviated if the fruits
are collected and placed under cover, being allowed to decompose
without too much moisture.

Throughout the Ilorin and Nupe Provinces the nuts are at present
collected for sale to the factories, but in size those grown in
the Zaria Province are larger, and are now quite accessible. In
this latter locality the double fruit, above referred to, appears
to be common. In the tract of country through which the Baro-Kano
railway now proceeds, after crossing the Kogin-Serikin-Pawa river,
as far Zaria, localities containing very large and prolific trees are
frequently met with, but the population is scanty, and collection is
scarcely made for export purposes. Trees growing in cultivated areas
are generally recognised as the property of the cultivator, forest
trees only being common property. Women are the chief collectors
of the nuts in the districts whence the supplies at present come,
and their inability to penetrate far into the forests has sometimes
been urged as a reason for larger quantities not being brought in
to the factories. Now that the railway is present, it is probable
that regular collectors will commence to exploit the forests for
some distance on each side of the line, and that people from the
more populous districts will be induced to visit them for the
same purpose.

No record is available to show the amount of nuts and butter exported
previous to 1905, but it must have been considerable, as the High
Commissioner in his annual report for 1905-6 says: “The Shea nut
export trade, which formerly constituted the staple of Northern
Nigeria, continues to decrease in an unaccountable way, and is now
an almost negligible amount.” Various reasons are given to account
for a partial or gradual decrease, the most important of which is,
that the people who used to rely on the collection of sylvan produce
for a livelihood, have found a more lucrative employment in growing
foodstuffs for the troops and Government staff, or in working upon
the Government roads and railways. But, in spite of this, the value
of Shea nuts and butter exported in 1907-8 reached a high figure,
and placed these products second in order of value among those
exported during the year. The export of Shea nuts in the two years
following showed a further increase, being 3,922 and 9,085 tons
for 1908 and 1909 respectively. There is a growing demand for Shea
butter in Europe, and the supply is at present inadequate.

=PALM OIL AND KERNELS.=—The oil palm (_Elæis guineensis_) is
almost absent from a large part of the country, and is rarely seen
north of Zungeru, being chiefly confined to the vicinity of the
rivers and the forests on the boundaries of Southern Nigeria.

An insignificant amount of palm oil is exported, as the local demand
absorbs practically all that is produced, the kernels remaining
being alone exported.

Only one variety is recognised in the country, and is that with a
thin pericarp and thick-shelled kernel. It is similar to the form
termed “Abe-pa” in the Gold Coast. Among the Haussa-speaking
races the palm is called “Quaqua,” and in the Nupe language
“Yi-ku-niche.”

Extraction of the oil for local use is generally done by boiling
the fresh fruits, and a limpid product is obtained.

=GROUNDNUTS.=—The groundnut (_Arachis hypogea_), called “Geda”
by the Haussas, is seen in two forms in Northern Nigeria, dependent,
probably, on differences in soil and climate in the localities in
which they are grown.

The form seen commonly in the vicinity of Bida, from which most
of the exported nuts are procured, has a light-brown shell, and
is similar to the ordinary Gambian kind. The soil in which this is
grown is red, and, to some extent, this colour is imparted to the
shell. The nuts growing in the northern districts near Kano, where
the soil is sandy and light, resemble the kind which is considered
the finest in the French Colonies, and is largely cultivated in
Senegal. In this the shell is pale straw-coloured. Large exports
have been made from Kano since railway facilities were provided.

Groundnuts are chiefly employed as a terminal crop in the
cultivation adopted by the Nupes and Yorubas, but in the Kano
and Zaria Provinces, where land is retained for long periods in
cultivation and renovated annually by manure, they are often the
first crop grown on opening new land, and are seldom planted later.

From an interesting article contributed by Mr. Lamb, the Director
of Agriculture (_Imperial Institute Bulletin_, vol. xi. [1913]),
entitled “Agriculture in Haussaland,” it appears that leguminous
crops have recently been introduced more generally in the rotation
employed among the Haussa cultivators. The author remarks that the
cowpea (_Vigna catjang_) is now almost invariably grown with cereals,
and that there is such an increase in groundnut cultivation that this
has come into great prominence as an exported crop. This condition
has been brought about entirely by the establishment of railway
transport—a result which was foretold in the first edition of
this work.

All the nuts exported at the present time are in a decorticated
form, and the reason given for decortication is that there is a
large saving in weight in carriage thereby. It is, nevertheless,
generally admitted that in an undecorticated form the nuts are
better preserved in transit, and it often happens that the price
for undecorticated nuts is higher than for decorticated. It is,
however, recognised that if the appearance of the shell is rusty
or dirty, it should be removed before shipment, as this condition
adversely affects the market value. The demand for undecorticated
nuts is for confectionery, and is relatively small as compared with
the amount used, chiefly in France, for the expression of oil. The
weights of groundnuts exported in 1917 and 1918 were respectively
50,334 and 57,555 tons.

The Kano nuts appear to be of such a clean type that it might be
found more advantageous to ship them in an undecorticated state,
but this can be ascertained when transport has been facilitated
sufficiently to establish a continuous trade with a particular
market.

The chief markets for the product were Marseilles and Hamburg,
where it was employed for the expression of oil, used principally
for admixture with, or as a substitute for, olive oil. Although
formerly almost entirely sent to the German port, they now come
mostly to England. (Cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, vol. xvi. [1918].)

=GUMS.=—In the drier regions Acacia trees of several species
become plentiful, but many of these do not seem to produce gum.

Some of the gum in the Sudan is said to be derived from _A. arabica_,
Willd., which is not uncommon in certain localities, but is almost
entirely unproductive in this country.

The tree known in Haussa as “Gawo,” identified as _A. Albida_,
Delile, is perhaps the commonest species near Kano, and one which
produces a small amount of reddish gum. None, however, is apparently
collected from the tree in the district.

The species from which most of the gum is collected in Bornu
is said to be identical with that called “Karu” in Kano,
of which only immature specimens have as yet been examined. This
is probably referable to _A. Verek_, Guill. & Perr., which is the
most important source of the Senegal product, and to which Bentham
refers _A. Senegal_, Willd.

In Kontagora a good quality of gum is obtained from a tree which has
been identified as _A. Caffra_, Willd. This tree does not appear to
occur plentifully here, but further investigation is necessary with
regard to it in the dry uninhabited regions where it is found. An
illustration of this tree is given (Fig. 29).

Another species which has been recorded by Barter from the Niger,
and is said by him to yield “a gum like gum-arabic,” is
_A. mellifera_, Bentham, and may be one of those from which the
present exported product is collected.

On examination of the trade specimens, it is noticeable that the
quality is inferior to most of the Sudan and Senegal kinds, owing,
mainly, to the want of cleaning or sorting previous to sale. It
has been suggested that an improvement in the quality might be
effected by sorting the gum into different grades, cleaning it,
and spreading it in the sun to bleach. The quantity of gum exported
in 1908 is given as 789,949 lbs., and that for 1909 as 894,287 lbs.

Investigations carried out recently at the Imperial Institute show
that Nigerian gum is little, if at all, inferior to Sudan gum,
except that its mucilage is not quite so strong. Gums of the better
class are mainly employed in confectionery, and for this purpose
the cleaner, lighter-coloured gums of Northern Nigeria are quite
suitable. (_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, 1908, pp. 29-60;
1910, pp. 352-65; and 1914, pp. 27-31.)

=COTTON.=—Three distinct forms of cotton are found in cultivation
in the Northern Provinces. The best of these is that grown by the
natives of the Bassa and Nassarawa Provinces, and possesses lint of
rather long staple and a good colour, covering a clean seed. The
seed-cotton from these Provinces is brought into Lokoja for
sale. This variety seems well suited to the localities mentioned,
but, although it has been tried in other parts of the country, it
does not seem to thrive so successfully. In making a comparison of
the lint for Liverpool market requirements, the standard employed is
“Moderately Rough Peruvian,” which is a grade of higher price
than “Middling American,” with which most of the West African
cottons are compared.

In Ilorin, a woolly-seeded tall cotton plant is commonly cultivated,
and, although yielding a fair quality of lint, it is not equal
to that mentioned above. A small proportion of the cotton grown
in the Ilorin Province finds its way to the Ogudu Ginnery of the
British Cotton Growing Association, on the Niger, but the main
crop is carried to various points on the Lagos Government Railway,
and is sold for delivery to the Southern Nigerian ginneries of
the Association. Small quantities of cotton belonging to this
same variety are grown in Nupe, Kabba, and Kontagora, but the low
ground of the Niger valley does not appear to be very suitable
for cotton-growing.

In Zaria, Kano, and Sokoto Provinces, where the climate is drier,
excellent conditions exist for the production of large supplies
of cotton, but the population requires to become more distributed
into the districts remote from the towns. In the above-mentioned
Provinces, cotton has existed from the earliest times, and was long
established as an important export to North Africa by caravan. A
small-bolled variety with a short stem takes the place of the tall
cottons of the Niger valley. The quality of the lint, although fair,
is of a shorter staple, and the plant is less prolific.

In addition to the three kinds referred to, all of which are
grown as field crops, single plants of a fourth are sometimes
seen near villages, especially in the Bassa Province. This is the
crimson-flowered tree-cotton identified as _Gossypium arboreum_,
var. _sanguineum_, and is nowhere cultivated upon a large scale. The
lint is silky and fine, and the seed is covered with green fuzz.

=Exotic Cottons.=—American and Egyptian seed have been introduced
in many localities, especially in the Provinces of the Niger
valley. Cotton grown from American Upland seed in Bassa Province
has been well reported upon, but the deterioration of the quality
of seed reproduced by this kind has proved a serious drawback to
establishment. It is generally acknowledged that the indigenous
cottons are hardier and more prolific than the introduced varieties,
and are better able to withstand the attacks of the local insect
pests. It is probable that the climate of the Northern Provinces
will be found more suitable for the cultivation of American
Upland cottons, as the indigenous plant of that region more nearly
approximates the latter type.

=Valuation of Cottons.=—The following table shows the value of
different cottons grown in Northern Nigeria and examined at the
Imperial Institute. (See Professor Dunstan’s “British Cotton
Cultivation,” pp. 34-37.)

Locality. Kind. Length of Staple. Value. Standard value
at time of test.
Bassa American ·9-1·2 in. 7½_d_. M.A. 6·39_d_.
„ „ 1-1·3 „ 5½-6_d_. „
„ „ 1-1·3 „ 6¼_d_. „
„ „ ·8-1·2 „ 6¼_d_. „
„ „ 1-1·3 „ 6¼_d_. „
„ „ ·9-1·4 „ 6_d_. „
„ „ ·9-1·3 „ 6_d_. „
„ „ ·9-1·2 „ 6-6¼_d_. „
„ „ 1·-1·3 „ 6¼_d_. „
„ Native ·9-1·3 „ 6½-7_d_. „
„ „ 1-1·4 „ 8½-9_d_. M.R.P. 9·1_d_.
„ „ 1-1·3 „ 8_d_. „
„ „ ·9-1·4 „ 8¼-8½_d_. „
„ „ ·8-1·2 „ 7¾-8_d_. „
„ „ 1-1·3 „ 8¼_d_. „
„ „ 1·2-1·5 „ 8¼_d_. „
„ „ 1-1·3 „ 8_d_. „
„ „ ·9-1·3 „ 8½_d_. „
„ „ 1·1-1·6 „ 8-8½_d_. „
„ „ ·9-1·3 „ 6_d_. M.A. 6·39_d_.
Zaria Brazilian (?) ·9-1·2 „ 4_d_. „
„ Egyptian ·9-1·5 „ 6_d_. F.G.F.B. 10¹⁄₁₆_d_.
Yola Native ·8-1·2 „ 4½_d_. M.A. 6·39_d_.
„ American ·9-1·3 „ 6¼_d_. „
Munchi Native 1-1·5 „ 8_d_. M.R.P. 9·1_d_.
Ilorin American ·9-1·3 „ 6¼_d_. M.A. 6·39_d_.

(M.A. indicates the price ruling at the time of valuation for
standard “Middling American,” M.R.P. that for “Moderately
Rough Peruvian,” and F.G.F.B. that for “Fully Good Fair Brown
Egyptian.”)

[Illustration: VILLAGE OF FOGOLA, BUILT OF GUINEA-CORN STALKS.

Fig. 31. p. 126]

[Illustration: OUTSIDE THE EMIR’S PALACE, KANO.

Fig. 32, p. 137.]

[Illustration: NEAR THE SOUTHERN GATE, ZARIA.

Fig. 33, p. 137.]

All the native cottons in the above table are from the Niger and
Benue River Provinces, but it is considered probable that large
quantities of the product, which are looked for for export, will be
obtained from the Kano and Zaria Provinces, and after the opening
of the Baro-Kano Railway, the capitals of these may become important
cotton-buying and ginning centres. Figs. 32 and 33 illustrate views
of Kano and Zaria.

In all the localities referred to, cotton is generally cultivated
as a sole crop, in succession to food crops, and is planted upon
shallow ridges from July to September, when the cotton is ready for
picking from December to March. Experiments have been made at Baro
and Zungeru to raise plants during the dry months by irrigation,
but as this causes the fruiting season to occur about the time that
the first rain and wind storms commence, the success of this is
very uncertain. The necessity for the application of irrigation to
this crop is not apparent except as an assistance in lieu of rain
when the season of rainfall is late. There is no extreme drought
throughout the year, such as is the case in Egypt, where cotton is
entirely an irrigated crop.

In the Ilorin district, in the vicinity of Shari, a somewhat
extensive area is seen under cotton, and the mode of planting
is similar to that applied on a smaller scale near Rabba, Jebba,
Bida, and Egga. A piece of land is usually selected for a cotton
field upon which Guinea corn and millet crops have been grown
continuously for a long period, and which has consequently become
rather exhausted. This is often permitted to lie fallow for several
years, after which cotton is planted in drills on ridges or mounds
in July or August. No manure is applied. Generally about a dozen or
more seeds are put in each drill, and in this way it is estimated
that about a bushel and a half of seed per acre is required. Picking
commences in December, and lasts until February, as much as 500
lbs. of seed-cotton per acre being frequently gathered.

In Kano, cotton is often grown in alternation with cassava, and is
a manured crop. Large fields are not seen, as the land is chiefly
required for food crops, especially in the vicinity of towns, where
the population is dense. General improvements in cultivation, and
the introduction of ploughing, would enable a much larger area to
be put under cultivation, and would permit of the fertile tracts
remote from the towns being employed largely for cotton-growing.

The above account indicates the direction in which efforts should
be made to ensure the most fertile tract of Northern Nigeria,
where the population is also most industrious and dense, becoming
an important cotton-growing locality. It may be safely said that the
land, climate, and industrious population are existent and suitable,
but the population is congested, leaving large fertile areas of land
untouched. Transport difficulties have up to the present prevented
cultivation of products useful for export, and the non-employment
of cattle for ploughing has restricted cultivation to the growth
of crops entirely absorbed by local necessity.

=Improvement of Plant.=—In addition to these requirements, with
regard to cultivation, a rather better class of cotton is necessary
in the Northern Provinces. The local variety might perhaps be
sufficiently improved under better cultivation and seed selection,
but such a process would be gradual and require the undivided
attention of an experienced European officer, working in the
districts. It has previously been suggested that the introduction
of one of the many Upland American kinds might be advantageous; the
local variety approaching that class of plant more nearly than do
the varieties occurring in the forest regions farther to the south,
where the American varieties have been extensively planted with
somewhat variable results. One variety only should be introduced,
and this should possess cropping and lint records suitable for
European requirements. Georgia or Texas quick-maturing kinds are
indicated, but not the lowland kinds such as are grown in the
Mississippi valley.

The foregoing remarks apply to those regions only where it seems
possible that the quality of cotton which is in most general demand
in Lancashire can be extensively grown, but are not applicable to
the Niger Valley. As will be seen by a reference to the table of
valuations, a cotton exists in the Bassa and Nassarawa Provinces
which is comparable with a higher standard grade than Middling
American, the type to be produced in the north. Efforts should
be made to keep this latter variety free from the possibility
of admixture with exotic kinds, and it is therefore advisable
that improvement in this class should be confined to seed
selection. American cottons have already been introduced into Bassa,
but the value of the lint is lower than that of the indigenous kind.

With regard to the cotton grown in the Ilorin Province, the common
variety is similar to that of the adjoining country to the south,
and it is in this direction that the crop of the whole Province
will be sent in the future, as it has been arranged to remove the
Ogudu ginnery on the Niger, to which the northern Ilorin cotton
has hitherto been sent for sale. An illustration is given showing
the position of this ginnery upon the southern bank of the Niger
(Fig. 34).

The most important insect pests which attack the cotton plant in
Northern Nigeria are three species of _Oxycarenus_, or cotton-seed
bugs: _Dysdercus superstitiosus_, a cotton-lint stainer, the
American cotton boll-worm, _Chloridea obsoleta_, and a species
of _Earias_,[11] identical with or allied to the Egyptian cotton
boll-worm. The last mentioned has only been recorded as yet
from the Bornu Province, but the American boll-worm is found at
Lokoja and near the Niger in Nupe. The seed-bugs and stainer are
generally distributed. In no direction have these pests assumed
large proportions, but where they occur the following remedies
are recommended for application. The seed-bugs and stainer can be
attracted to traps of seed placed in piles upon the ground between
the lines of growing cotton, and the insects then destroyed
by petroleum or boiling water. In the case of the boll-worms,
trap-crops of maize and Hibiscus are recommended, as well as the
destruction of the moths after attraction to light at night. (See
Professor Dunstan’s “British Cotton Cultivation,” pp. 35-6.)

The British Cotton Growing Association commenced work in Northern
Nigeria by erecting a steam ginnery at Lokoja, followed by others at
Ogudu and Zaria. The natives of the Bassa Province were induced to
grow cotton upon a larger scale than before by the favourable market
established near them at Lokoja, but, although the cotton brought in
was generally of good quality, the supply fell off after the first
year or two, and in 1908 it almost ceased. More recently there has
been some return to cultivation, but the people are difficult to
get into touch with, and have few needs which can be supplied by
the traders, so that they have remained somewhat inactive and shy.

The ginnery at Ogudu acted as an inducement to the people of North
Ilorin (Shari) to undertake cotton-growing upon an increased scale,
and as the inhabitants are chiefly of a more intelligent class
(Yorubas and Nupes) than the Bassa people, the cultivation of cotton
developed well.

The opening of the Baro-Kano Railway created some activity in cotton
growing, and satisfactory quantities were brought in to the northern
ginneries. The British Cotton Growing Association will probably
succeed well in the northern parts of the country where a large
rural population is to be found.

An example of the development of cotton cultivation in West Africa,
influenced by and following the opening of a railway, is seen
in the Western Province of Southern Nigeria and in Ilorin; along
almost the entire route of the line the agricultural population
have taken up the cultivation of the plant. This has occurred even
in those districts where other natural products were available for
utilisation to a remunerative degree. It is therefore probable that
the industrious population of the Northern Provinces, who have no
such advantages, owing to the absence of oil palms, rubber, etc.,
would readily adopt cotton-growing upon a commercial scale.

The Baro-Kano Railway passes, however, through an extensive tract
of thinly populated country before reaching the localities from
which a large supply can be reasonably expected, and this may delay
the actual results. It would be inadvisable, in the meantime, to
encourage cotton cultivation in those districts which are still
remote, unless it were possible to buy the crops in advance of any
prospective railway extension.

The following statistical statement has been supplied by the British
Cotton Growing Association, showing the production in bales from
their ginneries, 1906-1909:

Year. Lokoja. Ogudu. Total. Weight of Bale. Approx. lbs.

1906. Sept.
1st, 1905, to
Aug. 31st, 1906 903 903 about 200 lbs. 180,600

1907. 16
months. Sept.
1st, 1906, to
Dec. 12th, 1907 1,067 815 1,882 200 lbs. each 376,400

239 239 400 lbs. each 95,600

1908 84 147 231 400 lbs. each 92,400

1909. 8 months.
To Aug. 31st,
1909 133 246 379 400 lbs. each 151,600

In 1908 the rainfall was deficient in a large part of the country,
and the cotton crop, among others, suffered in consequence. A
temporary check to cotton-growing in Ilorin province occurred in
1909 due to the demand for labour for the railway construction,
and a subsequent one occasioned by the war; but in spite of this,
the increase of cotton in Nigeria is to be attributed largely to
developments in the Northern Provinces. Cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._,
vol. x., p. 480, and vol. xi. pp. 70, 165 and 656.[12]

=CAPSICUMS.=—An increasing export trade seems to be becoming
established in red peppers and chillies (_Capsicum annuum_ and
_C. frutescens_), plants which thrive well in West Africa.

In the Ilorin and Nupe Provinces, the plants are usually grown in
the vicinity of houses, but in the Kano and Zaria districts they are
frequently met with in irrigated fields. From the latter localities
an almost unlimited supply could be obtained.

=BENNISEED.=—The oil seed which is exported under this name is
the product of _Sesamum indicum_, Linn., and is identical with that
known in India as “til” or “gingelly” seed. Although the
specific name seems to imply that the plant is a native of India,
there is evidence to show that it may have been introduced into
that country from Africa, where several species of the genus occur
in a wild state.

The seed is pale or dark brown in colour, and contains a large
proportion of oil, for the extraction of which it is exported. In
the East, the dark seeds are said to produce the better quality of
oil, but this does not appear to be recognised in Northern Nigeria,
and the crop grown there is composed of a mixture of the two kinds.

The oil extracted from benniseed is clear yellow and without smell,
and is said to be capable of being preserved for a long time
without becoming rancid. For this reason it is highly appreciated
locally for alimentary purposes, and is said to be used in Europe
for making butter substitutes and for mixing with olive oil. The
seed cake furnishes a valuable cattle food and good manure.

Although liable to fluctuation in price on the European market,
dependent upon the extent of the supply of olive and groundnut oils,
the seed is always in demand, and for this reason it is worthy
of special attention for cultivation in the fertile and populated
tracts of Northern Nigeria.

A fair amount of benniseed is grown in the country, but the use of it
is so appreciated locally that only a small quantity is yet shipped,
most of this being apparently sent from Bauchi and Kabba, although
Kano and Zaria probably produce much more. The value shipped from
Nigeria rose from £5,225 in 1915 to £16,523 in 1916.

Benniseed is grown chiefly in separate fields, and is seldom seen in
those which have been employed for a long period under Guinea corn
or millet. It is a sole crop, and grown but once a year in this
country. In India, it may be remarked, the plant is cultivated in
both the spring (Rabi) and autumn (Kharif) rotations, and it should
be possible to do this in the agricultural parts of Northern Nigeria
where irrigation is employed.

=KANO LEATHER.=—A very large trade exists in the tanned and
dyed goat and sheep skins prepared throughout the country, and
generally known under the name of Kano leather, or, in Europe,
“Morocco Leather.” It is said that from early times caravans
have annually conveyed numbers of these skins from the Kano markets
across the Sahara to the towns in North Africa, whence they were
exported to Trieste and other ports of the Mediterranean.

During recent years the caravan trade has almost entirely
disappeared, but some quantity of skins now come to Liverpool by
way of the coast ports. The value of skins in Kano itself averages
about 5½_d_., but the cost of transport at present has made it
almost impracticable to export remuneratively, and a very small
trade exists in consequence.

By far the greater number of skins, which are tanned, are dyed
a bright red, yellow, or green colour, which seems to rather
depreciate them in the European markets for many uses to which
they might otherwise be put, undyed and even untanned skins being
in greater demand. (See _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
vol. vi. [1908], p. 175; and vol. viii. [1910], p. 402.) It has also
been said that the tanning is often insufficiently done, and the
skins become blotched in consequence. It is noticeable that Kano
leather quickly becomes spotted in the damp coast regions, and for
this reason it is probable that no great direct European trade will
be established until better methods are introduced and more rapid
transport is arranged. There may, however, be a considerable trade
done in the untanned skins.

The best class of Kano or Niger leather is valued at a high price
for bookbinding.

In the country a fair amount of leather is manufactured for saddlery
and horse trappings, pillows, mattress covers, sword scabbards,
boots and hats, elaborate designs being often produced by the
skilful introduction of pieces of differently coloured leather.

In preparing the leather the skin is stripped off the animal and
usually pegged out for drying in the sun, after which it is immersed
for two or three days in a liquid made by pounding the pods and
seeds of _Acacia arabica_ (“Baggarua”), and soaking them in
water. The hides are then again pegged out and scraped in order to
remove the hair, and when dry the best attain a creamy white colour,
others being pale brownish. Palm oil or shea-butter is then rubbed
in on the smooth side of the skin, which is worked and rolled until
quite soft, after which a polish is obtained by drawing the smooth
surface rapidly over a wooden upright blade.

The finest and lightest skins are usually reserved for making into
yellow, green, or pale blue leather, and the rest are converted
into red, black, dark blue or dark yellow kinds. The red dye is
obtained from the stalks of a species of Sorghum,[13] which is
grown for this purpose, and to which the Haussas give the name of
“Karandeffi” or “Karantudi.” The dried stalks are pounded
up and placed in a calabash, to which a solution of “potash”
is added. A deep crimson liquid results, and in this the skin is
steeped until a sufficiency has been absorbed by it to render it
permanently deep red in colour. A pale yellow colour is imparted to
the skin by an infusion made from the root of a kind of turmeric,
which is pounded up for the purpose. A dark yellow is obtained
from the root of a tree called by the Yorubas “Agbesi.” A black
pigment is prepared from a mixture of honey and blacksmith’s slag;
blue from _Lonchocarpus cyanescens_, one of the indigo producers;
green or pale blue-green from brass filings mixed with lime juice,
common salt, and other ingredients. More recently green aniline dye
has been imported into the country, and has almost superseded the
use of brass filings in all the large leather-producing districts.

=FIBRES.=—Owing to the demand for ropes among the cattle-keepers
of the northern districts and the canoemen of the Niger and Benue
valleys, it is not surprising to find that the wild fibres are
considered insufficient to supply so great a necessity, and that
in consequence a selected species is extensively cultivated and
prepared for sale in the markets.

“Rama” or “Ramo” is the name which is applied to such a
plant in the Haussa- and Yoruba-speaking countries respectively,
but although used exclusively for fibre made from plants belonging
to the genus Hibiscus, different species are indicated in various
districts. The plant to which the name “Rama” is given in Ilorin,
Nupe, Kontagora, Kano, and Zaria, is apparently the same as that
generally termed “Farin (white) Rama” in Bauchi and Muri,
and has been recognised as _Hibiscus lunariifolius_; that called
“Rama” in the northern territories of the Gold Coast is said to
belong to two species allied to _H. Sabdariffa_, and that grown by
the Yoruba people of the western province of Southern Nigeria, and
called by them “Ramo,” has been identified as _H. guineensis_.

In the present instance only _H. lunariifolius_ is referred to,
since this is the species cultivated throughout the country.

Although in the other countries the allied plants are cultivated,
they are invariably grown upon a small scale, and are only seen in
small patches adjoining houses, or cultivated as a mixed crop with
peppers, okra, etc.; in Northern Nigeria fairly extensive tracts
are planted, and the crop is treated as carefully as the food crops
in the vicinity. In Ilorin, Kabba, and Bassa the seeds are sown on
ridges in drills a few inches apart, each drill having four to six
plants in it. The sowing in this locality is done in the middle
of May, and the crop is not irrigated, being dependent upon the
rainfall for development. The plants, when they have reached the
height of six or more inches, do not appear to be adversely affected
by a prolonged continuance of dry weather in the Niger Valley,
but this is perhaps accounted for by the humidity of the atmosphere.

The conditions last referred to do not, however, apply to the
northern districts, and the importance with which the crop is
regarded is seen in the fact that it is worth while to irrigate
it. At Fogola the plants are also sown in drills on ridges, but the
drills are made at about one foot apart from one another, and ten
or more plants are left in each drill. The seed is sown in April
and irrigated until the rainy season commences in June.

The stalks are said to be cut after the plant has fruited, and are
described as being retted in a manner similar to that employed for
Indian jute. The unretted “ribbons” as well as the prepared fibre
are offered for sale in the local markets, the former being employed
in the rough state for twisting into rope used for fastening roofing
poles, etc. The prepared fibre produces an excellent kind of rope,
and is in appearance very similar to Bengal jute, although it has
slightly less lustre. Specimens of Northern Nigerian rama fibre
have been examined from time to time at the Imperial Institute,
and have been satisfactorily reported on. As a result the fibre
has been actually exported to Europe.

In the _Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute_, Part I.,
“Fibres” (Colonial Reports—Miscellaneous [Cd. 4588], p. 38),
a full account is given of the composition of a specimen of the
fibre received from Northern Nigeria. The character is said to be
similar to jute, but it is apparently rather harsh, and therefore
more suitable for use in rope-making than for spinning. The valuation
placed upon it was £12 per ton, with common jute at £11—£12. A
specimen of the brown ribbons was also examined and was reported on,
the valuation being placed at about £4 per ton, with a remark that
it would only be of use for paper manufacture.

During the last three years, since attention was first drawn to
the probable value of the fibre as a jute substitute, the natives
of Nupe and Muri have been urged to cultivate the plant and prepare
the fibre for export. This has been done to a small extent, and the
natives of the latter province are said to be willing to produce
it at the local price of one penny per pound. At the valuation
mentioned above it might scarcely prove remunerative to pay this
local price, but it should be taken into consideration that the
market price of jute was depressed at the time that the valuation
was obtained. It seems that the product may be usefully cultivated,
especially in the Niger Valley, where river transport is available,
and it is probable that a better price would be quoted if a larger
and regular supply could be relied on. The value of the fibre shipped
from the country in 1908 is estimated in the Government returns at
£1,382, and that for 1909 at £4,049.

Attention should be specially directed to the time of cutting the
stalks for retting, and these should be treated before becoming
too woody, when a much better product would result.

Experiments with Indian jute, as well as with certain Hibiscus
fibres in West Africa, have shown that if the stems are permitted
to become woody, the resulting fibre is harsh and coarse.

With regard to the probable production of fibre per acre, there are
at present no data, but it may be stated for comparison that a good
average yield of jute in India is taken as 2000 lbs. Carefully
planted and treated in the same way, it is probable that rama
would give as high a return, judging from the growth seen in the
country. Jute in India, it should be remembered, is a manured crop,
but rama in West Africa is only manured in the northern districts
of Northern Nigeria, being cultivated without any special care in
the Niger Valley.

=WOOD OIL.=—Following the order of value shown in the list of
exported products, wood oil appears next. This is the oleo-resinous
exudation obtained from _Daniellia thurifera_, a tree belonging
to the Natural Order _LEGUMINOSÆ_, and allied to some of the
species from which the West African copals are procured. This tree
is commonly found in the dry country, but occurs also in the damp
forests, where it frequently attains large dimensions. The wood
oil is collected in many parts of West Africa, and is used as a
substitute for “balsam of copaiba” in native medicine. The
concreted resin formed on the trunks of the trees by the borings
of coleopterous larvæ is used for burning as incense.

The native use of wood oil in place of “balsam of copaiba”
induced merchants trading upon the Niger to export it, and at one
time a fair quantity was sold in England. This export trade has
recently diminished to a large extent.

The substance is an oleo-resin, and when free from oil has a
similar appearance to copal. Upon examination of the resin, it has
been found to be dissimilar in properties from the various freshly
exuded resins which enter the market under the name of recent or
soft copal. (_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vols. vi. [1908]
and xiii. [1915].)

The mode of collecting wood-oil is somewhat destructive, as, in
order to procure an excessive flow, a hollow is scooped out in the
main trunk and a fire is kindled in the hole thus made. The oil
commences to flow rapidly after the fire is extinguished, which it
is necessary that it should be before a large quantity of oil has
exuded, on account of the inflammability of the latter.

The application of fire to the trees does not appear to kill them,
but they are rendered liable to attacks of noxious insects, and
are often broken off by winds.

In addition to the local use of the oil for maladies for which balsam
of copaiba is generally employed, the rubber makers of Ilorin and
Nupe add it to the latex of _Landolphia florida_ or _L. Thompsonii_
to make paste rubber. The two liquids are boiled together for some
time, until the mixture attains a consistency of birdlime. The
dried resin is here used for torches, and in the Egyptian Sudan
for incense.

=KOLA.=—Although a large quantity of kola nuts is annually imported
from Lagos and the Gold Coast, such a great demand exists that
the price of kola in Kano and Zaria is very high. The kola tree is
seldom seen in any part of the country except on the west bank of
the Kaduna river, where the famous plantations of the Emir of Bida
are situated. The kola nuts produced from these plantations are
said to be more appreciated than any other, and, in order that the
variety might not be grown elsewhere, stringent measures are said to
have been enforced by the Emir, and the nuts were always exported
to the north, where it was impossible to grow the tree, and where
a very remunerative price was obtainable. This particular kind of
kola nut is referred to as “Laboji,” and is said to be white.

The cultivation of kola could be undertaken in the Kabba and
Bassa Provinces, especially in the moist valleys protected from
severe winds by high plateaux, such as are commonly found in these
localities.

In the export table of 1907 a small quantity of kola is shown,
but this probably represents the re-export of produce from the south.

=COTTON SEED.=—The Lokoja Ginnery has exported a small quantity
of cotton seed each year, but the trade is not a lucrative one,
and the larger part of the cotton seed which is turned out of the
ginnery is valueless for shipment.

=FOOD CROPS.=—The products which have been referred to above are
those which have hitherto been exported from the country, but by far
the most important agricultural products are those upon which the
population itself subsists, and in relation to which the exported
products are merely in the position of a surplus.

Before referring to the products regularly cultivated for food, it is
necessary to mention that the seasons, which in the temperate zones
are closely associated with a rise and fall in the temperature and
its effect upon vegetation, are in West Africa determined to a much
greater degree by the advent and cessation of the rainy period. The
year is therefore divided into two seasons, roughly described as
(1) that in which the conditions are hot and dry, and (2) that
in which they are cooler and wet. The vegetation is so directly
dependent upon the timely appearance of the rainy season and its
normal distribution, that a failure of these conditions, even in a
comparatively small degree, may have serious consequences and perhaps
produce famine. In no part of British West Africa is a shortage or
irregularity of the rainfall so severely felt, nor does it affect
such a large number of people, as in the northern districts.

A table is given below showing the distribution of rain in Zaria for
five years, and of that in Kano for three years. In each of these
it will be seen that the fall in the year 1907 was far below the
average, and that during the most important months for the growth
of the staple grain crops—July, August, and September—there was
a severe shortage of rainfall. The effect of this in Kano was to
produce a condition of famine, which lasted for about six weeks. In
a congested locality, such as exists in the vicinity of the town
of Kano, the difficulty of importing sufficiently large supplies
to afford relief at such a period was great, on account of lack
of transport. The chief crop in this year, namely Guinea corn,
was an almost complete failure in many places, but the millet

TABLE SHOWING THE RAINFALL AT ZARIA FOR FIVE YEARS (1905 TO 1909)

-----------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------
Month. | 1905. | 1906. | 1907. | 1908. | 1909.
-----------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------
January | nil | nil | nil | nil | nil
February | nil | nil | nil | nil | ·36
March | nil | nil | nil | ·09 | nil
April | ·76 | ·85 | 2·20 | 1·84 | 3·56
May | 5·90 | 9·50 | 3·69 | 1·91 | 5·79
June | 7·24 | 5·95 | 7·05 | 6·94 | 6·51
July | 7·19 | 14·49 | 3·75 | 7·42 | 13·11
August | 15·04 | 16·39 | 4·46 | 14·36 | 16·62
September | 13·28 | 9·90 | 6·33 | 12·08 | 6·61
October | 1·40 | 3·93 | 2·32 | ·84 | 1·74
November | nil | ·04 | nil | nil | nil
December | nil | nil | nil | nil | 1·50
-----------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------
Totals | 50·81 | 61·05 | 29·80 | 45·48 | 55·80
-----------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------

(_Pennisetum_) crop, which is an early one, and not dependent on
the rainfall after June, had received a normal amount of rain to
that time, and was satisfactory; the stored supplies, as well as a
second sowing, of this grain to some extent made up for the failure
of the other.

The above table has been made out from the meteorological reports
obtained at Zaria town, and probably represents a fair average of
the rainfall conditions pertaining to the cultivated country in
the vicinity.

The more northern district, of which Kano is the centre, is liable
to smaller rainfall conditions than Zaria. A comparison can be made
by reference to the table given below.

TABLE SHOWING THE RAINFALL AT KANO FOR FOUR YEARS (1906 TO 1909)

-----------+-------+-------+-------+-------
Month. | 1906. | 1907. | 1908. | 1909.
-----------+-------+-------+-------+-------
January | nil | nil | nil | nil
February | nil | nil | nil | nil
March | nil | nil | ·54 | ·09
April | ·01 | ·10 | ·23 | 1·75
May | 3·24 | 1·77 | 1·16 | 8·7
June | 4·66 | 5·88 | 4·12 | 3·71
July | 8·75 | 3·90 | 10·24 | 9·01
August | 15·61 | 9·58 | 13·92 | 17·72
September | 4·66 | 3·57 | 4·63 | 6·83
October | ·87 | ·01 | ·02 | ·77
November | nil | nil | nil | nil
December | nil | nil | nil | ·45
-----------+-------+-------+-------+-------
Totals | 37·80 | 24·81 | 34·86 | 49·03
-----------+-------+-------+-------+-------

The remarks made above serve to emphasise two points in connection
with the densely populated districts of the north, the first
being the necessity of cultivating larger areas to permit of
surplus supplies being stored, and the second the requirement
of quick transport to enable supplies to be brought in from the
Niger valley in cases of urgent need. The first of these also
indicates the necessity for the improvement of agricultural methods
by the introduction of ploughing, the extension of irrigation and
dry-season crops, and the better distribution of the population. The
second—the supply of quick transport—is becoming rapidly
established, by means of the railway and improved roads.

The extension of irrigated crops can only be made in the vicinity
of the larger rivers, or where good wells exist, and it may be found
more expedient, therefore, that the inhabitants of the Niger, Benue,
Kaduna, Gongola, and Gurara valleys should be urged to cultivate
rice and maize under these conditions. The use of the land for two
crops in each year would be made possible by the introduction of
a leguminous crop as an intermediate, being sown later but in the
same field with the irrigated crop, and being permitted to ripen,
after the grain has been harvested, upon the stubble. A leguminous
grain suitable for human food would be necessary in the river valleys
where cattle are scarce, but a cattle food could be grown in the
north where cattle are common, and where milk forms an important
article of human consumption.

=GUINEA CORN= (_Sorghum vulgare_)—“Dawa” (Haussa), otherwise
known as the Great or Indian Millet “Juar” (Hindustani),
“Dhura” (Egyptian)—forms the most important food-grain of
the inhabitants of the ultra-forest region of West Africa.

A large number of different varieties are recognised in Northern
Nigeria, and are distinguished in the manner stated below. Most of
these have a grain which is commonly used for human food, but at
least two varieties are grown for other purposes.

The following list states the characters by which the various
kinds can be determined from the appearance of the seed and form
of the stem.

1. “Asidinono.”—Seed with white shell and black adherent
envelope.

2. “Farafara.”—Seed with white shell and red adherent envelope.

3. “Boganderi.”—Seed with straw-coloured shell and red
adherent envelope.

4. “Janari.”—Seed with pink shell and red adherent envelope.

5. “Kaura-ferin-sosia.”—Seed with straw-coloured shell and
straw-coloured adherent envelope.

6. “Bokin-sosia.”—Seed with straw-coloured shell and black
adherent envelope.

7. “Makafo-dewayo.”—Seed with straw-coloured shell and pointed
straw-coloured adherent envelope, which scarcely opens.

8. “Asidigero.”—Small pink-shelled seed with red adherent
envelope.

9. “Mazgua.”—Very large whitish seed with a straw-coloured
envelope.

10. “Karandeffi.”—Seed with red shell and red adherent
envelope. Never used for food, but employed in native medicine,
as well as for the production of the red dye used for leather
(_Bull. Imp. Inst._, vol. vi. [1908]).

11. “Takanda” or “Karantalaka.”—The seed has not been
examined, but the stem contains a large quantity of saccharine juice,
and the plant is grown entirely as a cattle food. Probably identical
with _S. saccharum_.

The first four kinds are regularly employed as food, and are
found growing as a mixed crop; although the white grains are
more appreciated and frequently predominate. Nos. 5 and 6 are
not considered so good for human food, but are largely employed
for feeding cattle and horses, for which latter purpose they are
greatly in demand. No. 7 is used for the same purpose as the last,
but is a rarity and of no special value. These seven kinds are
grown as six-months’ crops, and are harvested in October when
the rains cease. No. 8 is a three-months’ cropping kind, which
in this particular resembles “Gero” (_Pennisetum typhoideum_),
as its native name indicates. The grain is much smaller than the
others, and it is said to be cultivated to some extent in the Sokoto
Province. No. 9 is a variety which is said to be cultivated in Bornu
in the fertile depressions which retain moisture for long periods,
or by means of irrigation from the rivers. (See _Bulletin of the
Imperial Institute_, vol. iv. [1906], p. 226.)

Guinea corn is permitted to occupy the land for a number of
years successively, being often grown with “bulrush millet”
(_Pennisetum typhoideum_). In this case the millet occupies the
furrow whilst the Guinea corn is on the ridge, and this is reversed
when the soil from the ridge has been hoed into the furrow and the
previous ridge becomes the furrow. In many parts of the northern
districts it is customary to permit the Guinea corn root-stocks
to remain in the ground for two or three years, and to fill in the
vacancies only with new seed when the old plants die. By this system
it is found that the crops are better assured, as the old root-stocks
withstand a prolonged drought better than new plants. This custom,
if persisted in, would be a direct hindrance to the introduction
of ploughing.

Manure is applied regularly to this crop in the northern districts,
but never in the Niger valley. The method of applying manure varies
according to the condition of the crop. Where entirely new plants
are to be grown, a shallow bed is made upon the top of the ridge
or in the furrow, and the goat, sheep, and cow manure mixed with
ashes, and accumulated carefully in the villages, is spread thinly
upon the bed before the seed is sown. In other places, where old
root-stocks occur, handfuls of manure are applied to the growing
plants in May. This is sometimes adopted where young plants only
are growing. Manure is so necessary for the system of cultivation
adopted in the Kano and Zaria Provinces that every scrap of material
which is of manurial value is carefully preserved, being carried
to the fields by men and donkeys.

The heads are cut when ripe and tied in bundles to dry, after
which the grain is readily beaten out in wooden mortars or with
sticks. The flour made from the grain is ground between stones, and
is frequently eaten in the form of a thin porridge. Two varieties of
Nigerian Guinea corn have been examined at the Imperial Institute
and shown to be superior to Indian Guinea corn, though not quite
so good as the Syrian grain (_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
vol. vii. [1909], p. 148.)

Smut-blights, _Ustilago Reiliana_ and _Tolyposporium sp._ (called
in Haussa “domana”), attack the heads, and a _Capnodium sp._
(called “derba”), the honeydew produced on the leaves by _Aphis
sorghi_ (cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, vol. xi. [1913]).

At certain stages, green Guinea corn is poisonous to cattle, and
for this reason goats, sheep, and cows are muzzled in the Kano and
Zaria Provinces. Local knowledge of this fact confirms what has been
observed elsewhere with regard to this species, and is explained
by investigations conducted at the Imperial Institute. (_Bulletin
of the Imperial Institute_, vol. i. [1903], and vol. viii. [1910].)

=BULRUSH MILLET.=—This plant, which is supposed to be of African
origin and is usually called millet in West Africa, belongs to
that group of grasses of which the seeding head is in a compact
form and in appearance resembles the head of a bulrush, from which
the common name applied to it has been derived. The botanical name
is _Pennisetum typhoideum_, and the plant is known in the country
as “Gero” or “Giro” (Haussa), and in India as “Bajra.”
At least two varieties, a smooth and an awned form, are grown as
three-months’ crops, and are sown either alone or as described
before with Guinea corn. It is usual to plant millet seed before the
Guinea corn, generally about the middle of April, or as soon as the
first showers are experienced. The crop is then ready for picking
in June and July. If the rainfall by this time has been deficient to
such an extent that the Guinea-corn crop promises to prove a failure,
a second crop of millet is often put in, and, as very much less
rain is required for this crop than is necessary for Guinea corn,
the severe effects of a short rainfall are minimised. The grain
yielded by _Pennisetum typhoideum_ would be classed commercially
as a millet, and a sample from Nigeria examined at the Imperial
Institute was valued at 22_s_. per quarter of 480 lb. (July 1908).

In addition to the two varieties mentioned which are employed
as three-months’ crops, there is another kind with a smooth
greyish-white large grain which is called “Maiwa” or “Dauro,”
and is cultivated in the same manner as Guinea corn; occupying the
land for from five to six months. The pagan Gwaris to the south
of Zaria grow this in large quantities, but it is uncommon north
of Zaria.

These grains are easily stored, and keep in good condition for a
long time. Flour is made from the grain by grinding, and both the
grain and leaves are used for cattle food.

From the malted grain of millet, and sometimes of Guinea corn, an
intoxicating beverage is made which is known as “Gir” (Haussa).

A fine grass seed called “Acha” (_Digitaria ternata_) is grown
in the fields with millet, and attains a height of about two and a
half feet. It is used for making a sort of porridge. “Tomba”
(_Eleusine coracana?_) and “Iboru” are grown in a similar
manner. The composition, nutritive value and commercial value of
several of these food grains are fully dealt with in the _Bulletin
of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vii. [1909], p. 148.

[Illustration: BRITISH COTTON GROWING ASSOCIATION GINNERY, OGUDU,
ILORIN.

Fig. 34, p. 139.]

[Illustration: GWARI TOWN, OPPOSITE MINNA, SOUTH OF ZARIA.

Fig. 35, p. 155.]

[Illustration: COW FULANI WOMAN SELLING MILK AT GWARI.

Fig. 36, p. 163.]

=MAIZE.=—“Mussara” (Haussa) is the name applied to this plant
(_Zea mays_). The crop is more common in the Niger valley among
the Nupe and Yoruba people than in the higher plateaux of Zaria
and Kano. It is probable that maize requires a larger rainfall than
the grain crops which have been mentioned above—which may account
for the infrequency of its cultivation in the dry country.

Among the Gwari pagans, inhabiting the country in the vicinity of
Minna, and the Nupe people to the south, fairly large quantities of
maize are grown and seem to represent the chief food crop. The sowers
drop only one seed, or at most two, into the drills, where they would
put five or six Guinea-corn seeds. The only variety grown commonly
has a bright yellow grain and is apparently a three-months’ crop;
being sown at the commencement and in the middle of the rains, thus
giving two crops in the year in some localities. An illustration
is given at Fig. 35 showing a view of the Gwari town at Minna.

=WHEAT.=—The cultivation of wheat is confined to the drier parts
of Northern Nigeria, where it is grown as a rainfall as well as an
irrigated crop.

In Zaria it is frequently sown in October, and occupies land which
may have been under rice cultivation just previously. Goat manure
is especially applied to wheat, and irrigation is carried out from
wells or by the employment of shadufs on the banks of streams. This
crop is harvested in January.

In Kano, wheat is more generally grown as a rainfall-crop in similar
situations, and is, in this case, sown in May, being harvested
in September.

The variety seems to be constant throughout the country, and
appears to have been established from very early times. The grain
is similar in appearance to the wheat seen in the Nile valley,
and may be _Triticum compositum_ (Egyptian wheat). Specimens from
Kano and Zaria have been examined at the Imperial Institute, and
the analyses made show about 11 per cent. of gluten including 5
to 6 per cent. of gliadin, and the commercial experts consulted
were of opinion that an unlimited quantity of this type of wheat
would be readily saleable on the European market (_Bulletin of the
Imperial Institute_, vol. viii. [1910], p. 118.) The Kano wheat in
particular gave excellent results in milling and baking trials.

As a food, wheat is regarded with great favour in the country, and is
bought up chiefly by the wealthy classes for making a brown flour. It
makes an excellent bread, and is in demand among the European
residents for mixing with European tinned flour for breadmaking.

In order to separate the grain from the ear, the dried corn is
threshed by the village women; thin sticks being used for the
purpose. The chaff is then winnowed in the wind. The Haussa name
is “Alkama.”

In addition to Zaria and Kano districts, the grain is said to be
plentiful and cheap in Sokoto and Bornu, but does not appear to be
grown south of the 11th degree.

=RICE.=—The cultivation of rice extends over a much larger portion
of the country than wheat. It is said to be especially plentiful
in the low-lying districts to the south of Sokoto, where large
tracts of swampy country exist, which are annually planted with the
crop. On the banks of the Kaduna river, near Dakman and Dagomba,
as well as in the valley of the Baku river in the Nupe country,
irrigated rice fields are common, and the product from the Nupe
Province is much appreciated by the inhabitants of the middle
Niger. The local name for rice is “Shinkafa.”

Near Zaria and Kano comparatively little rice is cultivated, and
where seen is generally found in swampy places where other food
grains are not capable of being utilised. Rice in these localities is
one of the few unmanured crops, and is planted at the commencement of
the rainy season. The harvesting is done about November or December,
and the paddy or husk-rice is cleaned by soaking the grain in hot
water, drying in the sun and then pounding in a wooden mortar. The
chaff is winnowed, and a fairly clean rice with a slight reddish
tint remains. All the rice appears to be of the same type, and is
held in high estimation for its nutritious quality. The imported
white rices, which occasionally enter the country, are regarded
with less favour than the local kind.

It is possible to develop the cultivation of the crop in the valleys
of all the large rivers, and it seems probable that, with improved
methods of irrigation, two crops might be grown annually.

A sample of rice from Ilorin examined at the Imperial Institute
proved to be about equal in quality to average Bengal rice (_Bulletin
of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vii. [1909], p. 149), but it is
improbable that it would at present prove remunerative to export
this rice to Europe. A good market might, however, be found for
it at the coast ports of Southern Nigeria, where imported rice
is in demand. It might be necessary, in order to compete with the
present trade, to grow and prepare a cleaner (less red) variety,
which would resemble more nearly the imported kinds, and to this
end the acclimatised American rice of Sierra Leone might be tried
(cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, vol. xv. [1917]).

=SUGAR-CANE.=—The cultivation of sugar-cane (_Saccharum
officinale_) is confined to small patches or strips of land
on the edges of rice fields, where it may be said to be under
irrigation. The Haussa name is “Reke.” The preparation of sugar
does not appear to be known in the country, and the sole use to
which the plant is put, seems to be the consumption of the green
stalks by the inhabitants and their cattle. The variety seen in
Kano district appears to have a reddish stalk, and cane is said to
be a feature in the Maigana district.

=LEGUMINOUS PLANTS.=—Several kinds of small beans are grown, of
which the most valuable appears to be that known as “Wanki.”
This is a white-skinned kind, similar to, but about half the size
of, the white haricot of Europe. The cultivation of these beans
is somewhat irregular; a few being occasionally sown among the
millet and Guinea-corn crops. They are apparently never grown as a
sole crop. A similar bean of a brown colour is common in the Bassa
Province, but the white bean is generally distributed throughout
the whole country.

The “Bambarra groundnut” (_Voandzeia subterranea_) is grown in
a similar manner to the common groundnut (_Arachis hypogea_) which
has been referred to among the exported products. The cultivation
is similar, and the plant is seen occupying elevated ridges. The
Haussa name is “Paruru.”

An unidentified bean, which is called “Girigiri,” has been
described as being grown by the pagan Gwari tribes to the south
of Zaria, but apart from the fact that it is much larger than the
“Wanki” bean, nothing seems to be known about it.

Indian dhall (_Cajanus indicus_), frequently termed the pigeon pea,
has been introduced into many parts of the country, with the object
of inducing the native to grow a leguminous crop, which would serve
the dual purpose of providing a palatable food as well as being
beneficial to the soil, but in only a few localities do the natives
appear to make use of the peas for food. It has been recommended
to grow the plant upon land which has become somewhat exhausted
by the repeated growth of grain crops, and to permit the peas to
remain upon such land for two or three seasons, during which time
they will yield successive crops. The beneficial action which such a
plant exerts by nitrifying the soil, and the manurial value of the
leaves, which are shed in thick profusion, are important reasons
for its introduction, but the value will not be fully appreciated
until it has been adopted generally as a food.

=SOYA BEAN.=—The Manchurian or soya bean (_Glycine hispida_ or
_soja_), which has the additional merit of yielding about 15 per
cent. of a valuable oil, and which is highly appreciated as another
kind of dhall in India, is being experimented with in various parts
of British West Africa (see _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_,
vol. viii. [1910], p. 40).

The recent expansion in the cultivation of leguminous crops is a
promising step.

=CASSAVA.=—Among the Haussas as well as the Yorubas and Nupes, the
cultivation of cassava (_Manihot utilissima_) is extensively carried
on. In Haussa cultivation it is an unmanured plant, and is usually
grown in separate fields surrounded by mud walls, thorn hedges,
or Guinea-corn matting. The ground from which a crop of cassava has
been harvested is rarely used for Guinea corn; the succeeding crop
being usually cotton, with the application of manure. In the Nupe
country, near Bida, cassava is frequently employed as a shade crop
for onions; in this case being planted around the onion beds and
obtaining the benefit of the high state of cultivation, manuring
and irrigation which is applied to that crop. Cassava grown under
these conditions is planted twenty days later than the onions,
and is pulled up a month later.

The pagan tribes of Zaria, and the other provinces where they are
in greater numbers, do not seem to plant cassava. The Haussa name
given to the plant is “Rogo.”

=YAMS= (_Dioscorea sativa_, etc.).—These climbers are commonly
grown in the moist valley of the Niger and in the Yoruba country of
Ilorin, but are rare and only an irrigated crop in the more northern
countries. Where they are seen, they are planted from root eyes upon
high mounds with ditches dammed to retain the water between them,
and, until the plant has grown up as a trailer upon the ground,
some feet in length, no supports are put in. At this time, however,
the straw covers, which it is customary to place on the apex of the
yam mounds, are removed and an elaborate system of stakes, to the
top of each of which strings are tied and conducted to the ground
near the growing plant, are put in, and the plants to the number
of four or more are trained to grow towards the top of each stake.

The large white yam is chiefly grown, and is called in Haussa
“Doya.” Yams attain large dimensions in the damp localities,
but are small in the drier places.

_Colocasia antiquorum_, called by the Haussas “Kamu,” is usually
referred to as the koko yam and is rarely grown. A few may be seen
in the wet localities and near Zaria, where they are planted in
swamps upon high mounds or ridges.

=SWEET POTATOES.=—This crop is grown everywhere, and is nearly
always unmanured. It is said that it forms the occupant of the land
upon which Guinea corn and millet are repeatedly grown in some parts
of the Kano district in the second and eighth year—_i.e._ twice
in a period of eight years. In the year of plantation, the ridges
are said to be heightened. Near Bida very high beds are made for
it, resembling flat-topped mounds, with an area of sixteen or more
square feet. The Haussas apply the name “Dankali” to the root,
which is usually of the small white variety.

=Artichokes and small Root Crops.=—The Jerusalem artichoke
(_Helianthus tuberosus_) called “Gwaza,” as well as “Rizga”
(_Plectranthus sp._) and “Tumuku” (probably _Plectranthus sp._)
are cultivated by the people living to the south of Zaria Town.

“Gwaza” seems to be less planted than “Rizga,” the latter
being carefully grown upon selected ground which has been previously
hoed and levelled, the surface being covered over with branches of
_Bauhinia reticulata_ and other forest plants until the stems of
the crop have reached a height of one foot or more. Single stems
spring from the root eyes which are planted. “Tumuku” resembles
“Gwaza” in appearance, but comes up in clusters of stems and
is planted upon mounds.

All the above roots are used in the manner in which the potato is
employed in Europe; cassava alone being pounded to make a kind of
dough ball, in addition to being eaten in chopped up and boiled form.

=Onions.=—Two kinds of onions are cultivated throughout the
country: _Allium cepa_, the large onion which is seen to perfection
in the Kano markets, and _Allium ascalonicum_ which is usually
termed the shallot, and is cultivated to a larger extent in the
localities where manure is scarce.

The variety of large onion grown in Kano is pink upon the outside,
and for this reason, according to inquiries conducted by the Imperial
Institute, is said to be quite unsuitable for the English market;
the white Egyptian onion being preferred.

=Cultivation.=—The cultivation of onions is, perhaps, more
carefully carried out than that of any other crop, and may be
described from that seen at Lemu in Nupe. The seed is sown closely
in beds of soil which have previously been enriched with manure, and
the surface is covered with straw until the young plants are a few
inches in height. Transplanting into new beds, which are strewn with
cow and goat manure, is the next operation, the plants being put in
at about 4-6 inches apart. The whole cultivation is done during the
dry season, and the beds are irrigated by means of channels supplied
with water raised from streams or wells, in the north by shadufs,
or in the Nupe country by people conveying the water in calabashes.

The market price varies greatly in different districts, and is
immediately influenced by any reduced supply. There is said to be
a very good demand for the large onions in the Southern Nigerian
markets, and there should be no difficulty in getting them to Lagos,
as they have been brought from Kano to London in good condition.

=Minor Crops.=—Okra (_Hibiscus esculentus_), “Kubiewa,” a
species of Solanum resembling a small tomato called “Yalo,” the
sorrel Hibiscus (_H. Sabdariffa_) called “Yakwa,” a pumpkin
called “Kubiwa,” and the aubergine (_Solanum melongena_),
are grown upon a small scale, and chiefly in the vicinity of houses.

=OTHER FIELD CROPS.= =Dye Plants.=—Indigo is the chief dye used
in the country, and is prepared in the northern provinces from a
species of Indigofera, which has not been accurately determined.

In Ilorin and Kabba the plant used is _Lonchocarpus cyanescens_,
and the wild trees of this species may be seen preserved in the
cultivated fields.

Camwood, a name applied to the red wood obtained from several
species of _Pterocarpus_ and from _Baphia nitida_, in different
parts of West Africa, is obtained chiefly from _P. erinaceus_
in Northern Nigeria, and is used by the natives for staining the
skin. It is preserved in the fields cleared for grain cultivation.

Henna is obtained from _Lawsonia inermis_, which is regularly
planted as a sole crop in the northern provinces and Kontagora. The
use of it is generally to replace camwood as a red dye where that
tree is scarce.

=Tobacco.=—The cultivation of tobacco (_Nicotiana tabacum_) is
carried on in almost every part of the country, but for native use
is generally made into snuff or into ropes, plaits, and targets,
for sale in those places where it is smoked. (Cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._,
vol. xv. [1917], p. 32.)

The crop is usually grown in the river valleys, and is irrigated
carefully. Manure in the form of house sweepings, ashes, and
cattle-shed refuse is always applied, and the crop consists of leaves
of all sizes and ages stripped from the plant at the same time.

The preparation of the tobacco usually consists in drying the
leaves spread upon mats or upon sand in the sun. When flaccid they
are twisted into ropes or plaits in the form in which they are
afterwards sold, or they are completely dried and pounded up. In
Ilorin an attempt has been made to prepare the leaves tied up
in flat bundles, and this method has more recently been tried at
the Baro prison farm, but the previous curing has generally proved
inefficient and requires more attention. It is unlikely that tobacco
fit for export will be produced except under expert guidance.

=MISCELLANEOUS.= =Beeswax.=—Bees are kept in many of the large
villages, and are seen in hives placed in trees near the large towns
in Kano and Zaria especially. Honey is employed in the country
as a substitute for sugar. The wax is not greatly valued, and is
frequently thrown away, although it seems to be of fair quality.

=Locust Bean.=—The tree which furnishes the well-known locust bean
(_Parkia filicoidea_) is called “Dorowa” by the Haussas. The
beans, which are produced in clusters, contain a sweet-tasting yellow
flour-like substance, which is used for making a beverage. In this
flour-like substance the flattened seeds are placed, and these
are greatly appreciated for making into cakes, in the process of
which they are boiled and apparently decomposed. The empty pods
of the bean are boiled and used for making a strong cement used in
flooring, etc. The pods have been examined at the Imperial Institute,
and appear to be unsuitable for export as a feeding-stuff owing to
their fibrous nature (see Report by Professor Dunstan on “Cotton,
Gum, and Other Economic Products from Northern Nigeria” (Cd. 2778
[1905]), p. 21). Fig. 30 shows a locust bean tree in Ilorin.

=Date Palms= (_Phœnix dactylifera_) and the fruit of the Run palm
(_Borassus flabellifer_), “Giginia” (Haussa), are used for
food and are sometimes sold in the markets towards the south,
being commonly seen in Kano.

=CATTLE.=—Large numbers of cattle are moved about through the
country north of the 11th degree, where the tsetse fly does
not appear to occur. The “Cow Fulani” is the race whose
work is confined to the care of cattle and the sale of milk and
butter. These people have no fixed abode, but move with the cattle
to localities suitable to the season. An illustration is given of
a Cow Fulani woman selling milk at Gwari, a town south of Zaria
(Fig. 36). The cattle are large and humped similar to the Indian
Zebu type, although in some places the straight-backed kind, which
are common in the south, are seen.

=SILK.=—Four kinds of silkworm are collected for the spinning
of yarn used in the embroidery on the Haussa gowns. The best of
these is that which feeds upon the Tamarind tree, “Tsamia,”
and is termed “Tsamian tsamia.” The silk cocoons are collected
in Bauchi Province and are boiled in water with wood ashes, and
subsequently washed. The silk becomes nearly white, and is carded
and spun into yarn in the same manner as cotton. The species of
insect which produces this silk has not yet been identified, but
is almost certainly referable to the genus _Anaphe_ (cf. p. 117).

A second quality of silk is that called “Tsamian doka,” and is
obtained from the cocoon masses produced by the larvæ of _Anaphe
Moloneyi_, which are found in the same locality, feeding upon the
“Bokin doka” tree, which has been determined to be a species
of _Macrolobium_. Several hundred worms congregate together and
form a solid mass of pale brown tubular cocoons upon the bark of
the tree, covering the outer surface with a whitish envelope of
silk. This silk is treated in the same manner as the other, but,
after boiling and washing, does not become white. Two other species,
which are used for the same purpose, are called “Tsamian fakali”
and “Tsamian bauri,” and feed on another species of _Macrolobium_
and a _Ficus_ respectively. They produce inferior kinds of silk.

Much interest is attached to these Anaphe silks, which, in recent
years, have been developed in the German Colonies of East Africa,
especially, on a commercial scale. It is reported that, just
previous to the declaration of war, German agents in British
West Africa made endeavours to obtain as much of the wild silk
as possible from Nigeria. Plantations of a species of _Bridelia_,
the common food plant of _Anaphe infracta_, were made in the late
German Colonies, and special machinery was in use there for the
production of a commercial silk.

The following figures give the values of the chief exported products
from Nigeria as a whole, from 1913 to 1919:—

1913 1914 1915 1916
£ £ £ £
Palm kernels 3,109,818 2,541,150 1,692,712 1,739,706
Palm oil 1,854,384 1,571,691 1,462,162 1,402,799
Cocoa 157,480 171,751 313,946 393,101
Cotton lint 159,223 150,791 56,351 243,949
Mahogany and timber 106,050 86,522 54,559 49,361
Groundnuts 174,716 179,219 72,177 473,653
Hides and skins 197,214 505,785 302,420 538,917
Shea products 74,471 52,843 69,823 32,529
Rubber — 38,854 38,113 34,192
Benniseed — — 5,225 16,523

_Continued:_ 1917 1918 1919
£ £ £
Palm kernels 2,581,702 3,226,306 4,947,995
Palm oil 1,882,997 2,610,448 4,245,893
Cocoa 499,004 235,870 1,067,675
Cotton lint 234,338 97,399 484,744
Mahogany and timber 21,282 68,480 116,820
Groundnuts 710,308 920,137 698,702
Hides and skins 198,332 293,019 1,262,142
Shea products 40,189 4,884 37,222
Rubber 32,350 19,667 43,903
Benniseed 2,876 696 53,541

=INDEX=

Abassi, 110

Abbradi, 44

“Abe bobe,” 71, 100

“Abe dam,” 70, 100

“Abe Ohene,” 71, 100

Abeokuta, 119

Abeokuta-Ibadan, 106

“Abe pa,” 22, 70, 100, 132

Abetifi, 43

“Abe tuntum,” 70

Abrotoo, 44

Abuko, 3, 4

Aburi, 47, 49, 57, 63, 65, 66, 79

_Acacia_, 89, 91, 122, 134

_Acacia albida_, 134

_Acacia arabica_, 13, 62, 89, 134, 143

_Acacia Caffra_, 134

_Acacia mellifera_, 134

_Acacia Senegal_, 134

_Acacia Sieberiana_, 89

_Acacia Verek_, 134

Accra, 56, 106

Accra copal, 82, 106

Accras, 44

“Acha,” 154

Adampes, 44

Adda, 90

Administration, 121

“Affia-ko-jub,” 100

African mahogany, 72

African mango, 103

African rubber, 59

_Afzelia africana_, 72, 119

Agbede, 95, 109, 112

“Agbesi,” 144

Agege, 106, 109, 113

Agoonahs, 44

Agriculture in Haussaland, 133

Ahantas, 44

Ahedua, 72

Aimensa, 56

“Akee apple,” 95

Akim, 73

Akims, 45

“Ak-poro-jub,” 100

“Akwabohori,” 72

“Alkama,” 156

_Allium escalonicum_, 160

_Allium cepa_, 160

_Alstonia congoensis_, 105

_Alstonia sp._, 62

Amedika, 77

Amelonado, 46

American rice, 157

_Anaphe infracta_, 81, 117, 163

_Anaphe Moloneyi_, 163

_Anaphe venata_, 81, 117

Angola, 71

Ankobra, 72

Annatto, 54

_Anogeissus leiocarpus_, 96

_Antiaris toxicaria_ var. _africana_, 74

Anum, 77

_Aphis sorghi_, 12, 153

_Apis mellifera_ var. _Adansonii_, 10, 40, 91

_Apocynaceæ_, 64

Appolonias, 44, 74

Aquapim, 44

_Arachis hypogæa_, 3, 6, 84, 115, 132, 158

“Aribedda,” 128

_Armatosterna buquetiana_, 51

Aros, 94

Artichokes, 124, 160

Ashanti, 43, 44, 91

Ashanti-Akim, 47, 51

Ashanti kings, 63

“Ashanti lump,” 60

“Ashmouni,” 110

“Asidigero,” 152

“Asidonono,” 151

Askia, 86

“Asoge-e-jub,” 100

_Aspidiotus destructor_, 117

Assin, 44

“Attifufu,” 128

Aubergine, 161

“Au-su-ku,” 100

Axim, 47, 63, 66, 72, 74, 80

Badagri, 96, 117

Baga, 24

“Baggarua,” 143

“Bajra,” 154

Bakau, 9, 10

“Bako,” 72

Baku, 156

“Balata,” 127, 128

“Balsam of Copaiba,” 90, 147

“Bambarra” groundnut, 158

Bananas, 39, 95

“Baowe,” 17, 18

_Baphia nitida_, 37, 83, 96, 161

Barbetu, 86

Bark cloth, 74

Baro, 121, 130, 137

Baro-Kano Railway, 131, 137, 140, 141

Baro Prison Farm, 162

Basel Mission, 47

Bassa, 119, 120, 126, 128, 135, 136, 137, 139, 140, 145, 148, 157

“Bassi,” 12

Bathurst, 8, 9, 29

Batkanu, 28

Bauchi, 120, 124, 142, 144, 163

_Bauhinia reticulata_, 62, 160

Beans, 13, 88, 95, 157

Beer, 85

Beeswax, 10, 40, 91, 162

Belgian Congo, 25

Bendi, 93

Bengal rice, 157

Benin, 107

Benin City, 95

Benis, 94, 95

Benniseed, 124, 127, 142, 164

Benue, 137, 144, 151

Betel nut, 73, 116

Bida, 132, 137, 159, 160

Bissao, 29

“Black arm,” 112

“Black dye,” 144

Black gram, 42

Black oil, 98

“Black Rattler,” 79, 110

“Black smut,” 153

“Black Volta,” 43, 90

Bleaching gum, 135

_Blighia sapida_, 95

Bo, 18, 28, 38

“Boganderi,” 151

Boia, 24

“Bokin doka,” 163

“Bokin sosia,” 151

Bole, 86, 87

Bollworm, 112, 139

_Borassus flabellifer_, 162

Bordeaux mixture, 52, 63

Borers (copal), 82

Borgu, 122

Boring beetles, 51, 65

Bornu, 120, 124, 134, 139, 152, 156

Bread making, 156

_Bridelia sp._, 164

_British Cotton Cultivation_, 12, 78, 110, 136, 140

British Cotton Growing Association, 33, 77, 80, 87, 88, 108, 110,
112, 113, 131, 135, 140, 141

Brown beans, 157

“Brown cluster,” 128

“Brown medium,” 128

_Buettnerieæ_, 46

Bullelai, 3

Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, 8, 9, 11, 14, 23, 28, 39, 40,
59, 63, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 78, 80, 82, 90, 95, 102, 103,
105, 106, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 125, 131, 133, 134, 135,
141, 143, 147, 152, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 161

Bullom, 16, 38, 40

“Bulrush millet,” 152, 154

Bumban, 24

_Burkea africana_, 89

“Bush,” 15, 17, 19, 41, 42, 45, 84, 94

Butter, 90, 115, 130, 142, 163

_Butyrospermum Parkii_, 90, 115, 128, 130

_Cajanus indicus_, 42, 88, 158

“Calabacillo,” 46

Calabar, 105

Calabash, 91, 144

“Cambodia” cotton, 34

Camwood, 37, 83, 96, 161

_Canavalia ensiformis_, 42

Candles, 70, 98, 103, 115, 130

_Capnodium sp._, 153

_Capsicum annuum_, 29, 141

_Capsicum frutescens_, 29, 141

_Capsicum sp._, 84

Capsid, 106

Caracas, 46

_Caracas_, 57

_Carapa procera_, 71

Caravans, 73, 136, 143

_Carpodinus_, 96

_Carpodinus hirsutus_, 65, 104, 128

Casamance River, 2, 6

Cassava, 3, 13, 19, 45, 84, 85, 88, 95, 114, 125, 126, 138, 158, 160

_Castilloa elastica_, 10, 65

Catch crops, 49

Cattle, 2, 3, 56, 73, 91, 118, 124, 151, 152, 153, 162, 163

Cattle food, 113, 142, 151, 154

Cayor, 6

Ceara rubber, 9, 65, 103, 129, 130

Central Province, 120, 122

_Cercospora personata_, 38

“Chena,” 45

Chew sticks, 96

Chillies, 141

China grass, 33

_Chloridea obsoleta_, 112, 139

_Chlorita flavescens_, 112

_Chlorophora excelsa_, 62, 72, 118

Clifford, Sir Hugh, 66

_Clitandra elastica_, 104

_Clitandra laxiflora_, 27

_Clitandra Manni_, 27

Cloth, native, 34

Cocoa, 38, 45, 46, 92, 94, 95, 106, 164

Cocoa-bark bug, 51

Cocoa borer, 51

Cocoa butter, 46

Cocoa, colouring, 54

Cocoa, tables of exports of, 59, 107

_COCOINEÆ_, 67

Coconut, 67, 83, 96, 117

Cocoons, 81, 117, 163

_Cocos_, 67

_Cocos nucifera_, 83

_Coffea Liberica_, 39

_Coffea robusta_, 66

_Coffea stenophylla_, 39

Coffee, 39, 47, 66

Coir, 83

_Colocasia antiquorum_, 84, 115, 159

Colocasia yams, 95, 126

_Colœoptera_, 82

Colœopterous larvæ, 147

Communal rubber plantations, 103

Congo, 90

_Conopharyngia crassa_, 62

_Conopharyngia sp._, 105

Cooking oils, 88, 90

Coops, 91

_Copaifera Guibourtiana_, 37

Copal, 37, 81, 89, 92, 96, 106, 147

Copal resin, 127

Copra, 83, 92, 96

_Corchorus_, 33

_Corchorus capsularis_, 13, 32

Cotton, 11, 33, 74, 87, 92, 94, 95, 108, 124, 127, 135, 141, 159,
163, 164

Cotton, cultivation of, 111, 140

Cotton lint stainer, 112, 139

Cotton seed bugs, 110, 139

Cotton seed-cake, 113

Cotton seeds, 113, 148

Cow Fulani, 163

Cowpea, 42, 125, 133

Crabnut, 71

_Criollo_, 46, 57

Cross River, 94, 115, 118

_CUCURBITACEÆ_, 84

“Culpepper’s Big Boll,” 110

_Cundeamor_, 57

Custard apples, 85

“Cutlass,” 22, 50, 52

“Cutlass bean,” 103

_Cyanothyrsus oblongus_, 84, 96, 106

_Cyanothyrsus ogea_, 106

_Cyanothyrsus sp._, 72, 106

Daboya, 87, 90, 91

Dagartis, 86

Dagomba, 86, 87, 89, 156

Dahomey, 29, 101, 120

Daka River, 43

Dakar, 29

Dakman, 156

“Dancing” cocoa, 54

_Daniella thurifera_, 89, 128, 147

“Dankali.” 160

“Danko Gawa,” 129

“Danko Kadainya,” 129

Date palm, 162

Dauro, 154

“Dawa,” 151

“Dawadawa,” 92

Denkera, 44

“Derba,” 153

“Dhall,” 88, 158

“Dhoole,” 34, 109

“Dhura,” 151

“Difumbe,” 71

_Digitaria ternata_, 154

_Dioscorea alata_, 88

_Dioscorea colocasifolia_, 88

_Dioscorea sativa_, 88, 159

_Dioscorea sp._, 84, 115

_Diospyros sp._, 118

_Diparopsis castanea_, 112

“Djenje,” 27

Dodowa, 56

_Dolichos lablab_, 42

“Domana,” 153

_Dombeya buettneri_, 96

Donkeys, 73, 126

“Dorowa,” 162

“Doya,” 159

Dressed skins, 127

“Dubini,” 72

“Dumjeri,” 121

Dunstan, Professor Wyndham, 12, 78, 110, 136, 140, 162

Dwarf cattle, 119

Dwarf goats, 119

Dwarf horses, 119

_Dysdercus nigrofasciatus_, 76

_Dysdercus superstitiosus_, 112, 139

_Earias biplaga_, 139

_Earias imbricata_, 112

_Earias insulana_, 112, 139

_Earias sp._, 139

Earthenware, 119

“Earth pea.” _See_ Groundnut

Eastern agriculture, 124

Eastern Akim, 47

Eastern Sudan, 86

“Ebo,” 128

Ebony, 117, 118

Ebute Metta, 105

“Eduege-Eyop,” 100

“Efi-ako-Eyop,” 100

Egga, 137

Egg-plant, 95

Egypt, 86, 124

Egyptian boll-worm, 112, 139

Egyptian cotton, 11, 76, 78, 109, 110, 136, 137

Egyptian wheat, 155

Eket, 107

_Elæis guineensis_, 11, 19, 67, 70, 132

_Elæis Thompsonii_, 71, 100

Elephants, 88

_Eleusine coracana_, 155

Embroidery, silk, 163

_Entandrophragma sp._, 118

“Eponkon,” 108, 109, 110

Euphorbia, 126

“Fai” or “Fawe” beans, 40

Fallow, 138

Famine conditions, 126, 149

Fan palm, 7

“Fande Wa,” 34

Fanti, 25, 44, 74

“Farafara,” 151

“Farin rama,” 144

Farmers’ Association, 30

“Fatainya,” 125

Fernando Po, 38, 46, 47, 57

Fetish nut, 100

Fibre preparation, 145

Fibres, 13, 17, 31, 80, 89, 96, 116, 127, 144, 146

Fibrous plants, 94, 145

Fibrous pulp (oil palm), 97

Ficus, 59, 65, 128, 163

_Ficus platyphylla_, 128

_Ficus trachyphylla_, 129

_Ficus Vogelii_, 9, 65, 129

Fig rubber, 65

“Findi,” 12

“First Niggers,” 104

“Flake rubber,” 65, 128

Floods, 12

Flour, 153, 154, 156

Fogni, 2, 8

Fogola, 145

“Folio,” 9

Food crops, 148

“Forastero,” 46

“Forastero-Amelonado,” 47, 57

Forest produce, 127

Forest products, 45, 94

Forest reserve, 119, 130

Forestry, 42

Fork “kodalli hoe,” 17

Fossil copal, 82, 106

Foulahs, 1, 16

Four-eyed palm-nuts, 100

Fowls, 91

Fra-Fra potato, 89

Freetown, 27, 28, 40

French Guinea, 28, 120

French Sudan, 43, 120

Fruit, 39, 95

Fuel, 97, 119

Fulani, 1, 122, 124

_Funtumia africana_, 26, 60, 62, 105

_Funtumia elastica_, 10, 26, 60, 66, 95, 96, 103, 128, 129, 130

Funtumia rubber, 27, 28, 60, 61, 63, 66, 103

Furniture making, 118

Gallinas, 16, 39

Gambaga, 85

Gambaga-Kumassi Road, 86

_Gambia_, 38, 88, 91, 99, 100

GAMBIA, introductory remarks, geographical position, 1; area
and population, 1; tribes, 1; political divisions, 2; natural
conditions, 2; chief crops, 3; implements, 3; ploughing, 3; land
tenure, 3; labour, 4; agricultural schools, 4; chief exports, 5;
GROUND NUTS, uses, 5; classification and description, 6; RUBBER,
8; BEESWAX, 10; PALM KERNELS, 11; COTTON, 11; GRAIN, 12; ROOT AND
OTHER CROPS, 13; TANNING, 13; FIBRES, 13; TIMBER, 13; TRADE, 14

Gambian groundnut, 132

“Gamopale,” 70

“Gara,” 39

“Garma,” 125

“Gawo,” 134

Gbemas, 16

“Gboi-gboi,” 26

“Geda,” 132

Geidam, 121

_Gelechiadæ_, 112

_Gelechia gossypiella_, 112

“Georgia” cotton, 110, 112

German African Colonies, 129, 163

German ports, 134

German territory, 86, 104

“Gero,” 152, 154

“Giginia,” 162

Gingelly, 142

Ginger, 30

Ginnery, 33, 77, 108

Ginning centres, 137

Ginning machines, 77

Gins, 76

“Gir,” 154

“Girigiri,” 158

“Giro,” 154

_Glenea sp._, 51

Gliadin, 156

_Glossina morsitans_, 91

_Glossina pallidipes_, 91, 119

_Glossina palpalis_, 91, 119

Gluten, 156

Glycerine, 70

_Glycine hispida_, 158

_Glycine soja_, 42, 158

_Glyphodes ocellata_, 63

Goat manure for wheat, 155

Goat skins, 13, 116, 142

Gober, 123

Gola Forest, 26

_Gold Coast_, 1, 10, 22, 27, 29, 36, 99, 116, 132, 145, 148

GOLD COAST, ASHANTI AND NORTHERN TERRITORIES, introductory remarks,
geographical position, 43; area and population, 43; divisions,
43; PART I. GOLD COAST AND ASHANTI, origin of tribes, 44;
COCOA, 45; pruning, 50; insect pests and vegetable parasites, 50;
harvesting and preparing, 52; markets, 54; improvement of quality,
56; exports, 59; RUBBER, indigenous species, 59; “Ofruntum”
tree, 59; distribution of _Funtumia elastica_, 60; native methods
of preparing, 60; improved methods, 62; plantations, 63; insect
pest, 63; fungoid pest, 63; rubber machinery, 63; vine rubber, 64;
fig rubber, 65; introduced species, 65; PALM OIL AND KERNELS, 66;
habits of the oil palm, 67; preparation of palm oil, 68; kernel
oil, 69; commercial uses, 69; varieties of oil palms, 70; OTHER
OIL SEEDS, 71; TIMBER, mahogany, 72; other timber trees, 72; KOLA,
73; COTTON, 74; American and other exotic cottons, 78; attempts
at hybridisation, 78; valuation of samples at Imperial Institute,
79; FIBRES, 80; SILK, 81; COPAL, 81; COPRA, 83; DYES and PIGMENTS,
83; Indigo, 83; FIELD CROPS, 84; PART II. NORTHERN TERRITORIES,
tribes, 85; FIELD CROPS, 87; cotton, 87; other field crops, 88;
fibre, 89; tobacco, 89; GUMS, 89; WOOD OIL, 89; SHEA BUTTER, 90;
RUBBER, 90; DYES, 90; BEESWAX, 91; LEATHER, 91; CATTLE AND POULTRY,
91; EXPORTS, 92

Gongola, 151

Gonjas, 85

_Gossypium arboreum_ var. _sanguineum_, 136

Gourds, 84

Gpakas, 16

Grain, 12, 94

Grass cloth, 74

Grass fires, 90

Great or Indian millet, 151

“Green seed” cotton, 75, 78

Groundnut, 1, 3, 4, 5, 12, 14, 38, 42, 84, 85, 87, 88, 92, 95,
96, 115, 124, 125, 126, 127, 132, 133, 142, 158, 164

Groundnut, origin of, 6

Grunshis, 86

_Guarea_, 118

Guavas, 85, 95

“Guinea corn,” 3, 12, 41, 73, 84, 87, 88, 95, 124, 126, 137,
142, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 159

“Guinea fowls,” 91

Gums and resins, 37, 81, 87, 127, 134

Gurara, 151

“Gutta,” 128

Guttapercha, 127, 129

“Gutta-shea,” 130, 131

Gwari, 123, 124, 126, 154, 155, 158, 163

“Gwaza,” 160

Hamburg, 134

Hand plough, 3

“Hard” oil, 97

Haussa, 13, 74, 89, 90, 94, 116, 122, 123, 124, 126, 132, 144,
154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162

Haussa Land, 122

Head load as trading standard, 54

Head loads, 73, 91

Hedges, 126

_Helianthus tuberosus_, 160

_Helopeltis_, 52

_Helopeltis Antonii_, 52

Henna, 161

_Hevea brasiliensis_, 10, 28, 61, 65, 129, 130

_Hibiscus_, 13, 89, 116, 140, 144, 146

_Hibiscus esculentus_, 13, 32, 84, 161

_Hibiscus guineensis_, 96, 145

_Hibiscus lunariifolius_, 144, 145

_Hibiscus quinquelobus_, 32

_Hibiscus sabdariffa_, 89, 145, 161

Hides, 127, 164

Hippopotami, 88

Hoe, 3, 17, 87, 125

_Holarrhena Wulfsburgii_, 105

_Honckya ficifolia_, 31

Honey, 40, 91, 162

Horse beans, 42

Horse food, 152

Horses, 2, 91

Husking rice, 156

Hybridisation, cotton, 78, 109, 111

Ibadan, 97, 110, 112, 113, 115, 117, 139

“Iboru,” 155

Ibos, 94

Ida, 105

“Ifa,” 100

Ifon, 95, 119

Ijoas, 94

Ilaro, 116

Ilesha, 119

Illara, 119

Illushi, 109, 113

Ilorin, 110, 115, 120, 121, 123, 129, 130, 131, 135, 137, 139,
140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 148, 157, 159, 161, 162

Immunity from fly disease, 119

Imperial Institute, 12, 34, 57, 62, 70, 71, 79, 82, 89, 90, 91,
99, 102, 109, 131, 135, 136, 145, 153, 154, 155, 157, 160, 162

Implements, agricultural, 18, 125

Incense, 147, 148

Indigenous cotton, 109

Indigo, 13, 34, 39, 83, 90, 95, 119, 144, 161

_Indigofera sp._, 13, 39, 83, 88, 95, 161

Ink, 13

Insect pests, 50, 87, 110, 112, 117, 139

_Ipomœa Batatas_, 84

“Ire,” 128

“Irök-eyop,” 100

“Iroko,” 118

Irrigated crops, 126, 151, 155, 156, 159, 161

Irrigation, 94, 137, 142, 145, 155, 157

_Irvingia Barteri_, 103

Ishan, 112, 119

Ishans, 95

Itu, 107

“Ivioronmila,” 100

Ivory Coast, 62

Iwo, 113

“Janari,” 151

“Jannovitch,” 110

Jars, 119

Java beans, 42

“Jawe,” 27

Jebba, 137, 141

Jebu, 98

Jolahs, 1, 2, 7, 8, 11

Joloffs, 1, 2, 3, 4

Juar, 151

Jute, 13, 31, 80, 81, 89, 145, 146, 147

Jute substitute, 116, 146

Kabba, 120, 128, 135, 142, 145, 148, 161

“Kabe-kalako,” 100

“Kadainya,” 130

Kaduna River, 148, 151, 156

Kainabai, 24

“Kalal,” 17, 18

Kamabai, 24

Kamerun, 23, 25, 70, 71, 101, 120

“Kamu,” 159

Kangahun, 32

Kano, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 128, 132, 133, 134, 135, 137,
138, 141, 142, 143, 144, 148, 149, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157, 159,
160, 161, 162

Kano leather, 91, 142

Karaga, 86

“Karandeffi,” 144, 152

“Karantalaka,” 152

“Karantudi,” 144

Karene, 38

“Kari,” 17, 18

“Karu,” 134

“Karu wai,” 17, 18

Kataguni, 121

“Katala,” 17, 18

“Katala kabana,” 17, 18

Katsena, 124

“Kaura-ferin-sosia,” 151

“Kawa,” 89

Kernel, palm, 11, 19, 23, 24, 26, 45, 69, 92, 127, 132, 164

Kernel, palm, Special Committee, 69

Kernel, shea, 130

Kernels, exports, 102, 127

Kernels, palm, export tax, 101

Khaki cotton, 34

“Kharif,” 142

_Khaya_, 118

_Khaya senegalensis_, 14, 72

_Kicksia africana_, 60

“Kidney” cotton, 75, 109, 110

“King palm” nut, 100

King’s market, Ibadan, 117

“Kinto,” 12

Knepp, 121

Kobbo, 9

“Kodalli” fork-hoe, 17

Kogin-Serikin-Pawa River, 131

Koinadugu, 15, 24

“Koko” yams, 84, 115, 159

_Kola acuminata_, 29, 73, 116

Kolas, 4, 17, 19, 29, 47, 73, 92, 94, 95, 116, 148

_Kola vera_, 29, 116

Kombe, 85

Kommbo, 2, 11

Konnohs, 16

Kontagora, 120, 121, 122, 134, 135, 144, 161

Korankos, 13, 16

“Korwey,” 32

Kotoo, 9, 10, 13

Krachi, 87

Krepes, 45, 75

“Krepi ball,” 62, 64, 65

Krepi country, 76, 85

Krims, 16

“Krobo,” 82, 83

Krobo Hills, 67

Krobo plantations, 69

Krobos, 45, 69

“Kubiewa,” 161

“Kubiwa,” 161

Kumassi, 43, 47, 55, 63, 64, 79

Kumassi Agricultural Exhibition, 64

Kussassis, 86

Kwahu, 47, 66, 73

Kwahus, 45

“Kwakwa,” 100, 132

Kwalu, 37

“Kwonde,” 34

“Laboji,” 148

Labolabo, 77, 78, 79, 87

“Ladybird” beetles, 117

Lafenwa, 113

Lagos, 12, 19, 74, 93, 97, 98, 101, 102, 106, 107, 115, 116,
148, 161

“Lagos fine grade” oil, 97

Lagos Government Railway, 135

“Lagos silk rubber,” 10, 96

Lammin, 4

_Landolphia_, 90, 96, 128

_Landolphia florida_, 104, 128, 148

_Landolphia Heudelottii_, 8, 28

_Landolphia owariensis_, 27, 28, 62, 64, 65, 90, 104, 128

_Landolphia senegalensis_, 104

_Landolphia Thollonii_, 90

_Landolphia Thompsoni_, 104, 128, 148

Lapita, 115

Latex, 8, 9, 10, 26, 28, 60, 61, 64, 104, 129, 148

Latex-yielding plants, 104

_Lawsonia inermis_, 161

“Leaf-blistering blight,” 112

Leather, 13, 91, 96, 116, 142, 152

_LEGUMINOSÆ_, 6, 82, 83, 147

Leguminous crops, 115, 151, 157

Lemu, 160

Lever Bros., 24, 25

Liberia, 15, 28, 80

Licences to collect wild rubber, 103, 105

Limbas, 16

Lime juice, 144

Limes, 85

“Lisombe,” 23, 70, 71, 101

Livestock, 127

Lobis, 86

Locust beans, 162

Lokoja, 121, 128, 130, 135, 139, 140

Lokoja Ginnery, 140, 141, 148

_Lonchocarpus cyanescens_, 39, 90, 95, 144, 161

Longicorn beetles, 51

Looms, 11, 34

_Lophira alata_, 40, 103

_Lophira procera_, 40

Lugard, Sir Frederick, 121, 122

Lumber, 92

Mabang, 18

M’Carthy Island, 2

“Machete,” 22, 50

Machinery, rubber, 64

Machines for nut cracking, 69, 98

_Macrolobium sp._, 163

Madam Yoko, 28

Mafokoyia, 21, 24

Mahogany, 14, 72, 117, 119, 164

Maifoni, 121

“Maiwa,” 154

Maize, 3, 12, 19, 42, 45, 75, 84, 85, 95, 96, 114, 115, 124, 126,
140, 151, 155

“Makafo dewayo,” 151

Makump, 24

Mallams, 4

Malted grain, 154

Mampong, 47

Mamprussi, 85

Mamu, 103

“Mandingo butter,” 40

Mandingoes, 1, 3, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 16

Mango, African, 103

Mangroves, 1

_Manihot Glaziovii_, 9, 65, 129

_Manihot palmata_, 13

_Manihot utilissima_, 84, 158

Manjagos, 9

Mano, 28

“Manoh twist,” 27

Manure, 49, 94, 126, 138, 142, 147, 153, 158, 159, 160, 161

Manuring, 125

Marseilles, 8, 14, 134

“Mazgua,” 152

Meko, 109, 111

_MELIACEÆ_, 72, 118

Meliola, 63

“Memeluku,” 65

Mendi, 16, 22, 25, 26, 27, 32, 34, 35, 37, 39, 40

Meteorological reports, 38, 150

Milk, 151, 163

Millet, 3, 12, 42, 87, 88, 124, 126, 137, 142, 149, 154, 157

Milling trials, 156

Mimosa group, 122

_Mimusops sp._, 72

Minna, 155

Monkey nut. _See_ Groundnut

_Monodora myristica_, 89

Mordant, 96

Morocco leather, 143

Moshis, 86

Mossi, 86

Moyamba, 28, 33, 37

Munchi, 137

Muri, 120, 144, 146

_Musa sapientum_, 84

“Mussara,” 155

Muzzling cattle, 153

“Napunti,” 31

Naraguta, 121

Nassarawa, 120, 135, 139

Native beer, 119

Native cloths, 87

Native cotton, 90

Native leather, 111

Native levies, 86

Navigation of Volta River, 87

“Neou,” 89

“Neul,” 100

“Niama,” 62

_Nicotiana tabacum_, 13, 161

Niger, 94, 104, 105, 111, 113, 120, 122, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139,
144, 145, 146, 147, 151, 153, 155, 156, 159

_Nigeria_, 22, 25, 27, 81, 105

NIGERIA—NORTHERN PROVINCES, introductory remarks, 120;
administration and political divisions, 121; natural divisions,
122; implements, 125; RUBBER, 127; sources, 128; plantations, 129;
SHEA NUTS, 130; PALM OIL AND KERNELS, 132; GROUNDNUTS, 132; GUMS,
134; COTTON, 135; Exotic cottons, 136; valuation of cottons, 136;
improvement of plant, 138; CAPSICUMS, 141; BENNISEED, 142; KANO
LEATHER, 142; FIBRES, 144; WOOD OIL, 147; KOLA, 148; COTTONSEED,
148; FOOD CROPS, 148; GUINEA CORN, 151; BULRUSH MILLET, 154; MAIZE,
155; WHEAT, 155; RICE, 156; SUGAR CANE, 157; LEGUMINOUS PLANTS,
157; SOYA BEANS, 158; CASSAVA, 158; YAMS, 159; SWEET POTATOES,
159; artichokes and small root crops, 160; onions, 160; minor
crops, 161; OTHER FIELD CROPS, dye plants, 161; TOBACCO, 161;
MISCELLANEOUS: beeswax, 162; locust bean, 162; date palms, 162;
CATTLE, 162; SILK, 163

NIGERIA—SOUTHERN PROVINCES, introductory remarks, administrative
divisions, 93; geographical position, 93; area and population, 93;
natural divisions, 93; inhabitants, 94; cultivation, 94; principal
crops, 95; OIL PALM, 96; other oil seeds, 102; RUBBER, 103; export,
105; COPAL, 106; COCOA, 106; COTTON, 103; MAIZE, 114; CASSAVA,
114; YAMS, 115; GROUNDNUTS, 115; SHEA NUTS, 115; KOLA, 116; FIBRE,
116; LEATHER, 116; TOBACCO, 117; SILK, 117; COCONUTS, 117; MAHOGANY
AND EBONY, 117; CATTLE, 118; POTTERY, 119; FOREST RESERVES, 119

“Niggers,” 60

Nimrod, 123

Njala, 41, 42

North Bornu, 121

_Northern Nigeria_, 1, 13, 65, 82, 90, 91, 99, 100, 105, 110, 116

Northern Sherbro, 39

Northern Territories (Gold Coast), 85

Nupe, 120, 122, 131, 132, 135, 139, 141, 144, 146, 148, 155, 156,
159, 160, 161

Nupes, 94, 123, 126, 128, 133, 140, 158

Nut-cracking machinery, 69, 98

Nuts, 98, 99

“Oapottoa,” 129

“Obi abatta,” 116

“Obi gbanja,” 116

Obuassi, 79

“Odum,” 62, 72

Odumase, 46

Odumassi, 67

_Œcophylla sp._, 51

Ofin River, 43, 66

“Ofo,” 62

“Ofruntum,” 59

“Ogbagba,” 128

“Ogea gum,” 96, 106

“Ogea” resin, 82

“Ogedudin,” 100

“Ogudu” cotton, 110

Ogudu Ginnery, 135, 139, 140

Oil, 90, 99

Oil, crab-nut, 71

Oil, edible, 102

Oil, groundnut, 5, 85, 133, 142

Oil, kernel, 69

Oil mill, 113

Oil, olive, 5, 134, 142

Oil, palm, 11, 19, 22, 24, 26, 45, 66, 68, 80, 85, 92, 94, 96,
119, 132, 140, 143, 164

Oil, palm exports, 102

Oil seeds, 40, 102

Oil, sesamum, 142

Oil, soya bean, 158

“Ojuku,” 100

“Okporukpu,” 100

“Okra,” 13, 32, 84, 89, 95, 161

“Okre,” 62

“Okumankra,” 72

Old Calabar, 105, 107

Oleo margarine, 6

Oleo resinous exudation, 147

Olokemeji, 93, 110, 116

Ondo, 119

Onions, 126, 159, 160

Onitsha, 97, 119

“Opapeh,” 72

“Ope arunfo,” 100

“Ope Ifa,” 71, 100

“Ope pankora,” 100

“Ope yope,” 100

Opobo, 93, 102

Oranges, 39, 85, 95

_Oryza sativa_, 12, 88

“Osese,” 62

Oshogbo, 97, 98

Ostrich feathers, 127

“Otakataka,” 62

Ouassoulou, 86

Owo, 119

“Owya,” 125

_Oxycarenus_, 139

_Oxycarenus Dudgeoni_, 76, 112

_Oxycarenus gossipinus_, 76, 112

_Oxycarenus hyalinipennis_, 76, 112

Oyo, 113, 115

Paddy, 156

Paganism, 86

Pagans, 94, 124, 155, 159

“Pagns,” 11

_PALMÆ_, 67, 80

Palm fruit pulp, 85

Palm wine, 11, 67, 85

Pamphlets in Twi, 58

Panguma, 26

Paper manufacture, 146

_PAPILIONACEÆ_, 6

“Para” rubber, 10, 28, 47, 50, 61, 63, 65, 66, 103, 105, 129

_Parkia filicoidea_, 92, 162

“Paruru,” 158

“Paste” rubber, 9, 104, 128, 148

Pawpaws, 85, 95

Pendembu, 34

_Pennisetum typhoideum_, 12, 150, 152, 154

_Pentaclethra macrophylla_, 40, 103

_Pentadesma butyracea_, 40

_Pentagona_, 57

Pepper, 29, 84, 95, 126, 141

Petroleum, 140

Petroleum-soap emulsion, 51

_Phaseolus lunatus_, 42

_Phaseolus mungo_, 42

_Phœnix dactylifera_, 162

Piassava, 13, 33, 80, 116

“Pidgin English,” 16

Pigeon peas, 42, 88, 158

Pigments, 83

Pillows, 143

Pineapples, 39, 85, 95

Plaits (tobacco), 161

Plantains, 84, 85

Plantations (rubber), 129

_Plectranthus sp._, 89, 160

Ploughs, 3, 17, 124, 138, 150, 153

Poisonous guinea corn, 153

Polishing cocoa, 54

Porridge, 12, 153, 155

Port Lokko, 35, 40

Port Lokkos, 16

Portuguese Guinea, 6, 9

Potato, 160

Pottery, 119

Poultry, 91

Pra River, 43, 72

Pruning cocoa, 50

_Pseudocedrela_, 118

_Pseudocedrela Kotschyi_, 72, 89

_Pterocarpus erinaceus_, 14, 161

_Pterocarpus sp._, 96, 161

_Pterocarpus tinctorius_, 96

Pumpkins, 95, 161

_PYRALIDÆ_, 63

“Quaqua.” _See_ “Kwakwa”

Rabba, 137

“Rabi,” 142

Railways, 115, 121, 150

Rainfall, 2, 39, 48, 93, 120, 126, 141, 149, 150, 154, 155

“Rama” fibre, 126, 144, 145, 147

“Ramie” fibre, 33

“Ramo” fibre, 144, 145

Rano, 123

_Raphia vinifera_, 13, 33, 80, 116

Raw cotton, 12, 88

Red dye, 144, 152, 161

Red earth, use of, 54

“Red Kano” rubber, 128

“Red nigger rubber,” 27, 128

Red onions, 160

Red rice, 88

Red wood, 118

“Reke,” 157

Renovation of rubber forest, 63

Resin, 81, 89, 147

Retting fibre, 81, 146

“Rhizome rubber,” 90, 104

Rice, 3, 12, 19, 35, 42, 88, 95, 124, 125, 126, 151, 156, 157

“Richmond” cotton, 79, 110

Ridge cultivation, 125

“Rizga,” 160

Rogo, 126

“Rogo,” 159

“Root rubber,” 27, 65, 90, 104, 128

Roots, 94

Ropes, 13, 96, 144, 145, 161

Rosewood, 14

Rotation of crops, 3, 13, 41, 75, 133, 159

Rubber, 17, 45, 47, 59, 80, 90, 92, 94, 95, 96, 103, 127, 140,
148, 164

Rubber Commission, 63

Rubber export, 66, 92, 105, 127

Rubber, vine, 8, 27, 64, 103, 128

Rufisque, 6

Run palm, 162

_Saccharum officinale_, 157

Saddlery, 143

Sahara, 143

_Sahlbergella singularis_, 51

_Sahlbergella theobroma_, 51

Salaga, 88, 91

Saloum, 6

Salt, 88

Samodu Almami, 86

Samory, 86

“Sangumi,” 125

“Sankonuabe,” 51

“Sannio,” 12

San Thomé, 38, 46, 57

“Sanyan,” 81, 117

Sapari Hills, 86

Sapele, 105

Savelugu, 86

“Scale insect,” 117

“Scrap rubber,” 8, 64, 65, 104, 128, 129

“Sea Island” cotton, 34, 76, 78, 110

Seasons, 149

“Seed bugs,” 76

Seed cake, 113, 142

Seed cotton, 87, 135, 138

Seedless palm fruit, 71

Seed selection, 138

Segbwema, 28

Sekondi, 47, 55, 63, 66, 72, 80

Senegal, 2, 6, 8, 122, 133, 134

Serabu, 28

_Sesamum indicum_, 142

Shade crop, 159

“Shaduf,” 124, 126, 155, 161

Shallot, 160

Shari, 137, 140

“Shea butter,” 73, 88, 90, 115, 127, 130, 143

Shea-butter tree, 128

“Shea gutta,” 129

Shea nut, 102, 115, 130

Shea-nut products, 127, 164

Sheep skins, 116, 142

Sherbro Island, 15, 16, 22

Sherbros, 16

“Shinkafa,” 156

_Sierra Leone_, 12, 70, 74, 80, 88, 91, 96, 99, 100, 109, 157

SIERRA LEONE, introductory remarks, geographical position,
15; area and population, 15; administrative divisions, 15;
natural features, 15; natives, 16; land tenure, 16; labour, 17;
cultivation, 17; agricultural schools, 18; principal crops, 19;
forest products, 19; OIL PALM, localities and the influence of
position, 19; small export of oil compared to kernels, 23; proposal
to introduce new varieties, 23; improvements in local manufacture,
24; export figures, 26; RUBBER, native method of preparation, 26;
vine rubber, 27; quality of indigenous rubbers and the export,
27; plantations, 28; KOLA NUTS, 29; RED PEPPER, 29; GINGER, 30;
export trade, 31; FIBRES, jute class, 31; Ramie, 33; Piassava,
33; COTTON, 33; indigenous varieties, 34; native weaving, 34;
exotic cottons, 34; RICE, 35; exports, 36; CAMWOOD, 37; COPAL,
37; GROUNDNUTS, 38; COCOA, 38; importance of correct climatic
conditions, 38; COFFEE, 39; INDIGO, 39; FRUIT, 39; BEESWAX, 40;
OILSEEDS, 40; progress in agriculture, 41; forestry, 42

Silk, 81, 117, 163

Silk cotton tree, 51

“Silk rubber.” _See_ Lagos silk rubber

Silkworms, wild, 117

Silver, 55

“Sindru,” 62

Skins, 73, 127, 143, 144, 164

Skin staining, 96, 161

Small-bolled cotton, 136

Smut-blights, 153

Smut fungus, 12

Snuff, 13, 89, 161

Soap, 40, 70, 71, 98, 103, 115

Soap emulsion, 51

Sokoto, 120, 121, 135, 152, 156

_Solanum melongena_, 161

_Solanum sp._, 161

Songhay, 86, 123, 124

Sonni Ali, 86

Sonninkis, 1

_Sorghum guineensis_ var. _robustum_, 88, 144

_Sorghum saccharum_, 152

_Sorghum sp._, 144

_Sorghum vulgare_, 12, 84, 151

Sorrel hibiscus, 89, 161

_Southern Nigeria_, 10, 23, 39, 71, 101, 120, 123, 127, 132, 135,
140, 157

Soya beans, 42, 158

Spices, 95

Spinning, 145

Squatter’s licence, 16

“Stainers,” cotton, 76, 112

Staining leather, 88

_Steirostoma depressa_, 51

_Steirostoma histrionica_, 51

_Sterculia barteri_, 96

_STERCULIACEÆ_, 45, 73

_Stilbum nanum_, 52

Strunk, Dr., 23

Sudan, 73, 74, 134

Sudan boll-worm, 139

Sudan gum, 89

Sugar cane, 95, 125, 126, 157

Sumatra, 102

Susus, 16

Sun-cured tobacco, 117

Swamp crops, 126, 156

Sweet potatoes, 19, 84, 95, 126, 159

Sword beans, 42

Sword scabbards, 143

“Tabel-tiloli,” 100

“Takanda,” 152

“Talh,” 89

Tamale, 88, 91

Tamarind, 163

Tanned skins, 142

Tannin-yielding plants, 62

Tapioca, 115

Tapping implements, 61

Tapping rubber, 66

“Targets,” 161

Tarkwa, 63, 66

Tchad Lake, 124

_Terminalia superba_, 118

Temperature, 2, 121

“Tengo,” 100

“Tete Quasshi,” 47

_Theobroma cacao_, 46

Thomas Agricultural College, 18

“Thread blight,” 52

Threshing wheat, 156

“Til,” 142

_TILIACEÆ_, 80

Tillage, hand, 124

Timani, 16, 22, 25, 31, 35

Timber, 45, 72, 90, 118, 164

Tinainahun, 28

“Tio jarankoro,” 7

Tobacco, 13, 95, 117, 126, 161

Togoland, 10, 43, 66, 77

_Tolyposporium sp._, 153

Tomato, 161

“Tomba,” 155

Torches, 82, 148

Training yams, 159

Transplanting onions, 160

Transport, 99, 133, 143, 150

Transport (cocoa), 56

Transport (cotton), 80, 87, 138

Traps, 139

Trinidad, 45, 48, 51

_Triplochiton johnsoni_, 119

_Triticum compositum_, 155

_Triumfetta cordifolia_, 80

_Triumfetta semitriloba_, 80

“Tsamia,” 163

“Tsamian bauri,” 163

“Tsamian doka,” 163

“Tsamian fakali,” 163

“Tsamian tsamia,” 163

“Tsetse” fly, 2, 56, 91, 118, 122, 162

Tufel, 44

“Tug bore,” 100

“Tumuku,” 89, 160

Turmeric, 144

Twi language, 58

“Udin,” 100

Ugboha, 112

“Upland cotton,” 111, 136, 138

_Ustilago sp._, 12

_Ustilago Reiliana_, 153

Uwet, 116

Varnish, 31, 82

Vegetable butter, 115, 130

Vegetable fat, 90, 131

“Vegetable whalebone,” 80

Veis, 16

_Vigna catjang_, 42, 133

_Voandzeia subterranea_, 158

Volta, 43, 55, 74, 79, 80, 82

“Volta” cotton, 75, 78

Volta River district, 47, 54

Wa, 85, 86, 90

Walas, 85

“Wanki,” 157, 158

Waterloo, 28

Water yam, 88

Wax, 91, 162

Weaving, 34, 74

Weevilly maize, 114

Wells, 151, 155

Western Sudan, 123

West Indies, 16, 46, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 115

Wet season, 126, 149

Wet zone, 93, 94

Whalebone, 33, 80

Wheat, 124, 126, 155

White ball, 64, 65

“White Egyptian onion,” 160

White fungus, 7

White haricot, 157

White maize, 114

White rice, 157

Wild cotton, 75

Wild kola, 73

Wild sesamum, 142

Wine, 80

Wine palm, 33

Winged yam, 88

Wire-haired sheep, 91

Wood ashes, 89, 96

“Wood oil,” 89, 128, 147

Wood oil, mode of collection of, 147

“Wound-response,” 61

Wounds, pruning, 50

“Yakwa,” 161

“Yalo,” 161

Yalunkas, 16

Yams, 19, 42, 45, 75, 84, 85, 87, 88, 95, 96, 115, 126, 159

Yarn, 117, 163

Yauris, 123

Yeji, 88, 90

Yellow dye, 144

Yellow maize, 155

Yendi, 86

“Yi-ku-niche,” 100, 132

Yola, 120, 121, 137

Yonnibannah, 24

Yoruba, 25, 94, 108, 111, 114, 116, 123, 126, 133, 140, 141, 144,
145, 155, 158, 159

Zanfara, 124

Zaria, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 131, 133, 135, 137, 140, 141,
142, 144, 148, 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 162

Zaria Ginnery, 140

_Zea mays_, 84, 155

Zebu, 119, 163

_Zingiber officinale_, 30

Zungeru, 121, 130, 132, 137

* * * * *

_Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury,
England._

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Hinchley Hart, in _Cacao_, 1892, pp. 48-52, discusses
the three varieties mentioned here, and shows that intermediate forms
exist which connect all three. The _Forastero_ class includes all the
cocoas which have thick skins and large pods with rather flat beans.]

[Footnote 2: _S. singularis_, a nearly allied insect, is common in
certain localities and does similar damage.]

[Footnote 3: Cf. _Bull. Ent. Res._, vol. i. (1911), p. 83;
_Bull. Imp. Inst._, vol. viii. (1910), p. 150; vol. xiv. (1916),
p. 174; vol. xviii. (1920), p. 319.]

[Footnote 4: This has since been identified with _Gelechia
gossypiella_, Sanders, an insect which subsequently effected such
enormous damage in Egypt.]

[Footnote 5: These names are substituted for Bauchi and Nupe in
the old system.]

[Footnote 6: Lady Lugard, _A Tropical Dependency_, 1905, p. 236
_et seq_.]

[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, p. 209.]

[Footnote 8: Included in Southern Nigeria exports.]

[Footnote 9: Including copal resin.]

[Footnote 10: Including dressed skins.]

[Footnote 11: Identical with what is termed _E. biplaga_ at Ibadan,
but probably a local form of _E. insulana_.]

[Footnote 12: For the most recent information respecting cotton
cultivation here and elsewhere in West Africa, Professor Dunstan’s
Reports to the Brussels Congress of Tropical Agriculture (1910)
should be consulted.]

[Footnote 13: Since named _S. guineensis_ var. _robustum_, Stapf.]

Transcriber's note:

pg 42 Changed: and Protectorate, to: Protectorate.

pg 77 Changed: decending the rapids to: descending

pg 91 Changed: some localites to: localities

pg 146 Changed: ap-apparently rather harsh to: apparently

pg 165 Changed: _Apocynacea_ to: _Apocynaceæ_

pg 171 Changed: _Lophila procera_ to: _Lophira_

pg 172 Changed: _Nicotiana tobacum_ to: _tabacum_

pg 174 Changed: _Pseudrocedrela Kotschyi_ to: _Pseudocedrela_

Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.

Underlined text is indicated with ~.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The agricultural and forest products of British West Africa" ***

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