The journal of Frederick Horneman's travels, from Cairo to Mourzouk, the capital of the kingdom of Fezzan, in Africa, in the years 1797-8

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Title: The journal of Frederick Horneman's travels, from Cairo to Mourzouk, the capital of the kingdom of Fezzan, in Africa, in the years 1797-8
Author: Hornemann, Friedrich, Marsden, William, Rodd, Rennell, Young, William
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The journal of Frederick Horneman's travels, from Cairo to Mourzouk, the capital of the kingdom of Fezzan, in Africa, in the years 1797-8" ***
HORNEMAN'S TRAVELS, FROM CAIRO TO MOURZOUK, THE CAPITAL OF THE KINGDOM
OF FEZZAN, IN AFRICA, IN THE YEARS 1797-8 ***

THE
=JOURNAL=
OF
=FREDERICK HORNEMAN’S TRAVELS,=
FROM
=CAIRO TO MOURZOUK,=
THE
CAPITAL OF THE KINGDOM OF FEZZAN,
=IN AFRICA.=
IN THE YEARS 1797-8.

LONDON:
* * * * *
PRINTED BY W. BULMER AND CO.
CLEVELAND-ROW, ST. JAMES’S;
FOR G. AND W. NICOL, BOOKSELLEES TO HIS MAJESTY,
PALL-MALL.
1802.

=TABLE OF CONTENTS.=

* * * * *

_INTRODUCTION_ page i

_Preface, containing some Account of F. Horneman; of the
Preparations for his Voyage; and of Events previous to
his leaving Cairo_ xvii

CHAPTER I.

SECTION I.—_To Ummesogeir_ 1

SECTION II.—_Observations on the Desert; passing from the
Valley of Natron to the Mountains of Ummesogeir_ 8

SECTION III.—_Ummesogeir, and further Journey to Siwah_ 11

SECTION IV.—_Siwah_ 14

SECTION V.—_Antiquities of Siwah_ 20

SECTION VI.—_Departure from Siwah; Journey to Schiacha;
and Danger which the Traveller there incurred_ 29

SECTION VII.—_Departure from Schiacha; Arrival at Augila_ 36

CHAPTER II.

SECTION I.—_Augila, and further Progress to the Confines
of Temissa_ 40

SECTION II.—_Observations on the Region of the Harutsch_ 48

SECTION III.—_Arrival at Temissa, and further Journey_ 53

SECTION IV.—_Of Zuila_ 56

SECTION V.—_Farther Journey, and Arrival at Mourzouk, the
Capital of the Kingdom of Fezzan_ 59

CHAPTER III.

_Some Account of Mourzouk, and of the Kingdom of Fezzan_ 62

APPENDIX.

No. I.

_Observations on F. Horneman’s Description of the Country
and Antiquities of Siwah; with Reference to ancient
Accounts of the Oasis and Temple of Ammon.
By Sir William Young, Bart. F. R. S._ 75

No. II.

_Some Account of F. Horneman, after his Arrival at Mourzouk_ 97

No. III.

_A Memoir, containing various Informations respecting the
Interior of Africa; transmitted from Mourzouk in 1799,
by F. Horneman_ 105

No. IV.

_Geographical Illustrations of the Travels and
Informations of F. Horneman, with Maps; by Major
James Rennell, F. R. S._ 121

No. V.

_Observations on the Language of Siwah; in a Letter to
the Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Banks; by William Marsden,
Esq. F. R. S._ 189

No. VI.

_List of the Members of the Society, instituted for the
Purpose of promoting a Discovery of the Interior
Parts of Africa_ 193

* * * * *

ERRATA.

_Pag_ 6, _Line_ 9, _for_ roum, _read_ rouin.

— 14, — 7, _for_ monachie, _read_ menschie.

— 19, — 10, _for_ Logman, _read_ Logmam.

— — — 13, _for_ fennel, _read_ flesh or meat.

— — — 14, _for_ eyelid, _read_ eyebrow.

— 46, — 9, _after_ watering-place,
_insert_ called _Ennaté_.

— 95, — 6, _for_ would, _read_ wouldst.

— — — 27, _for_ rare, _read_ sure.

— 105, — 9, _for_ Ungila and Supah,
_read_ Augila and Siwah.

— — — 15, _after_ is, _insert_ not.

— 107, — 17, _for_ Burnû, _read_ Burgû.

— — — 22, _for_ SSW, _read_ SSE.

— 112, — 17, _for_ the culture of their land,
_read_ their preparation of leather.

=INTRODUCTION.=

* * * * *

The Society, instituted in the year 1788, for the purpose of exploring
the Interior of Africa, in pursuing their _great_ design, adopted
_wise_ and certain principles of procedure: they inquired, and then
examined; they sought intelligence, and then directed research:
their progress has been answerable to the just system of their
pursuits and perseverance; and the Society, from the epoch of 1798,
have been enabled to direct their efforts for further discovery,
on data from actual visitation and experiment.

A volume of the transactions of the Society, printed in the years
1790—92, sets forth in detail, such communications respecting the
Interior of Africa, as might be collected on inquiry from British
Consuls; from the recital of Negro, or Moorish traders; or from
that of Shereefs and others, who had passed with the caravans on
religious pilgrimage, in different directions between Mecca and the
various and remote stations of Mahomedans in Africa.

Those communications were, at the time, most interesting and useful;
they afforded at once the incentive and the direction to farther
inquiry; they opened new objects to commercial enterprize, and new
matter for scientific speculation, on the productions of nature,
and the manners and conditions of society, in a quarter of the
globe hitherto unexplored: further, they pointed out the road, and
facilitated the means, of ascertaining the truth of each account,
and of estimating its importance and advantages by actual visitation
and experiment.

Be it allowed, that the narrators spoke of what they had heard,
as well as of what they had seen; let it be granted that they
were mostly ignorant, credulous, or partially informed; and that,
distinctively and in detail, the accuracy of their representations
was little to be depended on; yet on points wherein their accounts
agreed, they merited attention and regard; they _together_ opened a
general view of the society, and of the country; and afforded matter
of such reasonable conjecture and inference, as might warrant and
direct the course of further investigation. Reflecting on these and
other relations made by unenlightened men, it appears, that as the
great continent of Africa, amidst its seas of sand, occasionally
shews its Oasis, or fertile isle, rising in each desert; so,
in analogy to the face of the country, does the blank and torpid
mind of its people, display occasionally notes of intelligence and
philanthropy; rich spots of genius, and partial scenes of improved
social establishment. Having passed whole regions sterilized by
apathy and ignorance, the result of superstitions, prejudice, and
oppression, the enlightened traveller comes to a sudden view of some
rich field of character, and contemplates with delight the free-born
spirit and sagacity of the Tuarick of Hagara, and the ingenuity and
benevolence of the Houssan. To unfold and disseminate these germs
of civilization, is surely a noble task! What description of men
and country can be more interesting? whither could the refinement of
arts? whither could enlightened philosophy better tend, to humanize
and improve? whither could the spirit of trade better direct its
course? As we speculate on the projected intercourse, the noblest
views open to the mind, anticipating reciprocal advantages: in
the dispensation of intelligence and the arts of peace, carrying
therewith complacent manners to rude and ferocious nations; and
in a full compensation to the enlightened adventurers, from new
materials of ingenuity and of commerce, and from new subjects of
scientific inference, extending the advancement of human knowledge
in all its branches.

The communications in question, operating on the minds of intelligent
Members of the African Society, and giving a spur to the curiosity
and enterprize of the agents they might employ, formed a suitable
and necessary PREFACE to the undertaking and efforts for practical
discovery, and for ensuring the advantages thence to be derived.

The compilation of various informations respecting Africa, had thus
an intrinsic value, as affording premises of inquiry, and as giving
encouragement and direction to adventure.

But further, and even immediately, wisdom and sagacity will extract
truth from accounts, however contradictory, and useful and certain
inference, from documents the most ambiguous or incomplete.

Efforts of rude ingenuity often suggest not only improvement but
discovery; the rustic forms a lever to raise the mass, and the
sagacity of the mechanic applies it to ascertain the weight.

Science often works with effect on the loose and disjointed materials
which ignorance has heaped together; compares, arranges, and connects
their substances and forms; shews in their matter, construction,
or decomposition, new uses; derives new informations, and adds to
the stock of human inventions and knowledge.

Were it necessary to illustrate such position by example, the writer
would refer, as a special instance, to the elucidations of Major
Rennell on the communications in question: to that most accurate and
acute philosopher and geographer, the details have afforded matter of
enquiry and deduction of the highest import to science. By analysis,
and a comparative view of accounts given of journies and places,
in reference to the plans of D’Anville, and other geographers; to
modern travels; to ancient expeditions; to descriptions of ancient
writers; and above all, to those of the father of history, Herodotus;
Major Rennell hath corrected the map of Africa, with a learning
and sagacity which _hath converted conjecture into knowledge_;
and on experience of those who have explored parts of that great
continent, given confidence to each future traveller who may visit
its remotest regions.

Had the proceedings of the Society stopped here, and its work been
confined to the compilation above alluded to, and to the comments
of Major Rennell, the usefulness of its institution would have been
acknowledged by posterity.

But happily the Journal of Mr. Park’s travels to the Niger, and that
of Mr. Horneman’s journey from Cairo to Mourzouk, will fully shew,
that the attainments of the Society are no longer narrowed to the
mere rudiments of discovery, which tradition and ingenious inference,
alone before supplied.

Even under the inauspicious circumstances of wars and revolutions
which from nearly the date of the establishment of the Society, have
spread desolation far and wide, and in the year 1798, reached to the
very capital of Africa; their chosen emissaries have surmounted all
the dangers and difficulties, which these events superadded to the
ordinary risk of enterprise.

It should not be omitted, that the traveller, (whose work is now
submitted to the public,) was further indebted to the liberal and
enlightened spirit, which directs the genius of truly great men to
foster useful arts and sciences amidst the horrors of war; and give
orders to the armies under their command, to forbear all molestation
of the emissary from even an hostile country, whose intentions
and pursuits are directed to objects of common value and concern,
to the nations of the world at large.

Under such patronage and protection from the General Bonaparte,
and with his special passport and safeguard, Frederick Horneman
safely reached the caravan passing from Mecca, and pursued, and
accomplished his journey from Cairo to the kingdom of Fezzan; which
from the general resort of caravans to its capital, Mourzouk, may
be considered as the proper post of direction and outfit, for his
further travels to the remotest regions of Africa.

In planning the routes of Park and of Horneman, the Society availed
itself of former communications, sagaciously discriminated the
proper path of research, and have to exult in the success of each
adventure. These emissaries have explored roads which shortly
mercantile adventure will, and must enter. In this new race of
commerce, shame indeed would it be to our national councils, could it
possibly be supposed that from the default of patronage and support of
Government, our commercial people may lose the start for a priority
of factories and establishments of trade, and permit other nations
to usurp the vantage ground which British enterprise, under the
auspices of a patriotic and enlightened, but private institution,
shall have explored, marked out, and prepared for them.

By Mr. Park’s discoveries, a gate is opened to every commercial
nation to enter and trade from the west to the eastern extremity
of Africa. The navigable parts of the rivers Gambia and Niger are
not so far distant, but that great facilities of trade may thence
be derived, aided by the establishment of intermediate stations and
points of intercourse. A considerable traffic is carried on by the
natives for ostrich feathers, drugs, ivory, and gold, even without
such advantage. On due direction and exertions of British credit
and enterprise, it is difficult to imagine the possible extent to
which the demand for our country’s manufactures might arrive,
from such vast and populous countries in the bosom of which _gold_,
the great medium of commerce, is readily found; and which would be
sought for and brought into circulation with new avidity and success,
in proportion as objects for the exchange, became known, desirable,
and necessary to the people.

This subject has already been recommended by the Society, to the
attention of Government; and on the return of peace, it is not
doubted, but it will be treated with a consideration and regard,
suitable to the important interests which it involves.

When the thorny track of a Park or a Horneman is become the beaten
road of the merchant, advantages of another sort will quickly follow;
and the intercourse extend to the instruction of the naturalist and
philosopher, to the promotion of civilization, and to the increase
of the general stock of human knowledge and happiness.

Contemplating such accomplishment of the wise and benevolent purposes
of their Institution, the patriotic members of this Society cannot
but look back with exultation to the hour of its establishment,
and they will with satisfaction recapitulate its means and progress,
towards such happy termination of their labours.

Of those who transmitted accounts which they had received, concerning
the people and country of Africa, Mr. Ledyard and Mr. Lucas were
specially employed, with the further intent of progress into the
heart of the country; for the purpose of ascertaining the truth
of these recitals, the correcting them on personal information,
and the elucidating, on actual survey, any future plan for turning
the knowledge thence derived to account.

Mr. Ledyard died at Cairo, ere his eager and enterprising spirit
could even start towards its object: Mr. Lucas, deterred by impending
difficulties and dangers, proceeded not further than to Mesurata,
seven days journey S. E. of Tripoly; there collected informations
from the Shereef Imhammed, and traders of Fezzan, and then measured
his road back to Tripoly; and shortly after returned to England.

The Society, with that persevering spirit which ever distinguishes
manly minds, engaged on sound principles, and for noble purposes, were
not appalled by the death of one emissary, or the failure of another.

They sought out and appointed a new traveller, and to take a new
road. Mr. Ledyard was to have penetrated from the east, Mr. Lucas
from the north; Major Houghton was appointed in the year 1790, to sail
for the mouth of the Gambia, and to traverse the country from west to
east: Major Houghton arrived on the coast of Africa November 10, of
that year, immediately commenced his journey, ascended the Gambia to
Medina, 900 miles (by the water-course) distant from the mouth of the
river, and thence proceeded to Bambouk and to the adjoining kingdom
of Kasson; where, in September 1791, he unfortunately terminated his
travels with his life, near to the town of Jarra. Mr. Park, who was
engaged in the service of the Society, in 1795, more successfully
followed the route of Major Houghton, and further explored to the
banks of the Niger, to Sego, and to Silla, the first of that great
line of populous and commercial cities, dividing the southern from
the northern deserts of Africa; and the very existence of which,
for centuries past, hath been rather matter of rumour than of
information; and been made the subject of philosophic romance,[1]
in default of authentic account and description.

The informations of Mr. Park were communicated to the Society at
their annual Meeting in May 1798.

The year 1798 will ever be noted, as the memorable epoch, when
the researches of this Society announced to the world the course
of the Niger, from west to east; and, after the distance of 2300
years, corroborated the testimony of the Nasamones, and accounts of
Herodotus, contested during that long period by ancient and later
writers, and ultimately rejected within the century past, by the
learned D’Anville. But further, the settlements on its fertile
shores, are by the informations of Park, derived from inquiries so
near to the source, as now greatly to be depended on; at least so far,
as to give assurance of objects of commerce and learned inquiry, that
will amply repay further research. The just motto of the Society is,
“_quod non peractum, pro non inchoato est_;” its exertions and
perseverance answer to it, and it is to be congratulated that the
task is now easy, its accomplishment assured.

The writer of this Essay, not presuming to graft addition or
observation on the intelligent and authentic Journal of Mungo Park,
ventures a single comment, of import to the Society, and in justice
to its agent.

Mr. Park has not only designated the route of _country_ but of
_men_. He hath marked the districts of population covering the great
belt of land intersecting Africa from west to east, and at the same
time hath noted the distinctions of Moor and Negro, in manners,
prejudices, and government. He hath thereby given to the Society
information of the _viaticum_ of character and accomplishments proper
and necessary to ensure the success of _their future agents_: he
hath pointed out the roads to districts and cities of the greatest
interest, and at the same time hath shewn the means of securing
entrance and hospitable reception.

The Society hath availed itself of the intelligence; and a new
emissary, Mr. Horneman, hath given his lesson full effect in an
expedition which is the subject of the present Volume.

Of the further progress of this accomplished traveller, the Editor
forbears to intimate design or suggestion.

The season of mere expectation and conjecture is gone by. It were
idle indeed at this period of actual discovery, to hazard surmise
for future correction on experiment.

At outset of the Society instituted for the purpose of exploring
the Interior of Africa, it might have been proper to set forth,
in glowing colours, all that was rumoured, and all that might be
expected; well were general reports and ingenious inferences suited
to rouze curiosity, to excite adventurous spirit, and to give a
spring to the first movements and purposes of the Institution.

Such incentives are no longer necessary; and knowledge actually
acquired, demands, in the future display, merely accuracy and
precision, as the guides to further success.

The Society is confirmed in its purpose, and assured of its objects
and of the means of attainment.

Its travellers will not in future rush on with zealous but unadvised
curiosity; or hesitate as in the dark, and on unfounded apprehensions;
but, disciplined and educated, proceed with a spirit corrected and
confirmed by knowledge and precaution, towards certain purposes
and ends.

An adventurer may yet fail; but it is presumed the adventure cannot,
unless from failure of the funds and resources of the Society;
which, in this great and opulent country, it would be a calumny
on the generosity and patriotism of its people, for one moment to
anticipate as possible.

Yet let it be remembered, that the extent of our undertakings can
only be commensurate with our means.

Expense and charge attend our present inquiries; and even a more
advantageous extension of our researches apart, demands of much
beyond what our actual numbers and contributions can furnish, will
be necessary to ensure the effect of national advantage, and turn
to public account the successful experiment of an enlightened and
patriotic, but not numerous, Association.

The Society cannot condescend to solicitation; nor is it necessary:
it will suffice, that, emboldened by success, they suggest to their
countrymen, that, under proper patronage, and with the means of
extending their researches, _the conclusion will be of advantage,
to Great Britain—to Africa—and to the World_.

W. YOUNG,

SECRETARY TO THE AFRICAN SOCIETY.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: By Bishop Berkeley.]

=PREFACE TO THE JOURNAL,= _&c._

GIVING SOME ACCOUNT OF MR. FREDERICK HORNEMAN; OF THE PREPARATIONS
FOR HIS VOYAGE; AND OF EVENTS PREVIOUS TO HIS LEAVING CAIRO.

* * * * *

At the time that Mr. Mungo Park, engaged in the service of the
Society instituted for the purpose of exploring the Interior of
Africa, was prosecuting discoveries eastward from the river Gambia,
it was thought proper to extend their researches in another line of
direction, and engage an emissary to explore that great continent,
proceeding westward from the city of Cairo.

Early in the year 1796, Mr. F. Horneman offered himself to the
Committee of the Society for this service; he appeared to be young,
robust, and, in point of constitution and health, suited to a
struggle with different climates and fatigues: in his manner and
conversations he displayed temper, acuteness, and prudence: he was
well apprized of the dangers and difficulties of the enterprize he
was to engage in, and shewed a spirit and zeal for the undertaking,
which strongly recommended him as a proper person to be employed
for the carrying it into effect.

The Committee accordingly engaged his services; and observing in him
such foundation of good ordinary education, as further attainments
might readily be engrafted upon, they sent him, at the expense of
the Society, to Gottingen; there to study the rudiments and writing
of the Arabic language, and, generally, such sciences as (in the
result of due application of the knowledge acquired), might render
any account of his future travels more interesting and useful to
his employers, and to the public.

F. Horneman pursued the requisite studies for several months with
great assiduity, under the tuition of Professors Blumenbach, Heeren,
Hoffman, Tyschen, and Heyne; and in May, 1797, returned to England,
properly instructed for his intended voyage. He was then introduced to
a general meeting of the Society, when his engagement was approved of,
and he was directed to proceed to Egypt with all convenient dispatch.

Passports from Paris were applied for, and granted, permitting him
to pass through France; and in July, 1797, he left London on his
way to Paris.

He was furnished with letters of introduction to several persons of
literary distinction in that capital; and, on arrival, his reception
was liberal and friendly, and proportionate to the lively interest
which was every where taken in his scheme of enterprize, and in the
means of promoting its success. He was invited to a meeting of the
National Institute. The first members of that learned society tendered
their patronage, encouragement, and assistance: Mr. Lalande furnished
him with copies of his “Memoire sur L’Afrique.” Mr. Broussonet
recommended him to Mr. Laroche, appointed Consul for Mogadore; and by
this latter gentleman’s means he made a further and most useful
acquaintance with a Turk of distinction (a native of Tripoly),
then resident at Paris. This Mussulman entered into the motives
and plan of his travels with a liberal approbation, and a zealous
interest in the success; which was little to have been expected from
one of such persuasion and character. He gave Mr. Horneman letters
of introduction, strongly recommending him to the friendship and
protection of several leading Mahommedan merchants at Cairo, who were
in the habits of trade with people of the remotest regions of Africa;
and he added his own advice, and instructions for the journey.

Thus provided, Mr. Horneman, in August, left Paris for Marseilles,
where he embarked the end of the month, and arrived at Alexandria
the middle of September: he staid at Alexandria but a few days,
and then went to Cairo, where he purposed residing some time, to
study the language and manners of the Mograbins, or western Arabs,
with whom he was to associate in his future travels. His own letter
will best describe his further progress.

(TRANSLATION.)

“SIR, _Cairo, August_ 31, 1798.

“In my last letter I mentioned my intentions of leaving Cairo about
the end of May. The plague beginning to rage in the month of April,
it became a proper and necessary precaution not only to defer my
journey, but absolutely to shut myself up in my house. My zeal for
the undertaking I have engaged in, would have led me to break through
this confinement and leave the city, with a view to join the merchants
at their place of rendezvous, whence they were directly to depart for
Fezzan, had not obstacles arising from the difficulty of procuring the
necessary credits for my equipment prevented my immediate procedure.

“As soon as from abatement of the pestilence, I could safely
go abroad, I met and renewed my acquaintance with several of the
caravan, who remained in the city, expecting the return of others
from Mecca. A French commercial house, on whom I had no letters of
credit or other claim to confidence, than what arose from private
friendship and esteem, having handsomely offered such advance of
monies as I might require, I was enabled to prepare for my journey,
and set out with this caravan, as soon as complete and ready for
departure. All these designs were suddenly frustrated by the arrival
of the French on the coast of Egypt. Those who formed the caravan
at Cairo quickly dispersed; that from Mecca coming to join it was
not yet arrived: myself and other Europeans were seized and confined
in the castle, rather as a place of refuge from the indignation and
fanaticism of the populace, than as a prison, and we remained there
until the arrival of the French at Cairo.

“Soon after their coming, I made acquaintance with two of their
learned men, Berthollet and Monge, they liberated and presented
me to the Commander in Chief, and he received me with every mark
of attention and goodness. His regard for science, and esteem
of learned men are too well known to render it necessary for me
to expatiate on these high qualities. He promised me protection,
he offered me money or whatever was requisite to my undertaking,
and he directed the necessary passports to be prepared for me.

“I lost no time in seeking out my friends, the merchants of Fezzan,
and renewing my connections with them. Gradually as the public
tranquillity became assured, they returned, one by one into the city,
till the whole were again assembled; and fifteen days have now passed,
since we have been making preparations for our final departure,
actually fixed for the day after to-morrow.

“Commonly those who engage in an extraordinary enterprise, consider
means yet more extraordinary, as requisite to the success of the
undertaking: my opinion, and therewith procedure will be founded
on directly the contrary proposition. The plan which I have chalked
out for my journey will be simple and easy to pursue. You shall have
it in a single line, “it is to travel as a Mahommedan merchant of
the caravan.” I am assured that under such character, I can travel
with the same surety as the natives of the country.

“Many of the caravan having been at Mecca, are aware that there
are numbers of good Mussulmen from various countries who speak not
Arabic, and who have different usages and customs; and thus simply
attaining a knowledge of certain religious ceremonies and prayers,
there is no difficulty in passing generally as a Mahommedan; for
as to a certain less equivocal criterion of a personal nature,
the delicacy of Mahommedan manners precludes any danger of inquiry.

“To travel as a Christian, will perhaps be impracticable for at
least five years to come, for it is incredible how deep and strong
an impression the expedition of the French has made on the minds of
the pilgrims to and from Mecca: dispersed to their several homes they
will carry an aggravated prejudice against Christians far and wide,
and to the very heart of Africa.

“Should it be objected to me, that I risk a similar fate with that
of Major Houghton, by travelling as a trader, my answer is, “that
by travelling as a Mahommedan trader, I shall never travel alone;
and with those too of the caravan, considered as one of the least
of its merchants.

“In respect to my astronomical instruments, I shall take special
care never to be discovered in the act of observation; should
those instruments, however, attract notice, the answer is ready,
“they are articles for sale;” nor is there fear that I should
be deprived of them, whilst master of my price. My comrades know the
value of gold at least better than myself. In a word, the merchants
of our Fezzan caravan, are men of wealth, integrity, and enterprise;
but Mahommedans, the most prejudiced and fanatic.

“I have not yet fixed or methodized my design, as to further
journey into the interior of Africa; but I have made acquaintance
with a man who has been at Bornou and Cashna, a place, from every
account which I can collect, and particularly from the Jalabs,
deserving my immediate attention after arrival at Fezzan.

“I expect to be at Fezzan by the beginning of November, and I
should propose in the next year, setting out for the Agades and
Cashna, residing in and exploring those countries during ten months,
and then returning _viâ_ Mecca or Senegambia. Should any necessity
of the case oblige me to return to Tripoly, I should not consider my
tour as complete, but (with permission of the Society,) hold myself
in readiness for a further undertaking.

“I will write again from Fezzan, if I can do so without danger;
the safest plan that occurs, is to pack up some bale of goods with
an ordinary letter of advice in Arabic, making my real dispatch the
package or covering of some article of trade.

“Pray write to and direct the English Consul at Tripoly,
or elsewhere, never to make inquiry after me of the traders from
Fezzan, and particularly when conveying any thing from me consigned
to you. These people are of a very jealous and inquisitive temper,
and any inquiries made after me by a Christian, might raise a thousand
suspicions, and prove even of fatal consequence to me.

“Nay, should yourselves not hear of me these three years, make
no inquiry. Under such precaution, my danger will not be that I
travel as a trader and Mahommedan, but such only as results from
climate and ordinary perils of voyage in these countries; which I
trust successfully to oppose, with a good constitution and strength
of body, and with courage and suitable temper of mind.

“It remains only for me to recommend to the Committee, the man whom
I mentioned in a former letter. I met with the person in question,
Joseph Frendenburgh, who was born in Germany, just on the eve of his
intended departure from Cairo for his native country. I engaged and
employed him as interpreter; and, pleased with the office, he offered
to continue in my service, and attend me in my expedition. He had been
ten or twelve years past forced to embrace the Mohammedan religion;
had three times made the voyage to Mecca, and spoke perfectly both
the Arabic and Turkish languages; in short, he was precisely the man
that suited me. The connection with him will ensure me character and
confidence from others, and indeed, without him, I should scarcely be
able to pursue my journey, without actually embracing and professing
Mahommedanism myself, I now well know him on ten months experience,
and in just reliance on him, have no apprehension of the calamity
incident to travellers, of being robbed by their servants.

“I shall consign to him the care of my camels and my horses,
(for we merchants of the caravan all go armed, and on horseback,)
he will further have the care of my merchandize, and altogether,
I shall have leisure for my inquiries, and for attending to the
general objects of my undertaking. The demands of this man are far
from exorbitant, and I request of the Society, the attending to a
just remuneration of his services, and specially, if in case of
my death, he should faithfully preserve my journals and papers,
and proceed with them to England.

“I have been in some doubt as to the means of sending this letter,
but on my request, General Bonaparte has with great goodness,
himself condescended to take charge of its safe conveyance.

“I hope my next will be from Fezzan, and that after three years,
I shall be enabled to give account of the interior of Africa.

“I am, &c. &c. &c.

“FREDERICK HORNEMAN.”

_To Mr. Edwards, Secretary to the Society, instituted for exploring
the interior of Africa._

The above letter was transmitted to the African Committee, under the
seal of General Bonaparte, who in addition to other marks of favour
and protection shewn to the enterprise of Horneman, took on himself
the care of forwarding his dispatches, as above stated.

Mr. Horneman’s Journal of his Travels from Cairo to Fezzan commences
five days after the date of this letter. It was by him written in
German, and in that language transmitted to the Committee of the
African Society. Under their direction, a translation of it was made
by a native of Germany, sufficiently versed in the English language,
to render the sense of the original with truth and perspicuity;
and, on collating his version, it appears to have been executed with
fidelity and care. Some correction of foreign idioms and style was
yet required: the Secretary, in performing this duty of Editor, has
been attentive to the preserving not only the genuine descriptions,
remarks, and precise meaning of the traveller, but likewise
the spirit, and (at the same time) simplicity of narrative which
characterizes his Journal; and, it is presumed, that on reference to
the original, the translation offered in its present form will _yet_
appear to be as nearly literal, as the different idioms and context
of the English and German languages will admit of.

To the Journal now printed is added an Appendix, containing,

1st. A Note, on Mr. Horneman’s Description of the Country and
Antiquities of Siwah; with Reference to ancient Accounts of the
Oasis and Temple of Ammon; by the Secretary, Sir William Young,
Bart. F. R. S.

2d. A Memoir, containing various informations respecting the interior
of Africa, transmitted from Mourzouk, in 1799, by F. Horneman.

3d. Geographical Elucidations of the Travels and of the Informations
of F. Horneman, with Maps, by Major James Rennell, F. R. S.

4th. Remarks on the Language of Siwah, in a Letter to the Right
Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, P. R. S. by William Marsden, Esq. F. R. S.

[Illustration: _The ROUTE of_ MR. FREDERICK HORNEMANN, _from_ Ægypt
_to_ Fezzan; _with the_ Coasts & Countries _adjacent_,

Compiled _by_ J. Rennell, _1802_.

_Published according to Act of Parliament by_ J. Rennell, _April
5th. 1802._

_J. Walker Sculpt._]

TRAVELS
IN THE
INTERIOR OF AFRICA.

* * * * *

=CHAPTER I.=

=VOYAGE FROM CAIRO TO AUGILA.=

* * * * *

SECTION I.

_To Ummesogeir._

The merchants of Augila had appointed their rendezvous to be held
at _Kardaffi_, a village in the vicinity of Cairo; where I joined
them on September the 5th, 1798, and leaving that place the same
day, in about an hour we reached the great body of the caravan,
which yearly returns from Mecca through Cairo and Fezzan, to the
western countries of Africa. The caravan was waiting for us at a
small village called _Baruasch_: we halted at some little distance
from the pilgrims, and encamped until the next morning; when the
monotonous kettle-drum of our Sheik awakened us before rise of the
sun, with summons to proceed on our journey.

I had not under-rated the difficulties of the journey; I was aware
that many must arise, especially affecting myself, never having
before travelled with a caravan, and being little acquainted with
the customs and manners of those who composed it. We had travelled
from day-break till noon, and no indication appeared of halt or
refreshment, when I observed the principal and richest merchants
gnawing a dry biscuit and some onions, as they went on; and was then,
for the first time, informed, that it was not customary to unload
the camels for regular repast, or to stop during the day-time, but
in cases of urgent necessity. This my first inconvenience, was soon
remedied by the hospitality of some Arabs who were riding near me,
and who invited me to partake of their provisions.

Soon after sun-set, our Sheik gave the signal for halting; and we
pitched our tents.

My dragoman, or interpreter, might, even in Europe, have passed for
a good cook; and from remains of the provision which our hospitable
friends at Cairo had supplied, was preparing an excellent supper, when
an old Arab of Augila, observing his preparations, and that myself
was unemployed, addressed me nearly as follows: “Thou art young,
and yet dost not assist in preparing the meal of which thou art to
partake: such, perhaps, may be a custom in the land of infidels,
but is not so with us, and especially on a journey: thanks to God,
we are not, in this desert, dependent on others, as are those poor
pilgrims, but eat and drink what we ourselves provide, and as we
please. Thou oughtest to learn every thing that the meanest Arab
performs, that thou mayest be enabled to assist others in cases of
necessity; otherwise, thou wilt be less esteemed, as being of less
value than a mere woman; and many will think they may justly deprive
thee of every thing in thy possession, as being unworthy to possess
any thing: (adding sarcastically,) perhaps thou art carrying a large
sum of money, and payest those men well.” This remonstrance was
not thrown away. I immediately assisted in every thing that was not
beyond my force; and proportionally gained on the good opinion and
esteem of my fellow-travellers, and was no longer considered as a
weak and useless idler in their troop.

The next morning we set out early, and after a march of four hours,
arrived at _Wadey-el-Latron_. The signal had been made to halt,
for the purpose of collecting fresh water, when a troop of Bedouins
appeared at some distance in front, and created great alarm in
our caravan. Our Sheik, or leader, had acquired, and deserved, the
veneration and confidence of his followers, as much from his known
prudence and valour, as from his dignity of Iman. He immediately
ordered us to occupy the spot affording water, and himself, with
about twenty Arabs and Tuaricks, advanced to reconnoitre the ground
where the Bedouins had appeared: they had now retreated wholly out of
sight, and we had time to cook and fill our water bags. We could not,
however, consider this as a proper or safe station for the night;
accordingly at four o’clock we proceeded on our march; and about
eight in the evening reached the foot of a sand-hill, and encamped
in great disorder, created by the late alarm;—making no fires, and
using every precaution to avoid notice or discovery of our retreat.

The next morning, September 8th, we entered the Desert, which may be
considered as the boundary of Egypt; and after travelling thirteen
hours, encamped on a tract of land by the Arabs called _Muhabag_.

The ensuing day, our journey was less fatiguing; in four hours
and a half we reached _Mogara_, a watering-place on the verge of a
fruitful valley.

The water collected for the use of the caravans is carried in bags
made of goat-skins, unripped in the middle, and stripped from the
animal as entire as possible; those made at Soudan are the strongest
and best; water may be preserved in them for five days, without
acquiring any bad taste: the bags of an inferior manufacture give
an ill taste, and a smell of the leather, from the second day. To
render the skins flexible and lasting, they are greased on the inside
with butter, and by the Arabs sometimes with oil, which latter gives
quickly a rancid taste, and to any but an Arab, renders the water
scarcely fit for drinking.

The sixth day we had again a difficult and tiresome journey of twelve
hours, without halting; towards the close of our march, the horse of
an Arab near me falling sick, and being unable to proceed at the same
pace as the caravan, I kept in the rear to attend him, and give such
assistance as might be required. On our coming up with the caravan at
its evening encampment, the Arab immediately sent by his slave, two
pieces of dried camel’s flesh, with a proper compliment, requesting
my acceptance of the present, as some return for the civility I had
shewn. I was in an instant surrounded by a number of meaner Arabs,
who eyed with avidity the meat I had received, and on my dividing
it amongst them, seemed greatly surprised, that I should so readily
part with what, in their estimation, was so great a dainty.

Circumstances light and trivial often delineate manners, and
characterize nations: the method of equipment, and the means of
sustenance which the Arab uses in journeying through these deserts,
may furnish a subject of just curiosity, and certainly of special
use to such as may undertake a similar expedition.

The Arab sets out on his journey with a provision of flour, kuskasa,
onions, mutton suet, and oil or butter; and some of the richer class
add to this store, a proportion of biscuit, and of dried flesh. As
soon as the camels are halted and the baggage unladen, the drivers
and slaves dig a small hole in the sands wherein to make a fire,
and then proceed in search of wood, and of three stones to be
placed round the cavity, for the purpose of confining the embers
and supporting the cauldron. The cauldron, (which is of copper,)
being set over, the time till the water begins to boil is employed
first in discussing, and then in preparing, what the mess of the
day shall consist of. The ordinary meal is of _hasside_, a stiff
farinaceous pap, served up in a copper dish, which, in due economy
of utensils and luggage, is at other times used for serving water
to the camels: when this pap or pudding is thus served on table, it
is diluted with a soup poured on it, enriched or seasoned with the
_monachie_ dried and finely pulverized. At other times, the dinner
consists of flour kneaded into a strong dough, which being divided
into small cakes and boiled, affords a species of hard dumplins
called _mijotta_. A yet better repast is made of dried meat boiled
together with mutton suet, onions sliced thin, crumbled biscuits,
salt, and a good quantity of pepper. The meat is at dinner time taken
out and reserved for the master, and the broth alone is the mess of
his followers. The slaughtering of a camel affords a feast to the
camel drivers and slaves. The friends of the owner of the beast have
a preference in the purchase; and after dividing the carcase, every
slave comes in for a share: no part of the animal capable of being
gnawed by human tooth, is suffered to be lost; the very bones pass
through various hands and mouths, before they are thrown away. They
make sandals of the skin, and they weave the hair into twine.

It is not on every occasion that time can be allowed, or materials
found, for dressing victuals: in the anticipation of such an
exigency, the traveller provides a food called _simitée_: it
consists of barley boiled until it swells, then dried in the sun,
and then further dried over the fire; and lastly, being ground
into a powder, it is mixed with salt, pepper, and carraway-seed,
and put into a leather bag: when it is to be used, it is kneaded
into a dough, with just water enough to give it consistency, and is
served up with butter or oil. If further diluted with water, then
dates are added to the meal, and it is called _rouin_. Such is the
food of the traveller when there is a scarcity of fuel or of water;
and none can be expended in boiling. I was often, for days together,
without other food than this cold farinaceous pap, mixed with a few
dates. Onions and red Spanish pepper are the general and the only
seasonings of each meal, with the addition of salt.

On the seventh day, after a march of four hours, we reached
_Biljoradec_, commonly called _Jahudie_, a term implying that
the water is bad, or that other water is not to be found but at a
considerable distance.

The three following days, travelling occasionally in the night, we
were forty hours in actual journey. On the first of these, (being the
ninth day since leaving the vicinity of Cairo,) we reached the chain
of mountains which bounded the uniform desert through which we had
passed. On the tenth, mounting these hills, I observed the plain on
their summit to consist of a saline mass spread over so large a tract
of surface, that in one direction no eye could reach its termination,
and what might be called its width, I computed at several miles. The
clods of salt discoloured with sand lay thick and close, and gave
to this vast plain the appearance of a recently ploughed field.

On the summit of this eminence, and almost in the middle of this
saline tract, (on computation of its width) I discovered a spring;
and the passage of Herodotus[2] occurring to my mind, in which he
mentions springs of fresh water on the salt hills, I eagerly made
up to its brink. I found it edged with salt: some poor pilgrims
attending me tasted the water, but it was so saturated with saline
matter, as to be wholly unfit for drink.

On the eleventh day (September the 15th), we came to an inhabited
spot; after five hours march arriving at the small village of
_Ummesogeir_.

SECTION II.

_Observations on the Desert, from the Valley of Natron to the
Mountains of Ummesogier._

The Desert forms a natural boundary to Egypt, on the west extending
from the _Natron Valley_ to the mountains of _Ummesogier_; to the
north, the dreary and barren plain is bounded by a chain of lofty
hills, in view during the whole course of the caravan; and to the
south, extends a journey, probably, of several days, by the ordinary
mode of computation in these countries; but in this direction its
limits are not defined, or are not known.

In this vast tract of sands, petrified wood is found, of various
forms and size: sometimes are seen whole trunks of trees, of twelve
feet circumference or more; sometimes only branches and twigs,
scarcely of a quarter of an inch diameter; and sometimes merely
pieces of bark of various kinds, and in particular of the oak, are
to be found. Many of the great stems yet retain their side branches,
and in many the natural timber has undergone so little change, that
the circular ranges of the wood are discernible, and especially in
those trunks which apparently were of oak. The interior of other
bodies of timber was become a petrifaction, shewing no distinctions
of grain or fibre, but bearing the appearance of mere stone; though
the outward coat and form of the substance clearly denoted the tree.

Several Arabs informed me, that in travelling over this Desert,
petrified trees were often found upright, and as if growing in the
soil; but I presume, respecting those I did not see, from those
I inspected, that they were merely trunks raised by hand, round
the base of which the sand had quickly gathered before the winds,
and formed a mound, as if heaved up by a root. The colour of the
petrified wood is in general black, or nearly so; but in some
instances it is of a light gray, and then so much resembling the
wood in its natural state, that our slaves would often collect,
and bring it in, for the purposes of firing.

These petrifactions are sometimes scattered in single pieces, but
are oftener found in irregular layers, or strata, covering together
a considerable space of ground.

If there yet remains any trace of a western branch of the Nile, as
mentioned by ancient writers,[3] it is probably to be discovered in
some part of this Desert. I observed no channel, or vestige of such
course of river, on the route taken by the caravan. I would direct
the researches of any future traveller specially to the tract of
country round where we encamped on the nights when we halted at the
foot of the sand hill west of _Wadey-el-Latron_, and in the district
of _Muhabag_: these places we reached not till after sunset, and
departing before day, I myself had no opportunity of examining
the country. The term _Bahr-bella-ma_, commonly rendered _river
without water_, by no means designates or points to any specific
channel or tract in which any ancient channel may be more probably
discovered: for if petrified trees fit for masts, or petrified timbers
suited to other purposes of ship-building, said to be found in the
_Bahr-bella-ma_, characterize and give the name (as we are told)
to the tract of land throughout which they are to be found, then
the appropriate translation is not river, but _sea without water_,
for such petrifactions are scattered over the whole Desert. Indeed
the general appearance of this vast and barren tract, well accords
to the title of _sea without water_; its sandy surface resembling
that of a leeshore, over which the waters streaming before the storm
have, on their ebb, deposited timber, or what else was carried on
by the tide. I say not wreck of vessels, for I saw no wood that had
the least appearance of the tool, or of having been wrought for
any purpose of man. Such as, by light observers, have been taken
for fragments of masts, are merely trunks of trees of from thirty
to forty feet in length, broken and shivered into large splinters,
which lying near each other, shew in their forms and grain of timber,
the mass they formerly belonged to and composed.

To the north of the Desert runs a chain of steep and bare calcareous
mountains, which were in constant view of our caravan travelling at
the distance of three to seven miles in like direction. At the foot
of these, runs a flat tract of moorish swampy land, from one to six
miles in breadth, abounding in springs, and to which we resorted every
second or third day for a supply of water; but at the period of our
journey, the springs throughout the whole valley were nearly dried
up. The water which remained, and run or spread on the surface, was
_bitter_;[4] yet digging wells near to these rivulets or marshes,
we found water at the depth only of five or six feet, which was
sweet and palatable.

SECTION III.

_Ummesogeir, and further Journey to Siwah._

Ummesogeir is situated on a sandy plain stretching into the recess
between two diverging branches of the mountain. In the valley thus
formed, appear vast isolated masses of rock, on the largest of which
the village is built; it is small, and contains few inhabitants,
furnishing only thirty men capable of bearing arms. The houses are
low, constructed of stones cemented with a calcareous earth, and
thatched with the boughs of date trees. I was informed, that some of
these buildings covered caves or chambers cut in the rock; probably
ancient catacombs. Our camp was pitched at the foot of the rock,
among date trees, through which the way leads up to the town. Its
inhabitants, poor as they appeared, received us with hospitality;
they came down, almost to a man, from their houses, and assisted us
in watering our camels, or whatever service was required. Towards
evening I walked up to the village by a path of very difficult
access. Coming to a kind of market-place, in its centre I observed
bargains making with such eagerness, noise, and altercation, that
one should suppose the dealings to be of the first moment; but I
soon perceived the sellers to be only a few poor pilgrims of our
caravan, and their articles of trade to be merely _henna hoechel_,
rings of lead or glass, and such like ornaments for women; which,
with a little shot and gunpowder, they were bartering for dates:
the merchandise on either side was not altogether worth a crown.

The people of Ummesogeir are indeed in every respect poor, depending
wholly for subsistence on their dates, which they in part sell
to the Arabs of the Desert, and in part carry to Alexandria, and
exchange for corn, oil, or fat. Their manners are rude and simple,
as might be expected, from a society so small, and separated from
every other, by vast tracts of desert in every direction. Thus
sequestered from the world, too weak in numbers for attack, and too
poor to be attacked, these people derive, from their situation and
habits of life, a simple and peaceful disposition. An old man told
me, that the Bedouins once attempted to deprive them of their rock,
and pittance which the date trees around furnished; and would have
succeeded, had not a _marabut_ (or holy man) who lies buried in the
village, so dazzled the eyes of the invaders, that they could not
find the place, though constantly roving round it. A like miracle
was hoped for, and (in vain certainly) expected in favour of Cairo,
when the French invaded Egypt. The idea of miraculous interposition
of this kind appears to have been common to the Oriental nations.

During our stay at this place, the effects of a _Twater_, who died
on the journey were sold by auction. Another man, during our route,
was killed by a fall from his camel, pitching with his head on a
pointed stone, and which caused his instant death. Two others, poor
pilgrims from Mecca, fell victims to the fatigue and difficulties of
so long a journey, and for which their scanty means were ill suited,
either as to food or rest; and this completes our bill of mortality.

After some days of repose, we proceeded on our journey towards Siwah,
distant from Ummesogeir a journey of twenty hours. We soon passed
the skirts of the broad sandy plain, and reascended the mountains
connected with, and stretching from, those which cover the vale of
Ummesogeir to the west. A long and tedious passage over these hills
led us finally to a green and fertile valley, towards which, as we
descended from the mountain, we perceived people gathering provender
for their cattle. Our train of heavy laden camels readily denoted that
we were no troop of hostile Arabs; and the people leaving their work,
ran to meet and congratulate us on our arrival. They told us that the
whole neighbourhood was at peace, and that we might encamp safely
and without apprehension. They mounted their asses and conducted
us to a plain west of Siwah, and not far distant from that town,
where we pitched our tents.

SECTION IV.

_Siwah._

Siwah is a small independent state; it acknowledges, indeed,
the grand Sultan paramount, but it pays him no tribute. Round its
chief town called Siwah, are situated at one or two miles distance,
the villages of _Scharkie_, (in Siwahian dialect termed _Agrmie_,)
_Msellem_, _Menschie_, _Sbocka_, and _Barischa_. Siwah is built
upon, and round, a mass of rock; in which, according to tradition,
the ancient people had only caves for their habitation. Indeed the
style of building is such, that the actual houses might be taken
for caves; they are raised so close to each other, that many of the
streets, even at noon, are dark, and so intricate, that a stranger
cannot find his way into or out of the town, small as it is, without
a guide. Many of the houses built on the declivity of the rock, and
especially those terminating the descent towards the plain, are of
more than ordinary height, and their walls particularly thick and
strong, so as to form a circumvallation of defence to the town within.

The people of our caravan compared Siwah to a bee-hive, and the
comparison is suitable, whether regarding the general appearance
of the eminence thus covered with buildings, the swarm of its
people crowded together, or the confused noise, or hum and buz
from its narrow passages and streets, and which reach the ear to a
considerable distance.

Round the foot of the eminence are erected stables for the camels,
horses, and asses, which could not ascend to, or could not be
accommodated in, the town above.

The territory of SIWAH is of considerable extent;[5] its principal and
most fruitful district is a well watered valley of about fifty miles
in circuit, hemmed in by steep and barren rocks. Its soil is a sandy
loam, in some places rather poached or fenny; but, assisted by no
great industry of the natives, it produces corn, oil, and vegetables
for the use of man or beast: its chief produce, however, consists
in dates, which, from their great quantity and excellent flavour,
render the place proverbial for fertility among the surrounding Arabs
of the Desert. Each inhabitant possesses one or more gardens, making
his relative wealth; and these it is his whole business to water and
cultivate. A large garden yielding all such produce as is natural
to the country, is valued at the price of from four to six hundred
imperial dollars, there termed _real-patuacks_. The gardens round the
towns or villages, are fenced with walls from four to six feet high,
and sometimes with hedges; they are watered by many small streams of
salt or sweet water, falling from the bordering rocks and mountains,
or issuing from springs rising in the plain itself, and which, for
the purposes of irrigation, being diverted into many small channels,
expend themselves in the vale, and in no instance flow beyond the
limits of this people’s territory. The dates produced are preserved
in public magazines, of which the key is kept by the Sheik: to these
storehouses the dates are brought in baskets closely rammed down,
and a register of each deposit is kept.

North-west of Siwah, there is a stratum of salt extending a full mile,
and near it salt is found on the surface, lying in clods or small
lumps. On this spot rise numerous springs, and frequently a spring
of water perfectly sweet is found within a few paces from one which
is salt. North of Siwah, on the road leading to _El-Mota_, I found
many of these salt springs quite close to others which were sweet.

It is not easy to ascertain the general population of a place, with
so little police, and so little regularity of government as Siwah,
unless opportunity occurred of seeing its people assembled at some
general meeting or festival. The number of its warriors, however,
is more easily known; and on such data, further estimate of its
population may be made. According to the ancient constitution and
laws of the state, the government should be vested in twelve Sheiks,
two of whom were to administer its powers in rotation; but a few
years past, twenty other wealthy citizens, forced themselves into
a share of authority, assumed the title of Sheik, and enlarging
the circle of aristocracy, increased the pretensions and disputes
for power. On each matter of public concern, they now hold general
councils. I attended several of these general meetings, held close
to the town wall, where the chiefs were squatted in state; and I
observed, that a strong voice, violent action, great gesticulation,
abetted by party support and interest, gained the most applause, and
carried the greatest influence: perhaps such result is not uncommon
in most popular meetings. Whenever these councils cannot agree
ultimately on any point, then the leaders and people fly to arms,
and the strongest party carries the question. Justice is administered
according to ancient usage, and general notions of equity. Fines,
to be paid in dates, constitute the punishments: for instance, the
man who strikes another, pays from ten to fifty _kaftas_ or baskets of
dates; these baskets, by which every thing in this place is estimated
and appraised, are about three feet high, and four in circumference.

The dress of the men consists of a white cotton shirt and breeches,
and a large calico cloth, striped white and blue, (manufactured
at Cairo,) which is folded and thrown over the left shoulder, and
is called _melaye_. On their heads they wear a cap of red worsted
or cotton. These caps, chiefly made at Tunis, are a covering,
characteristic of the Mussulman; and no Jew or Christian on the
coasts of Barbary is permitted to wear them. At times of festival,
the Siwahans dress themselves in _kaftans_ and a _benisch_, such as
the Arabs commonly wear when in towns.

The women of Siwah wear wide blue shifts, usually of cotton, which
reach to the ankles, and a _melaye_ (as above described), which they
wrap round their head, from which it falls over the body in manner
of a cloak.

They plait their hair into three tresses, one above the other;
in the lowermost tress they insert various ornaments of glass, or
false coral, or silver, and twist in long stripes of black leather,
hanging down the back, and to the ends of which they fasten little
bells. On the crown of their heads, they fix a piece of silk or
woollen cloth, which floats behind. As ear-rings they wear two, and
some women three, large silver rings, inserted as links of a chain:
their necklace is glass imitating coral; those of the higher class
wear round their necks a solid ring of silver, somewhat thicker
than the collar usually worn by criminals in some parts of Europe;
from this ring, by a chain of the same metal, hangs pendant a silver
plate, engraved with flowers and other ornaments, in the Arabian
taste. They further decorate their arms and legs, (just above the
ancle,) with rings of silver, of copper, or of glass.

I can give no favourable account of the character of the people of
Siwah, either from general repute, or from my own observation. I found
them obtrusive and thievish. Our tents, and especially my own, were
constantly surrounded and infested by this people; and our merchants
were under the necessity of guarding their bales of goods, with more
than ordinary attention, under apprehension not merely of pillage,
but of general and hostile attack.

I was told much of the riches of this people, and should suppose there
must be men of considerable property amongst them; as they have a
very extensive traffic in dates with different and remote countries,
pay no tribute, and have little opportunity of dissipating the money
they receive. The policy of the Siwahans leads them to cultivate a
strict and close amity with the Arabs to the north of their country,
and who occasionally visit Siwah in small troops or parties, and
carry on a trade of barter for the dates. Here our caravan disposed
of part of its merchandize, receiving in exchange, dates, meat, and
small baskets, in the weaving and context of which, the women of
Siwah are remarkably neat and skilful, and in the making of which
consists their chief employment. Diseases incident to the country
and climate, and from which the natives most suffer, are the ague
and fever, and opthalmic affections, or disorders of the eyes.

The language of Siwah, whatever words or expressions may have crept
in, from various intercourse of people, is not fundamentally Arabic;
and this has led me to various conjectures. At first I looked for
the root or origin of this language to the East; but on maturer
consideration, and from communications with one of the _Tuaricks_
from _Twat_, with whom I was in habits of intimacy, I am now satisfied
of my former error,[6] and that the language of Siwah is a dialect of
that used throughout the great nation of Africa, to which my friend,
the Tuarick, belonged, and which may be considered as the aboriginal.

The larger collection of Siwahan words, which I had first made,
was lost with other papers, by an accident which I shall hereafter
have occasion to mention.

The following list I had from a man of Siwah, whom I afterwards got
acquainted with at Augila.

SECTION V.

_Antiquities of Siwah._

As we approached the spot destined for our encampment in the Vale
of Siwah, I descried to the westward some ruins of an extensive
building, a few miles distant from the road, and concluded them to
be the same as noticed by a late English traveller, (Mr. Brown,) of
whose discoveries I heard first in London, and afterwards, when in
Egypt. Circumstances rendered it necessary for me to be particularly
on my guard, and to defer any visit to, or actual inspection of, these
antiquities, until I had retrieved the confidence of the natives,
who, on my very first appearance, (as I was informed,) had taken me
and my interpreter, for Christians; and to this supposition they were
induced, from our fairer complexion, from our gait and manners, and
from our Turkish dresses. When I took advantage of the disturbances
at Cairo and its environs, to get introduced as a Mahomedan to the
caravan, I could not indeed speak readily, either Turkish or Arabic;
but in this, I flattered myself, the assumed character of a young
Mameluke might be my excuse; and I further derived confidence from
the experience and abilities of my interpreter, who (a German by
birth,) had been forced, twelve years past, to embrace the Mahommedan
religion at Constantinople, and whose address and knowledge, I hoped,
might preclude, or extricate me from, any consequences of jealousy
or suspicion.

Considering the importance of my mission, and the great purpose of
exploring the whole of Northern Africa, with which I was entrusted,
perhaps it had been more wise and prudent on my part, not to have
exposed myself to general intercourse, until better qualified to
sustain the character I had assumed; had I so done in the present
instance, and abstained from visiting the curiosities of Siwah,
and exposing myself in the novelty of the attempt, to examinations
and suspicions, I might have avoided a danger which (as will appear
in the sequel) nearly proved fatal to myself, and therewith to the
object of my voyage.

Making such candid admission of not having the requisite forbearance,
with objects of so just curiosity in view, I proceed to state the
course of my inquiries, and the result.

I first visited the ruins of the extensive edifice before observed. I
accosted some men working in the gardens near, and questioning them
as to what they knew of this building, they answered, “that in
former times Siwah was inhabited by infidels, most of whom lived
in caves, but some inhabited these buildings.” One spokesman,
pointing to a building in the centre, said, “tradition tells us,
_that edifice_ was the hall in which the divan used to assemble;
at time of its construction men were stronger than I am; for those
huge stones serving as a roof to the fabric, were lifted up and
placed there by two men only: there is much gold buried under the
walls.” When I then entered into the ruins, I was followed by all
the people near, and thus prevented examining the place with any
accuracy. On a second visit I was not more successful; and when,
after a few days, I returned thither again, some Siwahans directly
said to me, “thou undoubtedly art yet a Christian in thy heart,
else why come so often to visit these works of Infidels.” In order
to maintain the character I had assumed, I was thus necessitated to
abandon any further project of nice examination or admeasurement,
and restrict myself to general observations, such as I now submit
in detail as they occurred.

_Ummebeda_ (the name given to the site of those ruins by the natives)
lies near a village called _Scharkie_ or _Agrmie_, between that place
and an isolated mountain, on which a copious spring of fresh water
is said to rise. The buildings are in such a state of delapidation,
that a plain observer, who forms an opinion only from what he sees,
and does not accommodate the object in application and conjecture to
preconceived notions of a particular structure which he is to look
for, and trace out, could scarcely, (I think) from these rude heaps,
and mouldered and disjointed walls, suggest the precise form or
original purpose of the building when first raised. Its materials
might suggest, that it was built in the rudest ages, and when the
Troglodytæ[7] of these parts first left their caves, and in their
first attempt of building, took their scheme and plan of architecture
from their old mansions, heaping rock on rock, in imitation of the
dwelling places which nature had before furnished.

I ascertained the general bearings of the building by my compass,
and found the outward walls constructed with aspects facing the four
cardinal points, the aberration being only of twelve degrees, and
which might have occurred from variation of the needle. The total
circumference may be several hundred yards, and is to be traced out
and followed by the foundations of a wall, in most parts visible,
and which, from the masses remaining, appears to have been _very
strong_. The outward wall, in most places, has been thrown down,
and the materials carried away, and the interior ground has been
every where turned up, and dug, in search of treasure.

In the centre of this extensive area, are seen the remains of an
edifice, which perhaps may be regarded as the principal building,[8]
and to which all around may have been mere appendage, and subordinate.

The northern part of this building stands on a native calcareous
rock, rising above the level of the general area, within the outer
walls, about eight feet. The height of the edifice appears to be
about twenty-seven feet; its width twenty-four, and its length ten
or twelve paces. The walls are six feet in thickness, the exterior
of which within and without is constructed of large free stones,
filled up in the interstice with small stones and lime. The ceiling is
formed by vast blocks of stone, wrought and fitted to stretch over and
cover the entire building. The breadth of each such mass of stone is
about four feet, and the depth or thickness three feet. One of these
stones of the roof has fallen in, and is broken; the entire southern
wall of the building hath likewise tumbled, and the materials have
mostly been carried away. But the people have not been able to remove
the large fragments fallen from the roof, which their ancestors were
enabled to bring from the quarry, and to raise entire to the summit
of the edifice. Such are the vicissitudes of art, of knowledge, and
of human powers and means, as well as of human happiness and fortunes!

The stones that have fallen, lie sunk, with their surface lower than
the base of the yet standing part of the building, and their bottom
almost on a level with the area of the great inclosure. The appearance
of these fallen stones of the southern wall, leads to a conjecture,
that this extremity of the original edifice had its floor or base
_lower than that of the northern part_. The entrances to this building
are three, the principal one to the north, and the others to the east
and west. The inside walls (beginning at half their height from the
ground) are decorated with hieroglyphics sculptured in relief, but
the figures seem not to have been sufficiently engraved in _alt_,
or _salient_, to resist the ravages of time and weather; and in
some places they are wholly mouldered and defaced, and especially
on the ceiling.

On different parts of the wall appear marks of paint, and the colour
seems to have been green. I could no where discover traces of the
edifice having in any part been lined or inlaid with a finer stone
or material. A few paces from the chief entrance, I observed two
round stones, of about three feet diameter, each indented, as if
to receive the base of some statue or other ornament. The general
material of which the building is constructed, is a lime-stone,
containing petrifactions of shells and small marine animals; and
such stone is to be found and dug up in the vicinity.

On examining the country around these ruins, I found the soil
contiguous to the foundations of the outward wall on the south to
be marshy, and was informed that it contained salt springs. I asked
if no considerable spring of fresh water was to be seen near; and
was shewn a fine rivulet of sweet water, about half a mile from the
ruins, which takes its rise in a grove of date trees, and in a most
romantic and beautiful situation: it is not, however, its delightful
scene that recommends it to the native of Siwah, but an opinion that
it is a specific against certain diseases.

I am conscious that the above description of the remains of antiquity
near Siwah, is by far too cursory and incomplete, for any purpose
of just and accurate inference; and that it must yet remain a mere
conjecture, whether these ruins are those of the famous _Temple of
Jupiter Ammon_. It must be obvious, from many points I have adverted
to in my description, that I had the site of this renowned temple in
view, and that it was a principal object of my research. Circumstances
I was under, and of which the reader is already apprised, prevented
my pursuing this great subject of just and learned curiosity with the
nicety of inspection, and care in the consideration, which I could
have wished to employ. Supposing, on reference to ancient writers,
the comparison of the buildings not to bear me out in the idea which
I entertain; yet on many other grounds I should contend, that Siwah
had been a residence of the ancient Ammonites. I draw my conclusion
from the relative situation of the country; from the quality of the
soil, from its fertility; from the information of its inhabitants,
that no other such fruitful tract is to be found any where near;
and, in addition to the certainty, at least, that some great and
magnificent building once here stood, I derive a further conclusion
from the numerous catacombs to be found in the vicinity, and which
I shall have occasion more particularly to notice. In regard to
the memorable Temple of Ammon, should even my own description of
the existing vestiges of building not accurately agree with general
accounts of that edifice, yet, notwithstanding, I must continue to
hold an opinion, from the general appearance and from the situation
of those ruins, that they _may be_ remains of the _Temple of Jupiter
Ammon_. A delineation and decipher of the hieroglyphic figures,
which adorn the inner walls of the building, might be conclusive on
this question.

I will further add on this subject, that on inquiry after _Edrisi’s
Santrich_, no one knew it even by name; but I was told that at a
distance of seven days journey from _Siwah_, six from _Faiume_, and
two or three[9] from _Biljoradec_, there exists a country, similar
to that of Siwah, its inhabitants less in number, and speaking the
same language. That region I should take to be the _Minor Oasis_
of the ancients. I speak of this place from mere report, and could
gain no more accurate, or further account; perhaps it lies among
the mountains which traverse the great Desert near _Ummesogeir_,
extending towards the south.

I come now to the subject of the _various catacombs_, to be found
in the territory of Siwah, and which I was enabled more fully to
examine, as lying in more sequestered spots, and where I was less
liable to observation.

If I well understood my companion, an inhabitant of Siwah, there
are four principal places, where catacombs are found. The first,
_Belled-el-Kaffer_; the second, _Belled-el-Rumi_; both these
terms, denote one and the same thing, namely, “place or town of
infidels;” the third is, _El-Mota_, or place of burial; the fourth,
_Belled-el-Chamis_, or _Gamis_. My inquiries were in particular
directed to _El-Mota_, situated at the distance of about one mile
north-east from Siwah. It is a rocky hill, with a number of catacombs
on the declivity, but the most remarkable, are on the summit. There
is a separate entrance to each, and the descent inwards is gentle
and gradual. The passage from the aperture, leads to a door-way,
from which the space of the room is enlarged, and on each side, are
smaller excavations for containing the mummies. The stones rising
from the threshold are cut in a form that shews a door to have been
formerly hung, and to have closed the entrance. The catacombs are of
different extent, and each is wrought with great labour and neatness
of work, and especially the uppermost, which contains no traces of
any mummy. In others are found various remains. I long, but in vain,
searched for an entire head: I found fragments, and especially of
the _occiput_ in abundance, but none with any investiture remaining;
and even in the _occiputs_ most entire I could not discover any
stain or mark of their once having been filled with _resin_. The
cloth still adhered to some _ribs_, but so decayed, that nothing
could be further distinguished, than that the stuff in which the
mummy had been wrapt, was of the coarsest kind.

The ground in all these catacombs has been dug and explored in search
of treasure, and I was told, by my guide, that in every one of these
sepulchres gold has been, and is yet sometimes, found.

There is every probability that entire mummies might be discovered
in the catacombs at a greater distance to _westward_ of Siwah. I was
credibly informed, that besides the open catacombs on the mountains,
there are others under ground, and the entrance of which is to
be found at no great depth; and that _Biut-el-Nazari_, (houses of
Christians, synonymous here to Infidels,) exist on both sides of a
long subterraneous passage, forming a communication, between two
catacomb-mountains. The catacombs met with on _Gibel-el-belled_,
being the hill on which _Siwah_ is built, are small, and consist
of a little antichamber, leading generally to two caverns where
the mummies were deposited. Of these the two most remarkable are
two large and high caverns on the north side; the one is twenty,
the other sixteen feet square, and both are open to the north.

There are likewise two other caverns, of similar dimensions, but not
so lofty, to be seen westward of _Siwah_, and leading to _Augila_;
their entrance is low and narrow, and the two excavations are so
near, that the partition, as appears from a small perforation,
is only ten inches thick.

Quitting the subject of antiquities in the territory of Siwah,
I have only to add, that in the nearest plain west of the town,
there are other massive remains of some building, but which bear no
token or note of remote antiquity, such as may be attributed to the
ruins I first described.

SECTION VI.

_Departure from Siwah.—Journey to Schiacha, and Danger which the
Traveller there incurred._

Having remained eight days at Siwah; on the 29th of September, at
three in the afternoon, we broke up our encampment, and proceeded
a three hours march, when we again pitched our tents at foot of a
hill. The next day we began our journey late, being delayed till one
o’clock, in search of a slave who belonged to a court-officer of
the Sultan of Fezzan, and who had absconded from the caravan. Whilst
the man was looking for, I set out with a view of inspecting some
catacombs which I descried on the neighbouring hills, but was stopped
at some distance by a lake of seven or eight miles in circumference,
formed at the base of the mountain by the conflux of springs and
small pools of water, which the rains at this season had swollen
and brought together. Returning to the camp, I took my telescope
to examine the appearances I was not enabled closely to inspect,
when the first object on the mountain which presented itself to
my view was the Negro after whom the search was making. I gave no
notice of my discovery, the poor fellow having a good character, and
having been driven to the attempt of flight by the extreme severity
of his master. I am sorry to say there was little hope of his final
escape, the Siwahans having promised to deliver him up. This day we
travelled till half an hour after sun-set. The next day we marched
at two hours before day-break, and halted at nine. The fourth day
brought us to the fruitful valley of _Schiacha_.

The mountains by which we travelled from _Siwah_ to this spot, are
branches of those which I have mentioned as appearing, at all times,
to north of our way through the Desert, and often at but little
distance. They rise abruptly, and as precipices, from the level
ground, and shew a face of mere rock, without the least covering of
soil or even of sand. Their appearance, taken together with that of
the _sea-sand_ which covers the Desert, indicate this vast tract to
have been flooded, and at a period later than the great deluge. In
the sandy plain below these mountains is seen the surface of a vast
calcareous rock, containing no substance of petrifaction, whereas
the mountains near consist of limestone, crowded and filled with
fragments of marine animals and shells. The strata of all these
rocky hills lay horizontal.

Westward of _Siwah_, I found two banks or heaps of calcined shells,
some of the size of two inches over. My interpreter told me,
that taking his road at some distance from me, he saw a mountain
standing singly and unconnected with others, composed entirely of
shells. Many such vast isolated mounds are to be seen throughout the
whole of this district, and the bed-joints or interstices of their
strata of stone (always horizontal), being filled up with a reddish,
friable, calcareous substance, they often resemble pyramids, and in
so exact and illusive a manner, that more than once I was deceived
into expectation of arrival at such building. The architecture of the
ancient Egyptians was of the vast and gigantic kind; and builders of
such ambitious temper and stupendous scheme, might readily entertain
the idea of transforming a mountain into a pyramid, shaping the huge
rock, already in form partly adapted, and casing it with wrought
stones on the outside, as they might prefer. Some of the learned
have given an opinion, that the Pyramids of _Giza_ and of _Saccara_,
were not originally erections from the base, but merely hills of
earth or stone, shaped and covered by the labour of man. The idea is
plausible, though certainly to be controverted, by reasons to be drawn
from history, and from other the best sources of fact and argument.

I now proceed to the recital of an event in which I was personally
and principally concerned. I shall give the recital in detail,
as, in its consequences, being of the highest import to the future
safety of myself, and therewith to the progress of discovery which
I have engaged in; and, as it has afforded me self-confidence and
new encouragement, ever favourable to the success of enterprize, so
will it, I trust, give satisfaction to those who have employed me,
inspiring just and well-founded hopes of my finally accomplishing
the great purpose entrusted to my care.

The state of quiet and security usually attending our encampments was
interrupted, whilst at _Schiacha_, by the arrival of some Siwahans,
who, about eight o’clock in the evening, came with intelligence,
that a numerous horde of Arabs from the vicinity of _Faiume_ were
hovering in the Desert, ready to fall upon our caravan. These
messengers at the same time assured us, that the people of Siwah
had resolved to come to our assistance, and to escort us to the
next watering-place; adding, “that their little army would
arrive in a few hours, determined to risk with us every thing in
opposing the attack of the Bedouins, whose force they represented
as consisting of from 800 to 1000 men. Our leader, the Sheik of
the Twaters, immediately assembled the principal people of the
caravan, when it was decided not to desert our post, but to await
the enemy. Scarcely was our little council broke up, when we heard
from afar the braying of some hundred asses, giving notice of the
approach of the _Siwahans_. They use this animal on their military
excursions, from the advantage it affords of more easily proceeding
by narrow and rugged passes among the mountains, and evading or
attacking any enemy, who from ignorance of the country, or from the
nature of its cattle requiring safer roads, is obliged to confine
its march to broader defiles or vallies. Some men were immediately
dispatched from the caravan, requiring the Siwahans to halt at half
a mile distance from our post. The night passed in disquietude and
alarm: each got his arms in readiness, and prepared for a battle
on the ensuing day. A little before sun-rise, the Siwahans advanced
on foot, and gave apprehension of immediate attack. Some _Augilans_
rode forward, to inquire their intentions, and were answered, “that
the caravan had nothing to fear;” on reporting this to the Sheik,
he sent the messengers back, to say he should consider and treat
them as enemies, if they advanced a step further. On this message the
_Siwahans_ halted, formed a circle, and invited some _Augilans_ to a
conference. During all this time, I remained quiet with my baggage,
having sent my interpreter to collect intelligence of what was
passing. Seeing him return, and judging from his manner and haste,
that he had something of importance to communicate, I ran to meet
him. He immediately accosted me with, “cursed be the moment, when I
determined upon this journey; we are both of us unavoidably lost men;
they take us for Christians and spies, and will assuredly put us
to death.” With these words he left me, and ran to the baggage,
where he exchanged his single gun for my double barrelled one,
and armed himself with two brace of pistols. I upbraided him with
his want of firmness, told him “a steady and resolute conduct
could alone preserve ourselves and friends, and reminded him that
his present behaviour was precisely such as to give weight to the
suspicions entertained:” I further urged, “that on his own account
he had nothing to fear, having for twelve years been a Mahommedan,
and perfectly acquainted with the religion and customs; that myself
alone was in danger, and that I hoped to avert it, provided _he_ did
not intermeddle with my defence.” “Friend, (answered he,) you will
never hear of danger: but this time you will pay for your temerity.”

Perceiving that terror had wholly deprived him of the necessary temper
and recollection, I now left him to himself, and walked up unarmed,
but with a firm and manly step, to this tumultuous assembly.

I entered the circle, and offered the Mahometan salutation,
“_Assulam Alckum_,” but none of the _Siwahans_ returned it. Some
of them immediately exclaimed,—“You are of the new Christians from
Cairo, and come to explore our country.” Had I at this time, been as
well acquainted with Mahometan fanaticism, and the character of the
Arabs, as I have been since, I should have deduced my defence from
the very terms of the accusation, and stated that I was indeed from
Cairo, having fled from the Infidels; as it was, I answered nothing
to this general clamour, but sat down and directed my speech to one
of the Chiefs, whose great influence I knew, and who had been often
in my tent whilst at _Siwah_. “Tell me, brother, (said I,) hast
thou ever before known 300 armed men take a journey of three days,
in pursuit of two men, who dwelt in their _midst_ for ten days, who
had eaten and drank with them as friends, and whose tents were open
to them all? Thyself hast found us praying and reading the Koran;
and now thou sayest we are Infidels from Cairo; _that is_, one of
those from whom we fly! Dost thou not know, that it is a great sin
to tell one of the faithful that he is a Pagan?” I spoke this
with an earnest and resolute tone, and many of the congregation
seemed gained over by it, and disposed to be favourable to me: the
man replied, “that he was convinced we were not Infidels, that
he had persuaded no one to this pursuit, and as far as depended on
him alone, he was ready to return to _Siwah_.” On this I turned
to one of the vulgar, who was communicating some of the accusations
against me to the people of our caravan. “Be thou silent, (said
I,) would to God, that I were able to speak well the Arabic, I would
then ask questions of thee, and of hundreds like thee, who are less
instructed in the _Islam_ than I am.” An old man on this observed,
“This man is younger than the other, and yet more courageous!” I
immediately continued, “My friend is not afraid of thee, but thou
oughtest to have fears of my friend: dost thou know what it is to
reproach a man, who lives with sultans and with princes, with being
an Infidel?” I was then asked for what purpose we carried Christian
papers. I now found that my interpreter had unwarily shewn a passport
which I had obtained from General Bonaparte, with a view not to
be detained at the French posts through which I was to pass to the
caravan. My interpreter at this moment came up, and finding me alive,
and the assembly less angry and violent, than when on being first
questioned, he had exasperated them by inconsiderate and perplexed
answers; he recovered himself, and stood sufficiently composed and
collected, whilst I explained partly in German, partly in Arabic,
what had passed. Knowing, however, that the paper in question would
be demanded, and not choosing to trust to his prudence in the manner
of producing it; I went myself for it to the tent, and returning,
brought likewise a Koran with me. I immediately tendered the paper
to a Chief of the _Siwahans_, who having unfolded it, asked, “if
any by-stander could read it.” I could not help smiling at the
question, perilous as was my situation. The same question was then
put to us, when I answered, “that we did not understand what it
contained, but were told, it would allow us to quit Cairo without
being molested.” “This is the book, (interrupted my interpreter,)
which I understand:” and immediately took the Koran from my hand. We
were ordered, by reading in it, to give proof of our being truly of
the religion. Our learning in this respect went far indeed beyond
the simple ability of reading. My companion knew the entire Koran
by heart, and as for me, I could even then write Arabic, and well
too: which with these people, was an extraordinary proficiency in
learning. We had scarcely given a sample of our respective talents,
when the chiefs of our caravan, who to this moment had been silent,
now took loudly our part; and many of the Siwahans too, interfered in
our favour. In short, the inquiry ended to our complete advantage,
though not without the murmuring of some in the multitude, who lost
the hopes of plunder which the occasion might have afforded.

Thus the character of Mussulman which I assumed was firmly
established, and I shall not be subjected in future, to like
inquiries, on which, perhaps, more decisive proofs might be required,
and which I could not give. The security of my future voyage is thus
assured, and so great an advantage more than compensates for some
losses attending the above incident, but which yet I must regret.

During the time I was first in conference with the people of Siwah,
and those of the caravan, my baggage was left with my interpreter; who
in the paroxysms of his fears, and indeed with no light apprehensions
of our bales of goods being searched, took my remains of mummies,
my specimens of mineralogy, my _more detailed_ remarks, made on my
way from Cairo to _Schiacha_, and generally my books, and gave them
to a confidential slave of my Arab inmate, to bury them in a bog;
this was done, and I never afterwards could retrieve them.

SECTION VII.

_Departure from Schiacha—arrival at Augila._

On the fifth day (reckoning by our departure from Siwah,) we left
Schiacha, and travelled about four hours, when we encamped. The
next morning in two hours and a half, we came to a district called
_Torfauc_, where we halted to collect fresh water: from this place
we departed at four in the afternoon of the same day, and continued
our march until eight the next morning, through a desert, the level
of which was interrupted by numerous sand-hills; at eight o’clock
we stopped to refresh, and rested till two o’clock, when we again
pressed forward, and continued our march till eight in the morning,
when we encamped till one. At one we again proceeded, travelled
all night, and till three o’clock the next morning, when the
party with whom I travelled, discovered, that during the night,
we had wandered from the caravan; we resolved thereon to halt and
await the return of day. We placed our baggage by the side of each
camel, to be enabled on emergency, to load again with dispatch, and
I laid me down to sleep on the sand, with the bridle in one hand,
and my firelock in the other, and slept soundly till sunrise.

We now discovered our caravan; and at the same time, that we were not
above half a mile from a spot, fruitful and abounding in water. We
immediately made up to the place and encamped. The journey from
_Torfauc_ to this spot, was the most disagreeable and fatiguing that
in the course of all my travels I had experienced. Both men and
cattle were so wearied and exhausted, that as soon as the baggage
was unladen, all resorted to sleep. We here reposed the whole day,
and the next set forth for Augila, by short marches, (altogether
not amounting to more than nine hours travel); we used no haste, as
having nothing to apprehend, being now in the country of our friends.

Our entry into _Mojabra_, one of the three places belonging to the
dominion of Augila, was solemn and affecting, as the greater part of
the merchants of our caravan had here habitations and families. The
Bey of _Bengasi_, Vicegerent for the Bashaw of _Tripoly_, and at that
time resident at _Augila_, sent about twenty of his Arabs to note
in writing the burden of the camels, and for which they demanded
a small duty. These Arabs then ranged themselves, and formed a
right wing to our caravan, drawn up for procession. The merchants
who had horses formed the left, and the pilgrims and ordinary Arabs
formed the centre, headed by the Sheik preceded by a green flag. The
pilgrims marched on singing; and the Arabs made their horses prance
and curvet, and so continued until we approached near to _Mojabra_;
where a number of old men and children met us, to felicitate and
get a first embrace of their sons and relations, whom, on hearing
of the French invasion in Egypt, they had given over as lost.

We pitched our tents in a spot adjoining the town, and were most
hospitably entertained. The following night I proceeded on my journey
towards _Augila_, in company with two merchants, one of whom procured
me a lodging on my arrival, it being the intention of the caravan
to stop longer than usual at this place.

There are three towns within the territory of _Augila_; Augila, the
capital, and _Mojabra_, and _Meledila_. The two last are near to each
other, and both about four hours from Augila; _Mojabra_ to the south,
and _Meledila_ to north of the road by which we passed. _Mojabra_
and _Meledila_ are occasionally comprehended in the general name of
_Fallo_, designating the district.

_Augila_, a town well known in the time of Herodotus,[10] covers
a space of about one mile in circumference. It is badly built, and
the streets are narrow and not kept clean. The houses are built of
a limestone, dug from the neighbouring hills, and consist only of
one story or ground floor. The apartments are dark, there being no
aperture for light but the door; and are generally ranged round a
small court, to which the entrance of each room faces, for purpose
of collecting the more light. The public buildings, comparatively,
are yet more mean and wretched. _Mojabra_ is of smaller extent, but
appears proportionally more populous than _Augila_. The inhabitants
of _Meledila_ are chiefly employed in agriculture; those of _Mojabra_
engage mostly in trade, and pass their lives in travelling betwixt
Cairo and Fezzan. The people of _Augila_ are of a more sedentary
disposition; though some of these too, were with our caravan.

The men of the above places, who engage in the caravan trade,
generally keep three houses; one at _Kardaffi_, near Cairo; one at
_Mojabra_, and a third at _Zuila_, or sometimes at _Mourzouk_. Many
have a wife and family establishment at each of these houses;
and others take a wife for the time, if the stay of the caravan is
longer than usual. The men from their very youth devote themselves
to such traveller’s life. Boys from thirteen to fourteen years
of age, accompanied our caravan the long and toilsome journey
from _Augila_ to _Fezzan_ on foot, or at least seldom mounting a
horse. In observing the general character of this people, I could
not but remark a degradation, self-interestedness, and mean and
shuffling disposition, derived from early habits of petty trade,
and the manner in which it was conducted, as contra-distinguishing
those engaged in this traffic, and those who remained at home.

The men of the country are engaged in gardening and agriculture;
but in the last to no great extent. The women are very industrious
in manufacturing coarse woollen cloths of five yards in length and
a yard and a half wide, which are called _Abbe_, and are sent in
considerable quantities to _Fezzan_. These constitute the chief
clothing of this people; they wrap them about their bodies, and
without even a shirt or shift under.

Round _Augila_ the country is level and the soil sandy, yet, being
well watered, is tolerably fertile. Corn is not cultivated in quantity
sufficient for subsistence of the people. The Arabs of _Bengasi_,
distant about thirteen days journey, import annually both wheat
and barley; and this their corn caravan is generally accompanied by
flocks of sheep for sale.

The inhabitants of this region can generally speak the _Arabic_
but their vulgar language is a dialect similar to that of Siwah,
above noticed.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 2: In hoc supercilio sunt frusta salis, ferè grumi grandes
in collibus, et singulorum collium vertices è medio sale ejaculantur
aquam dulcem pariter et gelidam. Herodot. ed. Wesseling. p. 181.]

[Footnote 3: Ῥέει γὰρ ἐκ Λιβύης ὁ Νεῖλος, καὶ μέσην τάμνων Λιβύην.
Herodot. Euterpé, § 33. The Editor rather supposes that Herodotus
using the term _Lybia_, comprised all Africa, west of Egypt and
Ethiopia; and that the river, or branch of river, alluded to, is
the great stream flowing from the west, described by the Nasamones,
and supposed to be a part of the Nile, by Etearchus: in such case
the traveller may in vain look for its channel in the country
suggested by Mr. Horneman, it being undoubtedly far to the
south,—the Joliba or Niger.]

[Footnote 4: So too Alexander, on his march to the Fane of Ammon,
found the water _bitter_: κατήντησεν ἐπὶ ΠΙΚΡΑΝ καλουμένην λίμνην.

Did. Sic. Tom. I. p. 198, edit. Wesseling.]

[Footnote 5: Vide Note, Appendix, No. I.]

[Footnote 6: Vide Appendix, No. IV.]

[Footnote 7: Vide Herodot. edit. Wesseling, p. 284.]

[Footnote 8: Vide Note, Appendix, No. I.]

[Footnote 9: The distance from Biljoradec is not clearly expressed
in the original.]

[Footnote 10: Herodotus places Augila at _ten_ days journey from the
city of the Ammonians. Melpom. 182. N. B. Mr. Horneman was _nine_
days on journey from Augila to Siwah, partly by forced marches.]

=CHAPTER II.=

* * * * *

SECTION I.

_Augila, to the Confines of Temissa._

Soon after our arrival at _Augila_, a man was sent off by the chief
of the caravan to examine the watering-places as far the borders
of the kingdom of FEZZAN. This precaution became necessary from the
increased number of people and camels, now forming this great caravan,
and the possibility that, from want of rain or other causes, the
springs on the usual route might not afford sufficient water for so
large a body. The messenger being ordered to use the utmost dispatch,
returned on the twelfth day with the happy intelligence, that water
was in plenty, and that he met with nothing to impede our journey.

Accordingly, the 27th of October was the day fixed for our departure
from _Augila_, and myself and party quitted the town the preceding
evening, and encamped in the open air, to be among the first at
the breaking up and movement of the caravan. The next morning
we set out before sunrise, and proceeded in a direction west by
south. Our caravan was increased by companies of merchants from
_Bengasi_, _Merote_, and _Mojabra_, in all about 120 men. Many of
the inhabitants of _Augila_ and _Fallo_, accompanied us part of the
way, and, as a mark of honour and attention, pranced their horses
and fired their muskets round us. This party had scarcely taken
their leave, when an Arab riding to us in haste, gave information,
that we were pursued by a large body of horse, and that they were
even then close upon our rear. On this intelligence the camels were
immediately driven by the slaves and boys to a rising ground, and
those who had arms mustered to cover the retreat, and prevent the
enemy’s irruption and pillage. At the moment we were preparing for
action, we were happily undeceived. The horsemen were troops of the
Bey of _Bengasi_ (then resident at Augila as I before mentioned),
and who, hearing the complimentary discharge of firelocks by the
friends who had just left us, thought we might have been attacked,
and came out to our assistance.

We now resumed our march, and continued it till sunset, each boasting
of his prowess, and what feats of arms he had before done, and what
he would have done had the Bey’s troops been hostile.

The evening we encamped in the open Desert, on a spot devoid of water,
and so completely barren, that not even a single blade of herb for
our camels was to be found, and we were obliged to feed them with
what provender we had with us.

On the _second_ day we advanced for twelve hours through the Desert,
the plain consisting of soft limestone, sometimes bare, but more
frequently covered with quicksand.

On the morning of the _third day_, the scene somewhat altered;
detached hills rose here and there, taking from the uniformity
of the before level desert. These mounds seemed to derive their
origin from a base of calcareous rock, round, and on which the
sands had gathered, and been heaped up by the winds, and on some
to a considerable height. From this district of hillocks and hills,
commences a range of mountains called _Morai-je_, stretching far to
SSW, and seemingly also branching towards the north. This day we
encamped two hours before sunset, for the purpose of awaiting the
return of some _Twaters_, who separated from us about noon, to seek
pasture for their camels. Our camp was pitched on the summit of a
hill, at foot of which were spread a quantity of petrified shells
and marine substances imbedded in a soft limestone.

On the _fourth day_ we struck our tents very early in the morning,
with the view of reaching a particular spot for our next encampment,
where fresh water was to be found. The first part of our day’s
journey we travelled on a continued plain on the heights of the
mountain. The ascent from the east had been gentle, but coming to the
western declivity, we found the way down most steep and difficult. It
is noted by the name of _Neddeek_ by the Arabs. The way down is
not only steep, but so narrow that the whole caravan was obliged
to travel in single file, camel after camel. The perpendicular
height of this (almost) precipice was about eighty feet. From the
verge of the summit the prospect was most beautiful. A narrow vale,
extending far beyond the reach of the eye, was illumined at some
distance by the rise of sun, whose beams slanted over the mountain
we had to pass: in regarding the level and brightness of the distant
scene, we looked over a fore-ground of craggy rocks, and abrupt and
frightful chasms yet remaining in gloomy shade; and the contrast of
bright and terrific scene made the stronger impression on our minds,
whilst from this awful height we had to meditate on the difficulty
and danger of our passage down to the plain. I followed not the
narrow track of the caravan, but picked myself out a way down
the mountain with some difficulty and risk. Coming to its base,
I observed a piece of petrified wood, of about two feet long and
eight inches broad; it was the only such fragment I saw in these
parts. Forward in the plain to some distance, lay huge stones, or
rather rocks. They probably have been there from the time of some
great flood,[11] which, on every consideration of what I now and
before saw, I must suppose to have inundated these countries, at some
distant period, distinctively and subsequent to the deluge mentioned
in Scripture. At some distance I cast a look back to the _Neddeek_;
its appearance of wild forms of rock broken into or rent asunder,
confirmed my idea of irruption of waters, and that the deluge had
rushed from the west. Our march was now directed along the valley,
skirted by mountains nearly of the same height and form as those we
had passed; at length it expanded into a wider plain called _Sultin_,
where, at one o’clock, and after ten hours journey we encamped,
and with water in plenty to replenish our bags for the ensuing days.

The _fifth_ and _sixth_ days we journied on through this Desert;
for so, from its barrenness and appearance, it may be justly termed,
though throughout abounding in springs. The waters I should, however,
suppose to be bitter, as the Arabs dig no wells in this district.

The _seventh_ day our way lay between ranges of hills, and in the
evening we came to a spot affording not only verdure but _trees_,
and that to a considerable extent of country: under these trees we
encamped, and continued travelling through a very grove the best part
of the ensuing day, when our road opened to a desert checquered with
hills, and scabeous calcareous rocks. From one of these eminences
I first observed the mountainous region _Harutsch_, so known to and
dreaded by travellers. The marvellous narratives of calamity therein
suffered, and which had been recited to me on our way; and the black
and dreary appearances which the face of the country offered to my
view, roused my curiosity, and I pressed on before the caravan to
examine a lower mountain, which, like a promontory jutted towards us
before the rest. The soil of the desert near was stony, the stones
consisting of calcareous limestone. The mountain presented the form
of an imperfect cone: its strata I take to have lain originally
horizontal, as those of the hills passed on our route, but from
some convulsion, they are now broken, turned over, and promiscuously
confused. The substance of which the mountain consists, on fracture,
and as to colour, resembles the ferruginous basalt; and such I take
it to be. Range upon range of dreary and black mountains succeed,
and form the only prospect!

As the caravan was approaching, I dismounted, and sat me down close
to a large stone which formed my table, whilst I partook of such
frugal fare as the Arab carries with him on these occasions. When I
rose up the caravan had passed the prominence of the mountain and
disappeared. The ground, however, being firm, and thence the road
to be easily traced, I was under no anxiety; though after half an
hour’s march, somewhat surprised at not yet discovering my old
companions, I took out my spy-glass, when I descried at a little
distance four _Moroccans_, whom I rode up to and accosted: they told
me that the caravan had already encamped at a short distance from
the road, to pasture their camels, and that they themselves were in
search of water to satisfy their thirst. I was inclined to be of
their party, but was fearful of giving uneasiness to my people by
longer absence from the caravan, which, from its fires now kindled,
I easily discovered and rejoined.

The _ninth_ day we travelled between black and dreary hills; our
road meandering through narrow and dismal ravines, now and then
spreading to some width, having some grass and even a tree, and
sometimes opening to a space of valley, of which the herbage looked
fresh, and even luxuriant, from the copious rains which fall in this
mountainous region, fertilizing the soil after it is washed down.

Our watering-place consisted of pools of mere rain water from the
hills, and was situate at the edge of a valley of about six miles
circuit, shewing not only a rich verdure, but bearing shrubs and
trees. Here we saw some _gazelles_, but so shy, that we could not
get a shot at them.

We passed our _tenth_, _eleventh_, and _twelfth_ days incessantly
almost in march through this dreary solitude; yet we could not
expedite our journey as we wished. Sometimes we were obliged to
wander from our direct line with the windings of our only path; at
other times we were forced to move on slowly and with difficulty,
over layers of loose stone for half a mile together: in the course of
one of those days, I ventured on a walk to the _south_, accompanied
by my Arabian servant and some _Twaters_. We could easily, on foot,
outstrip the caravan under all its impediments of march. Every where I
found the mountains of like appearance as exhibited to the traveller
on the common road, with the only difference that views even more
dreary and terrific occasionally caught the eye: it having been matter
of course to work and conduct the road along the least rugged vallies.

On the afternoon of the _thirteenth_ day, we broke at length from
this dark region into an extensive plain. Here we continued on march
for some hours, when we came to ranges of low calcareous mountains,
and about sunset encamped at the entrance of the defile which leads
through them.

On the morning of the _fifteenth_ I placed myself among the foremost
of the caravan, consisting chiefly of poor pilgrims, hastening to
precede the other company, with a view of first quenching their
thirst at the spring, which on that day we were to arrive at. On
coming to the watering-place called _Ennaté_ I perceived a _well_
already cleaned and in order, and several _Twaters_ lying round. I
placed myself near and prepared for breakfast. An old man had
laboured a shorter cut across the sand to be sooner at the well;
after mutual salutation, I offered him a handful of dates and some
meat; these he thankfully accepted, kissing them and rubbing them
on his forehead. Putting the provisions down on the ground, he got
to the spring, and continued drinking for a considerable time, and
recited his prayer _Elham-Dulillah_ with great devotion. He told me,
that for three days past he had been without his requisite portion
of water. This man (as himself told me), was above sixty years
old; and this was his third voyage from _Fez_ to _Mecca_, without
possessing the least means of accommodation for the journey; without
preparation of food for his subsistence; nay, even without water,
excepting what commiseration and the esteem in which his pilgrimage
was held, might procure for him, from the charity and regard of
travellers better provided in the caravan.

We reposed the rest of the day on this spot, distant from our last
encampment four hours march, and our chief dispatched a messenger to
Mourzouk, to give notice of arrival of the caravan on the frontier
of the kingdom, and to bear a letter of respect to the sultan from
each merchant individually.

And now, on the _sixteenth_, (dating by our departure from _Augila_),
we came again to the society of men: a march of nine hours bringing
us to _Temissa_, situated within the territory of Fezzan.

SECTION II.

_Observations on the Region of the Harutsch._

The mountainous desert of _Harutsch_ is the most remarkable region
that came within scope of my observation during this journey;
its extent has been stated to me at seven days journey over,
from north to south; and at five days from east to west: but in a
subsequent voyage from Fezzan to Tripoly, I fell in again with a
branch or tract of the _Harutsch_, and was there told, that it yet
extended further to the _west_. At Mourzouk, too, I was informed of
black mountains on the road leading southward to Bornou, on whose
heights the climate was of very cold temperature, and whence the
people of Mourzouk obtained their iron; and I conjecture that such
mountainous tract may be a further branch of the _Harutsch_, though
having indeed no positive information or proof of the immediate
junction or connection of these regions.

The rugged, broken, and altogether wild and terrific scene which
this desert tract affords, leads strongly to the supposition that its
surface at some period took its present convulsed form and appearance
from volcanic revolution. Its inequalities of ground are no where
of great altitude. The general face of country shews continued
ranges of hills, running in various directions, rising from eight
to twelve feet only above the level of the intermediate ground; and
between which branches, (on perfect flats, and without any gradual
ascent of base or fore-ground,) rise up lofty insulated mountains,
whose sides are exceeding steep from the very base. A mountain of
this description, situated midway on journey over this desert, and
north of our caravan road, is by the Arabs termed _Stres_; it has
the appearance of being split from the top down to the middle. I was
prevented from particular examination of it, but soon, on our caravan
halting, had the opportunity of inspecting another of the same kind.

This mountain I perceived, from the foot to the summit, to be covered
with detached stones, such as wholly constitute the lower hills. The
small plain from which this mountain rose, was encompassed by rows
of hills, such as above described, closely running into each other,
and connected as a wall. The flat within was overspread with white
quicksand, on which lay, irregularly scattered, large blocks of
stone, of like nature and substance as that generally throughout
this desert. With some trouble I procured a sample of the earthy
stratum beneath the sand: it seemed to me, at the time, to have the
appearance of ashes thrown out from a volcano; but I have since
lost the paper which contained the specimen, and cannot further
confirm the accuracy of my first observation. In the vicinity of
this mountain, I found stones of smaller bulk and a reddish colour,
resembling that of burnt bricks; some of these were one-half red,
the other blackish; the red part had not the same weight or density,
on fracture, as the black: the former is more porous and spongy,
and bears a general resemblance to slags or scoriæ.

The stony substance, of which the mass of these mountains consists,
varies in colour and density; in some parts heavy and compact, in
others having small holes and cavities. These species of stone are
intermingled, and I could not discover in either, any extraneous
matter or substance.

The stratification or lay of these stones is perfectly horizontal, but
often disturbed; parts of the first layer sinking into and mixing with
the second below, and the second with the third. Sometimes the strata
take an oblique direction; sometimes are promiscuously confused,
and sometimes no strata appear at all; and a series of low hills
is formed of one solid mass of rock, with fissures in direction to
the north. The plain too shews occasionally level rock of the like
nature and substance, in parts where bare of sand or soil. The whole
of this region of hillocks, hills, rocks, and mountains, is, in parts,
intersected by vales, occasionally having water; and though the soil
is of white sand, yet it is so far fertile as to produce single trees,
and pasturage for beasts; in these productive spots are frequently
to be seen the tracks and slots of game. Often, when I thought I
could so do without danger of losing my way, I struck into one of the
narrow vales running apparently in the same direction as our caravan
road; and occasionally led away to defiles becoming more narrow and
rugged, I repented my indiscretion, whilst thus separated from my
company, and exposed to attack from Bedouins, with dependence for
safety on my single sabre and pistols. On regaining the caravan,
it yet occurred that my danger had not been great, for what Arab
robber could look for a traveller in such a tract, or suppose any
hardy enough to wander therein from his troop, excepting, indeed,
some wretched Moroccan pilgrim in search of water!

In the course of these excursions, on the side of one of these
narrow vales, winding among the mountains, I observed a narrow
branch or inlet, towards the termination of which the rocky heights
from each side closed, and formed a cavern of about nine feet deep,
and five feet wide; and, considering its appearance and situation
in this desolate, obscure, and mournful region, I was inspired with
feelings, as on viewing the entrance to the subterraneous world,
and very passage, _ad inferos_.

My interpreter told me, that at some time when I had taken another
path, and when the caravan was travelling about midway through the
mountains, he saw a cavern in which the stones to a considerable depth
were black, and that under these lay a stratum of white stones. On
travelling afterwards from Fezzan to Tripoly, in continuation of the
Harutsch, (as I supposed it), I myself observed ranges of basaltic
hills, alternate with ranges of calcareous hills. My interpreter
brought me a specimen of the white stone taken from the cave himself
had seen, but I think was not happy in its selection, it consisting
of a mere lump of indurated argillaceous earth, such as often adheres
to limestone.

In respect to the many hills, and their curious ranges and direction,
the _Harutsch_ exhibits a similitude to the excrescences on the
bordering mountains I refer to in a subsequent journey; it agrees too
in the circumstance of single stones scattered on the surface, which,
in the Harutsch, are distinguished as being only of one species or
substance, peculiar to the district. There is too a further analogy in
the plains formed of bare rock; and in the white quicksand covering
other levels, and laying round the mountains, and up their base,
though to no considerable height.

Contiguous to the _Harutsch-el-assuat_, or black Harutsch, lies the
white Harutsch, or _Harutsch-el-abiat_. The country denoted by this
appellation is a vast plain, interspersed with mounds or isolated
hills, and spreads to the mountains rising towards Fezzan. The
stones covering the surface of this plain have the appearance of
being glazed, and so too every other substance, and even the rocks
which occasionally rise or project from the level. Among the stones
are found fragments of large petrified marine animals, but mostly
shells closed up and insolidated. These shells struck or thrown
forcibly on others, give a shrill sound, and the fracture presents
a vitreous appearance.

The low, bare, calcareous hills which border the plain, are, by the
Arabs, comprised in the _Harutsch-el-abiat_; but they are of a nature
very different. Of all that I have seen, this range of hills contains
the most petrifactions. These mountains rise immediately steep from
the level, and the matter of which they are formed is alone friable
limestone, in which the petrifactions are so loosely imbedded, that
they may be taken out with ease; they consist of petrified conchs,
snail-shells, fish, and other marine substances. I found heads
of fish that would be a full burthen for one man to carry. In the
adjacent vallies are shells in great number, and of the same kind
as those found on the great plain, and which, as I before mentioned,
have the appearance of being glazed.

SECTION III.

_Arrival at Temissa, and further Journey._

We were yet an hour’s march distant from Temissa, when the
inhabitants of that place greeted the caravan with welcome and
congratulation on arrival. They put questions without number,
concerning our health, intermingling wishes for peace in the Arabian
stile and manner. The incessant repetition of the same words appeared
to me extraordinary, but I was soon given to understand, that it
denoted polite manners, according to usage of the country. The more
noble and educated the man, the oftener did he repeat his questions. A
well dressed young man attracted my particular attention, as an adept
in the perseverance and redundancy of salutation. Accosting an Arab
of Augila, he gave him his hand, and detained him a considerable
time with his civilities, when the Arab being obliged to advance
with greater speed to come up again with his companions, the youth
of Fezzan thought he should appear deficient in good manners if he
quitted him so soon: for near half a mile he kept running by his
horse, whilst all his conversation was, How dost thou fare? Well,
how art thou thyself? Praised be God thou art arrived in peace! God
grant thee peace! How dost thou do, &c. &c.

On our approach to Temissa, the pilgrims arranged themselves with
their kettle drum and green flag. The merchants formed a troop, at
head of the caravan, and pranced and curvetted their horses as they
led on, and in this manner we passed on to our place of encampment
near the town, whilst the women assembled without the walls, welcomed
us in their Arabian custom with reiterated and joyful exclamation, to
which we answered by discharge of our fire-arms; and these compliments
continued till we pitched our tents in a grove of date trees.

All was gladness and felicitation this day throughout the caravan, and
especially amongst the merchants. Perhaps for years past the caravan
had not left Cairo with so gloomy and fearful a prospect as on the
present occasion, when an army of Infidels had so suddenly assailed
and taken the principal city of Africa, destroyed the ruling power
of the Mamelukes, and threatened immediate abolition to the trade
for slaves, on which the caravan principally subsists. It was but
a few days after our leaving Cairo, that the appearance of an horde
of Bedouins gave alarm to our caravan; indeed it was extraordinary
that we should reach Siwah without attack, as the Arabs had of late
been so bold, as even to pass the French posts, and rob near to the
very capital. Whilst at Siwah, we were apprised of the movements
of different hordes of Bengasi and other Arabian tribes; and not
far from our road between Augila and the frontiers of Fezzan,
we descried numerous vestiges of their depredation, viewing some
hundreds of dead camels and beasts of burthen which they had plundered
and left, probably from deficiency of water for their support. They
had robbed in the neighbourhood, and even made an attack on Temissa,
and had waited for us in these parts for a considerable time, till
they concluded that, from the conquest of Cairo, our caravan would
not this year proceed. Being therefore now in no immediate danger,
and our future route laying through the inhabited districts of the
realm of Fezzan, our fears at once vanished.

Temissa is at present a place of little importance, containing
not more than forty men bearing arms. It is built on a hill, and
surrounded by a high wall, capable of securing it against hostile
incursion if in due repair, but in many parts the wall is decayed
and fallen. I was told there were inscriptions to be discovered on
some of the buildings, but I found none, and rather suppose none such
ever existed, the ruins consisting of mere dilapidated houses, built
with limestone, and cemented with a reddish mortar. These remains,
however, shew that the ancient inhabitants of Temissa were more
expert in the art of building than the present, who have patched up
dwelling places in and among the ruins scarcely so comfortable as
our sheds for cattle in Europe.

These people have many sheep and goats. Their only beast of burden
is the ass. The place is surrounded with groves of date trees,
which furnish the chief subsistence; corn is produced, but in very
small quantity.

Having visited the town; on my return to camp, I found there a number
of the natives, bartering sheep, fowls and dates, for tobacco, butter,
female ornaments, and the coarse woollen stuffs with which the Arabs
are generally cloathed. The evening closed in mutual congratulation
and festivity, and the younger slaves and boys of the camp made
a bonfire.

Our journies from this place being intended to be short, we did not
decamp the following morning till half an hour after sunrise, and
moved on slowly between date trees, on a generally level ground,
interspersed here and there with low hills formed by the wind,
which had gathered and heaped a deep sand round some of the trees,
so that only the top branches appeared. At two in the afternoon, we
came in sight of _Zuila_, and proceeded towards the place destined
for our encampment SW. of the town.

SECTION IV.

_Of Zuila._

_Zuila_ being a place of importance in the territory of Fezzan,
and the place of residence, not only of many leading and wealthy
men, but of relations to the family of the Sultan; we halted at some
little distance from the town, and prepared to do the proper honours
of our arrival.

The merchants, their pages and slaves dressed themselves in their
best apparel; and the _Sheik_ ordered his green flag to be borne
before him, in honor to the _Shereefs_ who live in this place. We had
scarcely formed ourselves in procession, when we perceived twenty
horsemen, mounted on white horses, with a green flag carried in
their centre. It was the Shereef _Hindy_, the principal man of the
town, who with his eight sons and other relations, was come out to
meet us: at some distance followed a great number of men and boys on
foot. They joined our caravan, and we passed together near the town,
with huzzas and discharge of muskets, till we reached our place of
encampment and pitched our tents.

Many other inhabitants then came out to us, some from curiosity, and
some to barter their goods; all behaved with the greatest decorum
and regularity; but the family of the _Shereef_ was distinguished
by its particular complacency and politeness of manners: they wore
the Tripolitan dress, but over it a fine Soudan shirt or _Tob_. The
dealings of the caravan, on this occasion, were considerable, and
especially with the women, who purchased various articles of ornament,
in exchange for garden-stuff, milk, and poultry.

_Zuila_ has received the name of _Belled-el-Shereef_, or town of
the Shereefs: in former times it was an important place, and its
circumference appears to have been thrice the extent of what it is
now. Some of the Shereef’s family told me, that some centuries
past Zuila had been the residence of the sultans, and the general
rendezvous of the caravans: and even yet the voyage to Fezzan is
termed, the voyage to _Seela_, by the caravan from Bornou.

This little city stands on a space of about one mile in circuit;
as in _Augila_, the houses have only a ground floor, and the rooms
are lighted from the door. Near the centre of the town, are the ruins
of a building several stories high, and of which the walls are very
thick; and report says, this was formerly the palace. Without the
town near the southern wall, stands an old mosque, little destroyed
by time, serving as a sample of the ancient magnificence of Zuila;
it contains in the middle a spacious hall or saloon, encompassed by a
lofty colonnade, behind which runs a broad passage, with entrances to
various apartments belonging to the establishment of the mosque. At
some little distance further from the city, appear ancient and very
lofty edifices, which are the tombs of shereefs, who fell in battle,
at time the country was attacked by Infidels.

The environs of Zuila are level, supplied with water, and fertile. The
groves of date trees are of great extent; and its inhabitants appear
to pay more attention to agriculture than those of adjoining places.

In the evening we had further proof of the Arab hospitality of
yore. A slave of the Shereef’s, brought to each tent a dish of
meat and broth, and ten small loaves; this most ancient custom the
Sheik of the Sultan keeps up and strictly adheres to on arrival of
each caravan; soon after, he sent to each of us three small loaves
for the morrow’s breakfast.

SECTION V.

_Further journey—and arrival at Mourzouk._

We left the hospitable _Zuila_ the ensuing morning, and having passed
through a grove of date trees, came to an extensive and open plain
over which we marched seven hours, and then arrived at _Hemara_;
a small village, thin in people, and wretched in appearance, though
the country round is most fertile. Here for the first time I was
regaled with the great Fezzan dainty of locusts or grass-hoppers,
and a drink called _lugibi_. The latter is composed of the juice of
date trees, and when fresh is sweet and agreeable enough to the taste,
but is apt to produce flatulencies and diarrhœa. At first I did not
relish the dried locusts, but when accustomed, grew fond of them:
when eaten, the legs and wings are broken off and the inner part is
scooped out, and what remains has a flavour similar to that of red
herrings, but more delicious.

The succeeding day we were on march before sunrise; our road crossed a
plain, with date trees to the south, among which I descried several
small villages. I was till noon separated from my usual party,
the Sultan’s Sheik of Zuila being pleased to select me as his
particular companion. His ordinary clothes were very much worn,
and even ragged; he had a cloak, the badge of his high office; he
chose to ride with me (as he said) because he deemed it dishonour to
ride with the merchants. When permitted to quit him and rejoin my
old comrades, I found them in great glee and spirits, at being so
near the place where they had houses and families; their gladness,
however, soon received alloy, for the officers of the Sultan met
us to take account of the bales and merchandize, which had not
being usually done till arrival at the gates of Mourzouk; and the
merchants had been in the habit of previously disposing of at least
a third of their goods, in order to evade the duties. Some however,
had contrived to intermingle their baggage with that of the pilgrims,
who pay no duties. Rather out of humour with what had passed, our
traders of the caravan agreed with a proposal of the Sheik to make
a forced march to _Tragen_, where we arrived at sunset.

At this place we reposed the whole of the ensuing day, employed in
preparation for honourable appearance before the Sultan, who usually
rides out to meet the caravan, in pious respect to the pilgrims
returning from Mecca. The Sultan sent forward some camels laden
with meat and bread, which were here distributed. The next morning
we proceeded, and after eight hours march, pitched our camp near
to the chapel and tomb of _Sidibischir_, a holy man of great renown
in ancient times, and from whom the village near is likewise named
_Sidibischir_. The following day was to be that of our interview
with the Sultan. On that day, the _17th of November_, we finished
our long and perilous journey, arriving, after a three hours march,
in the immediate vicinities of Mourzouk.

The Sultan had posted himself on a rising ground, attended by a
numerous court, and a multitude of his subjects.

Our caravan halted, and every person of the caravan, of any
importance, dismounted to salute him. With others I approached,
and found the sultan seated on an old-fashioned elbow chair, covered
with a cloth striped red and green, and placed at extremity of an oval
area, round which soldiers were drawn up, of but mean appearance. The
sultan himself wore the Tripolitan vest, and over it a shirt or frock,
embroidered with silver, in the Soudan manner. Close to him, on each
side, were white Mamelukes and Negro slaves, with drawn sabres; behind
these were six banners, and black and half-naked slaves, holding
lances and halberds, of a fashion as old perhaps, as the times of
Saladin. We entered the circle by an opening left facing the sultan,
and about the middle of the area: according to the ceremonial of his
court, we pulled off our slippers, and approached barefoot to kiss his
imperial hand. Each having paid his compliment, alternately passed to
right or left, and seated himself behind the sultan: the merchants
being thus ranged in two equal groups on either side the throne;
lastly entered the Sheik of the pilgrims, with his sabre drawn, and
kettle-drum, and green flag of Mecca borne before him. The pilgrims
followed, chaunting praises to God, who had so far conducted them
in safety; and continued their hymns until the Sultan was pleased
to dismiss their leader, with a gracious promise of sending his
royal present of dates and meat to every tent. This ceremony of
audience being over, the Sultan remounted his horse and rode back
to the city of Mourzouk, preceded by kettle-drums and banners, and
amidst his lance-men and halberdiers; whilst his courtiers, joined
by the Arabs of our caravan, pranced and curvetted their horses on
each flank of the procession.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 11: Vide Strabo, p. 49, 50; edit. Casaub.]

=CHAPTER III.=

* * * * *

_Some Account of Fezzan._

The greatest length of the _cultivated part_ of the kingdom of Fezzan,
is about 300 English miles from north to south, and the greatest
width 200 miles from east to west; but the mountainous region of
_Harutsch_ to the east, and other deserts to the south and west,
are reckoned within its territory.

The borderers on the north are Arabs, nominally dependant on Tripoly,
but their obedience is merely nominal, and they take each opportunity
of public weakness or commotion to throw off the yoke. Fezzan to the
east is bounded by the _Harutsch_, and line of deserts. To the south
and south-east is the country of the Tibboes. To the south-west that
of the Nomadic Tuaricks. On the west are Arabs.

The kingdom contains a hundred and one towns and villages, of which
Mourzouk is the capital. The principal towns next in order to the
imperial residence are _Sockna_, _Sibha_, _Hun_, and _Wadon_ to
the north; _Gatron_ to the south; _Yerma_ to the west; and _Zuila_
to the east.

The climate of Fezzan is at no season temperate or agreeable. During
the summer the heat is intense; and when the wind blows from the
south is scarcely supportable, even by the natives. The winter
might be moderate were it not for the prevalence of a bleak and
penetrating north wind during that season of the year, and which
chilled and drove to the fire not only the people of the place,
but even myself, the native of a northern country.

It rains at Fezzan seldom, and then but little in quantity. From
November 1798 to June 1799, there was not a single thunder storm;
the 31st of January, 1799, there were some faint lightnings without
thunder. Tempests of wind are however frequent, both from the north
and the south, whirling up the sand and dust, so as to tinge the
very atmosphere yellow. There is no river, nor indeed a rivulet
deserving note throughout the whole country. The soil is a deep
sand covering calcareous rock or earth, and sometimes a stratum of
argillaceous substance.

Dates may be termed the natural and staple produce of Fezzan. In the
western parts of the kingdom some senna is grown, and of a quality
superior to that imported from the country of the Tibboes. Pot-herbs,
and generally vegetables of the garden, are plentiful. Wheat and
barley are suited to the soil and climate, but from inexpertness
or difficulties attending the mode of tillage, and generally from
indolence of the people and oppressions of the government, corn is not
raised sufficient for the inhabitants, and they rely for subsistence
on importations from the Arab countries bordering Fezzan to the north.

Very little attention is bestowed on the rearing of beasts. Horned
cattle are to be found only in the most fertile districts; and are
even there but few in number; they are employed in drawing water from
the wells, and are slaughtered only in cases of extreme necessity. The
ordinary domestic animal is the goat. Sheep are bred in the southern
parts of the kingdom; but the general supply is furnished by the
bordering Arabs. The wool is manufactured into _abbes_, or coarse
woollen cloths, the general clothing throughout the country; with
the meat the very skins are roasted, whilst fresh, and eaten. The
horses are but few: asses are the beasts of general use, whether
for burthen, draught, or carriage. Camels are excessively dear,
and only kept by the chief people, or richer merchants. All these
animals are fed with dates or date kernels.

The commerce of Fezzan is considerable, but consists merely of foreign
merchandize. From October to February, Mourzouk is the great market
and place of resort for various caravans from Cairo, Bengasi, Tripoly,
Gadames, Twat, and Soudan, and for other smaller troops of traders,
such as Tibboes of Rschade, Tuaricks, and Arabs. The trade from
Cairo is carried on by the merchants of _Augila_; that from Tripoly,
chiefly by the inhabitants of _Sockna_, and but by few either of
Fezzan or Tripoly. The commerce with Soudan, is conducted by way
of the _Tuarick Kolluvi_, by the native _Agades_; the trade with
Bornou is managed by the _Tibboes_ of _Bilma_. The caravans coming
to Mourzouk from the south or west, bring, as articles of commerce,
slaves of both sexes, ostrich feathers, zibette, tiger skins, and
gold, partly in dust, partly in native grains, to be manufactured into
rings and other ornaments, for the people of interior Africa. From
_Bornou_ copper is imported in great quantity. Cairo sends silks,
_melayes_ (striped blue and white calicoes), woollen cloths, glass,
imitations of coral, beads for bracelets, and likewise an assortment
of East India goods. The merchants of _Bengasi_, who, usually join
the caravan from Cairo at _Augila_, import tobacco manufactured for
chewing, or snuff, and sundry wares fabricated in Turkey.

The caravan from Tripoly, chiefly deals in paper, false corals,
fire-arms, sabres, knives, and the cloths called _abbes_, and in
red worsted caps. Those trading from _Gadames_, bring nearly the
same articles. The smaller caravans of _Tuaricks_ and _Arabs_,
import butter, oil, fat, and corn; and those coming from the more
southern districts, bring senna, ostrich feathers, and camels for
the slaughterhouse.

Fezzan is governed by a sultan, descendant from the family of the
Shereefs. The tradition is, that the ancestors of the reigning prince,
coming from western Africa, invaded and conquered Fezzan about 500
years past. The sultan reigns over his dominions with unlimited power,
but he holds them tributary to the Bashaw of Tripoly: the amount of
tribute was formerly 6000 dollars, it is now reduced to 4000; and
an officer of the bashaw comes annually to Mourzouk, to receive this
sum, or its value in gold, senna, or slaves. This officer, whilst in
commission, is called _Bey-el-nobe_. On his departure from Tripoly,
which is every year in November, he takes all travelling merchants
under his protection; and returning from Tripoly to Mourzouk,
I shall avail myself of the opportunity.

The present sultan assumes the title “Sultan Muhammed-ben Sultan
Mansur;” and this title is engraved on a large seal, which he
applies to acts of authority or correspondence within his realm,
but when writing to the bashaw of Tripoly, he uses a smaller seal,
on which, instead of the name _Sultan_, that of _Sheik_ only,
is engraved.

The throne of Fezzan is hereditary: the crown, however, descends not
in all cases, directly from father to son: it is the eldest prince
of the royal family, who succeeds; and such may be a nephew, in
preference to a son who is younger. This custom frequently occasions
bloodshed: the son of the deceased sultan may be of sufficient age
to govern, though younger than the collateral heir; and having
interest and adherents formed by his past high connections and
situation, will often be ready to controvert the law of succession,
as inapplicable in principle to the case of himself and competitor,
equally arrived at the age of manhood and discretion: the question
of right is then decided by the sword.

The Sultan’s palace (or house) is situate within the circumvallation
of the castle or fortress of Mourzouk: he lives there retired,
and with no other inmate but the eunuchs, who wait upon him. His
Harem is contiguous; he never enters it, but the female whom he at
any time wishes to see, is conducted to his apartment. The Harem
consists of a Sultana, who, by rules of the empire, must be of the
family of the Shereefs of _Wadan_ or _Zuila_, and of about forty
slaves. These last are often sold and replaced by others, if they
do not bear children to the sultan, or do not otherwise endear
themselves to him by superior charms and accomplishments.

There is a place set apart within the precincts of the castle,
for those who attend on public business, from which a long narrow
vestibule leads to a door which opens into the principal apartment
of the sultan. The opening of that door is announced by the beating
of kettle-drums, as a signal of audience. The door of audience is
opened three times in each day. Those who on account of respect or
business, attend for introduction, are conducted by the long narrow
passage between slaves, who incessantly repeat, “May God prolong
the life of the sultan!” On coming to the door, the sultan appears
opposite, seated on an old fashioned elbow chair raised some steps,
and forming his throne. The person introduced, approaches, kisses
the hand of the sultan, raises it so as to touch his forehead,
then quits it, and kneels before him. He is permitted to state
his case, and address the sultan in ordinary and plain language,
but particular attention must be given, that the expressions, “God
prolong thy life;” “God protect thy country, &c.” be frequently
intermingled; and at each presentation, it is customary to offer a
small present. It is only on Fridays, or on some solemn festival,
that the sultan appears without the castle walls, and then he is
attended by his whole court. He goes on Fridays to the great mosque,
on horseback: on other days of solemnity or public occasion, he rides
on a plain without the town, where his courtiers prance and run their
horses round him, and exhibit their skill in equestrian exercises,
and in the art of shooting.

The sultan’s court or official attendants are, the _kaledyma_,
or first minister; the _keijumma_, or second minister, and the
general of his forces; a number of black slaves, and a few white
slaves, who are by the Mahometans termed Mamelukes. The _kaledyma_
and _keijumma_ must both be free-born men; whatever their nominal
rank, they at present have but little influence. All the interest and
power rests with the Mamelukes, who are mostly Europeans, Greeks,
Genoese, or their immediate descendants. The black slaves, are
purchased whilst yet boys, and are educated for the court according
to their dispositions and talents; some of these too have gained
great ascendancy with the sultan.

The apparel of the sultan, on days of state and ceremony, consists
of a large white frock or shirt, made in the Soudan manner, of
stuff, and brocaded with silver and gold, or of satin interwoven
with silver. Under this frock, he wears the ordinary dress of the
Tripolitans; but the most remarkable appearance is that of his turban,
which, from the fore to the hinder part, extends a full yard, and
is not less than two thirds of a yard in breadth.

The revenues of the sultan are produced from certain assessments of
tax on all gardens and cultivated lands, and from arbitrary fines
and requisitions. The slaves employed in collecting these imposts,
are most exorbitant and oppressive, if not bribed. The sultan derives
further income from duties on foreign trade, paid by the several
caravans. That from Cairo pays from six to eight dollars for each
camel load. The caravans from Bornou and Soudan pay two _matkals_,
for each slave on sale. He further possesses a territorial revenue,
collected from domains of the crown; from salt-pools; from the natron
lakes; and from the royal gardens and woods. The present sultan has
made great addition to his treasures by predatory expeditions, which
he occasionally directs against the _Tibboes_ of the tribe of _Burgu_.

The public expenditure consists chiefly in maintenance of the sultan,
his court, and palace. The cadi and department of justice, those
of the religious order, and the great officers of government, are
severally supported from the produce of date-tree woods and gardens,
granted as _usufruct_ to those holding the respective offices. The
princes of the royal family are supported from the proceeds of
appropriate territory, and by certain proportions of corn delivered
weekly from the sultan’s stores, and from occasional exactions
on the people, levied by their personal authority, and by means of
their slaves. Such oppression is a natural result of the powers of
collection, and means of enforcement, and adjudication of right,
being vested in each occasional lord of the domain.

Justice is administered by an officer, termed the cadi: his decisions
are directed by the Mahometan law, old customs, and established
practice; with exception to criminal cases, in which judgment is
arbitrary, or referred to the sultan. In the absence of the cadi,
his secretary or scribe, performs the office.

The dignity of a cadi, or chief judge, is hereditary in a certain
family, ever since the present race of sultans was established on the
throne. The sultan, in each instance of demise or vacancy, selects
from this family, such individual to fill the office of cadi, as is
noted for learning; or in other words, _who can best read and write_.

Besides the cadi, all the princes of the sultan’s family, claim
a right of jurisdiction, and even of imposing corporal punishments.

The cadi is, at the same time, chief of the clergy, and possesses
great influence and authority with the people; the next to him in
rank, is the _iman kbir_, or great Iman.

The population of Fezzan is not easily determined. On loose
estimate, I should state the inhabitants throughout, at about
70, or 75,000 souls. All of them, without exception, profess the
Mahometan religion. The colour or complexion of the people varies;
those of the northern parts of the country, for the most part,
have a complexion and features, similar to those of the Arabs. In
the southern districts, they have mixed with the natives of the
great nations bordering on that quarter, and bear a resemblance to
the Tibboes and to the Tuaricks. The genuine or indigenous race of
Fezzans, may be described as a people of but ordinary stature, and
their limbs by no means muscular or strong, their colour a deep brown,
their hair black and short, their form of face such as, in Europe,
we should term regular, and their nose less flattened than that of
the negro.

The mein, the walk, and every motion and gesture of the people of
Fezzan, denote a want of energy, either of mind or body. The tyrannic
government, the general poverty of the country, and their only food
consisting of dates, or a kind of farinaceous pap, with no meat,
and rarely with even a little rancid oil or fat, contribute at once
to weakness of frame, and dejection of spirit. Even in those parts,
where the race may be supposed to be ameliorated by a mixture with
the Arabs, there is no energy of character, no industry. Arts and
manufactures, will of course supply but a poor and scanty chapter,
exhibiting few articles, and no ingenuity: throughout Mourzouk,
I could not find one single skilful artificer in any trade or
work; indeed, there are no other tradesmen, but shoemakers and
smiths. The latter work every metal without distinction; and the
same man who forges shoes for the sultan’s horse, makes rings for
his princesses. The women, indeed, fabricate coarse woollen cloths,
called _abbes_; but for the goodness or value of their manufacture
the reader may form his own estimate, when told, that the weaver’s
shuttle is unknown, and that the woof is inserted into the warp
thread by thread, and the whole worked solely by hand.

The dress of the people of Fezzan consists of a shirt or frock,
made of a coarse linen or cotton cloth, brought from Cairo, and the
_abbe_ so often mentioned. The middling classes wear frocks made at
Soudan, of dyed blue cloth. The richer people and the Mamelukes of
the sultan are clothed in the Tripolitan habit, over which they wear
a Soudan shirt of variegated pattern and colours, and likewise the
_abbe_. The ornamental distinctions of dress are chiefly confined
to the head-dress, and to rings on the arms and legs. The lady of
a chief or wealthy man of Fezzan divides her hair into seven long
curls or tresses; one of these is interbraided with long slips of
gilt leather, terminating in a bow; the other six tresses are bound
round by a gilt leather strop, and at the end of each is a trinket,
which a sketch will best describe.

No. 1. A long stick of coral.

2, 2. Small pieces of amber.

3, 3, 3. Little silver bells.

4, 4. Silver or brass wire.

[Illustration]

In addition to these ornaments, the Fezzan woman fastens to the top of
her head silken cords, on which are strung a number of silver rings,
and which hang on each side pendant to her shoulder. The ears of
ladies of rank are bored in two places, and in each hole is fixed a
thick silver ring. In ordinary dress they wear nine or ten rings of
horn or glass on each arm, four or five of which are taken off on all
great occasions, to make room for a silver armillary of four inches
breadth. They wear at the same time strong rings of brass or silver
just above the ankle bones. The necklace consists of a silk riband,
to which are fixed ten or twelve pieces of agate, and in front a round
silver plate. The meaner women wear merely a string of glass beads,
and curl their hair above the forehead into large ringlets, into
which severally is stuffed a paste made of lavender, carraway-seeds,
cloves, pepper, mastick, and laurel leaves, mixed up with oil.

The women of Fezzan generally have a great fondness for dancing and
every amusement, and the wanton manners and public freedoms which,
although Mahometans, they are permitted, astonishes the Mahometan
traveller. They dance publicly in the open places of the town, not
only in the day-time, but even after sunset. Two or three men stand
together with their tambourines; the women immediately form a circle
round; the men beat a tune, and those in the circle accompany it with
singing and clapping of hands; a girl then advances dancing towards
the drummers; the men, as she approaches near, join in the dance
and press towards her; on which she makes some steps backwards, and
then falls on her back with her body and limbs stiff and perfectly
straight, when the women behind catch her in the fall, a few spans
from the ground, and toss her in the air, whence she descends on her
feet. The men then resume their station in the centre, and a second
female dancer repeats the sport, which is successively engaged in
by each brisk damsel of the circle.

The men of Fezzan are much addicted to drunkenness. Their
beverage is the fresh juice of the date tree, called _lugibi_,
or a drink called _busa_, which is prepared from the dates, and
is very intoxicating. When friends assemble in the evening, the
ordinary amusement is mere drinking; but sometimes a singing girl,
or _kadanka_, is sent for: _kadanka_ is a Soudan word, and answers
to the term _almé_ used at Cairo.

The song of these Fezzan girls is Soudanic. Their musical
instrument is called _rhababe_: it is an excavated hemisphere,
made from a shell of the gourd kind, and covered with leather;
to this a long handle is fixed, on which is stretched a string of
horse hairs longitudinally closed and compact as one cord, about the
thickness of a quill. This is played upon with a bow. I was once of
a party with _Sidi Mintesser_, the brother of the sultan, at a small
house, some distance from the palace, when he ordered a _Kadanka_
to be brought, and with whom he soon after withdrew. On her return
to the company, she was asked with a significant smile where she
had been. She immediately took up her instrument, played upon it,
and sung, in the Arabian language, “Sweet is Sidi Mintesser, as
the waters of the Nile, but yet sweeter is he in his embraces; how
could I resist?” As a natural consequence of the great freedoms
allowed to the sex in Mourzouk, there are more women of a certain
description to be found in that capital, than in any other of the same
extent and population; and the general character of improvidence,
and consequent misery and distress, belong as fully to the frail
sisterhood of this place, as of any other.

There are various sorts of venereal disorders prevalent in Fezzan;
that imported from Soudan is the worst. The common lues venerea
brought from Tripoly and Cairo, is called _franzi_, or the _frank_
evil. For the cure of either species they use salts, and the fruit
_handal_, (colycinth), as powerful cathartics; and the sores, if
any, are at the same time washed with natron water, or dissolved
soda. These remedies seldom fail, unless the disease has taken a
very deep root.

The other maladies prevalent here are hæmorrhoides, no doubt greatly
increased by the immoderate use of red pepper; and a fever and ague,
which is particularly dangerous to foreigners. In these disorders
there is no remedy whatever known or used but amulets, consisting of
certain sentences, transcribed from the Koran, on a slip of paper,
which the patient wears about his neck, and in bad cases is made
to swallow. Phlebotomy is unknown; but blood is occasionally drawn
by means of cupping. As to surgery, I heard there were people at
Mourzouk who had sufficient ability to cure a simple fracture.

The houses of the Fezzans are miserably built; they are constructed
with stones or bricks made of a calcareous earth mixed with clay,
and dried in the sun. No other tools are used in the building but
the hands of the labourer. When the walls are completely raised,
the friends of the proprietor assemble, and assist him to incrust
and cover them with a mortar made with a white calcareous earth. This
work too is done only by the hand. The houses are all extremely low,
and the light enters by the door only.

As to diet, I never knew a more abstemious people than those of
Fezzan. Meat indeed is a food they can at no time abstain from
when set before them; but meat is not an article of food with the
people in general: to indicate _a rich man_, at Mourzouk, the usual
expression is, “_that he eats bread and meat every day_.”

POSTSCRIPT.

The particulars above communicated may give some general idea of
Mourzouk, and of the people and kingdom of Fezzan. Proposing shortly
to return into that country, I may have an opportunity of gaining
more satisfactory intelligence, and of enlarging on some points,
and of rectifying any mistake in others; I will then draw up for the
Society a more full and amended account, having in view the means
of conveyance through one of my country-friends, who is going with
the caravan to Mourzouk, and proposes returning to Tripoly in May
or June 1800, when he will consign my papers to the care of the
British Consul.

(Signed) FREDERICK HORNEMAN.

APPENDIX. No. I.

_Observations on F. Horneman’s Description of the Country and
Antiquities of Siwah, with Reference to ancient Accounts of the_
Oasis, _and_ Temple of Ammon. _By Sir William Young, Bart. Secretary._

The papers alluded to in Mr. Horneman’s Postscript have never been
received; and nearly two years having elapsed since the date from
which our expectation was referred, the above more summary account
of his Travels (as probably the only one extant) is offered for
perusal. Opportunities of correspondence from the interior of Africa
can rarely occur, but by the caravans passing at certain, but distant,
periods of time; and even by such conveyance, any communication
from an European and Christian traveller, must be conducted with
so particular a caution in avoidance of offence to the bigotry
and prejudices of the people, that Mr. Horneman’s intentions of
again writing may not only have been delayed, but wholly precluded,
by the circumstances of his situation. The necessity of sustaining
the character of a Mussulman unconnected with those termed “the
Infidels of Christendom,” is strongly impressed in his letters from
Cairo, Aug. 31, 1798, wherein he earnestly deprecates even inquiry
concerning him, as liable to awaken jealousies and suspicions in the
natives who may be so questioned; and any farther communications at
present, from himself, may be matter of similar apprehension.

Under these considerations, it is become a duty to his public-spirited
employers, that such curious intelligence as their traveller has
already given, should no longer be withheld, even in its present
state, and for which they will make a just and candid allowance.

It is however presumed, that the Reader will not have found in
perusal of this Journal, that there is much which may require his
favour or excuse: yet some details appear to need explanation,
and which (if a reference to the traveller himself were possible)
might be given in a manner the most clear and satisfactory.

In default of such advantage, the Editor offers an annotation or
comment on two subjects of peculiar interest, treated of in this
Journal, and in a manner apparently incorrect, or contradictory to
accounts given by other writers.

Page 15; the extent of the Oasis of Siwah, (as represented by
Mr. Horneman) differs widely from that stated by every other writer
ancient or modern.

Page 23; the admeasurements of the sacred Egyptian building appear
to vary in every proportion from those given by a late traveller of
allowed accuracy, Mr. Brown.

In the first instance, it is the purpose of the Annotator to ascertain
the error, and to shew whence it has arisen.

In the second case, he will have to place the subject in a point
of view, by which an apparent variation in the two accounts may not
only be reconciled, but even matter of new and just inference, as to
the ancient construction and purpose of the building in question,
be shewn to arise, from the very elucidation which corrects and
compares these differences.

Page 15; Mr. Horneman states “_the principal and fertile territory
of Siwah to be fifty miles in circuit_:” in this he disagrees
with every account given by the writers cited by Mr. Rennell, and
with that latterly given by Mr. Brown, who, in conformity with the
descriptions by other authors, states the extent of the Oasis, or
fertile spot, to be six miles in length, and four miles and a half
in breadth; not exceeding eighteen miles in circumference at the
utmost. It will further appear that, in this respect, Horneman is
not only at variance with the writings of others, but with his own,
and that his own journal furnishes the strongest internal evidence
in refutation of the fact he asserts.

Horneman names all the towns within the territory of
Siwah,—_Scharkie_, _Msellem_, _Menschie_, _Sbocka_, and _Barischa_,
and he places all these villages, or towns, within _one or two miles_
of Siwah the capital, which proximity could not be the case, if the
rich and fertile land extended each way sixteen miles in traverse,
as a circle of fifty miles implies. On a small and most fertile tract
of country, surrounded on all sides by barren and sandy deserts, the
rich and productive soil infers a population commensurate with, and in
proportion to, its extent. Diodorus Siculus tells us, that the ancient
Ammonians dwelt κωμηδὸν, _i. e._ vicatìm. (Ed. Wesseling,
Tom. II. p. 198.) And so too the people at present (on grounds
probably of convenience and defence against the Arabs of the Desert)
appear to live chiefly in towns; and hence those towns must have
been more distant, as more widely diffused over so great a space
of country from its very character and description, to be supposed
in every part occupied and appropriate. Society must have gathered
and increased till it fully covered a country of such _exclusive_
fertility and means of subsistence. Generally, increase of population
is to be measured by the means of subsistence; and in converse of the
proposition, whatever of country was productive and habitable situated
as the Oasis of Siwah, must be considered as inhabited and turned to
account: the general reasoning and estimate of increase of people is
further strengthened by the special argument of probable resort, from
the barren yet partially inhabited districts which encompassed it.

Horneman’s description of the territory of Siwah tallies with, and
confirms, the speculation: he represents the country as consisting
of so many gardens walled or fenced on every side, and cultivated
with so nice attention and labour, and with such care in irrigation,
that the water directed in various cuts and channels from each spring,
was in no case suffered to flow beyond the territory; but was made
to lose and expend itself in the cultivated grounds of the Siwahans:
and he describes the people as a swarm, and their residence as a
crowded hive.

Let us now advert to his more particular enumeration of these
Siwahans, and to the practicability of such number (as under any
computation can be supposed labourers in the field) being competent to
work the ground of fifty miles in circuit, with the nice agriculture
he describes.

Horneman states 1500 warriors, or _men bearing arms_, as the _data_
for estimating the population of the country: he must mean to say,
_men capable of bearing arms_, or there are no _data_, and he means
nothing. Calculate a population on the widest latitude from such
data, and apply it to a well-cultivated district of 127,360 square
acres, and there will not be more than one cultivator to at least
50 cultivated acres: for the women, our journalist has otherwise
engaged. They (as he tells us,) are employed in manufacture,
and chiefly in that of wicker-work and baskets, which they
work with great neatness and ingenuity. These statements carry
self-contradiction. These lands cannot be so extensive, or cannot
be so cultivated.

Thus from Mr. Horneman’s own account, we may infer, that the rich
spot of country termed the Oasis of Siwah, must be of much less
extent indeed, than that which he directly states.

Observing particular expressions in the Journal relative to this
subject, the cause of error may possibly appear. The traveller says,
“the territory of Siwah is of considerable extent; its principal
and most fertile district is a well watered valley of about fifty
miles in circuit, _hemmed in by steep and barren rocks_.”

Now, referring to other descriptions of the fertile district or Oasis
of Siwah, it is to be remarked, that such rich and productive spot of
country is no where described, as _immediately_ bounded and hemmed in
by steep rocks and mountains. Diodorus, lib. xvii. speaking of the
Oasis of Ammon, says, it was surrounded on all sides by barren and
arid sands: so too, Mr. Brown mentions the fertile soil or Oasis, of
from four miles and an half in breadth, to six in length, as bordered
and encompassed by “_desert land_;” intimating _plain_. In truth,
it is such desert border of plain, which further on is bounded by
rocky mountains. Mr. Horneman appears to have made no excursions
from the town of Siwah, further than _of a mile and a half_ to the
ruins, and _of one mile_ to the catacombs of _El-Mota_. From all
these considerations, it may be surmised, that our traveller looking
from Siwah, or its adjacencies, to the hills or rocks surrounding him
at a distance, comprized in his estimate of rich country, the whole
intermediate plain, not having directed due inquiry or consideration
in the ascertaining of, to what extent within the area of that plain,
the rich and cultivated soil might reach? Or, perhaps, he _did_
make enquiries; but of some patriotic Siwahan, who thought proper
to exaggerate the richness and extent of his petty commonwealth, and
confirm his hyperbole, by pointing to the lofty boundary in view: or,
perhaps, from not sufficiently understanding the dialect of Siwah,
(as the traveller himself allows,) he may have confounded the ideas
of _country occupied_, and of _territory claimed_.

Be these surmises and explanations founded or not, our journalist’s
representation of the extent of the Oasis of Siwah, is not only at
variance with every other account, but with the internal evidence to
be extracted from his own account, and must be rejected as erroneous.

Page 23, of the Journal, to which this note refers, a further subject
of inquiry and explanation occurs, where Mr. Horneman, describing
the ruins of an ancient edifice in the vicinity of Siwah, gives us
dimensions and proportions, in every respect differing from those
before stated by Mr. Brown, in description of the same building.

The length in feet. The width. The height.

By Mr. Brown, 32 15 18

By Mr. Horneman, 30 to 36 24 27

Mr. Horneman informs us, that he was successively interrupted on
entrance into the area of these ruins, and was altogether prevented
by the jealousy of the natives, from pursuing any plan of accurate
examination or admeasurement. The dimensions which he gives us,
are therefore to be taken as the result of computation on mere
view; and from these and other circumstances, it is further to be
presumed, that such computation by view, was made _from without_;
whilst Mr. Brown expressly tells us, that he took his measurements
_in the clear_, or _inside_ of the building.

In this case, a deduction equal to the thickness of the walls,
is to be made from the length and the breadth of the building,
as described by Mr. Horneman.

The thickness of the _end_ walls may be supposed to be much less
than that of the _side_ walls, which being constructed to support
the vast and ponderous blocks of stone which formed the roof,
must have been built with a proportionate strength and solidity,
not necessary, and probably therefore not used, at the entrance or
end of the building. Mr. Horneman, indeed, when stating the thickness
of the walls to be _six feet_, makes no such discrimination; but it
may be fairly presumed, that adverting particularly (as he does,)
to the massive roof, he meant to note exclusively, the strength of
that part of the fabric by which it was supported.

Under such probable conjecture, the length and breadth of the building
given by Mr. Brown _from the inside_, and by Mr. Horneman _from the
outside_, may so far agree, as fully to exculpate our Journalist
from any charge of inattention in his survey, or inaccuracy in his
representations; making those allowances which his situation and
circumstances, and (above all,) his own declarations of want of
precision, fully intitle him to.

The comparative height of the building is a part of the subject,
which suggests matter of new and interesting investigation.

Page 23, Mr. Horneman informs us, “_that the northern part of the
building is erected on a native calcareous rock, rising about eight
feet above the level of the area, within a circumvallation_,” which
he particularly and exclusively describes, and which will be a subject
of further dissertation. He then mentions, “that two vast stones
of the roof have fallen in from the southern part of the building,
and lay with their bottom nearly on a level with the plain of the
outward enclosure;” and he was thence led to conjecture, that the
base or floor of the southern division, was originally lower than
that of the northern end.

The difference in measurement or estimate of height stated by the
two travellers, strongly corroborates the fact.

It may be premised, that when an object is of no great altitude,
an estimate of height may be made on mere inspection or view, with
much more accuracy than any other line of dimension. A comparison
with known objects, the stature of any human figure near, nay, the
very person of the observer himself, will furnish a sort of scale
for reference, by which he may compute from four to five times his
own height with considerable precision.

A difference so great as that of from eighteen to twenty-seven feet
in estimating the altitude of the building at Siwah, could not occur
between two the most hasty and inaccurate observers, in noting the
height of the same object. The object itself, therefore, must be
considered as different; and in the one case, to be that of the _wall
within_, and in the other case, that of _the temple from without_.

Mr. Brown taking his measurements in the clear, would ascertain
the perpendicular of the wall from a part of the pediment or floor,
the most clear and perfect; and this was, at the northern end. The
dilapidations in the southern part of the building, do not appear
to have attracted his notice in any other consideration, than as
mere ruins: and merely as such, the unequal and broken surface would
not be preferred for placing a rod in measurement to the summit, or
from whence to look up and make a calculation of height. Mr. Brown
accordingly measured the height from a proper base at the northern
end, and found it to be eighteen feet. It has been already cited
from the journal of Mr. Horneman, that the northern end was built on
an isolated rock, rising eight feet above the plain of the general
enclosure. The top of the wall from north to south, must have run
on a level, and in a direct line: and the actual building of the
southern part must have been eight feet higher than that of the
northern end; and the entire building _from without_ must have
appeared, and in truth, have been, twenty-six feet high, even to
conform with Mr. Brown’s description from within.

The two travellers in other points agree, as to the architecture
of the building, and sculpture on the walls, concurring in proof,
that it was of the highest antiquity, and of Egyptian origin.

The division of the edifice exclusively noticed by Mr. Horneman,
may give some further indication of its use and purpose, and perhaps
may be found to strengthen the conjecture, “that these are the
very ruins of the once famous oracular temple consecrated by the
_Egyptian_ Danaus, to the divinity of Ammon.”

The writer of this note will on no account, and in no degree,
discuss the position of country, within which the renowned temple
of Ammon was erected. He considers that question as concluded,
and for ever set at rest, in the acute and learned comment on the
Geography of Herodotus, by Mr. Rennell. The facts, the arguments,
and the inferences stated in that admirable work, indisputably shew
the Oasis of Siwah, to have been the Oasis of Ammon. The precincts
are thus narrowed, within which our researches are to be directed,
for ascertaining the locality, and even the very remains of the
temple itself: and this concurrent circumstance will be held in
mind, whilst certain details in the description given us of the
ruins discovered at Siwah, are examined and brought to the test,
by reference to such few particulars as are recorded by ancient
writers concerning the temple of Ammon.

The general description of the materials, of the architecture,
and of the sculptures, may render it unnecessary to prolong
this essay, by discussing the question of _when_, and _by whom_
was the building erected? Those who may yet entertain a doubt,
that it was a most ancient Egyptian edifice, are referred to the
writings of Norden, of Pocock, of Lucas, and above all, to the
treatise of Major Rennell above cited. The annotator ventures to
assume the fact; and merely add, τὸ μὲν τέμενος φασὶν ἰδρύσασθαι
Δαναὸν τον Αιγύπτιον. Diod. Sic. Tom. II. Ed. Wesseling. page 198.

So much as to the building and its antiquity being taken for granted;
the following comment will advert to circumstances exclusively
noticed by Mr. Horneman, and which may lead to further inferences,
as to its original purpose and designation.

First, In ascertaining the supposed remains of an oracular temple,
vestiges of the _adytum_, would be an object of particular research:
and perhaps such may be discovered in that part of Mr. Horneman’s
description, where he mentions _the different levels of the basement
or floor of the ancient edifice at Siwah_.

Hen. Steph. in Thesaur. art. “Adytum,” ἄδυτον, locus secretior templi,
ad quem non nisi sacerdotibus dabatur accessus, nam ex eo oracula
reddebantur.

The _adytum_, was not only a recess, rendered secret by the
reverential awe which forbad approach of the vulgar; but was
actually a kind of _crypt_, or place of concealment: among the
prodigies forerunning the victories of Cæsar in Asia, “Pergami
in _occultis_ ac remotis templi, quæ Græci ἄδυτα appellant,
tympana sonuêre. Bell. Civil. lib. iii. cap. 105.

In the itinerary of Pausanias, the ἄδυτα of the oracular temples
appear to have been sunk beneath, and under the basement or floor of
the building. This was so generally the case, that in _Bœoticis_, the
word _adytum_ is used as synonymous for the _cave_ of Trophonius. _In
Corinthracis, cap._ i. the entrance and passage to the adytum of
Palæmon at Chronium, is represented as subterraneous; ἔστι δὲ
καὶ ἄλλο ἄδυτον καλούμενον, κάθοδος δὲ ἐς ἀυτὸ ὑπὸ γεως. edit. Kuhn.
p. 113, and in the _Achaicis_, the entrance of the adytum of the temple
of Minerva, at Pellené, is from under the base of the statue of the
goddess, and the recess is hyperbolically represented, as penetrating
to the very centre of the earth.

The purposes of these crypts, or concealed recesses in the oracular
temples, may readily be surmised: and to conduct their oracle with
proper mystery and imposition of respect, was a necessary policy
in the priesthood, to prevent any visit or examination of these
hallowed places: the hand of the deity was denounced as punishing
the trespasser with instant death. Of the many examples that offer,
we will take one from _Egypt_: Pausanias in _Phocicis_, mentions,
“That a Roman Prefect having from impious curiosity, sent a person
to inspect the _adytum_ of Isis at Coptos, the unhallowed intruder
was struck dead on the spot.

The oracle was given _ex adyto_.

· · · · isque adytis hæc tristia dicta reportat.

Virg. Æn. l. ii. v. 115.

It was given too _imo adyto_, or as others express it, from the
_depth_ of the adytum.

Nec dum etiam responsa Deûm monitusque vetusti

Exciderant, voxque ex adytis accepta _profundis_

Prima,—“Lycurge dabis Dircæo funera bello.”

Stat. Theb. l. v. 645.

Diod. Sic. lib. xvii. says, that when Alexander required an oracle
from Ammon, the chief priest retired back to the sanctuary or holy
place, and gave the answer, _ex adyto_; so the Latin version of
Wesselingius expresses it: in truth, there is no Greek word in the
original, immediately corresponding with _ex adyto_; yet the priest
retiring εις σήκον, _i. e._ to the fane or secret recess of the temple;
his giving the oracle from such secret recess may be implied.

Applying the accounts of the _adytum_ to the building under
consideration, it may be observed, that to form such recess, the
rock rising in the centre of the enclosure described at Siwah,
offered a peculiar accommodation to the architect. The soil around
is represented as wet and marshy, and not therefore suited to
excavation. The erecting the Προνὰος, or forepart of the
temple, on the elevation of the rock, admitted of the interior end or
_penetrale_ being built over a crypt, or artificial cave of eight feet
deep, suitable to the purpose and mysteries of an oracular temple.

The entrance to the ancient edifice described by Mr. Horneman was
to the north; and from the northern end or division of the building
there was a descent of eight feet, in coming to the southern or
interior extremity.

Whether anciently the pavement was level and continued, “covering
_the adytum_ as a cave;” or whether it was an open vault or recess,
from which the priest (as mentioned by Diodorus) might utter the
predictions of the oracle unseen by the vulgar; in either case the
construction may agree with the ideas to be derived from ancient
authority, of the oracular Fane of Ammon; and more strongly warrant
a conjecture, that the ruins described by Horneman, may be those of
that renowned temple.

Secondly, Mr. Horneman, observing on the rude and stupendous
architecture of the building at Siwah, says, “_that he could in no
part discover any mark or trace on the walls, of their having been
incrusted or lined with marbles, or of any ornament having been once
affixed_.” Indeed the building appears not to have been large,
and could little admit of such.

Niches, or pedestals were not required; the most ancient Egyptian
temples had no statues: Lucian says,—τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν καὶ παρὰ Αἰγυπτίοισι
αξόανοι νηοὶ ἔσαν· edit. Bourdelot. p. 1057. The sole interior
decoration of the ancient Egyptian temple at Heliopolis, described by
Strabo, was a rude sculpture on the walls in the _old Tuscan_ taste,
apparently similar to that observed by Mr. Horneman on the walls
at Siwah. Strabo’s words are,—ἀναγλυφὰς δ᾿ ἔχουσιν οἱ τοῖχοι οὗτοι
μεγάλων ειδώλων ομοίων τοῖς Τυῤῥενικοῖς, καὶ τοῖς αρχαίοις σφόδρα των
παρὰ τοῖς Ελλησὶ δημιουργημάτων· edit. Casaub. p. 806. This, and the
indications of rude simplicity observable in the remains of the ancient
building at Siwah, may thus strengthen the conjecture that it was the
one sacred to Ammon. Diodorus, Arrian, and Curtius, all indeed talk of
gold and ornaments, and even of a statue in procession, displayed on
the visit of Alexander: but Strabo directly taxes Callisthenes (and
therewith those writers who followed him) with exaggerations and
additions, introduced to do honour to their hero. Edit. Casaub. p. 813.

The poet Lucan, in his description of the Temple (and its being a
_fiction_ will be taken _in aid of the argument_), states the people
of Lybia to be “beati,” i. e. _rich_; and he had all the gold
of Africa before him, if the general account and actual knowledge
of this temple at the time he wrote, could have bore him out in
a luxuriant description of its splendour and magnificence. From
this he appears to have abstained, in deference to fact and to
what was generally known, of the _rudeness and simplicity_ of
this holy place. His being a poet thus strengthens his authority,
whilst he _foregoes the splendour of description specially suited
to his genius_; and gives up matter too of fine poetical contrast,
with the simple and pure morals and religion of his Cato. He had no
other inducement but truth when he says,

“Non illic Libycæ posuerunt ditia gentes

Templa, nec Eöis splendent donaria gemmis

Quamvis Æthiopum populis Arabumque _Beatis_

Gentibus, atque Indis, unus sit Jupiter Ammon:

_Pauper adhuc deus est_; nullis violata per ævum

Divitiis delubra tenens, morumque priorum

Numen Romano templum defendit ab auro.”

Lucan, lib. ix.

The Temple of Ammon further may be presumed, to have been of small
dimension. When Alexander alone enters the building, it is mentioned
by his historians, that such exclusive permission was a mark of high
respect; but Strabo further informs us, that all who attended on
Alexander, “_heard_ the Oracle _from without_:” ἔξωθὲν τε τῆς θεμεστείας
ΑΚΡΟΑΣΑΣΘΑΙ πάντας πλὴν Αλεξάνδρου, Τουτον δ᾿ ἔνδοθὲν εἶναι. edit.
Casaub. p. 814. The Oracle given from the extreme recess of the
interior, (to which the priest retired for the purpose, as before cited
from Diodorus), could be heard and distinguished from without, only
under supposition, that the entrance was at no great distance from the
adytum, and the temple, of course, not large.

Thirdly, It is exclusively stated by Mr. Horneman, that _the building
at Siwah is situated in the centre of an inclosure, surrounded at some
distance by ancient foundations of a strong and massive wall_. Not
to lengthen this note by unnecessary citations, it may be sufficient
to refer generally to the Itinerary of Pausanias, wherein scarcely a
temple is mentioned throughout Greece, without noticing, at the same
time its inclosure and circumvallation: and even the sacred grove,
distinctively from the temple, was often surrounded by a wall,
as was that of Venus _in Eliacis_, cap. xxv.

These walls may be considered, in one respect, as marking the boundary
of the holy ground; but further, they were built with a view to
protecting not only the sanctity, but the wealth too of the temple.

The statues were often of gold and ivory; and the offerings of
golden shields and goblets, and other votive presents, given by
those who consulted the oracles, formed a treasure considerable in
proportion to the character and renown of the sacred place. Cicero,
in his accusation of Verres, notices that the treasures of a state
were often deposited too in sanctuaries, not only as protected by
the abhorrence of sacrilege, but by the strength of the place: thus
the general subsidies collected by the Athenians, at the close of the
Persian wars, were kept in the Parthenon; and the wealth pillaged from
the temple at Phocis, by Philomelus, and which occasioned the holy
war, was immense. On these accounts the greater temples were often
placed in actual fortresses. The Temple of Minerva at Syracuse, was
in the Ortygia; the Parthenon of Athens, in the Acropolis; the Roman
Temple of Jupiter, in the Capitol; and the Editor, when in Sicily,
remarked the circumvallations inclosing the temples at Selinunté, and
the almost impregnable situations of those at Agrigentum and Segesté.

The foundations of ancient circumvallation at Siwah may thus be
considered, in some degree, as indications of the origin and purpose
of the building within the inclosure.

The Ammonian temple was certainly surrounded by a strong wall;
“triplici muro circumdatum,” as Diodorus, lib. xvii. and
Q. Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 7, both inform us. Curtius uses the word
_munitio_, and the Ἀκρόπολις, _or arx_ of Diodorus, answers
in description to the mount of Siwah itself; and the temple of Ammon
being represented as being erected within the third or more distant
inclosure of wall, its distance from the citadel may well correspond
_with that_ of the ruins in question, from the town of Siwah.

Horneman further informs us, that the ancient building which he
describes, stood in the _centre_ of the area, and partly on a rock;
and at the same time observes, that the ground generally throughout
the area was broken and dug up in search of treasure; from which
may be inferred that formerly there were _other buildings_ within
the inclosure. On this head it is almost unnecessary to cite ancient
authorities; it will appear from a view of the well known ruins in
Greece, Sicily, and the Magna Græcia, &c. that the ancients often
availed themselves of one and the same circumvallation, and erected
different temples within the general inclosure; so, in the Achaicis
of Pausanias, cap. cxx. the temples of Minerva and of Diana Laphia
are within the same boundary of wall, without enumerating the many
other instances in that curious journal; or to the three temples
actually remaining at Pæstum, &c. within the inclosure of one
and the same wall. In reference to the subject more immediately
under consideration, the _Ammonian temples of Juno and Mercury_
were in high repute with the Greeks, as mentioned in the Eliacis,
p. 416, edit. Kuhn: and these temples were probably within the same
inclosure as that of Ammon. The temple of Ammon being the principal,
might be supposed to be erected in the _centre_ and _on the rock_,
which strong foundation may have in part yet preserved it, whilst
the foundations of the others more easily dug and broken up, have
brought those edifices low to the ground; and hence the very materials
(as we are told) have been carried away, and no vestiges remain but
of the area of the earth having been disturbed and heaped, as the
work of search, dilapidation, and pillage was carried on.

Fourthly, Mr. Horneman was shewn, at the distance of half a mile
from the ruins, “_a spring of fresh water, which takes its rise
in a grove of date trees, and in a most romantic and beautiful
situation_.”

This description precisely answers to that of the _Fountain of the
Sun_, mentioned by ancient writers: and the distance from the chief
temple too, seems to agree. “Haud procul arce _extrinsecùs_ alterum
Hammonis fanum jacet, quod multæ arbores proceræ inumbrant, et _fons
proximus est_, ὀνομαζομένη Ἠλίου κρήνη·” Diod. Sic. Tom. II. p. 199.
So too Curtius, “Est etiam aliud Hammonis nemus; in medio habet fontem;
_Aquam Solis vocant_.” Lib. iv. cap. 7.

Thus far the merely descriptive accounts agree. If a further point
can be ascertained, it will be conclusive, and the beautiful spot
visited by our traveller, be identified as that of the Fountain of
the Sun, situated _extrinsecùs_, or without the inclosure, in which
stood the principal temple of Ammon.

The water of the Fountain of the Sun was, at different periods of
each twenty-four hours, successively _hot_ and _cold_: “Aquam enim
habet, cum horis diei miris subinde vicibus re variantem. Nam sub
lucis ortum tepidam emittit. Die hinc progrediente pro horarum
succedentium ratione, frigescit. Sub æstum vero meridianum
frigedo ejus summa est. Quæ rursùs parili modo remittit usque
ad vesperam. Tunc appetente nocte rursùs incalescit, ad mediam
usque noctem, ubi exæstuat. Exinde calor sensìm deficit: donec
unà cum exortâ luce pristinam teporis vicem recuperârit.”
Diod. Sic. Tom. II. edit. Wesseling, p. 199.

Mr. Horneman appears to have made no inquiries on this curious
subject; but tells us, that having asked, “if there was any
spring of fresh water near?” he was shewn to the one he describes,
undoubtedly the _nearest_, and probably the same as seen by Mr. Brown,
who says, (p. 24 of his Volume of Travels), “that one of the springs
which rise near the ruins described, is observed by the natives,
to be _sometimes cold and sometimes warm_.” Mr. Brown does not
appear to have considered the Oasis of Siwah as that of Ammon. He
had no favourite discovery to set forth and confirm by particular
remarks and circumstances: he had not an interest in his account of
the changeable temperature of this spring, but that of truth. The
periodical variation from hot to cold, and from cold to heat, may
rather, therefore on his relation, be assumed as fact; and be taken
as a matter of proof concurrent with the grove, the spring itself,
the distance from the ruins, and the beauty of the situation, _all_
answering to the descriptions of the _Fountain of the Sun_, given
by ancient writers, and, in reference to the ruins, rendering the
conjecture more probable, that they are those of the Temple of Ammon.

Fifthly, Mr. Horneman says, “that the material of which the
building is constructed, is a limestone, containing _petrifactions
of shells and small marine animals_; and that such stone is _to be
found and dug up in the neighbourhood_:” so too Strabo tells us,
p. 49, that sea fossils and shells were spread on the Oasis of Ammon;
κατὰτὴν μεσόγαιαν ὁρᾷται πολλαχου κόχλων καὶ ὀστρέων καὶ χηραμίδων
πληθος, καὶ λιμνοθάλαττοι καθάπερ φησὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερον τοῦ Ἄμμωνος.
Strabo, p. 50, further noticing the marine substances scattered on the
Oasis of Ammon, cites Eratosthenes, supposing that the sea once reached
to that interior spot of Africa, and supporting his conjecture
by observing, that the oracle could not anciently, and in the
first instance, have been so renowned and visited, if difficult of
access, by being far _inland_. Casaubon’s version expresses it,
“fortassis etiam Ammonis templum, aliquando in mari jacuisse,
quod nunc maris effluxu sit in mediâ terrâ; ac conjicere se,
oraculum illud optimâ ratione tam illustre ac celebre factum,
esse quòd in mari esset situm, neque ejus gloriam probabile esse
tantam potuisse existere, quanta nunc est, si tam longè fuisset a
mari dissitum.” P. 50. The poet follows the geographer’s idea,
and derives a fine sentiment for the mouth of Cato.

Numen · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·

· · · · · · · · · · steriles nec legit arenas,

Ut caneret paucis, mersitque hoc pulvere verum.

Pharsal. lib. ix. v. 576.

Now, taking the simple fact, the stones with which the Temple of
Ammon was built, might be supposed to contain _fragments of marine
animals and shells_, such as those mentioned by Horneman. For the
rest, Strabo’s (or rather Eratosthene’s) conjecture is scarcely
admissible.

The Libyan Ammon had long been venerated in Greece, and throughout
the then civilized world. A subordinate temple was consecrated to
Ammon in Laconia, and the god was yet more anciently worshipped
by the Aphytæi. Paus. Kuhn, p. 293. Another temple was raised to
Ammon in Bœotia, and in which Pindar dedicated a statue of the god;
and the same great poet wrote a hymn to the Lybian deity, and sent
the copy to its priesthood in Africa. Bœotica, p. 741. So anciently
and so highly as the oracle of Ammon was revered, and so much as it
was resorted to by the most enlightened nations of Greece, Asia,
and Egypt, the circumstance of its once having been situated on
the coasts of the sea, could not have escaped tradition or direct
historical account, if such had ever been the fact.

The above remarks are with deference submitted to the reader,
as adding probability to the conjecture, that the ruins seen by
Mr. Horneman, in the vicinity of Siwah, may be the actual remains
of the _ancient oracular temple of Ammon_.

Having in the above comment cited a passage from the _Pharsalia_,
not as authority, but for purpose of inference; and having further
adverted to a sentiment attributed to the philosophic hero of the
poem, in reference to the inland and sequestered situation of the
temple of Ammon; the annotator is induced to close this essay with
a version of the admirable speech of Cato at length, as deriving a
peculiar interest from connection with the subject under discussion,
appearing to terminate, (and leave as it were, in ruins,) the
superstitions of the oracle, with the fabric of its temple.

Lucan tells us, that Cato approaching the Fane of Jupiter Ammon in
Lybia, was requested by Labienus to demand of the oracle,—“What
was to be the fate of Cæsar?—whether Rome was to be enslaved or
free?—and in what consisted virtue, &c. &c.”

Cato, (his spirit flaming high, as e’er

From Ammon’s fane burst forth in prophecy)—

Spoke from his heart,—the sacred shrine of truth!—

“What wouldst thou, Labienus?—should I ask,

If being free, that freedom I’d resign?

If I would die,—before I’d be a slave?

If life is nought,—when measur’d but by years?

If evil can affect the good;—or whether

The threat of Fortune’s lost upon the brave?

If to deserve well is enough?—or if,

Desert is yet dependant on success?

All this I know:—Ammon can’t tell ME more!

We all depend on God:—(his priest and oracle

Silent) His will is known, nor does he need

A voice, but that within the breast of man:

Our duties are implanted on our births!

The God of Nature ne’er confin’d his lessons

Here, to the few;—or buried his great truths

In Afric’s sands.—Is not HIS HOLY PLACE,—

At once all earth, sea, air, and heav’n, and virtue?—

God is, whate’er we see,—where’er we move!

Let those who doubt, go ask at yonder fane

Their lot?—not knowing how they’d act, or feel.

No oracle confirms, or moves, _my_ thoughts;

—Makes nought more sure:—I know I am to die,

And this doth make me sure,—of how to live!

The coward and the brave, the bad and good

Alike must die!—and God declaring this,

Made known to man, all man requires to know!”

Thus Cato spoke,—turn’d from the hallow’d fane

In faith and virtue satisfied; and left

Ammon, to Ammon’s votaries,—the people.

W. Y.

_Ille Deo plenus, tacitâ quem mente gerebat,_

_Effudit dignas adytis è pectore voces:_

_“Quid quæri, Labiene, jubes?—an liber in armis_

_Occubuisse velim potiùs, quàm regna videre?_

_An sit vita nihil, sed longam differat ætas?_

_An noceat vis ulla bono?—Fortunaque perdat_

_Oppositâ virtute minas,—laudandaque velle_

_Sit satis, et nunquam successu crescat honestum?_

_Scimus; et hoc nobis non altiùs inseret Ammon._

_Hæremus cuncti Superis, temploque tacente,_

_Nil facimus non sponte Dei: nec vocibus ullis_

_Numen egit: dixitque semel nascentibus auctor_

_Quicquid scire licet; steriles nec legit arenas_

_Ut caneret paucis, mersitque hoc pulvere verum._

_Estne Dei sedes, nisi terra, et pontus, et aër,_

_Et cœlum, et virtus? Superos quid quærimus ultrà?_

_Juppiter est quodcunque vides, quocumque moveris!_

_Sortilegis egeant dubii, semperque futuris_

_Casibus ancipites: me non oracula certum,_

_Sed mors certa facit: pavido, fortique cadendum est._

_Hoc satis est dixisse Jovem.” Sic ille profatur_

_Servatâque fide, templi discedit ab aris,_

_Non exploratum populis Ammona relinquens._

Lucan, lib. ix. v. 564.

* * * * *

=POSTSCRIPT.=

* * * * *

=POSTSCRIPT.=

It may be satisfactory to his Employers and to the Public, to receive
some further account of Mr. Horneman, on termination of the travels
more immediately the subject of his Journal.

By a letter from Mr. Horneman, dated at Tripoly, August 19, 1799,
it appears, that on coming to Mourzouk, the end of October, 1798,
he was informed that a caravan was preparing to set out for Soudan in
three divisions, of which the first was to depart in three days after
his arrival. The period fixed for departure of the last division,
allowed time for the necessary preparations, and Mr. Horneman had
intended to proceed with it on a journey to the Agades and Cashna;
but informations he afterwards received induced him to alter
his purpose. He was told that the caravan was likely to meet with
obstruction or attack in passing through a country of the Tuaricks,
then at war with Fezzan; and he observed that the caravan consisted
wholly of black traders, from whose intercourse or connection he
was not likely to derive either useful consequence or patronage,
which might facilitate his friendly reception with the Moors of
interior Africa. These and other circumstances induced him to forego
the present opportunity, and with the less regret, as, at no distant
period, a great caravan was expected from Bornou, with which, on its
return, he might travel to the greatest advantage. Whilst remaining
at Mourzouk, himself and his servant Frendenburgh were seized with
the country fevers: Horneman recovered, but his servant died.

On the re-establishment of his health, Horneman found that some
months yet must elapse before the caravan could be expected from
Bornou: and in the interval of public resort from the arrival or
passage of the caravans, Mourzouk affording no further objects of
curiosity or interest, he determined to proceed to Tripoly, for the
purpose of transmitting to the Committee of the African Association,
such intelligence as he had hitherto collected in their service. He
arrived at Tripoly, after a journey of two months, about the middle
of August; transacted the business he had in view, and on the 1st of
December, 1799, set out on his return to Mourzouk, where he arrived
January 20th, 1800.

Two letters from Mourzouk have been since received, and at date of
writing the last, Mr. Horneman was on _the eve of setting out with
the caravan for Bornou_; and with intention from that remote kingdom
to prosecute further discoveries to the westward, and in the heart
of Africa.

The letters from Mourzouk are as follow:

“SIR, “_Mourzouk, February_ 20, 1800.

“I left Tripoly the 1st of December, 1799, and arrived here (the
capital of Fezzan) January 20th, 1800, after a safe and good journey,
though protracted and slow. I am in the best health, and with fair
probability of its continuance.

“The route from hence to Soudan, is not yet secure enough for me
to undertake proceeding by way of the Agades.

“There is now at this place, a Shereef of Bornou, a man of sense,
and very much considered by the Sultan of that country. I have made
him my friend, and it is in his company I shall depart from this
place about the 15th of March for Bornou, whence in the months of
August or September, I think to reach Cashna, distant from Bornou
about fifteen days journey.

“I shall write as often as opportunity offers, that at least some
letters may arrive for your information, and the tranquillity of
my family.

“I remain, with great esteem,

“SIR,

“Your most obedient,

“FREDERICK HORNEMAN.”

_Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, K. B. President of the Royal Society,
&c._

“SIR, “_Mourzouk, April_ 6, 1800.

“Our caravan is on the point of setting off for Bornou, myself
shall join it in the evening.

“Being in an excellent state of health, perfectly inured to
the climate, sufficiently acquainted with the manners of my
fellow-travellers, speaking the Arabic language, and somewhat of
the Bornou tongue, and being well armed and not without courage,
and under protection of two great Shereefs, I have the best hopes
of success in my undertaking.

“The Soudan caravan left this place about a month ago; I did
well not to join it, as some time past a number of Tibbo were seen
hovering, with an intention of attacking that caravan.

“Being the first European traveller undertaking so long a journey
in this part of the world, _I will not put my discoveries to the
hazard, by exposing myself to the casualties of long and unnecessary
residence and delays in any one place_, and propose staying no longer
at Bornou than till the month of September, when I shall proceed to
Cashna with the great caravan, which always about that time of the
year sets out from Bornou for Soudan.

“I cannot yet decide on my further procedure on leaving Soudan,
or Cashna, but you may depend on my best intentions and wishes to
give full satisfaction to the Society.

“Consider this letter as the last for this year, or perhaps as the
last before my arrival at some port on the coast of Africa. March
the 24th I sent a long letter from Tripoly, and being by a good
opportunity, have no doubt of its arriving safe.[12]

“In addition to what I stated in my letter of the 24th of March, I
have to observe, that in the small-pox, the application used here to
preserve the eyes of children, consists of what they term _samsuc_,
(tamarinds,) and _zurenbula zigollan_, (onions,) and this with good
effect, as I am told.

“I have more particularly made inquiry respecting venereal
disorders, and can confirm what I before wrote, that salts and
coloquintida, (in Arabic _handal_) are specific remedies for that
disease in this country, and used in the manner I described.

“From every information I can collect, the natives of Fezzan are not
susceptible of venereal infection more than once in their lives. It
is singular, that notwithstanding there is a great difference as
to the nature of this disease, between poxes brought here by the
caravan from Soudan, and by those from Tripoly and Cairo, yet never
(or at least very seldom,) can a man get these two sorts one after
the other in the course of his life.

“Some days past I spoke to a man who had seen Mr. Brown in Darfoor;
he gave me some information respecting the countries he travelled
through, and told me, that the communication of the Niger with the
Nile was not to be doubted, but that this communication before the
rainy season was very little in those parts; the Niger being at the
dry period reposing, or _non fluens_.

“Not long ago, the same custom was observed at Bornou as in ancient
times at Cairo, ‘a girl very richly dressed, was thrown into the
river Niger.’

“Comparing my enquiries as to Soudan, and its communication with
the western and south-western coasts of Africa, it must lay generally
by the way of Nyffé and Jerba, and be twelve times greater than
that between Fezzan and Soudan.

“I recommend myself to your remembrance, and assuring you of my
great esteem, am

“SIR,

“Your most obedient,

“FREDERICK HORNEMAN.”

_Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, K. B. President of the Royal Society,
&c._

Mr. Horneman, previous to setting out for Bornou, had availed
himself of the intimacies he had formed with intelligent pilgrims
and merchants of the Egyptian caravan, and with others at Mourzouk,
who were natives of, or had traded to, different regions of Africa,
to collect every possible information respecting the countries he
was about to visit; and, together with his Journal, transmitted the
following result of his enquiries.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 12: It never came to hand.]

INTELLIGENCE
CONCERNING THE
INTERIOR PART OF NORTH AFRICA.

* * * * *

SECTION I.

Westward from Fezzan, and to the south and south-west, the country
is inhabited by the Tibbo, who command also the country from Fezzan
towards Egypt, from which it is said to be separated by a large
desert. The nearest inhabited places north of Tibbo are Augila and
Siwah. On the south they are bounded by wandering Arabs; and on the
west beyond Fezzan, by the dominions of the Tuaricks.

The Tibbo are not quite black; their growth is slender; their
limbs are well turned; their walk is light and swift; their eyes
are quick, their lips thick, their nose is not turned up, and not
large; their hair is not very long, but less curled than that of the
Negroes. They appear to have much natural capacity, but they have
too few opportunities of improving it, being surrounded by barbarous
nations, or Mahometans. Their intercourse with the Arabs, to whom
they convey slaves, has probably corrupted them; they are accused of
being mistrustful, treacherous, and deceitful. The Fezzanians do not
travel singly with them, for they are afraid of being surprised and
murdered at the instigation of the company with whom they travel. The
language of the Tibbo is spoken with extraordinary rapidity, and
has many consonants, particularly the L and S. They number thus:

One, _Trono._

Two, —.

Three, _Agesso._

Four, _Fusso._

Five, _Fo._

Ten, _Markum._

Their cloathing consists of sheep-skins, which they dress with or
without the wool; the former for winter, the latter for summer;
but the inhabitants of the principal places, or others, when they
go to Fezzan, clothe themselves like the Burmuans, in large blue
shirts; their head is wrapt in a dark blue cloth in such a manner,
that their eyes only are seen. Their weapons are a lance about six
feet long, and a knife from fifteen to twenty inches long, which
they carry on their left arm, the sheath being fastened to a ring
of leather about three inches wide, which they bear on their wrist.

The Tibbo are divided into several tribes, the principal of which
are, the Tibbo of Bilma, whose chief resides at Dyrke, about one
day’s journey from Bilma. This tribe is a good deal mixed, having
established itself forcibly among the Negroes who lived in that
district: to this day, the inhabitants of Bilma are mostly Negroes;
in Dyrke, on the contrary, they are Tibbo. This tribe carries on a
commerce between Fezzan and Burnu, and apparently with great safety
to themselves; for they travel in small companies of six or eight
men; but on account of their bad character, the slaves of either
sex, from Burnu, who have been freed, do not return with them,
as the poor people are afraid of being plundered and sold again,
or murdered by them.

The religion of the Tibbo of Bilma, is the Mahometan; but it is said
they hold it very cheap.

The tribe of the Tibbo Rschade, or the Rock Tibbo, is so called from
their houses being built under rocks, and they frequently live even in
caves, before which they build huts of rushes in a very coarse manner,
for their summer residence. The chief of this tribe lives in Abo;
next to which Tibesty is the largest place. The Tibbo Rschade go in
multitudes to Fezzan, at which time they clothe themselves like the
Tuarick; however, I have seen several wearing their sheep-skins. This
tribe is reported to be good Mahometans.

The Tibbo Burgu are said to be still Pagans: the district which they
inhabit, abounds in dates, corn, and grass.

A company of Fezzanians having this year been plundered by some
of the people of Burgû, as they were travelling from Bergami to
Mourzouk, the sultan of Fezzan sent a small army into their country:
it consisted of thirty-two men on horseback, seventy Arabs on foot,
and about two hundred Tibbos of the Rschade tribe. The Arabs went
from Mourzouk into Gatron, fifty-four miles south of that place;
to Fegherie thirty-three miles south-south-east of Gatron; then to
Abo seven days, and Tibesty three days, in an easterly direction;
then to Burgu eighteen days, (reckoning a day’s journey eighteen
miles.) They stole about two hundred people, the greatest part of
whom were sold in a treacherous manner.

The women of the Burgu tribe, wear their hair in plaits, which
hang down from their heads, but the hair on the fore-part of their
heads is cut off. The girls are accused of becoming pregnant by
their brothers. The slave of one of my friends, who spoke the Tibbo
language, assured me, that he had questioned a young woman who was
with child, and that she did not deny it.

Farther towards the east lies Arna, the principal place of another
Tibbo tribe, at the distance of five or six days.

South-south-west of Augila dwell the Febabo, who are exposed to
the yearly depredations of the Arabs of Bengasi, who go out with
the Arabs of Augila, to steal men and dates; and for that purpose,
they convey with them several hundred camels.

The distance to Febabo was stated to me by the Augilarians to be
ten days journey, (twenty-one miles per day,) and that during the
first six days no water is to be found. The most southerly of the
Tibbo tribes are the Nomadic Tibbo, who live in the _Bahr-el-Gasel_,
which is said to be a long and fruitful valley, seven days journey
from Bergami northward.

SECTION II.

The west and south of Fezzan is inhabited by the Tuarick, a mighty
people, who border south-west on Burnu; south on Burnu, Soudan,
and Tombuctoo; eastward on the country of the Tibbo and Fezzan;
northward on part of Fezzan, and the Arabs who live behind the
regions of Tripoly, Tunis, and Algiers; and westward on the great
empire of Fez and Morocco, of whom a few colonies are found in Sockna,
(in the dominion of Fezzan), Augila, and Siwah; in which places the
language of the Tuarick is the only one spoken by the inhabitants.[13]

The Tuarick are divided into many nations and tribes, who all speak
the same language; but, by their colour and manner of living, it
is probable that they differ widely in their origin. As I will give
only certain informations, on this account I confine myself, in the
following relation, to the Tuarick of the nation of Kolluvi and the
tribe of Hagara. These are thin in growth, rather tall than short;
their walk is swift but firm; their look is stern, and their whole
demeanour is warlike. Cultivated and enlightened, their natural
abilities would render them, perhaps, one of the greatest nations
upon earth. Their character (particularly that of Kolluvi,) is much
esteemed. The western tribes of this nation are white, as much as
the climate and manner of living will admit. The Kolluvians who
reached the region of Asben and conquered Agades, and mixed with
the nations, are of different colours; many of them are black;
but their features are not like those of Negroes. The Hagara and
Matkara are yellowish, like the Arabs; near Soudan there are tribes
entirely black. The clothing of this nation consists of wide dark-blue
breeches, a short narrow shirt of the same colour, with wide sleeves,
which they bring together and tie on the back of their neck, so
that their arms are at liberty. They wind a black cloth round their
head in such a manner that at a distance it appears like a helmet,
for their eyes only are seen. Being Mahometans, they cut off their
hair, but leave some on the top of the head, round which those who
wear no cap, contrive to fold their black cloth, so that it appears
like a tuft on their helmet. Round their waist they wear a girdle of
a dark colour; from several cords which fall from their shoulders,
hangs a koran in a leather pouch, and a row of small leather bags
containing amulets. They always carry in their hands a small lance,
neatly worked, about five feet long. Above the left elbow, on the
upper part of the arm, they wear their national badge, a thick,
black or dark-coloured ring, of horn or stone.

Their upper dress is a Soudanian shirt, over which a long sword hangs
from the shoulder. The travelling merchants of this nation carry
fire-arms; the others use only the sword, the lance, and the knife,
which they carry on their left arm, like the Tibbo, but the handle
is finely worked; for they have the art of giving to copper as bright
a colour as the English artists, and this art they keep very secret.

They carry on a commerce between Soudan, Fezzan, and Gadames. Their
caravans give life to Mourzouk, which, without them, is a desert;
for they, like the Soudanians, love company, song and music.

The Tuarick are not all Mahometans. In the neighbourhood of Soudan
and Tombuctoo live the Tagama, who are white, and of the Pagan
religion. This must have occasioned the report, to which my attention
has been called, by several learned men, that there are white
Christians in the neighbourhood of Tombuctoo. I am convinced that the
fable arises solely from the expression _Nazary_ (i. e. Christians),
which the Arabs and Mahometans use in general for unbelievers.

The greatest part of the eastern Tuarick lead a wandering life. A
place, for instance, under the government of Hagara consists of about
twenty-five or thirty stone houses only; but at the time of their
markets (which are said to be very considerable), many hundred men
assemble there with their leathern tents.

[Illustration]

SECTION III.

Behind these countries lies Tombuctoo, of which I shall say nothing,
as I could not get any well-founded and certain accounts, for there
is little intercourse between this region and Fezzan; however, it
certainly is the most remarkable and principal town in the interior
of Africa.

Eastward from Tombuctoo lies Soudan, Haussa, or Asna; the first is
the Arabic, the second is the name used in the country, and the last
is the Burnuan name. Of these three names I choose the second, as
being the most proper, and understood by the Arabs below Soudan, and
all the land southward from Ghaden. The Burnuan name means properly
only Kano and Kashna, and the country lying eastward from that region
Asna, but incorrectly spoken, it comprehends also Tombuctoo.

As to what the inhabitants themselves call Haussa, I had, as I think,
very certain information. One of them, a Marabut, gave me a drawing
of the situation of the different regions bordering on each other,
which I here give as I received it. (See the Sketch opposite.)

The land within the strong line is Haussa; my black friend had
added Asben.

These regions are governed by Sultans, of whom those of Kashna and
Kano are the most powerful; but they all (either by constraint or
policy) pay tribute to Burnu, except Cabi or Nyffé, their districts
being at too great a distance. Guber pays, moreover, a tribute to
Asben. Zamtara is united with Guber; the Sultan of the latter having
taken possession of it, killed the Sultan, and sold all the prisoners
he could take.

The Haussa are certainly Negroes, but not quite black; they are
the most intelligent people in the interior of Africa; they are
distinguished from their neighbours by an interesting countenance;
their nose is small and not flattened, and their stature is not so
disagreeable as that of the Negroes, and they have an extraordinary
inclination for pleasure, dancing, and singing. Their character is
benevolent and mild. Industry and art, and the cultivation of the
natural productions of the land, prevail in their country; and, in
this respect, they excel the Fezzanians, who get the greatest part
of their clothes and houshold implements from the Soudanians. They
can dye in their country any colour but scarlet. Their preparation
of leather is as perfect as that of the Europeans, although the
manner of doing it is very troublesome. In short, we have very unjust
ideas of this people, not only with respect to their cultivation and
natural abilities, but also of their strength and the extent of their
possessions, which are by no means so considerable as they have been
represented. Their music is imperfect, when compared to the European;
but the Haussanian women have skill enough to affect their husbands,
thereby even to weeping, and to inflame their courage to the greatest
fury against their enemies. The public singers are called Kadanka.

SECTION IV.

Eastward from Haussa are situated the dominions of the Sultan of Burnu
(_i. e._ the city). It appears to be much increased since the time of
Leo Africanus, as other regions belong to it, which he considered as
independent; for example, Wangara, also Edrisi’s Cauga, &c. belong
to it.

The Sultan of Burnu is reckoned the most powerful in that district;
all the neighbouring states pay him tribute. He certainly possesses
an extensive tract of land, but he gains more by his authority in
the unceasing animosity of his neighbours.

The Burnuans are blacker than the Haussanians, and completely Negroes;
they are stronger, and very patient of labour; their constitution
is in the greatest degree phlegmatic; they are, altogether, much
more rude and uninformed than the Haussanians. Their men are fond
of women only of a large size; the Soudanians, on the contrary,
prefer those of a slender form.

A paste made of flour and flesh is the only food of the Burnuans;
the liquor they drink is an intoxicating kind of beer, which is very
nourishing. The best natural production of Burnu is copper, which
is said to be found in small native pieces. That which is gold in
Tombuctoo and Haussa, is answered by copper in Burnu; the value of
all their commodities is fixed by pounds of this metal.

Northward from the principal town of that district lies Kanena,
which is inhabited by the nation Kojam, so called from their food,
which is cow’s milk and beef.

Towards the north-east lies Begarmé, the capital of which is called
Mesna. Both these territories are dependants of Burnu. Begarmé
is famous for its slave trade, perhaps particularly so, as at that
place the greatest number of boys are mutilated.

Southward from Burnu lie Margi and Couga; westward, Ungura, (Wangara);
they are under the dominion of governors appointed by the Sultan.

SECTION V.

Towards east by north lies Lussi; by the natives it is called Fiddri,
and by the people who dwell eastward, Cougu. The dominions of the
Sultan of Fiddri are situated round a lake which bears the same
name. This realm was formerly one of the most powerful, now it
is considerably diminished, by the treachery of the Sultans of
Begarmé and Wadey. The natives live in small huts, which they
prefer to houses; they are said to be in a very low degree of
civilization. There is not any salt in their country, but they
procure it in the following manner: they burn a great heap of straw
of _gassab_, gather the ashes and put them in a basket, pour water
on them, and collect it as it runs through; this water they boil
until the salt settles.

Towards the south-east of Fiddri lies Metko, a small independent
district in a mountainous country. Eastward lies Wadey, which formerly
consisted of several small states, but was conquered by the Arabs,
who united and made them one realm. The principal language is Arabic;
but above ten other languages are spoken in the district. Wandering
Arabs occupy the space from Wadey to Begarmé northward.

Eastward from Wadey lies Darfoor; from whence flows a river, the
banks of which are very rich in sugar canes: it runs through Wadey,
and falls into the lake Fiddri above-mentioned. I had very different
accounts of the circumference of this lake, as in the rainy season
it swells to double the extent, which, ordinarily, is from four to
eight days journey.

SECTION VI.

The river that was seen by Mr. Park on his journey to Tombuctoo,
flows southward from Haussa. It waters Nyffé and Cabi, where it is
called Julbi; and runs eastward into the district of Burnu, where
it takes the name of Zad, which means the great water; in some parts
of Haussa, it is called Gaora, or the great water.

All the Burnuans and Haussans whom I questioned about the distant
regions of this river, agreed in telling me, “that it ran through
the land of Majies, (_i. e._ Heathens;) by Sennaar: others affirmed
that it passes Darfoor, in its course eastward, and flows to Cairo,
being one stream with the Egyptian Nile.”

A native of Egypt from Osuit, who had travelled several times to
Darfoor, and southward from that place to collect slaves, and lately
returned through Wadey, Fiddri, and Begarmé, to Fezzan, informed me,
that the river called _Bah-el-Abiad_, is this river. I could get
no intelligence about a great inland lake, although I made every
possible inquiry.

Besides these two great rivers here described, there are seven small
streams in Haussa, which fall into the Julbi near Berva. Northward
from Burnu, there is a river which disappears among the mountains,
and is said to rush into the earth. All these rivers are very low
in the dry season, and swell amazingly during the rainy season. The
breadth of the Zad was given me for one mile, (others said two); but
in the rainy season, the breadth is said to be a day’s journey,
(_i. e._ eight hours). The Budumas always keep themselves in the
middle of this stream; they are a very savage, heathenish nation.

These few informations are the best that I have been able to collect,
on the interior of Africa. In this relation, I pass over men with
tails, without necks, and without hair, without land, and living
only on the great sea. It would be an easy matter for me to write
you many letters on the interior state of Africa; but I might thereby
convey information inaccurate or untrue. Besides, am I not returning
to England? and if I do return, should I not reserve something new
and interesting to plead my excuse for returning?

If I do not perish in my undertaking, I hope in five years, I shall
be able to make the Society better acquainted with the people,
of whom I have given this short description.

(Signed) FREDERICK HORNEMAN.

1798.

_Extracts from a Letter accompanying the above Informations, dated
Tripoly, 19th of August, 1799._

“After a journey of eleven days from Siwah, four of which we
travelled eighteen hours each day, through a desert, we arrived at
Augila, a small miserable town belonging to Tripoly; and after a
journey of sixteen days more, we reached Temissa, the first village
of Fezzan. Seven of these sixteen days, I was passing a black rocky
desert, certainly the worst of all routes in the world; and which
has doubtless been formed by some volcanic revolution. It is called
Harutsch, and extend very far to the south-west.

“From Temissa, I came by way of Zuila, Tuila, and Tragan, to
Mourzouk, (which is also called Fezzan, and by the people of Burnu,
_Zela_). Mourzouk is situated in 25° 54′ 15″ north latitude.

“With regard to the interior of Africa, I have made all the
inquiries possible, and will send you the result of them by the
first opportunities. Accept for the present the following notices
on that subject.

“The river you call Niger—in Soudan, _Gulbi_, or _Gaora_;
in Burnu, _Zad_; is a very large river, into which fall more than
twelve other rivers. It comes from Tombuctoo, as I am told, runs
to the south of Haussa (or Soudan), in the empire of Burnu; here
it takes a more southern direction, and falls (at least I could not
find a single man who said to the contrary), south of Darfoor into
the Nile. There is another river coming from Darfoor, which passes
by Wadey and Metko, and terminates in a large lake called _Fiddri_,
in a kingdom called by the inhabitants Fiddri; by the people to
the east of them, _Cougu_; and by those on the west, _Lussi_. The
lake of Fiddri is four days in circumference, but in the time of
the rains much more extensive, inundating the surrounding country,
which, after the waters are withdrawn, is sown and cultivated.

“Near to _Mesna_, the capital of Bergamé, is another large river;
but it is considerable only in the rainy season. Bahr of Gazelles,
or _Wad-el-Gazelles_, is not a river, but a long and fertile valley,
inhabited by Nomadian Tibbo, whose houses are made of skins.

“_Burnu_ is the most powerful kingdom in the interior of Africa. The
next to it is the sultan of _Asben_, who resides at Agades. The kings
of the countries of which Haussa consists, all pay tribute to Burnu;
these are _Kashna_, _Daura_, _Keeno_, _Sofau_, _Noro_, _Nyffé_,
_Gaauri_, _Cabi_, _Guber_, (Zanfara belongs to Guber.) Kashna pays
every year 100 slaves, &c. Some of them pay to Burnu and Asben. The
king of Asben with the greatest part of his nation are Tuaricks of the
tribe _Kolluvi_. Many of the Tuaricks near to Tombuctoo, are white;
and another tribe near to Burnu, are also white, like the Arabs of
the northern coast of Africa.

“Begarmé pays tribute to Burnu; _Ungura_, (doubtless _Wangara_,
Leo. Afr.) and _Cougu_, are governed by officers of that sultan.

“There is a general opinion of all Burnu and Fezzan people, that
Burnu and Fezzan, according to our manner of speaking, lie under the
same meridian. Burnu is distant from Kashna 15 days, by travelling
very slow 20 fisturnees, or about 330 English miles. Fiddri from Burnu
E by N 25 days. The people of Fiddri have no salt in their country,
but what they prepare from straw ashes.

“A great part of the people of _Wadey_, together with their king,
are Arabs.

“In the direction of south by west from Augila, distant ten days,
or about 200 miles, are the _Febabo_, and some days more to the
south the _Birgu_, nations of the Tibbo, whose country is very fine
and fertile: they are said to be Pagans. It is singular, that the
people of Augila, in speaking of these tribes, make much the same
comparison which Herodotus (Melpom. c. 183.) does, when speaking
of the Ethiopian _Troglodytæ_, hunted by the Garamantes, ‘that
their language is like the whistling of birds.’

“The most interesting nation of Africa, is the _Tuarick_. (Leo
Afr. calls them _Terga_, طرجي.) They are in possession of all the
country between Fezzan, Gadames, the empire of Morocco, Tombuctoo,
Soudan, Burnu, and the country of the Tibbo. They are divided into
several nations, of which the _Kolluvi_ in Asben, and the _Hagara_
near to Fezzan, are the chief.

“Christians and tailed men, I suppose, never will be found in
the interior of Africa. The Mahometans call _Nazari_ (which is
properly the name for Christians) not the Christians only, but also
every other people who are not of their religion. Of tailed men I
heard no accounts, except from one person, (but not a _testis fide
dignissimus_,) who placed them ten days south of Kano; he called
them _Yem Yem_, and said that they were cannibals. In ten months I
shall be near to that direction.

“I shall now, Sir, conclude this letter, which I hope will find
you in good health. I am, &c. &c.

“FREDERICK HORNEMAN.”

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 13: I have given further particulars on this subject in
the account of my journey, from Cairo to Fezzan.]

* * * * *

GEOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS
OF
MR. HORNEMAN’S ROUTE;
AND
ADDITIONS TO THE GENERAL GEOGRAPHY
OF AFRICA.
BY
MAJOR RENNELL.

* * * * *

CONSTRUCTION
OF THE
GEOGRAPHY OF MR. HORNEMAN’S EXPEDITION
IN AFRICA.

* * * * *

=CHAPTER I.=

* * * * *

In the discussion of the construction of this Geography, I shall
confine myself, as much as possible, to general statements;
reserving more particular details to a future time, when more
materials may arrive: for it is to be observed that although
Mr. Horneman has transmitted much valuable matter, yet that it is not
altogether of the kind required for the construction of mathematical
geography. Fortunately, however, the observations of Mr. Browne and
others, enable me to derive more advantage from those of Mr. Horneman,
than could have been obtained from them, alone.

The geographical positions of Cairo, Alexandria, and Fezzan, have
undergone some small change in the present maps,[14] in consequence
of recent, and it may be supposed, more accurate information. Cairo
is placed 2 min. and Alexandria 13, more to the west, in consequence
of the French observations: and Mourzouk, the capital of Fezzan,
39 G. miles more to the south-east, on a general result of the
authorities; amongst which Mr. Horneman’s is allowed its due
weight. Some other trifling changes have been made, in the positions
of Siwah, and of El Bareton, or _Parætonium_: but none of them are
more than shades of difference, in respect of the geography at large.

The chief alteration is that of Mourzouk, which, by the former
accounts, was said to lie _directly south_ from Mesurata: and this
alteration is grounded on the line of distance of Mr. Horneman, which
does not allow of so great an interval between Egypt and Fezzan,
as that position requires, by nearly 25 G. miles; which after all,
is no great proportion, in more than 800. It is conceived that
Mr. Horneman’s _time_, although kept in a coarse way, ought still
to be preferred to the mere report of the bearing from Mesurata,
on a distance of seventeen or eighteen journies.

I shall begin by tracing in detail the route of Mr. Horneman from
Egypt to Fezzan, dividing it into four parts: 1. From Cairo to
Siwah: 2. Siwah to Augila: 3. Augila to Fezzan: and 4. Remarks on
the position of Mourzouk.

I. _Cairo to Siwah._

Mr. Horneman’s time may be taken at _about_ 123 hours,[15] which at
2,05 G. miles, the ordinary caravan rate, reduced to direct distance,
is equal to 252 G. miles. If taken at 2½ B. miles per hour, which
is the ordinary road distance, with an allowance of ¹⁄₂₀ for
inflexions, (the Desert routes are remarkably straight,) we have
255. Now, Mr. Browne’s route, along the sea coast from Alexandria,
and thence inland from the neighbourhood of _Parætonium_, gives
about 259½, or 6½ more than the lowest of these calculations;
4½ more than the highest. Mr. Browne’s rout lay first along
the coast, 75½ hours; from whence he made a course of about S 19
W (true) 62¼ hours, to Siwah, in the parallel of 29° 12′ by
observation. Considering the sinuosities of the coast, which he kept
to, almost the whole way, perhaps no more than 144, or 145 G. miles,
ought to be allowed in direct distance.

His station on the coast, at about 20 miles east of Parætonium,
should be in lat. 31° 7′, according to M. D’Anville; so that the
bearing of S 19 W cuts the parallel of Siwah, in longitude 26° 24′:
and my former position of it, in the Geography of Herodotus, p. 574,
is 26° 21′ 30″. And as Mr. Horneman does not profess to be
perfectly accurate in his account of the time, (doubtless because he
had lost his papers) I shall adopt the position given by Mr. Browne;
but which differs, as has been shewn, only 4½ miles from the other.

It is proper to be remarked, that the people of Siwah, report the
distance of Cairo, from that place, to be twelve journies only:
but it becomes necessary to inquire what kind of journies these
are, in order to turn this, and other reports of the same kind to
use. These journies then, are meant for those of light travellers,
going few in number together; and not of caravans, where, amongst
a number of camels, there must of course be some of slow pace, (to
which the whole caravan must, of necessity, conform,) not to mention
the increased number of delays by accidents. The people of Siwah
reported the length of the following journies, which are in point:

Siwah to Charje, in the Greater Oasis 12 days.
Derna 14
Faiume (through the Lesser Oasis) 12
Cairo 12

A mean of these, gives about 20,6 per day; the journies to Charje
and Faiume giving 19⅔, the others 21½.[16] As Siwah lies directly
between Derna and the Greater Oasis, we have one line of 26 days,
pretty satisfactorily determined in point of distance, and here the
result is 20,6 also. Twelve such days would give only 247, of course,
for the distance between Cairo and Siwah: so that a rate of 21½
is required. Pliny, lib. v. c. 9, reports twelve journies between
Memphis and Ammon, requiring a rate of 21 per day.

There is yet another statement of the distance, and that is, fifteen
ordinary _caravan_ journies, taken at 16¼ or 16½. The result is
247½; about equal to the 12 days of light travelling.

Possibly, I have taken the distance rather too high, at 259½; but
I know not how to do away Mr. Browne’s line from the neighbourhood
of Parætonium, considering that Mr. Horneman must have given _his_
time from recollection. At all events, Siwah cannot be many miles
out, in its longitude; but whilst the longitudes of the places on
the sea coast remain in a state of uncertainty, one is not likely
to get nearer the truth.

Mr. Browne appears to have been 17 days from his station in lat. 28°
40′, and not far to the SW of Siwah, to Alexandria. A rate of 15⅓
miles is the result; but Mr. Browne being exceedingly ill, the whole
way, it is most probable that his attendants relaxed in their speed.

II. _Siwah to Augila._

Mr. Horneman’s time from Siwah to Augila is 87½ hours,[17] which,
at 2,05 G. miles, give 179,35: but taken on the road distance at 2½
B. miles, as before, 181½. Taken on Horneman’s 11 _mean_ days,
at 16½, it is also 181½. The Arabian geographers reckon it 10 days,
implied of 19 G. miles each, equal to 190. Herodotus also allows 10
days between Ammon and Augila.

It is certain, that Mr. Beaufoy’s MSS. allow 13 days by the route of
Gegabib (the Valley of Dates), which, by Mr. Browne’s information,
lies to the NW of Siwah, whilst the ordinary route, by Schiacha,
leads by the west; but we can hardly suppose that the northern road
is two days farther about than the other. Mr. Horneman, it is true,
lost his papers at Schiacha, and may not have recollected the exact
account of time during the three first days, to that place. I have
accordingly allowed 186, as a mean between Mr. Horneman and Edrisi.

Mr. Horneman could not obtain a satisfactory account of the distance
between Augila and Bengasi, on the sea coast. Edrisi allows 10 days
from Barca; but these, reckoned at 19 each, meet the line from Siwah,
in 30° 7′, which gives a bearing of W 18° N from the latter;
whereas it seems to be the universal opinion, that they lie nearly
in the same parallel.[18]

Delisle and D’Anville go much beyond Edrisi’s distance. The
latter allows 215 from Barca, which is very probable: and he may
perhaps have allowed it from the relations of modern travellers. I
have accordingly adopted it; and it meets the line of 186 from Siwah,
in lat. 29° 30′, lon. 22° 50′. In this position it bears about
W ½ N from Siwah.

Ptolemy allows 3° 16′ diff. lat. between Derna (_Darnis_) and
Augila, which would place the latter, on our Map, in 29½°. He also
makes the line of bearing between Ammon and Augila to be nearly
parallel to the sea coast, between Parætonium and Derna; and it
is certain, although Ptolemy thought otherwise, that the coast lies
much to the north of west.

It may be that the longitudes of the places on the coast of Barca,
are too far to the west, in M. D’Anville’s Maps. Lucas appears
to reckon Augila 11 days only, from Bengasi.

III. _Augila to Fezzan._

From Augila to Fezzan, Mr. Horneman’s time is not kept regularly
in hours, the whole way; owing, perhaps, to the excessive fatigues he
underwent in the _Harutsch_ or _Black Desert_, in which _whole days_
only, are given; but these were exceedingly long, being usually from
morning till night.

All that could be done, was, to reduce these particular days to hours,
and add them to the _enumerated_ hours in the Journal; whence there
results a total of 195 to 196 hours, at the highest calculation:
and these, with proper deductions for the badness of the paths,
in the Harutsch, may be taken at 395 G. miles in direct distance.[19]

M. Delisle states the distance at about 405, or 10 more than the
above result. He probably collected it from the Journals of modern
travellers, as the Arabian geographers allow no less than twenty
of their journies between Augila and Zuila, which place is about 60
G. miles short of Mourzouk.

I shall here set forth the reports of divers persons, respecting
the distance between Cairo and Fezzan; which has been taken above,
chiefly on the report of Mr. Horneman: and, when reduced to a straight
line comes out 829 G. miles.

Messrs. Browne and Ledyard state the distance to be fifty caravan
days; which at 16½, give 825 G. miles.

Edrisi allows forty journies, between Cairo and _Tamest_
(Temissa). These, at 19 each, are equal to 760 G. miles: to which,
if 73 are added, as Horneman allows, from Temissa to Mourzouk,
the total is 833. This route leads through Bahnasa, in the Lesser
Oasis; and, by circumstances, near Siwah also; as a river occurs
at eight days from Bahnasa. Thence it goes to the south of Augila,
and by _Seluban_, which may be intended for the Plain of Sultin.[20]

It is obvious, that if Augila should lie yet more to the south,
or nearer in a line between Cairo and Fezzan, this would lengthen
the given line of distance; and that by 10 or 12 miles.

The comparison of the different authorities, then, is as follows:

By Horneman, 829 }
} mean 827
By Browne and Ledyard, 825 }

By Edrisi, (direct) 833

By Edrisi and Abulfeda, reckoned from Siwah
only, and thence through Augila and Zala 877

By the bearing and distance from Mesurata 854[21]

Thus Horneman’s account falls short of the interval between Cairo
and Mourzouk, when the latter is placed in reference to Mesurata,
by 25 miles only; and the reported caravan distance falls only four
short of Horneman’s. The reports of the Arabian geographers ought
not to be put in competition with either.

IV. _Respecting the Position of Mourzouk, Capital of Fezzan._

Mr. Horneman in his Journal transmitted from Tripoly, states the
latitude of Mourzouk, by observation, to be 25° 54′ 15″;
a parallel so different from the result of the other authorities,
that it becomes necessary to examine those authorities, minutely. The
reported observation, differs nearly two degrees from the parallel
assigned it in the Proceedings of the Association printed in
1798. Without attempting to account for so great an (apparent)
error, I shall proceed to adduce the authorities for its parallel,
as assumed in the present map.

1. Mr. Beaufoy, from the information of certain Tripoline merchants,
has given 17½ journies of the caravan, in a direct south bearing,
from Mesurata on the sea coast.[22] These journies are given at
8 hours, or 20 British miles per day: and I allowed for them 15
geographical miles, in direct distance; but I shall now, finding by
experience that the paths in the Desert are generally very straight,
allow 16½; whence the 17½ days will be found to produce 288¾,
or say 289 G. miles. If these miles were entirely difference of
latitude, Mourzouk would not be lower than 27° 22′ 2″, as
Mesurata is said to lie in 32° 10′.

2. Another authority adduced by the same gentleman, allows 23 days
from Tripoly, by the way of Gwarian and Sockna, which turns out
much the same as the former result. The distance from Tripoly to
Fezzan, through Mesurata, is 24½ days; consequently that by Sockna,
is the shortest, although now generally disused, on account of its
being unsafe.[23]

The intersection of the two lines of distance from Augila and
Mesurata; that is, 395 G. miles from the former, and 289 from the
latter, place Mourzouk in latitude 27° 23′; and at 30 G. miles
east of the meridian of Mesurata. Consequently, the bearing will be
about S. ½ E, instead of south, as reported.

3. Edrisi says, that the distance from _Sort_ to Zuila, is nine
journies, which, on his scale of 19 per day, are equal to 171
G. miles: and Abulfeda says that they lie N. and S. from each
other. Zuila is a point in Horneman’s route, about 60 G. miles to
the E by N or ENE of Mourzouk: and Sort, according to M. D’Anville,
lies in about 30° 28′. Consequently, Zuila, if in the same
meridian, should be in latitude 27° 37′, or 14 min. to the N. of
Mourzouk. By the construction, Zuila bears about S 7° W from Sort,
which, in respect of the difference of latitude, is much the same
thing: and hence, Mourzouk ought not to be to the south of 27° 23′,
or thereabouts.

4. Ledyard was told, that Augila lay _west_ from Siwah; and Wadan,
(or Zala,) in the way to Fezzan, WSW from Augila. Horneman gives much
the same idea; saying that they went W by S from Augila, at setting
out. Unfortunately, Mr. Horneman omits to state the distance between
Fezzan and Tripoly, although he travelled it.

5. _Zala_, (called also _Wadan_,[24]) is said by Edrisi, page 40,
to be nine days SE from Sort; and midway between Augila and Zuila;
that is ten days from both.[25] A glance at the map will shew how
utterly improbable it is, that Mourzouk should be below the parallel
of 26°, considering its relative situation to Wadan and Zuila.

Lastly, if it be admitted that Fezzan is the country of the
_Garamantes_, (and I know not where else to look for it, according to
the ancient descriptions,) then, its distance from the sea coast, as
stated by Strabo, p. 835, at nine or ten days journey, agrees exactly,
if reckoned to _Garama_, the ancient capital. Pliny confirms it
strongly, by placing the Garamantes beyond the _Mons Ater_, (of which
more, under the article _Harutsch_,) which will be proved clearly
to mean the rocky Desert of _Souda_, between Fezzan and Mesurata.

It should be remarked, that this alteration in the position of
Mourzouk, which is about 39 miles to the SE of its position in the
map of 1798, does not, in any material degree, affect the interval
of space between it and Tombuctoo.[26]

=CHAPTER II.=

* * * * *

_General Remarks on the Countries, in the Line of Mr. Horneman’s
Route._

I shall next proceed to offer some geographical, and other, remarks,
on certain of the subjects that present themselves in and about the
line of Mr. Horneman’s route; as, 1. The _Bahr-bela-ma_, and _Valley
of Mogara_. 2. _Siwah_. 3. The _Lesser Oasis_. 4. The _Valleys_ of
_Schiacha_ and _Gegabib_. 5. _Augila_. 6. The _Harutsch_. 7. _Fezzan_
and _Gadamis_.

I. _The Bahr-bela-ma, and Valley of Mogara._

The term _Bahr_ is well known to signify (in Arabic) an expanse
of water, whether _sea_, _lake_, or _river_: and _Bahr-bela-ma_, a
hollow space that is supposed to have contained them: in other words,
the sea, lake, or river, _without water_. In its application to the
present subject, it has been understood by some great authorities,
to be the ancient bed of a river; and that river, the Nile of Egypt;
which they suppose to have quitted its present course, at Benjusef,
and, passing through the province of Faiume, and the lake Kairun,
entered the sea at the Gulf of the Arabs. Having already given an
opinion on this subject, I shall say no more concerning it in this
place, than that it is by no means weakened by any thing that has
appeared since: that opinion was, “that in _ancient times_ the
bed of the Nile lay lower than the province of Faiume:” and it is
certain, that the gap, or outlet at Sakkara, is _still_ above the
level of the Nile.

Mr. Horneman’s observations, added to those of General Andreossy,
and of Mr. Browne, throw some further light on the course of the
_hollow_ bed, or channel in question.

It appears that the General, as well as Mr. Browne,[27] came to the
Natron Valley at about 32 G. miles to the westward of Terané: and
that the General also found, adjacent to it, on the west, separated
only by a narrow ridge, a second and larger valley, which the Arabs
name _Bahr-bela-ma_; and also _Bahr-el-farigh_, which signifies
the _empty_ river. These he found to run parallel to each other,
in a direction of about NNW ½ W and SSE ½ E, for about 30 miles;
and without any appearance of termination, either way. The Natron
Valley, he reckons 2½ French leagues, or about 6½ G. miles, in
breadth; the other, 3 leagues, or 7¾ such miles; or, both together,
from one extreme to the other, more than 14¼. See the _Mémoires_,
p. 239, 240, and also the map.

Mr. Horneman, in his way westward from Cairo, passed the Natron
Valley, at the distance of about 40 G. miles from Cairo; and, by
circumstances, not more than 9 or 10 from the extreme southern part
seen by General Andreossy. At the distance of about 8 miles from the
Natron Valley he _descended_, and came to what he calls the foot of
a _sand hill_; but it being _dark_, he could not form any idea of
the place itself, or of the adjacent country: he however observes,
that it will be proper for future travellers to look in this place,
for the _course_ of the _Bahr-bela-ma_: doubtless, because he
found a deep and capacious hollow; but concerning which, he gives
no farther intimation. Adverting, therefore, to the description of
General Andreossy, I regard the _sand hill_ rather as the _ridge_
that separates the two valleys or hollows, than as the thing
Mr. Horneman took it for. He says, that they _descended_ the sand
hill, in _indescribable_ disorder;[28] which seems to imply a _long_,
as well as a _steep_ descent: and, leaving the place, before it was
light enough to form a judgment of the nature of it, he only directs
the attention of others to it: surely, because it was a hollow tract.

It may be allowed, therefore, that the Bahr-bela-ma and Natron
Valleys extend 40 or more G. miles, pointing northward to the Lake
Mareotis, or to the Gulf of the Arabs; and on the other hand, towards
the quarter of the lake of Kairun; from whence they seem to be less
than 30 miles distant.

The four hours of travelling, between the station at the Natron
Valley, and the foot of the sand hill, does not ill agree with
the ground. The breadth of the Natron Valley, 6½ G. miles, is,
reckoning the ascent on the west, equal to 3¼ hours travelling;
and General Andreossy says, that he was 40 minutes in descending the
slope, to the bottom of the Bahr-bela-ma. (Mem. p. 240.) Here then
we have made out nearly the four hours: besides, it is not certain
that the hollows may not have been crossed obliquely, by Mr. Horneman.

It appears that M. D’Anville believed the existence of, and has
expressed on his map of Egypt, a hollow or valley, extending the
whole way from the lake Kairun, to the neighbourhood of the Gulf of
the Arabs. The French, it seems, have never had an opportunity of
determining the questions; which appears extraordinary. I shall now
proceed to the description of another valley, which may possibly be
a branch of the Bahr-bela-ma.

_Valley of Mogara._

Mr. Horneman states, that the morning on which he left the _foot
of the sand hill_, he entered the Desert which may be considered
as “the natural limit of Egypt.” This Desert extends more than
150 G. miles from east to west: its extent southward, is not known,
but it probably borders on the Lesser Oasis. Whether it be a part of
that great sandy desert of twelve journies across, between the Greater
Oasis and Siwah, Mr. Horneman had no opportunity of knowing; as he
remained in uncertainty respecting the course of the _Ummesogeir_
hills, southward.

This Desert, perfectly flat, and covered with shifting sand, is
bounded northward by a chain of bare calcareous hills, running nearly
east and west, in the line of our traveller’s route. On the side
towards the Desert, they are steep, and are bordered by a remarkable
valley or hollow, known to extend from the _neighbourhood_ of the
Bahr-bela-ma, to the length of a journey of seven days westward. Its
breadth is from one mile, to six; it had much standing water in it,
at certain seasons; but when Mr. Horneman saw it (in September
1798,) it had only some small lakes or ponds, at intervals; and
in several places, tracts of marshy or swampy land, extending for
several miles together. The water of the pools was bitter; but sweet
water was found close to them, on digging to the depth of four to six
feet. (See above, p. 10.) The caravans in this route, keep along the
edge of the valley, availing themselves of its resources of water,
every two or three days; but preferring the sandy path, as being
best adapted to the feet of the camels.

How far the valley extends westwards, is not known to us: whether
it terminates at the place where Mr. Horneman ascended the hills of
Ummesogeir, (which form a continuation of the range of calcareous
hills before-mentioned;) or whether it communicates with those
valleys, which contain the Greater or Lesser Oasis. Be it as it will,
it seems to partake of the nature of those valleys; being situated
at the foot of steep calcareous hills, and below the level of the
flat Desert beneath them. It is remarked, that the steep sides of all
these ranges face the south or west.[29] In one particular, however,
this valley of Mogara, differs very widely from those which contain
the Oasis, (although it seems very much akin to that of _Schiacha_;
of which more in the sequel,) in that no water springs up to the
surface; to which cause we may probably attribute the absence of
such tracts of land, as are denominated _Oases_. The springs indeed,
appear to me, to be a characteristic feature of the Oases.

We learn a curious particular from General Andreossy, whilst speaking
of the Bahr-bela-ma. He says, (Mém. sur l’Egypte, p. 246,) that the
people of Terané on the Nile, transport from a valley situated three
days journey beyond the Bahr-bela-ma, a species of _rushes_, which are
manufactured into mats at Menouf, in the Delta. The General supposes
the place in question to be a continuation of the Bahr-bela-ma, into
the interior of Africa; and indeed it may well be, that the valley
of Mogara is a branch of the former: separating from it, at, or near,
the place where Mr. Horneman crossed it. The place alluded to by the
General, may be about _Biljoradek_, and in one of the swampy tracts
spoken of above: or if the three journies are meant from _Terané_,
as is not impossible, that it will be about _Mogara_. At all events,
we must regard this valley as the place intended by General Andreossy.

This gentleman’s description of the Bahr-bela-ma is well worthy
of attention, but is too long to be inserted here. He found in it,
petrified wood, of the same kind with that seen by Horneman, in the
adjacent sandy Desert:[30] but both of them remark, that the wood
has not any mark of a tool on it, as some have fancifully imagined,
and have thence regarded the valley as an ancient bed of the Nile,
deserted about the date of the foundation of Memphis.

No doubt the hollow in question very much resembles a water-course,
both as to form, and from its having pebbles in it; but where is the
body of fresh water that could have scooped it out, or have filled
it? General Andreossy reckons it nearly nine British miles in breadth,
and exceedingly deep; and the Nile does not at any time carry a body
of water, equal to one mile in breadth! What the state of things was,
at an earlier period of the world, we know not, but within the reach
of history, the Nile appears to have been much of the same bulk,
as at present.

But this is not the only difficulty. The province of Faiume, through
which the supposed issue of the Nile must have been, is separated
from the valley of the Nile, by a continuation of the ridge of
hills that forms the western wall of Egypt; and through which, (if
I understand the matter right,) the passage to the lake of Kairun,
by _Illahon_ and _Hawara_, has been made by art. At all events,
this canal or passage cannot be regarded as the continuation of the
ancient bed of the Nile from _Upper Egypt_ into the _Bahr-bela-ma_,
because of its confined dimensions: and of course, all idea of the
Nile having detached a _western branch_, or thrown itself into the
bed of the lake of Kairun and Bahr-bela-ma, is done away; for even
admitting the continuity of these, the hollow that contains the lake,
and also constitutes the province of Faiume, must be regarded as a
kind of _cul de sac_ to the Bahr-bela-ma, whilst the hills by Illahon
existed. And hence I took occasion to remark, elsewhere,[31] that it
is possible, that the famous work of the lake Moeris, which now forms
a kind of enigma amongst the learned, might have been formed by the
very act of cutting through a low part of the western wall of Egypt,
and letting the water into the hollow space which now contains the
lake of Kairun. But had the Nile ever formed its alluvions adjacent
to the Gulf of the Arabs, there would surely be some traces of them
remaining, either along the shore, or in the sea itself.

It may be remarked, that there are other valleys or hollows along
the course of the Nile, almost equally extensive with that of Faiume,
but to whose level the Nile is not _yet_ risen. And here it may not
be out of the way to repeat what has been said in another place,[32]
that although the Nile in these times, when swoln, flows into the
lake Kairun, yet there must have been a time, when its bed was
too low to reach it: for it cannot be doubted, that its bed has
been gradually rising, by deposition; a necessary effect of the
protrusion of the lands of the Delta into the sea: and, of course,
that it _will continue_ to rise.[33]

The progress of the moving sands of Lybia, eastward, into the
Bahr-bela-ma, &c. is treated of by General Andreossy, Mem. page
247, and is also well worthy of attention. This movement appears
to take place, very generally; and Mr. Horneman remarks, that in
their line of course, every obstruction gives rise to a sand hill;
but he more particularly remarks a smaller kind of sand hill, formed
by the obstruction of the trunks of palm trees; and so high as to
leave to the view, nothing more than the topmost branches.

II. _Siwah._

The geographical position of this remarkable place, considered
generally, cannot now be questioned; since we possess, in addition
to the information communicated by Mr. Browne, that of Mr. Horneman;
both in respect of the time employed on his way thither, and of the
reports of the natives, concerning its relative position to Cairo,
the Oases, Faiume, and Derna: and when it is considered that these
new authorities differ from the former ones, by a few minutes of
longitude only.

The report of Mr. Horneman is no less favourable to the former idea,
of its being the OASIS OF AMMON; and the remains of the Egyptian
structure within it, those of the famed Temple of Jupiter Ammon:
the honour of which original discovery is due to Mr. Browne. For,
in addition to what may be deemed the _inner_ temple, Mr. Horneman
has viewed the foundations indicated by Mr. Browne, in circumference
some hundred paces; and even some remains of the walls themselves,
of what may be supposed to have been the _including_ temple; the
materials of which are probably existing in the construction of the
stone houses of a town, estimated to contain a population of six to
seven thousand[34] persons. We need no longer to entertain a doubt,
founded on the disappearance of the materials of the temple and palace
described by the ancients. Besides, on a review of the subject, so
many particulars accord with the ancient descriptions; such as the
dimensions, and accordance of geographical situation; the fruits,
the copious fountains, fertility of soil; and finally, although a
negative proof, perhaps one of the strongest circumstances of all,
the declaration of the inhabitants, that “no other fertile spot
exists in the vicinity; or nearer than the Lesser Oasis.”

A proof of the populousness and affluence of the ancient state of
Ammon, exists in the numerous catacombs pointed out to, or visited
by, Browne and Horneman: and by the probability that the rocky hill
on which the modern town stands, is also full of catacombs. Such
are indeed known to exist within the habitations of the people
of the neighbouring village of Ummesogeir; which may thence be
supposed, notwithstanding its present miserable state, to have been
a flourishing appendage to ancient Ammon: and might probably have
been the _Siropum_ of Ptolemy.

One particular requires discussion. Mr. Horneman differs very widely
from Mr. Browne, in his estimation of the extent of the territory
of Siwah. Mr. Browne reckons it six miles by four: but Mr. Horneman
a _circumference_ of 50 miles. His words are, “a well-watered
valley of 50 miles in circuit, surrounded by naked steep rocks.”
(Abulfeda also says, that the territory is environed by hills.) Very
probably, Mr. Horneman’s idea goes to the whole space inclosed
by the hills; Mr. Browne’s to the fertile part of it only; and
it must be acknowledged, that the dimensions given by the latter,
accord with those of the ancients.

Mr. Horneman says, that _all_ the waters of the springs, are consumed
in the irrigation of the gardens and fields; so that no stream flows
_beyond_ the district. It is certain, that Edrisi describes a _river_
named _Costara_, at eight journies from Bahnasa, in the Lesser Oasis,
towards Fezzan; agreeing almost exactly with the distance to Siwah
from Cairo, fifteen days; which, at 19 G. miles, are equal to 285; and
the construction has 275. According to Mr. Horneman’s description
of the copious and numerous springs in Siwah, one of which alone,
he says, forms a considerable rivulet, and another, several rivulets,
it might be expected that some of the waters flowed to a considerable
distance before they were entirely absorbed in the sands. The Costara
river, may, however, flow from a distinct fountain in the Desert:
but the coincidence of position is remarkable.

The description of the lands of Siwah, by Mr. Horneman, and of
the Greater Oasis, by Mr. Browne, appear to be of the same nature;
each possessing copious fountains and verdant fields, fitted either
for pasture or cultivation. The lands of the Lesser Oasis are said
to be much the same, though rather inferior: whence it would seem,
that the Valley of Mogara, which has good water at the depth of four
feet, only wants that it should spring up to the surface, in order
to form it into an Oasis, like the others!

III. _The Lesser Oasis._

Mr. Horneman was told that at the distance of seven journies from
Siwah, five from Faiume, and at only a _few_ from Biljoradek,
there existed a country, similar to Siwah, and whose inhabitants,
who are less numerous, spoke the _same language_. He with reason,
concluded it to be a part of the Lesser Oasis of the ancients; and,
from its position, it ought to be the northern extremity.

If by a few days journey, when five and seven have been mentioned
before, we may understand three, or thereabouts, the place in
question, should lie in the parallel of 28° 50′; at about midway
between Cairo and Siwah;[35] and 89 G. miles to the westward of
Bahnasa, at the canal of Joseph. Hence it falls very near to Bahnasa,
in the Oasis, which has been already placed,[36] at 83 from the
forementioned place.

Ptolemy places the Lesser Oasis in lat 28° 45′: and at 75 G. miles
to the west of _Oxyrinchus_, taken for the last mentioned Bahnasa. He
no doubt meant to express some particular point in the Oasis; and
that point, probably, the principal town, which may have been on the
site of Bahnasa in the Oasis. So that there is a general agreement
between the ancient and the modern accounts of it.[37]

But Mr. Browne, when at Charje in the Greater Oasis, was
told, that the southern part of the Lesser Oasis, named by the
inhabitants _Al-wah-el-Gherbi_, was only forty miles distant to
the northward. This being the case, the Lesser Oasis should have
an extent of more than 100 miles from north to south: that is, more
than the other tract, of the same name, denominated the _Greater_;
but which may, nevertheless, be true, as the term greater or lesser,
may refer to other qualities than dimensions. Mr. Browne describes
the Greater Oasis (which he had traversed throughout) to consist
of large detached spots or islands, like Siwah, extending in a
chain from N to S, and separated by intervals of desert from two
to fourteen hours of travelling. The Lesser Oasis, most probably,
is much of the same nature; but is, by general report, inferior to
the other, and vastly inferior to Siwah. See an account of the Oases
in the Geog. of Herodotus, Sections xx. and xxi.

Mr. Browne adds, that the Lesser Oasis is a kind of capital settlement
of the Muggrebine (or western) Arabs, who pass from it, to the
western extremity of the lake Kairun; whose shore, on that side,
is also in their possession. (Pages 132, 170.)

Thus, our modern travellers have fixed, pretty satisfactorily, in
the view of general geography, the positions of all the three Oases:
but it would be more satisfactory to have correctly the latitude of
the northern extremity of the Lesser one, as well as some account
of the number and position of the _islands_ contained in it.

IV. _Valleys of Schiacha, and Gegabib._

At the distance of about three days journey to the westward of
Siwah, Mr. Horneman came to _Schiacha_, a _fruitful_ valley on the
right; and, as appears from a circumstance that occurred during the
unpleasant visit of the Siwahans, there were many little _bogs_,
in the neighbourhood of their camp, in that valley. Again, at
six hours farther, was _Torfaue_, where they also obtained fresh
water. Moreover, in the way from Siwah to Schiacha, at the distance
of 6 or 7 miles from the former, he saw at the foot of the hills,
a lake, implied to be of fresh water, (see Journal, page 57,) of
several miles in extent.

Combining with this, the remark of Mr. Horneman, that they had
travelled by a chain of hills from Siwah; that these hills were a
continuation of those which they had always seen to the _northward_ of
their route through the Desert; and that they “rose immediately from
the level ground of the Desert, without any declivity, and without
any arenacious, or other cover, only the bare rock being seen;”
one may conclude, that the valley described, at the foot of these
hills, is much of the same nature, with that of _Mogara_. Moreover,
it appears, that he considered the whole extent of the hills, from
the Bahr-bela-ma _to_ Schiacha, at least, as one continued ridge;
and which has an abrupt declivity to the south. The _continuity_,
however, remains to be proved.

The remarkable valley of _Gegabib_, famous for its dates, cannot
be far from the neighbourhood of _Schiacha_ and _Torfaue_;
since Mr. Browne says, page 26, that when he had advanced two
journies to the north-westward of Siwah, he was _not far_ from
Gegabib. Mr. Beaufoy calls it, from the description of Ben Ali, “a
narrow plain, sandy, and uninhabited, but fertile in dates;” which,
he adds, are gathered by the people of _Duna_ on the sea coast,
eight journies distant.[38] As Mr. Horneman remarked no date trees
on his way from Siwah to Augila, his route must have been wide of
this valley or plain, and no doubt to the _south_ of it. This seems
proved by Ben Ali’s description of the route from Augila to Siwah,
which lay “_across the extensive mountains of Gerdoba_,” to this
valley; since Mr. Horneman left the mountains to the northward of him,
the whole way.

As the dates of Gegabib are now gathered by the people of the sea
coast; and those of Augila in ancient times, by the _Nasamones_ of
the coast of the _Syrtis_; so the people of the _same_ coast, aided
by the modern _Augilans_, undertake expeditions ten days journey
inland from _Augila_, to _steal_ men and dates, at present![39]
So that this system of inroad, from the quarter towards the coast,
inland, seems to have been practised at all times; and I shall have
occasion to remark it again, hereafter. Augila was an inhabited
place in the time of Herodotus, and yet the dates were carried off
by strangers: and it seems the present Augilans retaliate on others,
the injuries sustained by their ancestors.

V. _Augila._

This small, but celebrated territory, is situated nearly midway
between Egypt and Fezzan; and somewhat less than 170 miles from
the nearest coast of the Mediterranean. It seems to possess much of
the character of an Oasis, being flat, well watered, fertile, and
surrounded by arid deserts, either sandy or rocky; in particular,
that to the west is so destitute of herbage, that the camels of
Mr. Horneman’s caravan, carried their provender with them. Its
extent from east to west, seems to be little more than a long
day’s journey. The agriculture of the Augilans is confined more
to gardening, than to raising of corn: but Mr. Horneman is silent
respecting the culture of dates, for which it has been so celebrated
both in ancient and modern times.[40]

It appears that the Augilans are the merchants who carry on the
commerce between Egypt and Fezzan; for which, their middle situation,
and ready communication with the port of Bengasi, qualify them. The
people of one of their most populous towns,[41] _Mojabra_, are solely
occupied with this commerce: and Mr. Horneman contrasts, in a most
unfavourable light, the character of these traders, with the people
of the other towns, whose employment is agriculture. In a few short
remarks, we are shewn, in the most pointed manner, the natural,
and almost necessary effect, of the occupations of mankind on their
moral habits. Notwithstanding the possession of this commerce,
Augila is still a very poor place indeed.

It may be remarked, that _Augila_ is one of the few places in Africa
that has preserved its ancient name entire.

VI. _The Harutsch, White and Black._

These remarkable tracts (of which see the description above, page
48 _et seq._) had been noticed by Ben Ali, to Mr. Beaufoy, who has
recorded them (in chap. x. of the Proceed. Afr. Assoc. for 1790;)
the one under the description of the rocky Desert of _black_ and
_naked rock_, of four days extant; the other, of _soft_ and _sandy_
stone, of three days extent: but they are described in a very obscure
manner, and their respective positions are transposed.

Mr. Horneman appears to have employed nearly fifty hours in crossing
the _black_ Harutsch; fourteen more in the _white_ Harutsch; or
altogether sixty-four hours, equal to eight ordinary caravan days;
which does not differ very widely from the report of Ben Ali, who
allowed _seven_.

The white Harutsch forms the extreme boundary of Fezzan, and
extends southward, into the district of the _Tibbo Rshade_; of
which more in the sequel. The black Harutsch appears to be much more
extensive. Horneman was told, that it was in breadth five journies
from east to west; (he crossed it in WSW direction;) and in length
seven, from north to south. However, Mr. Horneman justly observes,
that it must be more extensive, since he crossed a tract of the same
nature, in his way from Fezzan to Tripoly; and even from that point
it was said to extend a considerable distance to the west. He adds,
that he learnt at Mourzouk, that there were black mountains also in
the road from that place to Bornou: that is, to the south-east.

Mr. Beaufoy was also informed, (See chap. iv. Afr. Proceed. 1790,)
that a desert named _Souda_, (that is, _black_,) is crossed in the way
from Mesurata to Fezzan; agreeing with Mr. Horneman’s report. The
breadth, in a north and south direction, is given at four days, or
somewhat narrower than in Mr. Horneman’s line of route from Augila.

Mr. Horneman describes the black Harutsch to consist of matter,
that, in his idea, was volcanic, or had undergone the action of fire:
and its conformation appears very singular indeed. There exists in
Pliny, an evident proof that it was known to the Romans; for they had
crossed it, in their expeditions to Fezzan, and towards the Niger,
&c.; and had even explored and remarked the shortest route across
the same mountains.

Pliny says, that “from _Cydamus_ (i. e. _Gadamis_, which, by the
bye, he says lies opposite to _Sabrata_, on the sea coast) there
extends a mountain a long way to the east, called by the Romans,
MONS ATER; and which appears as if it were burnt or scorched by
the rays of the sun.” (Lib. v. c. 5.) And he adds, that beyond
those mountains, are deserts, and the towns of the Garamantes, which
were conquered by the Romans under Balbus. In this description, we
clearly recognise the SOUDA, or BLACK DESERT, to the north of Fezzan;
and which Mr. Horneman _saw_, both there, and to the east, of the
same country; and also _learnt_, that it _continued_ far westward,
beyond the line of the road from Fezzan to Mesurata: in other words,
towards Gadamis.

Sockna, which is a town of some consideration, lies midway between
this road and Gadamis: and it is known that the Desert of _Souda_
passes to the south of it. So that there is little doubt but that
Pliny is right, in extending the _Mons Ater_ westward to _Cydamus_,
(_i. e._ Gadamis) and to a long extent eastward of it.

VII. _Fezzan._

It has been said, that there is no material difference between the
position of the capital of this country (Mourzouk), as given by
Mr. Horneman, and the former assumed position in the maps, drawn
for the African Association, in 1790 and 1798; considered in the
view of general geography. It is for this reason, that I have not
altered it in the general Map, but have accommodated the positions
eastward to it; instead of altering the entire Map. But in the
Map of Mr. Horneman’s Route, all the positions affected by his
observations, are given according to those observations.

Neither do the boundaries and extent, as given by Mr. Horneman, differ
materially from those given by Mr. Beaufoy; which is remarkable,
considering under what disadvantage he collected his materials,
compared with the mode of collecting them on the spot. But in
arranging the boundaries, a distinction is to be made between the
_proper_ country of Fezzan, and its _dependencies_.

Mr. Horneman says, that the _cultivated_ part of Fezzan has an extent
of 300 British miles from north to south; by 200 from east to west:
which dimensions have a general agreement with Mr. Beaufoy’s,
in respect of the _area_ of _the whole_; but Mr. Beaufoy makes it a
circle, whilst Mr. Horneman makes it an oval. It would appear, also,
that Mr. Horneman reckons the whole extent thus given by himself and
Mr. Beaufoy as cultivated land; and we know too little of the actual
geography to attempt any detail. Mr. Horneman came to the eastern
border of Fezzan at 44 to 45 hours, equal to about 110 B. miles by the
road, from Mourzouk. In order to justify Mr. Horneman’s calculation,
Mourzouk ought to stand nearly in the centre, between the eastern
and western limits; but Mr. Beaufoy says, that the territory does
not extend far to the west of the capital.

Again, Mr. Beaufoy allows five days from the northern boundary,
at the edge of the black Desert, to Mourzouk: that is, about 100
B. miles by the road. And from Mourzouk southward to the mountains of
_Eyre_, the southern boundary, fourteen days; equal to 280 such miles:
total 380: or perhaps, in direct distance, 350 such miles. But there
lies in the midway, a desert of five journies in breadth; and it is
uncertain to what point Mr. Horneman reckons.

The dependencies are very extensive. The regions of the Harutsch,
together with Wadan, Houn, (or Hun), and Sockna, all of which
lie _beyond_ the Harutsch, Mr. Horneman classes as belonging to
Fezzan. Sockna should be a place of note, as its merchants are
in possession of the chief part of the commerce, between Fezzan
and Tripoly.

Mr. Horneman was informed that there are 101 inhabited _places_ in
Fezzan; and it is remarkable that this is precisely the number stated
in M. Delisle’s Map of Africa, drawn in 1707; and Mr. Beaufoy’s
informant said, little less than 100. But amongst these, there are
few places of note, and still fewer whose positions are given; and
in the report of these, Mr. Beaufoy’s informant differs in some
respect, from Mr. Horneman.

Of the position of the capital, Mourzouk, I have already spoken,
very fully.

Zuila, or Zawila, (probably the _Cillaba_ of Pliny, lib. v. c. 5.) is
placed, by Mr. Horneman’s route, at 59 G. miles to the _eastward_
of Mourzouk. Mr. Beaufoy was told that it was 7 days journey distant,
and the bearing, in his reports, varies from _east_ to _ENE_. I have
allowed E by N. This was the capital in the time of Edrisi:[42]
and probably, from this circumstance, some of the neighbouring
nations still call the country of Fezzan, _Seela_, as we are told
by Mr. Horneman.

Temissa, another principal town, is placed by Mr. Horneman about 7
hours travelling, to the eastward of Zuila. This appears to be the
_Tamest_ of Edrisi, situated at 40 journies (of his scale) from Cairo.

Germa, or Jermah, is placed, by Mr. Beaufoy, _southward_ from Zuila,
and at nearly the same distance from Mourzouk. This is unquestionably
the _Garama_ of the Romans,[43] the capital of Fezzan, or _Phazania_,
at the time of the Roman conquest; and which appears to have given the
name of _Garamantes_ to the whole nation. (As the discussion of this
subject is already before the Public, in the Geography of Herodotus,
Section XXII. the Author begs leave to refer to it). Mr. Horneman,
who names this place _Yerma_, places it to the _west_ of the capital:
however, M. D’Anville has placed it under the name of _Gherma_,
to the SE, with _Tessoua_ (or _Tosaûa_) between the two; and this
is Mr. Beaufoy’s arrangement of it. It should be noticed that
M. D’Anville places these towns out of all proportion too far
to the south-east of Mourzouk; being unconscious that _Gherma_,
or _Garama_, was situated within Fezzan, although he recognises it
as the capital of the _Garamantes_.

Kattron is placed SE from the capital, by Mr. Beaufoy, distant
60 road miles. This is the _Gatron_ of Mr. Horneman, placed by
him directly south. D’Anville names it _Catron_, and places it
about SSW, distant 75 G. miles. In another place, where Mr. Horneman
describes a march of troops from Fezzan to Burgu, he reckons Gatron S
54 miles from Mourzouk, in the way to Teghery; which being, by every
account, to the west of south, from Mourzouk, it may be inferred that
Katron lies to the southward, rather than to the south-eastward. The
report of the distance differs but little between Mr. Horneman and
Mr. Beaufoy. M. D’Anville probably was not so well informed as
either of these gentlemen, in respect of the distance.

Mendra is said, by Mr. Beaufoy, to be 60 miles nearly south,
from the capital. But this is the position of Katron, according
to Horneman, and which, as we have seen, appears probable: and
Mendra being a _province_, as well as a town, must be in some
other situation. Possibly, it ought to change places with Katron,
in Mr. Beaufoy’s description.

Teghery is given by Mr. Beaufoy, as the most westerly, or rather
south-westerly town of Fezzan; and he places it SW 80 road miles
from the capital. The same place appears in a route (mentioned
before) from Mourzouk to Burgu, by Mr. Horneman, who places it SSW
33 such miles, from Katron; whence the position of Teghery would be
about S ¾ W, 85 miles. But D’Anville places it at SSW ½ W 116
G. miles from Mourzouk; and although the distance in this case,
as in that of Katron, is excessive, yet some regard ought to be
had to the bearing. Accordingly, a mean of the three gives S 26 W;
and the mean distance of Beaufoy and Horneman 68 G. miles, reduced
to a direct line.

A place named Tai-garee appears in a route from Tunis to Kashna,
communicated by Mr. Magrah, at fifteen journies from Gadamis.[44]
It appears highly probable that this is the same place with Teghery
in Fezzan: but the distance arising on the fifteen journies falls
very short of the position of Teghery, placed as above. Could this
point be ascertained, it would operate as a check on the position
of Mourzouk; and I cannot but suspect, that this capital is somewhat
more to the west, or north-west, than it now stands in the Map.

These facts are particularly noticed here, that future geographers
may inquire, whether the route of the Tunis caravan, to Soudan,
passes through Teghery in the western skirt of the country of Fezzan;
as I conceive it doth: and also that there is some error in the
combination of the geographical context, between Tunis, and the
eastern positions, which prevents the closing of the lines, to the
aforesaid town of Teghery.

One cannot dismiss the subject of Fezzan, without remarking, that
the observations of Mr. Horneman have added another proof of its
being the country intended by the ancient authors, for that of
the Garamantes. For he has shewn us, that the black rocky Desert,
the continuation of the _black Harutsch_, passes between Fezzan
and Tripoly, and extends yet farther west, towards Gadamis; and as
Pliny places the _Mons Ater_ in this position, with a desert and
the cities of the _Garamantes_ beyond them, these cities cannot well
be any others than those of Fezzan. (See above, page 151). I shall
also mention, in its place, another circumstance brought to light by
Mr. Horneman, concerning the _Troglodytæ_ mentioned by Herodotus,
in the neighbourhood of the Garamantes; and which induces a very
strong belief that the people bordering on the south-east of Fezzan,
are meant.

[Illustration: A MAP, _shewing the_ Progress _of DISCOVERY &
IMPROVEMENT_, in the_ GEOGRAPHY _of_ _NORTH_ AFRICA:

_Compiled by_ J. Rennell, _1798_.

_Corrected in 1802_.

_Published according to Act of Parliament by James Rennell May
25th. 1798._

_J. Walker Sculp._]

=CHAPTER III.=

* * * * *

_Improvements in the general Geography of North Africa.—Remote
Sources of the Nile, and Termination of the Niger.—Lake of Fittré,
or Kauga._

This division of the present subject respects the improvements of
the general geography of the eastern quarter of North Africa. Since
the construction of the General Map, in 1798,[45] much new matter
has appeared in the Travels of Mr. Browne: and to these are now
to be added, the observations and inquiries of Mr. Horneman. These
important notices will be found mutually to explain and confirm each
other, as far as they go, over the same ground; and which is to a
very considerable extent.

Mr. Browne has the advantage in point of materials proper for
mathematical geography; whilst Mr. Horneman’s range of inquiry,
though equally extended, consists more of general notices, in the
nature of sketches. Both possess very great merit; both appear
indefatigable in collecting the most useful matter that either
presented itself, or could be procured: and how much soever a person
at his ease, and in a state of perfect security, may blame the want
of a clear and connected series of notices, respecting the geography
and present state of the countries treated of; yet it should be
considered, under what disadvantages, and at what hazard, a European
traveller in the interior of Africa, collects his information: and
which, the histories of these gentlemen’s proceedings, now before
the Public, as well as those of their old acquaintance Mr. Park,
abundantly shew.

Mr. Browne’s materials consist of a line of 16 degrees of latitude,
from Cairo to the capital of Darfoor; corrected by observations
of latitude and longitude: together with an extension of this line
southward, six degrees farther, by enquiries amongst the natives,
and other travellers, on the spot. His inquiries reached to about the
parallel of 8 degrees north; in which position there were pointed
out to him, the heads of the _Bahr Abiad_, or _White River_, taken
for the most remote, and long sought for, head of the EGYPTIAN
NILE. And besides this line, his inquiries were pointed _eastward_
and _south-east_, to the borders of Abyssinia; _westward_ and
_south-west_, to Bornu; also to other countries, not before heard
of in Europe; the whole forming an extent of more than 15 degrees
of longitude.

The line from Cairo to the head of the White River, is in length
upwards of 1360 G. miles: or more than 1440, from the mouth of the
Nile; taken in _direct_ distance. In its bearing, it varies so
little from the meridian, that the head of the river bears only
about a point and a half to the west of south, from the place of
its discharge into the Mediterranean.

This route departing from the Nile at _Siout_, first passes through,
and fixes the position of the _Greater Oasis_; then successively,
through the positions of Sheb, Selimé, Leghea, and Bir-el-Malha,
in the way to Darfoor.

From the known caution and accuracy of Mr. Browne, this line becomes
an important acquisition: and in respect of the place of the head
of the White River, his information is corroborated generally,
by that collected by Ledyard and Maillet, at Cairo. In other parts
of his geography, he is corroborated by the recent information of
Mr. Horneman; by the notices in Edrisi; by Maillet; and even by
Bruce himself.

It is unnecessary to enter into any details, respecting this
geography, which is already before the public, in his excellent
book of Travels, which furnishes an important part of the subject
now before the reader; particularly what respects the head of the
White River, (that is, the Nile;) and, by implication, what concerns
the termination of the Niger also.

In the selection of materials from the map made by Mr. Browne, from
his own observations and inquiries, I have scrupulously adhered to
the map itself, (except in the single instance of the position of
the capital of Bornou;) on a supposition that he had well compared
and weighed the authorities for the different reports of bearings and
distances; and thence formed a better result than could be done by any
other person. But I have added from his Appendix, some intermediate
routes, and positions, which he judged proper to omit in his map.

He informs us, that he determined by inquiries, that proved
satisfactory, the distance of the Nile from Selimé; whence it
appears, that although the position of the great cataract, as well as
those of Moscho, and of Dongola, taken on the authority of Mr. Bruce,
ought to come _somewhat_ more to the south or south-west; yet that,
in a general point of view, the agreement is closer than could
have been expected. The same may be said of Sennaar, in respect of
Darfoor; Mr. Browne being satisfied, that the interval of distance
between them, agreed to the observations; the one being determined by
Mr. Bruce, the other by himself. Mr. D’Anville had placed Sennaar
nearly four degrees of longitude too far to the west, in his map of
Africa, 1749.[46]

It may be observed, that between Egypt and Darfoor, no waters
whatsoever communicate with the Nile, from the west: and that
Mr. Browne was assured, that the same state of things existed to the
south, between Darfoor and the head of the White River. So far indeed,
from any water running to the east in that quarter, he was told (and
the fact is corroborated in part by others,) that the waters to the
west and south-west of Darfoor, all ran to the _west_ or _north-west_.

Mr. Browne relates, from the information of the people at Darfoor,
that the head of the White River consists of a number of streams,
issuing from certain lofty mountains named _Kumri_, or _Komri_,
situated in a country named _Donga_, distant a month’s journey
from Shilluk; which is itself 3¼ days short of Sennaar: so that
the _remotest_ spring of the White River may be 45 journies from
Sennaar. Now, some of the slaves brought in the Darfoorian caravan
to Cairo, told Mr. Ledyard that they came from a place 55 journies
_westward_ from Sennaar; and Mr. Browne informs us, that the people
of Bergoo (adjacent to Darfoor) make a practice of going a _slave
hunting_ into the quarter of Donga. (Travels, p. 473.) Another
person amongst those questioned by Mr. Ledyard (implied to come
from the same place,) said, that the head of the Nile was situated
in his country.[47] If it be supposed that, in stating the distance
of Sennaar from the head of the Nile, they meant that the road lay
_through_ Darfoor, (which is not improbable) the distance of 55
days would be fully made up. It is reckoned 23 days from Darfoor
to Sennaar, and somewhat more from Darfoor to the copper mines of
Fertit; which are yet very far short of the head of the White River.

In the map of Africa, 1798, I had placed the head of the White River,
about 130 miles to the SE of the place now assigned by Mr. Browne.

Mr. Horneman having again set afloat the idea of the junction
of the Niger with the Nile, it becomes necessary to examine,
minutely, the geographical materials furnished by Mr. Browne and
Mr. Horneman, as well as the notices found in Edrisi; in order to
shew the improbability of such a fact. Mr. Horneman was informed
by persons who had travelled to Darfoor, that the Niger (_Joliba_)
passed by the south of Darfoor, into the White River. It is certain
that Herodotus[48] collected much the same kind of information in
Egypt: but it is equally certain that the people whom Mr. Browne
consulted at Darfoor, were silent, respecting any such junction:
on the contrary, they report, not only that the White River is
formed of sources, springing from the mountains on the south, but
also that the waters between Darfoor and those mountains, run to
the westward. It is proper to add, that the mountains in question,
named Kumri, or _Komri_, are, as the name imports, the _Mountains_
of the _Moon_; in which Ptolemy, and the Arabian geographers, place
the remote head of the Nile.[49]

In chapter vi. of the Geographical Illustrations, 1798, I have
set forth several facts, with a view to shew the probability of the
termination of the Niger, by _evaporation_, in the country of Wangara,
&c. To that, I shall beg leave to refer: but as many additional
facts, tending to strengthen my former ideas, have been furnished
by recent travellers, I shall have occasion to repeat some of the
former statements and arguments, in the course of the discussion.

Towards the west and SW, to the extent of several hundred miles
from the capital of Darfoor, Mr. Browne learnt, that the country was
intersected by a number of streams, whose courses pointed to the west
and north-west. He appears to speak, however, with less confidence of
the courses of all the other waters, save the _Misselâd_, and the
small river _Batta_, its adjunct. These, he unequivocally conducts
from SE to NW. (See pages 449—464, and his map at page 180). But
of the others, he merely says, “the course of the rivers, if
rightly given, is, for the most part, from E to W.” But he also
says, p. 449, “the country they flow through, is said to be,
great part of the year, wet and marshy; the heat is excessive,
and the people remark that there is no winter.” The principal,
as well as the most remote of these rivers, is the _Bahr Kulla_,
denominated from a country of the same name, described (p. 308), to
_abound_ with _water_; and this Bahr Kulla is considerable enough to
require boats to cross it, of which some are made of single trees,
large enough to hold ten persons.[50]

It would seem, therefore, (if Mr. Browne was correctly informed,
and I can see no reason to doubt, because he speaks with caution),
as if these rivers descended from the high country on the south of
Darfoor, into a comparatively low, and hollow tract to the west,
in which also two large lakes are marked in Mr. Browne’s map: and
this tract falls, in our geography, nearly midway between the head of
the White River, and the country of _Wangara_, placed according to
the notices found in Edrisi; and which are corroborated, generally,
by Mr. Horneman, who was told that Wangara lay to the westward of the
empire of Bornu.[51] Through this country of Wangara, the great river
of interior Africa (our _Niger_) runs, and beyond Wangara, eastward,
we are unable to _trace_ it. (It may be necessary to remark here,
that Edrisi conceived that the Niger ran to the west, from a source,
common to that, and to the Egyptian Nile.)

In fact, one ought not to be surprised to find, considering how very
loosely and inaccurately such kind of information must necessarily
be given, at so great a distance from the seat of inquiry, (that is,
many hundred miles from Mr. Browne’s station in Darfoor), if the
lakes and rivers in question should turn out to be those of Wangara
itself! It may be observed, that the distances from the capital of
Darfoor agree nearly as well to the lakes of Wangara, as to those
of _Hermad_ and _Dwi_; and the bearing does not differ two points
of the compass.[52] There is nothing to check the bearings from
Darfoor, on that side; and it would not be at all extraordinary,
if two descriptions, such as those of Edrisi, and of the people of
Darfoor, should be even more at variance, than the difference between
the positions of the _two sets_ of lakes and rivers, on the map.

But how ambiguous soever the subject of the _western_ streams, between
the head of the White River and Wangara, may be, the waters that
flow from the southern and western borders of Darfoor, are clearly
known to run to the north-west, and to form a large lake; proving a
hollow space to exist, in the quarter, north-west of Darfoor; and
little more than 160 miles eastward of Wangara.[53] Whether this
hollow be a continuation of that which receives the waters of the
Niger, and forms a part of them into lakes, in Wangara, remains to
be discovered. It is, however, in proof, that Edrisi believed the
fact, by his describing a water communication the whole way. I now
proceed to describe the course of these waters, that flow from the
quarter of Darfoor, towards the north-west.

Mr. Browne was informed, (page 449,) that on the south of Darfoor,
and between that country and the source of the White River, the waters
formed a considerable river, named _Misselâd_. This he traces on his
map at page 180, and in the routes given in his Appendix, p. 449,
464, 468, towards the NNW and NW, to a point above the parallel of
15 degrees north (_i. e._ through near 400 G. miles of course);
but he is silent, otherwise than by implication, respecting its
future course. But of a second river (the _Batta_) whose course lies
_between_ the Misselâd and Darfoor, and very near to the former,
he says, that it flows from the _south_, and then, deviating to the
_west_, it falls into the _Bahr-el-Fittré_. (P. 464). It remains to
be added, that, following the western road from Wara to Bagherme (in
his Appendix, p. 464, 465), we come to the Bahr Fittré itself: but
without any notices respecting the crossing of the Misselâd river,
by the way. This matter, however, will be made clearer, presently,
by the aid of Horneman and Edrisi.

Mr. Browne continues to say, (p. 465,) that “the people on the
banks of the Bahr Fittré use little boats, for the purpose of
passing from one place to another, on _the river_.” The word
_Bahr_ indicating equally a lake or a river, is here understood
for the _latter_, by Mr. Browne; but we learn from Mr. Horneman,
that the dominions of the sultan of _Fiddri_, (as he writes it,) are
situated round a large fresh-water lake, which bears the same name:
and that, into this lake flows _a river which comes from Darfoor_;
and whose banks are very rich in sugar-canes. (See above, p. 115.)

This account of the lake is strengthened by several circumstances.
Horneman says, that the district of Fiddri, although so named by
its own inhabitants, is called _Cougu_, or _Cugu_, by the people
who dwell eastward; (the Arabs;) _Luffe_, by those on the west.
Now, _Couga_, or _Kauga_, is noted by Edrisi, as a country and
city near a large lake of fresh water, situated at 30 journies
westward, or south-westward, from Dongola; 36 eastward from Gana:
and here we have the very position. Moreover, Mr. Browne describes,
in the before-mentioned western route, at 3½ journies short of
the Bahr Fittré, _Dar Cooka_,[54] doubtless the country of _Couga_
or _Cugu_ in question.

The circumstance of boats plying on the Bahr Fittré (Browne’s
Travels, p. 465,) also accords with the idea of a lake. Nor can
there be a doubt that the Misselâd of Browne, is the river from the
quarter of Darfoor, intended by Horneman: and that _it_, as well as
the river of Batta, falls into the lake of Fittré.[55]

It may be remarked, that what Edrisi describes as the upper part of
the course of the _Niger_, (_Nilus Nigrorum_) is evidently intended
for this river: but he describes it as originating from the same
source as the _Egyptian Nile_, and flowing westward. There also
appears in Ptolemy, the same river springing from about the 10th
degree of north latitude; as the Misselâd does.

It appears certain then, that the ground declines, from the quarter
of Darfoor, towards the interior of Africa, to the north-west
and west: and the descriptions of Edrisi, (page 13,) go equally
to prove that the ground also declines from the NE to SW, towards
the lake of Fittré; because he describes the river of _Kuku_ to
run southward.[56]

The same must be understood of the river of the Antelopes, or
_Wad-el-Gazel_, which is marked by Mr. Browne, (p. 465,) at two
journies to the NW of the lake Fittré; and by Mr. Beaufoy at the
distance of one journey from the capital of Bournu. Mr. Horneman
indeed was told, that the Wad-el-Gazel was not a river, but a
fruitful and well inhabited valley. It is probably both: that is,
a fertile valley, with a river running through it. Hence we must
suppose the Wad-el-Gazel to be another river that falls into the lake
Fittré, from the north; and consequently, the lake itself, to be
the receptacle of the eastern waters of the interior of North Africa.

Edrisi places Semegonda at ten journies to the westward or SW of
_Kauga_, (our _Fittré_,) and within the country of Wangara, which
is entirely surrounded by the branches of the Niger, and periodically
inundated by its waters: and it is clear that he believed, that there
was a water communication between Wangara and Kauga; because he says,
(p. 7.) that salt was conveyed all along the Niger, eastward to that
point. It may be remarked, that Horneman says, that the people of
Fittré (Kauga) have no salt, but what they obtain from vegetable
substances.[57]

If there be, as Edrisi says, (page 7,) a water communication between
Kauga and Wangara, (no matter which way the water runs), the fact
of a common level, would, of course, be proved; and then it must
be admitted to be highly improbable, that any part of the course of
the White River, southward of Darfoor, should be on a lower level,
than the lake of Fittré. But, perhaps, some may doubt the authority
of Edrisi, in this point; and possibly, the more so, since he says,
that the Niger runs to the west.

But placing this circumstance out of the question, and leaving
the facts set forth by Mr. Browne and Mr. Horneman, to speak for
themselves, it may be asked,

1. Whether it is probable that the Niger, after running about 2250
British miles in direct distance from its source, should not have
arrived at a lower level, than that of the countries adjacent to
the heads of the Nile?[58]

2. Whether the course of the Misselâd river, from the south of
Darfoor, is not almost directly contrary to that which the Niger
should take from Wangara, in order to join the White River?

3. Whether the course of the waters, to the west of Darfoor, and of
the head of the White River, are not also reported to run _towards_
the quarter that contains the Niger, instead of _coming from it_? and
are they not said to run through a wet marshy country; whilst that
to the east, in the line between Fittré and the White River, is
high and mountainous?[59]

4. Has not the country of Wangara, &c. like that of Fittré,
the character of an alluvial tract, inundated by the periodical
floods of the Niger, to the extent of more than 350 British miles in
length, by more than 170 in breadth: and has not both that and Gana,
large fresh water lakes in the dry season?[60] May not so great an
extent of surface, suffice for the evaporation of the waters of
the Niger; as we have already an instance of the kind in Persia,
in which the _Heermend_, a river of more than 400 miles length of
course, is evaporated in less than ¹⁄₂₀ part of the surface
of the inundation formed in Wangara?[61] I now return to the general
geography.

Mr. Horneman, in describing the position of the southern states,
speaks of _Wadey_, bordering on the west of Darfoor; then _Metko_,
west, (or rather NW) of Wadey; both of which are watered by the
river which flows from Darfoor to the lake Fittré, (_i. e._
the _Misselâd_); and, finally, Fittré itself, to the NW of
Metko. Continuing the description—_Begarmé_[62] is said to lie N
of Wadey; Bournu, N of Fittré. _Bergoo_ seems not to have been known
to Horneman; or, perhaps, he may have confounded it with the Burgu
towards Augila (the _Berdoa_ of Delisle and D’Anville). Bergoo,
according to Mr. Browne, is an independent country: Metko and Wadey,
the same: so that the empire of Bournu ends with Fittré (or _Cooka_)
Margi, and Wangara, southward.[63]

Of these countries, Mr. Browne had not heard of Wangara, under that
name;[64] nor of Wadey, or Metko; although he describes the tract
which contains them, in his map. Nor does _Dar Cooka_ appear to
have been known to him, as the Kauga of Edrisi, or as the Fittré
of Horneman.

At the capital of Bournu, the interesting inquiries of Mr. Browne
end, northward: but as those of Mr. Horneman extend to the borders
of Darfoor, they of course _overlap_ each other; so as to give much
greater authority to the report of the course of the waters from
Darfoor to the lake Fittré.

With respect to the line of distance, between Fezzan and Darfoor;
Darfoor and Sennaar; these are the details: (that from Gana to
Dongola, has been already given, page 188.)

Mr. Beaufoy allows between Temissa (in Fezzan) and the capital
of _Bournu_, 43 days of caravan travelling, in a south-easterly
direction. Mr. Browne places the same capital, deduced from inquiries
made at Darfoor, in lat. 19° 45′, lon. 21° 33′; so as to leave
an interval of distance equal to 562 G. miles, between Temissa
and Bournu; giving a rate of only 13 miles and a small fraction,
_per_ day. This rate falls far short of caravan travelling; and
it is possible that the halting days may have been included in
the aggregate number 43; as is often done, when the inquiries are
not sufficiently pointed. In the Proceed. Afr. Assoc. 1798, it is
stated, that Bornou falls at 534 G. miles from Dongola on the Nile;
and Mr. Browne’s result gives about 600. It should, however,
be noted, that Mr. Browne’s Tables (page 467), give a bearing
of N ¼ W between Begarmé and Bournu, which I have followed in
preference to his map, where it is N 13 W; and thus place Bournu
at 562 from Dongola. A mean between the position in the former map,
and that given by Mr. Browne, would be 567. But through the want of a
cross line of distance, that can be depended on, the position of this
important point in geography, remains in uncertainty. Mr. Horneman
was told that Bournu was 15 days journey from Kashna: and at
25, in a W by S direction, short of Fittré. This is, no doubt,
meant of the _boundary_ of the empire of Bournu, towards Kashna,
and not of the capital; and this report appears very probable, as
the Bournuan dominions are said to terminate on that side, with the
country of Wangara.

=CHAPTER IV.=

* * * * *

_Concerning the Tribes that occupy the habitable Parts of the
Great Desert.—Tibbo and Tuarick.—Empires of Bournu, Asben,
and Houssa.—General Observations._

The inquiries of Mr. Horneman throw some new light on the distribution
of the habitable tracts, inclosed by, or adjoining to, that part of
the Sahara which lies to the east of Tombuctoo; as well as of the
tract that stands in the same relation to the Eastern, or _Libyan_
Desert.

The empires of Houssa and Bournou, consisting of various lesser
states, appear to divide the space along the Niger, from the
quarter of Tombuctoo, to that of Darfoor, eastward; and to extend
a considerable way to the north, beyond the general line of the river.

Two considerable nations, also, the TIBBO and TUARICK, appear to
divide the remainder of the space, northward, _within_ the Deserts;
embracing Fezzan on every side but the north; and closing on the
maritime states along the Mediterranean, from the Desert which shuts
up Egypt on the west, to Mount Atlas. Mr. Horneman appears to be
the first person who has given these general ideas of the Tibbo and
Tuarick; and they merit attention.

The Tibbo, or Tibboo, possess the eastern, and the Tuarick the
western, and most extensive part of this vast tract. Fezzan
separates them on the north: and its meridian forms nearly their
common boundary, until they close southward on Kashna and Bournu.[65]

According to Mr. Horneman, the settlements of the Tibbo, begin at
the south and south-east of Fezzan, and extend from thence eastward,
along the south of the Harutsch and of the Augilan Desert, to the
wide sandy Desert of the Lebetæ[66] (_Libya_), which shuts up Egypt,
on the west. This Desert forms the eastern boundary of the Tibbo. On
the south, wandering Arabs possess the tract between them and the
empire of Bournu; and on the west, are the Tuarick of Asben (Agades),
Tagazee, &c.

The Tibbo are said to be divided into the following tribes:
1. Rshade, or _Rock_ Tibbo. 2. Febabo. 3. Burgu, or Birgu. 4. Arna.
5. Bilma. 6. Nomadic Tibbo.

1. _The Rshade._ This tribe possesses the country adjoining to the
south and south-east of Fezzan; and is besides intermixed with the
Fezzaners, in those quarters of Fezzan, (as the Tuarick are in the
western quarters, and the Arabs in the north.) The towns of the Rock
Tibbo, are Abo and Tibesty; which I am enabled to place generally,
by means of a route given by Mr. Horneman.[67]

The Tibbo _Rshade_, or _Rock_ Tibbo, are so denominated from their
building their habitations under rocks, or living in _caves_; before
which they build huts of rushes, for their summer’s residence.

Some idea of the tract inhabited by this tribe, may be collected
from Mr. Beaufoy’s account of the country between Fezzan and
Bournu, ch. vi.; and from Mr. Horneman’s description of the white
Harutsch. The road to Bournu leads out of the country of Fezzan,
from Temissa; from which town, seven journies bring us to the plain
of _Tibesty_, said to be inhabited by Mahomedans; which is indeed the
religion of the Rock Tibbo. The last four days lead across what is
termed “a hilly desert of sand.” So far Mr. Beaufoy’s informant.

The white Harutsch, crossed by Mr. Horneman, is in this vicinity, and
extends southward, from the line of his route across it, from Augila
to Mourzouk: so that it is not improbable that the “hilly desert”
just mentioned, is a continuation of the white Harutsch. What renders
it more probable is, that Mr. Horneman was told, that certain _black_
mountains, which he suspected to be a part of the black Harutsch,
are crossed in the way from Fezzan to Bournu. And it has been shewn,
that the black Harutsch adjoins to the white Harutsch on the east;
and this arrangement may continue, southward: in which direction
Mr. Horneman was informed the black Harutsch stretched, beyond the
line of his route.

This gentleman describes the hilly part of the white Harutsch to
consist of “_loose friable limestone_, in which the petrifactions
are _imbedded so loosely_, that they may be taken out with ease.” No
rocks therefore are more likely to contain natural caves, or are more
easily excavated, when wanted. This tract, therefore, seems, as well
from description, as position, to be that inhabited by the Rock Tibbo.

A circumstance in Herodotus (Melpom. 183), leads one to conclude, that
these are the _Ethiopian Troglodytæ, hunted by the Garamantes_. The
Garamantes, I trust, I have made to appear, are the Fezzaners; and
here are a tribe of Troglodytæ, on their very borders. They are said,
in the same place, to be very swift of foot. Mr. Horneman says, that
the walk of the Tibbos is light and swift: as if remarkably so: but
then he speaks of the Tibbo, collectively; and not of any particular
tribe. But, on the other hand, it appears that he saw more of the
Rock Tibbo, than any other: for he says, “they go in multitudes to
Fezzan;” and it may be that his opinion of the nation at large was,
in a great measure, formed by what he saw of this tribe.[68]

A strange particular is related of the Troglodytæ, by Herodotus. He
says, that their language bears some resemblance to the screaming
of bats.[69] Melpom. 183.

2. _The Febabo._ This tribe is found at 10 journies SSW from Augila;
between which territories, on the side of Augila, is a desert of 6
journies, void of water. And notwithstanding this circumstance, and
the distance from the sea coast of Bengasi (20 days, at least), they
are annually exposed to the depredations of the people of Bengasi,
who, joined with those of Augila, go to _steal_ men and dates. See
above, on Gegabib, page 148.

3. _Burgu, or Birgu._ (This must not be mistaken for Bergoo, a state
situated in the quarter of Darfoor.) It appears in D’Anville and
Delisle, as well as in Leo, under the name of _Berdoa_; but the name
is too often repeated by Mr. Horneman to be a mistake of his. This
tribe resides to the south of Febabo, at the distance of _some_ days;
and at eighteen, eastward from Tibesty. Hence the Burgu tribe may
be placed S a little W from Augila, and about the parallel of the
south of Fezzan.

Their territory is said to be fertile, but they bear the character
of robbers. A caravan of Fezzanners, from Begarmé and Bournu, about
the time of Mr. Horneman’s visit, was plundered by them. The Sultan
of Fezzan sent a force to punish them; the smallness of which, seems
to prove that the Burgu are either not numerous, or are very much
dispersed. (See above, page 107). The route of the Sultan’s army
helps to fix the positions both of Burgu, and of the Rock Tibbo.[70]

Mr. Beaufoy relates (ch. iv. 1790,) that on another occasion, the
Tibbo of Tibesty plundered a caravan of Fezzan, which robbery was
also punished: but on the last occasion, the Tibestians (who are
the Rock Tibbo), aided the Sultan. It appears by the geography, that
the caravans from the SE are much exposed to the Burgu and Tibesty,
in their route to Fezzan.[71]

4. _Arna._ This tribe is said to live five or six journies to
the eastward of the Burgu; and must therefore border on the sandy
Desert of the _Lebetæ_. Mr. Horneman appears to have known them
only by name.

5. _Bilma._ This is the principal tribe of the Tibbo. They occupy the
middle space, between Fezzan and Bournu, adjacent to the great Desert
of Bilma. Their capital of _Dyrke_ is said to be one journey from
Bilma; which may be the Balmala of Edrisi. They carry on a commerce
between Bournu and Fezzan. (See above, p. 106.) The _Billa_ of Ptolemy
may possibly be meant for Bilma; but is too far to the eastward.

Mr. Beaufoy states the distance to be 45 days of the salt caravans
from Agadez to the lake of Dumboo; which is situated within the
Desert of Bilma. These, at 13 G. miles per day,[72] give a total of
585 miles. The interval on the construction is about 60 less. Either
then, Agadez is more to the west, or Dumboo more to the east. Two
circumstances render it probable that Agadez should be more to the
west: Mr. Magrah was told that it lay S 30° W from Fezzan: and
that it lay N from Kashna. That part of the General Map of 1798,
has not been altered.

6. _Nomadic Tibbo._ These are the most southerly of the tribes; and
are seated in the _Bahr-el-Gazel_, which, Mr. Horneman was told, was a
long and fruitful valley, 7 journies north of Begarmé. Of the _Bahr_
(or _Wad_)-el-Gazel, I have already spoken, in page 168. The distance
of 7 journies N of Begarmé would place the Nomadic Tibbo within the
empire of Bournu. Perhaps, in Bournu, as in Persia, both ancient and
modern, Nomadic tribes find plenty of room:[73] but whether so far
southward, may be a doubt, for a river of the name of Wad-el-Gazel,
is said to flow even into the Desert of Bilma. Antelopes are found
in the neighbourhood of Dumboo; and there may be a river denominated
from them, in that quarter, as well as in that of Begarmé.

_Of the_ TUARICK.[74]

These, whom Mr. Horneman styles a _mighty_ people, appear to occupy
the habitable parts of the Great Sahara, situated to the west of
the meridian of Fezzan. They must necessarily be widely dispersed;
and they are also divided into many tribes. Mr. Horneman very
properly confines himself to what he _knew_, concerning them: and
this knowledge related to little more than to the tribes of _Kolluvi_
and _Hagara_, who live the nearest to Fezzan; and carry on a commerce
between that place, Soudan, and Gadamis.

The Kolluvi possess (from recent conquest, it would seem,) the country
of Agadez; which, with other provinces adjacent, forms a state named
collectively, _Asben_. It adjoins to Kashna (a part of the empire
of Houssa,) on the south; Bournu on the east. Its capital is the
city of Agadez, said, by Mr. Magrah’s informant, to be in size
equal to the suburbs of Tunis; which, Mr. Magrah observes, compose
the largest proportion of that city.

But it would appear by the _Soudan_ route, transmitted by that
gentleman, that the establishments of the Tuarick in other places,
as Gazer, Tagazee, Jenet, &c. consisted only of small villages,
scattered through an immensity of space: indeed, like most of the
other tribes situated within this singular region. Zanfara and Guber,
which are said to lie adjacent, pay a tribute to Asben.

The Hagara are the most easterly of the Tuarick, and are near
Fezzan. These I am not able to place on the Map: possibly, they
either occupy Ganat, on the south of Fezzan; or, as the Tuarick
possess Jenet and Sockna, on the NW of it, the town of Agaree, in
the same quarter, may be the Hagara meant. It appears in the routes
collected by Mr. Magrah, at Tunis.

Mr. Horneman also mentions, but without any notice of situation, the
_Matkara_ tribe: also that of _Tagama_, situated towards Tombuctoo
and Soudan.[75] He forms an ingenious conjecture respecting this
tribe. They are said to be whiter than the rest of the Africans
of the interior (or rather, perhaps, less black); and are _not_
Mahometans. Now, as the term _Nazary_, or Christian, is applied
generally to those whom the Mahometans call unbelievers, Mr. Horneman
infers that this circumstance has given rise to the report of there
being a tribe of _white Christians_ near Tombuctoo.[76]

The eastern Tuarick live chiefly a Nomadic life.

One curious particular relating to the Tuarick is, that they have
formed colonies in _Siwah_, _Augila_, and _Sockna_; all of which are
commercial places, forming a chain along the northern border of the
Libyan Desert, towards the maritime states along the Mediterranean. To
these, the _Lesser Oasis_ is to be added, in course; as speaking
the same language as Siwah; and this is corroborated by Mr. Browne,
who says (page 132), that the Lesser Oasis forms a kind of capital
settlement of the Muggrebine Arabs. Gadamis also may possibly be found
to be a colony of the same people; whose establishments of this kind,
may extend along the northern border of the whole Sahara; since they
have colonies in a quarter so remote from their own nation.[77]

The Tuarick are said, by Mr. Horneman, to be a very interesting
people; the most so, of any of the tribes of the Sahara: but he
gives the palm of intelligence, benevolence, and mildness, to the
people of Houssa; who are, however, Negroes.

This Houssa, (or _Haussa_, as Mr. Horneman calls it), whose position
has so long evaded geographical research, is, according to this
gentleman, an _empire_, consisting of a number of lesser states,
in the very centre of North Africa. Kashna, or Kasna, which has so
long figured on the Map as an independent empire, must, according to
his description, (and which is very consistent), give way to Houssa,
of which Kasna is no more than a province. He includes in Houssa,
on the authority of a Maraboot, the countries situated generally
between Tombuctoo, Asben, and Bournu.[78]

He says that three names are applied to this empire (as to Fittré:)
Haussa, the name among the people themselves; Soudan,[79] (meaning
the country of the _Blacks_, or Negroes) by the Arabs; and Asna,
by the people of Bournu. But this last, he says, in strictness,
applies only to the countries of Kasna, Kano, (Gana,) and such
parts of Houssa, as lie to the eastward of _these_: in effect, those
parts of Houssa which border on, or are nearest to, the Bournuans:
a practice that has prevailed, more or less, in every country.

Concerning the existence of _a city_ of Houssa, Mr. Horneman is
silent: but he learnt that Tombuctoo (between which, however, and
Fezzan, there is very little intercourse,) is certainly the principal
city, and most worthy of notice, in the interior of Africa.

It must be admitted that the information collected by Mr. Magrah,
at Tunis, respecting Houssa, agrees with the report of Mr. Horneman;
but still there may also be a _city_ of the name of Houssa, in the
quarter towards Tombuctoo, and within the limits of the empire now
denominated Houssa; and which city, at an earlier period, may have
been the capital of the empire.

Mr. Magrah says, (Beaufoy’s MSS.) “All my late informants persist
in representing Houssa as a considerable empire, comprehending many
principalities. Kasna, (says Sidi Cossem,) is the _great city_,
Houssa, the _country_ of the Negroes. The course from Tunis to
Gadamis is due south; and the same from thence to Houssa.” (The
same authority gave the bearing from Fezzan to Agades, at S 30° W.;
and thence to Kasna, due south.)[80]

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.

It is an unquestionable fact, that Geography has gained very
considerably by Mr. Horneman’s travels; though not quite so much
as if he had transmitted the general bearings of the different
portions of his routes; as well as the latitudes of some important
geographical points; together with an account of the time employed
between Fezzan and Tripoly. However, very great allowances must be
made, for the critical situation in which he was placed; from the
difficulty of supporting the character he had assumed, whilst he
was forwarding the purposes of the Association.

It may be justly remarked, that the course of a few years, has solved
many of the questions respecting the geography and natural history
of Africa, that appeared the most important and curious, during a
series of ages: and it may be added, that the physical geography of
Africa, turns out to be more remarkable than was even supposed.

Of the questions either wholly, or in part, solved, may be reckoned
the following:

_First._ The general direction of the stream of the _Niger_, now
proved by Mr. Park, to be from west to east; although the _place_
and _mode_ of its termination, are not _exactly known_.

_Secondly._ The place of the remote head of the Nile; in all ages
a _desideratum_: and which, although it has not been actually
visited, may fairly be believed, on the authority of Mr. Browne’s
information: more especially, as it agrees so nearly with the report
of the Darfoor people, to Ledyard, at Cairo; with the reports of the
Arabian geographers; and with the information collected by M. Maillet,
in Egypt.

_Thirdly._ The place of the Oasis, and remains of the temple
of Jupiter Ammon; discovered by Mr. Browne, and corroborated by
Mr. Horneman: as also, the exact position and extent of the Greater
Oasis, by Mr. Browne; and the approximated position of the Lesser
Oasis, by the joint inquiries of the same gentlemen.

_Fourthly._ The position of the nation called _Garamantes_ by
the ancients; derived from information collected by the African
Association.

_Fifthly._ The truth of the question respecting the _Lotus_; which,
considered fairly, and stripped of the poetical ideas annexed to it,
is really what the ancients described it to be. The merit of this
discovery, or at least, the distinct proof of it, rests, in a great
measure, with Mr. Park.

_Sixthly._ The proof of certain facts stated by the ancients; as,

1. The Dates of the distant inland tracts, being gathered by the
people of the sea coast.

2. The _Mons Ater_ of Pliny, recognised in the _Black Harutsch_.

3. The site of Memphis, before involved in doubt and obscurity.

4. The singular conformation of the Mound of _Bubastis_, in Lower
Egypt, proved by the French _Sçavans_.[81]

Although a part, only, of these discoveries, have been made by
persons employed by the Association, yet it is probable that the
gentleman to whom we owe some of the most brilliant of them, was
in part determined to the pursuit, by the discussions set on foot
by the Association; which had been established some years before
Mr. Browne’s travels commenced.

POSTSCRIPT.

When the above Memoir was printed, I was ignorant that the following
passage occurred, in Mr. Horneman’s Letter of the 6th April,
from Mourzouk.

“I spoke to a man who had seen Mr. Browne in Darfoor: he gave me
some information respecting the countries he travelled through, and
told me, that the communication of the Niger with the Nile, was not
to be doubted, but that this communication before the rainy season,
was very little; in those parts, the Niger being at the dry period
_reposing_, or _non fluens_.”

If the authority is to be depended on, it proves two facts: first,
that the _Niger_ and _Nile_, (that is the _western_ branch, or _White_
River), are by no means one and the same river; but, on the contrary,
that their fountains are perfectly distinct: for, it is agreed on all
hands, that the White River is a very large stream, at all seasons;
whereas, we are here told that the Niger discharges into the Nile,
during the dry season, only a very small portion of its waters:
consequently, the waters of the Nile must come from some other
quarter than the Niger.

The other fact is, that during the dry season, the waters of the Niger
are generally evaporated in the inland country: a fact disbelieved
by many, from their not being well informed respecting the powers
of evaporation.

The communication above alluded to, may probably turn out to be that,
between the lakes of Wangara and Fittré; which is described by
Edrisi as a part of the track of the salt trade along the Niger. It
may be proper to repeat, that the _Misselâd_ of the map, answers
to the upper part of Edrisi’s _Niger_.

ERRATA IN THE GEOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR.

Page 130 line the last, for _whole_, read _given_.

— 148 — last but one, for _and_, read _to_.

— 171, 172 for _Metho_, read _Metko_.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 14: The Reader is referred to the Map of Mr. Horneman’s
Route, page 29, and to the General Map of Africa, opposite Chapter
III.]

[Footnote 15: Mr. Horneman had the misfortune to lose his papers at
Schiacha, three days beyond Siwah; so that he must have written down
the time, previous to that accident, from recollection only. Between
Cairo and Siwah, his time is given, as follows:

Hours.

Cairo to Wady-el-Latron, or the Natron Valley, _about_ 19

To a sand hill, (supposed to be the ridge between the
Natron Valley and the bed of the Bahr-bela-ma) 4

To Muhabag 13

Mogara 4½

Biljoradeck 16

To a station on the hills of Ummesogeir: said to be 40
hours, _or more_, say 41½

To Ummesogeir 5

Siwah 20
---
Total 123
---
]

[Footnote 16: The ordinary caravan day of 8 hours, appears to be
about 20 _British_ miles, _by the road_; and in _direct_ distance
across deserts, about 16¼ or 16½ _Geographic_ miles.]

[Footnote 17:

Siwah to the Valley of _Schiacha_ 23 hours.

To Torfaue 6½

Across the Desert to a watering-place on the border
of Augila 49

To Augila 9
---
Total 87½
---
]

[Footnote 18: Abulfeda and Ptolemy describe it to be so; and Ledyard
was told the same at Cairo.]

[Footnote 19: This is the computation:

Hours.

From Augila to the Mountains of _Moraije_ 26

To the Plain of Sultin 18

Across the Plain or Desert of Sultin, &c. to a woody tract,
3 journies; but no account in hours, say 34

To the entrance of the black Harutsch, about 1 day, say 10

To a watering-place in the Harutsch 4

To the end of the black Harutsch, 3½ days; say 40

Through the white Harutsch, 1½ day; say 15

To a watering-place on the borders of Fezzan 4

To Temissa 9

Zuila 6¾

Hamarra 7

Tragan 10¾

Sidi Bisher 8

Mourzouk 3
----
195½

The road distance, at 2¼ British miles per hour, gives 488¾,
which, at ¹⁄₂₀ part for windings, as before, would give 463½;
or in G. miles about 409. I have deducted 14 for the extraordinary
windings and roughness of the paths, in the black Harutsch.

Remains G. miles 395, for the direct distance between Augila and
Mourzouk.]

[Footnote 20: Herodotus has a line of distance from Thebes, westward,
in intervals of 10 days each, but very inaccurate.]

[Footnote 21: The former statement of the distance, (in the
Geog. Herod. p. 167.) is 861. The difference is occasioned by the
different modes of projection of the maps; that in Herodotus, being
on a spherical projection, the present one being rectilinear.]

[Footnote 22: See Proceed. Afr. Assoc. for 1790, chap. iv.]

[Footnote 23: The road by Sockna, seems to be the _short_ road to
_Phazania_, mentioned by Pliny, lib. v. c. 5.]

[Footnote 24: There are several places of the name of _Wadan_, in
this Geography; the name designing the conflux of two water-courses,
or torrents. Another Wadan is found in the road from Mesurata to
Fezzan; and a third, between Fezzan and Bournu.]

[Footnote 25: Mr. Horneman came, on the day before he entered the
black Harutsch, to a small wood of _green_ trees. This situation
accords with that of Zala, being just midway between Augila and
Zuila. No town is known to exist there, at present.]

[Footnote 26: M. D’Anville reckons the distance between Tripoly
and Mourzouk 240 G. miles, only: M. Delisle about 280, or less:
and Sanuto, who wrote on the African Geography, (A. D. 1588,)
255. Thus, the 289 allowed above, from Mesurata, go beyond the highest
calculation hitherto made, from Tripoly, which is yet farther from
Mourzouk, than Mesurata is.]

[Footnote 27: Mr. Browne, who did _not_ see the Bahr-bela-ma, was
_told_ that it lay a day’s journey to the west of the Natron Lakes;
but unless it takes a turn to the west, beyond the point where General
A. saw it, he must have been misinformed. See an account of the
Bahr-bela-ma in the province of Faiume, in the Geog. Herod. p. 503.

The description of these valleys is to be found in the _Mémoires
sur l’Egypte_, p. 212.]

[Footnote 28: This (I am given to understand) is the idea conveyed
in the original Journal.]

[Footnote 29: The hills over the valley of Mogara, answer to the hills
of _Le Magra_, (perhaps corrupted from _El Mogara_,) of Mr. Beaufoy;
Afr. Assoc. 1790, ch. x. and also to the M. _Ogdamus_ of Ptolemy,
Afr. Tab. III.]

[Footnote 30: See above, p. 8.]

[Footnote 31: In the Geogr. of Herod. p. 504.]

[Footnote 32: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 33: This is explained in the observations on the alluvions
of rivers, in the same book, Section xviii.]

[Footnote 34: My friend, Mr. Morton Pitt, M. P. has proved, by the
enumeration of the inhabitants of a country parish in Dorsetshire,
that the men of an age _capable_ of bearing arms are _one-fourth_
of the whole community. Mr. Horneman, if I understand him rightly,
states the number of _actual_ warriors to be 1500; so that we ought,
perhaps, to multiply that number by 5, to get nearer to the total
amount of the population.]

[Footnote 35: Edrisi places it at seven journies from Cairo; probably
through Faiume.]

[Footnote 36: Geography of Herodot. p. 560, 561.]

[Footnote 37: Most of the modern authors, who have mentioned this
Oasis, speak of _ruins_ existing in it. In particular Mr. Browne,
p. 133.]

[Footnote 38: (See Proceed. Afr. Assoc. 1790, ch. x.) The sea coast
is truly about eight journies from Gegabib: but I know of no place
of the name of _Duna_. Derna is twice that distance.]

[Footnote 39: See above, page 108.]

[Footnote 40: Abulfeda speaks both of its dates and its fountains: and
Ben Ali informed Mr. Beaufoy, that it was famous for the “_abundance_
and _flavour_” of its dates. Proceed. Afr. Assoc. ch. x.]

[Footnote 41: Mr. Horneman speaks of three towns in Augila, and Ben
Ali adds a fourth town, or village, _Guizara_, situated at one journey
to the east of the capital. Hence it agrees with the watering-place
to which Mr. Horneman came at nine hours short of Augila. It seems
to be also the _Saragma_ of Ptolemy. (Tab. III. Africæ.)]

[Footnote 42: Mr. Horneman saw some remains, which ought to be
referred to the time of Mahomedanism.]

[Footnote 43: There are considerable remains of structures, at this
day. See Proceed. Afr. Assoc. 1790, chap. iv.]

[Footnote 44: Gadamis, it would appear, ought to be placed more
to the eastward than it appears in the Map of 1798; which will
increase the direct distance of Teghery from Tunis, on the Map,
by straightening the line of the road.

Gadamis was pointed out to Mr. Magrah, to bear from Tunis, S 4° E;
the distance 23 caravan days. Of these, the first 10 were to Kabes,
situated in the Map of D’Anville at 163½ G. miles, in a direction
of S a very little W from Tunis. If the other 13 days (at the same
rate of 16,35) equal to 212½ G. miles, be laid off on the line of
S 4 E from Tunis, Gadamis will fall in latitude 30° 29′ 30″,
longitude 11° east.

Mr. Magrah was told that it bore SW from Tripoly, but no distance
is given. Pliny says, that _Cydamus_ lies opposite to _Sabrata_
(Sabart, or old Tripoly). In one copy of Pliny, it is reckoned 12
journies from the Greater Syrtis. In this position it is somewhat
more than 240 G. miles from it; agreeing to 12 journies of the rate
of _light_ travelling, described above, page 126.

These _data_ may be of use in the future corrections of the geography,
as Gadamis may, from its position, be a useful point of outset.]

[Footnote 45: That Map has been corrected accordingly; and is placed
opposite.]

[Footnote 46: Mr. Bruce describes a chain of mountains, extending
westward from the Abyssynian branch of the Nile, between the 11nth
and 12th degree of north latitude; and having to the north _Dyre_
and _Tegla_. As these places are recognised in Browne’s routes,
p. 463, under the names of _Deir_ and _Tuggala_, situated in a
mountainous region, I have described the ridge above-mentioned,
to run to the WNW instead of west. These places, as well as Harraza
and Lebeit, (meant for Ibeit,) are placed very much too far to the
west of Sennaar, in the map of Mr. Bruce, Vol. V.]

[Footnote 47: See Proceed. Afr. Assoc. for 1790, chap. ii.]

[Footnote 48: Euterpe, c. 32.]

[Footnote 49: Ptolemy, Afr. Tab. IV. Edrisi, p. 15, _et seq._
Abulfeda, _Prologom._ Article Rivers. _Komri_, or _Kumri_, means
_lunar_.]

[Footnote 50: I think I perceive in Mr. Browne’s description of
Darkulla, the traces of an alluvial country; that is, one whose
soil is formed from the deposition of rivers; intersected by their
branches; and periodically inundated. Mr. Browne says of the natives,
“they are very cleanly, to which the _abundance of water_ in their
country, contributes. They have ferry-boats on the river, which
are impelled by poles, partly by a double oar, like our canoes. The
trees are so large, from the quantity of water and deep clay, that
canoes are hollowed out of them, sufficiently capacious to contain
ten persons.” Travels, p. 308, 309.]

[Footnote 51: So says Leo, p. 254.]

[Footnote 52: See the General Map of North Africa, at page 178.]

[Footnote 53: For Edrisi, page 13, places this lake (Kauga,) at ten
journies eastward of Semegonda in Wangara.]

[Footnote 54: Here we have a proof that the Eastern people call
_Fittré_ by the name of _Kauga_, (or _Cooka_,) as Horneman
says. _Dar_ has been explained by Mr. Browne to mean _country_;
as _Dar-Fûr_, the country of Fûr, or Foor.]

[Footnote 55: This lake is said by Mr. Horneman, page 118, to be from
four to eight journies in circuit; varying its dimensions with the
dry or the rainy season; thus increasing threefold with the rains,
and leaving, in the dry season, an enriched soil to the husbandman.]

[Footnote 56: This seems to be the river mentioned by Ibn al Wardi,
(in Hartman’s Edrisi, p. 62,) as coming from the east, and passing
by Ghama (read Begama, or Begarmé,) into the _Nile_; meaning the
Nile of the Negroes, (our Niger.)]

[Footnote 57: It should be observed, that Edrisi, (p. 13,) reckons
Kauga to the country of Wangara; although some, says he, reckon it
to belong to _Kanem_.

It is proper in this place to restate and correct the line of
distance between _Gana_ and _Dongola_; which will be found in the
Proceed. Afr. Assoc. for 1798, p. 122. There it appears, that
Kauga is given by Edrisi, at 30 journies, equal on his scale,
to 570 G. miles from Dongola; and it is found by Mr. Browne’s
statement, to fall at 578. Again, Mr. Horneman says, that Fittré,
(or Kauga,) is 40 journies to the eastward of Kashna, (See above,
p. 138.) This interval of distance, taking Kashna as it is placed
in the Map of 1798, is 653 G. miles; equal to 16⅓ per day; and is
perfectly satisfactory. Edrisi allows 36 journies between Gana and
Kauga; so that by this account, Gana ought to be nearer to Kauga,
by four journies, than Kashna is. In the Map of 1798, Gana is placed
eight miles too far to the east. (See the Proceed, p. 121.) This
corrected, Gana will be 82 from Kashna; which, however, is still
too much for four journies, and agrees better to five.

The interval thus corrected, between Gana and Kauga, is 575 G. miles
in _direct distance_; which allows no more than 15½ per day, for
Edrisi’s 36 days; whilst his ordinary scale is 19. If therefore,
the report of Edrisi is right, Gana must either lie more to the west,
or the course of the Niger, along which his route leads, to within ten
journies of Kauga, must form a very deep curve to the south, after
passing the dominions of Houssa, (of which Gana makes a part.) That
it does decline to the south, Mr. Horneman was repeatedly informed, as
may be seen above, pages 115, 117, but whether in a degree sufficient
to occasion the difference above-mentioned, is not ascertained.

M. D’Anville also had an idea, and so describes it in his Map of
Africa, 1749, (possibly from actual information), that the Niger
declined to the south beyond Gana; so that the termination of it,
in the lake of Semegonda, was 3½ degrees of latitude to the south of
Gana; and which, by the bye, would place the lake of Semegonda, about
the same parallel with the _Bahr Hemad_ of Mr. Browne. At present,
however, we must be content with proportioning the distance between
Gana and Kauga; which, admitting a curvature to the south, allows a
rate of 16⅓ or 16½; or that of ordinary caravan travelling. It has
been shewn that Horneman’s report of the distance between Kashna
and Fittré, is very consistent: and there can be no question, that,
of the two, we ought to prefer Horneman’s report, from its being
less subject to error than the other, which has passed through so
many hands, in its way to us.]

[Footnote 58: The Thames, between Maidenhead Bridge and Mortlake,
(about 41 B. miles in a straight line,) has a fall of rather more
than one foot eight inches in each mile. But this is a _smooth_
part of its course: for although the Thames does not, by any means,
spring from very elevated lands, it cannot be supposed to fall less
than four feet in each mile, taken on its whole course. On this idea,
the Niger should have a fall of more than 8000 feet, in its supposed
course to the White River. But even if two feet and a half (which
appears very moderate indeed) be allowed, the fall would be no less
than 5625 feet, or 115 yards more than an English mile. Is it to be
credited, that the bed of the White River, on the south of Darfoor,
and at a point not very remote from its source, is a mile lower than
the springs of the Joliba, or Niger?]

[Footnote 59: Browne’s Travels, page 473.]

[Footnote 60: Edrisi says, “Ab urbe Ghana ad primos limites
terræ Vancáræ est iter octo dierum (orientem versus)—Atque
hæc eadem est insula longitudinis trecentorum milliarium, centum et
quinquaginta latitudinis, quam Nilus undequaque circundat toto anni
tempore. Adveniente verò mense Augusto, et æstu gravescente, Niloque
inundante, insula ista vel certè major pars illius aquis obruitur,
manetque sepulta aquis quamdiu Nilus terram inundare consuevit.”
(Sionita, p. 11 and 12. See also Hartmann’s Edrisi, article Vankara,
p. 47 _et seq._]

[Footnote 61: Ebn Haukal, an Arabian geographer, of the tenth century,
(lately translated by Sir William Ouseley,) gives the following
account of the river _Heermend_, p. 205.

“The most considerable river of _Sejestan_ is the _Heermend_,
which comes from Ghaur to the city of _Bost_, and from that runs to
_Sejestan_, to the lake _Zareh_. This lake is very small when the
waters of the river are not copious; when the river is full, the lake
increases accordingly. The length of this lake is about 30 farsangs,
(about 110 B. miles,) and in breadth about one _merhilch_. (Day’s
journey, or 24 B. miles.) Its waters are sweet, wholesome, &c.”

It is well known, that there is no _outlet_ from the lake Zareh.]

[Footnote 62: Begama of Edrisi.]

[Footnote 63: Mr. Browne, (page 473,) states the distance between
_Donga_, and the (_southern_) limit of Bornu, to be 20 journies.]

[Footnote 64: Mr. Horneman’s informant called it _Ungara_; and it
appears that the Arabs name it _Belad-el-Tebr_, or the country of
gold. (Herbelot and Bakui.) Mr. Browne was told, in Darfoor, that gold
was not found in any quantity, to the west. But Wangara, a country
of gold, at least in former times, lies to the west of Darfoor!]

[Footnote 65: There is a town named _Taboo_, a considerable way to
the SW of Fezzan. D’Anville writes it _Tibedou_. It seems to be the
_Tabidium_ of Pliny, one of the towns conquered by the Romans, under
Balbus. (Pliny, lib. v. c. 4 and 5.) Pliny says, c. 8. that “the
Romans possessed the country, even to the river Niger, which separates
_Africa_ from _Ethiopia_;” and gives a long list of provinces and
towns subject to them. It may be conceived, that besides Fezzan,
Gadamis, Taboo, &c. they possessed the fertile tract, in the line
from thence to the Niger; that is, Agadez, Kashna, and perhaps Gana.

It may be remarked that Pliny (c. 8) speaks of TWO _Ethiopias_; and
quotes Homer, as having divided them into _Eastern_ and _Western_. One
may conceive that the division between them, was the fertile tract
in question, extending from Fezzan, in the line towards the Niger.]

[Footnote 66: _Levata_ of Leo, page 245.]

[Footnote 67: From Mourzouk to Gatron, (or Kattron,) south 54 miles;
understood to be of British standard, and to include the windings
of the road. Thence to Tegerhie, SSW 33 miles. To Abo 7 days;
and thence to Tibesty, 3 days in an easterly direction. Finally,
to Burgu, 18 days; each of which 28 days are reckoned 18 B. miles
_by the road_. See above, page 107.

It has been calculated in page 155, that Teghery, by the general
result of the authorities, should be placed S 26 W, 68 G. miles
from Mourzouk.

From thence, the 10 days to Tibesty, in an easterly direction, may
be taken at about 140 G. miles; which meeting the line of 7 days,
equal to 98 G. miles from Temissa, (See Proceed. Afr. Assoc. 1790,
chap. iv.) places Tibesty at 133 miles SE by E. from Mourzouk.]

[Footnote 68: The _Troglodytæ_ were found in every place where
nature or art had prepared recesses for them; and are always
gifted with superior swiftness of foot. In particular, in Pliny,
lib. vii. c. 2. and in Hanno’s Voyage, &c.

Considering that _Fezzan_, under the name of _Garamanta_, was one of
the earliest known inland countries of Africa, to the Greeks, it is
not altogether improbable that the first idea of the characteristic
swiftness of the _Ethiopian Troglodytæ_, was derived from thence. And
considering also the false idea entertained by the Greeks, of the
bearing of the western side of Africa, Hanno might have supposed the
source of the river _Lixus_, the reported seat of _his_ Troglodytæ,
to have been situated in the centre of Africa.]

[Footnote 69: Horneman was told by the Augilans, that the Tibbo
of Febabo, or Burgu, (it is not clear which) spoke a language that
resembled the _whistling_ of birds. He also takes occasion to remark,
what Herodotus says concerning the language of the Ethiopians,
hunted by the _Garamantes_; but probably without referring these
last to the country of Fezzan.]

[Footnote 70: It appears in page 176, (_note_) that Burgu is 18
journies from Tibesty; which, at 14 G. miles each, (as they are of
18 B. miles by the road,) produce 252 miles. Burgu is said, page 119,
to be situated to the south, _some days_ distant from Febabo. On the
construction the line of 252 miles passes to the eastward of Febabo,
(placed at 10 days to SSW from Augila, see page 108,) _so far_,
as to place Burgu to the _south-eastward_, instead of _south_, from
Febabo. It may be, that Febabo does not bear so far to the west, as
SSW from Augila; as less than 14 miles per day cannot well be allowed,
from Tibesty. I have therefore altered the bearing from SSW, and made
it somewhat nearer to the meridian. The Berdoa, or Bardeo of Leo,
(pages 245, 246,) agrees to this position, 500 Arabic miles from the
Nile, in the midst of the Desert of Libya; and abounding with dates.]

[Footnote 71: Notwithstanding the appearance of retributive
justice in these attacks on the Tibbo, by the Sultan of Fezzan,
yet Mr. Horneman lets us a little into the secret, by informing us,
(page 68,) that “for some years past, the Sultan has augmented
his revenues considerably, by _cursory expeditions_ against the
Tibbos of Burgu.” And the result of the above expedition was,
“the _stealing_ of about two hundred people, which were sold,”
&c. It may be remarked, that Mr. Browne says of the Sultan of
Darfoor, that a part of his revenue arises from a participation
in the profits of the _selatia_, or _slave-hunting_ parties, (page
299.) And of the Negro country of _Dar Kulla_, he says, that even
the public regulations are framed with a view to the _entrapping_
of individuals for slaves. (308.) So that the slave trade exists
much in the same manner, in this quarter of Africa, where none of
the slaves are purchased by European traders, as in the west.]

[Footnote 72: It has appeared that the caravan travellers in
stating the time between distant places, are apt to give the whole
time that elapses between their leaving one place, and arriving at
another. Hence the days of halt, have often been added to the days of
march; and a faulty route of travelling has thence been adopted. This,
no doubt, occasioned the low rate adopted, soon after the institution
of the Association: and which nothing but actual experiment can
effectually correct.]

[Footnote 73: The proof of this fact is most satisfactorily
established, by Herodotus, and by Ibn Haukel, a geographical writer
of the tenth century, whose work has been lately translated by Sir
William Ouseley; to whose labours the science of Geography is much
indebted.]

[Footnote 74: Mr. Horneman regards this nation as the _Terga_ of Leo,
situated in the western quarter of the Great Desert. (Leo, page 245.)]

[Footnote 75: Ptolemy has a city named _Tagama_, at the Niger, but
too far to the east, to answer to the position here given. (Afr. Tab.
IV.). There is also a _Tegoma_ in our geography, near Kashna.]

[Footnote 76: Many persons have expected to find in the interior
of Africa, the remains of the Carthaginian nation, expelled by
the Romans. Considering, however, the vast interval of time that
has elapsed, we can hardly expect to find the remnant of a nation,
continuing so far unmixed with the surrounding nations, as to preserve
their distinction of character and language. Besides, it would really
seem as if the Carthaginians themselves, (meaning the descendants of
the Phœnicians,) were not to be regarded as a _nation_, so much as
_bodies_ of _citizens_, inhabiting commercial towns: so that their
language may never have prevailed generally over Barbary.]

[Footnote 77: Mr. Browne (page 232) denominates the people of
the _Greater_ Oasis, _Muggrebine_ Arabs, as well as those of the
_Lesser_. It is probable then, that all the Oases are colonies of
the _Tuarick_.]

[Footnote 78: See the sketch opposite to page 111.]

[Footnote 79: The Moors, and Arabs call the country of the Negroes,
which was designed by the Romans under the name of _Nigritia_,
SOUDAN. Abulfeda includes all the known part of Africa, south of
the Great Desert, in BELAD SOUDAN, or the country of Soudan. (The
word _Souda_ or _Suda_, in Arabic, signifies _black_.)

Mr. Browne, who had visited a part of Soudan, namely _Darfoor_,
agrees that Soudan corresponds to our _Nigritia_; being “a general
term for the country of the Blacks.” (page 182.) In his preface,
page xxv. he says that “nothing can be more vague, than the
use of the word Soudan, or Sudan. Among the Egyptians and Arabs,
_Ber-es-Soudan_ is the place where the caravans arrive, when they
reach the first habitable part of _Dar-Fûr_: but that country seems
its _eastern extremity_; for I never heard it applied to Kordofân
or Sennaar. It is used equally in Dar-Fûr to express the country
to the west; but on the whole, seems ordinarily applied to signify
that part of the land of the Blacks nearest Egypt.”

It has been seen, however, that the people of Tunis and Fezzan,
reckon Houssa, that is, Kashna, and the adjacent countries, to Soudan;
whence it must be extended westward to Tombuctoo, at least. Whether
it ought to be extended farther west, I know not. The term, which
is of Arabic origin, may possibly have in its application, a limited
range, and may not embrace the entire country of the Negroes.]

[Footnote 80: The following information occurs in a letter from
Mr. Jackson of Santa Cruz, to Mr. Willis, dated 1st of July, 1797.

“I have informed myself particularly concerning Houssa, and I find
there is no such place. The environs of all great towns are called
in the Arabic of this country, _El Huz_, or _Huza_.”]

[Footnote 81: The reader is requested to compare the description of
this Mound in Herodotus, (Euterpe, 137, 138,) with that in the Voyage
on the Tanitic branch of the Nile, in the _Mémoires sur L’Egypte_,
p. 215, _et seq._ See also the Geog. System of Herodotus, p. 513,
for the application.]

=OBSERVATIONS=
ON THE
LANGUAGE OF SIWAH.
BY WILLIAM MARSDEN, ESQ. F. R. S.

* * * * *

_To the Right Honourable Sir_ JOSEPH BANKS, _Bart_.

DEAR SIR,

My curiosity has been much gratified by your obliging communication
of Mr. Horneman’s specimen of the language spoken at _Siwah_, or the
Oasis of Ammon, in the Lybian Desert; and it will afford satisfaction
to you in return, to be informed, that notwithstanding the accident
to his papers, which we must all regret, and which might cause some
doubt to attach to the correctness of a list subsequently formed,
I am enabled to identify the words he has transmitted, amongst the
dialects of Africa with which we are already acquainted, and thereby
to increase the confidence we feel in the general accuracy of this
zealous and enterprising traveller.

Not having any previous knowledge of the extensive people whom
he calls _Tuarick_, of whose language he was given to understand
that this of _Siwah_ is a dialect, I directed my attention in
the first instance to the numerous specimens I possess of the
languages spoken by various tribes of Negros, in the northern part
of the continent, but without being able to trace in any of them the
slightest similitude. I then pursued my comparison through the Arabic,
Hebrew, Syriac, Chaldaic, and the different branches of the Ethiopic;
and although I thought some distant affinity perceptible, it was
not such as could be insisted upon. I was next led to examine the
language spoken by the inhabitants of Mount Atlas, known in Morocco
by the names of _Shilha_ شلح, and _Breber_ or _Berber_ بربر,
but in their own country by that of _Amazigh_ امزيغ; and here
I had the satisfaction of ascertaining the object of my search. The
following examples will, I doubt not, be judged sufficient evidence of
the language of these countries of _Siwah_ and _Shilha_, distant from
each other by the whole breadth of Africa, being one and the same;
and I scarcely need to claim even that reasonable allowance which
every candid person will make for the difference of orthography that
unavoidably results from the different circumstances under which
collections of this nature are formed.

Siwah. Shilha.

Head, _Achfé,_ _Eghf, Eaghph._

Eyes, _Taun,_ _Tet, Tetten, Azain._

Hand, _Fuss,_ _Efus, Aphoose._

Water, _Aman,_ _Aman._

Sun, _Itfuct,_ _Taffought, Tafogt._

Cow, _Ftunest,_ _Tefnast, Taphonest._

Mountain, _Iddrarn,_ _Adarar._

Dates, _Tena,_ _Tini, Teeny._

The earliest account of the _Shilha_ language of which I am at present
aware, is that given by Jezreel Jones, in a Latin epistle published
at the end of Chamberlayne’s Oratio Dominica, in 1715. He says,
“Lingua Shilhensis vel _Tamazeght_, præter planities _Messæ_,
Hahhæ et provinciam Daræ vel Drâ, in plus viginti viget provinciis
regni Sûs in Barbaria Meridionali. Diversæ linguæ hujus dantur
dialecti in Barbaria, quæ ante Arabicam, primariam Mauritaniæ
Tingitanæ et Cæsariensis provinciarum linguam ibi obtinuêre, et
hodiernum inter Atlanticorum Sûs Dara et Reephean Montium incolas
solum exercentur.” A specimen is added, consisting of about one
hundred words. In the excellent account of Morocco published in
Danish, by George Höst, in 1779, there is also a short vocabulary
of this language, where the words are given with apparent accuracy,
in the Arabic character.

Several years ago you were so kind as to transmit for me to Mr. Matra,
His Majesty’s Consul at Morocco, (a gentleman whose exertions
for the advancement of useful knowledge, and particularly of that
which is the object of the African Association, deserve the highest
praise,) a copy of an extensive alphabetical list of English words,
which I printed and distributed with the view of facilitating the
attainment of languages not to be met with in dictionaries, and in
consequence of which I received from him, through your hands, a very
valuable communication. “It is not, (he says in a letter dated in
1791, that accompanied it,) the printed copy Mr. Marsden sent me,
but an exact duplicate. His copy, with the words translated into
Arabic, is sent to _Tombuctoo_, I fear but with little chance of
its returning.” That copy never did return; but the transcript I
received contains a version of all the words into the Mauritanian
dialect of Arabic, for the purpose of enabling a _talb_, or priest,
from the _Shilha_ country, to write opposite to each, in the same
character, the corresponding terms in his language. I have been used
to consider this as a very curious document, even when I believed it
to apply only to the western coast of Africa, but its importance will
be much increased, if we should find, as there is ground to presume,
that the _Shilha_ or _Berber_ extends across the whole continent,
in a direction between the Negro dialects on the southern side,
and the Moorish or Arabic of the Mediterranean coasts, and that it
was the general language of all Northern Africa before the period
of the Mahometan conquests. Independently of the Arabic terms,
which must ever accompany the progress of that religion, I think it
exhibits some strong marks of affinity to that class of Oriental
languages which the German writers have distinguished by the name
of Shemitic; and if this should be established, (contrary, however,
to the opinion of Höst,) it will not be unreasonable to suppose
it the ancient Punic, corrupted by the influx of words successively
introduced by the colonies or armies of Greeks, Romans, and Goths,
and at length mixing again with a branch of the original stream,
in its connection with the modern Arabic.

I am, Dear Sir, &c.

W. M.

_Spring Garden, 1st May_, 1800.

P. S. Since writing the foregoing, I have adverted to the chapter on
the Oasis of Ammon, in the learned work of my friend Major Rennell,
(the Geographical System of Herodotus examined,) and perceive from
the extracts he has selected, (p. 589, 590) that Herodotus understood
the Ammonians to be composed of Egyptians and Ethiopians, and their
language to be formed from a mixture of both, which might have been
true in his time; but that the Arabian geographers, Edrisi and Ibn
Al Wardi, assert that Santariah (which the Major has proved to be the
Oasis of Ammon, or _Siwah_) is inhabited by Berbers mixed with Arabs.

MAY, 1802.
=LIST OF THE SOCIETY,=
INSTITUTED 1788, FOR THE PURPOSE OF EXPLORING
THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA.

* * * * *

The Countess of Aylesbury.
The Right Hon. Henry Addington.

The Duke of Buccleugh.
The Marquis of Blandford.
The Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, Bart. K. B.
The Hon. Thomas Brand.
Richard H. A. Bennet, Esq.
Mark Beaufoy, Esq.
Robert Barclay, Esq.
William Bosville, Esq.
William Burgh, Esq.
Dr. Charles Burney.
N. Boylston, Esq.

The Earl of Carlisle.
The Earl of Carysfort.
Lord Cawdor.
The Hon. Henry Cavendish.
Thomas Coutts, Esq.
Thomas Gray Comings, Esq.

The Marquis of Exeter.
Gerard Noel Edwards, Esq.
The Rev. Francis Egerton.
John Ellis, Esq.
George Ellis, Esq.

Sir Adam Ferguson, Bart.
Colonel Fullarton.

The Duke of Grafton.
Lord Gwydir.
Lord Glenbervie.
The Rt. Hon. Thomas Grenville.
Thomas Gisborne, Esq.
George Gostling, Esq.
Robert Gregory, Esq.

The Earl of Harrington.
The Countess of Harrington.
The Earl of Hardwicke.
Lord Hawke.
Sir Charles Grave Hudson, Bart.
Sir John Hort, Bart.
Charles House, Esq.
Henry Hoare, Esq.
Henry Hugh Hoare, Esq.
Benjamin Hobhouse, Esq.
Everard Home, Esq.

The Earl of Ilchester.
Thomas Johnes, Esq.

R. Payne Knight, Esq.

Lord Louvaine.
The Bishop of Llandaff.
Sir Wilfred Lawson, Bart.

The Earl of Moira.
The Earl of Morton.
Sir Charles Middleton, Bart.
William Marsden, Esq.
Charles Miller, Esq.
James Martin, Esq.
John Maitland, Esq.
Colonel de Meuron.

The Duke of Northumberland.
The Hon. Frederick North.
Sir Richard Neave, Bart.

Lord Viscount Palmerston.
The Hon. John Peachy.
Sir William Pulteney, Bart.
William Morton Pitt, Esq.
Samuel Parker, Esq.

The Duke of Roxburgh.
General Rainsford.
Colonel Roberts.

The Earl of Shaftesbury.
The Earl Spencer.
Sir John Stepney, Bart.
Sir John Sinclair, Bart.
Hugh Scott, Esq.
John Symmons, Esq.
Richard Stonhewer, Esq.
Hans Sloane, Esq.
David Scott, Esq.

The Bishop of Winchester.
Sir Edward Winnington, Bart.
Sir William Watson, Bart.
John Wilkinson, Esq.
Joseph Windham, Esq.
Samuel Pipe Wolfrestan, Esq.
George Wolfe, Esq.
Roger Wilbraham, Esq.
John Willett Willett, Esq.
The Rev. Dr. Winne.

Lord Yarborough.
Sir William Young, Bart.

HONORARY MEMBER.

Major James Rennell, F. R. S.

* * * * *

THE COMMITTEE.

The Earl of Moira.

The Bishop of Llandaff.

Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, Treasurer.

Sir John Stepney, Bart.

Sir William Young, Bart. Secretary.

* * * * *

_Any Person desirous of becoming a Member of the African Association,
is desired to signify the same to a Member of the Committee; or, in
Writing, to Mr. Henry Chisholm, Clerk to the Meetings, No. 23,
Bridge-street, Westminster._

N. B. _The Subscription of each Member is Five Guineas annually._

* * * * *
Printed by W. Bulmer and Co.
Cleveland-row, St. James’s.

Transcriber's note:

The changes indicated in the Errata and the errata
of Appendix IV. have been done.

pg 2 Changed: to asssit others to: assist

pg 84 Changed: for ascersaining the to: ascertaining

pg 85 Changed: is was a necessary to: was a necessary

pg 99 Changed: of the Tauricks to: Tuaricks

pg 100 Changed: re-establisment to: re-establishment

pg 111 Changed: little intercouse to: intercourse

pg 133 (footnote 25) Changed: between Augla and Zuila to: Augila

pg 139 Changed: as are denominatd to: denominated

The correction (Errata) of Monachie to: Menschie in page 14,
has also been done in page 77.

The correction (errata of Appendix IV.) of Metho to: Metko in
pages 171 and 172, has also been done in pages 114 and 117.

Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.

Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The journal of Frederick Horneman's travels, from Cairo to Mourzouk, the capital of the kingdom of Fezzan, in Africa, in the years 1797-8" ***

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