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Title: New-Englands plantation : with the sea journal and other writings
Author: Higginson, Francis
Language: English
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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
The main text of this book is a facsimile reproduction of printed
documents from around 1630, and include many printing errors from
those original documents. Spelling and punctuation are very
inconsistent. These issues have been left unchanged in this etext
to maintain the authenticity of the original works.
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
A superscript is denoted by ^x or ^{xx}, for example y^r or w^{ch}.
The character ſ (long-form s) has been replaced by the modern s.
The anchors for the eight footnotes are denoted by [number]; these
Notes have not been moved and can be found before the Index near the
end of the book. There is also one other footnote in the book with
the anchor [A] on page 53; this footnote has been moved and placed
after the eight numbered Notes.
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c̅o̅ o̅s̅ o̅e̅ m̅o̅ (co os oe and mo with overline)
c̅o̅n̅ (con with overline)
Some minor text changes to the Introduction and the Index are noted
at the end of the book.
PUBLICATIONS OF
THE ESSEX BOOK AND PRINT CLUB
No. I
NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION
&c.
New-Englands
PLANTATION
WITH
_The Sea Journal and
Other Writings_
By REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON
_First Minister of the Plantation at_ SALEM
_in the_ MASSACHUSETTS BAY _Colony_
[Illustration: (nautical collage)]
THE ESSEX BOOK AND PRINT CLUB
_SALEM MASSACHUSETTS_
1908
ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FIVE COPIES
PRINTED AT THE RIVERSIDE PRESS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
FOR THE ESSEX BOOK
AND PRINT
CLUB
Introduction
“New-Englands Plantation,” a tract published in London early in 1630,
contains the earliest printed account of the colony established by
Endecott in 1628, at Neihum-kek, now Salem. A description of the
natural conditions surrounding the new settlement is also preserved,
the narrative presenting, in the quaint phrase of the original, “a
short and true description of the commodities and discommodities
of that countrey.” The tract was written by the Reverend Francis
Higginson, who came in the emigration following Endecott, and who
was eminently fitted, both by education and profession, to prepare
for the friends in England a faithful account of the life in the new
country, not only to gratify a natural curiosity, but also to attract
a further emigration.
Francis Higginson probably was born in Claybrooke Parish, Leicester,
England, in 1587-88. He received his degree of M.A. in 1613 at
Jesus College, Cambridge, and two years later he was settled over
Claybrooke Parish, where he preached with distinction until at last
his nonconformity brought him into danger of imprisonment. About
that time “The Governor and Company of the Massachusetts-Bay in
New England” obtained a charter from Charles I, and Higginson was
invited to join the party which was being organized to make the
first settlement in the new country. As minister he was to have
equal political authority with the members of the governing council.
He accepted the invitation, and with his family landed safely at
Neihum-kek, now Salem, Massachusetts, on June 30, 1629, and on the
6th of August following, was ordained teacher of the church, with
Samuel Skelton as pastor. By virtue of his office he became not only
a spiritual guide but a leader among his people, more especially
during the trying winter and spring following the arrival of the
ships. The exposure and the privations endured during that time
proved too severe, and consumption laid hold upon him. He died August
6, 1630, “in the prime of his life and on the threshold of a great
career,” leaving a widow and eight children, one of whom also became
a minister and served the Salem church for nearly fifty years.
The manuscript of “New-Englands Plantation” probably was sent home to
England upon the return of one of the vessels that had brought over
the planters. It was received in London before November 20, 1629 (see
Young’s “Chronicles of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay,” pp. 107,
242). Higginson had not expected that it would be printed, as it was
written for “the satisfaction of loving friends” who had requested a
letter upon his arrival, giving some account of the voyage across the
Atlantic and of the newly settled country. Only the latter part of
this letter was printed, the earlier portion, describing the voyage,
not being deemed of sufficient importance to be thus preserved. Three
editions were published, all bearing date of 1630. The author’s name
appears on the title-pages of the second and third editions. In 1634
was published William Wood’s “New Englands Prospect,” which gave much
detailed information regarding the country and the settlements in the
Massachusetts Bay. This superseded the earlier account by Higginson,
and the latter dropped out of sight and in time became very rare. In
1792 it was reprinted in the Massachusetts Historical Collections.
In 1836 it was included in Force’s “Tracts,” and in 1846 in Young’s
“Chronicles of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay.”
The several editions may be described as follows:
FIRST EDITION
New-Englands | Plantation. | or, | A Short and Trve | Description
of the | Commodities and | Discommodities | of that Countrey.|
Written by a reuerend Diuine now | there resident. | [Printer’s
ornament] | London, | Printed by T. C. and R. C. for Michael
Sparke, | dwelling at the Signe of the Blew Bible in | Greene Arbor
in the little Old Bailey. | 1630. |
Small 4to. 21 unnumbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse
blank; To the Reader, signed M. S. (1), reverse blank; New-Englands
Plantation (17); ends “Finis.” Signatures, B- (D on last page).
SECOND EDITION
New-Englands | Plantation. | Or, | A Short and Trve | Description
of the | Commodities and | Discommodities | of that Countrey. |
Written by Mr. Higgeson, a reuerend Diuine | now there resident.
| Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr. Graues | an Enginere,
out of New-England, | The second Edition enlarged. | [Printer’s
ornament] | London, | Printed by T. & R. Cotes, for Michael
Sparke, | dwelling at the Signe of the Blew Bible in | Greene Arbor
in the little Old Bailey. | 1630. |
Small 4to. 27 unnumbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse
blank; To the Reader, signed M. S. (1), reverse blank; New-Englands
Plantajon (23); ends “Fjnjs.” Signatures, B (beginning with
“New-Englands Plantajon”)-D(4)
THIRD EDITION
New-Englands | Plantation. | or, | A Short and True | Description
of the | Commodities and | Discommodities | of that Countrey. |
Written by Mr. Higgeson, a reuerend Diuine | now there resident.
| Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr. Graues | an enginere,
out of New England, | The Third Edition, enlarged. | [Printer’s
ornament] | London. | Printed by T. and R. Cotes, for Michael
Sparke, dwelling | at the Signe of the Blue Bible in Greene-Arbor,
1630. |
Small 4to. 23 numbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse, To
the Reader, signed M. S. (2); New-Englands Plantation (3-17);
[Ornament] A Letter sent from New-England, by Master Graues,
engynere now there resident (18-19); A Catalogue of such needfull
things as euery Planter doth or ought to Prouide to go to
New-England, etc. (20-21); The names of the most remarkable places
in New-England (22-23); ends “Fjnjs.” Signatures, A7; 1 leaf, B-D
in 4s.
Copies of the several editions are preserved in the following
libraries:
_First Edition._
Harvard University Library.
Essex Institute Library, Salem, Mass. (This copy has title-page and
last leaf in fac-simile.)
John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.
New York Public Library (Lenox Library).
New York State Library, Albany, N. Y.
Library of Congress.
Library of E. D. Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of a Collector, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of Frederick R. Halsey, New York City.
Library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, Ill.
_Second Edition._
Boston Public Library.
New York Public Library (Lenox Library).
Library of E. D. Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of a Collector, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of Henry Huth, London, Eng.
_Third Edition._
Boston Public Library.
Massachusetts Historical Society Library.
John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.
New York Public Library (Lenox Library).
Philadelphia Library Company. (This copy has title-page of the
first edition bound with text of the third edition.)
British Museum Library.
Library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, Ill.
In the following pages the first edition of “New-Englands Plantation”
is reproduced in fac-simile from a copy in the John Carter Brown
Library, at Providence, R. I., through the courtesy of the Librarian,
Mr. George Parker Winship. The third edition also has been reprinted
from a copy in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society
for purposes of comparison and to preserve the additional matter
that it contains. The account of the voyage to Neihum-kek and
other writings of Higginson are from the manuscript formerly in
the possession of Governor Hutchinson and now preserved by the
Massachusetts Historical Society.
CONTENTS
PAGE
“NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION,” by
Rev. _Francis Higginson_, London,
1630. Fac-simile of the first edition 15
“GENERALL CONSIDERACONS” for the
planting of New England 39
THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN MR. HIGGINSON
AND THE NEW ENGLAND
COMPANY 49
A TRUE RELATION OF THE LAST VOYAGE
TO NEW ENGLAND IN 1629 by Mr.
_Higginson_ 55
“NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION,” London,
1630. The third edition 85
A LETTER THAT MR. HIGGINSON SENT
TO HIS FRIENDS AT LEICESTER 115
NOTES 123
INDEX 127
NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION
NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION.
OR,
A SHORT AND TRVE
DESCRIPTION OF THE
COMMODITIES AND
DISCOMMODITIES
of that Countrey.
Written by a reuerend Diuine now
there resident.
[Illustration: (Printer’s Ornament)]
LONDON,
Printed by _T. C._ and _R. C._ for _Michael Sparke_,
dwelling at the Signe of the _Blew Bible_ in
_Greene Arbor_ in the little _Old Bailey_.
1630.
[Illustration: (decorative banner)]
To the Reader.
_Reader, doe not disdaine to read this Relation; and looke not here
to haue a large Gate and no building within; a full-stuffed Title
with no matter in the Booke: But here reade the truth, and that
thou shalt find without any frothy bumbasted words, or any quaint
new-deuised additions, onely as it was written (not intended for the
Presse) by a reuerend Diuine now there living, who onely sent it to
some Friends here, which were desirous of his Relations; which is an
Epitomy of their proceedings in the Plantation. And for thy part if
thou meanest to be no Planter nor Venturer, doe but lend thy good
Prayers for the furthrance of it. And so I rest a well-wisher to all
the good designes both of them which are gone, and of them that are
to goe._
M. S.
[Illustration: (decorative banner)]
NEW ENGLANDS _PLANTATION_.
Letting passe our Voyage by Sea, we will now begin our discourse on
the shore of _New-England_. And because the life and wel-fare of
euerie Creature here below, and the commodiousnesse of the Countrey
whereas such Creatures liue, doth by the most wise ordering of Gods
prouidence, depend next vnto himselfe, vpon the temperature and
disposition of the foure Elements, Earth, Water, Aire and Fire (For
as of the mixture of all these, all sublunarie things are composed;
so by the more or lesse inioyment of the wholesome temper and
conuenient vse of these, consisteth the onely well-being both of Man
and Beast in a more or lesse comfortable measure in all Countreys
vnder the Heanens) Therefore I will endeauour to shew you what
_New-England_ is by the consideration of each of these apart, and
truly endeauour by Gods helpe to report nothing but the naked truth
and that both to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the
commodities, though as the idle Prouerbe is, _Trauellers may lye by
authoritie_, and so may take too much sinfull libertie that way. Yet
I may say of my selfe as once _Nehemiah_ did in another case: _Shall
such a Man as I lye?_ No verily: It becommeth not a Preacher of Truth
to be a Writer of Falshood in any degree: and therefore I haue beene
carefull to report nothing of _New-England_ but what I haue partly
seene with mine owne Eyes, and partly heard and enquired from the
Mouthes of verie honest and religious person, who by liuing in the
Countrey a good space of time haue had experience and knowledge of
the state thereof, & whose testimonies I doe beleeue as my selfe.
First therefore of the Earth of _New-England_ and all the
appurtenances thereof: It is a Land of diuers and sundry sorts all
about _Masathulets_ Bay, and at _Charles_ Riuer is as fat blacke
Earth as can be seene any where: and in other places you haue a clay
soyle, in other grauell, in other sandy, as it is all about our
Plantation at _Salem_, for so our Towne is now named, _Psal._ 76.2.
The forme of the Earth here in the superficies of it is neither
too flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in Hils, but partakes of
both in a mediocritie, and fit for Pasture, or for Plow or Meddow
ground, as Men please to employ it: though all the Countrey be as
it were a thicke Wood for the generall, yet in diuers places there
is much ground cleared by the _Indians_, and especially about the
Plantation: and I am told that about three miles from vs a Man may
stand on a little hilly place and see diuers thousands of acres of
ground as good as need to be, and not a Tree in the same. It is
thought here is good Clay to make Bricke and Tyles and Earthen-Pots
as needs to be. At this instant we are setting a Bricke-Kill on
worke to make Brickes and Tyles for the building of our Houses. For
Stone, here is plentie of Slates at the Ile of Slate _Masathulets_
Bay, and Lime-stone, Free-stone, and Smooth-stone, and Iron-stone,
and Marble-stone also in such store, that we haue great Rockes of
it, and a Harbour hard by. Our Plantation is from thence called
Marble-harbour.
Of Minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made, yet we are
not without great hope of being furnished in that Soyle.
The fertilitie of the Soyle is to be admired at, as appeareth in the
aboundance of Grasse that groweth euerie where both verie thicke,
verie long, and verie high in diuers places: but it groweth very
wildly with a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because it
neuer had been eaten with Cattle, nor mowed with a Sythe, and seldome
trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be beleeued how our Kine and
Goats, Horses and Hogges doe thriue and prosper here and like well of
this Countrey.
In our Plantation we haue already a quart of Milke for a penny:
but the aboundant encrease of Corne proues this Countrey to be a
wonderment. Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here:
yea _Iosephs_ encrease in _Ægypt_ is out-stript here with vs. Our
Planters hope to haue more then a hundred fould this yere: and all
this while I am within compasse; what will you say of two hundred
fould and vpwards? It is almost incredible what great gaine some of
our English Planters haue had by our Indian Corne. Credible persons
haue assured me, and the partie himselfe auouched the truth of
it to me, that of the setting of 13 Gallons of Corne he hath had
encrease of it 52 Hogsheads, euerie Hogshead holding seuen Bushels of
_London_ measure, and euerie Bushell was by him sold and trusted to
the _Indians_ for so much Beauer as was worth 18 shillings; and so
of this 13 Gallons of Corne which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he
made about 327 pounds of it the yeere following, as by reckoning will
appeare: where you may see how God blesseth husbandry in this Land.
There is not such great and beautifull eares of Corne I suppose any
where else to be found but in this Countrey: being also of varietie
of colours, as red, blew and yellow, &c. and of one Corne there
springeth foure or fiue hundred. I haue sent you many Eares of diuers
colours that you might see the truth of it.
Little Children here by setting of Corne may earne much more then
their owne maintenance.
They haue tryed our _English_ Corne at new _Plimouth_ Plantation, so
that all our seuerall Graines will grow here verie well, and haue a
fitting Soyle for their nature.
Our Gouernour hath store of greene Pease growing in his Garden as
good as euer I eat in _England_.
This Countrey aboundeth naturally with store of Roots of great
varietie and good to eat. Our Turnips, Parsnips and Carrots are here
both bigger and sweeter then is ordinarily to be found in _England_.
Here are also store of Pumpions, Cowcumbers, and other things of
that nature which I know not. Also, diuers excellent Pot-herbs grow
abundantly among the Grasse, as Strawberrie leaues in all places
of the Countrey, and plentie of Strawberries in their time, and
Penyroyall, Wintersauerie, Sorrell, Brookelime, Liuerwort, Caruell
and Watercresses, also Leekes and Onions are ordinarie, and diuers
Physicall Herbes. Here are also aboundance of other sweet Herbes
delightfull to the smell, whose names we know not, &c. and plentie of
single Damaske Roses verie sweet; and two kinds of Herbes that beare
two kind of Flowers very sweet, which they say, are as good to make
Cordage or Cloath as any Hempe or Flaxe we haue.
Excellent Vines are here vp and downe in the Woods. Our Gouernour
hath already planted a Vineyard with great hope of encrease.
Also, Mulberies, Plums, Raspberies, Corrance, Chesnuts, Filberds,
Walnuts, Smalnuts, Hurtleberies & Hawes of Whitethorne neere as good
as our Cherries in _England_, they grow in plentie here.
For Wood there is no better in the World I thinke, here being foure
sorts of Oke differing both in the Leafe, Timber, and Colour,
all excellent good. There is also good Ash, Elme, Willow, Birch,
Beech, Saxafras, Iuniper Cipres, Cedar, Spruce, Pines & Firre that
will yeeld abundance of Turpentine, Pitch, Tarre, Masts and other
materials for building both of Ships and Houses. Also here are store
of Sumacke Trees, they are good for dying and tanning of Leather,
likewise such Trees yeeld a precious Gum called White Beniamen, that
they say is excellent for perfumes. Also here be diuers Roots and
Berries wherewith the _Indians_ dye excellent holy day colours that
no raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee haue materials to make
Sope-Ashes and Salt-Peter in aboundance.
For Beasts there are some Beares, and they say some Lyons also; for
they haue been seen at Cape _Anne_. Also here are seuerall sorts of
Deere, some whereof bring three or foure young ones at once, which
is not ordinarie in _England_. Also Wolues, Foxes, Beauers, Otters,
Martins, great wild Cats, & a great Beast called a Molke as bigge
as an Oxe. I haue seen the Skins of all these Beasts since I came
to this Plantation excepting Lyons. Also here are great store of
Squerrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser: there are some
of the lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certaine Skin will fly
from Tree to Tree though they stand farre distant.
_Of the waters of_ New-England _with the things belonging to the
same_.
_New-England_ hath Water enough both salt and fresh, the greatest Sea
in the World, the _Atlanticke_ Sea runs all along the Coast thereof.
There are abundance of Ilands along the Shore, some full of Wood and
Mast to feed Swine; and others cleere of Wood, and fruitful to beare
Corne. Also we haue store of excellent harbours for Ships, as at
Cape _Anne_, and at _Masathulets_ Bay, and at _Salem_, and at many
other places: and they are the better because for Strangers there
is a verie difficult and dangerous passage into them, but vnto such
as are well acquainted with them, they are easie and safe enough.
The aboundance of Sea-Fish are almost beyond beleeuing, and sure I
should scarce haue beleeued it except I had seene it with mine owne
Eyes. I saw great store of Whales, and Crampusse, and such aboundance
of Makerils that it would astonish one to behold, likewise Cod-Fish
aboundance on the Coast, and in their season are plentifully taken.
There is a Fish called a Basse, a most sweet & wholesome Fish as euer
I did eat, it is altogether as good as our fresh Sammon, and the
season of their comming was begun when we came first to _New-England_
in _Iune_, and so continued about three months space. Of this Fish
our Fishers take many hundreds together, which I haue seene lying on
the shore to my admiration; yea, their Nets ordinarily take more then
they are able to hale to Land, and for want of Boats and Men they are
constrained to let a many goe after they haue taken them, and yet
sometimes they fill two Boats at a time with them. And besides Basse
we take plentie of Scate and Thornbacke, and aboundance of Lobsters,
that the least Boy in the Plantation may both catch and eat what he
wil of them. For my owne part I was soone cloyed with them, they were
so great, and fat, and lussious. I haue seene some my selfe that haue
weighed 16 pound, but others haue had diuers time so great Lobsters
as haue weighed 25 pound, as they assured me. Also here is aboundance
of Herring, Turbut, Sturgion, Cuskes, Hadocks, Mullets, Eeles, Crabs,
Muskles and Oysters. Beside there is probabilitie that the Countrey
is of an excellent temper for the making of Salt: for since our
comming our Fishermen haue brought home verie good Salt which they
found candied by the standing of the Sea water and the heat of the
Sunne, vpon a Rock by the Sea shore: and in diuers Salt Marishes that
some haue gone through, they haue found some Salt in some places
crushing vnder their Feet and cleauing to their Shoes.
And as for fresh Water the Countrey is full of daintie Springs, and
some great Riuers, and some lesser Brookes; and at _Masathulets_ Bay
they digged Wels and found Water at three Foot deepe in most places:
and neere _Salem_ they haue as fine cleare Water as we can desire,
and we may digge Wels and find Water where we list.
Thus we see both Land and Sea abound with store of blessings for the
comfortable sustenance of Mans life in _New-England_.
_Of the Aire of_ New-England _with the Temper and Creatures in it_.
The Temper of the Aire of _New-England_ is one speciall thing that
commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a
more healthfull place to be found in the World that agreeth better
with our English Bodyes. Many that haue beene weake and sickly in
old _England_, by comming hither hane beene thoroughly healed and
growne healthfull and strong. For here is an extraordinarie cleere
and dry Aire that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of
a Cold, Melancholy, Flegmatick, Reumaticke temper of Body. None can
more truly speake hereof by their owne experience then my selfe. My
Friends that knew me can well tell how verie sickly I haue been and
continually in Physick, being much troubled with a tormenting paine
through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my Stomacke, and aboundance
of Melancholicke humors; but since I came hither on this Voyage,
I thanke God I haue had perfect health, and freed from paine and
vomitings, hauing a Stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest
fare who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my Stomacke
could onely digest and did require such drinke as was both strong
and stale, now I can and doe oftentimes drink _New-England_ water
verie well; and I that haue not gone without a Cap for many yeeres
together, neither durst leaue off the same, haue now cast away
my Cap, and doe weare none at all in the day time: and whereas
beforetime I cloathed my selfe with double cloathes and thicke
Wastcoats to keepe me warme, euen in the Summer time, I doe now goe
as thin clad as any, onely wearing a light Stuffe Cassocke vpon my
Shirt and Stuffe Breeches of one thicknesse without Linings. Besides,
I haue one of my Children that was formerly most lamentably handled
with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the Kings Euill,
but since he came hither he is verie well ouer hee was, and there is
hope of perfect recouerie shortly, euen by the verie wholesomnesse of
the Aire, altering, digesting and drying vp the cold and crude humors
of the Body: and therefore I thinke it is a wise course for all cold
complections to come to take Physicke in _New England_; for a sup of
_New-Englands_ Aire is better then a whole draft of old _Englands_
Ale.
In the Summer time in the midst of _Iuly_ and _August_ it is a good
deale hotter then in old _England_: and in Winter, _Ianuary_ and
_February_ are much colder as they say: but the Spring and Autumne
are of a middle temper.
Fowles of the Aire are plentifull here, and of all sorts as we haue
in _England_ as farre as I can learne, and a great many of strange
Fowles which we know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of
our Men brought home an Eagle which he had killed in the Wood: they
say they are good meat. Also here are many kinds of excellent Hawkes,
both Sea Hawkes and Land Hawkes: and my selfe walking in the Woods
with another in company, sprung a Partridge so bigge that through the
heauinesse of his Body could fly but a little way: they that haue
killed them, say they are as bigge as our Hens. Here are likewise
aboundance of Turkies often killed in the Woods, farre greater then
our English Turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet and fleshy, for here
they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long, as Strawberries,
in Summer all places are full of them, and all manner of Berries and
Fruits. In the Winter time I haue seene Flockes of Pidgeons, and
haue eaten of them: they doe flye from Tree to Tree as other Birds
doe, which our Pidgeons will not doe in _England_: they are of all
colours as ours are, but their wings and tayles are farr longer, and
therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible Hawkes
in this Countrey. In Winter time this Countrey doth abound with wild
Geese, wild Duckes, and other Sea Fowle, that a great part of winter
the Planters haue eaten nothing but roastmeat of diuers Fowles which
they haue killed.
Thus you haue heard of the Earth, Water and Aire of _New-England_,
now it may be you expect something to be said of the Fire
proportionable to the rest of the Elements.
Indeed I thinke _New England_ may boast of this Element more then
of all the rest: for though it be here somthing cold in the winter,
yet here we haue plentie of Fire to warme vs, and that a great
deale cheaper then they sell Billets and Faggots in _London_:
nay, all _Europe_ is not able to afford to make so great Fires as
_New-England_. A poore Seruant here that is to possesse but 50 Acres
of Land, may afford to giue more wood for Timber and Fire as good
as the world yeelds, then many Noble Men in _England_ can afford
to doe. Here is good liuing for those that loue good Fires. And
although _New-England_ haue no Tallow to make Candles of, yet by the
aboundance of the Fish thereof, it can afford Oyle for Lampes. Yea
our Pine-Trees that are the most plentifull of all wood, doth allow
vs plentie of Candles, which are verie vsefull in a House: and they
are such Candles as the _Indians_ commonly vse, hauing no other, and
they are nothing else but the wood of the Pine Tree clouen in two
little slices something thin, which are so full of the moysture of
Turpentine and Pitch, that they burne as cleere as a Torch. I haue
sent you some of them that you may see the experience of them.
Thus of _New-Englands_ commodities, now I will tell you of some
discommodities that are here to be found.
First, In the Summer season for these three months _Iune_, _Iuly_ and
_August_, we are troubled much with little Flyes called Musketoes,
being the same they are troubled with in _Linconshiere_ and the Fens:
and they are nothing but Gnats, which except they be smoked out of
their Howses are troublesome in the night season.
Secondly, In the Winter season for two months space the Earth is
commonly couered with Snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting
Frosts, something more sharpe then is in old _England_, and therefore
are forced to make great Fires.
Thirdly, This Countrey being verie full of Woods and Wildernesses,
doth also much abound with Snakes and Serpents of strange colours and
huge greatnesse: yea there are some Serpents called Rattle Snakes,
that haue Rattles in their Tayles that will not flye from a Man as
others will, but will flye vpon him and sting him so mortally, that
he will dye within a quarter of an houre after, except the partie
stinged haue about him some of the root of an Hearbe called Snake
weed to bite on, and then he shall receiue no harme: but yet seldome
falles it out that any hurt is done by these. About three yeeres
since an _Indian_ was stung to death by one of them, but we heard of
none since that time.
Fourthly and lastly, Here wants as yet the good company of honest
Christians to bring with them Horses, Kine and Sheepe to make vse
of this fruitfull Land: great pittie it is to see so much good
ground for Corne and for Grasse as any is vnder the Heauens, to lye
altogether vnoccupied, when so many honest Men & their Families in
old _England_ through the populousnesse thereof, do make very hard
shift to liue one by the other.
Now, thus you know what _New-England_ is, as also with the
commodities and discommodities thereof: now I will shew you a little
of the Inhabitants thereof, and their gouernment.
For their Gouernours they haue Kings, which they call _Saggamores_,
some greater, and some lesser, according to the number of their
Subiects.
The greatest _Saggamores_ about vs can not make aboue three hundred
Men, and other lesse _Saggamores_ haue not aboue fifteene Subiects,
and others neere about vs but two.
Their Subiects about twelue yeeres since were swept away by a great
and grieuous Plague that was amongst them, so that there are verie
few left to inhabite the Countrey.
The _Indians_ are not able to make vse of the one fourth part of the
Land, neither haue they any setled places, as Townes to dwell in, nor
any ground as they challenge for their owne possession, but change
their habitation from place to place.
For their Statures, they are a tall and strong limmed People, their
colours are tawny, they goe naked, saue onely they are in part
couered with Beasts Skins on one of their Shoulders, and weare
something before their Priuities: their Haire is generally blacke,
and cut before like our Gentlewomen, and one locke longer then the
rest, much like to our Gentlemen, which fashion I thinke came from
hence into _England_.
For their weapons, they haue Bowes and Arrowes, some of them headed
with Bone, and some with Brasse: I haue sent you some of them for an
example.
The Men for the most part liue idlely, they doe nothing but hunt and
fish: their wiues set their Corne and doe all their other worke. They
haue little Houshold stuffe, as a Kettle, and same other Vessels like
Trayes, Spoones, Dishes and Baskets.
Their Houses are verie little and homely, being made with small Poles
pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastned at the tops, and
on the sides they are matted with Boughes, & couered on the Roofe
with Sedge and old Mats; and for their beds that they take their rest
on, they haue a Mat.
They doe generally professe to like well of our comming and planting
here, partly because there is abundance of ground that they cannot
possesse nor make vse of, and partly because our being here will be
a meanes both of reliefe to them when they want, and also a defence
from their Enemies, wherewith (I say) before this Plantation begun,
they were often indangered.
For their Religion, they doe worship two Gods, a good God and an
euill God: the good God they call _Tantum_, and their euill God whom
they feare will doe them hurt, they call _Squantum_.
For their dealing with vs, we neither feare them nor trust them, for
fourtie of our Musketeeres will driue fiue hundred of them out of the
Field. We vse them kindly, they will come into our Houses sometimes
by halfe a douzen or halfe a score at a time when we are at victuals,
but will aske or take nothing but what we giue them.
We purpose to learne their Language as soone as we can, which will be
a meanes to do them good.
_Of the present condition of the Plantation, and what it is._
When we came first to _Neihum kek_, we found about halfe a score
Houses, and a faire House newly built for the Gouernour, we found
also aboundance of Corne planted by them, verie good and well
likeing. And we brought with vs about two hundred Passengers and
Planters more, which by common consent of the old Planters were all
combined together into one Body Politicke, vnder the same Gouernour.
There are in all of vs both old and new Planters about three hundred,
whereof two hundred of them are setled at _Nehum-kek_, now called
_Salem_: and the rest haue Planted themselues at _Masathulets_ Bay,
beginning to build a Towne there which we doe call _Cherton_, or
_Charles_ Towne.
We that are setled at _Salem_ make what hast we can to build Houses,
so that within a short time we shall haue a faire Towne.
We haue great Ordnance, wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortifie
our selues in a short time to keepe out a potent Aduersarie. But
that which is our greatest comfort, and meanes of defence aboue all
other, is, that we haue here the true Religion and holy Ordinances
of Almightie God taught amongst vs: Thankes be to God, we haue
here plentie of Preaching, and diligent Catechizing, with strickt
and carefull exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring
our People into a Christian conuersation with whom we haue to doe
withall. And thus we doubt not but God will be with vs, and _if God
be with vs, who can be against vs_?
_FINIS._
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
_&c._
[Illustration: (decorative banner)]
Generall Considerac̅o̅ns for y^e plantac̅o̅n in _New England_, w^{th}
an aunswere to seuerall objections[1]
First it will be a service to y^e Church of great consequence,
to carry y^e gospell into those parts of y^e world, & to raise a
bulwarke ag^t y^e kingdo̅s̅ of Antichrist w^{ch} y^e Jesuits labour
to reare vp in all places of y^e world.
Secondly all other churches of Europe are brought to desolac̅o̅n, &
it may be justly feared y^t y^e like judg^{mt} is com̅ing vpon vs: &
who knowes but y^t God hath provided this place to be a refuge for
many whom hee meanes to saue out of y^e generall destruction.
Thirdly the land growes weary of her inhabitants, so that man w^{ch}
is y^e most precious of all creatures is here more vyle & base
then y^e earth they tread upon; so as children neighbours & friends
especially of y^e poore, are counted y^e greatest burdens, w^{ch} if
things were right would be y^e highest earthly blessings.
Wee are growen to y^t excesse & intemperaunce in all excesse of riot
as no meane estate almost will suffice to keepe saile w^{th} his
equalls & hee y^t fayles in it must [live] in scorne & contempt.
Hence it comes to passe y^t all arts & trades are carried in y^t
deceitfull man̅er & vnrighteous course, as it is almost impossible
for a good upright man to maintayne his chardge & liue co̅fortably in
any of y^m.
Fiftly y^e Schooles of learning & religion are so corrupted, as
(besides y^e unsupportable chardge of this educac̅o̅n) most children,
(euen y^e best wittiest & of fayrest hopes) are perverted, corrupted
& utterly ouerpowered by y^e multitude of evill examples & licentious
governors of those seminaries.
Sixtly y^e whole earth is y^e Lords garden & hee hath giuen it to
y^e sons of Adam to bee tilled & improoued by y^m why then should
we stand starving here for places of habitac̅o̅n (many men spending
as much labour & cost to recouer or keepe so̅e̅tymes an acre or
two of lands, as would procure him many hundreths of acres, as
good or better in another place) & in y^e meane tyme suffer whole
countreyes as profitable for y^e use of man, to lye wast w^{th}out
any improouement.
Seaventhly, what can bee a better worke and more noble & worthy a
Christian, then to helpe to raise & support a particular church while
it is in it infancy, & to [join] o^r forces w^{th} such a co̅pany
of faithfull people, as by a tymely assistaunce may grow stronger &
prosper, & for want of it may be put to great hazzard if not wholly
ruinated?
Eightly if any such as are knowne to bee godly & liue in wealth &
prosperity here, shall forsake all this to joyne y^mselves w^{th}
this church, & runne in hazard w^{th} y^m of hard & meane condic̅o̅n,
it will be an example of great vse both for y^e remooving of Scandall
& sinister & worldly respects, to giue more lyfe to y^e faith of Gods
people in their prayers for y^e plantac̅o̅n, & also to encourage
others to joyne y^e more willingly in it.
_Objections_:
Obj. 1. It will bee a great wrong to o^r owne church & countrey
to take away the best people; & we still lay it more open to y^e
judg^{mts} feared.
Aunsw. 1. The number will be nothing in respect of those y^t are
left. 2ly many y^t liue to no vse here, more then for their owne
priuate familyes may bee employed to a more com̅o̅ good in another
place. 3^{ly} such as are of good vse here may yett be so employed
as y^e church shall receiue no losse. and since Christs coming y^e
church is to be conceiued as universal w^{th}out distinctio̅ of
countryes, so as hee y^t doth good in any one place serves y^e church
in all places, in regard of y^e vnitye. 4^{thly} it is y^e revealed
will of God y^t y^e gospell should be preached to all nations, and
though we know not whether y^e Indians will receiue it or not, yet it
is a good worke to observe Gods will in offering it to y^m, for God
shall haue glory by it though y^y refuse it.
Object. 2. wee haue feared a judge^{mt} a long tyme, but yet we are
safe; therefore it were better to stay till it come, & either we may
flie then, or if we be ouertaken in it wee may well bee content to
suffer w^{th} such a church as ours is.
Aunsw. It is likely y^t this considerac̅o̅n made y^e churches beyond
y^e seas as y^e Palatinate & Rochel &c to sit still at home, & not
looke out for shelter while y^y might haue found it. but y^e wofull
spectacle of their ruine may teach us more wisdome to avoid y^e
plague while it is foreseene, & not to tarry as y^y did till it
ouertooke y^m. If they were now at their former liberty, wee may be
sure y^y would take other courses for their safety. And though most
of y^m had miscarried in their escape, yet it had not bene halfe so
miserable to th^mselves, or scandalous to religion, as this desperate
backsliding and abjuring y^e truth, w^{ch} many of y^e auntient
professours among y^m, & y^e whole posterity that remayne are plunged
into.
Object. 3. wee haue here a fruitfull Land w^{th} peace & plenty of
all things.
Aunsw: wee are like to haue as good condic̅o̅ns there in tyme; but
yet we must leaue all this abundance, if it bee not taken fro̅ vs.
When we are in o^r graues, it will bee all one whether we haue liued
in plenty or in penury, whether we haue dyed in a bed of downe or
lockes of straw. Onely this is y^e advantage of y^e meane condic̅o̅n,
y^t it is a more freedo̅e̅ to dye. And y^e lesse co̅fort any haue
in y^e things of this world, y^e more liberty y^y haue to lay vp
treasure in heauen.
Obj. 4. wee may perish by y^e way or when we co̅e̅ there, having
hunger or y^e sword &c and how vnco̅fortable will it bee to see o^r
wives & children & friends come to such miserie by o^r occasion?
Aunsw. Such objections savour too much of y^e flesh. Who can secure
himselfe or his fro̅ y^e like calamities here? If this course bee
warrantable, we may trust Gods providence for these things. Either
hee will keepe those evills fro̅ vs, or will dispose y^m for o^r good
& enable vs to beare y^m.
Obj. 5. But what warrant haue we to take y^t land, w^{ch} is & hath
bene of long tyme possessed of others y^e sons of Adam?
Aunsw. That w^{ch} is com̅o̅ to all is proper to none. This Savage
people ruleth ouer many lands w^{th}out title or property: for y^y
inclose no ground, neither haue y^y cattell to maintayne it, but
remooue their dwellings as y^y haue occasion, or as y^y can prevaile
agt their neighbours. And why may not Christians haue liberty to go
& dwell amongst y^m in their wast lands & woodds (leaving y^m such
places as y^y haue manured for their corne) as lawfully, as Abraham
did amongst y^e Sodomites? For God hath giuen to y^e sons of men a 2
fould right to y^e earth: there is a naturall right & a civill right.
The first right was naturall when men held y^e earth in com̅o̅, every
man sowing & seeding where hee pleased: then, as men and cattell
increased, y^y appropriated some parcells of ground by enclosing &
peculiar manurance, & this in tyme got y^m a civill right. Such was
y^e right w^{ch} Ephron y^e Hittite had _in_ y^e field of Machpelah,
wherein Abraham could not bury a dead corps w^{th}out leaue, though
for y^e outparts of y^e countrey w^{ch} lay com̅on, hee dwelt vpo̅
y^m & tooke y^e fruit of y^m at his pleasure. This appeares also in
Jacob & his sons who fedd their flocks as bouldly in y^e Canaanites
Land for hee is said to bee Lord of y^e countrey; & at Dotham and
all other places men accounted nothing their owne, but y^t w^{ch}
y^y had appropriated by their owne industry, as appeares plainly by
Abimelechs servaunts, who in their owne countrey did often contend
w^{th} Isaacks servaunts about wells w^{ch} y^y had digged; but neuer
about y^e lands w^{ch} y^y occupied. So likewise betweene Jacob
& Laban: hee would not take a kidd of Labans w^{th}out speciall
contract; but hee makes no bargaine w^{th} him for y^e land where y^y
fedd. And it is probable y^t if y^e countrey had not bene as free for
Jacob as for Laban, y^t covetous wretch would haue made his advantage
of him, & haue vpbraided Jacob w^{th} it as hee did w^{th} y^e rest.
2^{dly} there is more then enough for y^m & vs. 3^{dly} God hath
consumed y^e natives w^{th} a miraculous plague, whereby y^e greater
part of y^e countrey is left void of inhabitants. 4^{ly}, we shall
co̅e in w^{th} good leaue of y^e natiues.
Obj. 6. we shall send o^r young ones & such as may best bee spared, &
not of y^e best of o^r ministers & magistrates.
Aunsw. It is a great worke & requires more skilfull Artisans to
lay y^e foundac̅o̅n of a new building, then to uphoald & repayre
one y^t is already built. If great things bee attempted by weake
instru^{mts}, y^e effects will bee aunswerable.
Obj. 7. Wee see y^t those plantac̅o̅ns y^t haue bene formerly made,
succeeded ill.
Aunsw. 1 The fruit of any publique designe is not to bee discerned
by y^e im̅ediat successe: it may appeare in tyme, y^t y^y were all
to good vse. 2^{dly}, there were great fundamentall errours in
others w^{ch} are like to bee avoided in this: for 1 their mayne
end & purpose was carnall & not religious. 2 y^y aymed chiefely at
profitt & not at y^e propagac̅o̅n of religion. 3 y^y vsed too vnfitt
instru^{mts}, a multitude of rude vngoverned persons, y^e very scums
of y^e Land. 4 y^y did not stablish a right fourme of gouern^{mt}.
THE AGREEMENT WITH MR. HIGGINSON
[Illustration: (decorative banner)]
THE AGREE^{MT} W^{TH} M^R. _HIGGINSON_
_A true note of y^e allowance y^t y^e_ new England _Co̅pany haue
by com̅o̅ consent & order of their Court & Counsell graunted vnto
M^r._ Francis Higginson _minister, for his maintenaunce in_ new
England _April 8, 1629_.
Imprimis y^t 30^{li} in money shall be forthw^{th} paid him by ye
Co̅panyes treasurer towards y^e chardges of fitting himselfe w^{th}
Apparell & other necessaryes for his voyage.
2 Item y^t 10^{li} more shall be payed ouer by y^e said treasurer
towards y^e provyding of bookes for present vse.
3 Item y^t hee shall haue 30^{li} yearly paid him for 3 yeares to
beginne fro̅ ye tyme of his first arrivall in new England & so to be
accounted & paid paid him at y^e End of eu^ry yeare.
4 Item y^t during y^e said tyme y^e Company shall provide for him &
his family necessaryes of diett housing & firewood; and shall be at
chardges of transporting him into new England: and at y^e end of y^e
said 3 yeares, if hee shall not like to continue there any longer, to
be at y^e chardge of transporting him backe for England.
5. Item y^t in convenient tyme an house shall be built, & certayne
lands allotted thereunto; w^{ch} during his stay in y^e countrey &
continuance in y^e ministrey shall bee for his vse; & after his death
or remoovall y^e same to be for Succeeding ministers.
6. Item at y^e expirac̅o̅n of y^e said 3 yeares an 100 acres of land
shall be assigned to him & his heires for euer.
7. Item y^t in case hee shall depart this lyfe in y^t countrey, y^e
said Company shall take care for his widdow during her widdowhood &
aboade in y^t country and plantac̅o̅n: & y^e like for his children
whilst y^y remayne vpon y^e said plantac̅o̅n.
8. Item y^t y^e milke of 2 kyne shall bee appointed towards y^e
chardges of diett for him & his familye as aforesaid, & halfe y^e
increase of calves during y^e said 3 yeares: but y^e said 2 kyne, and
y^e other halfe of y^e increase to returne to y^e Company at y^e end
of y^e said 3 yeares.
9. Item y^t he shall haue liberty of carrying ouer bedding, linnen,
brasse, iron, pewter, of his owne for his necessary vse during y^e
said tyme.
10 Item y^t if he continue 7 yeares upon y^e said plantac̅o̅n, y^t
then 100 acres of land more shall be allotted him for him and his for
ever.
_Messrs. Higginson’s and Skelton’s Contract._[A]
The 8^{th} of Aprill, 1629. M^r Francis Higgeson and M^r Samuel
Skelton intended ministers of this plantac̅o̅n, and it being thought
meete to consider of their intertaynement, who expressing their
willingnesse, together, also with M^r Francis Bright, being now
present to doe their endevour in their places of the ministery as
well in preaching, catechizing, as also in teaching, or causing to
be taught, the Companyes servants & their children, as also the
salvages and their children, whereby to their uttermost to further
the maine end of this plantation, being, by the assistance of
Allmighty God, the conversion of the salvages, the proposic̅o̅ns
concluded on w^{th} M^r Francis Bright, the 2 of February last, were
reciprocally accepted of by M^r Francis Higgison and M^r Samuel
Skelton, who are in every respect to have the like condic̅o̅ns as
M^r Bright hath, onely whereas M^r Higgeson hath 8 children it is
intended that 10^{li} more yearely shall be allowed him towards their
chardge. And it is agreed that the increase of the improvement of all
their grounds during the first 3 yeares shall be at the Companies
disposing, who are to fynde them dyett during that time, and tenne
pounds more to M^r Higgeson towards his present fitting him and his
for the voyage.
FRANCIS HIGGISON.
SAMUEL SKELTON.
A TRUE RELATION OF THE
LAST VOYAGE TO
NEW ENGLAND
A trve relac̅o̅n of y^e last voyage to _new England_, declaring
all circu̅stances w^{th} y^e man̅er of y^e passage wee had by sea,
and what man̅er of countrey & inhabitants we found when we came to
land: & what is y^e present state & condic̅o̅n of y^e _English_
people y^t are there already.
_Faithfully recorded according to y^e very truth for y^e
satisfaction of very many of my loving friends, who haue earnestly
requested to be truly certifyed in these thinges._
_Written from_ new England _July 24, 1629_.
_It._ any Curious Criticke y^t lookes for exactnes of phrases or
expert seaman y^t regard propriety of sea-termes &c
[Illustration: (decorative banner)]
A TRVE RELAC̅O̅N of y^e last voyage to _new England_ made y^e last
Sum̅er, begun y^e 25^{th} of April being Saturday, Anno do̅i 1629.
The co̅pany of New England consisting of many worthy gentlemen in
y^e citty of London, Dorcester & other places, ayming at y^e glory
of God, y^e propagac̅o̅n of y^e gospell of Christ, y^e conversio̅ of
y^e Indians, & y^e enlarge^{mt} of y^e Kings ma^{ties} dominions in
America, & being authorised by his royall letters patents for y^t
end, at their very great costs & chardgs furnished 5 Ships to go to
new England, for y^e further setling of y^e English plantac̅o̅n y^t
y^y had already begun there.
The names of y^e 5 Shipps were as followeth. The first is called y^e
Talbot, a good & strong shipp of 300 tunnes, & 19 pieces of ordinance
& served w^{th} 30 mariners. This ship carried about an 100 planters,
6 goates, 5 great pieces of ordinaunce, w^{th} meale, oatemeale
pease, & all maner of munitio̅ and provisio̅ for y^e plantac̅o̅n for
a twelve month. The second y^e George, another strong ship also,
about 300 tunnes, 20 pieces of ordinance, served w^{th} about 30
mariners; her chiefe carriage were cattell, 12 mares, 30 kyne, &
some goates: also ther gad in her 52 planters & other provision. The
3^d is called y^e Lyons whelpe, a neate & nimble ship of 120 tunnes,
8 pieces of ordinaunce, carrying in her many mariners & about 40
planters, specially fro̅ dorcester & other places thereabouts, w^{th}
provision, and 4 goates.
The 4^{th} is called y^e 4 sisters, as I heare of about 300 tuns,
w^{ch} fayre ship carried many cattell w^{th} passengers & provision.
The 5th is called y^e Mayflower, carrying passengers & provision.
[Sidenote: [April 25]]
[Sidenote: [26]]
Now amongst these 5 ships, y^e George hauing the speciall & urgent
cause of hastening her passage sett sayle before y^e rest about y^e
midst of April. And y^e 4 Sisters & y^e Mayflower being not throughly
furnished, intended as we heard to sett forth about 3 weeks after
vs: But we y^t were in y^e Talbot & y^e Lions whelpe being ready for
o^r voyage by y^e good hand of Gods providence hoysed o^r sayle fro̅
Graues end on Saturday y^e 25^{th} of April about 7 a clocke in y^e
morning. Having but a faynt wynd we could not go farre y^tday, but at
night wee ancred against Lie w^{ch} is 12 miles fro̅ graues end, &
there we rested y^t night & kept Sabbath y^e next day.
[Sidenote: [27]]
On monday we sat forward & came to y^e flats, a passage so̅ewhat
difficult by reason of y^e narrownes of y^e channell & shallownes of
y^e water: & going ouer this wee were in so̅e daunger: for o^r ship
being heavy laden & drawing deepe water was sensibly felt of vs all
to strike 3 or 4 tymes on y^e ground: but y^e wynd blowing so̅ewhat
strong we were carried Swiftly on, & at last by Gods blessing came
safe to ancre at Gorin roade.
[Sidenote: [28]]
Tewsday we went a little further, & ancred ouer ag^t Margret Towne,
staying for a wind for y^e downes.
[Sidenote: [29]]
Wednesday we came safely though w^{th} much turning & tacking thorow
y^e gullies into y^e downes, & stayed y^t night.
[Sidenote: [30. May 1. 2.]]
Thursday, Fryday & Saturday y^e wind blew hard fro̅ south west &
caused o^r ship to daunce, & diuers of o^r passengers & my wiffe
specially were sea sicke. Here y^e Kings ship called y^e Assurance
pressed 2 of o^r mariners. Here we saw many Porpuses playing in y^e
sea w^{ch} y^y say is a signe of fowle weather.
[Sidenote: [May 3]]
Sabbath day a windye day & could: we kept Sabbath staying still at
y^e downes.
[Sidenote: [4]]
Monday God sent vs a fayre gale of wind north: n: East, whereby we
came merily fro̅ y^e downes: & passing Dover we saw 6 or 7 saile of
dunkirkes, wafting after vs: but it seemed y^y saw o^r co̅pany was
too strong for y^m, for then wee had w^{th} vs 3 or 4 ships y^t went
for y^e Straits: so y^y returned backe fro̅ pursuing vs any longer.
But sayling w^{th} a good wind wee went speedily, & at night came
neere y^e Ile of Wight but being darke wee durst not put into y^e
channell, but put backe for sea roome 4 houres, & then other 4 houres
sayled backe agayne y^e same way.
[Sidenote: [5]]
[Sidenote: [May]]
Tewsday early in y^e morning we entred y^e channell y^e wind being
weake & calme, & passed by Portsmouth very slowly; but in y^e
afternoone y^e wind quickened, & wee were forced to ancre a little on
this side Cowcastle but y^e wind growing more favourable wee weighed
& came to ancre again right against Cowcastle thinking to stay y^t
night, y^e wind being very calme. Here I & my wiffe & my daughter
Mary & 2 maids & so̅e others w^{th} vs obtained of y^e m^r of y^e
shipp to go a shoare to refresh vs & to wash o^r linnens, & so we
lay at Cowes y^t night. But y^e wind turning when wee were absent,
y^y hoysed sayle & left vs there, & ancred 8 miles further ouer ag^t
Yarmouth about 8 of y^e clocke at night.
[Sidenote: [6]]
Wednesday betyme in y^e morning y^e shalope was sent fro̅ y^e shipp
to fetch vs to Yarmouth; but y^e water prooued rough & o^r weomen
desired to bee sett on shoare 3 miles short of Yarmouth, & so went on
foote by land & lodged in Yarmouth y^t night.
[Sidenote: [7. 8.]]
On Thursday & fryday there M^r Beecher allowed by y^e co̅pany gaue
mee 40^s to make o^r provisio̅ of what things we would for the voyage.
[Sidenote: [9]]
Saturday we went to board agayne: & this day wee had 2 other men
pressed to serve y^e Kings Shippe; but we got one agayne by intreaty.
[Sidenote: [10.]]
The Sabbath next day we kept y^e shipp where I preached in y^e
morning; & in y^e afternoon was intreated to preach at Yarmouth,
where M^r Meare & captayne Borley entertained vs very kyndly, &
earnestly desyred to bee certified of o^r safe arrivall in new
England, & of y^e state of y^e countrey
[Sidenote: [11]]
[Sidenote: [12]]
Monday morning blew a fayre wind fro̅ East S: E: And y^e lions whelpe
having taken in all her provisio̅ for passengers, about 3 of y^e
clocke in y^e afternoone wee hoysed sayle for y^e Needles, & by Gods
guidance safely passed y^t narrow passage a little after 4 a clocke
in y^e afternoone. And being entred into y^e sea, fro̅ y^e top of
y^e mast we discerned 4 sayle of shipps lying southward fro̅ vs. But
night coming on wee tooke in o^r long boate & shalope. And y^e next
day we had a fayre gale of Easterly wind y^t brought vs towards night
as farre as y^e Lizzard.
[Sidenote: [13]]
Wednesday y^e wind still houlding Easterly, wee came as farre as
y^e lands end, in y^e vtmost part of Cornewall, & so left o^r deare
natiue soile of England behind vs; & sayling about 10 leagues further
we passed y^e Isles of Sillie & launched y^e same day a great way
into y^e maine ocean. And now my wiffe & other passengers began
to feele y^e tossing waues of y^e westerne sea, & so were very
sea-sicke.
And this is to be noted, y^t all this while o^r passage hath bene
vpo̅ y^e coast of England, & so ought truly to be accounted y^e first
day of o^r parting w^{th} ould England.
[Sidenote: [14]]
[Sidenote: [15]]
[Sidenote: [May]]
Thursday y^e same Easterly wind blew all day & night; & y^e next
day; so y^t so̅e of y^e seamen thought we were co̅e by this tyme 100
leagues fro̅ England, but toward night y^e wind was calme.
[Sidenote: [16]]
Saturday we were becalmed all day. This day met vs a little shipp of
Bristoll y^t came fro̅ Christopher Ilands.
[Sidenote: [17.]]
Sabath being y^e first Lords day we held at sea was very calme,
especially in the morning, but we were disturbed in o^r morning
Service by y^e approach of a Biskaniers shippe, a man of warre, y^t
made towards vs, & manned out his boate to viewe vs: But fynding vs
too strong for him he durst not venture to assault vs, but made off.
This day my 2 children Samuel & Mary began to be sicke of y^e
small-pockes & purples together, w^{ch} was brought into y^e ship by
one M^r Browne w^{ch} was sicke of y^e same at Graues End, who̅ it
pleased God to make y^e first occasio̅ of bringing y^t contagious
sicknes among vs, wherew^{th} many were after afflicted.
[Sidenote: [18.]]
Monday calme still, y^e wind being no: w: blowing a little towards
euening, but contrary to o^r course.
[Sidenote: [19.]]
Tewsday wind so: w: as little helpfull as y^e former & blowing uery
weake. This day y^e m^r of o^r ship, my selfe & another went aboard
the Lions whelpe, where M^r Gibs made vs welco̅e w^{th} bountifull
entertayne^{mt}. And this day towards night my daughter grew sicker
& many blew Spots were seene vpo̅ her breast, w^{ch} affrighted vs.
At y^e first wee thought y^y had bene y^e plague tokens; but we found
afterwards y^t it was onely an high measure of y^e infectio̅ of y^e
pockes, w^{ch} were strucke agayne into y^e child, & so it was Gods
will y^e child dyed about 5 of y^e clocke at night, being y^e first
in o^r shipp y^t was buried in the bowells of y^e great Atlanticke
Sea; w^{ch} as it was a griefe to vs her parents, & a sorrow to all
y^e rest as being y^e beginning of a contagious disease & mortality:
so in y^e same judge^{mt} it pleased God to remember mercy in y^e
child, in freeing it fro̅ a world of misery wherein otherwise shee
had liued all her daies. For being about 4 yeares ould a yeare
since, wee know not by what meanes, sweyed in y^e backe, so y^t it
was broken & grew crooked, & y^e joynts of her hipps were loosed
& her knees went crooked pittifull to see. Since w^{ch} tyme shee
hath had a most lamentable payne in her belly, & would oft times cry
out in y^e day & in her sleep also my belly, w^{ch} declared so̅e
extraordinary distemper. So y^t in respect of her wee had cause to
take her death as a blessing fro̅ y^e Lord to shorten her miserie.
[Sidenote: [May 20]]
Wednesday a wett morning, y^e wind was W: S: W: & in y^e afternoone
N: W: & by W: both being contrary to o^r course, w^{ch} was to saile
W: & by S: Thus it pleased god to lay his hand vpo̅ vs by sicknes &
death & contrary winds; & stirred vp so̅e of vs to make y^e moto̅n of
humbling o^r selves vnder y^e hand of God by keeping a solemne day of
fasting & prayer unto God, to beseech him to remooue y^e continuance
& further increase of these evills fro̅ vs. w^{ch} was willingly
condescended vnto as a duty very fitting & needfull for o^r present
state and condic̅o̅n.
[Sidenote: [21]]
Thursday, there being 2 ministers in y^e ship, M^r Smith & my selfe,
we endevoured together w^{th} others to consecrate y^e day as a
solemne fasting & humiliac̅o̅n to almighty God, as a furtheraunce of
o^r present worke. And it pleased God y^e ship was becalmed all day,
so y^t we were freed fro̅ any encumbraunce: And as soone as we had
done prayers, see & behould y^e goodnes of god, about 7 a clocke at
night y^e wind turned to n: e: & we had a fayre gale y^t night as a
manifest evidence of y^e Lords hearing o^r prayers. I heard so̅e of
y^e mariners say, y^y thought this was y^e first sea-fast y^t euer
was kept, & y^t y^y neuer heard of y^e like perfourmed at sea before.
[Sidenote: [22.]]
[Sidenote: [May]]
Fryday y^e wind fayre, & east northerly, & for o^r purpose for new
England. it did blow strongly & carried vs on amayne w^{th} tossing
waues, w^{ch} did affright y^m y^t were not wonted to such sights.
[Sidenote: [23.]]
Saturday y^e same wind blowing but more gently. Now we were co̅forted
w^{th} hope of my sonne Samuels recovery of y^e pockes.
[Sidenote: [24.]]
The 2 Lords day, a fayre day, an orderly wind & prosperous.
[Sidenote: [25]]
On Monday a fayre frummegale, y^e wind South S: W:
[Sidenote: [26.]]
Tewsday about 10 of y^e clocke in y^e morning, whilest we were at
prayers a strong and sudden blast came fro̅ y^e north, y^t hoysed vp
y^e waues & tossed vs more then euer before & held vs all y^t day
till towards night & then abated by little & little till it was
calme. This day M^r Goffes great dogg fell ouer board & could not be
recouered.
[Sidenote: [27.]]
[Sidenote: [May 27]]
Wednesday, y^e wind still no: & calme in y^e morning, but about
noone there arose a So: wind, w^{ch} encreased more & more, so y^t
it seemed to vs y^t are land men a sore & terrible storme; for y^e
wind blew mightily, y^e rayne fell vehemently, y^e sea roared &
y^e waues tossed vs horribly; besides it was fearfull darke & y^e
mariners maid was afraid; & noyse on the other side w^{th} their
running here & there, lowd crying one to another to pull at this &
y^t rope. The waues powred y^mselues ouer y^e shippe y^t y^e 2 boates
were filled w^{th} water, y^t y^y were fayne to strike holes in y^e
midst of y^m to let y^e water out. Yea by y^e violence of y^e waues
y^e long boate coard w^{ch} held it was broken, & it had like to
haue bene washed ouerboard, had not y^e mariners w^{th} much payne &
daunger recouered y^e same. But this lasted not many houres; after
which it became a calmish day. All w^{ch} while I lay close & warme
in my cabine, but farre fro̅ hauing list to sleepe w^{th} Jonah; my
thoughts were otherwise employed as y^e tyme & place required. Then I
saw y^e truth of y^e Scripture Psal. 107, fro̅ y^e 23 to y^e 32. And
my feare at this tyme was ye lesse, when I rememberd what a loving
friend of myne, a minister accustomed to sea stormes said to mee y^t
I might not be dismayed at such stormes, for y^y were ordinary at
seas, & it seeldome falls out y^t a shipp perisheth at storms if it
haue sea-roome, w^{ch} I y^e rather wryte y^t others as well as my
selfe by y^e knowledge hereof may be encouraged & prepared ag^t these
ordinary sea-stormes.
[Sidenote: [28 29]]
[Sidenote: [30]]
Thursday So: wind: calme at night: On fryday a boistrous wind blowing
crosse, but was allayed towards night w^{th} a showre of rayne.
Saturday So: w: wind, but faire & quiett.
[Sidenote: [May 31]]
Sabbath day being y^e 3 Lords day, fayre & calme; wee saw abundance
of grampas fishes, 2 or 3 yards long, & a body as bigg as an oxe.
[Sidenote: [June 1]]
Monday y^e wind westerly & calme: but besides o^r being stayed by
contrary winds we began to fynd y^e temperature of y^e ayre to alter
& to become more soletry & subject to vnwholsome foggs. For com̅ing
now to y^e height of y^e westerne Islands, so̅e of o^r men fell sicke
of y^e scuruie & others of the small pockes, w^{ch} more & more
increased: yet thankes be to God none dyed of it but my owne child
menc̅o̅n̅d. And therefore, according to o^r great need we appointed
another fast for the next day.
[Sidenote: [2.]]
Tewsday we solemnely celebrate another fast. The Lord y^t day heard
vs before wee prayed & gaue vs aunswere before we called; for early
in y^e morning y^e wind turned full East, being as fitt a wind as
could blowe. And sitting at my study on y^e shipps poope I saw many
bonny fishes & porpuses pursuing one another, and leaping so̅e of y^m
a yard aboue y^e water. Also as we were at prayer, vnder y^e hatch,
so̅e y^t were aboue saw a whale puffing vp water not farre fro̅ y^e
shippe. Now my wiffe was prettily well recouered of her sea sicknesse.
[Sidenote: [3.]]
[Sidenote: [June]]
Wednesday a fayre day & fyne gale of full East wind. This day my
selfe & others saw a large round fish sayling by y^e ships side about
a yard in length & roundnes euery way. The mariners cald it a sunne
fish; it spreadeth out y^e finnes like beames on euery side 4, or 5.
[Sidenote: [4, 5.]]
Thursday & fryday y^e wind full E: we were carried w^{th} admirac̅o̅n
on o^r journey. By this wee were more then halfe way to new England.
This day I saw a fish very straunge to mee, y^y call it a caruell;
w^{ch} came by y^e ship side wafting along y^e top of y^e water. it
appeared at y^e first like a bubble aboue the water as bigg as a mans
fist, but y^e fish it selfe is about y^e bignes of a mans thum, so
y^t y^e fish it selfe & y^e bubble resembleth a shipp w^{th} sailes,
w^{ch} therefore is called a caruell.
[Sidenote: [6 7]]
[Sidenote: [8]]
Saturday wind direct E: still. The 4 Sabb: we kept at sea the wind
full full Easterly till noone, & then it came full So: E: a strong
gale y^t night & y^e next day till night.
[Sidenote: [9]]
Tewsday y^e same wind held till 9 a clock in y^e morning: & then a
great showre w^{ch} lasted till about 7 at night, & then it was a
very calme. There we sounded w^{th} a dipled lyne aboue 100^{th}
fadome & found no bottome. This day we saw a fish called a turkle, a
great & large shell fish swiming aboue y^e water neere y^e shippe.
[Sidenote: [10]]
Wednesday wind northerly a fyne gale but calmish in y^e afternoone.
[Sidenote: [11 June]]
Thursday y^e wind at no: an easye gale & fayre morning we saw a
mountayne of Ice shyning as white as snow like to a great rocke or
clift on y^e shoare. it stood still & therefore we thought it to be
on ground & to reach y^e bottome of y^e sea. For though there came a
mighty streame fro̅ y^e no: yet it mooued not, w^{ch} made vs sound,
& we found a banke of 40 fathom deepe whereupo̅ we judged it to rest:
& y^e height aboue was as much. Wee also saw 6 or 7 pieces of Ice,
floating on y^e sea, w^{ch} was broken off fro̅ y^e former mountayne,
we also saw great store of water fowle swim̅ing by y^e shipp w^{th}in
musket shott, of a pyde colour & about y^e bignes of a wild ducke,
about 40 in a co̅pany, the mariners call y^m hag birds. Toward night
came a fogge, y^t y^e lions whelp was lost till morning. And now we
saw many bony toes porpuses and grampases every day more & more.
[Sidenote: [12]]
Fryday foggie & calmish, y^e wind northerly in y^e morning, but about
noone it came S: E: a dainty loome gale w^{ch} carried vs 6 leagues a
watch.
[Sidenote: [13]]
Saturday y^e same wind till night, & we saw great store of porpuses &
grampases.
[Sidenote: [14]]
The 5^{th} Sabbath, y^e same wind, towards noone it began to be
foggie, & then it rained till night we went 4 or 5 leagues a watch.
[Sidenote: [June 15]]
Monday a fayre day but foggie, y^e same wind blowing but w^{th} fresh
gale carryed vs 7 leagues a watch. In y^e afternoone it blew harder,
so y^e sea was rough, & we lost y^e sight of y^e lions whelpe: it
being foggie we drum̅ed for y^m & y^y shot off a great piece of
ordinance but we feared not one another.
[Sidenote: [16]]
Tewsday wind So: & by E: foggie till about 10 a clocke while we were
at prayers it cleared vp about an houre, & then we saw y^e lions
whelpe distant about 2 leagues southward. wee presently tackt about
to meet her & shee did y^e same to meete vs, but before we could get
together a thick fogge came, y^t we were long in fynding each other.
This day we sounded divers tymes, & found o^rselves on another banke,
at first 40 fathom, after 36. after 33. after 24. wee thought it to
haue bene y^e banke ouer ag^t chap Sable, but we were deceiued, for
we knew not certainly where we were because of y^e fogge. After 3 or
4 houres co̅pany we lost y^e lions whelpe agayne: & beate o^r drume
& shot off a great piece of ordinaunce & yet heard not of y^m. But
perceiuing y^e banke to grow still y^t shallower we found it 27 & 24
fathoms. Therefore being a fogg & fearing wee were too neere land we
tackt about for sea roome for 2 or 3 watches, & steered Southeast.
[Sidenote: [17]]
Wednesday very foggie still & wind S: and by w: & sounding found no
bottome y^t we could reach.
[Sidenote: [18]]
Thursday wind full w: & contrary to vs. This day a notorious wicked
fellow y^t was giuen to swearing & boasting of his former wickednes
bragged y^t hee had got a wench w^{th} child before hee came this
voyage & mocked at o^r daies of fast railing & jesting ag^t puritans,
this fellow fell sicke of y^e pockes & dyed. Wee sounded and found
38 fathom, & stayed for a little to take so̅e codfish & feasted
o^rselves merily.
[Sidenote: [19]]
Fryday wind west still, a very fayre cleare day. About 4 a clock in
y^e afternoone so̅e went vp to y^e top of y^e mast, & affirmed to o^r
great co̅fort y^y saw land to y^e north eastward.
[Sidenote: [20]]
Saturday wind So: w: a fayre gale: we sounded & found 40, 30, 22, & a
little after no ground.
[Sidenote: [21]]
Sabb: being y^e 6^{th} Lords day; wind westerly but fayre & calme.
[Sidenote: [22]]
Monday wind Easterly a fayre gale. This day wee saw a great deale of
froth not farre fro̅ vs: wee feared it might bee so̅e breach of water
ag^t some new qvote.[2] Therefore y^e m^r of o^r shipp hoised out y^e
shalop & went w^{th} so̅e of y^e men to see what it was; but found it
onely to bee a froath carried by y^e streame.
[Sidenote: [June 23]]
Tewsday y^e wind n: E: a fayre gale. This day we examined 5 beastly
Sodomiticall boyes, w^{ch} confessed their wickednes not to bee
named. The fact was so fowle wee referred y^m to bee punished by y^e
governor when we came to new England, who afterward sent y^m backe to
y^e co̅pany to bee punished in ould England as y^e crime deserued.
[Sidenote: [24]]
Wednesday wind no: E: a fayre day & cleare: about 9 a clocke in y^e
morning we espied a shipp about 4 leagues behind vs; w^{ch} prooued
y^e lions whelpe, w^{ch} had bene a weeke separated fro̅ vs. we
stayed for [blot (her)] co̅pany. This day a child of goodman Blacke
w^{ch} had a co̅sumpc̅o̅n before it came to shipp, dyed. This day we
had all a cleare & co̅fortable sight of America, & of y^e Chap Sable
y^t was ouer ag^t vs 7 or 8 leagues northward. Here we saw yellow
gilliflowers on y^e sea.
[Sidenote: [25]]
Thursday wind still no: Ea: a full & fresh gale. In y^e after noone
wee had a cleare sight of many Islands & hills by y^e sea shoare. Now
we saw abundaunce of makrill, a great store of great whales puffing
vp water as y^y goe, so̅e of y^m came neere o^r shipp: their greatnes
did astonish vs y^t saw y^m not before: their backs appeared like a
little Island. At 5 a clock at[3] night the wind turned S. E. a fayre
gale. This day we caught mackrill.
[Sidenote: [26]]
Fryday a foggie morning, but after cleare and wind calme. We saw
many scools of mackrill, infinite multitudes on every side our ship.
The sea was abundantly stored with rockweed and yellow flowers like
gilly-flowers. By noon we were within 3 leagues of Capan, and as we
sayled along the coasts we saw every hill and dale and every island
full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to the shoare
the more flowers in abundance, sometymes scattered abroad, sometymes
joyned in sheets 9 or 10 yards long, which we supposed to be brought
from the low meadowes by the tyde. Now what with fine woods and
greene trees by land, and these yellow flowers paynting the sea, made
us all desirous to see our new paradise of New England, whence we saw
such forerunning signals of fertilitie afarre off. Coming neare the
harbour towards night we takt about for sea-roome.
[Sidenote: [27]]
Saturday a foggie morning; but after 8 o’clocke in the morning very
cleare, the wind being somewhat contrary at So. and by West, we
tackt to and againe with getting little; but with much adoe, about
4 o’clock in the afternoone, having with much payne compassed the
harbour, and being ready to enter the same, see how things may
suddenly change! there came a fearfull gust of wind and rayne and
thunder and lightning, whereby we were borne with no little terrour
and trouble to our mariners, having very much adoe to loose downe
the sayles when the fury of the storme held up. But God be praised
it lasted but a while and soone abated agayne. And hereby the Lord
shewed us what he could have done with us, if it had pleased him. But
blessed be God, he soone removed this storme and it was a fayre and
sweet evening.
We had a westerly wind which brought us between 5 and 6 o’clock to
a fyne and sweet harbour,[4] 7 miles from the head point of Capan.
This harbour 20 ships may easily ryde therein, where there was an
island whither four of our men with a boate went, and brought backe
agayne ripe strawberries and gooseberries, and sweet single roses.
Thus God was merciful to us in giving us a tast and smell of the
sweet fruit as an earnest of his bountiful goodnes to welcome us at
our first arrivall. This harbour was two leagues and something more
from the harbour at Naimkecke, where our ships were to rest, and the
plantation is already begun. But because the passage is difficult
and night drew on, we put into Capan harbour.
[Sidenote: [28]]
The Sabbath, being the first we kept in America, and the 7th Lord’s
day after we parted with England.
[Sidenote: [29]]
Monday we came from Capan, to go to Naimkecke, the wind northerly.
I should have tould you before that the planters spying our English
colours the Governour sent a shalop with 2 men on Saturday to pilot
us. These rested the Sabbath with us at Capan; and this day, by God’s
blessing and their directions, we passed the curious and difficult
entrance into the large spacious harbour of Naimkecke. And as we
passed along it was wonderful to behould so many islands replenished
with thicke wood and high trees, and many fayre greene pastures. And
being come into the harbour we saw the George to our great comfort
then being come on Tuesday which was 7 daies before us. We rested
that night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to
our long and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world.
[Sidenote: [30]]
The next morning the governour came aboard to our ship, and bade us
kindly welcome, and invited me and my wiffe to come on shoare, and
take our lodging in his house, which we did accordingly.
* * * * *
Thus you have a faithful report collected from day to day of all the
particulars that were worth noting in our passage.
* * * * *
Now in our passage divers things are remarkeable.
* * * * *
First, through God’s blessing our passage was short and speedy, for
whereas we had 1000 leagues, that is 3000 miles English, to saile
from Ould to New England, we performed the same in 6 weeks and 3
dayes.
Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easie for the most part,
having ordinarily fayre and moderate wind, and being freed for the
most part from stormie and rough seas, saving one night only, which
we that were not used thought to be more terrible than indeed it was,
and this was Wednesday at night May 27th.
Thirdly, our passage was also healthfull to our passengers, being
freed from the great contagion of the scurvie and other maledictions,
which in other passages to other places had taken away the lives of
many. And yet we were in all reason in wonderful danger all the way,
our ship being greatly crowded with passengers; but through God’s
great goodness we had none that died of the pockes but that wicked
fellow that scorned at fasting and prayer. There were indeed 2 little
children, one of my owne and another beside; but I do not impute it
meerely to the passage; for they were both very sickly children, and
not likely to have lived long, if they had not gone to sea. And take
this for a rule, if children be healthfull when they come to sea, the
younger they are the better they will endure the sea, and are not
troubled with sea-sicknes as older people are, as we had experience
in many children that went this voyage. My wiffe indeed, in tossing
weather, was something ill by vomiting, but in calme weather she
recovered agayne, and is now much better for the sea sicknes. And for
my owne part, whereas I have for divers yeares past been very sickly
and ready to cast up whatsoever I have eaten, and was very sicke at
London and Gravesend, yet from the tyme I came on shipboard to this
day, I have been straungely healthfull. And now I can digest our ship
diett very well, which I could not when I was at land. And indeed in
this regard I have great cause to give God praise, that he hath made
my coming to be a method to cure me of a wonderful weake stomacke
and continual payne of melancholly wynd from the splene: Also divers
children were sicke of the small pockes, but are safely recovered
agayne, and 2 or 3 passengers towards the latter end of the voyage
fell sicke of the scurvie, but coming to land recovered in a short
tyme.
Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable and profitable. For we
received instruction and delight in behoulding the wonders of the
Lord in the deepe waters, and sometimes seeing the sea round us
appearing with a terrible countenance, and as it were full of high
hills and deepe vallyes; and sometimes it appeared as a most plain
and even meadow. And ever and anon we saw divers kynds of fishes
sporting in the great waters, great grampuses and huge whales going
by companies and puffing up water-streames. Those that love their
owne chimney corner, and dare not go farre beyond their owne townes
end shall neever have the honour to see these wonderfull workes of
Almighty God.
Fifthly, we had a pious and christian-like passage; for I suppose
passengers shall seldom find a company of more religious, honest
and kynd seamen than we had. We constantly served God morning and
evening by reading and expounding a chapter, singing, and prayer. And
the Sabbath was solemnely kept by adding to the former, preaching
twise and catechising. And in our great need we kept 2 solemne fasts,
and found a gracious effect. Let all that love and use fasting and
praying take notise that it is as prevaileable by sea as by land,
wheresoever it is faithfully performed. Besides the ship master and
his company used every night to sett their 8 and 12 a clocke watches
with singing a psalme and prayer that was not read out of a booke.
This I wryte not for boasting and flattery; but for the benefit of
those that have a mynd to come to New England hereafter, that if
they looke for and desyre to have as prosperous a voyage as we had,
they may use the same meanes to attayne the same. So letting passe
our passage by sea, we will now bring our discourse to land on the
shoare of New England, and I shall by God’s assistance endeavour to
speake nothing but the naked truth, and both acquaint you with the
commodities and discommodities of the country.
NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION
_&c._
NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION
OR,
A SHORT AND TRVE
DESCRIPTION OF THE
COMMODITIES AND
DISCOMMODITIES
of that Countrey.
Written by M^r _Higgeson_, a reuerend
Diuine now there resident.
Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by
M^r _Graues_ an Enginere, out of _New England_.
_The third Edition, enlarged._
LONDON.
Printed by _T._ and _R. Cotes_ for _Michael Sparke_,
dwelling at the Signe of the _Blue Bible_ in
_Greene-Arbor_, 1630.
[Illustration: (decorative banner)]
To the Reader.
_Reader, doe not disdaine to reade this Relation: and looke not here
to haue a large Gate and no building within: a full-stuffed Tittle
with no matter in the Booke: But here reade the truth, and that
thou shalt find without any frothy bumbasting words, or any quaint
new-deuised additions, onely as it was written (not intended for the
Presse) by a reuerend Diuine now there liuing, who onely sent it to
some Friends here, which were desirous of his Relations; which is
an Epitomy of their proceedings in the Plantation. And for thy part
if thou meanest to be no Planter nor Venturer doe but lend thy good
Prayers for the furtherance of it. And so I rest a Well-Wisher to all
the good designes both of them which are gone, and of them that are
to goe._
M. S.
[Illustration: (decorative banner)]
NEW-ENGLANDS _PLANTATION_.
Letting passe our Voyage by Sea, we will now begin our discourse on
the shore of _New-England_. And because the life and wel-fare of
euery Creature heere below, and the commodiousnesse of the Countrey
whereas such Creatures liue, doth by the most wise ordering of Gods
prouidence, depend next vnto himselfe, vpon the temperature and
disposition of the foure Elements, Earth, Water, Aire, and Fire (For
as of the mixture of all these, all sublunary things are composed; so
by the more or lesse injoyment of the wholesome temper and conuenient
vse of these, consisteth the onely well-being both of Man and Beast
in a more or lesse comfortable measure in all Countreys vnder the
Heauens) Therefore I will indeauour to shew you what _New-England_
is by the consideration of each of these apart, and truly indeauour
by Gods helpe to report nothing but the naked truth, and that both
to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the commodities,
though as the idle Prouerbe is, _Trauellers may lye by autoritie_,
and so may take too much sinfull libertie that way. Yet I may say of
my selfe as once _Nehemiah_ did in another case: _Shall such a Man
as I lye?_ No verily: It becommeth not a Preacher of Truth to be a
Writer of Falshod in any degree: and therefore I haue beene carefull
to report nothing of _new England_ but what I haue partly seene with
mine owne Eyes, and partly heard and inquired from the mouths of
verie honest and religious persons, who by liuing in the Countrey a
good space of time haue had experience and knowledge of the state
thereof, & whose testimonies I doe beleeue as my selfe.
First therefore of the Earth of _New-England_ and all the
appertenances thereof: It is a Land of diuers and sundry sorts all
about _Masathulets_ Bay, and at _Charles_ Riuer is as fat blacke
Earth as can be seene any where: and in other places you haue a clay
soyle, in other grauell, in other sandy, as it is all about our
Plantation at _Salem_, for so our Towne is now named, _Psal._ 76. 2.
The forme of the Earth here in the superficies of it is neither too
flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in Hils, but partakes of both
in a mediocritie, and fit for Pasture, or for Plow or meddow ground,
as Men please to employ it: though all the Countrey bee as it were
a thicke Wood for the generall, yet in diuers places there is much
ground cleared by the _Indians_, and especially about the Plantation:
and I am told that about three miles from vs a Man may stand on a
little hilly place and see diuers thousands of acres of ground as
good as need to be, and not a Tree in the same. It is thought here is
good Clay to make Bricke and Tyles and Earthen-Pot as need to be. At
this instant we are setting a Bricke-Kill on worke to make Brickes
and Tyles for the building of our Houses. For Stone, here is plentie
of Slates at the Ile of Slate in _Masathulets_ Bay, and Lime-stone,
Free-stone, and Smooth-stone, and Iron-stone, and Marble-stone also
in such store, that we haue great Rocks of it, and a Harbour hard by.
Our Plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.
Of Minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made, yet we are
not without great hope of being furnished in that Soyle.
The fertilitie of the Soyle is to be admired at, as appeareth in the
aboundance of Grasse that groweth euerie where both verie thicke,
verie long, and verie high in diuers places: but it groweth verie
wildly with a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because it
neuer had been eaten with Cattle, nor mowed with a Sythe, and seldome
trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be beleeued how our Kine and
Goats, Horses and Hogges doe thriue and prosper here and like well of
this Countrey.
In our Plantation we haue already a quart of Milke for a penny:
but the aboundant encrease of Corne proues this Countrey to bee a
wonderment. Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here:
yea _Joseph’s_ encrease in _Ægyt_ is out-stript here with vs. Our
planters hope to haue more then a hundred fould this yere: and all
this while I am within compasse; what will you say of two hundred
fould and vpwards? It is almost incredible what great gaine some of
our English Planters haue had by our Indian Corne. Credible persons
haue assured me, and the partie himselfe auouched the truth of it
to me, that of the setting of 13 gallons of Corne hee hath had
encrease of it 52 Hogsheads, euery Hogshead holding seuen Bushels of
_London_ measure, and euery Bushell was by him sold and trusted to
the _Indians_ for so much Beauer as was worth 18 shillings; and so of
this 13 Gallons of Corne which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made
about 327 pounds of it in the yeere following, as by reckoning will
appeare: where you may see how God blessed husbandry in this Land.
There is not such greate and plentifull eares of Corne I suppose any
where else to bee found but in this Country: because also of varietie
of colours, as red, blew, and yellow, &c. and of one Corne there
springeth foure or fiue hundred. I haue sent you many Eares of diuers
colours that you might see the truth of it.
Little Children here by setting of Corne may earne much more then
their owne maintenance.
They haue tryed our _English_ Corne at new _Plimmouth_ Plantation, so
that all our seuerall Graines will grow here verie well, and haue a
fitting Soyle for their nature.
Our Gouernor hath store of greene pease growing in his garden as good
as euer I eat in _England_.
This Countrey aboundeth naturally with store of rootes of great
varietie and good to eat. Our Turnips, Parsnips and Carrots are
here both bigger and sweeter then is ordinarily to bee found in
_England_. Here are store of Pumpions, Cowcombers, and other things
of that nature which I know not. Also diuers excellent Pot-herbs grow
abundantly among the Grasse, as Strawberrie leaues in all places
of the Countrey, and plentie of strawberries in their time, and
Penyroyall, Wintersauerie, Sorrell, Brookelime, Liuerwort, Caruell
and Watercresses, also Leekes and Onions are ordinarie, and diuers
Physicall Herbs. Here are also aboundance of other sweet Hearbs
delightfull to the smell, whose names we know not, &c. and plentie of
single Damaske Roses verie sweete; and two kinds of Herbes that beare
two kinds of Flowers very sweet, which they say, are as good to make
Cordage or Cloath as any Hempe or Flaxe we haue.
Excellent Vines are here vp and downe in the Woodes. Our Gouernour
hath already planted a Vineyard with great hope of encrease.
Also, Mulberries, Plums, Raspberries, Corrance, Chesnuts, Filberds,
Walnuts, Smalnuts, Hurtleberies, & Hawes of Whitethorne neere as good
as our Cherries in _England_, they grow in plentie here.
For Wood there is no better in the World I thinke, here being foure
sorts of Oke differing both in the Leafe, Timber, and Colour,
all excellent good. There is also good Ash, Elme, Willow, Birch,
Beech, Saxafras, Juniper, Cipres, Cedar, Spruce, Pines, & Firre that
will yeeld abundance of Turpentine, Pitch, Tarre, Masts and other
materials for building both of Ships and Houses. Also here are store
of Sumacke Trees, they are good for dying and tanning of Leather,
likewise such trees yeeld a precious Gem called Wine Benjamen, that
they say is excellent for perfumes. Also here be diuers Roots and
Berries wherewith the _Indians_ dye excellent holding colours that
no raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee haue materials to make
Sope-Ashes and Salt-Peter in aboundance.
For Beasts there are some Beares, and they say some Lyons also; for
they haue been seen at Cape _Anne_. Also here are seuerall sorts of
Deere, some whereof bring three or foure young ones at once, which
is not ordinarie in _England_. Also Wolues, Foxes, Beauers, Otters,
Martins, great wild Cats, & a great Beast called a Molke as bigge
as an Oxe. I haue seen the Skins of all these Beasts since I came
to this Plantation excepting Lyons. Also here are great store of
squerrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser: there are some
of the lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certaine Skill will fly
from Tree to Tree though they stand farre distant.
_Of the Waters of_ New-England, _with the things belonging to the
same._
_New-England_ hath Water enough both salt and fresh, the greatest Sea
in the World, the _Atlanticke_ Sea runs all along the Coast thereof.
There are abundance of Ilands along the Shore, some full of Wood and
Mast to feed Swine; and others cleere of Wood, and fruitfull to beare
Corne. Also wee haue store of excellent harbours for Ships, as at
Cape _Anne_, and at _Masathulets_ Bay, and at _Salem_, and at many
other places: and they are the better because for Strangers there is
a verie difficult and dangerous passage into them, but vnto such as
are well acquainted with them, they are easie and safe enough. The
aboundance of Sea-Fish are almost beyond beleeuing, and sure I should
scarce haue beleeued it, except I had seene it with mine owne Eyes.
I saw great store of Whales, and Crampusse, and such aboundance of
Mackerils that it would astonish one to behold, likewise Cod-Fish
in aboundance on the Coast, and in their season are plentifully
taken. There is a Fish called a Basse, a most sweet & wholesome Fish
as euer I did eate, it is altogether as good as our fresh Sammon,
and the season of their comming was begun when wee came first to
_New-England_ in _June_, and so continued about three months space.
Of this Fish our Fishers take many hundreds together, which I haue
seene lying on the shore to my admiration; yea their Nets ordinarily
take more then they are able to hale to Land, and for want of Boats
and Men they are constrained to let a many goe after they haue taken
them, and yet sometimes they fill two Boates at a time with them. And
besides Basse wee take plentie of Scate and Thornbacks, and abundance
of Lobsters, and the least Boy in the Plantation may both catch and
eat what he will of them. For my owne part I was soone cloyed with
them, they were so great, and fat, and lussious. I haue seene some
my selfe that haue weighed 16 pound, but others haue had diuers
times so great Lobsters as haue weighed 25 pound, as they assure
mee. Also heere is abundance of Herring, Turbut, Sturgion, Cuskes,
Hadocks, Mullets, Eeles, Crabbes, Muskles and Oysters. Besides there
is probability that the Countrey is of an excellent temper for the
making of Salt: for since our comming our Fishermen haue brought home
very good Salt which they found candied by the standing of the Sea
water and the heat of the Sunne, vpon a Rocke by the Sea shore: and
in diuers salt Marishes that some haue gone through, they haue found
some Salt in some places crushing vnder their Feete and cleauing to
their Shooes.
And as for fresh Water the Countrey is full of dainty Springs, and
some great Riuers, and some lesser Brookes; and at _Masathulets_ Bay
they digged Wels and found Water at three Foot deepe in most places:
and neere _Salem_ they haue as fine cleare Water as we can desire,
and we may digge Wels and find Water where we list.
Thus wee see both Land and Sea abound with store of blessings for the
comfortable sustenance of Man’s life in _New-England_.
_Of the Aire of_ New-England _with the temper and Creatures in it_.
The Temper of the Aire of _New-England_ is one speciall thing that
commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly
a more healthfull place to be found in the World that agreeth better
with our English bodyes. Many that haue beene weake and sickly in
old _England_, by comming hither haue beene thoroughly healed and
growne healthfull strong. For here is an extraordinarie cleere and
dry Aire that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of a
Cold, Melancholy, Flegmatick, Rheumatick temper of Body. None can
more truly speake hereof by their owne experience then my selfe. My
Friends that knew me can well tell how verie sickly I haue bin and
continually in Physick, being much troubled with a tormenting paine
through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my Stomacke, and aboundance
of Melancholicke humors; but since I came hither on this Voyage,
I thanke God, I haue had perfect health, and freed from paine and
vomiting, hauing a Stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest
fare, who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my Stomacke
could onely digest and did require such drinke as was both strong
and stale, now I can and doe often times drink _New-England_ water
verie well; and I that haue not gone without a Cap for many yeeres
together, neither durst leaue off the same, haue now cast away
my Cap, and doe weare none at all in the day time: and whereas
beforetime I cloathed my selfe with double cloathes and thicke
Wastcoates to keepe me warme, euen in the Summer time, I doe now
goe as thin clad as any, onely wearing a light Stuffe Cassocke vpon
my Shirt, and Stuffe Breeches of one thicknesse without Linings.
Besides I haue one of my Children that was formerly most lamentably
handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the
King’s-euill, but since he came hither hee is very well ouer he was,
and there is hope of perfect recouerie shortly euen by the very
wholesomnesse of the Aire, altering, digesting and drying vp the
cold and crude humours of the Body: and therefore I thinke it is a
wise course for al cold complections to come to take Physick in _New
England_: for a sup of _New-England’s_ Aire is better then a whole
draught of old _England’s_ Ale. In the Summer time in the midst of
_July_ and _August_, it is a good deale hotter then in old _England_:
and in Winter _January_ and _February_ are much colder as they say:
but the Spring and Autumne are of a middle temper.
Fowles of the Aire are plentifull here, and of all sorts as we haue
in _England_ as farre as I can learne, and a great many of strange
Fowles which wee know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one
of our Men brought home an Eagle which hee had killed in the Wood:
they say they are good meate. Also here are many kinds of excellent
Hawkes, both Sea Hawkes & Land Hawkes: and my selfe walking in the
Woods with another in company, sprung a Partridge so bigge that
through the heauinesse of his Body could fly but a little way: they
that haue killed them, say they are as bigge as our Hens. Here are
likewise aboundance of Turkies often killed in the Woods, farre
greater then our English Turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet and
fleshy, for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long,
as Strawberries, in Summer all places are full of them, and all
manner of Berries and Fruits. In the Winter time I haue seene Flockes
of Pidgeons, and haue eaten of them: they doe fly from Tree to Tree
as other Birds doe, which our Pidgeons will not doe in _England_:
they are of all colours as ours are, but their wings and tayles are
far longer, and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the
terrible Hawkes in this Country. In Winter time this Country doth
abound with wild Geese, wild Duckes, and other Sea Fowle, that a
great part of winter the Planters haue eaten nothing but roast meate
of diuers Fowles which they haue killed.
Thus you haue heard of the Earth, Water and Aire of _New-England_,
now it may bee you expect something to bee said of the Fire
proportionable to the rest of the Elements. Indeede I thinke
_New-England_, may boast of this Element more then of all the rest:
for though it bee here somewhat cold in the winter, yet here we haue
plenty of Fire to warme vs, and that a great deale cheaper then they
sel Billets and Faggots in _London_: nay, all _Europe_ is not able to
afford to make so great Fires as _New-England_. A poore seruant here
that is to possesse but 50 Acres of Land, may afford to giue more
wood for Timber & Fire as good as the world yeelds, then many Noble
men in _England_ can afford to do. Here is good liuing for those that
loue good Fires. And although _New-England_ haue no Tallow to make
Candles of, yet by the aboundance of the Fish thereof, it can afford
Oyle for Lampes. Yea our Pine-Trees that are the most plentifull of
all wood, doth allow vs plenty of Candles which are very vsefull in
a House: and they are such Candles as the _Indians_ commonly vse,
hauing no other, and they are nothing else but the wood of the Pine
Tree clouen in two little slices something thin, which are so full of
the moysture of Turpentine and Pitch, that they burne as cleere as a
Torch. I haue sent you some of them that you may see the experience
of them.
Thus of _New-England’s_ commodities, now I will tell you of some
discommodities that are here to be found.
First, in the Summer season for these three months, _June_, _July_,
and _August_, we are troubled much with little Flyes called
Musketoes, being the same they are troubled with in Lincolneshiere
and the Fens: and they are nothing but Gnats, which except they bee
smoked out of their houses are troublesome in the night season.
Secondly, in the Winter season for two months space, the earth is
commonly couered with Snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting
Frosts, something more sharpe then is in old _England_, and therefore
are forced to make great Fires.
Thirdly, the countrey being very full of Woods, and Wildernesses,
doth also much abound with Snakes and Serpents of strange colours,
and huge greatnesse: yea there are some Serpents called Rattlesnakes
that haue Rattles in their Tailes, that will not fly from a man as
others will, but will flye vpon him and sting him so mortally,
that hee will dye within a quarter of an houre after, except the
partie stinged haue about him some of the root of an Hearbe called
Snake-weed to bite on, and then hee shall receiue no harme: but yet
seldome falles it out that any hurt is done by these. About three
yeares since, an _Indian_ was stung to death by one of them, but wee
heard of none since that time.
Fourthly and lastly, Here wants as it were good company of honest
Christians to bring with them Horses, Kine and Sheepe to make vse of
this fruitfull Land: great pitty it is to see so much good ground
for Corne & for Grasse as any is vnder the Heauens, to ly altogether
vnoccupied, when so many honest Men and their Families in old
_England_ through the populousnesse thereof, do make very hard shift
to liue one by the other.
* * * * *
Now, thus you know what _New-England_ is, as also with the
commodities and discommodities thereof: now I will shew you a little
of the Inhabitants thereof, and their gouernment.
For their Gouernors they haue Kings, which they call _Saggamores_,
some greater, and some lesser, according to the number of their
Subjects.
The greatest _Saggamores_ about vs can not make aboue three hundred
Men, and other lesse _Saggamores_ haue not aboue fifteene Subjects,
and others neere about vs but two.
Their Subjects aboue twelue yeares since were swept away by a great
& grieuous Plague that was amongst them, so that there are verie few
left to inhabite the Country.
The _Indians_ are not able to make vse of the one fourth part of the
Land, neither haue they any setled places, as Townes to dwell in, nor
any ground as they challenge for their owne possession, but change
their habitation from place to place.
For their Statures, they are a tall and strong limmed People, their
colours are tawny, they goe naked, saue onely they are in part
couered with Beasts Skins on one of their shoulders, and weare
something before their priuities: their Haire is generally blacke,
and cut before like our Gentelewomen, and one locke longer then the
rest, much like to our Gentelmen, which fashion I thinke came from
hence into _England_.
For their weapons, they haue Bows and Arrowes, some of them headed
with Bone, and some with Brasse: I haue sent you some of them for an
example.
The Men for the most part liue idely, they doe nothing but hunt and
fish: their wiues set their Corne and doe all their other worke. They
haue little Houshold stuffe, as a kettle, and some other Vessels like
Trayes, Spoones, Dishes and Baskets.
Their Houses are verie little and homely, being made with small Poles
pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastned at the tops, and
on the sides they are matted with Boughes and couered on the Roofe
with Sedge and old Mats, and for their beds that they take their rest
on, they haue a Mat.
They doe generally professe to like well of our comming and planting
here; partly because there is abundance of ground that they cannot
possesse nor make vse of, and partly because our being heere will bee
a meanes both of reliefe to them when they want, and also a defence
from their Enemies, wherewith (I say) before this Plantation began,
they were often indangered.
For their religion, they doe worship two Gods, a good God and an
euill God: the good God they call _Tantum_, and their euill God whom
they feare will doe them hurt, they call _Squantum_.
For their dealing with vs, we neither feare them nor trust them, for
fourtie of our Musketeeres will driue fiue hundred of them out of the
Field. We vse them kindly, they will come into our Houses sometimes
by halfe a douzen or halfe a score at a time when we are at victuals,
but will aske or take nothing but what we giue them.
We purpose to learne their language as soone as we can, which will be
a meanes to do them good.
_Of the present condition of the Plantation, and what it is._
When we came first to _Nehumkek_, we found about halfe a score
Houses, and a faire House newly built for the Gouernor, we found
also aboundance of Corne planted by them, very good and well liking.
And we brought with vs about two hundred Passengers and Planters
more, which by common consent of the old Planters were all combined
together into one Body Politicke, vnder the same Gouernor.
There are in all of vs both old and new Planters about three hundred,
whereof two hundred of them are setled at _Nehumkek_, now called
_Salem_: And the rest haue planted themselues at _Masathulets_ Bay,
beginning to build a Towne there which wee doe call _Cherton_, or
_Charles_ Towne.
We that are setled at _Salem_ make what haste we can to build Houses,
so that within a short time we shall haue a faire Towne.
We haue great Ordnance, wherewith wee doubt not but wee shall
fortifie our selues in a short time to keepe out a potent Aduersary.
But that which is our greatest comfort, and meanes of defence
aboue all other, is, that we haue here the true Religion and holy
Ordinances of Almightie God taught amongst vs: Thankes be to God, wee
haue here plenty of Preaching, and diligent Catechizing, with strickt
and carefull exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring
our People into a Christian conuersation with whom wee haue to doe
withall. And thus wee doubt not but God will be with vs, and _if God
be with us, who can be against us_?
_Here ends Master Higgeson’s Relation of New-England._
_A Letter sent from_ New-England, _by Master_ Graues, _Engynere now
there resident_.
Thus much I can affirme in generall, that I neuer came in a more
goodly Country in all my life, all things considered: if it hath not
at any time beene manured and husbanded, yet it is very beautifull
in open Lands, mixed with goodly woods, and againe open plaines, in
some places five hundred Acres, some places more, some lesse, not
much troublesome for to cleere for the Plough to goe in, no place
barren, but on the tops of the Hils; the grasse & weedes grow vp to
a man’s face, in the Lowlands & by fresh Riuers aboundance of grasse
and large Meddowes without any Tree or shrubbe to hinder the Sith.
I neuer saw except in Hungaria, vnto which I alwayes paralell this
countrie, in all our most respects, for euery thing that is heere
eyther sowne or planted prospereth far better then in old England:
the increase of Corne is here farre beyond expectation, as I haue
seene hereby experience in Barly, the which because it is so much
aboue your conception I will not mention. And Cattle doe prosper
very well, and those that are bredd here farr greater then those
with you in England. Vines doe grow here plentifully laden with
the biggest Grapes that euer I saw, some I haue seene foure inches
about, so that I am bold to say of this countrie, as it is commonly
said in _Germany_ of _Hungaria_, that for Cattel, Corne, and Wine
it excelleth. We haue many more hopefull commodities here in this
countrie, the which time will teach to make good vse of: In the
meane time wee abound with such things which next vnder God doe make
vs subsist, as Fish, Foule, Deere, and sundrie sorts of fruits, as
musk-millions water-millions, India-Pompions, Indian-Pease Beanes, &
many other odde fruits that I cannot name; all which are made good
and pleasant through this maine blessing of God, the healthfulnesse
of the countrie which far exceedeth all parts that euer I haue beene
in: It is obserued that few or none doe here fal sicke, vnless of the
Scuruy that they bring from aboard the Ship with them, whereof I haue
cured some of my companie onely by labour. [Thus making an end of an
imperfect Description, and committing you to God, &c.
A Catalogue of such needefull things as euery Planter doth or ought
to prouide to go to _New-England_
as namely for one man, which being doubled, may serue for as many
as you please, _viz._
Victuals for a whole yeere for a man, and so after the rate for
more.
_8 Bvshels of meale._
_2 Bushels of pease._
_2 Bushels of Otemeale._
_1 Gallon of Aquavitæ._
_1 Gallon of Oyle._
_2 Gallons of Vinegar._
_1 Firkin of Butter._
Apparell.
_1 Monmoth Cap._
_3 Falling bands._
_3 Shirts._
_1 Wast-coat._
_1 Suit of Canuase._
_1 Suit of Frize._
_1 Suit of Cloth._
_3 Paire of Stockings._
_4 Paire of Shooes._
_2 Paire of Sheets._
_7 Ells of Canuas to make a bed and boulster._
_1 Paire of Blankets._
_1 Course Rug._
Armes.
_1 Armor compleat._
_1 Long peece._
_1 Sword._
_1 Belt._
_1 Bandilier._
_20 Pound of Powder._
_60 Pound of Lead._
_1 Pistoll and Goose shot._
Tooles.
_1 Broad Howe._
_1 Narrow Howe._
_1 Broad Axe._
_1 Felling Axe.
1 Steele Handsawe._
_1 Whipsawe._
_1 Hammer._
_1 Shouell._
_1 Spade._
_2 Augres._
_4 Chissels._
_2 Percers stocked._
_1 Gimblet._
_1 Hatchet._
_2 Frowes._
_1 Hand-Bill._
_1 Grindstone._
_1 Pickaxe._
_Nayles of all sorts._
Houshold implements.
_1 Iron pot._
_1 Kettel._
_1 Frying pan._
_1 Gridiron._
_2 Skellets._
_1 Spit._
_Wooden Platters._
_Dishes._
_Spoons._
_Trenchers._
Spices.
_Sugar._
_Pepper._
_Cloues._
_Mace._
_Cinnamon._
_Nutmegs._
_Fruit._
Also there are diuers other things necessary to bee taken ouer to
this Plantation, as Bookes, Nets, Hookes and Lines, Cheese, Bacon,
Kine, Goats, &c.
The names of the most remarkable places in _New-England_.
The old names. The new names.
Cape _Cod_. | Cape _Iames_.
The Harbor of Cape _Cod_. | _Milford_ Hauen.
_Chawum._ | _Barwick._
_Accomack._ | _Plimouth._
_Sagoquas._ | _Oxford._
_Massachusets_ Mount. | _Cheuit_ Hils.
_Massachusets_ Riuer. | _Charles_ River.
_Totan._ | _Famouth._
A great Bay by Cape _Anne_. | _Bristow._
Cape _Tragabig sanda_. | Cape _Anne_.
_Naembeck._ | _Bastable_, so named by
| King _Charles_: But
| by the new Planters
| now called _Salem_.
_Aggawom._ | _Southampton._
_Smiths_ Iles. | _Smiths_ Iles.
_Passasaquack._ | _Hull._
_Accominticus._ | _Boston._
_Sassanows_ Mount. | _Snowdon_ hill.
_Sowocatuck._ | _Ipswich._
_Bahanna._ | _Dartmouth._
A good Harbor within that Bay. | _Sandwich._
_Ancociscos_ Mount. | _Shuters_ hill.
_Ancocisco._ | The _Base_.
_Anmoughcawgen._ | _Cambridge._
_Kenebecka._ | _Edenborow._
_Sagadahock._ | _Leth.
Pemmayquid._ | _S. Iohns_ towne.
_Segocket._ | _Norwich._
_Mecadacut._ | _Dunbarton._
_Pennobscot._ | _Aberden._
_Nusket._ | _Low mounds._
_Monahigan._ | _Barties_ Iles.
_Matinack._ | _Willowbies_ Iles.
_Metinacus._ | _Haughtons_ Iles.
But whosoeuer desireth to know as much as yet can be discouered, I
aduise them to buy Captaine _John Smiths_ booke of the description
of _New-England_ in Folio; and reade from Fol. 203. to the end; and
there let the Reader expect to haue full content.
_Finis._
SOME BRIEF COLLECTIONS
_&c._
[Illustration: (decorative banner)]
_Some brief collections out of a letter that Mr._ Higginson _sent to
his friends at_ Leicester.
There are certainly expected here the next spring the coming of 60
familyes out Dorcettershire,[5] who have by letters signified so much
to the Goverour to desyre him to appoint them places of habitations
they bringing their ministers with them. Also many families are
expected out of Lincolnshire[6] and a minister with them, and a
great company of godly Christians out of London. Such of you as come
from Leister, I would counsell you to come quickly and that for two
reasons. 1st, if you linger too long, the passages of Jordan through
the malice of Sathan, may be stopped, that you can not come if you
would. 2dly, Those that come first speed best here, and have the
priviledge of choosing choice places of habitations. Little children
of 5 years ould may by setting corne one month be able to get their
owne maintenance abundantly. Oh what a good worke might you that are
rich do for your poore brethren, to helpe them with your purses onely
to convey them hither with their children and families, where they
may live as well both for soule and body as any where in the world.
Besides they will recompense the cost by helping to build houses
and plant your ground for a tyme; which shall be difficult worke at
the first, except you have the helpe of many hands. Mr. Johnson out
of Lincolnshire and many others, have helped our godly christians
hither to be employed in their worke, for a while, and then to live
of themselves. We have here about 40 goats that give milke, and as
many milch kyne; we have 6 or 7 mares and an horse, and do every
day expect the coming of half a score mares more, and 30 Kyne by
two shipps that are to follow us.[7] They that come let them bring
mares, kyne, and sheepe as many as they can: Ireland is the best
place to provide sheepe, and lyes in the way. Bring none that are in
lambe, nor mares in foale; for they are in more danger to perish
at sea. Of all trades carpenters are most needful, therefore bring
as many as you can. It were a wise course for those of abilityes to
joyne together and buy a shipp for the voyage and other merchandize.
For the governour would that any man may employ his stocke in what
merchandises he please, excepting only beaver skins, which the
company of merchants reserve to themselves, and the managing of the
publique stocke. If any be of the mynde to buy a shipp my cousin
Nowell’s[8] counsell would be good. Also one Mr. [Beecher] a very
godly man and the master of the ship we went in, and likewise one Mr.
Graves the master’s maite dwelling in Wapping may herein staund you
in stead. The payment of the transportation of things is wondrous
deare, as 5_l_ a man and 10_l_ a horse and commonly 3_l_ for every
tunne of goodes: so that a little more than will pay for the passage
will purchase the possession of a ship for all together.
No man hath or can have a house built for him here unlesse he comes
himselfe, or else send servants before to do it for him. It was an
errour that I now perceive both in myselfe, and others did conceive
by not rightly understanding the merchaunts meaning. For we thought
that all that put in their money into the common stocke; should have
a house built for them, besides such a portion of the land; but it
was not so. They shall indeed have so much land allotted to them when
they come to take possession of it and make use of it, but if they
will have houses they must build them. Indeed we that are ministers,
and all the rest that were entertained and sent over and maintained
by the rest of the company, as their servants, for such a tyme in
such employments, all such are to have houses built them of the
comyanies charge and no others nor otherwise. They that put money
into the stocke, as they do a good worke to helpe forwards so worthy
a plantation, so all the gayne they are likely to have, is according
to the increase of the stocke at 3 years end, by the trade of beaver,
besides the lands which they shall enjoy when they will.
All that come must have victualls with them for a twelve month, I
meane they must have meale, oatmeale and such like sustenaunce of
food, till they can gett increase of corne by their owne labour. For,
otherwise, so many may come without provision at the first, as that
our small beginnings may not be sufficient to maintayne them.
Before you come be carefull to be strongly instructed what things are
fittest to bring with you for your more comfortable passage at sea,
as also for your husbandrey occasions when you come to the land. For
when you are once parted with England you shall meete neither with
taverns nor alehouse, nor butchers, nor grosers, nor apothecaries
shops to helpp what things you need, in the midst of the great ocean,
nor when you are come to land here are yet neither markets nor fayres
to buy what you want. Therefore be sure to furnish yourselves with
things fitting to be had before you come; as meale for bread, malt
for drinke, woolen and linnen cloath, and leather for shoes, and all
manner of carpenters tools, and a good deale of iron and steele to
make nails, and lockes, for houses, and furniture for ploughs and
carts, and glasse for windowes, and many other things which were
better for you to think of them than to want them here.
Whilst I was writing this letter my wiffe brought me word that the
fishers had caught 1600 basse at one draught, which if they were in
England were worth many a pound.
NOTES
NOTES.
[1] Thomas Hutchinson, the historian of Massachusetts, attributed
this document to Francis Higginson, but Alexander Young and Robert C.
Winthrop have shown that another draft of these “Considerations,” in
the handwriting of Forth Winthrop, and now preserved in the Winthrop
Papers, was probably inspired by John Winthrop. Another copy in the
English State Paper Office is endorsed “White of Dorchester his
instructions for the plantation of New England.”
[2] Quote, _i. e._ quost, an obsolete spelling of coast.
[3] The manuscript now in the library of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, ends at this point, the following pages having been lost
since it was in the possession of Hutchinson. The remainder of the
journal of the voyage is reprinted from Hutchinson’s “Collection
of Original Papers relative to the History of the Colony of
Massachusetts Bay,” Boston, 1769.
[4] Gloucester harbor.
[5] These were the settlers who came with Maverick.
[6] The emigrants from Boston, England.
[7] The “Four Sisters” and the “Mayflower.”
[8] Increase Norwell, afterward Secretary of the Colony.
[A] _Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts
Bay in New England.—Boston, 1853._
INDEX
INDEX
Aberden, 114.
Accomack, 113.
Accomintus, 113.
Aggawom, 113.
Air of New England, 29, 98.
Ancocisco, 113.
Ancociscos Mount, 113.
Anmoughcawgen, 113.
Ash trees, 26, 95.
Assurance (ship), 62.
Bahanna, 113.
Barley, 109.
Barties Isles, 114.
Barwick, 113.
Bass, 27, 97.
Bastable, 113.
Beans, 110.
Bears, 26, 95.
Beavers, 26, 95, 119.
Beech trees, 26, 95.
Beecher, Mr., 63, 119.
Berries, 25, 94.
Birch trees, 26, 95.
Birds, 31, 100.
Biscay ship, 65.
Black, Goodman, 76.
Boats, Fishing, 28, 97.
Borley, Capt., 64.
Boston, 113.
Boston (Eng.), 125.
Bows and arrows, 35, 105.
Brass, 35, 105.
Bricks, 23, 91.
Bright, Francis, 53, 54.
Bristow Bay, 113.
Brookelime, 25, 94.
Browne, Mr., 65.
Butter, 111.
Cambridge, 113.
Candles, 32, 102.
Cannon, 37, 60, 108.
Cape Ann, 26, 77, 78, 79, 95, 113.
Cape Cod, 113.
Cape James, 113.
Cape Tragabig sanda, 113.
Carrots, 25, 93.
Carvel, 25, 94.
Cattle, 23, 34, 60, 92, 104, 109, 118.
Cedar trees, 26, 95.
Charles I, 6.
Charles River, 22, 90, 113.
Charlestown, 37, 108.
Chawum, 113.
Cherries, 26, 94.
Cherton, 37, 108.
Chestnuts, 25, 94.
Chevit hills, 113.
Christopher Islands, 65.
Churches of Europe, 41.
Claybrook Parish (Eng.), 6.
Cloth, 25, 94.
Clothing for New England, 30, 100, 111.
Codfish, 27, 96.
Cordage, 25, 94.
Corn, 23, 35, 36, 92, 107, 109, 118, 120.
Cornwall (Eng.), 64.
Cowcastle (Eng.), 62.
Cowes (Eng.), 63.
Crabs, 28, 97.
Cucumbers, 25, 94.
Currants, 25, 94.
Cush, 28, 97.
Cypress trees, 26, 95.
Dartmouth (Eng.), 113.
Death of child, 66, 76;
of sailor, 75.
Deer, 26, 27, 95, 96.
Dog fell overboard, 69.
Dorchester (Eng.), 59, 60, 117.
Ducks, 31, 101.
Dunbarton, 114.
Dye stuffs, 26, 95.
Eagle, 31, 101.
Edenborow, 113.
Education, 41.
Eels, 28, 97.
Endecott, Gov., 5, 79.
Falmouth, 113.
Fast kept, 67, 71.
Filberts, 25, 94.
Files, 23, 91.
Fir trees, 26, 95.
Fires in New England, 32, 102.
Fish, 27, 96, 121.
Fishing nets, 28, 97.
Force, Peter, 8.
Four Sisters (ship), 60, 125.
Foxes, 26, 95.
Geese, 31, 101.
George (ship), 60, 79.
Gibs, Mr., 66.
Gloucester, 125.
Gnats, 33, 103.
Goats, 23, 60, 92, 118.
Gods, Indian, 36, 106.
Goffe, Mr., 69.
Gooseberries, 78.
Governor’s house, 36, 107.
Grain, 25, 93.
Grampus, 27, 96.
Grapes, 25, 94, 110.
Grass, 23, 92.
Graves, Mr., 109, 119.
Gravesend (Eng.), 61.
Gum, 26, 95.
Haddock, 28, 97.
Harbors, 27, 96.
Haughton’s Isles, 114.
Hawkes, 31, 101.
Health in New England, 29, 99.
Herbs, 25, 94.
Herring, 28, 97.
Higginson, Rev. Francis, 5-11, 54, 117, 125;
family of, 7;
health of, 29, 81, 99;
sickness of child, 30, 65, 100;
agreement with, 51;
sea journal of, 57;
sails from England, 59;
death of child, 66;
lands at Neihumkek, 79;
seasickness of wife, 81;
letter to friends at Leicester, 117.
Higginson, Mary, 63, 65.
Higginson, Samuel, 65, 68.
Hogs, 23, 27, 92, 96.
Horses, 23, 34, 60, 92, 104, 118, 119.
Household implements, 112.
Houses, 119.
Houses of Indians, 35, 106.
Hull, 113.
Hungaria, 109, 110.
Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, 11, 125.
Iceberg, 72.
Indians, purchase corn, 24, 93;
dyes used by, 26, 95;
lights used by, 32, 102;
killed by a rattlesnake, 33, 104;
Saggamores of, 34, 104;
number of, 34, 105;
destroyed by the plague, 34, 47, 105;
unable to use all the land, 34, 105;
have no settled places, 34, 105;
personal appearance, 35, 105;
clothing, 35, 105;
weapons, 35, 105;
utensils, 35, 106;
houses, 35, 106;
approve coming of Englishmen, 35, 106;
religion, 36, 106;
language, 36, 107;
title to land, 46;
place names, 113.
Ipswich, 113.
Isle of Wight, 62.
Johnson, Mr., 118.
Juniper trees, 26, 95.
Kenebecka, 113.
Land, abundance of, 34, 35, 104, 106.
Leather, 26, 95.
Leeks, 25, 94.
Leicester ( Eng.), 6, 117.
Leith, 113.
Lincolnshire (Eng.), 117, 118.
Lions, 26, 95.
Lion’s Whelp (ship), 60, 61, 66, 73, 74, 76.
Liverwort, 25, 94.
Lobsters, 28, 97.
London (Eng.), 59.
Mackerell, 27, 96.
Marble, 23, 91.
Marble-harbour, 23, 91.
Margate (Eng.), 61.
Martins, 26, 95.
Massachusetts, 113.
Massachusetts Bay, 22, 90.
Massachusetts Bay, settlement at, 37, 107.
Massachusetts Bay Company, 6.
Masts, 26, 95.
Matinack, 114.
Maverick, John, 125.
Mayflower (ship), 60, 125.
Mecadacut, 114.
Meere, Mr., 64.
Melons, 110.
Metinacus, 114.
Milk, 23, 92.
Minerals, 23, 91.
Molke, 26, 95.
Monahigan, 114.
Moose, 26, 95.
Mosquitoes, 33, 103.
Mulberries, 25, 94.
Mullet, 28, 97.
Mussels, 28, 97.
Names of places, 113.
Neihumkek, 78, 79, 113;
_see also_ Salem.
New England, 21, 89;
soil, 22, 90, 109;
minerals, 23, 91;
growth of vegetables, 25, 93;
woods, 26, 95;
wild beasts, 26, 95;
fish, 27, 96;
air, 29, 98;
seasons, 30, 100;
birds, 31, 101;
discomforts, 33, 103;
winters, 33, 103;
unoccupied land in, 34, 104;
condition of plantation in, 36, 107;
reasons for settling in, 41;
journal of voyage to, 57;
healthfulness, 82, 110;
clothing for, 111;
arms for, 111;
tools for, 111, 121;
household implements for, 112, 121;
places in, 113;
further emigration to, 117;
cost of transportation to, 119;
food for, 120.
“New-England’s Plantation,” manuscript sent to England, 7;
editions printed, 7;
reprinted, 8;
bibliographical description, 8;
census of known copies, 10;
fac-simile of first edition, 17;
reprint of third edition, 87.
Norwich, 114.
Nowell, Increase, 119, 125.
Nusket, 114.
Oak trees, 26, 95.
Oatmeal, 111.
Oil, 32, 102, 111.
Onions, 25, 94.
Otters, 26, 95.
Oxford, 113.
Oysters, 28, 97.
Parsnips, 25, 93.
Partridges, 31, 101.
Passasaquack, 113.
Pease, 25, 93, 110, 111.
Pennobscot, 114.
Pennyroyal, 25, 94.
Pemmayquid, 114.
Pigeons, 31, 101.
Pine trees, 26, 32, 95, 102.
Pitch, 26, 95.
Plague destroyed Indians, 34, 105.
Planters at Neihumkek, 36, 107.
Plymouth, 24, 93, 113.
Portsmouth (Eng.), 62.
Pumpkins, 25, 94, 110.
Raspberries, 25, 94.
Rattlesnakes, 33, 103.
Roses, 25, 78, 94.
Sagadahock, 113.
Sagoquas, 113.
St. Johns towne, 114.
Salem, Landing at, 6;
name, 22, 37, 90, 107, 113;
harbor, 27, 96;
wells, 29, 98;
houses, 36, 37, 107, 108;
number of settlers, 36, 107;
harbor, 79.
Salmon, 27, 97.
Salt, 28, 98.
Saltpeter, 26, 95.
Sandwich, 113.
Sassafras, 26, 95.
Sassanows Mount, 113.
Schools of Europe, 41.
Seasickness, 62, 64.
Segocket, 114.
Sheep, 118.
Ships, 60.
Shuter’s hill, 113.
Sickness, 29, 62, 64, 99.
Skate, 28, 97.
Skelton, Rev. Samuel, 6, 53, 54.
Smallpox, 65, 66, 70, 75.
Smith, Rev., 67.
Smith, Capt. John, 114.
Smith’s Isles, 113.
Snake weed, 33, 104.
Snakes, 33, 103.
Snowdon hill, 113.
Soap ashes, 26, 95.
Soil of New England, 22, 90.
Soldiers, 36, 107.
Sorrel, 25, 94.
Southampton, 113.
Sowocatuck, 113.
Sparke, Michael, 17, 87.
Spices, 112.
Spruce trees, 26, 95.
Squirrels, 26, 95.
Stone, Building, 23, 95.
Storm at sea, 69.
Strawberries, 25, 31, 78, 94, 101.
Sturgeon, 28, 97.
Sumach, 26, 95.
Talbot (ship), 60, 61.
Tar, 26, 95.
Thornback, 28, 97.
Tools for New England, 111.
Torches, 32, 103.
Totan, 113.
Trees, 26, 95.
Turbot, 28, 97.
Turkeys, 31, 101.
Turnips, 25, 93.
Turpentine, 26, 95.
Vegetables, 25, 93.
Vinegar, 111.
Voyage to New England, 59.
Walnuts, 25, 94.
Wapping (Eng.), 119.
Watercress, 25, 94.
Weapons of Indians, 35, 105.
Wells, 29, 98.
Whales, 27, 96.
White, John, 125.
White benjamin gum, 26, 95.
Whitethorn, 25, 94.
Wild cats, 26, 95.
Willow trees, 26, 95.
Willowbies Isles, 114.
Winship, George Parker, 11.
Wintersavory, 25, 94.
Winter season, 33, 103.
Winthrop, Forth, 125.
Winthrop, Robert C., 125.
Wolves, 26, 95.
Wood, William, 7.
Woods, 26, 94.
Yarmouth (Eng.), 63.
Young, Alexander, 8, 125.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Introduction, page 9: ‘D[4]’ replaced by ‘D(4)’ to avoid confusion
with footnote numbering.
Introduction, page 9: ‘Third Editon’ replaced by ‘Third Edition’.
Index, page 131: ‘Sagamores of’ replaced by ‘Saggamores of’.
Index, page 131: ‘34, 195;’ replaced by ‘34, 105;’.
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