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Title: The history of our Navy from its origin to the present day 1775-1897, vol. 3 (of 4)
Author: Spears, John Randolph
Language: English
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THE HISTORY OF OUR NAVY
[Illustration: CHASING A SLAVER, OFF THE AFRICAN COAST.
_From a photograph, in the possession of Mr. Edward Trenchard, of the
painting by Melbye._]
THE
HISTORY OF OUR NAVY
FROM ITS ORIGIN TO THE PRESENT DAY
1775–1897
BY
JOHN R. SPEARS
AUTHOR OF “THE PORT OF MISSING SHIPS,” “THE GOLD DIGGINGS
OF CAPE HORN,” ETC.
WITH MORE THAN FOUR HUNDRED ILLUSTRATIONS
MAPS AND DIAGRAMS
_IN FOUR VOLUMES_
_VOLUME III._
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
1897
COPYRIGHT, 1897, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
MANHATTAN PRESS
474 W. BROADWAY
NEW YORK
TO ALL WHO WOULD SEEK PEACE
AND PURSUE IT
CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTER I. WHEN PORTER SWEPT THE PACIFIC 1
The Story of the Second Cruise of the Famous Little Frigate
_Essex_--Around Cape Horn and Alone in the Broad South
Sea--Capture of a Peruvian Picaroon--Disguising the _Essex_--The
British Whaling Fleet Taken by Surprise--An Armed Whaler
Transformed into a Yankee Cruiser--The Sailorman’s Paradise
among the Nukahiva Group--When Farragut was a Midshipman--An
Incipient Mutiny among the Sailors who Wanted to Remain among
the Islands--Farragut as a Captain at Twelve.
CHAPTER II. PORTER’S GALLANT ACTION AT VALPARAISO 24
A Generous Reception for a Predatory British Frigate--Hillyar’s
Lucky Escape--Hillyar’s Explicit Orders--When the _Essex_ had
Lost her Top-mast the _Phœbe_ and the _Cherub_ Attacked the
Yankee in Neutral Water--It was a Two-to-one Fight and the Enemy
had Long Guns to our Short--The British had to Get Beyond the
Range of the _Essex_--Magnificent Bravery of the Yankee Crew
when under the Fire of the Long Range British Guns--The _Essex_
on Fire--Fought to the Last Gasp--Porter’s Interrupted Voyage
Home--The Men who were Left at Nukahiva in Sorry Straits at Last.
CHAPTER III. TALES OF THE YANKEE CORVETTES 54
A Little Lop-sided Frigate Rebuilt into a Superior
Sloop-of-war--Overland (almost) to Escape the Blockade--Her Luck
as a Cruiser--A Marvellous Race with a British Frigate over a
Course Four Hundred Miles Long--Saved by a Squall--Cornered
in the Penobscot--The Gallant Fight of the Yankee Crew
against Overwhelming Numbers--Building a New Navy--The
Short-lived Portsmouth Corvette _Frolic_--One Broadside was
Enough--Captured by the Enemy--Swift and Deadly Work of the Crew
of the Yankee _Peacock_ when they Met the _Epervier_--Distinctly
a Lucky Ship--Fate of the _Siren_ After the Coffin Floated.
CHAPTER IV. MYSTERY OF THE LAST WASP 80
A Typical New England Yankee Crew--Youthful Haymakers and
Wood-choppers--Sea-sick for a Week--From Flails to Cutlasses,
from Pitchforks to Boarding-pikes, from a Night-watch at a
Deer-lick to a Night Battle with the British--After British
Commerce in British In-shore Waters--Met by the British
Sloop-of-war _Reindeer_--Magnificent Pluck of the British
Captain with a Crew that was “The Pride of Plymouth”--Shot
to Pieces in Eighteen Minutes--A Liner that could not Catch
her--Wonderful Night Battle with the _Avon_--Shooting Men from
the Enemy’s Tops as Raccoons are Shot from Tree-tops--The
Enemy’s Water-line Located by Drifting Foam--Not Captured but
Destroyed--The Mystery.
CHAPTER V. ON THE UPPER LAKES IN 1814 105
An Expedition into Lake Huron--The British had the Best of it in
the End--Gallant Action of a British Commander at the Head of
the Niagara River--Cautious Captain Chauncey as a Knight of the
Whip-saw, Adze, and Maul--His Equally Prudent Opponent--British
Torpedoes that Failed--When a Thousand Men Supported by Seven
Ships Armed with One Hundred and Twenty-one Cannon “with Great
Gallantry” Routed Three Hundred Yankees at Oswego--Supplies
the British did not Get--A Naval Flotilla Caught in Big Sandy
Creek--Chauncey Afloat on the Lake--Gallant Young American
Officers--Line-of-battle Ships that were Never Launched.
CHAPTER VI. TO DEFEND THE NORTHERN GATEWAY 132
Character of the Red-coated Invaders--“Shamed the Most Ferocious
Barbarians of Antiquity”--Work of the Youthful Yankee Lieutenant
Macdonough to Stay the Tide on Lake Champlain--Ship-building
at Otter Creek--A British Attempt against the New Vessels
Repulsed--The British Ship-builders at Isle-Aux-Noix--A
Comparison of Forces Before the Battle--Macdonough’s Foresight
in Choosing the Battle-ground--Macdonough as a Seaman.
CHAPTER VII. MACDONOUGH’S VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN 151
Thousands Gathered on the Hill-tops Overlooking the Scene--The
British Chose to Make a Long-range Fight--Influence of the First
British Broadside on a Sporting Rooster--Macdonough’s First
Shot--A Reeling Blow from the Enemy’s Flagship--Fighting against
Tremendous Odds--Too Hot for One Yankee Ship--The _Saratoga’s_
Guns Dismounted--The Swarming British Gun-boats--“Winding Ship”
when Defeat Impended--The British Failure when Imitating the
Movement--The Stubborn Bravery of a British Captain--When the
Firing Ceased and the Smoke Drifted down the Gale--A Measure
of the Relative Efficiency of the two Forces--Two Yankee
Squadron Victories Compared--A Stirring Tale of Macdonough’s
Youth--Reward for the Victors--Results of the Victory.
CHAPTER VIII. SAMUEL C. REID OF THE _GENERAL ARMSTRONG_ 186
Story of the Desperate Defence of America’s Most Famous
Privateer--She was Lying in Neutral Water when Four Hundred
Picked British Seamen in Boats that were Armed with Cannon came
to Take her by Night--Although she had but Ninety Men, and
there was Time to Fire but One Round from her Guns, the Attack
was Repelled with Frightful Slaughter--Scuttled when a British
Ship came to Attack her--The Cunning Omissions and Deliberate
Misstatements of the British Historians Examined in Detail--The
Honorable Career of Captain Reid in After Life--A Picked Crew
of British Seamen After the _Neufchâtel_--A Three-to-one Fight
where the Yankees Won--Other Brave Militiamen of the Sea.
CHAPTER IX. A YANKEE FRIGATE TAKEN BY THE ENEMY 209
They Completely Mobbed “The Waggon” and so Got her at Last--The
First Naval Contest After the Treaty of Peace was Signed--The
_President_, when Running the Blockade at New York, Grounded
on the Bar, and, although she Pounded Over, she Fell in with
the Squadron--A British Frigate Thoroughly Whipped, but Two
more Overtook her--A Point on Naval Architecture--A Treaty that
Humiliates the Patriot.
CHAPTER X. THE NAVY AT THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS 229
The British Grab at the Valley of the Mississippi--Stopped at
Lake Borgne by the Yankee Gun-boats under Lieutenant Thomas
Ap Catesby Jones--The British Came Five to One in Numbers and
Almost Four to One in Weight of Metal--Defending the _Seahorse_
with Fourteen Men against One Hundred and Seventy-five--The
Full British Force Driven upon Two Gun-boats--A Most Heroic
Defence that Lasted, in Spite of Overwhelming Odds, more than
One Hour--Indomitable Sailing-master George Ulrich--A Fight, the
Memory of which still Helps to Preserve the Peace--Work of the
_Caroline_ and the _Louisiana_.
CHAPTER XI. ONCE MORE THE _CONSTITUTION_ 241
She was a Long Time Idle in Port--A Touching Tale of
Sentiment--Away at Last--Captain Stewart’s Presentiment--Found
Two of the Enemy as he had Predicted--A Battle where the Yankee
Showed Mastery of the Seaman’s Art--Captain Stewart Settled a
Dispute--Caught Napping in Porto Praya--Swift Work Getting to
Sea--A Most Remarkable Chase--Three British Frigates in Chase
of Two Yankee Chose to Follow the Smaller when the Two Split
Tacks--Astounding Exhibit of Bad Marksmanship--A Cause of
Suicide--The Poem that Saved _Old Ironsides_.
CHAPTER XII. IN THE WASTES OF THE SOUTH ATLANTIC 270
The Story of a Battle--The _Hornet_ and the _Penguin_ in the
Shadows of Tristan d’Acunha--As Fair a Match as is Known to
Naval Annals--It Took the Yankees Ten Minutes to Dismantle the
Enemy and Five more to Riddle his Hull--The British Captain’s
Forceful Description of the Yankee Fire--A Marvellous Escape
from a Liner--The _Peacock_ in the Straits of Sunda--When the
Lonely Situation of this Sloop is Considered did Warrington Show
a Lack of Humanity?--If he Did, What did the British Captain
Bartholomew Show?
CHAPTER XIII. IN BRITISH PRISONS 288
A Typical Story of the Life of an American Seaman who was
Impressed in 1810 and Allowed to Become a Prisoner when War was
Declared--Luck in Escaping a Flogging--Letters to his Father
Destroyed--British Regard for the Man’s Rights when the American
Government Took up the Case--A Narragansett Indian Impressed--To
Dartmoor Prison--Mustered Naked Men in the Snows of Winter and
Kept them in Rooms where Buckets of Water Froze Solid--Murder
of Prisoners Six Weeks After it was Officially Known that the
Treaty of Peace had been Ratified--Notable Self-restraint of the
Americans--Smoothed Over with a Disavowal.
CHAPTER XIV. STORIES OF THE DUELLISTS 305
Traditions of Personal Combats that Illustrate, in a Way, a
Part of the Life Led by the Old Time Naval Officers--When an
Englishman did not Get “a Yankee for Breakfast”--They were
Offended by the Names of the Yankee Ships--Somers was Able to
Prove that he was not Devoid of Courage--The Fate of Decatur,
the Most Famous of the Navy’s Duellists.
CHAPTER XV. AMONG THE WEST INDIA PIRATES 324
A Breed of Cowardly Cutthroats Legitimately Descended from the
Licensed Privateers and Nourished under the Peculiar Conditions
of Climate, Geography, and Governmental Anarchy Prevailing
Around and in the Caribbean Sea--Commodore Perry Loses his Life
Because of them--William Howard Allen Killed--Pirate Caves with
the Bones of Dead in them--Porto Rico Treachery--The Unfortunate
Foxardo Affair--Making the Coasts of Sumatra and Africa Safe for
American Traders.
CHAPTER XVI. DECATUR AND THE BARBARY PIRATES 339
Supposing the British would Sweep the American Navy from the
Seas during the War of 1812, the Dey of Algiers went Cruising
for Yankee Ships, and Got One, while Tunis and Tripoli Gave up
to the British the Prizes that a Yankee Privateer had Made--The
Algerian was Humbled After he had Lost Two War-ships, and the
others Made Peace on the Yankees’ Terms without the Firing of a
Gun--Bravery of the Pirate Admiral and his Crew.
CHAPTER XVII. LED A HARD LIFE AND GOT FEW THANKS 359
Work that Naval Men have had to Do in Out-of-the-way Parts
of the World in Times of Peace--Chasing Slavers on the
African Coast when Slave-owners Ruled the Yankee Nation--The
American Flag a Shield for an Infamous Traffic--Capture of the
_Martha_ and the _Chatsworth_--Teaching Malayans to Fear the
Flag--Stories of Piratical Assaults on Yankee Traders, and the
Navy’s Part in the Matter--A Chinese Assault on the American
Flag--“Blood is Thicker than Water”--A Medal Well Earned by a
Warlike Display in Time of Peace.
CHAPTER XVIII. IN THE WAR WITH MEXICO 387
Thomas Ap Catesby Jones, the Hero of Lake Borgne, Struck the
First Blow of the War--Operations along the Pacific Coast that
Insured the Acquisition of California--Stockton and “Pathfinder”
Frémont Operate Together--Wild Horses as Weapons of Offence--The
_Somers_ Overturned while Chasing a Blockade Runner--Josiah
Tattnall Before Vera Cruz--When Santa Anna Landed--The Yankee
Sailors in a Shore Battery--The Hard Fate of One of the Bravest
American Officers.
CHAPTER XIX. EXPEDITION IN AID OF COMMERCE 434
Commodore Matthew C. Perry and the First American Treaty
with Japan--An Exhibition of Power and Dignity that Won the
Respect of a Nation that had been Justified in its Contempt for
Civilized Greed--Services of Naval Officers that are not Well
Known and have never been Fully Appreciated by the Nation.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
CHASING A SLAVER OFF THE AFRICAN COAST. (From a photograph, in
the possession of Mr. Edward Trenchard, of the painting by
Melbye), _Frontispiece_.
MAP SHOWING CAPTAIN PORTER’S CRUISE IN THE PACIFIC, 1813, 5
JOHN DOWNES. (From an oil-painting at the Naval Academy,
Annapolis), 11
THE _ESSEX_ AND HER PRIZES AT NUKAHIVA IN THE MARQUESAS
ISLANDS. (From an engraving by Strickland of a drawing by
Captain Porter), 17
MAP OF THE HARBOR IN WHICH THE _ESSEX_ AND HER PRIZES LAY.
(After a drawing by Captain Porter), 20
A MARQUESAN WAR-CANOE. (From an engraving by Strickland of a
drawing by Captain Porter), 22
FIGHT OF THE _ESSEX_ WITH THE _PHŒBE_ AND _CHERUB_. (From an
engraving by Strickland of a drawing by Captain Porter), 37
A MARQUESAN “CHIEF WARRIOR.” (From an engraving by Strickland
of a drawing by Captain Porter), 51
UNITED STATES RAZEE _INDEPENDENCE_ AT ANCHOR. (From the “Kedge
Anchor”), 56
CHARLES MORRIS. (From a photograph owned by Mr. C. B. Hall), 57
UNITED STATES SHIP-OF-WAR _COLUMBUS_ AT ANCHOR. (From the
“Kedge Anchor”), 63
LEWIS WARRINGTON. (From an engraving by Gimbrede of the
painting by Jarvis), 67
DIAGRAM OF THE _PEACOCK-EPERVIER_ BATTLE, 68
THE _PEACOCK_ AND THE _EPERVIER_. (From a wood-cut in the
“Naval Monument”), 69
THE _PEACOCK_ AND THE _EPERVIER_. (From an engraving by
Strickland of a drawing by Birch), 73
MEDAL AWARDED TO LEWIS WARRINGTON AFTER THE CAPTURE OF THE
_EPERVIER_ BY THE _PEACOCK_, 77
JOHNSTON BLAKELEY. (From an engraving by Gimbrede), 82
THE _WASP_ AND _REINDEER_. (From a wood-cut in the “Naval
Monument”), 87
MEDAL AWARDED TO JOHNSTON BLAKELEY AFTER THE CAPTURE OF THE
_REINDEER_ BY THE _WASP_, 90
THE _WASP_ AND _AVON_. (From a wood-cut in the “Naval
Monument”), 94
DIAGRAM OF THE _WASP-AVON_ BATTLE, 96
SCENE OF NAVAL OPERATIONS ON LAKE HURON, 1814, 108
THE ATTACK ON FORT OSWEGO, LAKE ONTARIO, MAY 6, 1814. (From an
engraving, published in 1815, by R. Havel, after a drawing of
Lieutenant Hewett, Royal Marines), 118–119
ONE OF THE UNLAUNCHED LAKE VESSELS. (From a photograph), 130
NEAR SKENESBOROUGH ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. (From an old engraving in
the collection of Mr. W. C. Crane), 133
THOMAS MACDONOUGH. (From an engraving by Forrest of the
portrait by Jarvis), 140
MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER MACOMB. (From an engraving by Longacre
of the portrait by Sully), 146
THE BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. (From an old wood-cut), 155
THE BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG. (From an old wood-cut), 157
MACDONOUGH’S VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. (From an engraving in
the “Naval Monument”), 159
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1814, 162
THE BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG. (From an engraving of the picture by
Chappel), 167
MACDONOUGH’S VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. (From an engraving by
Tanner of the painting by Reinagle), 171
MEDAL AWARDED TO THOMAS MACDONOUGH AFTER HIS VICTORY ON LAKE
CHAMPLAIN, 182
STEPHEN CASSIN’S MEDAL, 183
THE _GENERAL ARMSTRONG_ AT FAYAL, 191
FIGHT BETWEEN THE BRIG _CHASSEUR_ AND THE SCHOONER _ST.
LAWRENCE_ OFF HAVANA, FEBRUARY 26, 1815. (From a lithograph
in Coggeshall’s “Privateers”), 205
COMMODORE STEPHEN DECATUR, 213
THE _PRESIDENT_ ENGAGING THE _ENDYMION_, WHILE PURSUED BY THE
BRITISH SQUADRON. (From a wood-cut in the “Naval Monument”),
219
CAPTURE OF THE _PRESIDENT_ BY A BRITISH SQUADRON. (From a rare
lithograph), 223
SIR EDWARD MICHAEL PACKENHAM. (From an etching by Rosenthal of
a print in the collection of Mr. Clarence S. Bement), 231
MAP SHOWING MOUTHS OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER, 234
CHARLES STEWART. (From a painting by Sully, at the Naval
Academy, Annapolis), 243
THE _CONSTITUTION’S_ ESCAPE FROM THE _TENEDOS_ AND _JUNON_.
(From an old wood-cut), 244
DIAGRAM OF THE BATTLE OF THE _CONSTITUTION_ WITH THE _CYANE_
AND _LEVANT_, 249
ACTION OF THE _CONSTITUTION_ WITH THE _CYANE_ AND _LEVANT_.
(From an aquatint by Strickland), 253
MEDAL AWARDED TO CHARLES STEWART AFTER THE BATTLE OF THE
_CONSTITUTION_ WITH THE _CYANE_ AND _LEVANT_, 258
CHARLES STEWART (AND THE BATTLE OF THE _CONSTITUTION_ WITH
THE _CYANE_ AND _LEVANT_). (From a lithograph at the Naval
Academy, Annapolis), 263
THE _HORNET_ AND _PENGUIN_. (From an old wood-cut), 274
THE _HORNET_ AND _PENGUIN_. (From a wood-cut in the “Naval
Monument”), 277
MEDAL AWARDED TO JAMES BIDDLE FOR THE CAPTURE OF THE _PENGUIN_
BY THE _HORNET_, 280
THE _HORNET’S_ ESCAPE FROM THE _CORNWALLIS_. (From a wood-cut
in the “Naval Monument”), 283
DARTMOOR PRISON. (From a wood-cut of a contemporary engraving),
294
DARTMOOR PRISON. (From an old broadside, with notes by one of
the prisoners), 297
DARTMOOR PRISONERS OF 1812. (From a copy of a daguerreotype at
the Naval Academy, Annapolis), 301
UNITED STATES SLOOP-OF-WAR _ALBANY_ UNDER SAIL. (From the
“Kedge Anchor”), 328
A SHIP-OF-WAR’S CUTTER. (From the “Kedge Anchor”), 330
LASHING UP HAMMOCKS. (From the “Kedge Anchor”), 332
A SHIP-OF-WAR’S LAUNCH. (From the “Kedge Anchor”), 334
SAILOR’S MESS-TABLE. (From the “Kedge Anchor”), 337
A TYPICAL BARBARY CORSAIR. (From an engraving by Newton after a
drawing by J. Charnock), 342
DECATUR’S SQUADRON AT ANCHOR OFF THE CITY OF ALGIERS, JUNE 30,
1815. (From an engraving by Monger and Jocelin), 349
DECATUR AND THE ALGERIAN, 352
RETURN OF BAINBRIDGE’S SQUADRON FROM THE MEDITERRANEAN IN 1815.
(From an engraving by Leney of a drawing by M. Corné), 356
THE ACTION AT QUALLAH BATTOO, FEBRUARY 6, 1832. (From an
aquatint by Smith of a drawing made on board the _Potomac_ in
the offing), 371
BOMBARDMENT OF MUCKIE AND LANDING OF A FORCE TO BURN THE TOWN.
(From an engraving by Osborne in “The Flagship,” published,
1840, by D. Appleton & Co.), 377
“BLOOD IS THICKER THAN WATER.”--JOSIAH TATTNALL GOING TO
THE ASSISTANCE OF THE ENGLISH GUN-BOATS AT PEIHO RIVER.
(From a painting, by a Chinese artist, owned by Mr. Edward
Trenchard), 383
SCENE OF NAVAL OPERATIONS ON THE PACIFIC COAST, 389
JOHN B. MONTGOMERY. (From a photograph), 392
R. F. STOCKTON. (From an engraving by Hall of a painting on
ivory by Newton, 1840), 393
PERRY’S EXPEDITION CROSSING THE BAR AT THE MOUTH OF THE TABASCO
RIVER. (From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by
Lieutenant H. Walke, U. S. N.), 395
THE NAVAL EXPEDITION UNDER COMMODORE PERRY ASCENDING THE
TABASCO RIVER AT THE DEVIL’S BEND. (From a lithograph
designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N.), 399
S. F. DUPONT. (From a photograph), 402
THE TABASCO EXPEDITION ATTACKED BY THE MEXICANS FROM THE
CHAPPARAL. (From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by
Lieutenant H. Walke, U. S. N.), 403
SCENE OF NAVAL OPERATIONS IN GULF OF MEXICO, 406
LANDING OF PERRY’S EXPEDITION AGAINST TABASCO. (From a
lithograph designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H.
Walke, U. S. N.), 407
COMMODORE PERRY’S EXPEDITION TAKING POSSESSION OF TUSPAN. (From
a lithograph of a drawing by Lieutenant H. Walke, U. S. N.),
411
MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY. (From an oil-painting at the Naval
Academy, Annapolis), 414
CAPTURE OF TABASCO BY PERRY’S EXPEDITION. (From a lithograph
designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N.), 415
BRIG-OF-WAR LIKE THE _SOMERS_ UNDER FULL SAIL. (From the “Kedge
Anchor”), 419
THE _MISSISSIPPI_ GOING TO THE RELIEF OF THE _HUNTER_ IN A
STORM OFF VERA CRUZ. (From a lithograph designed and drawn on
stone by Lieutenant H. Walke, U. S. N.), 421
NAVAL BOMBARDMENT OF VERA CRUZ, MARCH, 1847. (From a lithograph
published in 1847 by N. Currier), 425
THE UNITED STATES NAVAL BATTERY DURING THE BOMBARDMENT OF VERA
CRUZ ON THE 24TH AND 25TH OF MARCH, 1847. (From a lithograph
designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N.), 429
THE BATTLE OF VERA CRUZ.--NIGHT SCENE. (From an engraving by
Thompson of a drawing by Billings), 431
THE _MISSISSIPPI_ IN A CYCLONE ON HER JAPAN CRUISE. (From a
wood-cut in Perry’s “Narrative” of this trip), 440
THE _MISSISSIPPI_ AT JAMESTOWN, ST. HELENA. (From a lithograph
in Perry’s “Narrative”), 441
VIEW OF URAGA. YEDDO BAY. (From a lithograph in Perry’s
“Narrative”), 445
A JAPANESE JUNK. (From a lithograph in Perry’s “Narrative”),
448
COMMODORE PERRY’S FIRST LANDING AT GORAHAMA. (From a lithograph
in Perry’s “Narrative ”), 451
COMMODORE PERRY DELIVERING THE PRESIDENT’S LETTER TO THE
JAPANESE REPRESENTATIVES. (From a lithograph in Perry’s
“Narrative”), 453
A JAPANESE FISH-PRESENT. (From a wood-cut in Perry’s
“Narrative”), 456
THE IMPERIAL BARGE AT YOKOHAMA. (From a wood-cut in Perry’s
“Narrative”), 457
THE FINAL PAGE OF THE FIRST TREATY WITH JAPAN. (From a
facsimile of the original), 458
COMMODORE PERRY MEETING THE IMPERIAL COMMISSIONERS AT YOKOHAMA.
(From a lithograph in Perry’s “Narrative”), 459
JAPANESE WRESTLERS AT YOKOHAMA. (From a lithograph in Perry’s
“Narrative”), 461
COMMODORE’S PENNANT, 1812–1860. (From a pennant at the Naval
Institute, Annapolis), 464
THE UNITED STATES BRIG _PORPOISE_ IN A SQUALL. (From a picture
drawn and engraved by W. J. Bennett, in 1844), 465
THE UNITED STATES FRIGATE _HUDSON_ RETURNING FROM A CRUISE,
WITH A FAIR WIND. (From a picture drawn and engraved by W. J.
Bennett), 467
THE HISTORY OF OUR NAVY
CHAPTER I
WHEN PORTER SWEPT THE PACIFIC
THE STORY OF THE SECOND CRUISE OF THE FAMOUS LITTLE FRIGATE
_ESSEX_--AROUND CAPE HORN AND ALONE IN THE BROAD SOUTH SEA--CAPTURE
OF A PERUVIAN PICAROON--DISGUISING THE _ESSEX_--THE BRITISH WHALING
FLEET TAKEN BY SURPRISE--AN ARMED WHALER TRANSFORMED INTO A YANKEE
CRUISER--THE SAILORMAN’S PARADISE AMONG THE NUKAHIVA GROUP--WHEN
FARRAGUT WAS A MIDSHIPMAN--AN INCIPIENT MUTINY AMONG THE SAILORS
WHO WANTED TO REMAIN AMONG THE ISLANDS--FARRAGUT AS A CAPTAIN AT
TWELVE.
Of great renown in the annals of the American Navy is the name of
Porter, for the deeds of Captain David Porter with the little frigate
_Essex_ fill a large space in the story of the War of 1812; while those
of David D. Porter, the son of Captain David Porter, during the Civil
War, of which the story will be told farther on, raised him to the
highest rank.
The second cruise of the _Essex_ began on October 28, 1812, when she
sailed from the Delaware bound across the ocean to Port Praya, Cape
de Verde, to meet the _Constitution_ and the _Hornet_ and join in a
cruise against British commerce in the far East. Her luck in winds
having made the passage longer than anticipated, she arrived after the
_Constitution_ and _Hornet_ had sailed for Brazil. Having replenished
his stores at Port Praya, Captain Porter stood away toward the coast
of Africa from Port Praya in order to deceive the people as to his
destination, and then ran away toward the island of Fernando de
Noronha, where he expected once more to meet his consorts. This passage
was without event until December 11, 1812, when at 2 o’clock in the
afternoon a sail was seen to windward. Thereat the British signals
captured from the _Alert_ in the first cruise were displayed, but
they failed to bring the stranger, which was soon seen to be a large
brig, toward the _Essex_. So Porter stood up toward the brig, and by
nightfall was near enough to see that she was flying British colors;
and a little later she displayed night-signals. When Porter was seen to
be unable to answer these, the crew of the brig crowded on all sail and
manœuvred with skill to escape, but at 9 o’clock at night the _Essex_
was alongside, and after a volley of musketry from the Yankee, the brig
struck. She proved to be the British packet, _Nocton_, of ten guns
and thirty-one men. Her cargo included $55,000 in coin. The coin was
taken out and the brig sent toward home under a prize-crew of seventeen
men, but she was recaptured by the swift-sailing _Belvidera_ when near
Bermuda.
The _Essex_ reached Fernando de Noronha on December 14th, and there
found a letter from Commodore Bainbridge. As this port was frequented
by British men-of-war this letter was signed with the name of the
captain of a British ship, the _Acasta_--Bainbridge having caused the
Brazilian authorities of the island to believe that the _Constitution_
and the _Hornet_ were the _Acasta_ and the _Morgiana_--and directed
Porter to pose as Sir James Yeo, of the _Southampton_, on reaching the
island. Because of this diplomacy--because Porter took a letter which
Bainbridge had written to him under the name of Sir James Yeo--British
writers have said he was guilty of conduct unbecoming to a gentleman
and officer!
The letter was double; there was one letter in common ink that meant
very little, and on the back of this was another in lime-juice that
directed Porter to meet the _Constitution_ and _Hornet_ off Cape Frio.
To Cape Frio, a lofty and most picturesque point on the Brazilian
coast, went Porter, and there he lay under short sail, filling and
backing, on the day when Bainbridge, with the _Constitution_, won the
memorable victory over the British frigate _Java_. He remained cruising
off the Brazilian coast for several days, capturing the British
schooner _Elizabeth_ meantime, and eventually put into St. Catharine’s,
where he learned what had happened off Bahia, including the fact that
the British ship-of-the-line _Montagu_ had driven the _Hornet_ off to
the north.
So Porter was left free to choose his own course. It was characteristic
of the man that he should have decided, in spite of the fact that
the Spaniards, who controlled the west coast of South America, were
practically allies of Great Britain, that he would round the Horn and
destroy the British shipping in the southern Pacific. He could not hope
for a really friendly reception in any port there, but he was confident
that he could live off the enemy. Sailing from St. Catharine’s on
January 26, 1813, he found an enemy on board his ship next day which
we, in this era of the medical science, can scarcely appreciate. A form
of dysentery appeared among the crew that was apparently contagious,
or was, at least, caused by conditions that threatened the whole crew.
It was especially dangerous from the fact that he was bound around the
Horn, where the weather would compel the closing of ports, hatches,
and companion-ways, and so prevent ventilating the ship. But the
commonsense of the captain served where the knowledge of medicine
failed, for he adopted what would now be called rigorous sanitary
measures; he kept the ship and crew absolutely clean and so stopped the
epidemic and preserved the health of the crew in a way unheard of, in
those days of scurvy and ship fever.
[Illustration: MAP SHOWING CAPTAIN PORTER’S CRUISE IN THE PACIFIC,
1813.]
The ship made the Horn in February, the end of the southern summer
season--the season of the fiercest gales in that region. The weather
became frightful. The seas broke over the little frigate continually,
gun-deck ports were broken in fore and aft, extra spars were swept
overboard, and boats were knocked to pieces at the davits by the waves.
At one time the boatswain was so terrified by the assaults of the sea
that he shouted:
“The ship’s side is stove in. We are sinking!” and for a brief time
there was a panic among some of the crew.
“This was the only instance in which I ever saw a regular good seaman
paralyzed by fear of the perils of the sea,” wrote Midshipman Farragut.
However, early in March the _Essex_ anchored at Mocha Island, where
an abundance of hogs and horses were found running wild. The crew
had a good time hunting both, and a large quantity of the meat of
each was salted down for future use. From here the _Essex_ sailed to
Valparaiso, where it was learned that Chili had declared herself free
of Spain.
Sailing from Valparaiso on March 20, 1813, Porter fell in with the
American whaler _Charles_, of Nantucket, and learned that a Spanish
ship of the coast had captured the American whalers _Walker_ and
_Barclay_ off Coquimbo, only two days before.
At this, Porter headed for the scene of the trouble, and the next
morning (March 26th) saw a sail.
“Immediately, from her appearance and the description I had received
of her, I knew her to be one of the picaroons that had been for a
long time harassing our commerce,” wrote Porter in his journal. So
he hoisted British colors and sailed up beside the stranger and
learned that she was the Peruvian cruiser _Nereyda_, of fifteen guns.
Her commander being deceived by the British flag, boasted of having
captured the two Yankee whalers. Then Porter got from him a list of the
British ships in those waters, with a description of each, so far as
the Peruvian could remember. This done, Porter disclosed the character
of the _Essex_ to the astonished Peruvian, threw overboard all the guns
and arms of his corsairs, and wrote a letter to the Viceroy of Peru
telling why this was done, after which the _Nereyda_ was allowed to go.
Porter’s next work was in “disguising our ship, which was done by
painting in such a manner as to conceal her real force and exhibit in
its stead the appearance of painted guns, etc.; also by giving her the
appearance of having a poop, and otherwise so altering her as to make
her look like a Spanish merchant-vessel.”
The sailormen were still at this work when a sail was seen that,
when captured, proved to be the British whaler _Barclay_. With this
vessel in company the _Essex_ sailed to the Galapagos group, where,
on April 29th, the British whaler _Montezuma_, with 1,400 barrels of
whale oil on board, was taken. On the same day the whalers _Georgiana_
and _Policy_ were overhauled. The wind having failed, Porter got out
his boats to attack these two vessels. When the boats drew near the
_Georgiana_ her crew gave three cheers at the sight of the American
flag and one of them shouted, “We are all Americans.” And that was very
near the truth, for she was a British whaler, licensed as a letter of
marque, and had a pressed crew of whom the majority were Americans.
The _Policy_ surrendered also without a fight. As the _Georgiana_ was
pierced for eighteen guns, and was a smart sailer, Porter transferred
the ten guns carried by the _Policy_ to her, which, with the six she
already had on board, made her quite a respectable cruiser. She was
manned by forty-one men under Lieutenant Downes. It was estimated
that the three ships taken, with their cargoes, were worth $500,000;
but their real value to Porter was in the fact that they carried an
abundance of spare canvas, cordage, etc., so that he was able to fit
out the _Essex_ with new sails, running gear, and standing rigging
wherever needed, and provide liberally for future needs.
On May 28th another sail was seen, but as night came on she was lost
to view. Next morning, however, she was sighted from the _Montezuma_,
and after a long chase was taken by the _Essex_. This prize was the
letter-of-marque whaler _Atlantic_, mounting eight eighteen-pounders,
and reputed as the fastest ship in those waters. She was commanded by a
man named Weir, “who had the pusillanimity to say that ‘though he was
an American-born he was an ‘Englishman at heart,’” so wrote Midshipman
Farragut.
That same evening another vessel was seen, and late at night she
was captured also. She proved to be the letter-of-marque whaler
_Greenwich_, a ship that had sailed from England under convoy of the
ill-fated _Java_. She was full of ship-stores and provisions of every
kind, and had on board, moreover, one hundred tons of water and eight
hundred large tortoises, sufficient to furnish all the ships with fresh
provisions for a month.
“The little squadron now consisted of the _Essex_, forty-six guns
and two hundred and forty-five men; the _Georgiana_, sixteen guns
and forty-two men; the _Greenwich_, ten guns and fourteen men; the
_Atlantic_, six guns and twelve men; the _Montezuma_, two guns and ten
men; the _Policy_ and the _Barclay_ of ten and seven men, respectively;
in all, seven ships carrying eighty guns and three hundred and forty
men.” The prisoners numbered eighty. As the number of prizes as well as
prisoners proved burdensome, Captain Porter sailed on June 8th for the
mainland, and reached Guayaquil Bay on the 19th. Here some provisions
were obtained, and while lying here the _Georgiana_, with her crew of
forty men, was sent on a cruise under Lieutenant Downes. The character
of Downes was well illustrated on this cruise. Near James Island two
British ships were found and secured without a fight. They were the
_Catherine_, of eight guns and twenty-nine men, and the _Rose_, of
eight guns and twenty-one men. Securing his fifty prisoners on the
_Georgiana_, Downes sent ten of his men to each craft taken, and sailed
on. That same night another ship was overhauled, and her captain,
instead of surrendering when called on to do so, ordered his guns
cleared for action.
[Illustration: John Downes.
_From an oil-painting at the Naval Academy, Annapolis._]
Downes had but twenty men with which to handle his ship, work his guns,
and guard his prisoners, but he promptly opened fire, and after the
fifth broadside the enemy surrendered. She proved to be the British
letter-of-marque _Hector_, of eleven guns and twenty-five men. She had
lost in the fight her maintopmast and most of her standing and running
rigging, and two of her crew were killed and six dangerously wounded.
On manning the _Hector_ with ten men Downes had but ten left with which
to guard more than seventy prisoners, care for the wounded, and work
the ship. In this emergency he threw overboard the guns of the _Rose_,
destroyed most of her cargo, and made a cartel of her to which to send
the prisoners. Then he returned to Guayaquil Bay, from which the _Rose_
sailed for St. Helena.
At Guayaquil a part of the armament and crew of the _Georgiana_
were transferred to the larger and swifter _Atlantic_, which was
rechristened _Essex Junior_, and the latter was ordered to convoy a
part of the fleet of prizes to Valparaiso.
It is worth telling, because of the fame he afterward earned, that
Midshipman Farragut was placed on the _Barclay_ as prize-master--was
made the captain of the ship. Her original captain had agreed to act as
navigator, but he was greatly angered, for some reason, at the order
to go to Valparaiso, and when outside he backed the maintopsail and
refused to fill away and follow the _Essex Junior_, declaring “that he
would shoot any man who dared to touch a rope without his orders.” Then
he went below to get his pistols.
He afterward said he did it merely to scare the lad, but if that were
so he failed, for Farragut called an able American seaman, and told him
to have the main-sails filled away. This was done, and then Farragut
told the obdurate captain “not to come on deck unless he wished to be
thrown overboard,” and the captain remained below until Farragut made a
report of the affair to Lieutenant Downes, of the _Essex Junior_, and
the Britisher agreed to submit quietly to Farragut as captain. Farragut
was at this time but twelve years old. Not many boys of twelve would be
fit for such a responsible position at that age, and fewer still have
had opportunity to show their metal.
The _Greenwich_ was made a store-ship, and the _Essex_, with her
and the _Georgiana_ as consorts, sailed on another cruise, leaving
Guayaquil on July 9, 1813. On July 13th, when off Banks Bay, three
ships were seen. They separated as soon as the Americans were sighted,
whereupon the _Essex_ went in chase, leaving the _Georgiana_ and
_Greenwich_ behind. Seeing this, one of the strangers came about
and stood for the _Greenwich_. At that the _Greenwich_ backed her
main-yard, brought a number of men from the _Georgiana_ on board, and
sailed boldly to meet the stranger.
While these two were approaching each other the _Essex_ overhauled
the vessel she was pursuing, and found it was the British whaler
_Charlton_ of ten guns and twenty-one men. Her captain informed Porter
that the stranger approaching the _Greenwich_ was the _Seringapatam_,
a ship of 357 tons, carrying fourteen guns and forty men. She not
only outweighed the metal of the _Greenwich_, but had a larger crew,
and was the most dangerous ship in those waters. Nevertheless Porter
saw serenely the two ships engage in battle, nor was his confidence
in his officers and men misplaced, for, after a brief conflict, the
_Seringapatam_ hauled down her flag. A little later, however, she
suddenly made sail and strove to escape. The _Greenwich_ at once opened
fire on her and kept it up until the British flag was lowered again.
It is likely, however, that the _Seringapatam_ would have escaped
but for the rapid approach of the _Essex_, for she could outsail the
_Greenwich_.
Meantime the third ship, the _New Zealander_, of eight guns and
twenty-three men, was taken by the _Essex_. On overhauling the papers
of the _Seringapatam_ it appeared that, although she had no commission
either as privateer or letter of marque, she had captured one American
whaler, trusting to have the capture legalized by a commission she was
expecting to arrive. As his act was really one of piracy the captain
was sent to the United States for trial, but he was not convicted.
The other prisoners were put on the _Charlton_ and sent under parole to
Rio Janeiro. The guns of the _New Zealander_ were transferred to the
_Seringapatam_, giving her a battery of twenty-two, though this was of
no great use, save for one broadside, for the reason that she had only
men enough to work her sails. Then the _Georgiana_ was loaded with a
full cargo of oil, manned with such of the crew of the _Essex_ as had
served their full time and also wished to go home (most of those whose
time was up re-shipped in the _Essex_), and on July 25th she sailed for
the United States.
The _Essex_ with the other three headed for Albemarle Island, and
on July 28th sighted another British whaler. It was a region and a
season of light airs and calms, but the _Essex_ rigged a drag that
when dropped in the water from the spritsail-yard was hauled aft by a
line running through a block on the end of an outrigger aft, and this,
although laborious, gave the ship a speed of two knots per hour. As the
whaler got out boats to tow his ship, Porter sent a couple of boats
of musketeers to drive them on board again. So she was headed off and
then other boats were sent to board her. The stranger then hauled down
her flag, but before the boats could get alongside a breeze came. At
that she hoisted her colors, fired on the Yankee boats and escaped, for
the _Essex_ did not get the wind until too late. Porter was greatly
mortified for the reason that this was the first ship that had escaped
him.
However, on September 15th, while cruising among the Galapagos Islands,
a whaler was seen cutting in a whale. The _Essex_ was disguised by
sending down the small yards, and succeeded in getting within four
miles of her before she took alarm, and then by making sail Porter
overhauled her. It was now learned that she was the _Sir Andrew
Hammond_, of twelve guns and thirty-one men, and that she was the ship
that had run away on July 28th. Luckily for the _Essex_ she had ample
stores of excellent beef, pork, bread, wood, and water.
Returning now to Banks Bay, the appointed rendezvous, the _Essex_ was
joined by the _Essex Junior_. Lieutenant Downes brought the news from
Valparaiso that several English frigates had been sent to hunt the
_Essex_. At this Porter determined to go to the Marquesas Islands,
where he could give the _Essex_ a thorough overhauling in safety. He
had cleared those waters of the British whalers and letters of marque,
and determined to fit his ship for a battle with equal force before
sailing for home. He reached Nukahiva with his squadron on October
23d, built a fort to protect the harbor, and immediately began taking
down the masts of the _Essex_ in order to make everything aloft--spars
and rigging--as sound as possible. In November the _New Zealander_
was sent home with a full cargo of oil, but, unfortunately for the
Americans, both she and the _Georgiana_, sent previously, were
recaptured when almost in port by British blockaders. They were very
rich prizes for the British tars.
[Illustration: The _Essex_ and her Prizes at Nukahiva in the Marquesas
Islands.
_From an engraving by Strickland of a drawing by Captain Porter._]
Nukahiva lies in the tropical climate of the South Pacific--a climate
where the sea and the air dance together under an unclouded sun; where
the wanton waves tumble and roll invitingly on the beeches; where
seemingly the wind-driven light splashes the swaying fronds of the
cocoanut-palms; where the air of night is soft and sweet and wooing;
where nature asks no labor in return for her bounties; where the
thoughts of the people run only to war and love. It was to Jack the
ideal country--a paradise on earth.
There were several tribes on Nukahiva. The sailors made friends with
those living close at hand, and subdued those, from farther away who
came to make trouble. And thereafter they worked upon the ships by day,
and at night, by turns, frolicked with the friendly natives.
Says Farragut in his journal:
“During our stay at this island the youngsters--I among the
number--were sent on board the vessel commanded by our chaplain for
the purpose of continuing our studies away from temptation.”
[Illustration: Map of the Harbor in which the _Essex_ and her Prizes
lay.
_After a drawing by Captain Porter._]
The prisoners, having liberty as well as the crews, not only went
looking for temptation but they got together and planned to get in a
lot of native canoes and carry the _Essex Junior_ by assault, when,
the _Essex_ being dismantled, they hoped to capture the entire Yankee
force. A traitor revealed the plot, however, and the prisoners were
thereafter kept well in hand.
And then came an incipient mutiny. The sailormen had enjoyed life with
their friends, the Nukahivas, so much that when, in December, Porter
determined to go in search of an enemy worthy of the ship, they first
grumbled, and then some of them, under the lead of an Englishman named
Robert White, talked of refusing to go at all.
This talk reached flood-tide when on Sunday, December 9, 1813, a lot
of the men from the _Essex_ visited the _Essex Junior_, when White
openly boasted that the crew would refuse to get the anchor at the word
from Captain Porter. But White was very much mistaken. His words were
reported to Porter, who, next morning, mustered the men on the port
side of the deck and then, with a drawn sword lying across the capstan
before him, said:
“All of you who are in favor of weighing the anchor when I give the
order, pass over to the starboard side.”
[Illustration: A Marquesan War-canoe.
_From an engraving by Strickland of a drawing by Captain Porter._]
They all passed across the deck promptly. Then he called out White,
and asked him about his Sunday boasting. White denied having made the
boast, but a number of the crew testified to what he had said, and at
that Porter turned on the fellow and said in a burst of anger:
“Run, you scoundrel, for your life.”
“And away the fellow went over the starboard gangway.” So Farragut
tells the story. He was picked up by one of the ever-present native
canoes and carried ashore.
After all it was a lucky affair for him, for the cruise of the _Essex_
was drawing to a close, and had he remained in her he would have been
hanged, very likely, by his countrymen as a traitor.
Having addressed the men briefly, praising their good qualities and
telling them he “would blow them all to eternity before they should
succeed in a conspiracy,” he ordered them to man the capstan, a fiddler
began to play “The Girl I Left Behind Me,” the “anchor fairly flew to
the bows,” the sails were spread, and the _Essex_ and _Essex Junior_
sailed away, leaving Lieutenant John Gamble with twenty-one men, to
look after the _Seringapatam_, the _Sir Andrew Hammond_, and the
_Greenwich_ until Porter could return for them.
CHAPTER II
PORTER’S GALLANT ACTION AT VALPARAISO
A GENEROUS RECEPTION FOR A PREDATORY BRITISH FRIGATE--HILLYAR’S
LUCKY ESCAPE--HILLYAR’S EXPLICIT ORDERS--WHEN THE _ESSEX_ HAD LOST
HER TOP-MAST THE _PHŒBE_ AND THE _CHERUB_ ATTACKED THE YANKEE IN
NEUTRAL WATER--IT WAS A TWO-TO-ONE FIGHT AND THE ENEMY HAD LONG
GUNS TO OUR SHORT--THE BRITISH HAD TO GET BEYOND THE RANGE OF THE
_ESSEX_--MAGNIFICENT BRAVERY OF THE YANKEE CREW WHEN UNDER THE FIRE
OF THE LONG RANGE BRITISH GUNS--THE _ESSEX_ ON FIRE--FOUGHT TO THE
LAST GASP--PORTER’S INTERRUPTED VOYAGE HOME--THE MEN WHO WERE LEFT
AT NUKAHIVA IN SORRY STRAITS AT LAST.
The _Essex_, with her consort, the _Essex Junior_, got up anchor at
Nukahiva on December 12, 1813. For two days they were in the offing and
then they sailed for the coast of South America. They sighted the Andes
early in January, and after getting water at San Maria and calling at
Concepcion, went to Valparaiso, where they arrived on February 3, 1814.
There Porter learned that the British frigate _Phœbe_, Captain James
Hillyar, had been on the coast some time looking for the _Essex_. So
Porter determined to await her at Valparaiso.
To make the time pass pleasantly a grand reception was given to the
officials of the city and their friends on the night of the 7th, the
_Essex Junior_, meantime, having been stationed outside to watch for
the enemy. As it happened the enemy was seen next morning while yet the
men of the _Essex_ were taking down the bunting with which the ship had
been decorated. But when Captain Porter came to read the signals on the
guard-ship he found that two ships were in sight instead of the one
looked for. After a time the two appeared and displayed British colors,
and the _Essex Junior_ was obliged to come into the port. And what made
matters still more uncomfortable was the fact that half of the crew of
the _Essex_ were on shore enjoying life sailor fashion.
This last fact had not escaped the eye of the patriotic mate of an
English merchantman lying in the harbor, and jumping into a small boat
he rowed outside to tell his countrymen about the crew of the _Essex_.
As it appeared very soon after this, the two British ships outside were
the _Phœbe_ already mentioned and the eighteen-gun war-ship _Cherub_,
Captain Tucker.
Captain Hillyar, of the _Phœbe_, very naturally assumed that the Yankee
sailors on shore were already so full of the excellent native wine of
the country that even if got on board they would not be able to make a
fight. The wind was in just the right direction to enable him to take
his two ships into port and handle them there with certainty. It was
true that Valparaiso was a neutral port, but that fact was considered
unimportant. Captain Hillyar had been sent there expressly to capture
the _Essex_, and the opportunity to do it comfortably seemed to have
been made as if to order. So he cleared his ship for action, and,
leaving the _Cherub_ outside, steered boldly for the _Essex_.
But when the _Phœbe_ swept up beside the Yankee ship Captain Hillyar
experienced a very great revulsion of feeling. He had approached the
_Essex_ under the quarter, where not one of her guns could bear on him,
and then slightly shifting his helm he ranged up alongside and within
fifteen feet of her. And then to his utter discomfiture he found the
Yankee guns fully manned, and every man save one was fit and eager for
fight.
The warlike ardor of the Englishman instantly evaporated, and he
remembered that he had met Captain Porter some years before on the
Mediterranean station, and that they had exchanged friendly visits.
Instead of ordering his men to fire he jumped on a gun, where he could
get a better view of the deck of the _Essex_, and said, with marked
politeness:
“Captain Hillyar’s compliments to Captain Porter, and hopes he is
well.”
And Captain Porter, who had never felt better in his life than at that
moment, replied:
“Very well, I thank you; but I hope you will not come too near for fear
some accident might take place which would be disagreeable to you.”
And with that he waved his trumpet toward some of the crew forward
who, with ropes in hand, were awaiting the signal, and they instantly
triced a couple of kedge anchors out to the weather yard-arms ready for
dropping on the enemy to grapple him fast in reach of the well-trained
Yankee boarders, armed with sharpened cutlasses and dirks made from old
files.
Indeed the Yankee forecastlemen were so eager that they swarmed to
the rail as the anchors rose to the yard-arms, while one of them, a
quarter-gunner named Adam Roach, with his sleeves rolled up and cutlass
in hand, climbed out on the cathead and stood there, in plain view of
the British marines, awaiting the moment when the ships should come
together.
But they did not come together, yard-arm to yard-arm, either then
or afterward. Captain Hillyar hastily braced his yards aback and
“exclaimed with great agitation:”
“I had no intention of getting on board of you--I had no intention of
coming so near you; I am sorry I came so near you.”
“Well,” said Porter, “you have no business where you are. _If you
touch a rope yarn of this ship, I shall board instantly._” Then he
hailed the _Essex Junior_, that was lying handy by, and ordered
Lieutenant Downes to prepare to repel the enemy.
The _Phœbe_ fell off with her jib-boom over the American deck, her bows
exposed to the broadside of the American guns, and her stern exposed to
the broadside of the _Essex Junior_.
At that moment the one member of the crew who had come on board the
_Essex_ drunk, narrowly escaped precipitating the battle. He was a big
boy and served as powder-monkey. While standing beside his gun with a
slow-burning match in hand waiting for orders, “he saw, through the
port, someone on the _Phœbe_ grinning at him.” He was deeply offended
at once.
“My fine fellow, I’ll stop your making faces,” he said, and leaned over
to put his match to the gun’s priming. The lieutenant in charge saw the
move and knocked the youth to the deck. Had he fired the gun a fight
would have followed and the _Phœbe_ would have been taken. As it was
she passed free, although some of her yards overlapped those of the
_Essex_, and a little later she came to anchor half a mile away.
“We thus lost an opportunity of taking her, though we had observed the
strict neutrality of the port under very aggravating circumstances.”
So wrote Farragut, but no American at this day regrets the action
of Captain Porter. It was, indeed, “over-forbearance, under great
provocation,” but it showed the high sense of honor of a typical
American officer, and every American reads the story of the _Essex_
with unalloyed pleasure. Such exhibitions as this of the American
spirit have done more than cannon-shot to promote and to preserve
peace between the nations. Captain Hillyar was so much impressed by
it that he promised Porter that he, too, would respect the neutrality
of the port, and he would have done so, very likely, only that he was
handicapped by his orders from the Admiralty, which compelled him to
“capture the _Essex_ with the least possible risk to his vessel and
crew.” Hillyar was a cool and calculating man of fifty years. As he
said to his first lieutenant, Mr. William Ingram, he had gained his
reputation in single-ship encounters and he only expected to “retain it
by an explicit obedience to orders.”
That he was going to take “the least possible risk” appeared a few days
later when Porter asked him to send the _Cherub_ to the lee side of the
harbor and meet the _Essex_ with the _Phœbe_ alone. The _Phœbe_ and the
_Cherub_ had by that time replenished their stores and taken a station
outside. Hillyar at first agreed to do so, and made preparations for
the fight. Among other things he had a huge flag painted with a motto
in answer to Porter’s burgee containing “Free Trade and Sailor’s
Rights.” The British motto read: “God and Country; British Sailors’
Best Rights; Traitors Offend Both.” It was a day when such displays
were fashionable among sailors, and Porter at once painted another
which he hoisted to the mizzen, where it read: “God, our Country and
Liberty; Tyrants Offend them.”
Such things seem rather silly now, but they were inspiring to Jack in
those days. With his banners flaunting before the Yankee eyes Captain
Hillyar hove his main-yard aback off the weather-side of the harbor,
having previously sent the _Cherub_ a fair distance to leeward. Then
he fired a gun to invite the _Essex_ out. Captain Porter accepted the
invitation and stood out of the harbor. He found he could outsail the
_Phœbe_, and he got near enough to fire several shots from his long
twelves that almost reached her, but she squared away for the _Cherub_,
and Porter had to let her go.
Meantime Porter “had received certain information” that the frigate
_Tagus_ and two others were coming after him, while the sloop-of-war
_Raccoon_, that had gone to the northwest coast of North America to
destroy the fur-gathering establishment of John Jacob Astor, was to be
expected at Valparaiso at any time. So Porter determined to sail out
of the harbor, trusting to the speed of the _Essex_ to carry him clear
of the superior force. Should he succeed in drawing the enemy clear of
the harbor the _Essex Junior_ was at once to make sail also.
But the day after arriving at this determination a heavy squall came
on from the south, the port cable of the _Essex_ broke, and she began
dragging the starboard one right out to sea. Without delay Porter
made sail, setting his top-gallant sails over reefed top-sails, and
stood out of the harbor. As he opened up the sea he saw that he had
a chance for sailing between the southwest point of the harbor and
the enemy--passing to windward of them, in fact, and so getting clear
without trouble. The top-gallant sails were at once clewed up and the
yards braced to sail close hauled. The _Essex_ was making a course that
was just what Porter wanted, and he was just clearing the point when
a sudden squall from around the corner of the land struck the ship,
knocking the maintopmast over the lee rail into the sea, and the men
who were still aloft furling the top-gallant sail were lost.
At once both of the enemy’s ships gave chase, and Porter, after
clearing the wreckage, turned to beat back to his old anchorage.
But because he was crippled, and because of a sudden shift of wind,
he could not make it, and so he “ran close into a small bay about
three-quarters of a mile to leeward of the battery on the east side of
the harbor,” and there let go his anchor “within pistol-shot of the
shore.”
Here he was as much in neutral waters as he would have been at the
usual anchorage, but the enemy, with mottoes and banners in abundance
flying, came down to attack the cripple. The _Cherub_ came cautiously
to the wind off the bow of the _Essex_, the _Phœbe_, with equal
caution, off her stern, and at 3.54 P.M., on March 28, 1814, in the
presence of the whole population of Valparaiso, who thronged to the
bluffs, the battle, that was to end the career of the _Essex_ as an
American frigate, began. To fully appreciate the fight that followed,
the reader should recall the fact that in spite of the protests of
Captain Porter the _Essex_ had been compelled to sail with a battery of
forty short thirty-twos in place of the long twelves that he wanted. In
addition to these she carried six long twelves, three of which, when
this fight began, were arranged to fight at the bow and three at the
stern. Her crew numbered two hundred and fifty-five when she dragged
her anchor, but of these at least four were lost from the top-gallant
yard. The exact number is not given.
On the other hand the _Phœbe_, under the circumstances, was alone
in weight of metal superior to the _Essex_. On her main deck were
thirty long eighteens, to which were added sixteen short thirty-twos,
one howitzer, and in the tops six three-pounders. In all she carried
fifty-three guns. She carried more guns than ships of her class usually
did, because she had been fitted out especially to catch the _Essex_
with as little risk as possible. Her crew numbered three hundred and
twenty, the usual number having been added to, when she was taking in
supplies, by gathering sailors from the British ships in port. The
_Cherub_ mounted eighteen short thirty-twos, eight short twenty-fours,
and two long nines. Her crew, with the additions received in port,
numbered one hundred and eighty men.
But this was a battle fought at long range. Captain Hillyar obeyed
his instructions to take as little risk as possible, and he held his
ships beyond the range of Porter’s short thirty-twos. It was therefore
a fight in which five hundred men were pitted against two hundred
and fifty-one, and the fifteen long guns in the broadside of the
_Phœbe_ and both of the long guns of the _Cherub_--in short, seventeen
long guns, throwing two hundred and eighty-eight pounds of metal,
were pitted against six long guns, throwing by actual weight only
sixty-six pounds of metal. That was the actual preponderance when the
battle began, but even that did not satisfy the ideas of the British
captains in their desire to obey their orders to take as little risk
as possible, for the _Cherub_, finding her position off the bow of the
_Essex_ too hot, wore around and took a station near the _Phœbe_, where
Porter could bring only three guns, throwing together but thirty-three
pounds of metal, to bear on the two of them with their seventeen long
guns throwing two hundred and eighty-eight pounds of metal. Rarely in
the history of the world has a fight been maintained against such odds
as these. The Englishmen did, indeed, draw in closer at one time of the
battle, but it was for only a brief time. The short guns of the _Essex_
soon made them withdraw to a safer distance.
When the first gun was fired at 3.54 P.M., Porter had not yet been
able to get a spring on his cable and could not bring a gun to bear
on either ship. For five minutes the _Essex_ lay as an idle target.
But as the spring was made fast and the cable veered, the long twelves
began to bark and it was then that the _Cherub_ made haste to get clear
of the fire from forward, and take a place near the _Phœbe_. They
both delivered a raking fire which “continued about ten minutes, but
produced no visible effect,” to quote Hillyar’s report to Commodore
Brown of the Jamaica station. But if the British fire produced no
“visible effect,” the fire of the guns of the _Essex_ was so well
directed that Hillyar “increased our distance by wearing,” and he
confesses that “appearances were a little inauspicious.” In fact, at
the end of half an hour both the British ships sailed out of range to
repair damages alow and aloft. The _Phœbe_ alone had seven holes at the
water-line to plug and she had lost the use of her mainsail and jib,
her fore, main, and mizzen stays were shot away, and her jib-boom was
badly wounded. This much the British admit.
But it had been a losing fight on the _Essex_, nevertheless. The
springs on the cable were shot away three times and could be renewed
only after delays that prevented working the guns under full speed,
and the heavy shot of the enemy’s long guns had been cutting down
the crew. And then the enemy returned once more to the fight. Brave
Lieutenant William Ingram, of the _Phœbe_, wanted to close in and carry
the _Essex_ by boarding. The two British ships had at this time more
than two men to the one of the _Essex_, but Hillyar refused, quoting
the orders he had received from his superiors as a reason, and saying
he had “determined not to leave anything to chance.” He would not face
Yankee cutlasses wielded in defence of the _Essex_. So the safest
possible positions were chosen, and fire was again opened at 5.35 P.M.
It was “a most galling fire, which we were powerless to return.” Even
the _Essex’s_ “stern guns could not be brought to bear.”
At this juncture, the wind having shifted, Captain Porter ordered his
crew to slip the cable and make sail; and it was then found that the
running gear had been so badly cut that only the flying jib could be
spread.
Did the courage and hope of the brave American falter at this? Not at
all. Spreading that one little triangle of canvas by halyard and sheet
to the wind, he loosed the square sails, and with their unrestrained
and ragged breadths flapping from the yards, the _Essex_ wore around,
and while the shot of the enemy filled the air above her deck with
splinters, she bore down upon them until her short guns began to reach
them, and the _Cherub_ was driven out of range altogether, while
Hillyar made haste to obey his orders about taking as little risk as
possible--made haste to spread his canvas and sail away to a point
where he would be clear of the deadly aim of the Yankee gunners. The
_Phœbe_ “was enabled by the better condition of her sails to choose
her own distance, suitable for her long guns, and kept up a most
destructive fire on our helpless ship.” So says Farragut.
[Illustration: Fight of the _Essex_ with the _Phœbe_ and _Cherub_.
_From an engraving by Strickland of a drawing by Captain Porter._]
But fearful as was the scene on the doomed _Essex_, the story of the
deeds of her heroic crew stir the blood as few other stories of
battle can do. “Dying men who had hardly ever attracted notice among
the ship’s company, uttered sentiments worthy of a Washington. You
might have heard in all directions: ‘Don’t give her up, Logan’--a
sobriquet for Porter--‘Hurrah for Liberty!’ and similar expressions.”
A man named Bissley, a young Scotchman by birth, on losing a leg,
said: “I hope I have this day proved myself worthy of the country of
my adoption. I am no longer of any use to you or to her, so good-by!”
And with that he plunged through a port. And John Ripley, who had
suffered in like fashion, also went overboard deliberately. John
Alvinson, having been struck by an eighteen-pound shot, cried: “Never
mind, shipmates; I die in defence of free trade and sailors’ ri----”
and so his spirit fled while the last word quivered on his lips.
William Call lost his leg and was carried down to the berth-deck.
As he lay there weltering in his blood awaiting his turn with the
doctor, he saw Quarter-Gunner Roach--he who had so bravely headed the
boarders--skulking, and “dragged his shattered stump all around the
bag-house, pistol in hand, trying to get a shot at him.”
And there was Lieutenant J. G. Cowell. He had his leg shot off just
above the knee and was carried below. The surgeon on seeing him at
once left a common sailor to attend to him, but Cowell said:
“No, doctor, none of that; fair play is a jewel. One man’s life is as
dear as another’s; I would not cheat any poor fellow out of his turn.”
And so he bled to death before his turn came.
In the record kept by young Farragut we have a wonderful story of a
battle as seen by a lad of twelve. “I performed the duties of captain’s
aid, quarter-gunner, powder-boy, and in fact did everything that was
required of me,” he wrote.
“I shall never forget the horrid impression made upon me at the sight
of the first man I had ever seen killed. He was a boatswain’s mate, and
was fearfully mutilated. It staggered and sickened me at first, but
they soon began to fall around me so fast that it all appeared like a
dream, and produced no effect on my nerves. I can remember well, while
I was standing near the captain, just abaft the mainmast, a shot came
through the waterways and glanced upwards, killing four men who were
standing by the side of the gun, taking the last one in the head and
scattering his brains over both of us. But this awful sight did not
affect me half as much as the death of the first poor fellow. I neither
thought of nor noticed anything but the working of the guns.
“On one occasion Midshipman Isaacs came up to the captain and reported
that a quarter-gunner named Roach had deserted his post. The only reply
of the captain, addressed to me, was, ‘Do your duty, sir.’ I seized a
pistol and went in pursuit of the fellow, but did not find him.
“Soon after this, some gun-primers were wanted, and I was sent after
them. In going below, while I was on the ward-room ladder, the captain
of the gun directly opposite the hatchway was struck full in the
face by an eighteen-pound shot, and fell back on me. We tumbled down
the hatch together. I struck on my head, and, fortunately, he fell
on my hips. I say fortunately, for, as he was a man of at least two
hundred pounds’ weight, I would have been crushed to death if he had
fallen directly across my body. I lay for some moments stunned by the
blow, but soon recovered consciousness enough to rush up on deck. The
captain, seeing me covered with blood, asked if I was wounded, to
which I replied, ‘I believe not, sir.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘where are the
primers?’ This first brought me completely to my senses, and I ran
below again and carried the primers on deck. When I came up the second
time I saw the captain fall, and in my turn ran up and asked if he was
wounded. He answered me almost in the same words, ‘I believe not,
my son; but I felt a blow on the top of my head.’ He must have been
knocked down by the windage of a passing shot, as his hat was somewhat
damaged.”
With such scenes as these on deck Porter strove to overtake the enemy.
The picture of that American ship, with her unsheeted sails flapping
in the wind as she struggled to get within range, is among the most
heroic known to history. It was a vain struggle. The wind veered once
more. The shot from the long guns of the enemy were ripping her hull to
pieces, and, in the language of the British first lieutenant, murdering
her crew. The brave American commander was baffled but was not yet
conquered. Putting up his helm he turned once more toward the shore,
determined to beach the ship, broadside on, fight to the last gasp, and
then blow her to pieces.
Firing from his stern guns as he ran, he reached out for the sands
until they were but half a mile away, and then once more the
treacherous wind shifted, and catching the sails aback, wrapped their
torn folds as a shroud about the masts. A hawser was bent to the
sheet-anchor, which was then let go. That brought her head around where
the long guns would bear, but the hawser broke a minute later, and once
more the _Essex_ drifted offshore a helpless target.
And then came an explosion below. The ship was on fire, and the men
came rushing up on deck, “many with their clothes burning.” The men
on deck hastened to rip the burning garments from their shipmates,
but some whose clothes were flaming were ordered to “jump overboard
and quench the flames.” Smoke was rolling up the hatches, and “many
of the crew, and even some of the officers, hearing the order to jump
overboard, took it for granted that the fire had reached the magazine,
and that the ship was about to blow up; so they leaped into the water,
and attempted to reach the shore.”
Hope had at last fled from the doomed ship. The decks were strewn with
the dead and wounded. There were twenty-one bodies in one pile on the
main deck. The long-range shot of the enemy were sinking her. The hold
was in flames. The captain called for his lieutenants to ask their
opinion of the condition of affairs, and found but one, Lieutenant
McKnight, to answer the call. Of the two hundred and fifty-one men
who began the fight only seventy-five, including officers and boys,
remained on the ship in condition fit for duty. Further effort was
useless, “and at 6.20 P.M. the painful order was given to haul down the
colors.”
At that, Benjamin Hazen, a Groton seaman (who, though painfully
wounded, had remained at his post, and at the last had joined in the
request to haul down the flag to save the wounded), bade adieu in
hearty fashion to those around him, said he had determined never to
survive the surrender of the _Essex_, and jumped overboard. He was
drowned.
In what has been said regarding the handling of the _Phœbe_ there
was no desire to cast a slur upon the personal character of Captain
Hillyar. He had proved his bravery in previous contests. The point
to be made clear is that his superiors had so far learned to respect
Yankee prowess that he was under definite order to take no unnecessary
risks. He conducted the fight in the only way that insured certain
victory. Every fair-minded American will grant what Sir Howard Douglas,
in his text-book on gunnery (page 108), claims--that “this action
displayed all that can reflect honor on the science and admirable
conduct of Captain Hillyar and his crew,” save only so far as he broke
his word of honor pledged to Captain Porter. And that is to say that it
is admitted that a sneer at the “respectful distance the _Phœbe_ kept”
is “a fair acknowledgment of the ability with which Captain Hillyar
availed himself of the superiority of his arms.”
The losses of the _Essex_ were fifty-eight killed and mortally wounded,
thirty-nine severely wounded, twenty-seven slightly wounded, and
thirty-one missing, the most of whom, if not all, were drowned in
trying to swim ashore when the _Essex_ was on fire. These numbers were
given by the American officers. Hillyar reported that the _Essex_
lost one hundred and eleven in killed or wounded. The difference in
these official reports is unquestionably due to the fact that Hillyar,
naturally enough, did not count as wounded those of his prisoners who
had received minor scratches and contusions, even though these wounds
had temporarily disabled the men during the battle. Nevertheless,
the favorite British historian James, although he had read Hillyar’s
letter, wrote:
“The _Essex_, as far as is borne out by proof (the only safe way where
an American is concerned), had twenty-four men killed and forty-five
wounded. But Captain Porter, thinking by exaggerating his loss to
prop up his fame, talks of fifty-eight killed and mortally wounded,
thirty-nine severely, twenty-seven slightly.”
And Allen, whose latest edition appeared in 1890, follows the false
statement of James.
The British loss was, of course, trifling. They had five killed and ten
wounded. But it is not unconsoling to reflect that the _Phœbe_ received
in all eight shot at and under the water-line, and that she and the
_Cherub_ were not a little cut up aloft--in short the damage inflicted
by the _Essex_ was greater than the British _Java_, _Macedonian_,
and _Guerrière_ all together inflicted on the American ships in their
battles. Captain Hillyar had good reason for writing to his superior
that “the defence of the _Essex_, taking into consideration our
superiority of force and the very discouraging circumstance of her
having lost her maintopmast and being twice on fire, did honor to her
brave defenders.”
As Roosevelt says, “Porter certainly did everything a man can do to
contend successfully with the overwhelming force opposed to him. As an
exhibition of dogged courage it has never been surpassed since the time
when the Dutch Captain Kaesoon, after fighting two long days, blew up
his disabled ship, devoting himself and all his crew to death, rather
than surrender to the hereditary foes of his race.”
While no one can justly criticise Captain Hillyar for his handling of
his ship during the battle, there is something to be said about his
having made an attack on the American ship under the circumstances.
And this cannot be better said than in the words of Roosevelt, whose
fairness has been acknowledged by the English in the most emphatic
manner. He says:
“When Porter decided to anchor near shore, in neutral water, he
could not anticipate Hillyar’s deliberate and treacherous breach of
faith. I do not allude to the mere disregard of neutrality. Whatever
international moralists may say, such disregard is a mere question of
expediency. If the benefits to be gained by attacking a hostile ship
in neutral waters are such as to counterbalance the risk of incurring
the enmity of the neutral power, why then the attack ought to be
made. Had Hillyar, when he first made his appearance off Valparaiso,
sailed in with his two ships, the men at quarters and guns out, and
at once attacked Porter, considering the destruction of the _Essex_
as outweighing the insult to Chili, why his behavior would have been
perfectly justifiable. In fact, this is unquestionably what he intended
to do; but he suddenly found himself in such a position that, in
the event of hostilities, _his_ ship would be the captured one, and
he owed his escape purely to Porter’s over-forbearance, under great
provocation. Then he gave his word to Porter that he would not infringe
on the neutrality; and he never dared to break it, until he saw Porter
was disabled and almost helpless! This may seem strong language to
use about a British officer, but it is justly strong. Exactly as
any outsider must consider Warrington’s attack on the British brig
_Nautilus_ in 1815 as a piece of needless cruelty, so any outsider
must consider Hillyar as having most treacherously broken faith with
Porter.”
Fair as this statement must seem to candid minds, there is yet a word
to be said for Captain Hillyar. A fair interpretation of his orders
demanded that he break his faith and attack the ship, and as an
officer accustomed to obey all orders from his superiors, he believed
his obligation to the Admiralty and his country was greater than
his obligation to keep his word. Captain Hillyar believed that his
country demanded that he break faith with Porter, and the proof that
the British nation has ever since approved of his treachery toward an
American is found in the fact that “the naval medal is granted for the
capture” of the _Essex_ (see Allen); that the officer who sailed her
to England was at once promoted, and that every British writer who
has referred to the action has praised Captain Hillyar in the highest
terms, and refers to Captain Porter as James did when he said: “Few,
even in his own country, will venture to speak well of Captain David
Porter.”
After the battle the _Essex_ was repaired and sent to England, where
she was added to the British Navy. It is worth noting that she
was built in 1779 by the people of Salem, Massachusetts, and the
surrounding country, who were enthusiastic in their desire to revenge
the injuries done by French cruisers to American commerce. She was the
product of the Federalist party ardor, and Rear-Admiral George Preble
says, “the Federalists considered it a patriotic duty to cut down the
finest sticks of their wood lots to help build the ‘noble structure’
that was to chastise French insolence and piracy.” They gave her as a
present to the nation, and as armed at that time she was probably the
most efficient ship of her size afloat.
The _Essex Junior_ was disarmed and the American prisoners were put
into her, and she was sent as a cartel to New York. Off the east coast
of Long Island, on July 5, 1814, she was detained by British cruisers
so long that the Americans were lawfully released from their parole,
when Porter and a boat’s crew escaped ashore aided by a fog, and that
was the only occasion during that cruise of this Yankee captain, that
weather did aid him. He landed in Long Island, where he had to show
his commission before the people would believe his story. He was then
carried to New York by enthusiastic admirers, and was there received
with every mark of honor. Meantime, the _Essex Junior_ was allowed to
come in also.
A few words will tell the fate of Lieutenant Gamble and the men left
at Nukahiva with the captured whalers _Seringapatam_, _Greenwich_,
and _Sir Andrew Hammond_. Immediately after Porter sailed away the
natives began to rob the Americans of everything they could carry away,
and Gamble had “to land and overpower them.” On February 28, 1814,
one man was drowned accidentally. A week later four men deserted in
a whale-boat to join their native sweethearts. On April 12th Gamble
rigged the _Seringapatam_ and the _Hammond_ for sea, intending to burn
the _Greenwich_, but the men became mutinous. So Gamble removed all
the arms, as he supposed, to the _Greenwich_; but when he boarded the
_Seringapatam_ on May 7th, the men there attacked him, shot him in the
foot with a pistol, set him adrift in a native canoe, and then sailed
away with the _Seringapatam_, leaving Gamble with but eight men.
Two days later the natives came off to assault the ship. They were
repulsed, but Midshipman William W. Feltus was killed, and three men
wounded. The fight occurred on the _Hammond_. The following night the
survivors went to sea. They eventually reached the Sandwich Islands,
where they were captured by the _Cherub_, and were detained on her
seven months. They finally reached New York in August, 1815.
[Illustration: A Marquesan “Chief Warrior.”
_From an engraving by Strickland of a drawing by Captain Porter._]
The voyage of the _Essex_ ended in disasters all around, due solely
to the misfortune of losing a top-mast in a squall off the Point of
Angels at Valparaiso. But she had captured twelve British ships,
aggregating 3,369 tons, armed with one hundred and seven guns and
carrying three hundred and two men. She had maintained herself for more
than a year entirely from supplies captured from the enemy--she did
not cost the national treasury a cent after her first outfit. A great
fleet of British ships were sent at large expense to search for her.
On the whole her cruise damaged the enemy millions of dollars--Porter
estimated the damage at $6,000,000--and her crew, from master to boy,
had “afforded an example of courage in adversity that it would be
difficult to match elsewhere.”
Porter was, indeed, defeated, but the victory of the enemy was like
those obtained at Bunker Hill and on Lake Champlain during the war of
the Revolution. It was a British victory but it strengthened the power
of the young republic, and gave renown to the defeated leaders.
When Grecian bands lent Persia’s legions aid,
On Asia’s shores their banners wide displayed,
Though heaven denied success--their leader’s name
Has still ranked foremost in the rolls of fame;
Hence the RETREAT, the theme of every tongue,
Through every age and clime incessant rung;
With Zenophon the bard adorned his lays,
And gave the mighty chief immortal praise.
With him the historian grac’d his proudest page,
And bade his _glories_ live through every age:
Thus _thine_, O PORTER, shall, in lays sublime
Of future poets, live through endless time;
Thy noble daring, though with adverse fate,
The rich historic page shall long relate,
And the glad voice of freemen’s loud acclaim
Teach lisping infancy thy honored name.
Captain Porter aided in the defence of Baltimore after his return home.
After the war he served as a commissioner on naval affairs, and in 1826
resigned his commission. He was afterward American Minister to Turkey,
and died at Constantinople in 1843. His body was brought to America and
was eventually buried in Woodlawn Cemetery, Philadelphia.
CHAPTER III
TALES OF THE YANKEE CORVETTES
A LITTLE LOP-SIDED FRIGATE REBUILT INTO A SUPERIOR
SLOOP-OF-WAR--OVERLAND (ALMOST) TO ESCAPE THE BLOCKADE--HER LUCK
AS A CRUISER--A MARVELLOUS RACE WITH A BRITISH FRIGATE OVER A
COURSE FOUR HUNDRED MILES LONG--SAVED BY A SQUALL--CORNERED IN
THE PENOBSCOT--THE GALLANT FIGHT OF THE YANKEE CREW AGAINST
OVERWHELMING NUMBERS--BUILDING A NEW NAVY--THE SHORT-LIVED
PORTSMOUTH CORVETTE _FROLIC_--ONE BROADSIDE WAS ENOUGH--CAPTURED
BY THE ENEMY--SWIFT AND DEADLY WORK OF THE CREW OF THE YANKEE
_PEACOCK_ WHEN THEY MET THE _EPERVIER_--DISTINCTLY A LUCKY
SHIP--FATE OF THE _SIREN_ AFTER THE COFFIN FLOATED.
Of the seventeen war-ships, big and little, that were named on the
register of the American Navy when war was declared in 1812, the
_Adams_, rated as a twenty-eight-gun frigate, lay at Washington. It had
been determined to alter this ship into what was known as a corvette.
Readers not trained to a life at sea not infrequently find themselves
puzzled by the terms applied to the old style war-ships, and no term is
quite so annoying as that of corvette, for the reason that it is used
interchangeably with sloop-of-war. The dictionaries do not help one
very much. In a “Vocabulaire des Termes de Marine” printed in 1783,
a corvette is said to be “a general name for sloops-of-war and all
vessels under twenty guns,” but it is manifest, from a consideration
of the size and force of the _Adams_ and other American vessels called
corvettes, that American officers applied the name only to the largest
ships that had one deck of guns only, with neither a poop nor a
forecastle.
[Illustration: United States Razee* _Independence_ at Anchor.
_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_
* A Razee is a line-of-battle ship from which the upper deck has been
cut, leaving her with two decks of guns.]
A most remarkable ship was the _Adams_, for, when let to a contractor
to build, he sublet one side of her to another man who had the
instincts of a thief and of a traitor. The sub-contractor, to increase
his profits, scamped his timbers and his work. The _Adams_ was a
creditable ship on one side and a fraud on the other. It is a pity that
the name of the scoundrel has not been perpetuated in the accounts of
naval matters that have hitherto appeared. When altered at Washington
it was necessary, of course, to follow the old lines and she was still
lopsided, although lengthened until she could carry twenty-eight guns
on the one deck. Her armament in her new fashion included a long twelve
for a bow-chaser and thirteen medium-length eighteen-pounders (called
Columbiads, sometimes) on each side. It was a pretty good armament for
that day, in fact much superior to the ordinary sloop-of-war armament
that was made up of two long twelves and twenty of the wretched short
thirty-twos.
[Illustration: Charles Morris.
_From a photograph owned by Mr. C. B. Hall._]
Captain Charles Morris, who, as the first lieutenant of the
_Constitution_, had first gained fame in her race with the British
fleet, was placed in command of the rebuilt _Adams_, and Lieutenant
Wadsworth, who was second on the _Constitution_ in her great race, was
made first on the _Adams_. There was a strong blockading squadron in
the Chesapeake, but on the night of January 18, 1812, “which came on
cloudy, boisterous, and with frequent snow squalls,” he headed away
for sea. There was a strong northwest wind blowing, and there was not
a beacon-light in the bay. Worse still, while the ship was driving
along at twelve knots an hour, the two men who were engaged as pilots
became confused, and at 11 o’clock at night a light was seen dead ahead
which showed that she was flying straight at the land. Instantly her
helm was shoved down and she came about on the other tack, but a few
minutes later she was thumping over a bar, no one knew where, the heavy
swells lifting her clear only to drop her again on the sand. However,
over she went, and when it was found she did not leak, Morris decided
to send her on her way once more, and at 1 o’clock passed two British
ships at Lynnhaven and got out to sea.
Running across to the coast of Africa the _Adams_ cruised from Cape
Mount to Cape Palmas, then visited the vicinity of the Canaries and the
Cape de Verde Islands. “A few small prizes, laden with palm oil and
ivory” were taken. On March 25th the _Woodbridge_, a large Indiaman,
was overhauled. It was thick weather at the time, and while Captain
Morris was taking possession the weather suddenly cleared, when it
was seen that a fleet of vessels were jogging along to windward under
convoy of two big men-of-war. It took Morris a full day to get clear of
the men-of-war.
Returning across the Atlantic the _Adams_ ran into Savannah on May
1st--the day on which the British _Epervier_, prize to the Yankee
_Peacock_, got in--and remained there till the 8th, when she sailed
for the Gulf Stream in search of the Jamaica fleet. He found it with
a ship-of-the-line, two frigates, and three brigs in charge. At the
sight of the _Adams_ the fleet closed in like a flock of ducks, and
although the Yankee dogged them for two days he got nothing--not even
a chase from the war-ships. So he sailed to the banks of Newfoundland,
where he found only ice and fogs, and so went on to the coast of
Ireland, in sight of which he arrived on July 3d. A few prizes were
made here, but on July 15th “she stumbled across the eighteen-pounder
thirty-six-gun frigate _Tigris_” The _Tigris_ was no mean sailer,
and in the chase that followed the _Adams_ threw overboard all the
guns taken from the ships she had captured, her heaviest anchors, and
finally some of her own guns. Then the wind died out entirely, and that
was good-luck for the _Adams_, for her captain repeated the tactics
employed on the _Constitution_ off the Jersey beach by towing his ship
so far away from the _Tigris_ that a lucky slant of wind carried her
clear out of sight.
A still more remarkable chase followed this one. It began on July 19th,
when two frigates found the _Adams_. The one was fat and slow, the
other as lean and eager as a hound. A half a gale of wind was blowing.
Every thread of canvas was spread, and for forty hours the frigate and
the sloop stretched away across the stormy sea with every sail as round
and firm as the breast of a giant runner; with the weather rigging
singing taut; with every man on deck alert, and with each captain
pacing to and fro without rest, looking at every turn from the sea to
the clouds and from them to his sails and then away to the enemy; with
the cutwater sawing through the solid blue as she rose to the swell,
and burying itself in smother and foam that tumbled and roared away for
half her length ahead as she boiled in the trough of the sea, and the
sissing foam swept aft to mingle with the swirling wake. And that for
forty hours with the frigate just out of gunshot! They covered four
hundred miles with never a loss or a gain on either side, and then
under the shades of night the gale hardened into a squall that hid the
_Adams_ out of sight, when she up helm and swung away so far on another
course that when light came the hound had wholly lost the scent.
On returning westward the crew of the _Adams_ were attacked by the
scurvy. Several died and a considerable number were made unfit for
duty, so Captain Morris headed for Portland, Maine. Off the Maine
coast, while driving along at ten knots an hour through a fog at 4
o’clock on the morning of August 17th, the _Adams_ found land--rock,
to speak accurately. She ran up on a ledge until her bow was six feet
out of water, and when the sun came to clear the fog the crew found
themselves only one hundred yards from a cliff near Mount Desert. The
next tide floated the ship and she continued her course. A little later
the British brig _Rifleman_ was seen and chased, but the strain of the
press of canvas made the _Adams_ leak at the rate of nine feet of water
into her hold per hour, so Captain Morris gave it up and ran into the
Penobscot.
As it happened, the _Rifleman_ was able to carry the news of the
arrival of the _Adams_ to a British fleet, “consisting of two
line-of-battle ships, three frigates, three sloops, and ten troop
transports” which were lying in wait to descend on Machias. Captain
Morris moored his ship at Hampden, twenty-seven miles up the river,
where he intended to heave her down and repair the leaking bottom. When
the British fleet came after him he made such preparations as were
possible to fight. Of his original crew of two hundred and twenty,
seventy had died or had been disabled by the scurvy. The others,
including one hundred and thirty seamen and officers and twenty
marines, many of them sick, were mustered on shore for the fight. Nine
of the lighter guns of the _Adams_ were set up as a battery on the
bluff overlooking the wharf, and these were put in charge of Lieutenant
Wadsworth. Morris himself took charge of the wharf. The crew were
joined by thirty (some say forty) experienced soldiers, and by a force
of militia variously estimated at from three hundred to six hundred
men. Whatever their number, they proved utterly worthless, for they had
never been under fire. Anyway, they were but half armed, and the guns
they had were the inferior fowling-pieces of that day.
On September 3d came the enemy. There was a land force of six hundred
experienced troops, eighty marines, and eighty seamen. There was a
force afloat in boats and barges well-armed that raised the whole
command to 1,500 men. The crew of the _Adams_, stationed on the wharf,
checked the flotilla, in spite of overwhelming numbers, but the
American militia fled without firing a gun when the British land forces
approached them. Captain Morris was left with only his crew and the
thirty regulars to face a force eight times as great. Yet he burned the
ship and made a successful retreat without losing a man save those too
ill with scurvy to march away. The conduct of the Yankee militia was
disgraceful, as it usually was throughout that war; but what shall be
said of the failure of the 1,500 experienced men in the British force
who were unable to hinder the retreat of the Yankee crew?
[Illustration: United States Ship-of-war _Columbus_ at Anchor.
_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]
As has been noted, when the War of 1812 began, the authorities at
Washington were determined to keep their ships in port. That a Yankee
ship could meet a British ship of equal force or even of somewhat
inferior force and keep her flag afloat seemed impossible. The idea
of building anything except for harbor defence was too ridiculous
for any consideration. But after the first six months of the war had
demonstrated that the capacity and courage of the American personnel
was unsurpassed, the ring of broadaxe and hammer, the rasp of saws,
and the easy crunch of augers began to make melody for patriotic ears
in the yards of the Yankee builders. The frames of ships-of-the-line,
and of frigates and of corvettes, as the big sloops were called, rose
steadily above the keel-blocks. The names that were given to these new
ships showed that the naval authorities of the nation were disposed to
flaunt red flags in the face of Johnnie Bull; they were determined to
keep alive the memory of American victories by perpetuating the names
of the defeated British ships. One frigate was named _Guerrière_ and
another _Java_, while the new sloops were named _Peacock_, _Frolic_,
etc. Not many of the new ships were destined to see service against
the British, for the reason that the war ended before they were fully
ready. Still, three of the sloops got away to sea, and this chapter
shall tell of the fate of one of them and give a part of the brilliant
record made by another.
The first that got to sea was the _Frolic_. She was built at
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, famous for its fine ships in the days of
wood. Under Master-Commandant Joseph Bainbridge she sailed from the
home port in February and some time later fell in with a Carthagenian
privateer that was cruising for Yankee merchantmen off the southern
coast. The privateer refused to surrender, when called on to do so,
and Bainbridge fired one broadside at her, and that one blast sank
her so quickly that nearly one hundred of her crew were drowned. As
the _Frolic_ carried only ten short thirty-twos in a broadside, it is
certain that every shot struck the privateer below the water-line as
she rolled to the swell. The fact is especially worth mentioning for
the reason that it shows the great advantage of training the crew of a
war-ship to shoot accurately.
The career of the _Frolic_, however, was brief. On April 20, 1814, when
off the extreme south point of Florida, she fell in with the British
thirty-six-gun frigate _Orpheus_, Captain Pigot, and the twelve-gun
schooner _Shelburne_, Lieutenant Hope. The enemy were to leeward, but
both of them were swifter than the _Frolic_. For more than twelve
hours she struggled to windward, cutting away her anchors and throwing
over her guns, but all in vain, for the _Orpheus_ closed on her. The
_Frolic_ had carried twenty short thirty-twos and two long twelves,
while the _Orpheus_ carried sixteen short thirty-twos and twenty-eight
long eighteens. Nevertheless, James, in commenting on the surrender of
the _Frolic_, says:
“We should not have hesitated to call a French, or even a British,
captain, who had acted as Master-Commandant Joseph Bainbridge, of the
United States Navy, did in this instance, a ----.”
Another of the new corvettes with irritating names was the _Peacock_.
She was built in New York City, and sailed under Master-Commandant
Lewis Warrington, on March 12, 1814, bound south. Her cruise was
without incident until April 28th, when, at 7 o’clock in the morning,
a number of vessels were seen to windward. The _Peacock_ was at this
time not far from Cape Canaveral, Florida. It was learned later that
the fleet sighted included two merchantmen under convoy of the British
brig sloop _Epervier_, Captain R. W. Wales, of eighteen guns. They were
bound from Havana for the Bermudas, and the _Epervier_ carried $120,000
in coin.
Because of the result of the battle that followed it is worth
mentioning the fact that the _Peacock_ class of Yankee sloops were
designed with especial reference to the _Epervier_ class of brigs, just
as the _Terrible_ class of cruisers were designed in Great Britain
with a certain Yankee protected cruiser in mind, in these last years of
the nineteenth century.
[Illustration: Lewis Warrington.
_From an engraving by Gimbrede of the painting by Jarvis._]
The _Peacock_ having made chase, the wind suddenly shifted to the
southward, when the merchantmen made all sail to run away and the
_Epervier_ hauled close to the wind on the port tack, and stood toward
the _Peacock_ quite willing for the fight.
[Illustration: Diagram of the PEACOCK-EPERVIER BATTLE.]
The _Peacock_ now had the best of the wind, and when, soon after 10
o’clock, the two ships were approaching each other end on, and had
arrived within gunshot, she was headed off wind a bit in order to
bring her starboard battery to bear on the _Epervier_ and rake her.
But Captain Wales, of the _Epervier_, was not to be caught by any such
move as that. Putting up his helm, he eased off to meet the Yankee,
and then shoving down his helm, he rounded to on the _Peacock’s_ bow
and delivered his starboard broadside, two shots from which struck the
foreyard of the _Peacock_, entirely disabling that very important spar.
The British captain had clearly outmanœuvred the Yankee up to this
time, which was not far from 10.20 A.M.
Captain Warrington fired his starboard broadside as he passed the
_Epervier_, and then ordered his men to load with bar-shot, bundles of
scrap-iron (called langrage), etc., in order to cripple the British
brig aloft, and reduce her to a sailing capacity as bad as his own.
While the Yankees were doing this the _Epervier_ might have sailed away
and left the crippled _Peacock_, but Captain Wales was not that kind
of a man. On the contrary, he tacked about as rapidly as possible, in
spite of the fact that he had to risk a raking fire from the Americans,
and then bore down with his port battery to the _Peacock’s_ starboard.
At this the bar-shot and scrap-iron from the Yankee began to tell on
the British head-gear. Jib after jib was cut away, while the sails of
the foremast were torn to shreds. The pressure on the after-sails threw
her stern down away from the wind and her bow up into it. Then her
sails caught aback and the _Peacock_ ran across her stern and fired a
few guns to rake her, though because of the headway of the _Peacock_
only a few were fired. A moment later the maintopmast of the British
ship fell with a crash, and her main-boom was cut in two and fell on
the wheel, so that she was for the time helpless.
[Illustration: The _Peacock_ and the _Epervier_.
_From a wood-cut in the “Naval Monument.”_]
At that Warrington hauled the _Peacock_ close under the port quarter
of the _Epervier_ and opened a deadly fire of solid shot directed
chiefly at the enemy’s water-line--the favorite target of the Yankee
gunners. One easily pictures the scene at this time as the Yankee
crews, stripped to the waist, in the warm summer air, worked like white
devils in the sulphurous smoke over their guns. They waved their arms
and cheered as they saw the shot knock the splinters low down on the
black-painted hull of the half-obscured enemy that was now adrift,
unable to turn either to port or starboard. But some of them aimed high
enough to dismount every gun on the port side of the _Epervier_, which
faced the Yankee.
Meantime, the _Epervier_ had been gathering stern way and was drifting
on board the _Peacock_. Allen says Captain Wales thought to wear the
_Epervier_ in order to run on board the _Peacock_, but this is absurd,
because she was aback.
On seeing that the _Epervier_ was likely to fall aboard the _Peacock_,
Captain Wales called his men aft, intending to make a last brave
effort by boarding. But, as James says, “the British crew declined a
measure so fraught with danger.” Allen says: “A large proportion of the
crew evinced a great distaste for the measure.” So Captain Wales hauled
down his flag at 11 o’clock. The action had lasted forty-five minutes.
Captain Wales showed conspicuous bravery and ability, and his chief
officer, Lieutenant John Hackett, ably seconded him. In fact, Hackett
had his left arm shattered and was dangerously wounded in the hip by a
splinter, “but it was with difficulty that this gallant officer could
be persuaded” to leave the deck.
That the crew should have flinched is not a matter of wonder. The
British sailors had been accustomed to go at the Frenchmen “hammer and
tongs,” and “whoop and hurrah.” It was a lark to meet a Latin-blood
crew. But in 1812 they had a new kind of an enemy to face. It should be
remembered that, after they had “seen the countenance” of this enemy
for a few months, even the British Admiralty flinched, for James says,
on page 402 of Volume VI., that “the Admiralty had issued an order
that no eighteen-pounder frigate was voluntarily to engage one of the
twenty-four-pounder frigates of America.”
This is a slight digression from the story of the _Peacock-Epervier_
fight, but it seems worth the making because it offers an explanation
of the rancor and the deliberate falsehoods of the British writers
when referring to British naval contests with Yankees. A knowledge of
the whole truth about the prowess of American naval seamen had had a
disturbing influence on the minds of the British sailors on more than
one occasion, and the records of the sea-fights with the Yankees were
deliberately falsified in order to preserve the self-confidence of
British Jack.
As to the effect of the fire of the two ships, Allen admits that “the
_Peacock_, in a short time, unrigged the _Epervier_, and cut her sails
into ribands. Most of the lower rigging of the _Epervier_ was shot
away, and her foremast was left so tottering that the calm state of
the weather alone saved it from falling. Her hull was shot in every
direction, and she had five feet of water in her hold.” In addition to
this she had lost, as already told, her maintopmast and her main-boom,
and her bowsprit was badly wounded. There were forty-five shot holes
in her hull, of which twenty were within a foot of the water-line and
dipped under at every roll to let the water spurt in. To realize the
significance of the fact that she had five feet of water in her, it
must be known that she measured only fourteen feet in depth of hold
(the same depth as the _Peacock_).
[Illustration: The _Peacock_ and the _Epervier_.
_From an engraving by Strickland of a drawing by Birch._]
Allen says that she went into the fight with “a crew of one hundred
and two men and sixteen boys.” They are especially careful to specify
the number of boys when they are defeated. James is at the pains to
announce that “two of her men were each seventy years of age!”
Captain Warrington reported that she had a crew of one hundred and
twenty-eight--his list of prisoners numbered one hundred and twenty,
including the wounded. It is agreed on both sides that she lost eight
men killed and fifteen wounded, and that she had enough men at least to
work all of her guns efficiently.
On the other hand, the _Peacock_ did not receive even one shot in her
hull, and the only damage aloft worth mention was the disabling of the
foreyard. In fifteen minutes from the time her crew began to repair
the damages every cut rope had been rove anew, and half an hour later
the foreyard was up in place, repaired fit to stand a gale, and the
foresail was spread to the breeze. The broken foreyard was actually
sent down on deck, fished, hoisted aloft again, and the sail spread
in forty-five minutes. The injury to the crew was scarcely worth
mentioning, for not one was killed, and only two were wounded, and they
but slightly. Allen says she carried “a picked crew of one hundred
and eighty-five seamen.” She had, in fact, including captain and
powder-monkeys, one hundred and sixty-six.
In view of the fact that the British gunners were unable to hit the
broadside of the ship when half a pistol shot away, a comparison of
the armament of the two ships is as absurd as it was when the Yankee
_Hornet_ shot the British _Peacock_ under water in fourteen minutes.
However, it ought to be given to complete the record. The _Peacock_ in
this battle had a broadside of ten guns that threw three hundred and
fifteen pounds actual weight of metal at a round. The _Epervier_ had
one gun less in her broadside and threw two hundred and seventy-four
pounds of metal from it. The “relative force” of the two ships was as
“twelve to ten;” the damage done to each was not quite as one hundred
to nothing, because the _Peacock_ did get a bad cut in the foreyard and
the _Epervier_ was not quite destroyed. Perhaps the reader will find
amusement and even instruction in considering what the relative damage
of the two ships really was.
After the British flag was hauled down the Yankee sailors made haste
to repair the captured ship and by nightfall had her sails spread in a
run for Savannah in company with the _Peacock_. En route to that port a
British frigate chased the two, but the _Peacock_ drew her off and then
outsailed her. The _Epervier_ was carried into Savannah on May 1st,
and on the 4th, the _Peacock_ arrived. As the reader will remember the
_Adams_ happened to be in port at this time. The _Epervier_ proved a
very rich prize to the victorious crew, for in addition to the $120,000
in coin (James would reduce it to $118,000) the Government bought
the prize for $55,000. The _Epervier_ was built in 1812.
It is worth telling that in breadth and depth the _Peacock_ and
_Epervier_ were exactly alike--32 × 14 feet. The _Peacock_, however,
was 118 feet long, while the _Epervier_ was 107. There are whole fleets
of Yankee schooners in this day bigger than either--plenty that can
carry more cargo than both put together--which are nevertheless called
small coasters; of such a character has been the development of modern
ship building.
[Illustration: Medal awarded to Lewis Warrington after the capture of
the _Epervier_ by the _Peacock_.]
The _Epervier_ was brought into port by Lieutenant John B. Nicholson.
Congress voted a gold medal to Warrington and the usual silver
medals and swords to the other officers. Nicholson was transferred
to the _Siren_, of which something will be told presently. The
_Peacock_ sailed on another cruise on June 4th. Crossing the Banks of
Newfoundland she cruised on the coasts of Ireland for a time and then
sailed to the Bay of Biscay and finally back via the Barbadoes to New
York, where she arrived on October 29, 1814. In all she took fourteen
merchantmen, most of them on the Irish coast. They were manned by one
hundred and forty-eight men and they were valued at $1,493,000. She was
distinctly a lucky ship.
An interesting little story showing somewhat of sailors’ superstitions
is told of Lieutenant John B. Nicholson, who brought the _Epervier_
into port. He was transferred to the little sixteen-gun brig _Siren_,
of which Lieutenant George Parker was commander, and she was sent to
cruise on the coast of Africa. Off the Canaries Parker died, and after
putting his body into a coffin it was put overboard with the usual
funeral services. The coffin sank out of sight, but as soon as the brig
filled away on her course the coffin came to the surface, where it
floated like a cork.
Knowing that this event, though due entirely to the carpenter’s
failure to properly weight the coffin, was regarded as an ill omen
by the seamen, Lieutenant Nicholson, who was now captain by right of
succession, called the men to the capstan and let them decide whether
to continue the cruise, or return to port. They decided, with cheers,
to cruise on.
For a time everything seemed to go well. An English frigate was dodged
by hanging out false lights on a raft of casks. Two English merchantmen
were taken and destroyed, but in the Senegal River another one escaped
after the brig had given her a broadside, and about two months after
leaving home the _Siren_ fell in with the British liner _Medway_.
Anchors, cables, guns, and shot were thrown overboard, but she was
taken after all. It was a disastrous cruise.
CHAPTER IV
MYSTERY OF THE LAST WASP
A TYPICAL NEW ENGLAND YANKEE CREW--YOUTHFUL HAYMAKERS AND
WOOD-CHOPPERS--SEA-SICK FOR A WEEK--FROM FLAILS TO CUTLASSES, FROM
PITCHFORKS TO BOARDING-PIKES, FROM A NIGHT-WATCH AT A DEER-LICK
TO A NIGHT BATTLE WITH THE BRITISH--AFTER BRITISH COMMERCE
IN BRITISH IN-SHORE WATERS--MET BY THE BRITISH SLOOP-OF-WAR
_REINDEER_--MAGNIFICENT PLUCK OF THE BRITISH CAPTAIN WITH A CREW
THAT WAS “THE PRIDE OF PLYMOUTH”--SHOT TO PIECES IN EIGHTEEN
MINUTES--A LINER THAT COULD NOT CATCH HER--WONDERFUL NIGHT BATTLE
WITH THE _AVON_--SHOOTING MEN FROM THE ENEMY’S TOPS AS RACCOONS ARE
SHOT FROM TREE-TOPS--THE ENEMY’S WATER-LINE LOCATED BY DRIFTING
FOAM--NOT CAPTURED BUT DESTROYED--THE MYSTERY.
Well-manned, but ill-fated at the last, were all the Yankee _Wasps_.
They were swift of wing for their day, and the pain of their stings
still rankles. But the first, the little Baltimore clipper of eight
guns, was burned at Philadelphia to keep her out of the hands of the
British invaders. The second, she that deluged the decks of the British
brig _Frolic_ with blood, was captured by a British liner, and then
with a British crew sailed from port and never returned. The story of
the third shall now be told.
She was a beautiful ship, a sloop-of-war called large and heavy in
that day. Like her sister ships, the _Peacock_ and the _Frolic_, of
whose deeds something was told in the last chapter, she was designed
to outsail and outweigh, and so conquer with ease, the sloops-of-war
of the British navy. Her keel was stretched on blocks beside that of
her sister, the _Frolic_, at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. On the day
the _Epervier_, the first prize of her sister, the _Peacock_, reached
Savannah on May 1, 1814, the new _Wasp_ winged her way through the
British blockaders that lay off Whaleback Reef, and headed away to the
east, bound for the coast of England.
[Illustration: Johnston Blakeley.
_From an engraving by Gimbrede._]
No finer crew by nature than that of the _Wasp_ ever sailed from
any port. She was commanded by Master-Commandant Johnston Blakeley,
of Wilmington, North Carolina. He had not in any way especially
distinguished himself thus far in the war, but that no mistake was
made in giving him the command was evident later on. First Lieutenant
James Reilly and Third Lieutenant Frederick Baury had served in the
_Constitution_ when she captured both the _Guerrière_ and the _Java_,
while Second Lieutenant T. G. Tillinghast was the second lieutenant of
the _Enterprise_ when she whipped the _Boxer_. Of the younger officers
not a man but was worthy of his place, and as for the crew they were to
a man Americans, and almost all of them Yankees of the Yankees--the
typical New Englanders whose drawling, nasal style of speech has for
time out of mind served English writers as an abundant source of
amusement. That they talked about the “keows” and the “critters” need
not be doubted. They were young haymakers and wood-choppers--very
likely more than one-half of them were from the farms. As one of her
officers wrote they were men “whose ages average only twenty-three
years. The greatest part (are) so green, that is, unaccustomed to the
sea, that they were sick for a week.” But that some of them had looked
through the sights of a rifle at running deer, to the destruction of
the deer, is also certain, as will appear farther on, and the back that
could swing a scythe could lend vigor to the stroke of a cutlass or
the lunge of a boarding-pike. They were not only good physically but
mentally. They were from the “deestrict” schools, on one hand, and from
“teown meetin’” on the other--they had common school educations, and
they were independent-minded voters, while the traditions which their
fathers had told them before the wide fireplaces of their log-cabin
homes were of the deeds done along shore by British naval officers,
beginning with that of the infamous Mowatt when nearby Portland
(Falmouth) was burned in winter, and ending, very likely, when John
Deguyo was taken by a press-gang from a Portland coaster when she
was in the waters of New York Harbor. Unaccustomed to the sea they
certainly were, but under such officers as they had, the training of a
very few weeks served to fit them to meet “the pride of Plymouth” with
honor to the gridiron flag. By the time the _Wasp_ was in the mouth
of the English Channel, the crew had forgotten their seasickness; they
had learned that the stroke of the flail was not quite the best for a
cutlass, though a pitchfork thrust was good enough for a boarding-pike.
The men who had been accustomed to down the running deer and moose
found no difficulty in hitting a target with either great gun or
musket, even though the deck heaved and fell beneath their feet or
their “roosting places” in the tops swayed through wide angles.
For a time the uncertainty as to the character of each ship sighted
served to train their nerves, as the work of boarding the merchant
ships, which were the only ones seen for a time, gave them experiences
of another kind, and then came the day of trial--their first taste of
blood.
It was on June 28, 1814. The early morning was dark and gloomy, but
at 4.15 o’clock two sails were seen, and the _Wasp_ spread all her
canvas to a light northeast breeze and went slipping down for a look
at them. A little later a new sail hove in sight on the weather beam
and Captain Blakeley hauled up to look at her before pursuing the other
two farther; for he was in the mouth of the English Channel and British
war-ships of all sizes haunted all that region. The stranger was coming
down for a look at the _Wasp_, and as she was plainly not a frigate
the _Wasp_ held up to meet her. And then, at 10 o’clock, the stranger
hoisted English colors with private signals that Blakeley could not
answer.
Thereafter the Yankee crew hauled and eased away and tacked in the hope
of getting the weather gage of the enemy, but all in vain, for she
was a handy brig and her captain was as able a seaman as was Captain
Blakeley. Seeing this, at last, Captain Blakeley gave it up, and at
1.50 o’clock fired a gun to windward and hoisted the American flag.
Instantly the stranger answered the challenge, and easing off her
sheets she bore down upon the _Wasp_.
It was a gentle breeze that wafted her down over the greasy, dull-gray
seas, but at 3.15 o’clock she was less than sixty yards away on the
port (weather) quarter of the _Wasp_, and with a short twelve-pounder
mounted on her forecastle she opened fire with both solid shot and
grape. For eleven minutes her crew worked this gun while the Yankees
stood at their stations in silence--the British fired five charges
of shot and grape into the deck of the _Wasp_ while the New England
backwoodsmen under a Tarheel captain eyed the blasts unflinchingly. The
Tarheel Blakeley had been waiting for the enemy to draw nearer. At 3.26
o’clock she had done so to his satisfaction, and shoving down his helm
he luffed up as if to cross her bows and opened fire as his guns began
to bear--the backwoods gunners had a target more than one hundred
feet long lying less than sixty feet away. It was their first live sea
target. They were not quite so firm-nerved as they were later--but for
eight minutes they worked their guns with an energy and skill that were
simply stunning, while the enemy with equal energy replied.
“The concussions of the explosions almost deadened what little way
the vessels had on”--almost but not quite, and Blakeley hauled up his
mainsail lest he cross the enemy’s bow too soon. The smoke rose up in
huge volumes above the loftiest sails and rolled away in bulging clouds
on every side, but the men at the great guns of the _Wasp_, peering
through the sulphurous fog, hurled their shot with unerring accuracy,
while those that were perched in the tops used their muskets to pick
off the officers of the enemy, first of all.
It was a desperate struggle, but the weight of metal, as well as the
superiority of marksmanship was found with the American crew. They had
opened fire at 3.26 P.M., and at 3.34 P.M. the enemy’s sails had been
so damaged that the _Wasp’s_ mainsail was hauled up lest she drift
clear across the stranger’s bow. And then for six minutes more the
Yankees drove their shot through the splintering walls of the enemy
“when, in consequence of her unmanageable state,” she “fell foul of
the _Wasp_.” So says Allen, and so was the fact. “And in this position
(she) became exposed to a destructive raking fire.”
[Illustration: The _Wasp_ and _Reindeer_.
_From a wood-cut in the “Naval Monument.”_]
But though disabled, the enemy was not yet conquered. Her captain
had, early in the fight, been cut through the calves of both legs by
a musket-ball that made a most painful wound. Of course, he stood
to his post. And then, as his ship was fouling the _Wasp_, a grape
shot--a round iron ball more than two inches in diameter--pierced both
thighs. He fell to his knees, but he struggled up and, sword in hand,
cheered on his men, and then calling away boarders he ran forward to
lead them, and was climbing into the rigging when two musket-balls,
fired simultaneously from the maintop of the _Wasp_, struck him in
the top of the head and passed down through to come out beneath his
chin. “Placing one hand to his forehead and with the other convulsively
brandishing his sword, he exclaimed ‘Oh God!’ and dropped lifeless on
his own deck.”
The end had come. The British seamen recoiled, as their leader fell,
and Blakeley’s men who had gathered to repel boarders now boarded in
turn and swept the crew of the shattered ship into her hold. It was
exactly 3.44 P.M. and twenty-nine minutes had passed since the first
gun was fired by the enemy, and but eighteen since the _Wasp_ returned
the fire.
And then the Yankees learned that they had captured the British
brig-sloop _Reindeer_, commanded by Captain William Manners. “The
captain’s clerk, _the highest officer left_, surrendered the brig.”
Her captain and purser were dead; her first (and only) lieutenant and
sailing-master were wounded. So were one midshipman, a boatswain and a
master’s mate. Whether she had other midshipmen is not stated--probably
she had none.
In this action between the _Wasp_ and the _Reindeer_ we have, at last,
after describing a year’s fighting, a British crew of which British
writers speak well. That they do so only because the _Reindeer’s_
armament and the number of her crew were much under the _Wasp_ is
not to be doubted. Nevertheless it is a pleasure to note that James
is willing to write that “the British crew had long served together,
and were called the pride of Plymouth,” but he states their number as
consisting of “ninety-eight men and twenty boys.” No crew ever fought
more bravely than they did until Captain Manners fell; and when he was
down they yielded exactly as did the crew of the Yankee _Argus_ when
her captain was shot down.
Being assured that the _Reindeer_ had the best of British crews, we can
form an estimate of their skill by considering the damage which they
were able to do to the _Wasp_ during the twenty-nine minutes they were
firing at her--firing at a range that varied from sixty yards down to
a point where the ships touched each other--a range which for eighteen
minutes was under sixty feet.
With nine short twenty-fours in their broadside and one short twelve
on a high pivot what damage does the uninformed reader suppose that
this one of the ablest of British crews--a crew that could and did load
and fire their guns every two minutes--was able to do? They hulled the
Yankee with six round shot and put another in the foremast. They fired
at least eighty-six shots at the Yankee--a target that was one hundred
feet long, eight or ten feet high, and for eighteen minutes less than
sixty feet away--and yet only seven struck home. With their grape,
and their musketry, fired when the ships were grinding together, they
killed and mortally wounded eleven Yankees and severely or slightly
wounded fifteen more.
[Illustration: Medal Awarded to Johnston Blakeley after the Capture of
the _Reindeer_ by the _Wasp_.]
On the other hand, the Yankees had not “long served together.” Most of
them were landsmen who were seasick for a week on leaving port. And
yet because of native ability they had been easily trained; they stood
in silence under fire for five shots, and in this, their first battle,
they aimed their guns so accurately that “the hull of the _Reindeer_
was literally cut to pieces and her masts were in a tottering state.”
This quotation is from Allen. The fact is that she was so badly cut
to pieces in the wake of her gun-ports that it was impossible to tell
how many Yankee shots did strike her hull. A breeze that sprang up the
next day at once toppled the foremast overboard, and, in short, she
was so badly injured that she could not be carried into either of the
nearby French ports, and she was accordingly fired and blown to pieces.
The British lost in killed and mortally wounded thirty-three, and in
wounded thirty-four, “nearly all severely.”
The _Wasp_ measured 509 tons to the _Reindeer_ 477. She fired eleven
guns, throwing 315 pounds of metal to a broadside, where the _Reindeer_
fired ten guns throwing 210 pounds of metal to a broadside. The _Wasp_
had a crew of 173, mostly landsmen, who had been together less than two
months; the _Reindeer_ had 118 who were “the pride of Plymouth.”
While nothing that is written here can add to the fame of Captain
Manners, of the _Reindeer_, it may be said that Anglo-Saxon republicans
are proud of his skill, and are thrilled by the story of his
magnificent gallantry just as the Anglo-Saxon nominal-monarchists are.
Having destroyed the _Reindeer_, Blakeley sailed with the _Wasp_
to L’Orient, France, the port where of old the Yankee cruisers had
refitted after cruising against British commerce in the English
Channel. _En route_, three days after the battle, a number of the
wounded prisoners were put on a Portuguese brig, called the _Lisbon
Packet_, and sent to Plymouth.
The _Wasp_ was detained at L’Orient until August 27th, refitting, and
then she got away to continue her work on the high seas. It was her
luck to fall in with another British brig-sloop, within four days--a
sloop like the _Reindeer_--and few, if any, more instructive pages of
history can be found than those that compare the two actions which the
_Wasp_ had with these vessels of the class she was designed to destroy
with ease.
The second brig-sloop to meet her fate under the guns of the _Wasp_ was
the _Avon_, “commander the Honourable James Arbuthnot,” and the battle
was fought on September 1, 1814.
That was a most interesting day in the lives of the _Wasp’s_ crew. To
begin the day they fell in with a fleet of ten merchantmen, guarded by
the big seventy-four-gun British liner _Armada_ and a bomb ship. The
liner was an average ship of her class, but the lively _Wasp_ dashed
boldly into the fleet and cut out the brig _Mary_ loaded with cannon
captured from the Spaniards and other military stores.
Having effectually fired the _Mary_, the _Wasp_ tried for another, but
the _Armada_ chased her away this time and she went hunting other game,
and found it.
The covey included a fleet of four vessels, of which, as the event
showed, three were British brig-sloops of the class of the beaten
_Reindeer_, and a merchantman that had been recaptured from a Yankee
privateer. The vessels were rather widely separated, one of them,
the _Castilian_ by name, having gone in chase of the privateer. What
another of the brig sloops, the _Tartarus_, was doing is not told in
any printed account, while the third, which was the _Avon_, Captain
Arbuthnot, had started with the _Castilian_ in chase of the Yankee
privateer, but had not been fast enough to keep up with the procession.
So it happened that she was right in the way as the _Wasp_ came along
in the first shades of night.
A fresh southeast wind was blowing and the _Avon_ was bowling along
toward the southwest. As the _Wasp_ came on in chase, the _Avon_
hoisted signal flags and then signal lights and fired some rockets.
The _Wasp_, of course, was unable to answer these, and the _Avon_ was
cleared for action. No effort to run away having been made by the
_Avon_--on the contrary she fired a shot from her stern chaser--the
_Wasp_ had arrived close on her port quarter by 9.20 o’clock when one
of the officers of the _Avon_ shouted:
“What ship is that?” Captain Blakeley replied by repeating the
question. Again the _Avon_ hailed, when Blakeley replied:
“Heave to and I’ll let you know who I am,” and then fired the little
twelve-pounder he had taken from the forecastle of the captured
_Reindeer_. At that the _Avon_ set her foretop-mast studding sail and
began firing her stern chaser.
[Illustration: The _Wasp_ and _Avon_.
_From a wood-cut in the “Naval Monument.”_]
Fearing she might escape, Captain Blakeley put up his helm, ran down
under the _Avon’s_ lee, and as he ranged up under her quarter, gave
her a raking broadside of bar shot and (presumably) langrage that
set her rigging adrift in every direction. Another broadside of
these projectiles was still more effective, for it brought down the
fore-and-aft mainsail of the _Avon_, and it fell over the lee guns
abaft the mainmast--the guns that bore on the _Wasp_--and for the
time, put them entirely out of action, while her speed was materially
diminished.
It was a moonless night, but the crew of the _Wasp_ “could see through
the smoke and gloom of the night the black hull of the _Avon_ as she
surged through the waters; and aloft, against the sky, the sailors
could be discerned, clustering in the tops.”
No backwoods gunner would ask for a better target than was then
afforded by the enemy. With their rifles the Yankee marksmen began
to pick the British sailors from the _Avon’s_ tops as they had shot
raccoons from the tree crotch, while those behind the great guns loaded
with ball as the _Wasp_ ran through her lee, and aiming at the white
line which the smoother and spoon drift drew along the bow and waist
of the _Avon’s_ black hull, they fired with unerring precision. They
had been under fire--they were veterans now, though but three months on
board ship.
Meantime the crew of the _Avon_ had returned the fire furiously--after
the manner of the British sailors of that day. Their manner of fighting
was described by Lord Howard Douglas as “uncircumspect gallantry.” The
same author describes the handling of the _Wasp_ and of her guns with
the words “wary caution.”
As the Yankees with “wary caution” fired their second or third
broadside of round shot, the mainmast of the _Avon_ fell over the rail,
and her fire gradually died away while the men of the _Wasp_ with
unabated vigor worked their guns. At 10 o’clock the fire of the _Avon_
ceased altogether, and Captain Blakeley hailed to ask her if she had
struck. In reply the _Avon_ opened a feeble fire and for twelve minutes
more the Yankee gunners continued their deadly work, when the _Avon_
being again silent, Blakeley once more hailed, and this time had the
satisfaction of learning that the enemy had struck.
An appalling work had been done, for it was the work chiefly of men
who had in themselves never suffered visible wrong at the hands of
the British. They had never been enslaved by a press-gang. They had
never felt the lash of the cat. They struck at the enemy because of an
inherited hatred--rather because of a hatred that came to them through
tradition--and every blow struck home.
[Illustration: Diagram of the WASP-AVON BATTLE.]
After the _Avon_ struck, the luck of the _Wasp_ turned. As the crew of
the small boat were lowering it to the water in order to go over and
take possession of the _Avon_, a new enemy appeared. The boat was at
once hoisted in and the drums beat to quarters. Then the _Wasp_ was
sent away before the wind while the topmen hurried aloft to reeve off
new rigging in place of some that had been shot away. A few minutes
sufficed, but before everything was quite ready two more ships were
seen bearing down and Blakeley wrote: “I felt myself compelled to
forego the satisfaction of destroying the prize.”
As a matter of fact he had already destroyed her, as we learn from the
reports of the ships of the enemy. The first of the vessels to come to
the aid of the _Avon_ was the _Castilian_. She bore down on the quarter
of the _Wasp_ and fired one broadside which whistled harmlessly over
the _Wasp’s_ quarter-deck. Then she tacked around and hastened back to
the _Avon_, for the _Avon_ was firing guns and making other signals of
distress. The survivors of her crew were working desperately at the
pumps and with plugs to stop the leaks, and the crew of the _Castilian_
and those of the _Tartarus_ as well came to their aid. But neither
the strength of the men at the pumps nor the skill of the carpenters
could avail to undo the work of the Yankee backwoodsmen done during the
few minutes--perhaps twenty--that the _Wasp_ lay on the _Avon’s_ lee
bow. At 11.55 the work of transferring the _Avon’s_ crew began and
at 1 o’clock the next morning, as the last boat was leaving her, the
_Avon’s_ bow sank down under water, her stern rose high in air, and
down she went.
As it seems to a student of naval history at the end of the nineteenth
century, it is both interesting and instructive to compare the
_Reindeer_ battle with the _Avon_ battle. For while the Yankee crew in
the first battle ruined the _Reindeer_, she was still able to float.
She was cut to pieces in the wake of her ports and comparatively few
shot struck the water-line or under. But in this battle with the _Avon_
they had so far improved in their skill with great guns, that, although
there was now a rolling sea and it was night, they were, nevertheless,
able to shoot so many holes into her at the water-line and below it
that all the efforts of three crews could not save her.
The men of the _Wasp_, though their story ends in a mystery, yet speak
to their countrymen. For their battles proved that _the first requisite
of a sea power is the ability to strike_. As long as the American
people can reach out with good ships carrying good guns manned by
clear-eyed marksmen, they shall have peace.
The _Wasp_ was struck by four round shot in the course of the battle,
and these killed two men. A wad from one of her guns that was aimed
too high, hit a third man and hurt him some.
We have only the account of the favorite British naval history from
which to obtain the number of the crew of the _Avon_ and her losses.
He puts it at “one hundred and four men and thirteen boys.” He says
she lost ten killed and thirty-two wounded. It is worth while giving
James’s opinion of the matter. He says:
“The gallantry of the _Avon’s_ officers and crew cannot for a moment be
questioned; but the gunnery of the latter appears to have been not one
whit better than, to the discredit of the British navy, had frequently
before been displayed in combats of this kind. Nor, judging from the
specimen given by the _Castilian_, is it likely that she would have
performed any better.”
Roosevelt figures that the _Wasp_ used twelve guns firing 327 pounds
of metal to the _Avon’s_ eleven throwing 280 pounds. The crews are set
down at 160 to 117 and the relative force at fourteen to eleven in
favor of the Yankees, the loss of men being as forty-two to three. Then
he adds:
“It is self-evident that in the case of this action the odds, fourteen
to eleven, are neither enough to account for the loss inflicted, being
as fourteen to one, nor for the rapidity with which, during a night
encounter, the _Avon_ was placed in a sinking condition.”
After the night battle the _Wasp_ ran with a free sheet and a favoring
current away to the south and west. A merchantman was captured on the
12th, and another on the 14th. On the 21st she took the _Atalanta_,
of eight guns, that had been a Baltimore privateer named _Siro_--“a
beautiful brig of two hundred and fifty-three tons, coppered to the
bends and copper fastened, and has a very valuable cargo on board,
consisting of brandy, wines, cambrics, etc.” So wrote one of the
_Wasp’s_ officers. The _Atalanta_ was manned and placed under the
command of Midshipman David Geisinger. All the crew wrote letters to
their friends, and Captain Blakeley sent in her his official report
of the battle with the _Avon_. Then the _Atalanta_ sailed for home,
reaching Savannah on November 4, 1814, and the letters she carried were
the last ever received from any member of the crew of the _Wasp_.
Yet a brief glimpse of her subsequent career was found in the log of
the Swedish bark _Adonis_. As the reader will recall, the gallant crew
of the _Essex_ had for the most part arrived in New York under parole
on the _Essex Junior_. There were two, however, Lieutenant Stephen
Decatur McKnight and Master’s-Mate Lyman, who were landed at Rio
Janeiro by the _Phœbe_, and these started for home on the Swedish bark
_Adonis_, but they did not arrive, and when the time of their absence
grew long, their friends made inquiry. The _Adonis_ had arrived, though
without publicly reporting anything about her passengers, but when her
log was searched the following entry was found:
“Oct. 9th. In lat 18° 35′ N., long. 30° 10′ W., sea account, at 8
o’clock in the morning, discovered a strange sail giving chase to
us, and fired several guns; she gaining very fast. At half-past 10
o’clock hove to, and was boarded by an officer dressed in an English
doctor’s uniform, the vessel also hoisted an English ensign. The
officer proceeded to examine my ship’s papers, &c., &c., likewise the
letter bags, and took from one of them a letter to the victualling
office, London. Finding I had two American officers as passengers,
he immediately left the ship, and went on board the sloop-of-war; he
shortly after returned, took the American gentlemen with him, and went
a second time on board the sloop. In about half an hour, he returned
again with Messrs. McKnight and Lyman, and they informed me that the
vessel was the United States sloop-of-war, the _Wasp_, commanded by
Captain Bleaky, or Blake, last from France, where she had refitted; had
lately sunk the _Reindeer_, English sloop of war, and another vessel
which sunk without their being able to save a single person, or learn
the vessel’s name--that Messrs. McKnight and Lyman had now determined
to leave me, and go on board the _Wasp_--paid me their passage in
dollars, at 5_s._ 9_d._, and having taken their luggage on board the
_Wasp_, they made sail to the southward. Shortly after they had left,
I found that Lieutenant McKnight had left his writing-desk behind; and
I immediately made signal for the _Wasp_ to return, and stood toward
her; they, observing my signals, stood back, came alongside, and sent
their boat on board for the writing-desk; after which they sent me a
log line, and some other presents, and made all sail in a direction for
the line; and I have reason to suppose for the convoy that passed on
Thursday previous.”
The above is quoted by Cooper. It locates the _Wasp_ say two hundred
miles about northwest of the Cape de Verde Islands. Cooper adds:
“There is a rumor that an English frigate went into Cadiz, much
crippled and with a very severe loss of men, about this time, and that
she reported her injuries to have been received in an engagement with a
heavy American corvette, the latter disappearing so suddenly in the
night, that it was thought she had sunk.
“There is only one other rumor in reference to this ship that has
any appearance of probability. There is little doubt that Captain
Blakeley intended to run down toward the Spanish Main, and to pass
through the West Indies, in order to go into a southern port according
to his orders. It is said that two English frigates chased an American
sloop-of-war, off the southern coast, about the time the _Wasp_ ought
to have arrived, and that the three ships were struck with a heavy
squall, in which the sloop-of-war suddenly disappeared. There is
nothing surprising in a vessel of that size being capsized in a squall,
especially when carrying sail hard to escape enemies.
“She was a good ship, as well manned and as ably commanded as any
vessel in our little navy; and it may be doubted if there was at that
time any foreign sloop-of-war of her size and strength that could have
stood against her in fair fight.”
During the last cruise made by the _Constitution_ in the War of 1812
she was caught in a hurricane and strained so that she leaked badly,
and at the last the carpenter, after sounding her well and finding the
water gaining rapidly, went to Lieutenant Shubrick, the officer of the
deck, and said:
“Sir, the ship is sinking.”
“Well, sir,” replied Shubrick, “as everything in our power is made
tight, we must patiently submit to the fate of sailors, and all of us
sink or swim together.”
The _Constitution_ did not sink, but the words of the gallant Shubrick
show us how the Yankee crew of the _Wasp_ met their fate.
CHAPTER V
ON THE UPPER LAKES IN 1814
AN EXPEDITION INTO LAKE HURON--THE BRITISH HAD THE BEST OF IT IN
THE END--GALLANT ACTION OF A BRITISH COMMANDER AT THE HEAD OF
THE NIAGARA RIVER--CAUTIOUS CAPTAIN CHAUNCEY AS A KNIGHT OF THE
WHIP-SAW, ADZE AND MAUL--HIS EQUALLY PRUDENT OPPONENT--BRITISH
TORPEDOES THAT FAILED--WHEN A THOUSAND MEN SUPPORTED BY SEVEN SHIPS
ARMED WITH ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-ONE CANNON “WITH GREAT GALLANTRY”
ROUTED THREE HUNDRED YANKEES AT OSWEGO--SUPPLIES THE BRITISH DID
NOT GET--A NAVAL FLOTILLA CAUGHT IN BIG SANDY CREEK--CHAUNCEY
AFLOAT ON THE LAKE--GALLANT YOUNG AMERICAN OFFICERS--LINE OF
BATTLE-SHIPS THAT WERE NEVER LAUNCHED.
The story of the deeds of the American naval sailors on the fresh-water
seas during 1814 may very well begin with the actions in the extreme
west. The Lake Erie victory of September 10, 1813, had annihilated the
British naval power west of Niagara Falls, and no attempt to build
another British fleet there has been made since that day. Nevertheless,
in 1814, there were British successes afloat on both Lake Huron and
Lake Erie that showed at once the resourcefulness and bravery of the
British officers and men--that proved they were still able to damage
the Yankee cause even if without shipping.
As the reader will remember, Perry, when operating on Lake Erie, was
subordinate to, though fortunately not under the immediate supervision
of, Captain Chauncey, who made his headquarters at Sackett’s Harbor.
It would have been fortunate for the American cause had Perry
superseded Chauncey, but he was brought to the Atlantic instead, where
circumstances prevented his accomplishing anything, while Captain
Arthur Sinclair was sent to take charge of the American fleet west of
the Niagara, and that region was made an independent station--Sinclair
was responsible only to the Navy Department. Sinclair had first
seen active service as a midshipman in the _Constellation_ along
with Macdonough, under Truxton, when the French frigate _Insurgent_
was whipped. He next appeared in history as the captain of the brig
_Argus_ that sailed with the squadron of Rodgers--a squadron of which
the _United States_ was a member, and that was the cruise when the
_Macedonian_ was captured. The _Argus_ took five merchantmen and
reached port in safety--it was something to the credit of an American
captain to bring in his ship when one remembers the overwhelming naval
force the British kept on the western side of the Atlantic.
Aside from keeping watch over the enemy’s coast of the great lakes
to see that no more war-ships were built there, Sinclair had but one
thing to do really worth doing, and that was to recapture the important
frontier trading post of Mackinaw that the British had surprised on
the morning of July 17, 1812, and with an overwhelming force captured
without resistance. The American garrison had not even heard that war
had been declared! Besides retaking Mackinaw, the Americans wished
to destroy some union posts occupied by the British, and damage the
British fur trading company as much as possible, because the company’s
officials had been the active and efficient agents of the British
Government in securing the aid of the western savages with their
scalping-knives for attacks on the American settlements.
With the _Niagara_, the _Caledonia_, the _Ariel_, the _Scorpion_, and
the _Tigress_, Captain Sinclair sailed into Lake Huron late in July,
carrying along nearly one thousand soldiers including some militia.
On July 20, 1814, the fleet reached the trading post of St. Joseph’s,
in what may be called the northwest corner of Lake Huron. Everything of
value there was destroyed, including a small fort. Then a number of men
went on to Sault Sainte Marie, at the head of the rapids, at the outlet
of Lake Superior. This was the chief post of the British fur company,
and it was burned. The _Perseverance_, a small vessel belonging to the
company, was fired by the company’s agent as he fled. The Americans
extinguished the flames, but lost the vessel on the rocks as they were
bringing her through the rapids.
[Illustration: SCENE OF Naval Operations on LAKE HURON, 1814.]
Then the fleet sailed to Mackinaw, only to find that the guns of the
ships could not reach up to the hill-top fort, and that the number of
American troops was inferior to the garrison of the island. An assault
was made, but the Americans were repulsed with considerable loss.
Sailing thence, Captain Sinclair went to the Nautawassaga River, where
he destroyed a blockhouse, and found the fur company’s schooner _Nancy_
had been burned by the British lieutenant in charge.
Then Sinclair returned to Detroit, leaving the schooner _Tigress_,
Captain Champlin, and the _Scorpion_, Captain Turner, to blockade the
Nautawassaga, for that was the route by which supplies were carried
to the British force at Mackinaw. For a time this duty was done
efficiently, and food really became scarce at Mackinaw, but blockading
is dull work, vigilance was relaxed, and on September 3, 1814, the
British began their work of revenging the assaults of the squadron.
The watchful British scouts found that the two Yankee schooners were
posted fifteen miles or more apart. So a force of twenty sailors and
seventy-two soldiers got into four boats and at 9 P.M.--and a very
dark night at that--they made a dash at the _Tigress_. They were
within fifty yards of her when first seen. The captain fired his long
twenty-four at them, with no effect, and then mustered his crew at
the rail to repel boarders. But he had only twenty-eight men to the
enemy’s ninety-two. The Americans fought bravely, killed three seamen,
and wounded a Lieutenant Bulger, who commanded the enemy, and seven of
his soldiers, besides wounding several seamen who were not enumerated
by Bulger. Then the _Tigress_ surrendered. The captured Americans
were set on shore, and on September 5th, the captured _Tigress_, with
her American colors flying, got within ten yards of the _Scorpion_
when the concealed British soldiers jumped up, poured a volley into
the unsuspecting Yankees on the _Scorpion_, and then carried her by
assault. The British authorities strove to magnify this victory to
the utmost. They not only conceded that Champlin bravely defended
his vessel--the British Adjutant-General published a general order
announcing to the world that the vessels “had a crew of three hundred
men each.” The vessels “were valued by the proper officers at £16,000
sterling.” So says Allen. It was a lucky affair for the ninety-two.
Meantime a gallant party of British seamen had done still better
down at the foot of Lake Erie--rather in the head of Niagara River.
Three little American schooners, the _Ohio_, the _Somers_, and the
_Porcupine_, were lying off Fort Erie on the Canada side, which was
then in the possession of the Americans. That these vessels were lying
in perfect security their crews could very well believe, because
the British did not have even a row-boat anywhere in that vicinity.
Nevertheless, when feeling most secure, two of them were captured and
the third escaped only because the current of the river swept the enemy
down stream so rapidly that they passed her before ready to attack.
On the night of August 12, 1814, Captain Alexander Dobbs of the British
brig _Charwell_ and Lieutenant Coplestone Radcliffe of the British
brig _Netly_, two vessels which were lying at the head of Lake Ontario,
started with seventy-five seamen and marines to carry the _Charwell’s_
gig overland to Lake Erie. By relieving one another the men carried
the gig twenty miles (from Queenstown to Frenchman’s Creek). There
they were joined by a body of Canadian militia, with the aid of whom
they carried five big flat-bottomed scows, together with the gig, for
eight miles more to the beach of Lake Erie, where all six boats were
launched and filled with armed men. So expeditiously was this work done
that soon after 11 P.M. this little fleet was within hail of the Yankee
schooner _Somers_. When the anchor watch on her deck asked who they
were, they replied:
“Provision boats.”
Provision boats were frequently allowed to pass at night, and the watch
on the _Somers_ were entirely deceived. A moment later the British were
upon her, a volley of musketry was fired that wounded two of the watch,
her cable was cut, and away she went fairly in possession of the enemy.
The _Ohio_ was next in line, and the British were soon around her,
but her crew had come tumbling on deck at the sound of the muskets.
They made a right good fight, too, considering the circumstances, for
Lieutenant Conkling, who commanded the Yankee squadron, Sailing-Master
M. Cally, and one seaman were shot down, and four more were wounded,
while the British lost Lieutenant Radcliffe and one sailor killed and
six wounded. But each of these little vessels had a crew of only thirty
all told, and the British force coming on in such a fashion necessarily
triumphed.
Certainly this was one of the most gallant actions of the whole war on
the lakes; the enterprise of the British officers in getting afloat was
most remarkable. But it is nowhere recorded that they got any such a
sum of prize-money as was given to the men who, with far less risk and
far less enterprise, took the _Tigress_ and _Scorpion_. Allen says the
_Porcupine_ was unmolested because the current swept the conquering
host down-stream too rapidly to permit an attack. This is probably
true; that is to say, before the _Ohio’s_ crew had surrendered the
whole fleet of boats and the two captured vessels had been swept below
the _Porcupine_, and it was impossible to return. The number of militia
taking part in the assault is not given.
Although they had nothing worth mention afloat on the upper lakes, the
honors there for 1814 were with the British.
On Lake Ontario the contest during 1814 was made with whip-saw, adze,
and maul rather than with guns, powder, and shot. The British under
the braggart, Sir James Yeo, at Kingston, and the Americans under the
over-cautious Captain Chauncey, at Sackett’s Harbor, “had been bending
all their energies during the preceding winter in making preparations
for securing the command of Lake Ontario.” The side that could get the
greater number of guns afloat was certain, under the circumstances, to
win. “As soon as one, by building, acquired the superiority, the foe at
once retired to port, where he waited until he had built another vessel
or two, when he came out, and the other went into port in turn.”
The building at Sackett’s Harbor began in February; two twenty-two-gun
brigs were laid down under the names of _Jefferson_ and _Jones_,
and a huge frigate, the _Superior_, which was at first designed to
carry fifty guns, but was lengthened to accommodate sixty-two, when a
deserter came in from Kingston and described the largest ship that Sir
James Yeo was building. “The _Jefferson_ was launched on April 7th, the
_Jones_ on the 10th, and the _Superior_ on May 2d.” She had been eighty
days only on the stocks, which shows that Mr. Henry Eckford, the master
ship-builder, was a great man in the craft. He did it, too, in spite of
sickness in camp that “almost assumed the proportions of a plague.”
Meantime, however, the Canadians over at Kingston had done better
in that they had an efficient number of ships ready for sea by
the first of May, although it was near the end of the season before
they spread their canvas on their big line-of-battle ship, which the
_Superior_ was designed to match. By getting his squadron out on the
lake first, Sir James Yeo obtained an opportunity of which he failed to
take full advantage, as will appear farther on.
But before he sailed he tried to blow some of the Yankee ships at
Sackett’s Harbor out of water by means of torpedoes, and this is
probably the first effort made by the British to use this class of
weapons against the Americans. It was on the night of April 25, 1814.
“Lieutenant Dudley, while out with two guard-boats, discovered there
three others in Black River Bay. Not answering his hail, he fired.
They fled. On searching, six barrels of gunpowder were found, each
containing a fuse.” They were slung in pairs by ropes and it was
supposed that venturesome sailors intended to swim into the harbor with
them and attach them to the vessels afloat and, after firing the fuse,
swim away to safety.
To fully understand what a great opportunity Sir James Yeo had when
he got his ships out on the lake ahead of Chauncey one must recall
the fact that all of the supplies for the Yankee fleet--sails and
rigging, guns and ammunition--had to be brought from New York City,
and the route included the Hudson and Mohawk Rivers to where Rome now
stands, where everything was carried overland to the head of navigation
in Wood’s Creek, and thence down that and the Oswego River to Oswego.
From that port the supplies had to be conveyed by boats on the lake a
distance of sixty miles to Sackett’s Harbor. By commanding the lake,
Sir James Yeo might shut off the supplies destined to Sackett’s Harbor.
As it happened, he might have done still more. He might have captured
a very large part of the supplies that had been forwarded to fit out
the new Yankee ships, for these supplies had reached the falls of the
Oswego, twelve miles above the lake, when Sir James took Oswego. They
had been forwarded when navigation in the Mohawk was good or when the
snows made the sledding good on the road alongside the various streams
in this inland-water route.
Sir James sailed with six ships from Kingston Harbor on May 4, 1814,
and early the next morning he was off Oswego. The port was defended
by a wretched little fort mounting three guns in good order, besides
one that had lost its trunnions and two that were in the mud. This was
garrisoned by a “battalion of less than three hundred men.” The Yankee
schooner _Growler_ was in port and had been loaded with seven of the
long cannon sent up for Chauncey’s fleet at Sackett’s Harbor.
Seeing the enemy in overwhelming force the naval men sank the
schooner and then went to help the garrison of the fort. The attempt
of the British to land on the day of their arrival was frustrated
by a gale of wind, but on the 6th the fleet was placed to cover the
landing and bombard the fort. The _Princess Charlotte_, of forty-two
guns--twenty-six long twenty-fours, two long sixty-eights, and fourteen
short thirty-twos; the _Montreal_, of seven long twenty-fours and
eighteen long eighteens, and the _Niagara_, of two long twelves and
twenty short thirty-twos, were placed to fire on the fort, which had
only two long twenty-fours, one long twelve, and one long six in place
to return the fire. The _Charwell_ and the _Star_, mounting two long
twelves and fourteen short thirty-twos, were ordered to “scour the
woods with grape and clear them of militia.” In addition, there were a
number of gun-boats, but these amounted to nothing in the attack.
[Illustration:
_The Charwell covering the landing._
_The Princess Charlotte._
_The Star covering seamen and marines._
_Oswego Town._
_The Magnet._
_The Prince Regent._
_The Montreal._
_The Niagara._
The Attack on Fort Oswego, Lake Ontario, May 6, 1814.
_From an engraving, published in 1815, by R. Havel, after a drawing
of Lieutenant Hewett, Royal Marines._
]
When the four ships with their eighty-nine guns had begun to make the
air vibrate around the fort, and the two brigs with their thirty-two
guns were making the bark and branches fly from the trees of the
forests round about, eight hundred British soldiers were landed
under Lieutenant-Colonel Fischer, while two hundred sailors,
armed with boarding-pikes, were sent along, under Captain Mulcaster.
Covered by the fire of the four ships, mounting eighty-nine guns, and
two brigs, mounting thirty-two guns, “the debarkation of the troops”
was “very cleverly accomplished,” according to one author; and when
this was done “the soldiers and seamen behaved with great gallantry
and steadiness, their officers leading them, sword in hand, up a long,
steep hill.” In short, by behaving “with great gallantry” this body of
1,000 men, supported by ships carrying one hundred and twenty-one guns,
were able to drive Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell and almost three hundred
soldiers and sailors away from his four guns!
But in doing so they lost twenty-two killed and seventy-three wounded,
including “the gallant Captain Mulcaster, dangerously.” These figures
are from the report of the British Colonel Fischer. The _Montreal_ was
“set on fire three times and much cut up in hull, masts; and rigging”
by the fire of the two long twenty-fours of the fort, that were worked
steadily in spite of the storm of iron fired from the British fleet.
The Americans lost six killed, thirty-eight wounded, and twenty-five
missing, both of these last falling into the enemy’s hands.”
“Mitchell then fell back unmolested to the falls, where there was
a large quantity of stores. But he was not again attacked.” It was
here that Sir James Yeo missed his opportunity, for with his superior
force he might easily have driven Mitchell still farther away, one
would suppose, and at the falls were stored twenty-two long thirty-two
pounder cannon, ten long twenty-fours, three short forty-twos, ten big
anchor cables, and no end of other material for Chauncey’s squadron,
and all of this was within a month or so conveyed to Sackett’s Harbor,
though not without some adventure. Sir James made no effort to take
it, but contented himself with raising the _Growler_ with her valuable
cargo, and destroying the fort and barracks.
After his victory at Oswego, Sir James Yeo refitted and then sailed to
Sackett’s Harbor and established a blockade that for a time was not a
little annoying to the Americans, for it prevented their bringing in
the war material from Oswego. However, in spite of the blockade, Master
Commandant M. T. Woolsey volunteered to bring the supplies around by
water as far as Stony Creek, which was but three miles from Sackett’s
Harbor, whence, in spite of bad roads, they could be easily brought in.
Accordingly the big guns and cables were loaded on nineteen barges at
Oswego Falls, and at sunset of May 28, 1814, this little fleet rowed
boldly out into the lake. The weather was thick, but the water was
smooth, and fair progress was made during the night. At sunrise, next
morning, the boats were obliged to put into Big Sandy Creek, which was
eight miles from the harbor; that is, all but one put into this creek.
The nineteenth, loaded with two long twenty-four pounder cannon and a
cable, went astray in the fog and one of the British cruisers picked it
up.
This seemed on the face of it very hard fortune, but in the end it
proved just the reverse. Sir James, having learned from the captured
crew all about the rest of the transports, sent two heavy gun-boats,
three cutters, and a gig, under Captain Popham, of the _Montreal_, to
capture the whole fleet. The British boat squadron carried one long
thirty-two pounder, one short sixty-eight, one short thirty-two, two
long twelves, and two brass sixes. The crews aggregated one hundred and
eighty men.
It was on the evening of May 29, 1814, that this British flotilla
arrived off the mouth of the Big Sandy. They were seen by a resident,
Mr. James Otis, who hastened to inform the officers of the American
fleet, and in consequence a very neat ambush was arranged.
Meantime the spreading of the news of the British invasion brought
reinforcements a-plenty to the Americans--one hundred and twenty
riflemen, under Major Appling; a battery of two six-pounders, under
Captain George Melvin; a troop of cavalry, under Captain Harris; sixty
Oneida Indians, and “some infantry.” Under Woolsey’s orders, the one
hundred and twenty riflemen and the sixty Indians were placed in the
bush near the first bend in the creek reached in coming up-stream from
the lake, while the remainder of the forces took post near the flotilla
of transports, to make a fight in case the ambush failed. But the
ambush did not fail.
On the morning of the 30th the British rowed into the creek. “In the
door of a fisherman’s house (yet standing when I visited the spot in
1860) Popham saw a woman, and ordered her to have breakfast ready for
himself and officers when they should return. She knew how well Woolsey
was prepared to receive his pursuers, and said, significantly:
“‘You’ll find breakfast ready up the creek.’”
So says Lossing. “The British passed on in jolly mood up the
creek”--they were jolly until they had arrived within a short distance
of the first bend in the creek. Here the Yankee transports were
first seen, some distance above, and the British opened fire on the
transports with solid shot, while grape and canister were fired into
the brush on both sides of the creek. Having by the grape-discharges
cleared the brush, as they supposed, the British landed a flanking
party on each side of the creek, and these started marching up while
the boats continued firing solid shot at the Yankee transports.
The opportunity of the Americans had now come, and “so furious and
unexpected was the assault on front, flank, and rear that the British
surrendered within ten minutes.” The British “force was captured with
hardly any resistance.” This seems the more remarkable when it is known
that the sixty Oneida Indians had been frightened away by the grape of
the British and the fight was made by Appling’s one hundred and twenty
riflemen only. Captain Popham, commanding the British forces, reported
eighteen of his men killed and fifty dangerously wounded; but Appling
reported only fourteen British killed and twenty-eight wounded. This
discrepancy is noteworthy; it is a right lonesome discrepancy, because
rarely have the British acknowledged a greater loss than that the
Americans credited them with.
The Americans had one man and one Indian slightly wounded. The number
of British captured was one hundred and thirty-three aside from the
wounded. The advantage of this victory, of course, far outweighed the
loss of the one transport that led to the invasion.
This blow disheartened Sir James Yeo so much that on June 6th he raised
the blockade of Sackett’s Harbor.
Thereafter neither the British nor the Yankee commander did anything
in the way of fighting, though both were very busy superintending
ship-carpenters. Sir James was eager to get a liner afloat, that
was to carry one hundred guns, while Chauncey was working over
his sixty-two-gun frigate. Sir James had a force afloat that was
stronger than the Yankee force, but once the Yankee _Superior_ was in
commission, the preponderance would be the other way, and Sir James
(like Chauncey) was not going to take any chances in battle unless he
had the greater force. For six weeks the two squadrons lay idly in port.
Meantime, however, Lieutenant F. H. Gregory of the American navy
engaged in “two very gallant cutting-out expeditions.” On June 16th,
with twenty-two men in three row-boats, he started away across the
lake to intercept some of the enemy’s provision-schooners, and on the
19th fell in with the British gun-boat _Blacksnake_ armed with a short
eighteen-pounder and carrying eighteen men. Gregory at once carried
the boat by assault without the loss of a man. He burned the boat
and carried the men into Sackett’s Harbor; and then on July 1st he
descended on Presqu’ Isle, where he “burned a fourteen-gun schooner
just ready for launching” and once more escaped without loss.
With these two incidents only to mar the calm, the time passed until
July 31st, when Chauncey got clear of the port. He now had a fleet
of eight vessels, of which the largest (the _Superior_) carried a
crew of five hundred men, with thirty long thirty-two pounders, two
long twenty-fours, and twenty-six short forty-twos. The smallest, a
brig, the _Oneida_, carried one hundred men and was armed with two
long twelves and fourteen short twenty-fours. As a whole the squadron
measured 5,941 tons, carried 1,870 men, and mounted two hundred and
twenty-eight guns that fired 3,352 pounds of metal at a broadside. Sir
James Yeo had as many ships as Chauncey, but the best of the British
squadron carried thirty-two long twenty-fours, four short sixty-eights,
and twenty short thirty-twos--an inferior armament to that of the
Yankee _Superior_; and the whole Yankee force is fairly said to be
as six to five in comparison with the British. Sir James conceded
this superiority of force, “which would certainly preclude Yeo from
advancing any claims to superiority in skill or courage.” So there was
no fight. Perhaps it should be added that Chauncey was dangerously
sick during July and had to be carried on board ship when he sailed, on
July 31st.
When Chauncey got away from port he sailed up to the head of the
lake. The British brig _Magnet_ was found in the Niagara River, and
her crew burned her and fled ashore when the Yankee _Sylph_, a brig
of slightly superior force, was sent in to attack her. Leaving three
brigs to blockade the Niagara, Chauncey sent the brig _Jones_ cruising
alongshore between Sackett’s Harbor and Oswego, and with his four ships
went to Kingston and blockaded Sir James Yeo’s four ships that were in
the port. The American force was “superior by about fifteen per cent.,
and Sir James Yeo very properly declined to fight with the odds against
him although it was a nicer calculation than British commanders had
been accustomed to enter into.”
But in blockading Kingston Chauncey refused to co-operate with the
American army in a well-considered plan for invading Canada, and this
refusal was all, as it now appears, that stood in the way of capturing
Kingston and the British fleet. He wrote, when asked to co-operate in
the invasion of Canada, that he thought the request was a “sinister
attempt to render us subordinate to, or an appendage of, the army.”
Then, in an attempt to pose as a gallant knight, he writes that, “to
deprive the enemy of an apology for not meeting me, I have sent ashore
four guns from the _Superior_, to reduce her armor in number to an
equality with the _Prince Regent’s_, yielding the advantage of their
sixty-eight pounders.” He “yielded the advantage” of the sixty-eights
but retained the advantage of long thirty-twos over long twenty-fours,
something he was dishonest enough to omit mentioning.
Save for the transportation of 3,000 soldiers from Sackett’s Harbor
to the mouth of the Genesee River Chauncey did nothing but blockade
Kingston until the liner of one hundred guns (called the _St.
Lawrence_) was completed there. Then he retired to Sackett’s Harbor.
The young officers under him were apparently worthy of an efficient
commander--of one who, like Perry, would say, “To windward or leeward
they shall fight to-day;” for when Lieutenant Gregory, with Midshipman
Hart and six men, while scouting in Kingston Harbor, fell in with two
barges and thirty men, the thirty men conquered only after they had
killed Hart and wounded the lieutenant and four of his six men. And
then, just before the close of navigation Midshipman McGowan headed
an expedition into Kingston to blow up the new British liner with a
torpedo. This expedition fell in with two of the enemy’s guard-boats,
and captured both of them. It is not unlikely that they would have
succeeded in destroying the liner but for the fact that she was not in
the harbor.
Sir James Yeo got out of Kingston with his new liner and the rest of
his squadron on October 15th and assisted the British army on the
Niagara frontier, until November 21st, when the ice ended navigation.
[Illustration: One of the Unlaunched Lake Vessels.
_From a photograph._]
The Americans in the January following began the building of two
line-of-battle ships to regain the control of Lake Ontario which Sir
James Yeo had gained with his liner _St. Lawrence_. One keel was
stretched at Sackett’s Harbor--a keel that was 183 feet 7½ inches
long. She was to be 214 feet long over all, 56 feet wide and 47 feet
deep, with a draught of 27 feet. She was pierced for one hundred and
twenty guns, “eighteens and forty-fours.” The work was pushed with
extraordinary rapidity, but before she was finished news of the peace
came, so a house was built over her and thereafter she stood on the
keel-blocks as a spectacle for tourists for about eighty years, when
her rotten condition made it necessary to burn her. She was called the
_New Orleans_. The other, called the _Chippewa_, was laid down farther
up the bay, but very little work was done there.
On the whole, the British ships controlled Lake Ontario during four
months in 1814, while the Americans held it two and a half. On the
other hand, the British loss in men was about three hundred to the
American loss of eighty. And the British lost a fourteen-gun brig, a
ten-gun schooner (burned when ready for launching), three gun-boats,
three cutters, and a gig. The Americans lost the schooner _Growler_,
loaded with seven guns; a transport barge loaded with two guns and a
hawser, a gig, and the four cannon destroyed at the Oswego fight. The
story of the war on Lake Ontario in 1814 is not of the stirring kind,
but the Americans certainly had the best of it.
CHAPTER VI
TO DEFEND THE NORTHERN GATEWAY
CHARACTER OF THE RED-COATED INVADERS--“SHAMED THE MOST FEROCIOUS
BARBARIANS OF ANTIQUITY”--WORK OF THE YOUTHFUL YANKEE LIEUTENANT
MACDONOUGH TO STAY THE TIDE ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN--SHIP-BUILDING
AT OTTER CREEK--A BRITISH ATTEMPT AGAINST THE NEW VESSELS
REPULSED--THE BRITISH SHIP-BUILDERS AT ISLE-AUX-NOIX--A COMPARISON
OF FORCES BEFORE THE BATTLE--MACDONOUGH’S FORESIGHT IN CHOOSING THE
BATTLE-GROUND--MACDONOUGH AS A SEAMAN.
We return once more to the Adirondacks--to Lake Champlain--to the
Northern Gateway of the Nation as it was found in the war of 1812.
Let the reader travel the whole nation over--travel from Eastport to
San Diego and from Whatcom to Key West, he cannot find a region that
stirs the blood of the patriot more than does the Adirondacks. Three
times since the Americans first fought for liberty came the hosts of
the enemy with the north wind into the narrow gulch where lies Lake
Champlain--they came in whelming drifts to the Split Rock, to Saratoga,
and to Plattsburg. And then, like the snow on the sunny southern
slopes in May, they melted away. Remarkable--even astounding, as it
seems to the tourist of these days--was the ending of two of these
invasions. For though Champlain is but a narrow water, and in those
days the region round about was in great part an unexplored wilderness,
both invasions ended in naval battles between squadrons, and in the
later one there was a ship that rated with the _Constellation_ and the
_Macedonian_--a frigate fit to sail on any sea.
[Illustration: Near Skenesborough on Lake Champlain.
_From an old engraving in the collection of Mr. W. C. Crane._]
How the British under Carleton saw “the face of the enemy” near the
Split Rock, and Carleton abandoned forever his hope of glory, has
already been told, and it now remains to recall to the memory of the
reader how Macdonough met the British forces behind Cumberland Head
and, in spite of their superior force, destroyed their power.
Of great moment and far-reaching were the campaigns planned by the
British against the young American republic in the summer of 1814.
Napoleon had fallen. On March 31st the Duke of Wellington had marched
into Paris, and on May 11th Napoleon abdicated the throne of France and
was sent away to the island of Elba in the Mediterranean. The hosts of
veterans that had accomplished the defeat of the French emperor could
then be carried across the Western Ocean to fight the Yankees.
What the character of the veterans who were thus sent to the United
States was, has been accurately and in detail told both by the Duke of
Wellington himself and by Napier.
Says the Duke, who commanded but failed to restrain them, regarding
their deeds in a friendly country:
“It is impossible to describe to you the irregularities and outrages
committed by the troops. There is not an outrage of any description
that has not been committed on a people who have uniformly received
them as friends.”
And Napier describes as follows the sacking of Badajos by these
veterans:
“All the dreadful passions of human nature were displayed. Shameless
rapacity, brutal intemperance, savage lust, cruelty and murder,
shrieks and piteous lamentations, groans, shouts, imprecations, the
hissing of fires bursting from the houses, the crashing of doors and
windows, and reports of muskets used in violence resounded for two days
and nights in the streets of Badajos.”
These veterans, who “shamed the most ferocious barbarians of
antiquity,” (Napier), were sent across the Atlantic to subjugate a
people fighting for freedom from equally brutal press gangs. Some of
them were sent to the South that they might take New Orleans and so
add the whole watershed of the Mississippi to the British domains, and
the number sent on that invasion seemed overwhelming. Washington had
been taken meantime, and the public buildings, including the national
library, burned. The region of the Chesapeake was overrun. The whole
Atlantic coast was blockaded by the tremendous fleets that the British
were able to send at the end of the European war. And then came other
hosts of “Wellington’s Invincibles” to the Sorel River, bound, through
the northern gateway, to the head-waters of the Hudson, that they might
cut off New England from the middle and southern States.
As the reader will remember, the Americans had two small sloops
(one-masted vessels) on Lake Champlain during 1813--the _Growler_ and
the _Eagle_, each mounting eleven guns. These were sent by Lieutenant
Thomas Macdonough in chase of three British gun-boats, and so eager
were the Yankee crews that the sloops followed the British into the
outlet of the lake and so far toward the St. Lawrence as to arrive in
sight of Isle-aux-Noix, where the British had a fort and where three
more British gun-boats were lying. It was now the turn of the British
to force the fighting, and they gathered in great numbers on both
shores of the river, while the gun-boats, that had, as usual, a long
gun each, turned and opened fire at long range. The indiscreet zeal of
Lieutenant Sydney Smith, who commanded the American sloops, was fatal,
for both were captured.
To repair the loss thus sustained Macdonough seized a merchant
sloop called the _Rising Sun_ (built at Essex, in 1810, for E. A.
Boynton), and converted her into a war-vessel by mounting seven long
nine-pounders on her deck. She was renamed the _Preble_. But he was
unable to secure a sufficient sea-power to prevent an invasion by a
British force that reached the Saranac River a little later, though
he undoubtedly hastened the retiring of that force and prevented any
further invasions during 1813.
Then as fall came on he repaired to the village of Vergennes, on the
Otter Creek (seven miles up from the lake) in Vermont. Vergennes had
a brisk community in those days. There were an iron foundry and a
rolling-mill and a wire factory there, besides saw-mills and a lot of
other industries, the whole dependent on the water-power found in the
falls of the creek. Macdonough found there just the workmen needed, and
to insure the control of this gateway to the American Union during the
next season, he laid, early in the spring, the keel of a full-rigged
ship--a corvette--to which he gave the significant name of _Saratoga_.
The forests furnished timber in abundance, the rolling-mills made the
bar iron for fastenings, and the foundry turned out no less than one
hundred and seventy-seven tons of shot for the great guns.
Then a vessel that had been built as a merchant steamer was taken for
the use of the Government, and because her machinery got out of order
at every trip it was removed and she was rigged as a schooner under the
name of _Ticonderoga_.
With the melting of the ice, came the news that the British intended
to come to the Otter and destroy the new ships. A fort that mounted
seven twelve-pounders on naval carriages had been erected to command
the mouth of Otter Creek, and Macdonough sent a party of seamen to
reinforce the militia that manned this battery. It was on May 14,
1814, that the British appeared. There were eight gun-boats, each
with a long gun (presumably eighteen and twenty-four pounders) and a
bomb-sloop with a big mortar on her deck. The battery on shore opened
fire as soon as the enemy came within range, and the enemy replied for
an hour, when they gave it up and retired.
A few days later Macdonough brought his new ship, the _Saratoga_, the
rebuilt steamer _Ticonderoga_, and the sloop _Preble_ out of the creek,
and with his gun-boats added was, for the time, master of the lake.
Meantime, however, the British Government had determined, as said, on
an invasion like that of the defeated Burgoyne, in the Revolutionary
war--an invasion that should cut the nation in two on the line of the
Hudson. To accomplish this it was necessary to gain complete control of
Lake Champlain. The country had been so far improved that an army could
find a roadway along the lake and away to the south, where Burgoyne
had been obliged to hew his way through a wilderness; but the control
of the lake was, nevertheless, essential. To hold the control they
supposed they had when they captured the sloops _Growler_ and _Eagle_,
they had built the brig _Linnet_, a vessel of the exact size of the
American schooner _Ticonderoga_. But when they found that Macdonough
had brought out a corvette (she measured about seven hundred and
thirty-four tons) they laid down the keel of a frigate, the exact size
of which is nowhere given, but it rated, later, in our navy with the
frigates of 1,400 tons. The lowest estimate of her size places it at
1,200 tons. She was built at Isle-aux-Noix in the Sorel--the outlet of
Lake Champlain--and was launched on August 25, 1814.
Hearing of the work upon her, Macdonough returned to Vergennes, on
the Otter Creek, and once more made the air resound with the slash
and rasp and click of broadaxe, saw, and maul. The keel of a brig was
laid on July 29th, and on August 16th she slid into the water--she had
been built in nineteen days! And yet she was about as large as the
_Lawrence_ and the _Niagara_, with which Perry won the victory of Lake
Erie--she measured well up toward five hundred tons. She was called the
_Surprise_, at first, but the name was changed to _Eagle_ later on.
[Illustration: Thomas Macdonough.
_From an engraving by Forrest of the portrait by Jarvis._]
The fleet which Macdonough now commanded was as follows: the
_Saratoga_, manned by a crew of two hundred and forty and carrying
eight long twenty-fours, six short forty-twos, and twelve short
thirty-twos; the brig _Eagle_, Captain Robert Henly, manned by a crew
of one hundred and fifty, and carrying eight long eighteens and twelve
short thirty-twos; the schooner _Ticonderoga_, Lieutenant Stephen
Cassin, manned by a crew of one hundred and twelve, and carrying
four long eighteens, eight long twelves, and five short thirty-twos;
the sloop _Preble_, with a crew of thirty and an armament of seven
long nines. In addition to these he had the gun-boats _Borer_,
_Centipede_, _Nettle_, _Allen_, _Viper_, and _Burrows_, mounting each
a long twenty-four and a short eighteen, with the _Wilmer_, _Ludlow_,
_Aylwin_, and _Ballard_, each carrying a long twelve. The larger
gun-boats had in all two hundred and forty-six men and the smaller
one hundred and four. On the whole, the squadron carried crews that
aggregated eight hundred and eighty-two men, and eighty-six guns that
threw at a broadside 1,194 pounds of shot, of which four hundred and
eighty pounds were from long guns and seven hundred and fourteen from
short.
Because so small a weight of shot was thrown from long guns, and
because the American force has been so grossly misrepresented by the
British historians, it is proper here to remind the reader of the very
great superiority of long over short guns. The fact that short guns
(carronades) went out of use long ago is sufficient proof of this, but
it is just as well to keep in mind that the short thirty-twos such as
were used in the battle of Lake Champlain, could bear a charge of but
two and a half pounds of powder, at most, while a long twenty-four,
the shot of which was four-tenths of an inch less in diameter, used a
charge of not less than five pounds, and it could stand a pound and
even two pounds more. By the tables of ranges given by Sir Howard
Douglas in his famous work on gunnery, Macdonough’s short thirty-twos
could carry but two hundred yards with an elevation of one-half of a
degree (at point-blank the range was less than one hundred yards) while
the long twenty-fours of the British fleet, at an elevation of one-half
of a degree, carried five hundred yards. This is the range at which the
ball would strike smooth water when fired from a point five feet four
inches above the water. It would bound along much farther, of course,
but the figures are worth quoting, to show approximately the difference
in penetrating power of the long gun and the short gun.
To meet the American squadron came the British with a frigate, a large
brig, two sloops, and thirteen gun-boats. The frigate _Confiance_ was
manned by a crew of not less than three hundred and twenty-five men,
and she was armed with thirty-one long twenty-fours (one on a pivot
forward) and in addition carried six short guns that were probably
forty-twos, but may have been thirty-twos. She could fire sixteen long
twenty-fours in a broadside--her long-gun broadside was but ninety-six
pounds short of the long-gun broadside of the whole American fleet.
This weight was exactly made up by the British brig _Linnet_, that
was armed with sixteen long twelves--fired ninety-six pounds in a
broadside. At the range of this battle these two vessels alone should
have been equal to the entire American squadron, for not only was
their long gun metal equal to the Americans, but they had the very
great advantage of concentrating in these two ships the weight of long
metal that was scattered over fourteen vessels on the American side.
The advantage of concentration of power into few ships is so well
understood in these days of huge battleships that nothing more need be
said on that subject.
In addition to these powerfully armed vessels they had the two vessels
captured from the Americans the year before, which had been rebuilt
and now measured one hundred and twelve and one hundred and ten tons,
respectively, and were armed, the _Chubb_ with one long six-pounder and
ten short eighteens, the _Finch_ with four long sixes and seven short
eighteens. And then there were the gun-boats. The _Sir James Yeo_, the
_Sir George Prevost_, and the _Sir Sidney Beckwith_ carried a long
twenty-four and a short thirty-two each. The _Broke_ carried a long
eighteen and a short thirty-two. The _Murray_ carried a long eighteen
and a short eighteen. The _Wellington_, the _Tecumseh_, and another
whose name is not recorded carried a long eighteen each, while the
_Drummond_, the _Simcoe_, and three others whose names were omitted
in Macdonough’s report (from which this list of gun-boats is taken)
carried short thirty-twos. The British threw at least six hundred and
sixty pounds of metal from long guns where the Americans could throw
but four hundred and eighty. The American short guns threw seven
hundred and fourteen pounds of metal to five hundred and sixty-four at
least from the British.
When we come to a consideration of the crews it is worth noting
first of all that the Americans were commanded by Lieutenant Thomas
Macdonough, a man of twenty-eight years, who was called commodore
by courtesy because he commanded a squadron. The British were under
Captain George Downie, a man of mature years and wide experience. The
whole number of men on each fleet cannot now be ascertained beyond
dispute, but the Americans had, as already said, eight hundred and
eighty-two, as near as can be determined. The British historians place
their force at a smaller figure, and denounce as cowards the Canadians
who manned the British gun-boats. The highest number of men they allow
to their flagship is three hundred, although there were more than this
number of dead and prisoners taken out of her after the battle, and
not a few of the dead were thrown overboard from her during the battle
to get them out of the way. Moreover, there was no reason why any
vessel of their squadron should be undermanned, for they had a great
army on which to draw for men who could handle cannon and muskets. The
lowest American estimate in any printed table of the forces is given
by Roosevelt, who says they had nine hundred and thirty-seven men, and
then adds, in a footnote, “About; there were probably more rather than
less,” nevertheless the reader must keep in mind that this battle was
fought and won at long range, save for a small part at the tail of the
line, and neither the actual nor the relative number of men engaged is
of any material consequence. Each side had enough men to handle the
guns and the ships when the fight began, and that was all either side
could wish for. It was a battle of practical seamanship and accuracy in
aiming long-range guns. The men that could show the better seamanship
and the greater accuracy were to win, in spite of odds; and this is the
way they did it:
[Illustration: Major-General Alexander Macomb.
_From an engraving by Longacre of the portrait by Sully._]
To begin at the beginning of the preparations, Macdonough chose the
best place on the lake for receiving the enemy that was to come against
him. With the chart of the lake in mind--possibly with the story
of Arnold’s battle behind Valcour Island also in mind--Macdonough
carried his squadron to Plattsburg Bay. For Sir George Prevost,
Governor-General of Canada, with an army that, at the lowest
estimate, contained 11,000 men, chiefly “Wellington’s Invincibles,”
was coming to Plattsburg, where General Alexander Macomb could muster
at first only 1,500 effective men to meet him, although some thousands
of militia, including 2,500 hardy Green Mountain Boys, came to help
before the battle occurred. But the supporting of Macomb was only one
of the lesser reasons that led the able Yankee lieutenant to anchor his
squadron in Plattsburg Bay. As was said in describing Arnold’s battle,
the wind comes either from the north or the south when it blows in the
gorge of Lake Champlain. The British were coming from the north. Their
ships were of shoal draught. The water was very narrow. The current
runs toward the north. They could come only when the wind was from the
north. Now Plattsburg Bay opens toward the south. It is enclosed on
the east by a point of land that, at places, is two hundred feet high,
called Cumberland Head. The British squadron in coming from the north
with a fair wind would have to round Cumberland Head and then go up
into this bay against the wind that had brought them before they could
reach the Yankee ships. And reach the Yankee ships they must--they
could not go on to the south leaving a Yankee squadron behind them any
more than Carleton could go on leaving Arnold behind him.
So the position in Plattsburg Bay gave Macdonough the weather gage of
the enemy beyond peradventure. But that was not all of the advantage.
Macdonough anchored his vessels in a line, nearly north and south,
at a distance of about one hundred yards from each other, placing
the brig _Eagle_, that was at the north end of the line, so near to
Cumberland Head that the enemy could not easily pass around that end
of the line and double up on it. Indeed, since the enemy was sure to
have a head wind in the bay, it was practically impossible to double
around the north end of the line. Next to the _Eagle_ lay the corvette
_Saratoga_; astern of her was the _Ticonderoga_, and, last of all, was
the little sloop _Preble_. Observe that the head of the line was the
_Eagle_, the second best Yankee ship, and next to her lay the best of
the Yankee squadron. The head of the line concentrated the strength of
the squadron and the tail held the weakest ship. The tail was therefore
strengthened by the gun-boats; but more than that was provided for,
because in case the weak _Preble_ were attacked by the British flagship
the big _Saratoga_ or the _Eagle_ could go down-wind to help her.
Still another advantage is found in this position chosen by Macdonough.
The British were obliged to come in between his line and Cumberland
Head, and so could not take a position wholly beyond the range of the
Yankee short guns. As a matter of fact, the British commander anchored
as far away as he could, but he was obliged by the conformation of the
land to come in and take his chances with the carronades.
Having placed his ships in the best possible position for receiving
the enemy, Macdonough made one other provision for the battle, and it
was one that really saved the day. He hung anchors from the sterns as
well as from the bows of his ships. Just how he arranged the stern
anchors is not made clear to a landsman in Macdonough’s report or in
any documents relating to the fight. If the reader will keep in mind
the fact that a ship when at anchor always swings with her bow toward
the wind, the matter will appear clearer. As the Yankee ships swung
thus a hawser was carried from the stern of each ship either to the
anchor or to some point on its cable, and made fast. These were the
springs. So, then, the ship was held at each end to the anchor and
could be made to swing broadside to the wind. And that means that while
the wind was blowing out of the bay and the British ships had to come
into the bay against it, the Yankee ships lay with their broadsides
toward the enemy. But that was not all. Both cable and spring might
be shot away, although both were on the side of the ship away from the
enemy. So an extra anchor was planted broad off on each bow. By hauling
on hawsers leading to the various anchors the ship could be turned
one way or another. Further than that, an anchor was provided at the
stern. If this was dropped and the bow cable cut, the wind would swing
the ship around so that she would lie stern to it instead of bow to
it. And this is called “winding” a ship. In short, Macdonough, though
but twenty-eight years old, was a thorough seaman. He prepared and
could handle every device for working his ships in the battle that was
to come. He could, in perfect confidence, await the onslaught of the
enemy.
CHAPTER VII
MACDONOUGH’S VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN
THOUSANDS GATHERED ON THE HILL-TOPS OVERLOOKING THE SCENE--THE
BRITISH CHOSE TO MAKE A LONG-RANGE FIGHT--INFLUENCE OF THE FIRST
BRITISH BROADSIDE ON A SPORTING ROOSTER--MACDONOUGH’S FIRST
SHOT--A REELING BLOW FROM THE ENEMY’S FLAGSHIP--FIGHTING AGAINST
TREMENDOUS ODDS--TOO HOT FOR ONE YANKEE SHIP--THE _SARATOGA’S_
GUNS DISMOUNTED--THE SWARMING BRITISH GUNBOATS--“WINDING SHIP”
WHEN DEFEAT IMPENDED--THE BRITISH FAILURE WHEN IMITATING THE
MOVEMENT--THE STUBBORN BRAVERY OF A BRITISH CAPTAIN--WHEN THE
FIRING CEASED AND THE SMOKE DRIFTED DOWN THE GALE--A MEASURE OF
THE RELATIVE EFFICIENCY OF THE TWO FORCES--TWO YANKEE SQUADRON
VICTORIES COMPARED--A STIRRING TALE OF MACDONOUGH’S YOUTH--REWARD
FOR THE VICTORS--RESULTS OF THE VICTORY.
Sunday morning, September 11, 1814, was a most beautiful day in the
most delightful season of the year in the Adirondack region. The warmth
of the sun was tempered by a northerly breeze that lifted and swayed
the forest foliage which was just beginning to show the gorgeous hues
of autumn. The water of the lake rippled and danced and sparkled. It
was a day when the people of the countryside would naturally leave
their houses, to wander over the hills, and without exception, save
the sick and their nurses, every non-combatant in all the region
overlooking Plattsburg Bay, did go out to the hill-tops on that day.
But it was not through the love of nature that they gathered this
time on the heights. For Sir George Prevost, with his veterans from
Badajos had already camped in Plattsburg village on the north shore
of the Saranac River, and the northerly breeze was sure to bring
the British squadron to Plattsburg Bay. Never in the history of the
Adirondacks--not even in the days of Algonquin and Iroquois and Tory
raids--was there a day of more intense anxiety than this beautiful
Sunday morning. For while the seamen on the ships thought most of the
honor of the gridiron flag and the glory of hauling down the red cross
of St. George, the militia, crouching behind the forts and within the
walls of the old stone mill on the bank of Saranac River, were to fight
for home and their wives and daughters. “They well knew that the men
they were to face were very brave in battle, and very cruel in victory.
They feared not for themselves; but in the hearts of the bravest and
most careless there lurked a dull terror of what that day might bring
upon those they loved.”
Out on the lake, off the point of Cumberland Head, lay a ship’s cutter,
well manned and in charge of a Yankee midshipman. As it lay with its
bow pointing into the bay and its crew resting on their oars, the eyes
of the thousands on the hill-tops turned from it to the British troops
camped on the north side of the Saranac and then back again, for the
boat was a lookout, watching for the British squadron, and it was plain
that the British troops would not move till their squadron came.
As the early morning passed and 8 o’clock drew nigh, the idle seamen
in the lookout boat suddenly bent to their oars and drove the swift
cutter, with signals fluttering in the air, into the bay. The long
roll of the drums beating to quarters on the Yankee ships followed.
The white new royals of the British frigate, with fluttering flags and
pennants above them, appeared over the lower stretches of Cumberland
Head, and then, led by the little sloop _Chubb_, followed by the brig
_Linnet_, with the huge frigate _Confiance_ third and the little sloop
_Finch_ and the flock of gun-boats last of all, the whole squadron of
the enemy rounded the point. With “rattle of block and sheet,” the
squadron came up into the wind and with flapping canvas drifted, while
Captain Downie looked the American squadron over. And then in the order
already named they filled away, with the wind coming into their sails
over the starboard (right hand) bows, and headed up toward the north
end of the American line. The wind and the space favored the British
this far, that they could choose whether they would fight at long
range or run in, yard-arm to yard-arm, where valor and muscle would
determine, and Downie, knowing the superiority of his long guns, wisely
chose to fight at long range.
As the British sails fell asleep under the influence of the breeze,
and their bows came ploughing up the bay, “Macdonough, who feared his
foes not at all, and his God a great deal, knelt for a moment, with his
officers, on the quarter-deck.” And thereafter, in perfect silence the
men of the whole American squadron stood at their posts and waited for
the coming enemy--stood in silence while the British sailors cheered
again and again in anticipation of victory.
Finally, however, when the British brig _Linnet_, that, next to the
British sloop _Chubb_, was in advance, had arrived within a mile of the
Yankee brig _Eagle_ at the north end of the Yankee line, the hot blood
of her commander could stand inaction no longer and his long eighteen
began to bark. It was a waste of effort, for his shot fell short and
the firing ceased.
A little later the British brig _Linnet_, on arriving abreast of the
Yankee _Saratoga_, opened fire with her long twelves, but all these
shots too, fell short, save one, and that one was, in a way, the
most notable shot of the whole battle, for it knocked to pieces a
chicken-coop belonging to a sailor who, being a man of sporting blood,
“had obtained, by hook or by crook,” a fighting cock of great repute
in Plattsburg. Instead of showing fear at the destruction of its coop,
this cock flew to a commanding place above the rail, and there, after
flapping its wings vigorously, it crowed loud and long in the manner
of its race; whereat the Yankee sailors all laughed and whooped and
cheered vociferously.
[Illustration: The Battle of Lake Champlain.
_From an old wood-cut._]
A moment later, and while yet the men were grinning at their bird,
Macdonough stooped over a long twenty-four on the quarter-deck of the
_Saratoga_ until he could see the bow of the coming _Confiance_ through
the sights, when he stepped back and fired the gun. And then his
men cheered again for the shot struck the _Confiance_ near the port
hawse-pipe and raked her the full length of her gun-deck, killing and
wounding several men and smashing her steering-wheel at the last.
At that the long guns of the whole American squadron began to talk. The
British sloop _Chubb_ and the British brig _Linnet_ had now arrived
near the Yankee brig _Eagle_, and the British frigate _Confiance_
was soon abreast of the American _Saratoga_. The _Chubb_ strove to
take a position for raking the Yankee _Eagle_, but the _Eagle_ was
swung to give her one broadside and that was enough. Wholly disabled,
she drifted down wind along the American line. More than half of her
crew were killed and wounded, and one shot more having been fired
into her as she approached the _Saratoga_, she hauled down her flag,
when midshipman Charles F. Pratt boarded her and took her over toward
Plattsburg, clear of the line of battle. But five of her crew were able
to stand up when she arrived.
But before this was done the British Captain Downie had brought his
flagship to anchor abreast of the Yankee flagship _Saratoga_ at a
distance of three hundred or four hundred yards. Not a shot had been
fired so far from this ship, but when she had been moored with a spring
to her cable, and her guns had been carefully aimed the sixteen long
twenty-fours, double shotted, were discharged as one. Every shot
struck the Yankee flagship, and that was the most frightful blast
received by any Yankee ship in all this war. The _Saratoga_ reeled and
shivered as the iron ploughed through her planks and timbers. More than
one hundred men were thrown to the deck by the shock, and forty of them
failed to get up, for they were killed or wounded, First Lieutenant
Peter Gamble being among the slain.
[Illustration: The Battle of Plattsburg.
_From an old wood-cut._]
This was done not far from 9 o’clock, and from that time on the
Yankee _Saratoga_ and the _Eagle_ were the targets for the British
_Confiance_ and _Linnet_ that together carried a weight of long gun
metal exactly equal to that of the whole American squadron. It was a
terribly unequal fight. There were eight long twelves and sixteen long
twenty-fours driving their solid shot into the two Yankees that could
reply with only four long twenty-fours and four long eighteens. And the
British flagship threw some red-hot shot.
Because some of the long twenty-fours on the British _Confiance_ were
after the first broadside turned toward the Yankee _Eagle_, which
already was in a fierce fight with the British _Linnet_, the _Eagle_
was obliged to cut her cable and run. Passing down wind behind the
_Saratoga_, she took a new position where her long eighteens would bear
on the British flagship, and there she opened an effective fire once
more.
But this move had left the British _Linnet_ free to devote her whole
broadside to raking the Yankee flagship, and although the _Eagle_ was
of some help the chances of victory seemed at this time very much in
favor of the British.
[Illustration: Macdonough’s Victory on Lake Champlain.
_From an engraving in the “Naval Monument.”_]
But in spite of odds, Macdonough, was fighting his ship desperately
and yet with a perfect mental grasp of the whole situation. Like Perry
on Lake Erie, he set an example to his men by working a long gun with
his own hands, and every shot he fired told with deadly effect. But as
he bent over his gun at one moment a British shot cut the spanker-boom
of the _Saratoga_ in two and one of the pieces fell on him, knocking
him senseless, so that the cry “The Commodore is killed” was passed
along the deck. This cry was not true, for Macdonough was soon on his
feet again, only to be once more knocked senseless and with a ghastly
missile. The head of a captain of a gun was shot off and hurled with
tremendous force against Macdonough’s head. But he soon recovered from
this blow also--recovered only to find that, although he had steadily
cut down the fire of the British flagship, the battle was persistently
going against him.
The raking fire of the British brig _Linnet_ was so effective that gun
after gun was knocked out of the battle on the _Saratoga_. The British
gun-boats had swarmed about the little sloop _Preble_ and driven it
away entirely. The Yankee schooner _Ticonderoga_ had, indeed, at about
the middle of the battle disabled the British sloop _Finch_, at the
tail of the British line, so that she drifted ashore on Crab Island;
but the British gun-boats, in spite of the Yankee gun-boats, were
driving with the aid of oars right under the guns of the _Ticonderoga_,
and she was compelled to give her whole attention to them and leave
the _Saratoga_ to fight it out with the British frigate and the
British brig with such aid as the _Eagle_ could render. And at the
last Macdonough found that he had not one of the guns left on the
fighting side of his ship with which to meet the enemy. Worse yet the
_Saratoga_ had been twice set on fire by the hot shot of the British
frigate, and hot shot were still coming.
[Illustration: BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1814.
=American=: Eagle, Saratoga, Ticonderoga, Preble.
=English=: Chubb, Linnet, Confiance, Finch.
Gun-boats and Galleys are represented by short black marks.]
NOTES TO THE DIAGRAMS.
1. The British fleet arrived off Cumberland Head, and for a moment
hung in the wind in line, in the position shown, off the head. They
then sailed up abreast the American fleet and opened the battle,
but the sloop _Finch_ (_d_) was almost instantly driven away by the
fire of the American schooner _Ticonderoga_ (No. 3) and drifted
toward Crab Island.
2. The British sloop _Finch_ (_d_) having been wrecked, she
grounded on Crab Island. A little later the British sloop _Chubb_
(_a_), being disabled by the fire of the Yankee _Eagle_ (No. 1),
drifted down between the lines, hauled down her flag, and was
carried to the beach by an American midshipman. About the same time
the British gun-boats drove the Yankee sloop _Preble_ away, and she
sought safety at the beach.
3. This is about the position of the squadrons when the battle was
going hard against the Americans. The _Eagle_ (No. 1) had been
driven from the head of the line to a place between the _Saratoga_
(No. 2) and the _Ticonderoga_. The British brig _Linnet_ (_b_) was
raking the _Saratoga_, dismounting the _Saratoga’s_ guns, while the
gun-boats swarmed around the _Ticonderoga_ (No. 3). It was then
that Macdonough winded the ship, brought a fresh battery into play,
and won the victory.
4. The British, when trying to wind the _Confiance_ (_c_) around,
as Macdonough had done with the _Saratoga_ (No. 2), got her stern
toward the _Saratoga_, and there she hung, exposed to the raking
fire of the _Saratoga’s_ fresh battery, and flesh and blood could
not stand that. Meantime, the _Ticonderoga_ had driven away the
British gun-boats. When the flag of the _Confiance_ came down, the
_Saratoga_ was turned just enough to bring her broadside to bear on
the _Linnet_ (_b_), and then the battle ended.
The supreme moment of the battle had now come. Calling his men from
their useless guns, Macdonough ordered them to drop the anchor that
had been provided at the stern and then to clap on the spring that led
in at the forecastle. In a moment the ship, impelled by the breeze and
drawn by the spring hawser, began to swing as if on a pivot. Her stern
was soon pointed at the enemy’s frigate. A raking shot from the enemy
struck the _Saratoga’s_ bulwarks near Sailing-master Peter Blum as he
directed the winding work, and the splinters literally tore all his
clothes off of him. But he gathered up enough of the débris to wrap
around his loins and so, dressed like a Cannibal islander, he continued
his work. The British worked their guns furiously but, because of their
fury, ineffectually, and the guns of the fresh Yankee battery were soon
to come into play.
At that the British seamen on the _Confiance_ were called from their
guns and set to work on spring and cable to wind her around and bring
a fresh battery to bear also, for while she had suffered less than the
_Saratoga_ had, the _Confiance_ had lost perhaps two-thirds of her
battery by the accurate shooting of Macdonough’s long guns.
No sooner did the British try to wind their ship than the superiority
of Yankee forethought and seamanship became manifest. For while the
Yankee _Saratoga_ swung into position with scarce a break or stop, the
British _Confiance_ got so far around as to point her stern to the
Yankees, where not one of her guns could bear, and there she stuck.
Wriggle and twist, haul and curse, as they might (and did) the end was
at hand, with triumph for the gridiron flag.
With a verve that made the side tackles rattle, the Yankees brought
their fresh guns to bear on the unprotected stern of the British
frigate, and thereafter their shot ripped up her deck from stern to
anchor bits. They filled the air with splinters. They splashed the guns
and beams with blood. They drove the men from the guns and left her a
wreck.
Their commander, Captain Downie, was long since dead, killed by a gun
that was knocked over by a Yankee shot to fall on him. Lieutenant
John Robertson, who succeeded, was both brave and capable, but no one
could stand up in such a fight, and two hours after firing her first
broadside the British frigate struck her flag to the Yankee corvette.
And then the Yankees once more hauled in on their hawser until their
guns would bear on the irritating British brig _Linnet_ that had been
bravely battering away at them. The _Linnet_ was commanded by Captain
Pring, of the Royal Navy, and he was spurred on by the fact that he
had been beaten at the mouth of Otter Creek and had been reprimanded
by Sir George Prevost. The odds were now as much against him as they
had previously been against the Yankee _Saratoga_, but he held on
bravely, hoping that relief would come from the gun-boats, while he
sent a lieutenant in a boat over to the British flagship to learn the
real condition of affairs. The lieutenant brought back the news that
not only was the British frigate out of it, and her captain dead, but
the _Finch_ as well as the _Chubb_ had surrendered, and the British
gun-boats had been driven off when they swarmed at the _Ticonderoga_.
And then Captain Pring turned to look at his own vessel only to find
that her masts were shot to pieces, her rigging gone, her sides full of
shot holes and the water in her hold above the berth deck and rapidly
rising. He had fought his ship to the last gasp. He had earned the
right to haul down his flag with never a tinge of shame. Two hours and
fifteen minutes after the dreadful broadside of the _Confiance_, the
last British flag afloat fluttered to the deck, and the firing died out
with two wide apart shots at the retreating gun-boats.
[Illustration: The Battle of Plattsburg.
_From an engraving of the picture by Chappel._]
For a few moments the hill-top spectators gazed in anxious silence
while the smoke of battle drifted from around the ships, revealing by
degrees the spars that were still standing. And then some patriot,
standing with straining eyes on Cumberland Head, saw that it was the
gridiron flag only that fluttered in the smoke-laden breeze, and
with a voice that swelled on the air, shouted the news of the Yankee
triumph. A hundred throats about him took up the cry. It was echoed by
a thousand voices from the hills beyond the bay, and then travelled
away across the lake to other thousands on the slopes of the Vermont
hills. The troops down in the valley of the Saranac--the Yankee
regulars under Macomb, the New York militia under Mooers and Wright
and the Green Mountain boys under Strong, took up the shout with such
savage cries as were not to be misunderstood by the enemy. They had
withstood the onslaught there and now victory was also assured them.
Sir George Prevost--the weak and worthless titled commander of the
British forces ashore--heard with “extreme mortification” the “shout of
victory from the American works.” To his mind the “farther prosecution
of the service was become impracticable;” worse yet, though his veteran
troops outnumbered the Americans, regulars and militia, by two to one,
he grew fearful of his personal safety, and when night came down, dark
and thick with an Adirondack storm, he sneaked away, glad to escape.
The pillows of the men from Badajos were wet that night with the
rainfall of a northeast gale, instead of woman’s tears.
As the last flag came down on the British fleet, Macdonough ordered
his gun-boats to pursue the British boats that, without an ensign
flying, were pulling away around Cumberland Head. “Our galleys were
about obeying with alacrity when all the vessels were reported to
me to be in a sinking state; it then became necessary to annul the
signal to the galleys and order their men to the pumps.” So a number
of British galleys escaped--all in fact, but three that were sunk; but
the American crews were engaged in the humane work of keeping the ships
afloat to save the wounded on both sides, and it did not matter.
[Illustration: Macdonough’s Victory on Lake Champlain.
_From an engraving by Tanner of the painting by Reinagle._]
When we came to count the killed and wounded we are unable to learn
the whole loss on the British side. James, for instance, assumes that
none was hurt in the British gun-boats, because none was mentioned in
Captain Pring’s report. Pring, being a prisoner, wrote his report on
the day after the battle in Plattsburg, and so could have no knowledge
of the losses on the gun-boats that escaped, and no complete list of
those in the captured ships. He says in his report that no muster
of the British crews was taken. However, the Americans “took out one
hundred and eighty dead and wounded from the _Confiance_, fifty from
the _Linnet_, and forty from the _Chubb_ and _Finch_.” This aggregates
two hundred and seventy, but does not include the dead thrown overboard
from the British ships during the action, nor does it include British
gun-boat casualties. When it is recalled that the gun-boats that
gathered around the Yankee schooner _Ticonderoga_ were driven off by
firing bags of musket-balls at them--musket-balls that simply dusted
the entire decks of every one in reach--and that these decks were
unprotected by bulwarks while each carried a crew of not less than
twenty-six (one good authority says an average of fifty each)--when all
this is considered, it is fair to add one hundred to the two hundred
and seventy killed and wounded of which we are certain. The British
unquestionably lost a third of their force afloat.
Macdonough’s list of killed and wounded probably includes only
the wounded sent to the hospital. It is as follows: _Saratoga_,
twenty-eight killed and twenty-nine wounded; _Eagle_, thirteen killed
and twenty wounded; _Ticonderoga_, six killed and six wounded;
_Preble_, two killed; _Boxer_ (gun-boat), three killed and one wounded;
_Centipede_ and _Wilmer_, one wounded on each. In all fifty-two were
killed and fifty-eight wounded. Roosevelt thinks ninety more were
slightly wounded, but if we go into the slightly wounded list, we find
that almost every man on both the flagships was thumped or scratched in
some way.
But we can determine the relative efficiency of the two crews much
more readily by an examination of the hulls of the flagships. Keeping
in mind that the two leading British ships had as great a weight of
metal in long guns as the whole Yankee squadron, gun-boats and all,
and that these two British ships were relentlessly firing at the
American flagship during almost the entire time of the battle, a
counting of the round-shot holes in the two flagships gives a measure
of British and American marksmanship, which, though less to the
credit of the Americans than in some other battles, is unmistakable.
The _Saratoga_ was struck by fifty-five round shot; the British
_Confiance_ by one hundred and five. And yet it was point-blank range,
for long guns, over water that lay dead, while the first broadside
from the _Confiance_ was accurate. When the Yankees came to examine
into this matter they learned how they had escaped. Having set their
guns at the right range for the first broadside the British did not
thereafter trouble themselves to look after the range. They loaded
and fired “with fury”--with a whoop and a huzza! But each discharge
pinched the wedge-shaped quoin a trifle from under the breech of their
guns--lowered the breech and elevated the muzzle--so that very soon
their shots were flying high over the Yankee hull. But the cooler
Yankee gunners kept the quoins in place and the range good. Worse yet,
on examining the British guns some were found with shot under the
powder instead of on top, and some with wads at the bottom of the bore
and some crammed to the muzzle--the veritable method of the tenderfoot
on a runway, but not at all what is expected of an experienced naval
tar. And yet the _Confiance_ was manned by picked seamen.
When the fight was over Macdonough wrote the following letter to
Secretary of the Navy William Jones:
“The Almighty has been pleased to grant us a signal victory on Lake
Champlain, in the capture of one frigate, one brig, and two sloops of
war of the enemy.”
This letter and his prayer on the quarter-deck have been often used in
religious discourses--and very properly so. But for the sake of the
honor of the flag, and with no desire whatever to lessen the reader’s
reverence for sacred matters, one who has lived with sailors in both
ends of the ship is impelled to declare that, for the purpose of
rousing seamen to do their best when going into battle, one rooster in
the rigging is worth a dozen prayers on the quarter-deck.
Because the Battle of Lake Champlain and that on Lake Erie were the
only squadron battles of this war, it is worth while comparing the
disposition of the forces made by the two youthful commanders who won.
Both Perry and Macdonough were very young for such responsible posts
as they held--Perry was twenty-seven, and Macdonough was twenty-eight.
Neither had ever had an independent command in battle before being
called on to handle a squadron against an experienced enemy.
On Lake Erie Perry had the moral advantage, such as it was, of making
the attack; he had also the physical advantage of a somewhat superior
force. But these advantages were more than neutralized by the advantage
which the enemy held in being able to concentrate his force to receive
the attack and by the very light wind, which was still further deadened
by the concussion of great guns after firing began. The lack of wind
kept a great part of Perry’s fleet so far in the rear that the flagship
near the head of the line had to stand the brunt of the battle--the
concentrated fire of about all of the enemy’s squadron. Perry was
also handicapped by the unexplained failure of Elliott to close in
on the enemy. Commander Ward, in his “Naval Tactics,” written for the
instruction of naval cadets, speaks of Perry’s oblique attack as “that
which gallantry counselled rather than the more circuitous, perhaps
more prudent, course” which would have taken Perry’s ship abreast of
the British before running within gunshot. But when through gallantry
he had lost his ship, practically, “and a less determined officer might
have despaired of the day,” he “quit his own disabled ship for another”
and “with consummate judgment and celerity, reformed the van of his
squadron, composed of the heaviest ships, and not only retrieved his
loss, but in a few minutes secured victory.” “This combination was most
masterly,” says Ward, referring to what may be called Perry’s renewed
attack. It was his gallantry combined with his splendid judgment and
celerity of action that gave Perry enduring fame. The Battle of Lake
Erie appealed to the sentiment as well as to the cold judgment of
Perry’s countrymen, whether afloat or ashore, and now that more than
eighty years have passed, his handling of the squadron, taking the
battle as a whole, meets as hearty approval from naval officers as it
did in the fall of 1813.
Quite different were the conditions, under which Macdonough had to
fight. The force of the enemy was superior, and he rightly chose
to receive rather than make the attack. As Barclay, the British
commander on Lake Erie, concentrated his power as much as possible,
so did Macdonough when awaiting the enemy. His choice of positions in
Plattsburg Bay far outweighed the moral advantage which the British
had in making an attack. And the rare judgment which Macdonough showed
in preparing for the emergencies of battle far outweighed in the end
the superior force--the very greatly superior force which the British
possessed in the concentration of their long guns on a frigate and a
brig.
Like Perry, Macdonough fought his own ship, giving no attention during
a long period to the others of his squadron, after the battle began;
with his own hands he worked a gun, and with perfect skill. His ship,
like Perry’s, received the concentrated fire of the enemy and bore
the greatest part of the loss. The winding of his ship at the supreme
moment of the battle was a move like, in a way, that of Perry in going
to the _Niagara_, and it was a move that, like Perry’s, won the day
that had there-to-fore been disastrous to the Yankee fleet.
In short with a tremendous responsibility thrust suddenly upon them,
these two young men did so well, each in his own circumstances, that
their actions have ever since been held up for the admiration as well
as instruction of the officers that have come after them.
The Battles of Lake Erie and Champlain were fought when the nation’s
navy was young and ambitious, but let not even the most optimistic
patriot abate one jot of his confidence in the men who now stand
erect and uncover their heads whenever they see the old flag hoisted
to the peak. For in every class that graduates at Annapolis there
are Macdonoughs and Perrys and Hulls and Bainbridges and Porters and
Nicholas Biddles and John Paul Joneses.
One history of the War of 1812 says that Macdonough hoisted, just as
the British squadron appeared, a signal reading, “Impressed seamen
call on every man to do his duty.” Whether this was done or not,
the adventure of Macdonough in protecting an American seaman from
impressment at Gibraltar, in 1806, must be told to show still further
the character of the man.
Macdonough was first lieutenant (though but twenty years old) of the
Yankee brig _Siren_. One day while the _Siren’s_ captain was on shore,
a Yankee merchantman came into the port and anchored near the _Siren_.
Scarcely was her anchor down when a boat put off from a British
frigate near by, went directly to the Yankee merchantman, and in a
few minutes pulled away again, having one more man in it than when
it left the frigate. Macdonough noted this fact, and sent Lieutenant
Page to the merchantman to see what had happened. Page returned with
the information that the British had impressed one of the crew of the
Yankee merchantman.
On hearing that Macdonough instantly ordered the _Siren’s_ gig away,
manned with armed men, and getting into it himself, he pulled after the
frigate’s boat, overtook it right alongside the frigate, and although
the frigate’s boat had eight oars to Macdonough’s four, he took out of
it by force the impressed seaman and carried him to the _Siren_.
A little later the captain of the frigate came on board the _Siren_ in
a great rage. He had plainly tried to impress the Yankee, not because
one man would be of any consequence as an addition to his crew, but to
show his contempt for the little Yankee war-ship, and to be baulked
so was a terrible affront. He wanted to know how Macdonough “dared to
take a man from one of His Majesty’s boats.” Macdonough, in no way
flustrated, invited the captain into the _Siren’s_ cabin: The Captain
refused to go and “with abundance of threats” repeated his question. He
was determined, he said, that he would haul his frigate alongside the
_Siren_ and take the man by force. To this Macdonough replied:
“I suppose your ship can sink the _Siren_, but as long as she can swim
I shall keep the man.”
“You are a very young man and a very indiscreet young man,” said the
bully. “Suppose I had been in the boat--what would you have done?”
“I would have taken the man or lost my life,” replied Macdonough.
“What, sir! Would you attempt to stop me if I were now to try to
impress men from that brig?” thundered the captain.
“I would,” replied the calm Macdonough, “and to convince yourself that
I would, you have only to make the attempt.”
At that the British captain got into his boat, rowed away to his
frigate and then turned and rowed toward the Yankee merchantman.
Macdonough at once called away his boat with an armed crew, and rowed
out to protect the brig, whereat the bold Englishman rowed around the
merchantman without boarding her, and with his rudder tucked well under
his stern, so to speak, put back to his frigate.
[Illustration: Medal Awarded to Thomas Macdonough after His Victory on
Lake Champlain.]
The victory on Lake Champlain stirred the American people so that
bonfires and illuminations were seen everywhere. An undue share of
praise was awarded to the land forces; it was because there was a fight
on land at the time of the battle afloat that the people as a whole
failed to sing the praises of Macdonough as loudly as they had sung
those of Perry. It is the work of the historian to show that Champlain
was entirely a naval victory. But Macdonough did not lack appreciation.
The Legislature of New York, understanding very well that it was the
wooden wall afloat that prevented the desecration of the homes of
northern New York, gave him 2,000 acres of land, while that of Vermont,
actuated by the same feelings, bought a farm on Cumberland Head (two
hundred acres) overlooking the scene of his victory, and gave it to
him. The Congress voted thanks to all the force; gave gold medals to
Macdonough, to Robert Henley, commanding the _Eagle_, and to Stephen
Cassin, commanding the _Ticonderoga_, with silver medals to all other
commissioned officers. The nearest male relatives of Lieutenant Peter
Gamble and of Lieutenant John Stansbury each received a silver medal.
The captured vessels were purchased by the Government for a round sum,
which was distributed as prize-money, while the petty officers and
seamen got three months’ extra pay. Macdonough was promoted to the rank
of post-captain.
[Illustration: Stephen Cassin’s Medal.]
It is a curious fact that the captured British ships were ballasted
with cannon and shot instead of the broken rock commonly used in those
days. They were confident of victory, and these supplies were for use
in the conquest of northern New York and Vermont. And when Prevost fled
he left immense quantities of military stores behind him.
The result of the battle was very mortifying to the enemy, and Sir
George Prevost is said to have died of the chagrin. And in the
discussions over a proposed treaty of peace, then in progress, the
influence of this American victory was most important. The American
commissioners had demanded that territorial limits remain as before
the war. The British Government was clutching at the northeast corner
of Maine when, to quote Schouler, the news of the British disaster at
Plattsburg “made it doubtful whether the rule of _uti possidetis_ might
prove a positive disadvantage to England.” And that is to say that in
an exchange of conquered territories the Americans might gain more than
they would lose. The Duke of Wellington wrote to Lord Castlereagh that
“you have gained nothing yet in the American war which gives you the
right to demand on principle a territorial concession.” So Castlereagh,
with evident chagrin, yielded the point to the American commissioners.
The victory of Macdonough served materially to bring the war to a close.
The most popular song in the United States during the winter of 1814–15
was the following:
SIEGE OF PLATTSBURG.
Backside of Albany, ’tan Lake Champlain:
One little pond, half full a water--
Plattsburg dare too, close upon de main--
Town small--he grow bigger do, hereafter.
On Lake Champlain,
Unkle Sam set he boat;
And Massa Macdonough he sail ’em--
While Gen’ral M’Comb,
Make Plattsburg he home,
Wid he army, whose courage nebber fail ’em.
Eleventh day of September
In eighteen hundred and fourteen,
Gubbenner Probose, and he British soldier,
Come to Plattsburg, a tea-party courtin’.
An’ he boat come too,
Arter Unkle Sam boat--
Massa Donough do, look sharp out he winder,
Den Gin’ral M’Comb,
Ah! he always home!
Catch fire too, jiss like tinder!
Bow! wow! wow! den de cannon ’gin t’ roar;
In Plattsburg, an’ all ’bout dat quarter--
Gubbenner Probose try he hand ’pun de shore.
While he boat take he luck ’pun de water,
But Massa Macdonough
Kick he boat in de head!
Break he heart, broke he shin, ’tove he calf in--
An’ Gin’ral M’Comb,
Start ole Probose home!
Taught me soul den, I must die a laffin.
Probose scart so, he left all behind--
Powder, ball, cannon, tea-pot an’ kettle--
Some say, he cotch a cold, perish in he mind,
’Bloig’d eat so much raw and cold vittle.
Unkle Sam berry sorry
To be sure for he pain--
Wish he nuss heself up, well an’ hearty--
For Gen’ral M’Comb
An’ Massa Donough home
When he notion for a nudder tea-party.
CHAPTER VIII
SAMUEL C. REID OF THE _GENERAL ARMSTRONG_
STORY OF THE DESPERATE DEFENCE OF AMERICA’S MOST FAMOUS
PRIVATEER--SHE WAS LYING IN NEUTRAL WATER WHEN FOUR HUNDRED PICKED
BRITISH SEAMEN IN BOATS THAT WERE ARMED WITH CANNON CAME TO TAKE
HER BY NIGHT--ALTHOUGH SHE HAD BUT NINETY MEN, AND THERE WAS TIME
TO FIRE BUT ONE ROUND FROM HER GUNS, THE ATTACK WAS REPELLED WITH
FRIGHTFUL SLAUGHTER--SCUTTLED WHEN A BRITISH SHIP CAME TO ATTACK
HER--THE CUNNING OMISSIONS AND DELIBERATE MISSTATEMENTS OF THE
BRITISH HISTORIANS EXAMINED IN DETAIL--THE HONORABLE CAREER OF
CAPTAIN REID IN AFTER LIFE--A PICKED CREW OF BRITISH SEAMEN AFTER
THE _NEUFCHÂTEL_--A THREE-TO-ONE FIGHT WHERE THE YANKEES WON--OTHER
BRAVE MILITIAMEN OF THE SEA.
In the foremost rank of the most desperate and valorous conflicts
recorded in the annals of the sea stands that made by Captain Samuel
C. Reid, of the privateer schooner _General Armstrong_, in the harbor
of Fayal, in the Azore islands, beginning early in the evening of
September 26, 1814, and lasting, with intervals of peace, all night.
The _Armstrong_ was a New York privateer. She was owned by Renselaer
Havens, Thomas Formar, and Thomas Jenkins. In the early part of the
war she carried nineteen guns, of which one was a long twelve-pounder
and the others long nines. Manned by one hundred and fifty men under
Captain Tim Barnard, she took nineteen prizes. Later twelve of the long
nines were removed for use in a fort and a forty-two pounder placed
amidship for a “long tom.”
In this style, under Captain Samuel C. Reid, she sailed from New York
Harbor on September 9, 1814. The letter of instruction from her owners
to her captain suggested that he cruise near the Madeiras to intercept
the Brazil fleet. To this was added a paragraph worth quoting. It said,
“Be particular in strictly prohibiting any plunder or depredations.”
With a fair wind and the Gulf Stream to help him along, Captain Reid
arrived at Fayal Roads on September 26th and anchored there for the
purpose of getting water and such fresh provisions as the port afforded.
The American consul, Mr. John B. Dabney, informed him that no British
cruisers had been among the Azores for several weeks, but at about dusk
that afternoon, while the captain, the consul, and some friends were
standing on the deck of the _Armstrong_, the British brig _Carnation_
suddenly came into view under the northeast head of the harbor within
range of long guns.
Consul Dabney was quite certain that the British would respect the
neutrality of the port, but as soon as a pilot had arrived alongside
of the _Carnation_ “she hauled close in and let go her anchor within
pistol-shot of us.” And then as her anchor splashed into the water the
big British liner _Plantagenet_ and the frigate _Rota_ came in sight.
Thereafter for some time there was a rapid exchange of signals between
the _Carnation_ and the big ship. All of the boats of the _Carnation_
were dropped into the water. One boat was sent off from her to the
_Plantagenet_ and there was, in short, no end of bustle about her decks.
A full moon was shining that night, and in the clear air of the Azores
every move of the enemy was distinctly seen from the _Armstrong_
and from the shore as well. The significance of the bustle on the
_Carnation_ was unmistakable, and Captain Reid, after clearing for
action, got up his anchor, and with the aid of long oars began to sweep
the _Armstrong_ away from the enemy and close inshore. There was only a
faint air blowing and no sails were set on the _Armstrong_. But as soon
as the crew of the _Carnation_ saw the Yankee leaving them they cut
cable and made sail in pursuit while four boats were manned with armed
men and sent after her.
It was now about eight o’clock. Seeing the boats coming Captain Reid
dropped his anchor, got springs on his cable and then triced up a stout
rope net all around the vessel above the rail--a net that the boarders
could not quickly cut out of the way nor easily climb over. Then
Captain Reid hailed them repeatedly but they made no reply, unless,
indeed, the quickening of their stroke, which was manifest, was a reply.
That the four boats were making a dash to capture the _Armstrong_ was
not to be doubted and is not doubted now by any fair mind. In defence
of his vessel attacked in a neutral harbor Captain Reid opened fire.
The enemy returned the fire instantly and came on at their best stroke,
but before they had reached the rail of the schooner they had had
enough, and while some of them begged for quarter, they all turned
about and rowed back to the _Carnation_.
The loss of the enemy in this preliminary skirmish was never printed,
but the _Armstrong_ lost one man killed and the First Lieutenant,
Frederick A. Worth, wounded.
When the enemy had retired, the _Armstrong_ was hauled in until within
pistol shot of the Portuguese Castle on shore, and there she was
moored, head and stern to the beach, after which the arms were all
prepared for action and the crew, to a man, awaited the next assault
with the hearty good-will characteristic of the American seamen when
resisting insolent aggression. And meantime the whole population of the
port, roused by the fire in the first attack, gathered on every height
overlooking the Yankee’s berth to watch the issue. The Portuguese
Governor was among those who saw it all.
Neither spectator nor sailorman had long to wait for the first
manœuvre. By 9 o’clock the _Carnation_ was seen drifting in with a
large fleet of boats. Pretty soon the boats left the _Carnation_ and
gathered under shelter of a reef of rocks at long musket range from the
_Armstrong_. Here they lay until midnight, when, after being divided
into three divisions, of four boats each--the number of boats was
easily counted by every spectator of the scene--they headed for the
desperate Yankees.
[Illustration: The _General Armstrong_ at Fayal.]
Waiting until within close range Captain Reid opened on them. “The
discharge from our long tom rather staggered them,” but they instantly
recovered and, returning the fire with carronades, boat-howitzers,
and muskets, they gave three cheers and bravely dashed in at the
schooner. One round was all that Captain Reid could give them from
his four cannon, for they were at the schooner’s low rail before he
could reload. There was nothing for it then but to fight, man to man,
man-fashion. With their sharpened cutlasses the British seamen strove
to cut their way to the schooner’s deck, while the marines with muskets
and bayonets strove to clear the Yankees away from the schooner’s
rail. But the Yankees with muskets and pistols for a few rounds and
with pikes and cutlasses and axes stood to their post and stabbed and
slashed and chopped back. The British came on with fierce cheers and
cries; the Yankees with close-shut mouths and bared arms split open
the British heads down to the yelling mouths, and cut the throats and
broke in the backs of those that twisted and turned to find a way on
board. The enemy had come in three divisions; they swarmed at the
stern and the waist and the bow. There were more than three hundred of
them to the eighty-eight Americans, and for forty minutes the British
fought with a vigor born of hatred, contempt, and mortified pride. But
they were beating their heads and arms against a granite rock. Not
once did an armed enemy stand for three seconds on the _Armstrong’s_
deck. Because Second Lieutenant Alexander O. Williams was killed on
the forecastle, and Third Lieutenant Robert Johnson was shot through
the knee and unable to stand erect, the defence on the forecastle
almost failed. But Captain Reid rallied his victorious shipmates from
the quarter-deck and charging forward drove the last boat from the
schooner’s bow.
Two of the enemy’s boats “which belonged to the _Rota_” were captured,
“literally loaded with their own dead. Seventeen only had escaped
from them both”--escaped by swimming ashore. The others, not less
than fifty in number, were killed. Several boats were destroyed. “In
another boat under our quarter, commanded by one of the lieutenants
of the _Plantagenet_, all were killed save four. This I have from
the lieutenant himself.” So says Captain Reid. The British officers
admitted to Consul Dabney “that they have lost in killed, and who have
died since the engagement, upward of one hundred and twenty of the
flower of their officers and men. The captain of the _Rota_ told me he
lost seventy men from his ship.” So wrote the consul in his official
report. Afterward “the British, mortified at this signal and unexpected
defeat, endeavored to conceal the extent of their loss.”
In order to show American readers in what fashion British historians
have handled the stories of the actions in which British seamen were
badly defeated by the Yankees, the entire report which Allen wrote of
this affair is here given _verbatim_:
“On the 26th of September, a squadron, consisting of the 74-gun ship
_Plantagenet_, Captain Robert Lloyd; 38-gun frigate _Rota_, Captain
Philip Somerville; and 18-gun brig _Carnation_, Commander George
Bentham, cruising off the Western Islands, discovered at anchor in
Fayal Roads the American schooner privateer _General Armstrong_,
Captain Camplin, of seven guns and ninety men. The neutrality of the
port having been violated by the American captain in firing on a boat
from the _Plantagenet_, by which two men were killed and two wounded,
Captain Lloyd determined to attempt the capture of the privateer by
the boats of the squadron. At 8 h. P.M. the _Plantagenet_ and _Rota_
anchored off Fayal Road, and at 9 h. seven boats from the two ships,
containing one hundred and eighty men, under the orders of Lieutenant
William Matterface of the _Rota_, departed on this service. At
midnight, after a fatiguing pull, the boats arrived within hail, when
they received from the schooner, and from a battery erected with some
of her guns on a point of land, a heavy fire of cannon and musketry.
Two of the boats were sunk, and more than half the men that had been
sent away in them killed or wounded. The remainder returned, and about
2 h. A.M. on the 27th reached the _Rota_. The _Rota’s_ first and third
lieutenants (Matterface and Charles R. Norman), one midshipman, and
thirty-one seamen and marines were killed; and her second lieutenant,
Richard Rawle, Lieutenant of Marines Thomas Park, ---- Bridgeman
(acting) purser, two midshipmen, and eighty-one men wounded. Soon after
daylight the _Carnation_ stood into the roads to attack the privateer;
but the Americans set fire to and destroyed her.”
A careful examination of this report will be found most interesting.
First of all let the reader observe that the American consul in his
official report says that the captain of the _Rota_ admitted a loss
of seventy from that one ship. But Allen says that the _Rota’s_ loss
was thirty-four killed and eighty-five wounded--in all one hundred and
nineteen.
This is important because it proves that Consul Dabney in his report
of the British losses understated at least the loss of the _Rota_;
it proves that he was entirely candid and fair in his report. He
truthfully reported what the British officers told him. It is therefore
reasonable to suppose that when he says the British officers admitted
to him that they had lost one hundred and twenty of their best men, he
also tells the truth. It is not unreasonable to suppose further that
these British officers understated the facts, as did the captain of the
_Rota_ when talking to him.
Let us now consider the number of boats attacking the little schooner.
Dabney says that twelve large boats “crowded with men” came at the
schooner. Observe that this is a statement by a spectator whose candor
is proved by the enemy’s historian, and then read Allen’s report which
says that “the _Plantagenet_ and _Rota_ anchored off Fayal Road, and at
9 h. seven boats from the two ships, containing one hundred and eighty
men,” were sent. He says “Captain Lloyd determined to attempt the
capture of the privateer by the _boats of the squadron_,” and then he
omits saying whether boats were sent from the _Carnation_, and leaves
the reader to infer that none was sent from her. Will a fair-minded
student accept Consul Dabney’s count of twelve boats or will he do as
Allen would have him do--will he believe that after Lloyd determined
to attack with “the boats of the squadron” only the seven boats from
the two ships and no more were sent? Is this unfairly accusing Allen
of lack of candor? If anyone thinks it is unfair, let him note further
that Allen gives in detail the losses among the _Rota’s_ crew and
does not say a word--not one word--about losses on the boats from the
_Plantagenet_.
There were “seven boats from the two ships.” The one was a
line-of-battle-ship and the other a frigate. Would not the larger
ship send more boats than the smaller one? But grant that the larger
ship sent three and the smaller one four, what was the loss on the
_Plantagenet_? Were the _Plantagenet’s_ men cowards that they did not
fight and get hurt? Certainly the loss on the _Plantagenet_ was as
great in proportion to the number of men engaged as on the _Rota_.
Captain Reid of the _Armstrong_ says that he learned from a lieutenant
belonging to the _Plantagenet_, that all but four men were killed in
one of the _Plantagenet’s_ boats under the _Armstrong’s_ quarter. Shall
we believe this explicit statement or must we infer, because Allen says
nothing about any loss on the _Plantagenet_, that there really was no
loss there? And in connection with this let the reader note once more
that no boat from the _Carnation_ is mentioned by Allen and that no
loss among her crew is recorded by him.
And then consider once more that one hundred and nineteen were killed
and wounded on the _Rota’s_ boats. How many men were there in each of
her boats that she should have lost that number of killed and wounded
in four? These boats carried carronades. By referring to the accounts
of other battles of the kind (that at Craney’s Island, for instance,
where James himself admits that there were seven hundred men in fifteen
boats, or forty-six to the boat) we learn that an ordinary ship’s
cutter would carry at least twenty-five men, and a long-boat or launch
anywhere from forty men up to sixty or more. Recalling now that the
Americans credit two of the _Rota’s_ boats with seventeen men escaping
ashore by swimming, it is fair to suppose that part of them were
unhurt. And if she had four boats to the _Plantagenet’s_ three, part of
each of her other two also escaped. In short, if she lost one hundred
and nineteen it is fair to suppose that twenty-one escaped unhurt--it
is fair to suppose that she averaged at the very least thirty-five
men to the boat. The candid Dabney says the boats were crowded with
men. We are at liberty, in view of these facts, to doubt Allen’s
statement that only one hundred and eighty men were in the seven boats.
Because he omits to tell the loss of the _Plantagenet_, and because
he deliberately omits to tell how many men the _Carnation_ had in the
fight as well as how many she lost, we are compelled to believe that
Allen deliberately understated the number of men in the boats he admits
were sent. In short there is every good reason for supposing that when
Consul Dabney wrote that “near four hundred men were in the boats when
the attack commenced,” he was not only entirely sincere but reasonably
accurate. If there were but thirty men to the boat there were three
hundred and sixty in the entire flotilla of twelve, and that is “near
four hundred.” Let any reader look up the stories of boat actions and
then say whether even thirty-five is too large an estimate for the
average number of men in a boat’s crew.
Allen says that the “neutrality of the port having been violated by the
American captain in firing on a boat from the _Plantagenet_,” an attack
was planned. The consul says Reid fired only when four boats dashed at
the Yankee schooner. In view of the omissions in the British account we
would be justified in believing the candid consul rather than Allen,
but here, fortunately, we have the testimony of the enemy to prove that
they were the aggressors, for not only did the British admit to the
Portuguese that the British ships had violated the neutrality of Fayal;
they made an ample apology and _they paid for damages done_.
To complete the story of the _Armstrong_ it must be told that after the
British were beaten off the Americans remained on guard. They had lost
but two killed and seven wounded, and although a few had fled on shore
there were enough left to meet another attack of the kind repelled. At
3 o’clock in the morning of the 27th Captain Reid was called ashore by
Consul Dabney, and there he learned that the Portuguese Governor had
sent a note to Captain Lloyd begging that hostilities cease, but Lloyd
had replied that he was determined to have the privateer at the risk of
knocking down the whole town.
All hope of saving the Yankee schooner was gone, and the wounded were
sent ashore with the effects of the entire crew. The British brig came
in at daylight and began to fire broadsides. The crew of the Yankee
schooner fired back for a time, but eventually scuttled and abandoned
her. Seeing that she was abandoned the British came on board hastily
and set her on fire. The Yankee crew having escaped on shore, Captain
Lloyd addressed an official letter to the Governor stating that in
the American crew were two men who had deserted from his squadron in
America, and as they were guilty of high treason, he required them to
be found and given up. Accordingly the Portuguese soldiers mustered the
entire American crew and compelled them to submit to an examination by
the British officers. No British deserters were found. It is to the
credit of the British historian Allen that he did not mention this act
of Lloyd.
It is worth noting here, that Captain Lloyd’s squadron were bound
to the Mississippi River--they were a part of the force sent on the
land-grabbing expedition which the British Government planned and tried
to execute while the negotiations for peace were under consideration
at Ghent.
Captain Reid returned home by the way of Savannah. He was everywhere
enthusiastically received for his heroic defence of the flag. The State
of New York gave him a vote of thanks and a sword. The merchants of New
York gave him a set of silver plate.
Samuel Chester Reid was a native of Norwich, Connecticut. He had seen
service as a midshipman under Truxton. He was after this fight a
sailing-master in the American navy, where his record for honor was as
high as that of any man. There was absolutely no reason for doubting
his report of his fight; in fact, it was modest and well within the
facts as became a sea hero. Besides, it was fully corroborated by
Consul Dabney and, as shown here, by the unwilling testimony of the
enemy. He was at one time a port warden at New York and afterward
Collector of the Port. It was he who originated the present scheme of
arranging the stars and the stripes in the American flag, whereby the
stripes number thirteen and the stars are of the same number as the
States. Resolutions of thanks to him were passed in both houses on
April 4, 1818, “for having designed and formed the present flag of the
United States.” He died in New York City on April 28, 1861, and was
buried in Greenwood.
When Lieutenant (afterward the famous Captain) Isaac Hull during the
French war cut the schooner _Sandwich_ out of Puerta Plata, a neutral
port, the American Government returned the vessel with apologies. An
American reads this with the greater satisfaction when he recalls the
fact that British historians defend their Government for refusing to
undo the wrong done to the owners of the _Armstrong_.
Of a character like that of the _Armstrong_ was the fight made by the
crew of one other New York privateer, the _Prince de Neufchâtel_,
Captain J. Ordronaux. It was made on October 11, 1814. A famous
privateer was this swift cruiser, and lucky in the extreme. She was
credited with bringing in eighteen prizes all told, and in the cruise
during which she made the fight, she brought in no less than $300,000
worth of goods, besides a large quantity of coin. Moreover she had been
chased by and had escaped from seventeen armed British vessels, when
on October 11th, being off Nantucket at the time, the British frigate
_Endymion_, of which something will be told further on, came in chase
of her. She would have outsailed the _Endymion_ had the wind held, but
a dead flat calm came on and neither ship could move.
At this the _Endymion_ hoisted out five boats, large and small,
and manned them with one hundred and eleven men. This was a most
serious menace to the Yankee, for she had sent in so many prizes that
only forty of her crew, at most (accounts differ--Coggeshall says
thirty-three), including every one, remained. Nevertheless the Yankees
triced up their nettings and prepared to fight it out. It was at about
9 o’clock at night that the boats arrived beside the privateer. They
had spread out so that one came on each bow, one on each beam, and one
astern. But the Yankee crew were ready, and when the British climbed
up they were beaten back, and at the end of twenty minutes the British
begged for quarter. One of their large boats, with forty-three men in
it, had sunk. Another that had contained thirty-six men, surrendered,
while the others drifted off with very few, indeed, to man the oars.
Of the thirty-six originally in the boat that surrendered, eight had
been killed and twenty wounded--twenty-eight out of thirty-six--say
three-fourths. It is not unlikely that more than three-fourths of the
entire attacking party were killed and wounded. Allen admits that
the loss was twenty-eight killed and thirty-seven wounded out of the
crews of the boats that returned to the ship. He makes no statement
regarding the number lost either by wounds or as prisoners in the
launch captured, but admits the capture. The killed and wounded in the
launch should be added to the numbers given by Allen, so that the total
British loss was at least thirty-six killed and fifty-seven wounded.
The privateer lost seven killed and fifteen badly and nine slightly
wounded--all but nine of those on board were hurt. It was a right
desperate fight on both sides. And it shows what a few men can do when
they fight with relentless determination. “The privateersmen gained the
victory by sheer ability to stand punishment.”
Meantime, when the battle began there were almost as many prisoners
on board the privateers as there were Americans; when it was over the
unhurt Americans had six times their number of the enemy to care for,
besides nursing their own wounded. Yet they brought all safely into
port.
The _Lottery_, Captain Southcombe, of Baltimore, fought off for an hour
nine British barges containing two hundred and forty well-armed men
before she was taken, and the loss of the British in killed alone was
many more than the whole crew of the Yankee.
[Illustration: Fight Between the Brig _Chasseur_ and the Schooner _St.
Lawrence_ off Havana, February 26, 1815.
_From a lithograph in Coggeshall’s “Privateers.”_]
And a right brave action was that which Captain Boyle, of the Baltimore
clipper _Chasseur_, made with the British war-schooner, _St. Lawrence_.
Boyle ran down on the _St. Lawrence_ by mistake. He thought her a
merchantman. But when alongside he fought it out, and in just
fifteen minutes from the firing of the first gun the enemy’s flag came
down. This was extraordinary for two reasons. The enemy was a regular
man-o’-war, and she was also of superior force. The enemy carried
twelve short twelves and one long nine. Boyle at this time had six long
twelves and eight short nines, but having no nine-pound shot he used a
four-pound and a six-pound shot together. It was a fight yard-arm to
yard-arm, so that the enemy’s broadside of eighty-one pounds was better
than Boyle’s of seventy-six, even though Boyle could fire three long
twelves. Accounts differ as to the number of men engaged. Boyle had
eighty all told. He said he took out of the _St. Lawrence_ eighty-nine
besides passengers. Since no one but James disputes this there is no
reason for doubting Boyle. James understates the number of the British
crew because they struck when the privateersmen were boarding. The
Yankee lost five killed and eight wounded; the British six killed and
seventeen wounded.
The fights herein recorded were the most famous made by the privateers
of this war. The sea militia were on these occasions well led, and
therefore as brave as regular naval seamen. A careful study of the
fights of this kind shows that in the majority of the cases where a
privateer was attacked by a British man-o’-war crew the privateer
surrendered militia fashion--tamely. But where the officers were men
of sound nerves the fight was as desperate and about as well conducted
as any naval fight involving the same forces. The fact that the Yankee
privateers in this war took and destroyed or sent in about 1,600
British ships, including a considerable number of small war-ships,
while the total number of Yankee ships taken by the British was only
five hundred--this fact is significant. The total number of Yankee
privateers was two hundred and fifty. Their record on the whole was so
good that the fame of their deeds helped to preserve the peace of their
country long after their timbers had rotted away; and it still helps.
CHAPTER IX
A YANKEE FRIGATE TAKEN BY THE ENEMY
THEY COMPLETELY MOBBED “THE WAGGON” AND SO GOT HER AT LAST--THE
FIRST NAVAL CONTEST AFTER THE TREATY OF PEACE WAS SIGNED--THE
_PRESIDENT_, WHEN RUNNING THE BLOCKADE AT NEW YORK, GROUNDED
ON THE BAR, AND, ALTHOUGH SHE POUNDED OVER, SHE FELL IN WITH
THE SQUADRON--A BRITISH FRIGATE THOROUGHLY WHIPPED, BUT TWO
MORE OVERTOOK HER--A POINT ON NAVAL ARCHITECTURE--A TREATY THAT
HUMILIATES THE PATRIOT.
The treaty which the British and American commissioners negotiated at
Ghent and which they signed on December 24, 1814, is as instructive as
it is humiliating to an American patriot. There are eleven articles
to this treaty. These provided for a cessation of hostilities; for
a boundary line; for public and private property and documents
captured, or to be captured before the ratification of the treaty;
for the red Indians of the frontier; for the negro slaves and the
suppression of the black slave trade on the high seas. It provided
for everything needful but one. The American Government had been
forced to declare war because of a popular sentiment generated by
the friends of the American seamen who had been forced into slavery
by British press-gangs: the American naval seamen had fought as no
naval seaman had ever fought before because they were fighting for
“sailors’ rights”; but when the treaty of peace was written there was
not one word in it about those rights--not one. The British ministers
stubbornly refused to touch upon or even consider the subject of
impressment, and the American commissioners, on the plea that the
question was now “purely theoretical,”--that, the war in Europe being
over, there would be no longer any occasion for impressment--the
American commissioners, be it said, consented to omit the point. The
real cause of the war was ignored in the treaty of peace.
It is humiliating to a patriot to recall this fact, but it is equally
humiliating to remember that the motto on the big burgee flaunted by
Yankee cruisers read “_Free trade_ and Sailors’ Rights.” The rights
of property were placed ahead of the rights of man. The sneer of the
British historian Napier, when he referred to the Americans as “a
people who (notwithstanding the curse of black slavery which clings
to them, adding the most horrible ferocity _to the peculiar baseness
of their mercantile spirit_, and rendering their republican vanity
ridiculous) do, in their general government, uphold civil institutions
that have startled the crazy despotisms of Europe”--this sneer was
justified in its day, by the treaty of Ghent, as by the treatment
accorded the unfortunate colored race.
Nevertheless, because of the qualities displayed by the American
seamen, from the battle between the _Guerrière_ and the _Constitution_
to Macdonough’s victory on Lake Champlain, and in all the naval
encounters, except possibly one that followed the signing of the
treaty--because of the hearty good will that backed the strong and
well-trained arm of the republican sailor, what was denied in the
promise of peace was granted when peace came. The British politicians
quibbled and the British historians have garbled and sneered, but the
full significance of the naval battles of the War of 1812 was and
is appreciated by the real rulers of the British nation. And that
significance, though it brought a treaty--a written document--that
is humiliating, brought a lasting state of peace that was and is a
matter of pride to all who honor the flag. It did more. The manifest
superiority of the American seamen was so great that, by degrees, the
British naval authorities were led to abandon their cruel methods of
manning and disciplining their ships and to adopt the American system
of good pay and good food and just treatment instead. Treating men as
men has worked as well, these late years, in the British navy, as it
has always worked in the American. Moreover a day was to come when the
British Government was to say, in a most emphatic Government document,
that the American declaration of war in 1812 was entirely justified.
As said, the treaty of peace was signed on December 24, 1814. But
it had to be ratified by both Governments, and the news that peace
had been declared had to be promulgated throughout the world before
hostilities would cease. There were battles not a few thereafter.
The Yankee sailor was to be heard from on the sluggish waters of the
Mississippi’s swamps; under the bleak cliffs of Tristan d’Acunha, on
the sunlit seas of India, and elsewhere. He did not always triumph,
but his flag did not come down save at the behest of greatly superior
numbers; and this chapter shall tell how it came down in the first
naval contest after the treaty was signed.
[Illustration: Commodore Stephen Decatur.]
It was on the unlucky _President_ when she was commanded by Stephen
Decatur. As the reader will recall, Decatur was blockaded with the
_United States_, the _Macedonian_, and the _Hornet_ at New London by
a British squadron, beginning in June, 1813. There the two frigates
remained until the end of the war. Late in 1814 Decatur was transferred
to the _President_, then in New York harbor. Rodgers had had the ill
luck to make four cruises in her without ever having a battle or even
taking enough merchantmen to pay the expense of keeping the ship in
commission. A very excellent revision of an old proverb says that “all
things come to him who ‘rustles’ while he waits.” It is a fact that the
active aggressive men of the navy in that war did not have much bad
luck.
Decatur, when in command of the _President_, was ordered to take the
little sloop-of-war _Hornet_, Captain James Biddle, and the new Yankee
corvette _Peacock_, Captain Lewis Warrington, and go on a cruise to
the East Indies, as Captain Bainbridge with the _Constitution_, the
_Essex_, and the _Hornet_ had started to do. Accordingly, having
appointed the island of Tristan d’Acunha as a rendezvous, Decatur
sailed out of New York harbor with a substantial northerly gale to help
him, on the night of January 14, 1815. The gale had prevailed long
enough to blow the blockading squadron clear of Sandy Hook, and all
went well until the ship was crossing the bar, when, by a mistake of
the pilots, she struck the sand. There was enough of a sea rolling to
lift and drop the big ship on the bar and for an hour and a half she
lay there pounding. By that time the tide had raised her and over she
went, though very much “hogged and twisted.” That is she had literally
broken her back, and her fair shape was warped into an irregular one.
Because of the wind Decatur was compelled to go to sea. Skirting the
Long Island coast for about fifty miles he concluded he must be clear
of the British squadron, and so headed away on his course for Tristan
d’Acunha. As it happened, Captain John Hayes, commanding the British
blockading squadron, had calculated that any ship leaving New York
would try to get to sea by hugging the Long Island coast, on the theory
that the British would be blown away down the Jersey beach; so he had
kept his squadron “bucking the gale” off the Long Island coast, and
thus it happened that when Decatur eased his sheets to run away on his
course, he ran right into the British squadron.
The British squadron included the razee _Majestic_ (a cut-down
liner); the frigate _Endymion_, that had been built to meet the big
Yankees and was armed as they were, with long twenty-fours; the
ordinary (eighteen-pounder) frigate _Pomone_, and the ordinary frigate
_Tenedos_. There was also a brig, but it had no part in the fight.
It was just before daylight when the enemy were seen. Decatur hauled
up to the wind and headed for the east end of Long Island, but the
_President_ was seen by the British and the whole squadron went after
her. The good judgment of Captain Hayes was going to win him a ship.
As the _President_ stood away, the _Majestic_ and the _Endymion_ were
directly astern, with the _Pomone_ on the port and the _Tenedos_ on
the starboard quarter. The wind still held strong, and the _Majestic_
led the _Endymion_ and gained on the _President_ enough to warrant an
occasional shot. Then the wind slackened and the _Pomone_ outsailed
all the rest, until Captain Hayes blundered by supposing the _Tenedos_
was also a Yankee and sent the _Pomone_ after her, thus prolonging the
chase of the _President_.
However, in the afternoon the wind became light and baffling, and
this was the weather for the _Endymion_. Decatur had done everything
possible to lighten ship except throwing over his guns. Anchors, boats,
spare spars, provisions, and water had all been thrown overboard, but
in vain, and soon after 4 o’clock the _Endymion_ was firing her bow
chasers and the _President_ her stern chasers with some effect. The
_Endymion_, proving the swifter, was able to reach forward until on the
_President’s_ quarter. There she could shoot the _President_ to pieces
without receiving a shot in return, and for half an hour she held that
position, while Decatur held on, hoping the _Endymion_ would range up
for a close conflict.
But no such move as that was in the mind of the Englishman. Captain
Hope, who commanded her, was not guilty of the “uncircumspect
gallantry” of which Sir Howard Douglas wrote so feelingly. So Decatur
determined on a desperate move. Calling the crew aft, he addressed
them, so it is said, as follows:
“My lads, that ship is coming up with us. As our ship won’t sail we’ll
go on board of theirs, every man and boy of us, and carry her into New
York. All I ask of you is to follow me. This is a favorite ship of the
country. If we allow her to be taken we shall be deserted by our wives
and sweethearts. What! let such a ship as this go for nothing! ’Twould
break the heart of every pretty girl in New York.”
The crew responded with three cheers and ran to the braces. The
_President_ came around on the other tack. But she did not get on board
the _Endymion_, for her prudent captain tacked her as soon as he saw
the sails of the _President_ lift. This is not to say that he was a
coward; he merely was not “uncircumspect.” He was “wary” enough to hold
the advantage his good ship gave him.
[Illustration:
_Despatch_
_Majestic_
_Endymion_
_Tenedos_
_President_
_Pomone_
The _President_ Engaging the _Endymion_, while Pursued by the British
Squadron.
_From a wood-cut in the “Naval Monument.”_]
By dusk, however, Decatur found the _Endymion_ broad off to starboard,
and a fierce cannonade followed at musket-range. The Americans fired
rigging-cutting shot as well as round, and one of the chain-shot
stripped the entire foresail from the _Endymion_. And as for the
round shot, they played such havoc with masts and guns that the
_Endymion_ was well-nigh wrecked, while her fire was entirely stopped.
She was, in short, whipped. Decatur might now have exchanged ships with
Captain Hope, without material difficulty, but that would now avail
nothing because she was too badly crippled to escape the others. So he
had to turn once more to fly.
But this was a hopeless effort, because the _President_ had been
crippled too badly on the bar to outsail the others. Moreover, he had
lost several of his best officers. First Lieutenant Fitz-Henry Babbitt
was standing near a hatch when a cannon-ball took off his right leg and
he pitched head-first down the hatch. His leg was broken anew and his
skull was fractured, yet he lived two hours and dictated messages to
his friends before he died.
Lieutenant Archibald Hamilton (son of the former Secretary of the
Navy)--he who had carried the _Macedonian’s_ flag to Washington--was
cut in two by another round shot as he stepped to speak to Second
Lieutenant John Temple Shubrick. And then as the _Endymion’s_ fire
slackened, Lieutenant Edward F. Howell was killed. He was leaning over
the rail looking away at the dim outline of the _Endymion_ when he said
to Midshipman Emmet:
“Well, we’ve whipped that ship, at any rate.”
Just then a single gun flashed from the frigate and he continued:
“No, there she is----” But he never finished the sentence, for a
grape-shot crashed through his brain killing him instantly. And that
was the last gun fired from the _Endymion_.
In turning to fly, Decatur squared away before the wind and set
studding-sails just as a heavy mass of clouds obscured the moon. In
doing so he turned the stern of the _President_ directly toward the
_Endymion_, and he was so close to her that she might have raked him
terribly. The fact that she did not fire a shot then proves that she
could not. For two hours Decatur ran without seeing the enemy, but when
the clouds cleared away (it was then 11 o’clock at night) he found both
the _Pomone_ and the _Tenedos_ within point-blank range. “The _Pomone_
opened her fire on the port bow, within musket-shot, the other about
two cables’ lengths astern, and the rest, with the exception of the
_Endymion_, within gunshot. Thus situated, with about one-fifth of my
crew killed and wounded, my ship crippled, and a more than fourfold
force opposed to me, without a chance of escape, I deemed it my duty to
surrender.” So wrote Decatur. He hauled down the flag after the first
broadside of the _Pomone_.
The officers of the _Pomone_ did not see that the flag was down and
fired again, when Decatur shouted:
“She means to sink us. To your quarters, my lads, and renew your fire!”
But before they got their guns cast loose the _Tenedos_ ranged up on
the other side and hailed:
“What ship is that?”
Decatur replied:
“The American frigate _President_. We have surrendered.”
The _Tenedos_ sent a boat and took possession, but Decatur gave
his sword to Captain John Hayes, of the _Majestic_, that was soon
alongside. Hayes, of course, returned it with the usual complimentary
speech.
Although the facts of the movements in battle here given appear
in the British histories--although it is admitted that both the
_Pomone_ and the _Tenedos_ were beside the _President_ before Decatur
surrendered--the British historians treat the battle as a victory won
by the _Endymion_, and print a table showing the relative forces of the
two ships! And Allen, in his table, prints the number of the crew of
the _Endymion_ as three hundred and nineteen, although he says in the
body of his story that her crew numbered “three hundred and nineteen
men and twenty-seven boys.” The number of officers carried in addition
to these is not given. And the British Government, to perpetuate the
idea that the _Endymion_ captured the _President_, gave her captain a
gold medal and promoted her executive officer.
[Illustration:
_Tenedos._
_President._
_Pomone._
Capture of the _President_ by a British Squadron.
_From a rare lithograph._]
However, Rear-Admiral H. Hotham, in reporting her capture to
Vice-Admiral Cochrane, said: “I have the honor to acquaint you with the
capture of the United States ship _President_ by the following force,
_viz._: the _Majestic_, Captain Hayes; the _Tenedos_, Captain Hyde
Parker; the _Endymion_, Captain Hope; the _Pomone_, Captain Lumley.”
Further than that, all these ships shared in the prize-money. To this
may be added the words of Admiral Cochrane, at a public dinner, some
years later, when some younger British officers were felicitating
themselves on the victory, as they called it, of the _Endymion_.
“The _President_ was completely mobbed,” he said.
But when all this is said--when it is proved by the enemy’s reports
that a squadron captured the _President_--it is perfectly clear to an
impartial mind, as Roosevelt says, that Decatur “acted rather tamely,
certainly not heroically, in striking to the _Pomone_.”
Because the American Navy was insignificant in the number of its ships
when compared with the enemy--because it always will be comparatively
small in numbers--_it is the duty of every American officer to fight
as long as he can float and fire a gun._
Jeremiah O’Brien, with his Machias haymakers on a merchant-sloop,
points his finger at Stephen Decatur with a well-disciplined crew on
the man-of-war.
As the _President_ did all of her fighting with the _Endymion_ and
surrendered as soon as the other two frigates were upon her, the
losses on both are interesting. The _President_ lost twenty-four
killed and fifty-five wounded. The _Endymion_ lost eleven killed and
fourteen wounded. Since the _President_ threw 765 pounds of shot to the
_Endymion’s_ 680, the difference in casualties seems remarkable until
it is noted that the _President_ fired chiefly at the _Endymion’s_
rigging--it was a fight to escape on the part of the _President_ after
it was found the _Endymion_ could not be boarded. Decatur crippled the
_Endymion_ until she was thrown out of the battle absolutely. He could
have chosen his position and shot her to pieces had she been alone. He
“incidentally killed eleven men.” The _Endymion’s_ gunners aimed lower,
and killed more. The battle lasted two hours and a half.
The _President_ was carried to the Bermudas. There a newspaper called
the _Gazette_ printed an article so scandalous that the British
officers compelled the editor to publish a retraction, and a pugnacious
midshipman, R. B. Randolph, of the _President_, publicly thrashed him.
But the articles in this newspaper are used by the historian James in
writing the story of the capture.
On the way to the Bermudas a gale came on, when the _President_ was
dismasted. The _Endymion_ was not only dismasted but had to throw over
all the guns (short thirty-twos) on her forecastle and quarter-deck.
The _President_ was so badly strained when on the bar at Sandy Hook
that she was never commissioned in the British Navy. But, although she
had been derisively called “the waggon” while she carried the American
flag, her lines were followed by her captors in building new ships
after she was taken, and so, too, was her style of armament.
It is interesting, in view of the changes in British naval ideas which
the two American frigates they captured wrought, to note that in
Peake’s “Rudiments of Naval Architecture,” a British work, formerly
a text-book in all English-speaking navies, the ideal frigate there
described has a gun-deck length of one hundred and seventy-six feet,
a breadth of fifty-two feet, and a depth of hold of only seventeen
feet--which, if slang be permitted, is “seeing” the American model
and “going several better.” The _President_ was one hundred and
seventy-five feet long by forty-five broad and twenty deep. And as
for guns, while the Yankees of 1812 used long twenty-fours for the
main-deck battery, to the infinite amusement as well as the scorn
of the British, Peake’s ideal frigate carried six long eight-inch
guns (sixty-eight-pounders!) and twenty-two long thirty-twos, besides
twenty-two thirty-twos on the upper deck that were only a foot
shorter-than those below. Thus they had, with experience, added to the
weight of the broadside they found on the _President_ one hundred and
forty-three pounds, and by the use of long upper-deck guns they had
vastly increased the effectiveness of a broadside.
CHAPTER X
THE NAVY AT THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS
THE BRITISH GRAB AT THE VALLEY OF THE MISSISSIPPI--STOPPED AT LAKE
BORGNE BY THE YANKEE GUNBOATS UNDER LIEUTENANT THOMAS AP CATESBY
JONES--THE BRITISH CAME FIVE TO ONE IN NUMBERS AND ALMOST FOUR TO
ONE IN WEIGHT OF METAL--DEFENDING THE _SEAHORSE_ WITH FOURTEEN MEN
AGAINST ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FIVE--THE FULL BRITISH FORCE DRIVEN
UPON TWO GUNBOATS--A MOST HEROIC DEFENCE THAT LASTED, IN SPITE OF
OVERWHELMING ODDS, MORE THAN ONE HOUR--INDOMITABLE SAILING-MASTER
GEORGE ULRICH--A FIGHT, THE MEMORY OF WHICH STILL HELPS TO PRESERVE
THE PEACE--WORK OF THE _CAROLINE_ AND THE _LOUISIANA_.
Small space is given in ordinary histories to the doings of the Navy
in connection with the defence of New Orleans, when it was attacked by
the British at the end of the War of 1812. As the reader will remember,
the expedition against New Orleans was planned for the purpose of
wresting from the United States the whole valley of the Mississippi. As
France had endeavored in the eighteenth century to establish an empire,
extending from the Great Lakes through the Mississippi water-shed to
the Gulf of Mexico, that should hem in the British colonies on the
Atlantic, so now the English strove to gain possession of what has
become the heart of the American republic. The reader has only to
consider what would have been the consequences of British possession
of the metropolis of the Louisiana purchase to understand how the
British Government has always looked ahead when seeking for territorial
aggrandizement.
From an American point of view this expedition against New Orleans
was infamous, for the reason that ministers representing both nations
were negotiating a treaty of peace at Ghent when the order for the
attack was issued. As one reads of the strength of the force sent
to accomplish this work, it seems invincible. “A great fleet of
war-vessels--ships-of-the-line, frigates, and sloops--under Admiral
Cochrane was convoying a still larger fleet of troop-ships, with some
ten thousand fighting men, chiefly the fierce and hardy veterans of the
Peninsula War, who had been trained for seven years in the stern school
of the Iron Duke, and who were now led by one of the bravest and ablest
of all Wellington’s brave and able lieutenants, Sir Edward Packenham.”
[Illustration: Sir Edward Michael Packenham.
_From an etching by Rosenthal of a print in the collection of Mr.
Clarence S. Bement._]
Favored by wind and weather, the leaders of this fleet--the
line-of-battle ships and frigates--reached the Chandeleur Islands
on December 8, 1814, and came to anchor. They reviewed the ground
that lay between them and the city they intended to take, and they
found that the current of the great river was too strong for their
wind-borne ships. So another, and apparently an easier, route was
chosen--the route through the inlets and bayous of which the breadth
of water called Lake Borgne was the most conspicuous feature. It was a
landlocked route with a sufficient depth of water to float boats and
transports, and the sole obstruction that the Americans could offer to
the mighty host of invaders was a fleet of five gun-boats and two tiny
tenders, one a schooner and one a sloop, that together could offer a
broadside of fourteen guns, including a number of insignificant (short)
six-pounders, the whole throwing two hundred and twelve pounds of
metal, and manned by one hundred and ninety-four men, all told, under
the command of Lieutenant Thomas ap Catesby Jones.
Very quickly the British admiral discovered these seven boats, and on
December 12th sent a force to destroy them. With the emphatic assertion
of the favorite British historian James in mind--the assertion that
“the British, when engaged in expeditions of this nature, always rest
their hopes of success upon valor rather than on numbers”--what does
the uninformed reader suppose was the strength of this expedition?
Whatever the supposition may be, the fact is that even James admits
that it included no less than forty-two launches, all armed with
carronades, chiefly twenty-four and eighteen-pounders, but some
carrying twelve-pounders--forty-two launches, carrying guns that threw
not less than seven hundred and fifty-eight pounds of shot at a single
discharge, and _manned by nine hundred and eighty men picked from among
the ships of the squadron_.
Lieutenant Jones saw the barge squadron approaching, and recognized
that its force was overwhelming, but he was in no way dismayed. He
might have run his gun-boats ashore and burned them without discredit,
but he chose to fight instead. Sending one of his little tenders,
called the _Seahorse_, that carried one six-pounder and fourteen men,
to destroy some stores at Bay St. Louis, he tried to carry his five
gun-boats to Les Petites Coquilles, where they would have the support
of a small fort. He failed to do this because the wind was baffling and
the current strong. So he anchored his boats in line across Malheureux
Island Passage and there awaited the enemy.
In the meantime the British had seen the _Seahorse_ moored under the
bank at Bay St. Louis, and they sent seven launches to take her: She
carried, as told, one six-pounder and a crew of fourteen, commanded by
Sailing-master William Johnson. There were two six-pounders on shore
to help her. On came the British with their seven launches, armed
with guns of which the least was a twelve-pounder, and manned by
at least one hundred and seventy-five men. They came on with a dash
until Johnson opened fire and then they stopped and tried the virtues
of their seven cannon. But “it appears that after sustaining a very
destructive fire for nearly half an hour, the boats were repulsed.” So
says James.
[Illustration: MAP SHOWING MOUTHS OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER.]
The Americans, with three six-pounders, had beaten off nearly two
hundred picked British seamen armed with seven guns, of which the least
was a twelve-pounder!
However, the British did not give it up altogether. They got
reinforcements--the exact number of boats is not given--and returned,
when Johnson destroyed his boat and the stores on shore and made a good
retreat. Allen does not even mention this attack on the _Seahorse_.
At about the same time the _Alligator_, the other tender to the main
fleet, while trying to reach the gun-boats, was surrounded by the
British fleet. Sailing-master Sheppard commanded her, and she carried
one gun and a crew of eight men, all told. Mr. Sheppard surrendered.
As ill-luck would have it, after Lieutenant Jones had anchored his
fleet of gun-boats in line, the strong current in the channel caused
two of them--Number 156, which Jones himself commanded, and Number
163, commanded by Sailing-master George Ulrich--to drag their anchors
until they were about one hundred yards below the rest of the fleet.
This happened at 3 o’clock on the morning of December 14, 1814. It was
a most serious misfortune, because the two were thus deprived of the
efficient support of the other three. And before the two could regain
their positions in line the full force of the British fleet came upon
them.
Seeing the Americans were vigilant, Captain Lockyer anchored his
squadron, served breakfast, gave the men time to smoke and rest,
and then ordered the advance. Captain Lockyer himself led the way,
and with two other barges strove to board Number 156, where Jones
commanded. For the moment it was a force of not less than seventy-five
against the forty-one under Jones. But not one of them got over the
rail of the gun-boat. Almost every man in Lockyer’s barge was killed or
wounded, Lockyer himself being severely hurt; and as for the two other
barges, both were sunk.
But a whelming host had come. There were thirty-nine well-manned boats
left to continue the attack, and this entire host was concentrated on
the two gun-boats that had drifted down from the original line. They
surrounded the two as a pack of hounds surround a fox. They rushed in
until they felt the teeth of the bayed; they backed off and barked, and
rushed in again, only to be beaten off once more by the desperate crew
fighting under an indomitable leader. In a little time that leader was
cut down, but another as heroic--Midshipman George Parker--took his
place, and with equal gallantry and skill continued the fight. Almost
the entire British force was now directed at the flag-boat. With their
great guns they hailed grape and canister at short range, and again and
again sought to carry it by boarding, only to be driven off, until at
last Parker, too, fell wounded and wholly disabled. The boarding-nets
had now been shot away. The crew was cut to pieces and there was no
longer any officer to direct them. And yet when the British, seeing
the advantage gained, made a last rush, these sailors stood to their
posts until the sheer weight of numbers--a dozen of the enemy on one
man--bore them down.
Repeating for the sake of emphasis that there were, for the time,
forty-two boats against two, how long does the uninformed reader
suppose those American heroes held out against the hosts that swarmed
to the rails? To the honor of the flag be it said that the firing began
at 10.50 o’clock and it was not until 12.10 o’clock that the British
were able to carry the deck of Number 156. _For more than one hour
the Americans had held the ship._ And Sailing-master George Ulrich
in Number 163, the smallest of the American fleet, did still better.
For although he had at the beginning but twenty-one men on his boat,
he was still fighting when the flag-boat was captured, and he did not
surrender until her guns were turned upon him.
The heart of the Americans was broken when the flag came down on these
two, for the full force of the now victorious squadron was turned on
the three above. Nevertheless, it was not until 12.30 o’clock that
the last boat surrendered. It had taken nine hundred and eighty men
with forty-two great guns one hour and forty minutes to whip the one
hundred and seventy-two men on the five Yankee gun-boats.
There was the usual Court of Inquiry to determine how it was that these
five boats were lost. The officers and seamen of the little fleet were
examined separately under oath, and when the evidence was all in, it
was declared that “the action has added another and distinguished honor
to the naval character of our country.”
The Americans lost six men killed and thirty-five wounded. The British
historians admit that their loss was seventeen killed and seventy-seven
wounded. The American officers estimated the British loss at nearly
three hundred, and when we recall the deliberation as well as
desperation of the American resistance, and the length of time that the
little force held out, it is safe to say that the American estimate was
much nearer the truth than the British report. For it is not possible
that so small a loss as ninety-four in killed and wounded could hold
in check nine hundred and eighty men under determined officers for
more than one hour. Among the British wounded were one captain, five
lieutenants, three master’s mates, and seven midshipmen. The killed on
the British side included three midshipmen.
The American gun-boats, though few by count and insignificant in
the number of their men, when compared with the British hosts, had
nevertheless served not only to check the advance of the enemy at
a time when every day gained for preparing to defend the city was
precious, but to give the arrogant enemy a foretaste of the character
of the resistance that was to be met at the city, and it was a
foretaste that remained in the mouth.
Besides the little fleet of gun-boats on the bayous, the Americans
had two war-vessels in the river. One was the schooner _Caroline_,
Master-Commandant Daniel T. Patterson, that mounted six short twelves
on each side and one long twelve on a pivot. After the British had
effected a landing and were encamped at Villeré’s plantation on the
Mississippi below the city, the _Caroline_ dropped down with the
current until opposite the British camp. It was on December 23, 1814,
and at 7 o’clock at night that she left the city. The position taken
was so close in to the camp that the British heard the orders given on
her deck distinctly. They hailed her but got no answer. Then they fired
some muskets at her, but these had no effect until at 8 o’clock, when
they heard a voice say:
“Give them this for the honor of America.”
A broadside of grape-shot followed that threw the British camp into
confusion. As a British account says:
“An incessant cannonade was then kept up which could not be silenced,
for our people had no artillery, and a few rockets that were discharged
deviated so much from their object as to afford only amusement for the
enemy. Under such circumstances, therefore, all were ordered to leave
their fires and shelter themselves under the dikes, where they lay
each as he could find room, listening in painful silence to the iron
hail among the boats and to the shrieks and groans of those that were
wounded.”
By the 27th of the month, however, the British got a heavy battery
of five guns located where it would bear on the schooner, while the
schooner could only reply with the long twelve. Then they opened on
her with red-hot shot. There was a northerly wind blowing to help the
current. The schooner could not retreat up river against it, and to go
down stream was to fall in with British ships. After a loss of seven
killed and wounded she was fired and abandoned.
The other American ship was the _Louisiana_, carrying eight long
twenty-fours on each side. She was valuable in annoying the British
when they were advancing on the city, during which time she is said
to have thrown eight hundred shot among them. And in the battle that
followed, on January 8, 1815, she served as guard to the American
flank.
CHAPTER XI
ONCE MORE THE _CONSTITUTION_
SHE WAS A LONG TIME IDLE IN PORT--A TOUCHING TALE OF SENTIMENT--AWAY
AT LAST--CAPTAIN STEWART’S PRESENTIMENT--FOUND TWO OF THE ENEMY AS
HE HAD PREDICTED--A BATTLE WHERE THE YANKEE SHOWED MASTERY OF THE
SEAMAN’S ART--CAPTAIN STEWART SETTLED A DISPUTE--CAUGHT NAPPING
IN PORTO PRAYA--SWIFT WORK GETTING TO SEA--A MOST REMARKABLE
CHASE--THREE BRITISH FRIGATES IN CHASE OF TWO YANKEE CHOSE TO
FOLLOW THE SMALLER WHEN THE TWO SPLIT TACKS--ASTOUNDING EXHIBIT
OF BAD MARKSMANSHIP--A CAUSE OF SUICIDE--THE POEM THAT SAVED _OLD
IRONSIDES_.
For almost two years, and long and weary ones they were to the
ambitious officers connected with her, the famous old frigate
_Constitution_ lay idle in the port of Boston, while the ships of less
repute in the Navy were telling the world of the prowess of Yankee
seamen when fighting for freedom. She had been found in such a state of
decay on her return from her combat with the British frigate _Java_,
that it was necessary to haul her out and rebuild her.
More than half of her crew were transferred to the Great Lakes, and,
as has been told, some of them were on Lake Erie to help Perry win
lasting fame, while some saw Chauncey fill and back in the presence of
Sir James Yeo on Lake Ontario.
However, in December, 1813, she was ready for sea, and with a new
crew of well-selected men under Captain Charles Stewart, she sailed
on a little cruise that neither added to nor detracted from her fame.
Leaving Boston on the 30th of the month, she was for seventeen days at
sea without seeing a sail. On February 14th, however, on the coast of
Surinam, she overhauled the British war-schooner _Picton_, of sixteen
guns, which she captured together with a letter of marque that was in
convoy. It is perhaps worth noting that the difference between a letter
of marque and a privateer is this: while both are licensed to prey on
the enemy, the principal business of the letter of marque is to carry
cargo.
[Illustration: Charles Stewart.
_From a painting by Sully, at the Naval Academy, Annapolis._]
On working her way homeward the _Constitution_ fell in with the
thirty-six-gun British frigate _La Pique_, Captain Maitland, off Porto
Rico. Time had been, and that not so long before, when a British
frigate of that size would have come booming down on the _Constitution_
eager for a fight. But the results of a few such boomings had taken the
“uncircumspect gallantry” out of the British Admiralty if not out of
all the British commanders. Captain Maitland had written orders not to
engage a ship of the weight of the _Constitution_, and he up-helm and
ran for it. Night coming on, he escaped through Mona passage. James
says that the crew of _La Pique_ felt so very badly when they found
that they were to run instead of fight, that they positively refused to
take their evening’s allowance of grog.
The _Constitution_ arrived off Cape Ann on April 3, 1814, and
there found the two big British frigates _Junon_ and _Tenedos_ in
chase of her. By throwing over provisions and starting her water
the _Constitution_ reached the harbor of Marblehead. This port was
undefended by forts, and it is asserted by the British that Captain
Parker, of the _Tenedos_, wanted to go in and have a fight, but was
prevented by Captain Upton, of the _Junon_, who was the ranking
officer. In any event, they did not go in nor did they prevent the
_Constitution_ leaving Marblehead for Salem soon afterward. Then she
returned to Boston once more and there she remained until December 17,
1814, when she sailed out of Boston, still under command of Captain
Stewart, while the blockading ships were temporarily off port. And then
came the cruise in which, as Maclay says, “she achieved her greatest
triumph and performed her most brilliant service.”
[Illustration: The _Constitution’s_ Escape from the _Tenedos_ and
_Junon_.
_From an old wood-cut._]
The news that “the _Constitution_ is again cruising,” was quickly
learned on the blockading squadron on its return to the station, for
the British had spies a-plenty in all American ports, and especially
among the Federalist party in New England. The dread announcement
was sent by every passing British vessel in all directions, “and
thereafter British ships-of-the-line maintained a double lookout, and
their smaller frigates sailed in couples, while their sloops-of-war
stood away from every sail that bore the least resemblance to the
_Constitution_.”
On December 24th, off the Bermudas, the British merchant-ship _Lord
Nelson_ was taken. She sailed thence by the way of the Madeiras to the
Portuguese coast, and there “for several days cruised within sight
of the Rock of Lisbon.” Here, on February 18, 1815, Captain Stewart
went in chase of the big liner _Elizabeth_ without knowing what he was
after, but he left her to follow a smaller sail seen a little later,
and so fell in with a British merchant-ship, the _Susan_, which was
taken.
Meantime, the British liner arrived at Lisbon, where he learned that
the _Constitution_ was offshore. And as it happened, the British
frigate _Tiber_ was there and the _Tiber_ was commanded by the Captain
Dacres who had been so handsomely beaten in the _Guerrière_ by the
_Constitution_ under Hull. Straightway the two started in chase of the
Yankee, but they never had the satisfaction of overtaking her. For the
_Constitution_, with equal, if not greater, speed, was returning once
more down-wind toward the Madeiras.
A right curious story of this passage is told by Richard Watson Gilder
in “Hours at Home.” He says that, on February 19th, while a group of
lieutenants were standing on the quarter-deck of the _Constitution_
talking about the fact that they had met no enemy of equal force during
the cruise, and calling it ill-luck, they were approached by Captain
Stewart, who had overheard their talk. He said:
“I assure you, gentlemen, that before the sun again rises and sets, you
will be engaged in battle with the enemy, and it will not be with a
single ship.”
Captain Stewart was a man subject to presentiments. He believed in
them, and this one foreshadowed a combat such as he described and
within the time-limit.
By noon of the next day (February 20, 1815) the _Constitution_ had
arrived within one hundred and eighty miles of Madeira, which then
bore southwest-by-west. A light easterly breeze was drifting over the
water, and the sky was cloudy, when at 1 o’clock in the afternoon a
sail was seen a little on the port bow. Hauling the _Constitution_
up to the point, Captain Stewart made all sail in chase, and an hour
later discovered a second sail in company with, but beyond, the first.
By this time the first ship’s hull was above the horizon, and because
of false ports painted on her side she had somewhat of the look of a
fifty-gun ship. When this was suggested by a lieutenant to Captain
Stewart, however, he replied that she did not look as large as that,
and then added:
“Be this as it may, you know I promised you a fight before the setting
of to-day’s sun, and if we do not take it now that it is offered, we
can scarcely have another chance. We must flog them when we catch them,
whether she has one gun-deck or two!”
As it appeared later on, the first of these sails was the small
British frigate _Cyane_, Captain Thomas Gordon Falcon, and the second
the ship-rigged sloop-of-war _Levant_, Captain the Honorable George
Douglas. Both were standing to the north and east with the wind coming
in over the starboard bow, the smaller vessel being several miles away
astern and in the lee of the larger one.
As the _Constitution_, with her studding-sails bellying aloft, came
driving down the wind, the _Cyane_ began signalling to her consort, and
a little later (it was just after 4 o’clock) she up with her helm and,
wearing around, spread all her sails to join the _Levant_.
The very beautiful chase that followed was prolonged, rather than
shortened, by a freshening breeze, because under the pressure of its
wide-spread canvas the _Constitution’s_ main-royalmast broke off at the
eyes of the top-gallant rigging, and for maybe fifteen minutes there
was a lively time aloft in getting a new mast up and the canvas pulling
once more.
She had held her own with the _Cyane_, even while crippled, and when
all sail was once more spread the _Constitution_ quickly overhauled the
little British frigate and at 5 o’clock tried a few shots at her with
the bow-chasers, all of which, however, fell short.
So the _Cyane_ arrived unhurt alongside of her consort, the _Levant_,
where both determined to fight the Yankee frigate, and stripped down
to fighting canvas. A moment later they seemed to have thought it
advisable to put off the combat until night should come, in order to
get the advantage of manœuvring in the dark, and they once more up-helm
and made sail. But they soon saw that the _Constitution_ was upon
them--that no delay was possible--and coming back to the starboard
tack, with sails rap full, they formed in line, the little frigate
_Cyane_ about two hundred yards astern of the _Levant_, and so awaited
the _Constitution_.
[Illustration: DIAGRAM OF THE BATTLE OF THE CONSTITUTION WITH CYANE and
LEVANT.]
The _Constitution_ had come ploughing down with the wind over her port
quarter. As she arrived opposite the two ships she stripped off her
canvas, as a fighter his shirt, and wearing around she ranged up on the
starboard tack to windward of the two Britishers, and at 6.10 o’clock,
with the _Cyane_ two hundred and fifty yards away on the port quarter,
and the _Levant_ as far away on the port bow, opened fire on both. The
plucky seamen of the British ships replied instantly, and for fifteen
minutes every gun on all three ships that could be brought to bear was
worked with the fiercest energy. The huge cloud of smoke that arose
from the Yankee guns completely fogged in the enemy, but the enemy’s
fire had notably slackened away, and Captain Stewart ordered his men to
cease firing in order that he might see where the enemy lay.
As the smoke drifted down-wind, the spars of the sloop _Levant_ were
disclosed right abeam. The _Constitution_ had forged ahead in the
fifteen minutes’ firing, and she had the _Levant_ directly under her
guns. But because the _Constitution_ had forged ahead, the _Cyane_ had
obtained a little more sea-room, as well as immunity from the fire of
the _Constitution_, and she was just beginning to luff up across the
_Constitution’s_ stern when the thinning smoke revealed her.
An opportunity for a most beautiful display of Yankee seamanship
had come. Firing a staggering blow from double-shotted guns at the
_Levant_ off his lee beam, Captain Stewart threw the sails on the
_Constitution’s_ main and mizzen masts flat aback, and then bracing
in the foresails till they just fluttered in the breeze, he drove her
stern on, back across the bow of the luffing English frigate, and
raking her fore and aft, compelled her to fill away. Then after partly
filling his sails, to keep the _Constitution_ beside the enemy, he
fired such deadly broadsides into her that the men were driven from
her guns, and her fire almost ceased. As a right good song says:
Then a lifting rift in the mist showed up
The stout _Cyane_ close-hauled
To swing in our wake and our quarter rake,
And a boasting Briton bawled:
“Starboard or larboard we’ve got him fast
Where his heels won’t take him through;
Let him luff or wear, he’ll find us there--
Ho, Yankee! Which will you do?”
We did not luff and we did not wear,
But braced our top-sails back,
Till the sternway drew in fair and true
Broadsides athwart her track.
Athwart her track and across her bows
We raked her fore and aft,
And out of the fight and into the night
Drifted the beaten craft.
But at 6.35 o’clock a new complication had arisen. The _Levant_,
lying ahead of her consort, _Cyane_, and out of the fire of the
_Constitution_, began to luff up where she could rake the Yankee.
But the wakeful Captain Stewart had his eyes on her, and as she
sailed up to cross the _Constitution’s_ bows he rapidly filled the
_Constitution’s_ sails, put his helm up, bluffed the _Cyane_ down to
leeward, and, running forward, crossed under the stern of the _Levant_
and gave her two raking broadsides in swift succession.
For the moment the _Levant_ had had enough, and sheeting home her
top-gallant sails, she sped away from the giant Yankee.
At that the little frigate _Cyane_ began to wear around before the
wind as if to escape also, but the Yankee wore around after her with
greater speed, and crossing her stern from starboard to port, raked
her much as the _Levant_ had been raked. At that the _Cyane_ came
farther around and fired her port battery into the starboard bow of the
_Constitution_, but when, at exactly 6.50 o’clock, the _Constitution_
ranged up beside her, she hauled down her flag. It was just forty
minutes since the action at close range began. Second Lieutenant B. V.
Hoffman, of the _Constitution_, was at once sent to take charge of the
_Cyane_.
This much accomplished, the _Constitution_ stood up-wind in chase of
the _Levant_, that had made sail to get out of the fight, and soon saw
her coming “very gallantly back to find out his friend’s condition.”
Here, indeed, was the “uncircumspect gallantry” of which Sir Howard
Douglas speaks. For the _Levant_ met the _Constitution_ at 8.50
o’clock, just two hours after the _Cyane_ had surrendered. Captain the
Honorable George Douglas should have known that the little frigate
_Cyane_ could have had no hope in the fight alone with the giant
Yankee--that he himself would have still less in returning. It was
a foolhardy movement, yet one that necessarily appeals for sympathy
to the fighting men of both nations. The _Levant_ luffed to pass to
windward of the _Constitution_, failed, passed to leeward, and the two
exchanged broadsides. Then the _Levant_ spread everything to escape,
but the _Constitution_ wore around in chase, and by 9.30 was sending
shot from her bow-chasers into the fleeing Englishman. At that the
_Levant_ also hauled down her flag.
[Illustration:
_Levant._
_Constitution._
_Cyane._
Action of the _Constitution_ with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_.
_From an aquatint by Strickland._]
As the _Levant’s_ flag came down, John Lancey, of Cape Ann, one of the
_Constitution’s_ men, was dying under the surgeon’s hands. The surgeon
had told him that death was near, and the man replied:
“Yes, sir, I know it. But I only want to hear that the other ship has
struck.”
A moment later the Yankees on deck began to cheer, and, hearing them,
Lancey raised his head, waved an arm that had been partly shot away,
gave three feeble cheers, and fell back dead.
Another tale of the battle says that after the British captains were in
the _Constitution’s_ cabin a midshipman came in to ask Captain Stewart
if the men could have their evening grog. As the time for serving it
had passed before the battle began, Captain Stewart asked if they had
not had it already, and the midshipman replied, to the astonishment of
the Englishmen:
“No, sir. It was mixed ready for serving just before the battle began,
but the older sailors of the crew said they didn’t want any ‘Dutch
courage’ on board and capsized the grog-tub in the lee scuppers.”
Later still the two Englishmen, according to Gilder, got into a heated
dispute, each blaming the other for making manœuvres that lost the
battle, but Stewart stopped the quarrel. He said:
“Gentlemen, there is no use in getting warm about it; it would have
been all the same whatever you might have done. If you doubt that, I
will put you all on board again and you can try it over.”
As to the relative force, Allen says that the _Cyane_ was of a class
known as “donkey frigates,” and that she carried twenty-two short
thirty-twos on the main deck and eight short eighteens and two nines
on quarter-deck and forecastle. Lieutenant Hoffman, who took charge
of her, says she had two more short eighteens. This is no doubt the
truth of the matter. It is agreed that the _Levant_ carried eighteen
short thirty-twos, two long nines, and a short twelve that could be
worked on either side. The two together carried a crew of three hundred
and twenty, of whom thirty-nine were boys, according to Allen. The
combined crews could fire a broadside of seven hundred and fifty-four
pounds to the _Constitution’s_ six hundred and forty-four pounds net
weight. Without mentioning the _Constitution’s_ number of men, which
was at most four hundred and fifty-six, we can concede what Allen
claims, the “immense superiority” of the Yankee. For not only were the
long twenty-fours of the _Constitution_ far and away better than the
short thirty-twos of the British ships, just as the long guns of the
_Phœbe_ and _Cherub_ were superior to the short guns of the _Essex_
at Valparaiso: the crew of the _Constitution_ had been trained very
much better than any ordinary British crew. More important still, the
force of the _Constitution_ was concentrated in a single ship under
the command of one able man. The force of the British was divided
between two ships and could not be so well handled. When the British
Court of Inquiry at Halifax “applauded” the British officers “for the
gallant defence each had made,” it did something which an American
writer finds pleasure in placing before American readers. But when,
as Allen relates, “the Court also expressed to the remaining crew of
the _Cyane_, in the strongest terms, the sense entertained of their
determined loyalty in resisting the temptations held out by the enemy
to draw them from their allegiance, which they retained also under
circumstances of almost unprecedented severity exercised toward them
whilst on board the _Constitution_,” it placed on its records a
falsehood. The charge was false on its face, for the lowest count of
the crew of the _Constitution_, after the battle, as printed in any
American work, gives her four hundred and forty-four men, of whom
ten, at most, were wounded more or less. After manning her prizes she
still had an ample crew to work the ship and man another prize or two.
Because the Yankee sailors were treated like men, were well-fed and
well-paid, the Yankee frigates in this war, with the exception of the
black-listed _Chesapeake_, were fully manned. There was no occasion for
recruiting among the British prisoners. Moreover, when this falsehood
was first published, the officers of the _Constitution_ denied under
oath the charge, and said further, that, instead of trying to seduce
the British crews, many of the British seamen volunteered to ship
on board the _Constitution_ but were in no case permitted to do so,
because “the loss of the _Chesapeake_ had taught us the danger of
having renegades aboard.”
[Illustration: Medal Awarded to Charles Stewart after the Battle of the
_Constitution_ with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_.]
The _Constitution_ lost six killed and nine more or less wounded. The
donkey frigate _Cyane_ lost twelve killed and twenty-six wounded out
of her crew of one hundred and eighty; the _Levant_ lost seven killed
and sixteen wounded out of one hundred and forty. The British gunners
did about as poorly as usual in their Navy of that day. The Yankee
gunners did rather worse than usual. They were at close range long
enough to sink both of the enemy’s ships had they done as well as the
_Hornet’s_ crew did with the British _Peacock_, or the _Wasp_ with the
British _Avon_. The battle was, and is, famous not for its gunnery, but
for the magnificent manner in which Captain Stewart handled his ship.
Other captains--Hull and Bainbridge, for instance--had handled her
when a single enemy turned and twisted and fore-reached, but Stewart
backed and filled and reached and wore to meet the manœuvres of two
ships that, commanded by the ablest of British seamen, strove to cross
and rake him. And not only did he meet their movements--not only did
he avoid a raking himself, but he raked each of them repeatedly. No
better seamanship was ever displayed.
By hard work after the battle, the Yankee seamen got all three ships in
sailing order before 2 o’clock next morning, and they sailed to Porto
Praya, in the island of St. Jago, Cape de Verde, where they arrived on
March 10, 1815. Here a merchant brig was employed as a cartel to carry
the prisoners. The next day came on with a thick fog lying low over
the water while the air above the top-gallant yards was comparatively
clear. The Americans were busy at 12.05 o’clock (noon) transferring the
prisoners, when a large sail was seen from the deck standing into the
harbor. There was plainly no lookout aloft, and Captain Stewart was
well-nigh caught napping.
Stewart, however, was cool enough for the emergency, and had all
hands called to their quarters to go out and meet the new ship, but
when this was done two other huge sails were seen and it became
evident that three large frigates were coming into the harbor. As
was eventually learned, they were the fifty-gun frigate _Newcastle_,
Captain Lord George Stewart; the fifty-gun frigate _Leander_, Captain
Sir Ralph Collier, K.C.B., and the forty-gun _Acasta_, Captain
Robert Kerr, ships that should have been blockading Boston when the
_Constitution_ escaped. Either of the larger ships was an overmatch
for the _Constitution_. It was a neutral port, but the British regard
for neutrality had been shown at Valparaiso and Fayal, and there was
nothing to do but to run for liberty.
Signalling to his prizes to follow, Captain Stewart cut his cable,
and so well-trained were the American officers and men that within
ten minutes from the time the first ship of the enemy was seen, the
_Constitution_ and her two prizes were standing out of the harbor
together. Though less spectacular than the manœuvres in the battle, the
celerity, skill, and unanimity with which the Americans executed this
movement show their seamanship quite as plainly.
As the American ships sailed through the fog the guns in the battery
on shore began to roar. A number of prisoners who had been on shore on
the business of fitting the cartel for sea had taken possession of the
Portuguese forts and were firing signal-guns to attract the attention
of the British ships. But the British ships were coming from the
south--they were beating up against a good northeast breeze, and the
Yankee and her prizes hugged the east side of the port and slipped out
very well to windward of the enemy.
Until clear of the north point of the harbor the Yankees sailed under
nothing higher than their top-sails; not even their higher yards
were across, and so it happened that they escaped the eyes of the
British lookouts. But when the point was cleared, top-gallant sail and
royal-yards were crossed and the sails instantly spread to the breeze,
to the astonishment of the lookouts perched above the fog-bank on the
British ships. To them it was as if the Yankee sails had grown by magic
up into the air and were sailing unsupported on the top of a cloud.
But if magical to the lookouts, it was sober business for the
commanders below, who, by a series of “blunders” (James says so), had
happened on the retreat of the ship they had failed to hold in Boston,
and a race began such as had rarely stirred the souls of those engaged.
Once clear of land the _Constitution_ cut adrift two boats that were
towing astern. She was only a mile or so to windward of the enemy,
and as the point was cleared, all six of the ships were on the port
tack lying close up to the wind. The _Constitution’s_ log says that
at 12.50 o’clock she was holding her own with the _Newcastle_ and
_Leander_, on her lee quarter, while the _Acasta_, about dead astern,
was dropping out of the race. And the log of the Acasta notes that the
_Constitution_ was gaining on her while she herself gained on the two
prizes.
At 1.10 Captain Stewart ordered the _Cyane_ to tack, and Lieutenant
Hoffman, in command, obeyed. The _Cyane_ was rapidly dropping into
the clutches of the enemy before that, but now she sailed away
and escaped altogether, the three British ships holding after the
_Constitution_ and _Levant_.
[Illustration: Charles Stewart
(and the Battle of the _Constitution_ with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_).
_From a lithograph at the Naval Academy, Annapolis._]
Thirty-five minutes after the _Cyane_ had tacked away, the _Newcastle_,
the leading British ship, opened fire on the _Constitution_. The ships
were close enough for the officers, standing on the hammock-nettings,
to see each other, but the shots all fell short, so firing ceased and
the ships stood along in the close-hauled race until 3 o’clock, when
the _Levant_ had lagged close enough to the enemy to be in real danger.
So Captain Stewart signalled her to tack, as the _Cyane_ had done,
whereat, to the astonishment of the Yankees, all three of the British
frigates tacked after her, and the _Constitution_ sailed away free.
The explanation made by the British writers regarding this
remarkable episode is that the commanders of both the _Newcastle_
and the _Leander_ supposed that the little _Levant_ was either
the “_President_, _Congress_, or _Macedonian_.” It is difficult
for an unbiassed mind to see how this helps them any. Suppose it
had been the big Yankee frigate _President_ instead of a little
low-decked-sloop-of-war? How did it happen that two frigates, each of
which was of greater force than the Yankee _President_ and another that
was of but little less force, were needed to capture “the waggon?”
We cannot know what was in the minds of these British captains, but
we do know that the British Admiralty had warned the captains of
British frigates to take a reef in their “uncircumspect gallantry,”
so to speak. They were, as the captain of the _Phœbe_ said when after
the _Essex_, to capture the Yankee frigates with the least possible
danger to themselves. They were to take no risks. Granting that these
two British captains really made an honest mistake in supposing a
little sloop was a big Yankee frigate--granting it, although James
called Rodgers a coward for making, as James says he did, a similar
mistake--they abandoned the ship which they fully believed to be a
frigate to chase _a manifestly smaller ship_, a ship that we may grant
they imagined was the “_Congress_ or _Macedonian_.”
It is very likely presumptuous for a landsman to tell what lesson
is taught by any event at sea, but if the action of these three big
British frigates shows anything, it shows the tremendous influence
for evil which such orders as that of the British Admiralty are sure
to have. Nothing more impressive is to be found in Mahan’s learned
work on the influence of the sea power than what he says about the
demoralization that followed, among the French naval officers, when a
very similar order was issued by the French Marine Department. For the
head of a navy department to warn the captains of the naval ships to
be prudent--to in any way mention to them any such word as prudence--is
to give a shield to those who are by nature cowards, and a blow in the
face to those who are by nature brave and ambitious and enterprising.
The most serious blunder made by any American in authority during the
War of 1812 was made by the Secretary of the Navy when he sent an
order to Boston for the _Constitution_ to remain in port after her
escape from Broke’s squadron. Had not Captain Hull, with an enterprise
and daring that will never be sufficiently praised, taken her to sea
without waiting for further orders, these stories of American victories
afloat would never have been written, and the war would have ended--who
can say how it would have ended?
It remained for the British Admiralty to make the blunder which our
Secretary tried to make--and so the _Constitution_ escaped from the
British squadron off the Cape de Verde, and the great British squadron
chased the little _Levant_ back into the neutral port.
There, when the _Levant_ had anchored, they surrounded her, and
assisted by the escaped prisoners who had captured and manned the
Portuguese battery on shore, they fired broadside after broadside at
her. They were at a range of their own choosing. They were in the
harbor where the water was a dead-flat level, and they continued their
fire for fifteen minutes without a single shot striking her hull.
At the end of that time the Yankee lieutenant (Ballard) who commanded
the little sloop, thinking that they might eventually hit her and hurt
somebody, hauled down his flag.
Sir George Collier, who commanded the British squadron in this chase,
committed suicide ten years later because his utter failure was thrown
into his face at a public gathering.
The _Cyane_ reached New York on April 10th, and the _Constitution_
returned to Boston in May, to learn that the war was really ended when
the battle took place. The Congress awarded a gold medal and a sword to
Captain Stewart, and silver medals to the other officers under him for
“gallantry, good-conduct, and services in the capture of the British
vessels-of-war, the _Cyane_ and _Levant_, and a brave and skilful
combat.”
The fighting days of the _Constitution_--the _Old Ironsides_--the most
famous ship of the American Navy--were done. The hastening decay of
idleness eventually seized upon her timbers, and it was announced that
she was to be broken up. But Oliver Wendell Holmes, of blessed memory,
wrote a poem and she was spared. Generations of naval cadets have since
learned the art of war and cultivated their natural love of the flag
upon her decks, and now, although a hundred years have passed since the
flag was first raised above her quarter-deck, her name still appears
upon the naval register, and there it shall remain so long as one of
her timbers will support another. And this is the poem that saved her:
OLD IRONSIDES.
Ay, tear her tattered ensign down!
Long has it waved on high,
And many an eye has danced to see
That banner in the sky;
Beneath it rung the battle shout,
And burst the cannon’s roar;
The meteor of the ocean air
Shall sweep the clouds no more!
Her deck, once red with heroes’ blood,
Where knelt the vanquished foe,
When winds were hurrying o’er the flood
And waves were white below,
No more shall feel the victor’s tread,
Or know the conquered knee;
The harpies of the shore shall pluck
The eagle of the sea!
O better that her shattered hulk
Should sink beneath the wave;
Her thunders shook the mighty deep,
And there should be her grave;
Nail to the mast her holy flag,
Set every threadbare sail,
And give her to the god of storms,
The lightning and the gale.
CHAPTER XII
IN THE WASTES OF THE SOUTH ATLANTIC
THE STORY OF A BATTLE--THE _HORNET_ AND THE _PENGUIN_ IN THE
SHADOWS OF TRISTAN D’ACUNHA--AS FAIR A MATCH AS IS KNOWN TO
NAVAL ANNALS--IT TOOK THE YANKEES TEN MINUTES TO DISMANTLE THE
ENEMY AND FIVE MORE TO RIDDLE HIS HULL--THE BRITISH CAPTAIN’S
FORCEFUL DESCRIPTION OF THE YANKEE FIRE--A MARVELLOUS ESCAPE FROM
A LINER--THE _PEACOCK_ IN THE STRAITS OF SUNDA--WHEN THE LONELY
SITUATION OF THIS SLOOP IS CONSIDERED DID WARRINGTON SHOW A LACK OF
HUMANITY?--IF HE DID, WHAT DID THE BRITISH CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW SHOW?
An echo to the prolonged salute which the ships of Sir George Collier
fired, in the harbor of Porto Praya, to the honor of Yankee pluck and
seamanship, comes from a giant mountain rising in the lonely wastes of
the South Atlantic--from the island of Tristan d’Acunha. On a line from
the Cape of Good Hope to Cape Horn, and 1,500 miles west of the Cape
of Good Hope, can be found three rugged islands, which, though small
in diameter, rise at one point to a height of no less than 8,300 feet
above the rollers that crash against their precipitous walls. No more
lonely and no more impressive rocks than these are found in all the
world.
But, though far away from civilized habitations, the group was itself
inhabited by sealers and whalers even as early as 1791, when a Yankee,
one Jonathan Lambert, “by a curious and singular edict declared himself
sovereign proprietor” of the group. For it was a breeding resort for
seals and sea lions, and it had also a climate and some soil fit
for a comfortable human habitation, and this enterprising Yankee had
settled there with associates and had “cleared about fifty acres of
land, and planted various kinds of seed, some of which, as well as the
coffee-tree and sugar-cane, were furnished by the American Minister at
Rio Janeiro.”
At the time of the War of 1812 it was a very well-known group to
Yankee seamen, and seemingly out of the way as it looked when glancing
at a chart of that sea, it was nevertheless but a little to one side
of what was counted the best route from New York to the East Indies.
Accordingly, when Decatur was ordered to take the _President_, the
_Hornet_, the new _Peacock_, and the store-ship _Tom Bowline_ for a
voyage against British commerce in the East Indies, he appointed the
Tristan d’Acunha group as the rendezvous where all the ships should
meet, replenish their water, stretch the legs of the seamen in a chase
after wild goats and hogs on shore, and then sail away in search of
English men-of-war to conquer.
As has been told, Decatur, when leaving New York, took the natural
course along the Long Island coast, instead of the bolder and therefore
safer course down the Jersey beach, and “was fairly mobbed” by the
British fleet. His consorts, the _Hornet_, the _Peacock_, and the _Tom
Bowline_, sailed a few days later (January 22d), without having learned
that the _President_ was captured, and having escaped the blockaders,
they sailed away to the meeting-point.
When a few days out, the _Hornet_ separated from her consorts and
thereafter proceeded without incident worth mention until, on March
23, 1815, she arrived at the group of Tristan d’Acunha. An action
which followed on the day she arrived was the next to the last one of
the war. Allen, in beginning his description of the two last, says:
“Two actions of a disgraceful character to the Americans remain to be
recorded.” He then tells that Captain Biddle, commanding the _Hornet_,
spoke to a neutral ship on March 20th, when the neutral captain said he
had heard that peace had been declared. “Information coming in this
questionable shape was not binding,” says Allen, but “it was Captain
Biddle’s duty to have acted cautiously before setting it at defiance.”
He did not act as cautiously as Allen thinks he should, and so the
action was “of a disgraceful character to the Americans.” As to the
facts, there is no dispute, save in the minor matters of the number of
each crew and the size of a couple of guns, so the reader is able to
decide for himself how far the action disgraced the American flag.
Having reached the anchorage off the tiny settlement on the main island
of the group at about 11 o’clock in the morning of March 23, 1815, the
sheets of the head-sails on the _Hornet_ were let go preparatory to
swinging her up into the wind and dropping her anchor. But no sooner
had the sails begun to flap than the lookout announced a sail in sight,
and hauling aft the sheets once more the _Hornet_ stood out to sea for
a look at the stranger.
As it happened, the strange vessel was the British brig sloop
_Penguin_, Captain James Dickenson, a new vessel on her first cruise.
She had sailed from England to the Cape of Good Hope. When there, news
arrived that a heavy Yankee privateer called the _Young Wasp_ had
been making prizes of British Indiamen, using Tristan d’Acunha as a
retreat when water and fresh meat were needed. Accordingly, Admiral
Tyler, commanding the squadron, sent the _Penguin_ to the lonely group
to capture the venturesome privateer, placing on board of her twelve
marines from his own ship, the _Medway_, to make sure that she had
enough men.
[Illustration: The _Hornet_ and _Penguin_.
_From an old wood-cut_.]
So it happened that when the _Penguin_ reached the island and saw
a sail there, Captain Dickenson thought he had had the good luck
to alight on the saucy privateer. Being fearful that the supposed
privateer would run away, the _Penguin_ was handled very carefully.
Captain Dickenson did not want the Yankee to see how many guns the
_Penguin_ carried and so kept her end on to the _Hornet_ as he came
down wind to capture her--came down wind because he was fortunate
enough to come into the fight with the wind in his favor.
The _Hornet_, as the _Penguin_ approached, kept wearing first one way
and then the other to keep from getting raked until 1.40 P.M., when the
_Penguin_ had arrived within musket-shot. At that the _Penguin_ hauled
to the wind with the breeze coming in over her starboard bow, when she
“hoisted her colors and fired a gun; whereupon the _Hornet_ hauled up
on the starboard tack and discharged a broadside.” The quotation is
from Allen. It is a small matter, but the first gun of this “action of
a disgraceful character to the Americans” was fired by the British.
The battle that followed was another remarkable exhibit of the
superiority of the Yankee gunners. For ten minutes they hurled bar-shot
and other missiles at the rigging of the ill-fated _Penguin_. “In a
very short time” these projectiles “had done their work.” And then the
Yankee gunners began to load with solid shot, loading swiftly as the
gunners had done in the _Hornet’s_ action with the British _Peacock_,
but aiming with deliberation. And so, “notwithstanding a heavy swell
prevailed,” every broadside “was taking effect.” The quotations are
from Allen. “Taking effect” expressed the result of the Yankee fire but
mildly. Captain Dickenson, of the _Penguin_, described the work much
more forcibly. He said to First Lieutenant McDonald: “The fellows are
giving it to us like hell.”
They had thought to encounter one of the sea-militia, but they found a
well-trained Yankee man-of-war crew instead.
The _Penguin_ having the weather-gage, in spite of her crippled
rigging, was steadily drawing down on the Yankee. It was plain that the
British gunners were no match for the Yankees, and Captain Dickenson
determined to try boarding. Putting up his helm he sent his ship
straight at the _Hornet_. Just then a bullet stretched him dead on the
deck, but First Lieutenant James McDonald took his place and bravely
called on the men to follow him. The British bow came crashing against
the _Hornet’s_ side just abaft the main rigging. The Yankees flocked to
the quarter-deck to repel boarders. The blunt cutwater of the British
bow sawed up and down on the black waist of the _Hornet_, rasping the
thick planks as if to break them in; but the boarders never came over
to the bow.
“We tried,” said McDonald, afterward, “but found the men rather
backward--and so, you know, we concluded to give it up.”
The Yankee crew wanted, then, to board the _Penguin_ but Captain Biddle
stopped them, because it was “evident from the beginning that our fire
was greatly superior both in quickness and effect.”
[Illustration: The _Hornet_ and _Penguin_.
_From a wood-cut in the “Naval Monument.”_]
Moreover, there was no need for that movement. The _Hornet_ forged
ahead over the heavy sea, and the bowsprit of the _Penguin_ caught
her mizzen rigging and carried it away, and then the boat davits
and spanker-boom as well. The broken boom dropped on a marine who had
already had his leg broken by a musket-ball and it broke the leg again,
yet the eager fellow wriggled around and strove to point his musket
at the British in the foretop of the _Penguin_. The _Penguin’s_ chief
officer shouted that he had surrendered, and Captain Biddle, after
ordering his men to cease firing, climbed up on the _Hornet’s_ rail.
At that two of the British marines, who, very likely, had not heard
their chief officer surrender, fired at Biddle and at the man at the
_Hornet’s_ wheel. Biddle was severely wounded, and the two marines were
instantly killed by a return fire from the Americans.
Then the _Penguin_ drifted clear. Her bowsprit fell into the sea,
broken short off above the figure-head, and her foremast fell over the
lee rail. Her bow came up into the wind, and with such canvas as was
spread on her mainmast flat aback, she drifted stern on, a helpless
wreck.
The _Hornet_ wore around before the wind and came back with a fresh
broadside ready, but McDonald hauled down the _Penguin’s_ flag and once
more shouted that she had surrendered. The first of the two “actions of
a disgraceful character to the Americans” was ended. It had lasted but
twenty minutes from the first gun.
The comparison between the ships, their armament and their crews, is
exceedingly pleasing to an American. Rarely have two vessels so nearly
equal met in deadly conflict. Under the arbitrary rule of measuring
ships the Yankee was three tons larger than the Englishman, but the
Englishman had “a slightly greater breadth of beam, stouter sides, and
higher bulwarks.” That is to say, the British sailors were protected
better than the Americans were. The Yankee carried eighteen short
thirty-twos and two long twelves, making an actual-weight broadside of
two hundred and seventy-nine pounds of metal. The _Penguin_, according
to Captain Biddle, carried sixteen short thirty-twos, one short twelve
on the forecastle, and two long twelves arranged so that both could be
fired on one side, but James says she had long sixes instead of long
twelves. It is certain that before this war the British vessels of the
class of the _Penguin_ did usually carry long sixes for bow-chasers,
but the _Penguin_, was a new vessel, built after the effectiveness
of the larger guns carried by the Yankees had been abundantly
demonstrated. The new British frigates carried long twenty-fours
instead of long eighteens, as the older frigates had carried, so it is
entirely reasonable to believe that Captain Biddle told the truth when
he reported on the size of the _Penguin’s_ guns. Moreover, Biddle was a
careful man. He put a tape-line on the _Penguin’s_ hull to get at her
dimensions, and no one disputes the measurements he made there.
However, the later American writers have not been disposed to insist
on this point. They can afford to be generous. They allow the figures
of James to go into their tables of comparison, for even with but
one long six on the engaged side, the _Penguin_ threw two hundred
and seventy-four pounds of metal to the Yankee’s two hundred and
seventy-nine.
[Illustration: Medal Awarded to James Biddle for the Capture of the
_Penguin_ by the _Hornet_.]
But to a student of history at the end of the nineteenth century there
never was a sea-duel where the comparison of the weights of metal in
the two broadsides was more ridiculous than in this one between the
_Hornet_ and the _Penguin_. For not one solid shot from the _Penguin_
struck the Yankee--not one; and what is worse still, not one solid shot
struck the Yankee’s spars. Moreover, the storm of British projectiles
was hurled so high that the injury to the Yankee’s rigging was worse
above the top-sails than below them. On the other hand, the Yankees,
in ten minutes’ firing, in spite of the heavy swell, had destroyed the
sail-power of the British boat (by Allen’s own account), and in five
minutes more (not including the time after the ships drifted apart,
when no great guns were fired) the Yankees had riddled her hull until
she was not worth saving. It is not the weight of metal carried, nor
the weight of metal thrown; _it is the weight of metal driven home into
the enemy that wins the battle_.
This, although not the last encounter, was the last real battle of the
War of 1812; like the first of the war (_Constitution_-_Guerrière_),
and like every other in which the Americans won, and like that between
the _Shannon_ and the _Chesapeake_, where the British were victorious,
it proved, beyond dispute, that the most important art known to a naval
ship is the art of aiming guns accurately.
The _Hornet_ lost two killed and nine wounded; the British lost
fourteen killed and twenty-eight wounded--nearly one-third of her crew.
The numbers of the crews cannot be stated beyond dispute. It is
admitted that the _Penguin_ had twelve marines beyond her full
complement--she had more men than she needed to work her guns. The
Yankees admit that they had enough in spite of the fact that eight
had been sent away on a prize, and that nine were too sick to leave
their beds. By showing the utmost generosity toward British writers,
we find that the _Penguin_ had one hundred and thirty-two in her crew,
including “seventeen boys.” The Yankee had at most one hundred and
forty-two on board, of whom nine were sick in their hammocks. There
were one hundred and thirty-three Yankees at the quarters.
A few days after the battle the Yankee _Peacock_ and the store-ship
_Tom Bowline_ arrived. The store-ship was sent to Rio Janeiro with the
prisoners, and then, after waiting until April 13th for the _President_
to come, the two sloops sailed away to continue the war in the East
Indies. On April 27th a sail was seen and both vessels went in chase,
and the next morning the _Peacock_ drew rapidly ahead of her older
consort. Eventually, when the _Peacock_ was about six miles ahead,
she suddenly hauled her wind and signalled that the stranger was a
line-of-battle ship. This was at 2 P.M. of April 28, 1815.
So both sloops took to their heels. The swift _Peacock_ had no trouble
in getting out of the way, but the _Hornet_ was slow, and the liner
chose to follow her. About the time the liner made the choice (she was
the seventy-four _Cornwallis_, Admiral Sir George Burleton, K.C.B.)
she lost a man overboard, and stopped to pick him up, but she soon
made up the time so lost, and at 9 o’clock, seven hours after learning
the character of the enemy, the _Hornet’s_ crew began to lighten ship.
At 2 o’clock on the morning of the 29th the enemy was forward of the
_Hornet’s_ lee beam and outfooting the Yankee rapidly, so the Yankee
went about. The enemy followed, and at daylight, though still to
leeward, was within gunshot, and her bow-chasers gave tongue.
[Illustration: The _Hornet’s_ Escape from the _Cornwallis_.
_From a wood-cut in the “Naval Monument.”_]
That set the Yankees working for life. The anchors and cables, the
spare spars, the ship’s launch, and the six cannon and some hundreds of
round shot were tumbled into the sea. The _Hornet_ drew out of range
then, but the wind hauled to the east, favoring the enemy, and once
more the crew went at the work of lightening ship. They were sure they
would be captured, but they would not give up. Three of the enemy’s
shot had come on board, but these had done no injury. All the guns
but one were now dumped into the sea, and so was everything else that
could be spared. “Many of our men had been impressed and imprisoned for
years in their horrible service, and hated them and their nation with
the most deadly animosity, while the rest of the crew, horror-struck
with the narration of the sufferings of their shipmates who had been
in the power of the English, and now equally flushed with rage, joined
heartily in execrating the present authors of our misfortune.” So wrote
one of the _Hornet’s_ officers. This letter shows not only why the crew
made every endeavor to escape; it shows why the fire of the _Hornet_
had been more effective than that of the _Penguin_. Their work,
however, would have been vain but for another shift of wind. It came in
a freshening gale from the west, and the _Hornet_ drew ahead. By sunset
of the 29th the enemy was four miles astern. By sunrise of the 30th,
after a squally night, the liner was twelve miles astern, and at 9.30
she abandoned the chase. The _Hornet_ reached home on June 9th. She
escaped because her commander was not one of the kind to give up until
he had not a plank that would swim.
The _Peacock_ continued on the original cruise. Four rich Indiamen,
with crews aggregating two hundred and ninety-one men, were captured,
and then on June 30th she fell in with the East India Company’s cruiser
_Nautilus_, Lieutenant Charles Boyce, a brig of less than half the size
of the _Peacock_, and carrying four long nines and ten short eighteens.
The _Nautilus_ was at anchor off Fort Anjers, in the Straits of Sunda.
A boat from the _Nautilus_ took her purser on board the _Peacock_ to
announce, according to Allen, that peace had been declared. Allen says
that the purser “was instantly sent below, without being suffered to
ask a question.” The _Peacock_ continued approaching the _Nautilus_,
and the British captain “hailed and asked if the captain (of the
_Peacock_) knew that peace had been declared.”
Captain Warrington fully believed this hail was a ruse to enable the
brig to escape to the protection of the fort, and ordered the brig to
surrender. Captain Boyce refused, and one or two broadsides (accounts
differ) were exchanged, when the brig, having lost seven men killed
and eight wounded, and having been badly cut up as well, while the
_Peacock_ was not even scratched, the British flag was lowered.
The gallantry of the British captain was as praiseworthy as the
marksmanship of his gunners was execrable.
Allen says that Captain Warrington, in firing on the British brig,
after Boyce’s hail, exhibited a “savage barbarity unworthy of a Red
Indian.”
Roosevelt says: “I regret to say that it is difficult to believe
he (Warrington) acted with proper humanity.” Cooper says it was an
“unfortunate mistake.” No writer on this subject seems to have asked
himself seriously what he would have done had he been in command of a
little sloop in the Straits of Sunda, with all the fleets of the mighty
British Empire between him and a home-port--what he would have done
had he found a legitimate prize just beyond the guns of a powerful
fort of the enemy. Did a legitimate desire for self-preservation in
that situation warrant the Yankee in taking every advantage possible
of the enemy, and in doubting what the enemy, apparently caught at a
disadvantage, might say?
But if Warrington, the Yankee, showed “savage barbarity,” what shall be
said of the act of Captain Bartholomew, of the British ship _Erebus_,
in firing a broadside at the Yankee gun-boat Number 168, commanded
by Sailing-master Hurlburt, after learning _officially_ that peace
had been declared? “Peace having been declared and having been known
to exist for over three weeks,” the gun-boat, en route to deliver
despatches to the British admiral off Tybee Bar, Georgia, did not heave
to when ordered to do so as he was passing the _Erebus_. Instead,
he told the British his errand. Captain Bartholomew, cursing like a
pirate, said he would sink the gun-boat if a boat from her were not
sent on board the _Erebus_ instantly, and when Mr. Hurlburt began to
reply the British marines opened fire with muskets, and he was ordered
to haul down his flag. He refused and the big ship fired a broadside.
Hurlburt returned the fire as best he could and then surrendered. He
was soon allowed to proceed.
Perhaps it is worth noting that although the gun-boat was within easy
musket range, the gunners of the _Erebus_ did not hit her with even one
shot save in the rigging.
CHAPTER XIII
IN BRITISH PRISONS
A TYPICAL STORY OF THE LIFE OF AN AMERICAN SEAMAN WHO WAS
IMPRESSED IN 1810 AND ALLOWED TO BECOME A PRISONER WHEN WAR WAS
DECLARED--LUCK IN ESCAPING A FLOGGING--LETTERS TO HIS FATHER
DESTROYED--BRITISH REGARD FOR THE MAN’S RIGHTS WHEN THE AMERICAN
GOVERNMENT TOOK UP THE CASE--A NARRAGANSETT INDIAN IMPRESSED--TO
DARTMOOR PRISON--MUSTERED NAKED MEN IN THE SNOWS OF WINTER AND
KEPT THEM IN ROOMS WHERE BUCKETS OF WATER FROZE SOLID--MURDER
OF PRISONERS SIX WEEKS AFTER IT WAS OFFICIALLY KNOWN THAT THE
TREATY OF PEACE HAD BEEN RATIFIED--NOTABLE SELF-RESTRAINT OF THE
AMERICANS--SMOOTHED OVER WITH A DISAVOWAL.
Shall the men who suffered in prison because of their love of the flag
be forgotten in a story of the deeds of the American naval heroes?
The reader will remember that the British authorities acknowledged
that more than 2,000 Americans were serving in British ships through
impressment when the war broke out. In some cases when these Americans
asked to be treated as prisoners of war their request was granted; not
all British commanders were as brutal as those of the _Macedonian_
and the _Peacock_. For a manifestly truthful account of the treatment
these men received from the British there is nothing surpassing
the autobiography of the Rev. Joseph Bates, printed by the press
association of the Seventh Day Adventists. Because his experience was
rather easier than the common one; because it included the crowning
outrage at the Dartmoor prison when the war was over, and because
his story is amply authenticated by other printed accounts, a brief
_résumé_ of it will be given here to illustrate the life which the
unfortunates like him endured.
Bates, at the age of eighteen, was a full-fledged sailor, hailing
from New Bedford, Massachusetts, where his father, a soldier of
the Revolution, lived. In the spring of 1810, after a voyage that
terminated at Belfast, Ireland, Bates went across to Liverpool looking
for a berth on a ship bound to America. While there awaiting a chance
to ship, the boarding-house was visited by a press-gang that included
an officer and twelve men, who gathered in all the likely looking
seamen. Bates produced his papers, authenticated by the Collector of
Customs in New York, but was cursed for his pains and taken to a house
kept for the purpose by the Admiralty, where he went through the form
of an examination by a British lieutenant, who at once decided that
Bates was an Irishman, and the “protection” papers fraudulent. So
Bates was sent, on April 27, 1810, on board the ship _Princess_, where
he found sixty of his countrymen impressed in like fashion.
A few days later, on the occasion of a funeral which took nearly all
the officers ashore, these Americans knocked the bars from the porthole
of the room where they were confined and were forming in line to plunge
through it and swim for liberty, when they were detected. For this they
were nearly all frightfully flogged, a few escaping (including Bates)
because ordered to another ship before their turn came.
Bates was taken to the _Rodney_, where he was exhibited to all the
boats’ crews by her commander, Captain Bolton, who told the crews that
if ever the Yankee was allowed to get into any one of the boats the
entire crew should be flogged. Thereafter the _Rodney_ was sent to the
Mediterranean, where the life of Bates as compared with that of the
unfortunates sent to the African and other fever coasts, was bearable.
Bates notes that the ship provided two books for each ten men of the
crew. One was an abridged life of Nelson, and the other the prayer-book
of the Church of England. Bates did not approve of the service of that
church, but the boatswain’s mates “were required to carry a piece of
rope with which to start the sailors” when ordering them to attend
church-service as well as to any work. So he went through the forms
when piped to prayers. And when the band played “God Save the King,”
the mates were particular to see that the Yankee took off his hat.
It happened that the officers of the _Rodney_ were not eager to see
blood run on a man’s back, and Bates, by an active attention to duty,
escaped a flogging. His chief cause of complaint was that not one
of his letters home was forwarded. After getting transferred to the
_Swiftsure_ he happened to learn this fact through finding one torn
up which he had given to the first lieutenant to mail for him. But
by sending one ashore in a market-boat it reached his father, and
the father applied to President Madison to get a release. Governor
Brooks, of Massachusetts, also took an interest in the matter, and a
prominent New Bedford citizen, Captain C. Delano, took the papers to
the Mediterranean to secure the release of the young man. Delano was
received politely enough by the British Consul (the ship was at Port
Mahon at the time). The admiral of the squadron also looked into the
matter casually, but the result of all the efforts in behalf of the
unfortunate was that the British Consul agreed for a consideration to
supply him with money to buy clothing and some comforts beyond the
usual allowance of a common sailor. It is possible, too, that these
efforts also influenced the officers somewhat when, some months later
(it was in 1812), Bates learned that war had been declared and asked to
be transferred to the prison quarter as a prisoner of war. Anyway, not
only Bates but twenty-one other Americans were confined as prisoners of
war. But they were placed on a short allowance of food, were treated
with contumely when below, and at frequent intervals were brought on
deck, “where we were harangued and urged to enter the British Navy.”
Perhaps the one feature of English periodicals printed between the
years 1810 and 1815 that is most likely to anger an American, is the
indignation the writers affected toward the Yankees for “seducing”
British seamen into Yankee ships by the offer of higher wages than
the English rate. These exhibitions of British wrath in the face of
the fact that British ships held thousands of impressed Americans, is
not unlikely to prove stirring to an American, even at the end of the
nineteenth century.
Some of the American companions of Bates yielded to the pressure.
Bates was not that kind of a man, and after eight months’ resistance
to starvation, insult, and importunity, he was sent to England. There,
with seven hundred others, he was confined near Chatham dock-yard on
the _Crown Princess_, a big ship of which the little Danish nation was
robbed.
It is but fair to say that the prisoners here were not starved by act
of Parliament as they were in Milford prison during the previous war,
but their allowance was scanty, and eventually an attempt was made
by the officers in charge to cut it still further. At that the whole
throng rebelled, refused to take anything, and made such a noise in
the hold where they were confined, that the officers, who had their
families on board, were obliged to yield.
It is worth telling, too, that short as was the allowance of food, the
prisoners stinted themselves on it and sold what they saved in order
to buy an occasional newspaper. As these papers had with one or two
exceptions only American victories at sea to describe, they filled the
old hulk with rapturous joy--a joy that the officials resented, of
course, in brutal fashion.
How the prisoners sawed a hole through the ship’s side with a
case-knife and were detected; how they saw a Narragansett Indian, who
was among the impressed-seamen prisoners on another ship, make a dash
for liberty only to fail after a heroic effort; how eighteen from
the _Crown Princess_ did escape at last--all this makes interesting
reading. The number of prisoners increased so rapidly at the last,
however, that all were sent to Dartmoor.
[Illustration: Dartmoor Prison.
_From a wood-cut of a contemporary engraving_.]
“It was in the summer of 1814 that we were sent in large drafts to
Dartmoor. Soon we numbered, as we were told, six thousand. The double
stone walls, about fourteen feet high, broad enough for hundreds of
soldiers to walk on guard, formed a half moon, with three separate
yards, containing seven massy stone buildings, capable of holding from
1,500 to 1,800 men each. The centre one was appropriated to colored
prisoners.
“These buildings were located on the slope of a hill fronting the east,
affording us a prospect of the rising sun; but it was shut out from our
view long before sunset. On three sides one of the most dreary wastes,
studded with ledges of rocks and low shrubs, met our view.”
Here the prisoners were reduced to the most miserable shifts to cover
their persons. “A single bucket only, containing the food, was allowed
to a mess, around which they gathered with the avidity of starving men,
and each, with his wooden spoon, struggled to eat fastest and most.
Filthy, ragged, covered with vermin, they strolled around the yard
in the daytime, and, moody and despairing, gradually sank, through
degrading companionship and the demoralization of want and suffering,
lower and lower in the scale of humanity.” For there were European
soldiers and sailors as well as Americans in the prison. Many were
without hats and shoes and some became absolutely naked. The winters
were terribly cold. The water in the stream in the yard and in the
prison-rooms froze solid. Snow lay two feet deep on the hill-side.
There was no fire in the rooms. Yet these naked men were mustered in
the open yards, standing in the snow and storms, every day for an hour,
that they might be counted.
[Illustration: Dartmoor Prison.]
[Illustration: Dartmoor Prison.
_From an old broadside, with notes by one of the prisoners._]
Eventually, one Beasely was appointed agent in London for the
distribution of a fund supplied by the American Government. Beasely
remained in London to enjoy himself and sent a Jew clothier to supply
the prisoners with clothing. Bates was able to get money from home, and
the British Government paid him his wages earned during the two and a
half years he served in the British Navy. This sum is worth mention.
For all that time he received £14, 2_s._ 6_d._ So Bates lived better
than most of the prisoners, for there was a store for the sale of
supplies.
In December, 1814, came the news that the treaty had been agreed upon.
In February it was learned that the treaty had been ratified. And yet
not only were the Americans not released, the rigor of their treatment
was if anything increased. So an attempt to dig out was made, but an
informer was among them, and the plot failed. Appeals to Beasely were
made, but he neglected them or replied in a manner to exasperate the
prisoners. So they burned him in effigy, and the newspapers printed
a report of the affair. Beasely let the prisoners know that he was
indignant that a lot of common sailors should take such liberties with
an official occupying his dignified position.
Meantime, Captain Shortland of the British Navy, who commanded the
prison, undertook compelling the prisoners to eat hard bread instead
of fresh, with a reduced allowance of the hard bread. The prisoners
refused it and were starved for two days. Then they broke through the
gates and remained in a passageway before the store-house, in spite of
threats to shoot them, until the officer in command (Captain Shortland
was absent) gave them their bread.
This tiny disturbance occurred on April 4, 1815, about six weeks after
the frigate bringing the ratified treaty had returned to England. Two
days later some of the prisoners were playing with a ball in No. 7
yard. Several times the ball was knocked over the wall, and was always
thrown back by the soldiers when kindly asked so to do. Presently one
of the prisoners said in an authoritative manner, ‘Soldiers, throw back
that ball.’ And because it failed to come, some of the ball-players
said, ‘We will make a hole in the wall and get it.’
“Two or three of them began pecking out the mortar with small stones. A
sentinel on the wall ordered them to desist. This they did not do until
spoken to again. Aside from this trifling affair the prisoners were as
orderly and as obedient as at any time in the past.
“At sunset the turnkeys, as usual, ordered the prisoners to turn in. To
effect this and get to their respective prisons, the narrow pass-way
was so densely crowded that the folding gateway, which had not been
repaired since the 4th, and was very slightly fastened, burst open, and
some few were necessarily and without design crowded into the square.
“It appeared that Governor Shortland with a regiment of armed soldiers
had stationed himself above the square, watching for a pretext to come
upon us. The bursting open of the folding gates, though unintentional,
seemed sufficient for his purpose; for he advanced with his soldiers
and ordered them to fire.
“His orders were promptly obeyed, the soldiers rushing in among the
fleeing prisoners, and firing among them in all directions. One poor
fellow fell wounded, and a number of soldiers surrounded him. He got on
his knees and begged them to spare his life, but their answer was:
“‘No mercy here.’
“They then discharged the contents of their muskets into him and left
him a mangled corpse. Others fleeing for the doors of their respective
prisons, that always before had been left open at turning-in time,
found them shut, and while endeavoring to gain the opposite door, found
themselves subject to the cross-fire of the soldiers. This was further
proof that this work was premeditated. After much inquiry we learned
that seven men were killed and sixty wounded.”
[Illustration: _From a copy of a daguerreotype at the Naval Academy,
Annapolis._]
As it happened, in the rush of prisoners to escape into their rooms, a
British soldier was wedged into the mass and carried inside. As soon
as he was discovered a Yankee boatswain piped for order. The doors had
now been locked and the prisoners had the soldier completely in their
power. With their wounded shipmates before their eyes--some of them
dying--a cry for vengeance arose.
“Hang him! hang him! hang him!” rang through the building. It was now
the soldier’s turn to beg for the mercy that had been refused to the
wounded one who had knelt and begged in the passageway. It is with the
heartiest satisfaction that Americans read in this day that when a
vote was taken among the prisoners as to what should be done with the
soldier, the result was “decidedly in favor of releasing him.” He had
merely obeyed the order of Captain Shortland.
There was an investigation, of course. Sixty-seven men, held prisoners
because they had refused to fight against their flag, had been shot
down in a prison where they were under the most rigorous rules,
although the ratified treaty of peace had been deposited in London
more than six weeks before. They had been shot down through the spleen
of a British post captain. Mr. Charles King represented the American
Government. “Mr. King had rather, at any time, smooth over a quarrel,
than increase the exasperation by dealing sternly with its causes,”
says an old-time apologist for his act. He conceived it to be his
duty to smooth over the wanton murder of which Captain Shortland was
guilty. When “the massacre at Dartmoor was _disavowed_ by the British
Government,” he was satisfied.
CHAPTER XIV
STORIES OF THE DUELLISTS
TRADITIONS OF PERSONAL COMBATS THAT ILLUSTRATE, IN A WAY, A PART OF
THE LIFE LED BY THE OLD TIME NAVAL OFFICERS--WHEN AN ENGLISHMAN
DID NOT GET “A YANKEE FOR BREAKFAST”--THEY WERE OFFENDED BY THE
NAMES OF THE YANKEE SHIPS--SOMERS WAS ABLE TO PROVE THAT HE WAS
NOT DEVOID OF COURAGE--THE FATE OF DECATUR, THE MOST FAMOUS OF THE
NAVY’S DUELLISTS.
As the student of American naval history turns the leaves of Cooper’s
invaluable work, nothing found there is likely to impress him more
deeply than the list of names of the officers retained on the naval
register after the Peace Establishment Act of 1801. For he will find
there at a glance the names of the majority of the heroes of the early
days--the names of such men as Dale and Bainbridge and Stewart and
Hull and Somers and Decatur and Perry and Macdonough, to bring to mind
the notable deeds done when the nation was young. These alone make the
tabular pages notable. But when they are examined more closely, still
another impressive feature is found, for in the column of the table
that tells the ultimate fate of the majority of the men there named, he
will find the words “killed in a duel” so frequently as to produce a
distinct mental shock. There were thirty-six lieutenants, of whom two,
Stephen Decatur and Henry Vandyke, were “killed in a duel.” There were
one hundred and fifty-nine midshipmen, of whom three suffered a similar
fate.
It is a pity that no adequate record was kept of the duels of American
naval officers in other days, for, shocking as the assertion may seem
to the humanitarian, in these days, it is nevertheless a fact that some
of the duellists of those days proved their heroic and manly qualities
in personal combats--in combats that did not always result in death, as
well as in some that did. A few of these duels are mentioned in some
detail in a variety of historical works. There are others that live
by tradition only, while of others still there is nothing now known,
so far as the writer hereof could learn, although inquiry was made of
many naval officers and all the books relating to such subjects were
searched. But because some of the duels of which an account is to be
had were creditable under the circumstances to at least one of the men
taking part in each, and because others illustrate the spirit of the
age, even an inadequate account of them seems to be better than none at
all.
In proof of the assertion that duels were sometimes creditable, the
story of the meeting of Midshipman Joseph Bainbridge with the secretary
of Sir Alexander Ball, Governor of the Island of Malta, in 1803, shall
be told first of all. There are several versions of the story, but all
agree as to the most important facts, and of these there is no doubt.
As the reader will remember, the Americans had a fleet in the
Mediterranean, at that time, negotiating treaties with the Barbary
pirates. It was in the days when the lucky schooner _Enterprise_
thrashed the pirate polacre _Tripoli_, losing not a man herself, but
killing twenty of the enemy and wounding thirty more; when Stephen
Decatur avenged the treacherous killing of his brother James in a
hand-to-hand fight with the pirate murderer, and afterward burned
the _Philadelphia_; when Somers went to his death in the fire-ship
_Intrepid_.
At the various civilized ports where the American ships called, the
American officers fell in with the officers of the European navies. The
Yankees had already shown somewhat of their skill as sea-warriors, but
in the mind of the European officer they were at best mere plebeians.
They were of the people. In short, in the mind of the European officer,
they were not gentlemen. The English officers were the chief aggressors
in treating the Americans with contumely. Considering the state of
civilization at that day, what was an American officer to do?
On a certain night in the month of February, 1803, while the
_Chesapeake_, the _New York_, the _John Adams_, and the _Enterprise_
were lying at Malta, a number of the officers went ashore to spend
the evening. Eventually they gathered at the theatre. While a number
of them stood in the lobby there, the secretary of the Governor came
in with some friends. He was of mature years and a noted duellist of
that day--had killed a number of men, in fact--and his mission in the
theatre was to get a fight with one of the Yankee officers. He had
openly boasted, it is said, that he would “have a Yankee for breakfast”
the next day.
Looking over the group, he selected one of the youngest, Midshipman
Joseph Bainbridge, for his victim, and on walking past the group
jostled him. As it happened, Bainbridge was at that moment speaking
to a shipmate and was taken wholly by surprise. Having no idea that
anyone would wilfully seek a deadly quarrel, his first impression was
that the jostling was accidental. Nevertheless, when the secretary
walked away with a jaunty air, Bainbridge suspected that an insult had
been intended, and he was just speaking to his shipmates about it when
Lieutenant Stephen Decatur happened along. Decatur had had experience
in such matters, and Bainbridge at once stated the case to him.
“We’ll very soon learn whether it was an accident or an insult,” said
Decatur, and he was turning away to go in search of the offender when
the fellow came past the group from behind Decatur. As he arrived
beside young Bainbridge, the duellist said, in a voice that all could
hear:
“Those Yankees will never stand the smell of gunpowder.” Then he
jostled the youngster again and started on, but before he could take a
second step he received a blow from the Yankee’s fist that knocked him
sprawling.
Of course the duellist challenged as soon as he could get on his feet.
Decatur smiled and bowed. Turning to Bainbridge, who was, it should be
remembered, a boy of perhaps sixteen, Decatur said:
“Go aboard ship, sir, and give yourself no more concern about this
matter. I will attend to everything.”
As soon as Bainbridge left the theatre Decatur went aside with the
Englishmen to arrange for the inevitable duel. As the challenged party,
the Americans had the right to make the terms. Said Decatur when the
others were ready to hear him:
“We will go to the beach at sunrise to-morrow morning. There we will
place our men back to back, and at the word ‘March’ they shall each
march two steps and then whirl and fire. There shall be only the one
word.”
“My God, man,” said the English second, “that is clear murder.”
“Pardon me,” said Decatur, “your man is an experienced duellist. He
has picked out for his victim one of our young officers who has had no
experience whatever. By the terms that I propose they will be placed as
nearly on an equal footing as is possible. However, sir, if you do not
wish to fight in that way, I will take the place of the midshipman and
meet your man on the usual terms at ten paces.”
And the Englishman chose to fight the boy on the terms named rather
than face the experienced Decatur.
So Decatur went on board ship, and taking Midshipman Bainbridge on
deck, placed him with a cocked but empty pistol in hand, back to back
with a shipmate, and said “March.” Bainbridge marched two steps,
whirled on his heel in military fashion, and snapped the empty pistol
at his shipmate. Again he was placed in position, and again he marched
and turned and snapped the pistol. And from that time on he stood erect
and marched and turned, again and again, the whole night through--he
was drilled in his duty till he did it as mechanically as, and with the
accuracy of, a clock that strikes the hour.
And as the sun was tingeing the morning sky he was placed back to back
with the professional duellist. Both marched at the word and both
turned, but because Bainbridge had been trained by Stephen Decatur he
turned more swiftly than the enemy, and shot him dead.
Let the reader decide for himself whether that was or was not a fight
for the honor of the flag. Meantime, it is worth telling that the
Governor of Malta, Sir Alexander Ball, was so wrought up over the death
of his secretary, and made such a stir about it, that Decatur returned
to America as a passenger in the _New York_ to avoid international
complications.
In 1801 the frigate _Essex_, Captain William Bainbridge, was lying at
Barcelona. One night as the captain was going off to the _Essex_, the
commander of a Spanish guard-boat, in the harbor, hailed him and with
vulgar and abusive language ordered him to bring the gig alongside the
guard-boat. Captain Bainbridge paid no attention to the words, and the
Spaniards fired several musket-shots at him.
Then Bainbridge pulled alongside the guard-boat, supposing some mistake
had been made. To his surprise the Spaniard insolently ordered him
to come on board. At that Bainbridge rowed away, in spite of the
Spaniard’s threats to fire, and, being long-suffering, paid no further
attention to the matter.
The next night, however, Decatur, who was executive officer of the
_Essex_, was on shore with some of the other lieutenants, and when they
were going off they were insulted in much the same fashion.
That was too much for Decatur. Going over to the guard-boat next
morning, he asked for its captain. Unfortunately, that official was on
shore. Learning this, Decatur said:
“Tell him that Lieutenant Decatur, of the frigate _Essex_, pronounces
him a cowardly scoundrel, and that when they meet on shore he will cut
his ears off.”
Then he went back to the _Essex_. The guard-boat officers made
haste ashore and informed the Commandante of the Port as well as
their captain, who, it appears, was a man of influence. Straightway
the Commandante wrote to Bainbridge asking that the lieutenants of
the _Essex_ be kept on board ship in order to prevent a personal
altercation between Decatur and the guard-boat captain. Of course
Bainbridge refused the insolent request, sending word that if the
Spanish captain did not know how to treat American officers as
gentlemen, he must take the consequences.
Finding himself unable to wriggle clear of the trouble, the Spaniard,
rather than fight, made a humble apology. He was censured by his
superior also, and the King, on hearing the story, issued a special
edict ordering all officials to “treat all officers of the United
States with courtesy, and more particularly those attached to the
United States frigate _Essex_.”
When the War of 1812 was ended and the new American ships, that, like
the _Guerrière_, were named for victories over the British, arrived
at Gibraltar, en route to thrash the African pirates once more, the
feelings of the British officers on the station were so wrought up by
the presence of the Yankees that a number of duels were fought. A brief
tradition of one of them shall serve to illustrate the spirit of them
all.
An American lieutenant, on going ashore, was publicly insulted by six
British officers, who were all challenged by the American, and it was
arranged that he should meet one each day at sunrise, should he survive
long enough, until he had had satisfaction from them all. For four
mornings the American lieutenant rode away to the duelling ground,
and each day rode back again leaving the Englishmen to bring in the
dead body of their man. But on the next morning, as he rode out with
the fifth, there being no one in the party but the principals, their
seconds, and the surgeons, a mob of British partisans, well-armed and
disguised as highwaymen, came galloping toward them. As it happened,
the Englishman was riding a thoroughbred animal and the American
lieutenant a worthless scrub.
Seeing the mob coming the Englishman’s face paled with anger.
“They are coming to kill you,” he said to the American lieutenant. “You
take my horse and you can escape them, and we will settle this affair
at another time.”
Convinced by both the English principal and his second that the mob was
really bent on murder, the American accepted the horse, and by hard
riding did escape. But after that he did not have the heart to kill the
one who had shown himself so much of a man. The Englishman was willing
to apologize, and so was the remaining one who had been challenged, and
the American, with hearty good-will, accepted their explanations.
There were personal combats of another kind growing out of the European
dislike for the American Republic. Decatur was once on shore at night
with Midshipman Macdonough, in Naples, when a gang of three armed
ruffians attacked them. Decatur promptly cut down two of them with his
sword, when the third, who had attacked Macdonough especially, fled.
Macdonough pursued him. Running into an open door, the fellow fled to
the roof of the house with Macdonough close on his heels. On reaching
the roof and finding the Yankee still after him, he jumped from it, and
was instantly killed by the fall.
Of a very different nature from a moralist’s point of view at the
present time were the duels the American naval officers fought among
themselves. The story of the first--probably the only one--fought by
the lamented Somers, who lost his life before Tripoli, will serve
better than any other to show the spirit of the naval officers of the
day.
As related in the “United States Naval Chronicle,” Somers and Decatur,
who were intimate friends, were one day chaffing one another in the
presence of some other young officers, and in the course of the remarks
Decatur called Somers a fool. Somers, of course, paid no attention to
the epithet, for it was said in mere play. But the other youngsters,
five in number, took the matter seriously, and the next day refused to
accept Somers’s invitation to join him in a bottle of wine.
Somers, very greatly astonished, asked why, and they explained frankly
that they thought he had failed to show a spirit proper for a naval
officer when he was called a fool.
Immediately Somers went to Decatur and related the facts. Decatur said
at once that he would give a dinner at which he would explain the
whole matter, and place Somers right before his fellow-officers, but
Somers said:
“They have allowed themselves to suspect my courage. I must convince
them that they are mistaken; and my only course is to fight them all.”
Decatur acted as second for Somers, delivered the five challenges, and
it was arranged that Somers should meet them in succession during one
hour. So they gathered at a convenient place and Somers faced his first
man. At the word both fired, and Somers missed, but got his own right
arm pierced with the bullet of his antagonist.
At this Decatur wanted to take his place, but Somers refused and stood
up and fired at the second man, using his wounded arm. Again he missed
and again was himself struck, this time in the hip, the wound bleeding
so profusely that Somers was soon too weak to stand. Nevertheless he
insisted on having the third man come on.
When the third man took his stand Somers was unable either to stand
erect or to hold out a pistol steadily. So Decatur sat down on Somers’s
left side, put his right arm around Somers’s body until he could help
support the weight of Somers’s right arm, and in this position the
word was given. At this shot Somers managed to wound his antagonist.
The whole five were by this time so much impressed by the pluck and
persistence of the young fellow that they made ample apology for having
misjudged him.
It is because of the spirit which Somers showed on this occasion that
several writers of American history have expressed the belief that,
on finding the ketch _Intrepid_ caught by the Tripolitans when he was
taking her into the harbor, he did deliberately fire her magazine. He
was of the nature that would rather die than fail. What a pity it was
that he did not live to command a ship in the next war!
Commodore Perry once stood up to face an antagonist, a Captain Heath,
whom he had offended--but Perry and his second, Stephen Decatur, were
agreed that Heath had had just cause of offence, and Perry refused to
fire. The trouble was compromised after Heath had fired once.
Last of all was the duel that ended Decatur’s life--unquestionably
the most famous duel known to the annals of the navy, and one that
created almost as much stir in the nation as that between Hamilton
and Burr. Moreover, it is one that should not fade from memory, for
the one reason, if for no other, that it came as a direct result of
the attack of the British frigate _Leopard_ upon the American frigate
_Chesapeake_, in time of peace, for the purpose of taking three
impressed American seamen that had escaped from their slavery in the
British navy.
Commodore James Barron, as the reader will remember, was suspended
from the navy because he had gone to sea with his ship unprepared for
action, although the British officers at Norfolk had been very free in
making threats. In the course of years it became Decatur’s duty, as one
of the Naval Commissioners, to decide on the advisability of restoring
Barron to active service. Barron had continually protested that his
punishment was “cruel and unmerited,” and had made many attempts to
get into active service, but Decatur was unable to approve of all that
Barron had done. Decatur distinctly “disclaimed all personal enmity
toward him,” but said frankly that “he entertained and did still
entertain the opinion that his conduct, _since that affair_, had been
such as ought forever to bar his readmission into the service.” Barron
had remained out of the United States during all the War of 1812,
although the term for which he was suspended was but five years. It was
this, added to Barron’s failure to have the _Chesapeake_ ready for a
fight, that influenced Decatur.
The correspondence between Barron and Decatur on the subject of
Barron’s readmission began in June, 1819, and ended in February, 1820.
Barron’s last letter to Decatur was dated at Norfolk, January 16, 1820.
It said:
SIR: Your letter of the 20th ultimo I have received. In it you
say that you have now to inform me that you shall pay no further
attention to any communications that I may make to you other
than a direct call to the field; in answer to which I have only
to reply that whenever you will consent to meet me on fair and
equal grounds, that is, such as two honorable men may consider
just and proper, you are at liberty to view this as that call.
The whole tenor of your conduct to me justifies this course of
proceeding on my part. As for your charges and remarks, I regard
them not--particularly your sympathy. You know not such a feeling.
I cannot be suspected of making the attempt to excite it.
I am, sir, yours, etc., JAMES BARRON.
To this Decatur replied on January 24th as follows:
SIR: I have received your communication of the 16th, and am at
a loss to know what your intention is. If you intend it as a
challenge, I accept it, and refer you to my friend, Commodore
Bainbridge, who is fully authorized to make any arrangement he
pleases as regards weapons, mode or distance.
Your obedient servant, STEPHEN DECATUR.
On March 22, 1820, they met at Bladensburg, near Washington. Decatur
was accompanied by Commodore Bainbridge and Barron by Captain Elliott,
who, perhaps because his own conduct in the face of the enemy had been
assailed, was a strong partisan of Barron.
Henry Austin, in an interesting account of this duel, says that
Bladensburg was chosen as the site of the duel by Decatur because it
was “near the city of Washington,” where Decatur was then living, and
the “inconvenience of a man lying wounded at a distance from his own
home.” Pistols were the weapons chosen. The following letter describing
the event is by one who saw the duel:
WASHINGTON, Wednesday, March 22, 1820.
This morning, agreeably to his request, I attended Commodore
Bainbridge in a carriage to the Capitol Hill, where I ordered
breakfast at Beale’s Hotel for three persons. At the moment it was
ready, Commodore Decatur, having walked from his own house, arrived
and partook of it with us. As soon as it was over he proceeded in
our carriage toward Bladensburg. At breakfast he mentioned that he
had a paper with him which he wished to sign (meaning his will)
but that it required three witnesses, and as it would not do to
call in any person for that purpose, he would defer it until we
arrived on the ground. He was quite cheerful and did not appear
to have any desire to take the life of his antagonist; indeed, he
declared that he should be very sorry to do so. On arriving at a
valley, half a mile short of Bladensburg, we halted, and found
Captain Elliott standing in the road on the brow of the hill beyond
us. Commodore Bainbridge and myself walked up and gave him the
necessary information, when he returned to the village. In a short
time Commodore Barron, Captain Elliott, his second, and Mr. Latimer
arrived on the ground, which was measured (eight long strides) and
marked by Commodore Bainbridge nearly north and south, and the
seconds proceeded to load. Commodore Bainbridge won the choice of
stands, and his friend chose that to the north, being a few inches
lower than the other.
On taking their stands, Commodore Bainbridge told them to observe
that he should give the words quick, “Present; one, two, three;”
and that they were not, at their peril, to fire before the word
“one” nor after the word “three” was pronounced. Commodore Barron
asked him if he had any objections to pronouncing the words as he
intended to give them. He said that he had not, and did so.
Commodore Barron, about this moment, observed to his antagonist
that he hoped, on meeting in another world, they would be better
friends than they had been in this; to which Commodore Decatur
merely replied, “I have never been your enemy, sir.” Nothing
further passed between them previous to firing. Soon after
Commodore Bainbridge cautioned them to be ready, crossed over to
the left of his friend, and gave the words of command precisely as
before; and at the word “two” they both fired so nearly together
that but one report was heard.
They both fell nearly at the same instant. Commodore Decatur was
raised and supported a short distance and sank down near to where
Commodore Barron lay; and both of them appeared to think themselves
mortally wounded. Commodore Barron declared that everything had
been conducted in the most honorable manner and told Commodore
Decatur that he forgave him from the bottom of his heart. Soon
after this, a number of gentlemen coming up, I went after our
carriage and assisted in getting him into it; when leaving him
under the care of several of his intimate friends, Commodore
Bainbridge and myself left the grounds, and, as before agreed upon,
embarked on board the tender of the _Columbus_ at the Navy Yard.
It is due to Commodore Bainbridge to observe, that he expressed his
determination to lessen the danger to each, by giving the words
quick, with a hope that both might miss and that then their quarrel
might be amicably settled.--SAMUEL HAMBLETON.
Austin says that “after being shot, Decatur stood for a moment erect,
but was observed by Dr. Treditt, as subsequently communicated to Dr.
Washington, the other doctor, to press his hand to his right side. He
then fell, the ball having passed through his abdomen. He remarked,
‘I am mortally wounded. At least, I believe so, and wish that I had
fallen in defence of my country.’”
The ball from Barron’s pistol entered Decatur’s body two inches above
the right hip and, passing through the abdomen, lodged against the
opposite side. It was necessarily a mortal wound in those days, and
there would be but faint hope of a man surviving it in these days of
skilful surgery.
Decatur’s shot struck the upper part of Barron’s right hip and turned
to the rear--a severe but not a mortal wound. There is no doubt that
Decatur deliberately inflicted a wound that would not prove mortal.
Decatur had a fight with the mate of a merchant ship in 1799, in which
he wounded the mate precisely as he wounded Barron. He was a dead shot
when he chose to be.
Decatur died in the arms of his wife at the mansion on an estate known
as Kalorama, a mile from Georgetown, on the night of the duel. He was
but forty years old. His body was deposited in a vault at Kalorama on
the 24th in the presence of a tremendous concourse of people, including
nearly all the officials, American and foreign, of the capital. His
pallbearers were Commodores Tingey, Macdonough, Rodgers, and Porter,
Captains Cassin, Ballard, and Chauncey, Generals Brown and Jesup, and
Lieutenant McPherson. His body was removed to Philadelphia in 1844,
where it was deposited in St. Peter’s churchyard. “An Ionic marble
pillar on which an American eagle stands triumphant,” marks the grave.
Barron’s wound confined him to his boarding-house in Washington
(Norfolk was his home) for three weeks. He was restored to active
service in 1825; and in 1839 had become the senior officer of the navy.
He was then placed on waiting orders, when he retired to Norfolk, where
he died on April 21, 1851, aged eighty-two years. His name had been on
the naval register fifty-three years. Having missed the opportunity to
make a great name for himself by sinking the _Leopard_, as he ought to
have done, he never had another one. He was something of an inventor,
but his career in the navy is worth mentioning only as showing a
youthful officer what not to be.
CHAPTER XV
AMONG THE WEST INDIA PIRATES
A BREED OF COWARDLY CUTTHROATS LEGITIMATELY DESCENDED FROM THE
LICENSED PRIVATEERS AND NOURISHED UNDER THE PECULIAR CONDITIONS
OF CLIMATE, GEOGRAPHY, AND GOVERNMENTAL ANARCHY PREVAILING AROUND
AND IN THE CARIBBEAN SEA--COMMODORE PERRY LOSES HIS LIFE BECAUSE
OF THEM--WILLIAM HOWARD ALLEN KILLED--PIRATE CAVES WITH THE BONES
OF DEAD IN THEM--PORTO RICO TREACHERY--THE UNFORTUNATE FOXARDO
AFFAIR--MAKING THE COASTS OF SUMATRA AND AFRICA SAFE FOR AMERICAN
TRADERS.
A direct and necessary result of the licensing of privateers, which
prevailed throughout the wars between France and England, and England
and the United States up to the year 1815, was the development of a
horde of pirates in the West Indies. The lust of prize-money worked
on the minds of the baser sort of sailors who had been members of
the crews of privateers until the distinction between flags was
nothing--even the distinction between a lawful flag and a black one was
of no moment. From shedding the blood of non-combatants under license
in time of war it was but a short step to the murder of seamen and
passengers on common cargo-carriers in time of peace.
Moreover, the condition of governmental affairs in the West Indies and
along the Spanish main was near that of anarchy. The Spanish American
colonies were in a state of revolt against the crown, and yet they
cannot be said to have had a stable government anywhere. There was,
indeed, a form of government on the north coast of South America and
another at Buenos Ayres--mere military dictatorships at best--but
these, instead of serving the ends of peace and order, really promoted
robbery on the high seas; for they issued licenses to swift-sailing
vessels that went forth ostensibly to prey lawfully on the commerce of
Spain, but, when once at sea, did not hesitate to take any well-laden
merchantman they found, appropriate so much of the cargo as was of
value, and then sink her and her crew and passengers together.
Naturally other ships were fitted out, to prey on commerce, that had
not even the flag of a country like the South American republics. It
was not difficult to find capitalists to support such enterprises and
merchants who were literally “fences” for sea robbers. There were
spirits who did not need any capital beyond a sword, men who would
get a ship by taking it with a crew of their own kind. Nevertheless,
the curse of the criminal was upon them this far, that they never
dared venture so far from their hiding-places as to attack the packet
trade that crossed the Banks of Newfoundland _en route_ between Europe
and the northern ports of the United States. And this seems a little
curious, too, for rich prizes might have been had there.
The geographical conditions of the waters favored them, for the
Caribbean Sea was a sea of a thousand islands and ten thousand inlets
and bays, where the piratical craft might hide ship and plunder, and
fit out for further depredations. And it was a climate to delight the
lazy, while fruits and wild animals for food abounded, and the morals
of the inhabitants that were nominally law-biding were of a grade to
suit the pirates.
After the peace was made between the United States and England the
Yankee merchants hastened to retrieve the losses they had endured
during the prolonged trouble, by engaging once more in the West India
trade. It was a lucrative trade. A ship that hit the market just right
might clear the cost of her in a single voyage. But as time went by,
the number that sailed from port and never returned, although no
hurricane had been encountered, and the number that came in with tales
of races for life with vessels that swarmed with eager cutthroats,
increased until, in the year 1819, the Government of the United States
undertook the task of clearing the sea of the vicious horde.
It was not as easy a task as it would seem to one who in this day reads
of the matter. For the leaders of the states in South America were
striving under the most adverse circumstances to set up republican
forms of government. They were patriots in principle. The Monroe
doctrine had not yet taken form, but the people of the Anglo-Saxon
republic looked upon the efforts of the Latin-Americans with a kindly
eye, holding fast to the doctrine that “the cure for the evils of
liberty is more liberty.” It was necessary to destroy the pirates and
yet at the same time aid rather than injure the young nations of the
continent.
Accordingly Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry, the hero of Lake Erie (he
was commodore by courtesy only, captain being the highest rank in
the navy), was detailed to the work. He had the _John Adams_ for a
flagship, and the _Constellation_, Captain Alexander Scammel Wadsworth,
and the _Nonsuch_, Captain Alexander Claxton, for his squadron.
[Illustration: United States Sloop-of-War _Albany_ Under Sail.
_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]
That was an unfortunate assignment for Perry. He reached the mouth of
the Orinoco on July 15, 1819, shifted his flag to the _Nonsuch_, that
alone could cross the bar, and started up the river to Angostura,
then the capital of the country. It was a river trip of three hundred
miles. His journal tells a pitiful story of that journey--a story of
suffering from the dead, hot air; of the feverish thirst, of the fierce
onslaught of myriads of winged insects; of sitting in smudges to escape
the insects; of trying to sleep in the suffocating berths, “until
almost mad with the heat and pain.”
On July 26th Angostura was reached. Perry wanted a list of the vessels
licensed by the republic and compensation for an American vessel that
had been unlawfully condemned. President Bolivar was away, but the
Vice-president, Don Antonio Francisco Zea, promised to do all in his
power to make the matters right--“_mañana_,” to-morrow. Perry went to
live on shore. The yellow fever prevailed. Two foreigners in the house
with Perry died of it. The crew of the _Nonsuch_ became infected. The
natives did all they could to annoy the Americans, but on August 11th
a satisfactory official reply was received from the government. With
it came an invitation to a state banquet to be given in honor of the
Americans on the 14th. Perry felt obliged to accept.
On the 15th he sailed for the sea and arrived at the bar on the night
of the 17th, but the fever had clutched him. He awoke at 4 o’clock on
the morning of the 18th in a chill; the fever rapidly developed, and
just as the ship was entering the Port of Spain, Trinidad Island, he
died.
As it happened, a number of British officers were stationed here,
who had fought against Perry on Lake Erie. They had learned that he
was to visit the port and had made every preparation to give him a
hearty British welcome, and when they learned that he was dead, they
showed him every honor at his funeral. His body was afterward taken to
Newport, Rhode Island.
[Illustration: A Ship-of-War’s Cutter.
_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]
Until 1821 nothing more of consequence appears to have been done to
suppress the pirates. In this year the famous sloop-of-war _Hornet_,
Captain Robert Henley; the famous brig _Enterprise_, Captain Lawrence
Kearny; the brig _Spark_ and the schooners _Porpoise_ and _Grampus_,
with three gun-boats, were sent down. It was as if eight policemen
had been assigned to enforce the laws and preserve order in the whole
of the Greater New York. However, the force went to work in earnest,
and soon proved that the pirates were cowards in the face of naval
authorities. On October 16, 1821, four pirate schooners and a sloop
were found plundering three American merchantmen near Cape Antonio.
Captain Kearny of the _Enterprise_ sent five row-boats with his men
after the pirates, who fired two of their schooners and tried to escape
in the other three vessels. The three vessels were taken, however,
with forty of the pirates, who were sent to Charleston. A month later
a pirate resort on shore was destroyed near the same point, and in
December another schooner was captured, although its crew escaped
ashore. On March 6, 1822, the _Enterprise_ captured four pirate barges
and three launches with one hundred and sixty men. The _Enterprise_ was
still a lucky ship. Meantime the _Hornet_ and the _Porpoise_ had done
almost as well.
In 1822 Commodore James Biddle came down in the _Macedonian_ with
a large addition to the fleet. The _Shark_, under Captain Matthew
Calbraith Perry, captured five pirate vessels and helped in the
capture of the _Bandara de Sangare_, a piratical vessel very well known
in that day, while the _Grampus_ took the _Pandrita_, a vessel of
superior force to herself, and as well known as the _Sangare_.
On October 16th the _Grampus_ captured a brigantine that was flying
Spanish colors, which proved to be the Porto Rico privateer _Palmira_.
But the _Palmira_ had recently plundered the American schooner
_Coquette_. She was one of the commissioned vessels that plundered
indiscriminately. Nevertheless the Porto Rico authorities took revenge
the next year, as will appear further on. The _Palmira_ carried a long
eighteen and eight short ones--she was a formidable craft of her kind.
[Illustration: Lashing up Hammocks.
_Front the “Kedge Anchor.”_]
Lieutenant William Howard Allen, who had had command of the _Argus_,
after her captain was killed in the fight with the _Pelican_, was at
this time in command of the _Alligator_. On November 8, 1822, he
went after a force of pirates three hundred strong that, with three
schooners, had five merchantmen in their possession, only forty-five
miles east of Matanzas, Cuba. He found them in shoal water and ordered
away the boats, himself taking the lead. The pirates, far outnumbering
Allen’s force, made something of a resistance. Allen was struck twice
and mortally wounded, but his men kept on and routed the pirates,
capturing one of their schooners and freeing the merchantmen. Fourteen
of the pirates were killed and an unknown number wounded.
In 1823 Captain David Porter, of _Essex_ fame, took command of the
force operating against the pirates. Farragut came with him, but not in
command of a vessel. He added five twenty-oar barges to his fleet, and
eight small schooners of three guns each, together with a small steam
ferryboat from New York called the _Sea-gull_.
Captain Porter desired first of all to get the help of the local
governments, and sailed to Porto Rico; and on March 3, 1823, sent
the _Greyhound_, under Captain John Porter, in with a letter to the
governor. Later the _Fox_, Captain W. H. Cocke, was sent in for an
answer. As the _Fox_ entered the port a fort opened fire on her and
Cocke was killed. The port authorities explained the matter, on
inquiry, by saying that the governor had gone away, leaving orders to
fire on any suspicious craft entering the harbor, and the _Fox_ looked
suspicious in their eyes; but it was believed that the firing was
intended to sink the _Fox_ in revenge for the capture of the piratical
_Palmira_.
[Illustration: A Ship-of-War’s Launch.
_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]
At Cape Cruz a pirate resort was discovered that fully sustains the
most ghastly stories of the sensational novel writers. It was captured
by crews of the _Greyhound_ and _Beagle_, under Captains Lawrence
Kearny and J. S. Newton, after a desperate resistance. The pirate
commander had a wife, who fought by his side with a fierceness equal
to his own, and it was with great difficulty that she was overcome.
When the fight was over an exploration showed that a number of caves
had been used by the pirates. Bales of merchandise in some, and
quantities of human bones in others, told a horrible story.
In April of 1823 the twenty-oar barges _Gallinipper_, Lieutenant
William H. Watson, and the _Mosquito_, Lieutenant William Inman, chased
a pirate schooner and a barge into the bay where Allen had lost his
life the year before, and there the pirates anchored with springs on
their cables, and made a fight. There were over seventy of the pirates,
and the Americans were short-handed, having only thirty-one, all told.
But they raised the cry of “Remember Allen!” and made a dash that
drove the pirates overboard helter-skelter. The blood of the Yankee
sailors had grown hot at the cry, and without stopping to take the
pirate vessels they rowed in among the swimming cutthroats, and plied
right and left with pikes and cutlasses, so that few if any escaped
either death or capture, and there were but five prisoners. These were
given to the Spanish authorities, and executed. The schooner had been
captured from the Spanish. The pirate leader was known as Diabolito--a
word that means “little devil.” He was killed while swimming for the
shore.
On the whole, the work of Porter’s fleet was rapidly clearing the
waters of the pirate plague. Nevertheless, when he compelled a Porto
Rico Alcalde to show a proper respect for an American officer, the
United States Government drove him from the navy. The trouble began
near the end of 1824. The storehouse of the American consul at St.
Thomas had been robbed, and Lieutenant Charles T. Platt of the _Beagle_
learned that the property was concealed at Foxardo, a port on the east
side of Porto Rico. Going to Foxardo, Platt landed with Midshipman
Robert Ritchie and made known the _Beagle’s_ errand.
Unquestionably Platt made one mistake. He went ashore in the clothes of
a common citizen instead of wearing his uniform. If there is anything
that incenses an official of one of the little American states, it is
to have an official of a big state omit any of the forms and ceremonies
usual to official business. The Foxardo officials pretended to doubt
that Platt was an American officer, and demanded his commission. When
this was exhibited they declared it a forgery, and that Platt was
a pirate. Then they imprisoned both Platt and the midshipman, and
treated both with great indignity before allowing them to return to the
_Beagle_.
When the matter was reported to Porter, he took the _John Adams_,
the _Beagle_, and the _Grampus_ to Foxardo, and sent a letter dated
November 12, 1824, to the Alcalde, demanding an explanation. While he
awaited a reply he saw the soldiers on shore preparing a battery to
fire on the Americans, and a force was sent to spike the guns of this
and another battery, a service that was performed without opposition.
Finding that the Americans were in earnest, the Foxardo authorities
apologized and expressed proper regrets for the treatment of Platt and
the midshipman.
[Illustration: Sailor’s Mess-table.
_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]
Porter reported the whole matter home, but instead of approval received
an order to return home and face a court-martial. After trial he was
sentenced to suffer suspension for six months, when he resigned his
commission.
It was a most unfortunate affair. It was a shameful thing to allow the
hero of the _Essex_ to leave the navy, but what was worse than that
was the fact that a precedent was established that rules to this day.
An American naval officer protects an American citizen--protects even
his own shipmates--from insult at the hands of a foreign official at
his peril. When an American naval officer raises his sword between
even the most contemptible of foreign officials and one who wears the
American uniform the shadow of “the Foxardo affair,” and of a long
train of similar affairs, comes upon him to relax his grasp.
Captain Lewis Warrington having succeeded Porter, he found the work
almost completed. Following in Porter’s policy of keeping the lighter
vessels actively employed, a number of actions similar to those already
described occurred, and thereafter, save for an occasional gathering
of the members of the old coast brotherhood, there was no outbreak of
piratical doings. The steamer _Sea-gull_ did not, so far as appears
by the record, accomplish anything of moment; and yet the continued
increase in the use of steam at sea did, after Porter broke up the
pirate nests in 1823 and 1824, make it impossible for the black flag to
float on the sea, even in sporadic cases.
CHAPTER XVI
DECATUR AND THE BARBARY PIRATES
SUPPOSING THE BRITISH WOULD SWEEP THE AMERICAN NAVY FROM THE SEAS
DURING THE WAR OF 1812, THE DEY OF ALGIERS WENT CRUISING FOR YANKEE
SHIPS, AND GOT ONE, WHILE TUNIS AND TRIPOLI GAVE UP TO THE BRITISH
THE PRIZES THAT A YANKEE PRIVATEER HAD MADE--THE ALGERIAN WAS
HUMBLED AFTER HE HAD LOST TWO WARSHIPS, AND THE OTHERS MADE PEACE
ON THE YANKEES’ TERMS WITHOUT THE FIRING OF A GUN--BRAVERY OF THE
PIRATE ADMIRAL AND HIS CREW.
It is a remarkable fact that before the American sloop-of-war _Peacock_
reached home from her cruise to the Straits of Sunda, the United States
had waged and concluded with honor another war. This was the second
war with the African pirates in the Mediterranean. As the reader will
remember, the treaties concluded with these powers by the American
naval officers after the war of 1802–1805 were more favorable to the
United States than any treaty that had ever been concluded with them
by any other power. Nevertheless, there were stipulations by which the
United States still agreed to pay a blackmail tribute for the sake of
peace.
And the reader will further recall the fact that this condition of
affairs was due to the attitude of the British Government toward the
pirates. England was entirely able to suppress the pirates, but instead
of doing so she encouraged them, for the reason that in so doing she
obtained almost a monopoly of the Mediterranean carrying trade for
her merchant ships. She paid a small tribute to the pirates herself,
and thus recognized the right of the pirates to prey on commerce in
general. The tribute protected her ships, and the pirates were careful
to see, as far as possible, that the ships of no other nation traded in
that sea.
By the treaties at the end of the first war with the pirates, the
United States merchants obtained the right to trade in these waters,
and with Yankee enterprise they secured a share of the trade, which was
extremely annoying to the British merchants, to whom the War of 1812
came as a very great relief. Just how the British Government operated
against the United States through the pirates will appear farther on.
When war was declared to exist between the United States and Great
Britain, Mr. Tobias Lear, who had been the private secretary of
Washington, was the United States Consul-general located at Algiers.
No sooner did the Dey of this nation hear of the new trouble of the
American nation than he called upon Consul Lear for the sum of $27,000,
which he claimed was due on the annual tribute. The United States had
paid tribute by the Christian calendar, but the Dey demanded that it be
paid by the Mohammedan, which threw the United States in arrears. Mr.
Lear, in view of the trouble with England, yielded.
At about this time an old American whaler, the _Alleghany_, arrived at
Algiers with certain supplies which the United States had sent by way
of tribute. The Dey promptly declared these stores were of inferior
quality, and said:
“The consul must depart, for I will not have a consul in my regency who
does not cause everything to come exactly as he has ordered.”
And Mr. Lear had to go in the _Alleghany_. The _Alleghany_ sailed to
Gibraltar, where she was taken by the British and her crew imprisoned.
But before Mr. Lear left Algiers he saw two large British ships come
into the port loaded with powder, shot, and other naval supplies to the
value of $160,000, as a present to the Dey from the British Government.
Fitting out his fleet, that consisted of five frigates, three
corvettes, and a lot of smaller vessels, the Dey made haste to go in
search of Yankee merchantmen. Luckily only the brig _Edwin_ of Salem,
with nine men on board, was found, but in his anxiety to enslave
American citizens, the pirate commander took a citizen of Virginia,
whom he found on a Spanish vessel, and sold him, although the vessel
went free.
[Illustration: A Typical Barbary Corsair.
_From an engraving by Newton after a drawing by J. Charnock._]
Thereafter, in the course of the war with England, a daring Yankee
privateer, the _Abellino_, Captain Wyer, of Boston, sailed into the
Mediterranean and took four prizes, which were sent into Tripoli and
Tunis. The rulers of these states promptly delivered the prizes to
British cruisers.
The war with England having ended, the Yankee navy was in prime
condition for attending to these pirates, and just five days after the
ratification of the treaty of peace with Great Britain, the United
States declared war against them. Two squadrons were fitted out, one
at Boston under Commodore William Bainbridge, and the other at New
York under Commodore Stephen Decatur. The two were to unite in the
Mediterranean, where Bainbridge was to assume command, because he was
senior by right of the date of his commission.
Decatur got under way first, sailing on May 20, 1815. He carried with
him Mr. William Shaler as Consul-general to the pirate states; and
Shaler, Bainbridge, and Decatur were fully empowered to negotiate new
treaties.
The squadron under Decatur included the new frigate _Guerrière_
(rated a forty-four); the _Macedonian_ (captured from the British),
Captain Jacob Jones; the _Constellation_, Captain Charles Gordon; the
sloop-of-war _Epervier_ (captured from the British), Captain John
Downes; the _Ontario_, Captain Jesse D. Elliott; the brig _Firefly_,
Captain George W. Rodgers; the brig _Flambeau_, Captain John B.
Nicholson; the brig _Spark_, Captain Thomas Gamble; the schooner
_Spitfire_, Captain A. J. Dallas; and the schooner _Torch_, Captain
Wolcott Chauncey--in all, ten vessels and two hundred and ten guns.
The squadron at Boston was headed by the new Yankee seventy-four-gun
line-of-battle ship _Independence_, and included the frigates
_United States_ and _Congress_, the sloop _Erie_, the brigs _Boxer_,
_Chippewa_, _Saranac_, and _Enterprise_, and the sloop (one-masted)
_Lynx_. The _Boxer_ was the vessel captured by the Yankee brig
_Enterprise_, and the _Enterprise_ was the old favorite. But these
vessels arrived in the Mediterranean too late to have any part in
negotiating a treaty. Decatur had already done the work, and this is
the more remarkable when one considers the force of the Algerian navy.
As estimated by Maclay, the Algerian force afloat was a half stronger
than Decatur’s. It included five frigates armed with eighteens and
twelves, six sloops-of-war armed with twelves, nines, and sixes, and
a schooner--in all twelve vessels carrying three hundred and sixty
guns. Moreover, these vessels were fully manned with able seamen, and
their admiral, “Rais Hammida, was the terror of the Mediterranean.” He
“had risen from the lowest to the highest place in the Algerian navy”
(something that cannot be done in the navy of the American republic),
and he had proved his prowess and valor over and again.
Moreover the harbor of Algiers, “formed by an artificial mole, was
defended by double and triple rows of heavy batteries, so that over
five hundred pieces of ordnance bore upon the maritime approaches of
the place.” In fact, when England in the year 1816 made war on the Dey,
“five ships of the line, five frigates, four bomb ketches and five
gun-brigs were deemed by the Lords of the Admiralty too small a force.”
On June 15, 1815, Decatur’s squadron arrived off Tangiers at the mouth
of the Strait of Gibraltar, and learned that the pirate admiral, Rais
Hammida, in his forty-six-gun frigate _Mashouda_, had sailed up the
Mediterranean two days before, intending to call at Carthagena.
At this the entire American squadron sailed into the Mediterranean
and after a brief call at Gibraltar came in sight of the _Mashouda_
at daylight on the morning of June 17. The enemy when first seen was
lying-to under top-sails off Cape Gata, but heading toward the African
shore. The pirate admiral was wholly unsuspicious of the character
of the approaching Yankee squadron until the _Constellation_, the
nearest of the squadron, was but a mile away. At that time the American
flag was set on the _Constellation_ by a mistake. Decatur ordered the
British flag set on all the other ships, but Hammida had taken alarm,
and spreading his wings like a flushed partridge--making sail with a
rapidity that excited the admiration of the Yankees--he headed for
Algiers, not far away.
There was an easterly wind, but the Algerian soon found that the
_Constellation_ was heading him off, and when the Yankee opened fire on
him he tacked about and headed for a neutral port on the north shore.
At this the squadron tacked in pursuit, and the flagship _Guerrière_
soon overhauled the enemy.
Pirate though he was, it is impossible not to feel some admiration for
the Algerian admiral and his crew in the fight that followed. It was
one ship against a squadron and small guns against large, but Rais
Hammida never thought of surrender. On the contrary, the pirates opened
with muskets as the brig _Guerrière_ ranged up. A man was shot from the
_Guerrière’s_ wheel and others were injured, but Decatur waited until
he was yard-arm to yard-arm and then fired a broadside that made the
enemy shiver. The pirate admiral had been wounded by a shot from the
_Constellation_ and was unable to stand, but he had bravely remained
on deck, lying on a couch. Now a forty-two-pounder shot struck him at
the first broadside of the _Guerrière_, cutting him entirely in two.
A second broadside from the _Guerrière_ followed and then she ranged
ahead of the _Mashouda’s_ bow. At that the pirates up helm and
strove to run for it. This brought the brig _Epervier_ fairly under
the pirate’s bows. Captain Downes commanded the _Epervier_, and
Downes was a seaman fit to be associated with Captain Stewart of the
_Constitution_, for by backing and filling his sails he was able to
give the pirate no less than nine broadsides in twenty-five minutes,
at the end of which time the _Mashouda’s_ commander yielded to the
inevitable and hauled down his flag.
Decatur said he had never seen a ship handled more skilfully than the
_Epervier_ was, or a battery worked better than hers, but of course,
the pirate was “completely mobbed,” and surrendered to the squadron,
not to one ship. The _Macedonian_ was in at the surrender and not six
hours’ sail away.
The fire of the Yankees seem to have been ill-directed, when the
results are considered, for only thirty were killed and wounded out of
the four hundred and thirty-six in the pirate crew. Master Commandant
William Lewis and Midshipmen Howell and Hoffman took charge of the
prize, and she was escorted to Carthagena by the _Macedonian_.
On June 19th, near Cape Palos, a brig was chased ashore by a small
vessel of the American squadron. She proved to be the _Estido_, a
twenty-two-gun brig of the Algerian navy. Eighty prisoners were taken
from her, and twenty-three dead were found on her decks. Her crew had
numbered one hundred and eighty, but many escaped ashore in her boats.
Having been taken within the three-mile limit she was eventually given
up to the Spanish Government.
Decatur was now ready to treat with the Dey. Arriving off Algiers on
June 28th, he summoned the Swedish consul, Mr. Norderling, on board,
by means of signals. The Algerian captain of the port came with Mr.
Norderling, arriving at noon. It was found that Mr. Norderling could
not act for the Algerian Government, so the demand of the President of
the United States was sent to the Dey by the hands of the Captain of
the Port. Meantime, Decatur asked the Algerian where the Algerian Navy
could be found.
“By this time it is safe in some neutral port,” replied the Algerian.
[Illustration: Decatur’s Squadron at Anchor off the City of Algiers,
June 30, 1815.
_From an engraving by Munger and Jocelin._]
“Not all of it,” replied Decatur. “The frigate _Mashouda_ and a
twenty-two-gun brig are already captured, and your Admiral Hammida is
killed.”
In language not too polite the Algerian expressed his doubts about
this assertion, when Decatur produced the first lieutenant of the
_Mashouda_, who confirmed the news. The Captain of the Port at once
changed his bearing entirely and begged that hostilities might cease
until a treaty could be negotiated on shore. To this Decatur replied:
“Hostilities will not cease until a treaty is made; and a treaty will
not be made anywhere but on board the _Guerrière_.”
Next day the Captain of the Port came out with full powers to
negotiate. The Americans presented their draft of a treaty. The
Algerian objected to returning the property taken from the Americans
enslaved by the pirates, saying that it had been distributed among many
hands. Decatur replied:
“As it was unjustly taken, it must be restored or paid for.”
That settled this point, but when it came to relinquishing all tribute,
the Algerian hesitated. Nor did he like to pay $10,000 to the owners
of the Salem brig _Edwin_ that had been captured. He pleaded that the
brig was taken under a previous dynasty, and told what a great man the
present ruler, Omar the Terrible, was. But Decatur refused to concede
a truce of even three hours, saying:
[Illustration: Decatur and the Algerian.]
“Not a minute! If your squadron appears before the treaty is actually
signed by the Dey, and before the American prisoners are on board, I
shall capture it.”
In fact the only concession that Decatur would make was to agree to
return the _Mashouda_. But this was not to appear in the treaty; it was
to be as an act of grace on the part of the Americans.
The Algerian hastened ashore with the treaty, after arranging that a
white flag should be displayed in his boat on returning, in case the
treaty was signed and the prisoners on board.
An hour after the Algerian left, an Algerian man-of-war appeared in
the east. The Americans cleared their ships for action, but before the
squadron got fairly under way the Captain of the Port was seen coming
with a white flag afloat. Everything had been conceded to the Americans.
It is said that when the ten liberated captives arrived on board the
_Guerrière_, some knelt down as soon as they reached the deck to give
thanks to God, while others hastened to kiss the American flag that
once more waved over them.
And it is further said that the British consul stood by in the Dey’s
palace while the Dey was signing the treaty with the United States,
and ordering the money and the prisoners delivered. When all was done,
the Dey’s prime-minister turned upon the British consul and said:
“You told us that the Americans would be swept from the seas in six
months by your navy, and now they make war upon us with some of your
own vessels which they have taken.”
The fate of the liberated captives was sad. They were placed on the
_Epervier_ with the treaty, and she was sent under Lieutenant John
Templer Shubrick to the United States. They sailed with happy hearts,
after their cruel life as slaves, but the _Epervier_ never reached port
nor ever was heard from after passing the Strait of Gibraltar.
With Shubrick “were Captain William Lewis and Lieutenant B. I.
Neale, who had married sisters on the eve of their departure for
the Mediterranean, and were now returning after the successful
termination of the war with Algiers. Lieutenant I. I. Yarnell (who had
distinguished himself in the battle of Lake Erie) and Lieutenant John
T. Drury also were on board. Midshipman Josiah Tattnall, afterward
commander of the celebrated _Merrimac_, was in the _Epervier_ just
before she sailed, but exchanged places with a brother officer in the
_Constellation_.”
Sailing from Algiers to Tunis, where he arrived on July 25th, Decatur
learned from the American consul, Mordecai M. Noah, that $46,000 would
square the account for the prizes to the Yankee privateer _Abellino_
which the Bey had turned over to the British cruiser _Lyra_. Mr. Noah
took the demand for indemnity to the Bey. As Maclay tells the story,
the Bey said, musingly:
“I know this admiral; he is the same one who in the war with Sidi
Jusef, of Trablis, burned the frigate. Hum! Why do they send wild young
men to treat for peace with old powers? Then you do not speak the
truth. You went to war with England, a nation with a great fleet, and
said you took her frigates in equal fight. Honest people always speak
the truth.”
Noah pointed out the _Guerrière_, the _Macedonian_, and another vessel
as ships taken from the British, which pretty nearly, if not literally,
confirmed the story of captured frigates, and the Bey submitted. And
when the award was paid, another British consul listened to a stinging
rebuke from a Tunis official who said:
“You see, sir, what Tunis is obliged to pay for your insolence. I ask
you whether you think it just, first to violate our neutrality and then
leave us to be destroyed, or pay for your aggressions?”
[Illustration: Return of Bainbridge’s Squadron from the Mediterranean
in 1815.
_From an engraving by Leney of a drawing by M. Corné._]
Tripoli was reached on August 5th, and the Bashaw, after some
grumbling, paid $25,000 and released two Danes and eight Neapolitans to
square the account for having delivered two of the _Abellino’s_ prizes
to the British, after which “the _Guerrière’s_ band was landed and
treated the natives to a purely American rendering of ‘Hail Columbia.’”
In October Decatur took his squadron back to Gibraltar, where it joined
the squadron under Bainbridge. The gathering of such a powerful fleet
of Yankee war-ships--especially of war-ships with such significant
names as most of the Yankee ships carried--had an exceedingly
disquieting effect upon the British officials, and for a time they
found themselves unable to treat the American officers with common
civility. After a number of the British had been killed in duels,
however, the Americans found themselves able to go ashore without
suffering insult.
Later, the Dey of Algiers succeeded in negotiating a treaty with the
British, represented by Lord Exmouth, under which the British, in
spite of an immense fleet to back them, agreed to pay $400,000 for the
release of certain captives. His success in this made the Dey feel
very badly about his treaty with Decatur. Consul Shaler was compelled
to haul down his flag and leave, but the timely arrival and prompt
action of an American squadron once more inclined the Dey to peace.
The appearance of the same squadron off Tunis and Tripoli soothed
the rulers there, also, after they had been made restive by European
consuls, and from that time to this there has been no war between the
United States and the Barbary pirates.
CHAPTER XVII
LED A HARD LIFE AND GOT FEW THANKS
WORK THAT NAVAL MEN HAVE HAD TO DO IN OUT-OF-THE-WAY PARTS OF THE
WORLD IN TIMES OF PEACE--CHASING SLAVERS ON THE AFRICAN COAST
WHEN SLAVE-OWNERS RULED THE YANKEE NATION--THE AMERICAN FLAG A
SHIELD FOR AN INFAMOUS TRAFFIC--CAPTURE OF THE _MARTHA_ AND THE
_CHATSWORTH_--TEACHING MALAYANS TO FEAR THE FLAG--STORIES OF
PIRATICAL ASSAULTS ON YANKEE TRADERS, AND THE NAVY’S PART IN THE
MATTER--A CHINESE ASSAULT ON THE AMERICAN FLAG--“BLOOD IS THICKER
THAN WATER”--A MEDAL WELL-EARNED BY A WARLIKE DISPLAY IN TIME OF
PEACE.
Of the work done by the Navy between the War of 1812 and the Civil
War, there was no part that was more disagreeable or quite so
thankless as that of watching the slavers on the coast of Africa. It
is becoming in an American, whatever his personal beliefs may have
been in the old days, to speak of the slave-trade with humility. And
this is true not alone because human beings were kept in slavery in
the United States until a frightful civil war well-nigh destroyed the
country, but because Northern capitalists, men who lived where the
self-righteous gave thanks because their hands did not hold the slave
in bondage--these Northern capitalists were the most ingenious and
persistent dealers in slaves, and the most devilish in the treatment of
the unfortunates, known to the transatlantic slave-trade.
In the treaty with England that ended the War of 1812 it was agreed
that the United States would assist the mother country in putting
down the trade in slaves then carried on between the African and the
American coasts. There is, perhaps, nothing more humiliating in the
history of the American Republic than the true story of what followed
in carrying out the American agreement. How could it be otherwise? For
the American nation was ruled by men who believed that slavery was “a
Divine institution.” However shocking such a belief must appear to the
younger generations of Americans, there are old heads at the South
who still hold it. The writer hereof has heard a bishop speak with
enthusiasm of the influence of the old time “patriarchal” slave-owners
in “turning the hearts of the slaves to Christ”--an influence “alas!”
that is now gone! If this be possible in 1897, one may believe that in
1827--even in 1847 and 1857--the American slave-owner was not sincere
when he professed a desire to stop the exportation of slaves from
Africa.
Because slave-owners ruled the nation, it is certain that if there was
ever a duty to which the American naval seaman was assigned that was
weighed down with difficulties and thankless when performed, it was
that of chasing slavers on the African coast.
It is impossible to give here even a brief sketch of the work done
during the years after the signing of that treaty, but enough may be
told to well illustrate its character.
As already intimated, Americans were the most persistent and ingenious
promoters of the trade. This was chiefly due to two causes. The first
was that the American flag was _prima facie_ evidence that a vessel was
an honest trader and it preserved the ship from search by any other
cruiser than an American man-of-war. In the next place, the Yankees
could build the swiftest and cheapest ships afloat.
To the honor of the Anglo-Saxon race be it said that the British
Government led in the attempts to down the damnable traffic, but in the
face of the American flag the British cruiser was powerless. And the
American cruisers were quite as anxious to see that the American flag
was respected, even when displayed on a most suspicious craft, as they
were to capture slavers. No one can find fault with this keen desire
to protect the honor of the flag, but if the American Government had
been in the hands of men who were not slave-owners, a way would have
been found by which the honor of the flag could have been preserved and
yet permit a British captain to search all suspicious vessels within
certain limits along the African coast.
The Yankee slavers built their vessels, at the last, especially for
the traffic. In the usual course, they fitted out the craft as an
honest trader. They took on as passengers certain Portuguese, Italian,
or Brazilian men. They sailed to the coast of Africa, and there the
American crew went ashore and the passengers took possession.
It was recorded that the appearance of a British cruiser stopped such
a transaction midway. The Yankee crew, while en route ashore, saw the
cruiser and hastened back on board to hoist the Stars and Stripes and
resume the guise of honest traders. To ferret out these rascals was the
task of the American naval officers.
But in many cases the slavers depended on eluding the cruisers
altogether. The vessels were built with leaner models than even the
Yankee privateers had boasted, and they were sparred to carry a
tremendous spread of canvas. In the later years of the traffic the hunt
was so close that a resort was had to smaller craft--vessels that could
even take down both sails and spars when the royals of a cruiser were
seen, and then, by the use of oars, crawl away out of the cruiser’s
course. The lateen rig of the Mediterranean usually served these little
slavers. It was easily hidden, and on occasion would give good speed to
a small boat. They were most picturesque boats, especially when seen
under full chase running from a cruiser. But other small boats were
used, and there was one case on record where a common long-boat from an
old-fashioned merchant-ship was seen in mid-Atlantic with a single lug
sail set and thirty slaves on board.
It was in the torrid zone. The coast was full of malaria. Sleepless
vigilance was required. Boat expeditions into such streams as the Congo
in search of concealed slavers of the smaller kind were frequently
required. In the language of Lieutenant (afterward Admiral) Andrew Hull
Foote, “the matured villainy of the world” gathered on the coast of
Africa, and no labor or vigilance could be spared in pursuing it.
Foote was stationed on the coast two years, and his experience will
serve to illustrate that of all others. He reached Porto Praya on
December 21, 1849, in the brig _Perry_, and was sent by the Commodore
south along the coast to examine such slave-stations as Salinas,
Benguela, Loanda, Ambriz, and so on. He reached Benguela after a
passage of forty-one days, and found there a brig which the British had
captured with eight hundred slaves on board. The brig had come from Rio
Janeiro under the American flag, and so had easily passed the British
cruiser. But when she tried to get away, the cruiser found in some way
that she really had slaves on board and took her.
Foote was cordially welcomed by the British officers, and there is no
doubt of his sincere desire to stop the slave traffic. Certainly no
American did more than he in this work. But his first task was to look
after the rights of an American brigantine, the _Louisa Beaton_. She
had been overhauled by the British cruiser _Dolphin_ and detained,
for a time, seventy miles off land. She had the papers of an honest
trader, and after a prolonged correspondence Foote secured a disavowal
from the British commander together with an offer of indemnity to
the brigantine. And yet that brigantine was a slaver, and her adroit
captain got away at last with a full cargo of blacks.
However, Foote made up somewhat for the failure to capture this vessel
_flagrante delictu_ by taking the _Martha_. She was overhauled on June
7, 1850, between Ambriz and Loanda. She was a big ship, and as the
American cruiser came near, the _Martha_ hoisted the American flag
and hove to. Foote’s first lieutenant put off to examine her. As he
rounded her stern he saw her name painted there and that her home
port was New York. Nevertheless, as soon as her crew recognized the
uniform of the lieutenant as of the American Navy, they hauled down the
American flag and raised that of Brazil. When the lieutenant reached
her deck her captain claimed that she could not be lawfully searched
when under the Brazilian flag, and denied having papers of any kind.
This gave the lieutenant a hold on the ship, for he declared that if
she had no papers she must be a pirate.
Meantime, the captain had thrown overboard his writing-desk, but it
failed to sink. It was picked up and papers were found in it showing
the captain was an American citizen and that three-fifths of the ship
belonged to an American merchant in Rio.
On seizing and searching her, the lieutenant found one hundred and
seventy-six casks of water holding one hundred and fifty gallons each,
and one hundred and fifty barrels of farina for food. A slave-deck was
laid. There were big iron boilers for cooking the farina; there were
irons for securing the slaves; there were wooden spoons for feeding
them. The captain then admitted that he was after slaves, and said that
but for the arrival of the _Perry_ he would have got away that night
with 1,800 of them. He was playing for a great stake. The _Martha_,
with her crew in irons, was sent to New York and there condemned.
After this, Foote captured the American brigantine _Chatsworth_. There
was sufficient evidence to convince Foote of her character but not
enough for a court, and she was let go. Later she was again overhauled,
and this time it appeared that she had two complete sets of papers to
cover the assorted cargo of an honest trader, and she was sent home and
condemned.
Foote, in writing about this capture to a friend, under date of
September 25, 1850, said:
“Our orders are so stringent that no commander will capture a slaver
unless he assume great responsibility. I took the _Chatsworth_ in the
face of a protest of $22,000 from her captain and supercargo; and still
she and the _Martha_ must be condemned.”
Under the law the officers, and even the crews, of condemned slavers
were guilty of piracy. That they justly merited the penalty of death
will not now be questioned. We are forgetting the tales of the horrors
of the passage across the Atlantic--the tortures of those who were
“kennelled in a picaroon,” the “slaves that men threw overboard;” but
we remember enough to know that the slaver crews deserved the death the
law prescribed. But how was a nation that coddled the slave-owner to
hang a slave-dealer? It could not and it never did do so.
In short, the American naval officers cruised to and fro under
the tropical sun until the pitch melted from the deck-seams. They
occasionally met another cruiser, and, on the theory that misery
loves company, they found some relief in exchanging visits. They saw
some strange scenes on the African shore. They learned something of
tornadoes and other freaks of the weather. They occasionally found a
slaver with the slaves on board, and, in the face of protests, they
took ships that posed as honest traders but were really slavers.
On some cruises they took the fever and died. On the _Perry_ not a man
was lost in two years. Foote was the original prohibitionist of the
Navy. It was he who, as the sailors used to sing,
Raised our pay
Ten cents a day
And stopped our grog forever.
By caring for the sanitary conditions of the ship he saved his crew,
and it was to this rather than to the efficiency of his work against
slavers, that he owed the favor with which his cruise was regarded by
the officials of the Navy Department.
Another kind of naval work that is never pleasant, that always involves
danger, and yet never gives the men a chance to earn fame, is that of
chastising the more or less wild coast tribes in out-of-the-way parts
of the world for carrying, to an extreme, the greed and aggression
they have observed in white traders. Although there are always two
sides to every affray, the story of the white trader is the one that
gets printed; what the aborigines might have said is never learned. No
matter--a Yankee ship is assaulted and some of her crew killed, so it
is necessary to teach the natives that they must not do such things.
No inquiry is made into the provocation offered by the Yankee crew,
but on the _ex parte_ statement of the probable aggressor a man-of-war
is ordered to visit the scene of bloodshed and take such vengeance as
is possible on the tribe. And the man-of-war must go and do as bid,
whether the naval officers like the task or not. So it comes to pass
that all maritime governments when avenging injuries done to their
merchantmen are not so very different from those tribes of American red
men who, on failing to find the individual who had killed one of their
number, took revenge by killing the first member of the aggressor’s
race they happened to find.
The story of the trouble with the people of Sumatra, growing out of
an assault on the ship _Friendship_, Captain Endicott, of Salem, in
1831; and again for an assault on the American ship _Eclipse_, Captain
Wilkins, in 1838, will show what kind of work the navy had to do in
such cases.
The _Friendship_ was at anchor off Quallah Battoo, on the northwest
coast of Sumatra, buying pepper of the natives, on February 7, 1831.
The pepper was brought off through the surf in small boats that were
moored, when loading, in a stream that enters the ocean there. Captain
Endicott, Second Mate John Barry, and four seamen were on shore
superintending the packing of the pepper. When the first boat was
loaded and manned it headed down the stream, but instead of putting out
to sea it stopped at the beach, and Mr. Endicott noticed that more men
got into her. However, he was only a little suspicious of trouble, for
he supposed the surf was worse than usual and more men were needed, so
he merely detailed two seamen to watch the boat, and went on packing
pepper as before.
After a little the seamen on watch saw a commotion on the ship, men
were running to and fro, and in a moment four sailors were seen to jump
over the rail into the sea. Captain Endicott was warned, and, jumping
into a second boat he had brought ashore, he and his men pulled down
stream for life.
In their haste they left their arms behind, and that was unfortunate,
for the natives swarmed to catch them. Worse yet, they were not
accustomed to taking a boat through the surf, and several native
canoes, full of armed men, gathered outside ready to kill the whites
when their boat should be overturned by the surf.
At this critical moment a neighboring chief, known to the whites as Po
Adam, came to their rescue. He not only guided the boat through the
surf, but by brandishing his sabre overawed the waiting natives in the
canoes, and Captain Endicott got safely out to sea. There he picked up
the four sailors who were swimming from the _Friendship_, and then all
went to a settlement some distance away, called Muckie.
The sailors said that no less than twenty natives had come off to the
ship in the first boat. At first they had scattered over the deck with
no arms in sight and acting as if full of curiosity. The mate, who had
at first been alarmed by the numbers, was deceived by their apparent
innocence, and began taking the pepper on board. At that two or three
natives sauntered carelessly to his side and, as he leaned over the
rail to get hold of a package of pepper, they drove their daggers into
his back. Five of the ship’s crew ran to aid the mate, but the natives
killed two of these and made prisoners of the other three, whom they
reserved, as alleged, for torture. The remainder of the crew, four
in number, jumped overboard.
[Illustration: The Action at Quallah Battoo, February 6, 1832.
_From an aquatint by Smith of a drawing made on board the “Potomac” in
the offing._]
At Muckie were three American ships, and these volunteered to go to
Quallah Battoo and demand the return of the _Friendship_. The chief
of the settlement told them to “come and take her,” when the demand
was made, and with the aid of the guns that their ships carried, they
did it. But the ship had been looted, the natives getting among other
things $12,000 in coin. The total loss to the owners was placed at
$40,000. So runs the story as told by the white traders.
A year later (February 6, 1832), the American frigate _Potomac_,
Captain John Downes, anchored off Quallah Battoo. She was disguised as
a merchantman, but when a boat went toward the shore taking soundings,
the natives assumed a threatening attitude, in spite of the slovenly
dress of the crew. Accordingly a midnight attack was planned and
carried out. The natives had forts and cannon, and citadels within the
forts, to which they retired when the outer fort-walls were carried,
and where they fought with the desperation of men who preferred death
to surrender. By daylight two of the forts were carried in spite of
the fierce resistance. Even the women fought bravely. The wife of a
chief was particularly mentioned for her courage and her skill with
the sabre. They were “fighting with that undaunted firmness which is
characteristic of bold and determined spirits, and displaying such an
utter carelessness of life as would have honored a better cause,” as an
officer of the _Potomac_ wrote, but they could not stand against the
superior tactics of the civilized race.
From one fort the Americans turned to another, and from this to three
armed schooners, and from that to the main fort of all. Po Adam, who
had rescued Captain Endicott, came with a body of his followers to aid
the Americans, and at the last the whole settlement was overpowered and
the chief fort blown up with its own magazine. The Americans had lost
two killed and eleven wounded, and “of the Malays over one hundred were
killed and two hundred wounded.”
A number of the natives having rallied after the Americans went afloat,
the _Potomac_ stood in and opened fire with her long thirty-twos.
Overawed as much by the sound as by the projectiles (so it is said) the
natives sued for peace.
In spite of this display of the vengeful power of the United States,
the American ship _Eclipse_, while loading at a settlement called
Trabangan, twelve miles from Muckie, was captured by the natives. It
was on the night of August 26, 1838. Two native canoes came along with
a small quantity of pepper, arriving after dark. The second mate, who
had the watch on deck, recognized the leader of the party as an old
acquaintance who had helped in loading the ship in former voyages,
and allowed the natives to come on deck with their pepper. However,
according to the ship’s custom, he took their weapons and locked them
up.
The captain at this time was asleep, but at about ten o’clock he came
on deck. The work of weighing the pepper began. The leader of the
natives, whose name was Lebbey Ousso, complained of the second mate’s
“distrust of an old friend,” in taking away the weapons, and the
captain foolishly ordered the daggers returned. A few minutes later,
as they were pouring pepper into the scales, the captain cried: “I am
stabbed.” He died at once. An apprentice was killed at the same moment,
while the second mate got a severe wound in the loins. Part of the crew
plunged overboard and some took to the rigging. The cook, who was in
irons for insubordination, begged for his life, and as the price of
it showed where a lot of opium and coin to the amount of $18,000 were
concealed. With this plunder the whole party, with the cook, fled.
As it happened, the American frigate _Columbia_, with the corvette
_John Adams_, was making a tour of the world at that time, under
Commodore George C. Reid. Having heard of this assault the commodore
went to investigate, arriving off Quallah Battoo on December 20, 1838.
Here Po Adam made haste to board the flagship, and thereafter served
as interpreter. It was said that the chief of Quallah Battoo had
received $2,000 of the coin stolen from the _Eclipse_, and that one of
the murderers of Captain Wilkins lived there. But after some days of
palaver the chief failed to deliver up either the coin or the criminal,
and the town was bombarded. From Quallah Battoo the squadron went to
Muckie, whose chief had received some of the coin, as charged by native
informers, and Muckie was first bombarded, and then burned by a landing
party. No attack was made on Trabangan.
It appears from Taylor’s account of this affair that one of the
informers confessed that he was anxious to have Quallah Battoo
destroyed in order that he might become chief of the region, while
those who promoted the destruction of Muckie were sure to benefit by a
transfer of Muckie’s trade to their settlements. For it was a coast of
small settlements ruled by jealous and quarrelling chiefs who lived by
levying duty on pepper brought from the interior.
[Illustration: Bombardment of Muckie and Landing of a Force to Burn the
Town.
_From an engraving by Osborne in “The Flagship,” published, 1840, by D.
Appleton & Co._]
From Muckie the squadron returned to Quallah Battoo. The chief, known
as Po Chute Abdullah, gave his note for $2,000, the sum that he
confessed had been distributed among his people, after the assault on
the _Eclipse_, and so escaped the ravages of a landing party.
“The women,” said Po Adam, “cry, and the men, too, when the big ships
come again.”
The whole town had been bombarded for the misdeed of one man. The
women and children had to face the cannon as well as the men. It was
necessary, very likely, to teach the natives to respect the lives and
property under the American flag. But there was no guarantee that the
wily Yankee skipper would deal honestly with the natives. And there was
no count of the women and children killed and mangled when the cannon
were used to enforce the American demand.
Treaties were afterward made with a number of the chiefs who pledged
themselves to protect Americans from all robbery and assault.
There is little doubt that the naval officers regarded it as a very
sorry piece of duty that had to be attended to.
Much more stirring were the adventures of the Yankee seamen in the
Chinese waters during the time that England was compelling the
unfortunate orientals to buy British-India opium. The Chinese did not
make the distinction between the two English-speaking nations which
circumstances required, and in consequence they received some severe
punishment from the Americans. The most interesting event was in 1856.
Captain Andrew Hull Foote of the _Portsmouth_, who, under Commodore
Armstrong, was engaged in the work of protecting the Americans in
Canton, established a number of fortified posts in the city, but
beyond this did everything possible to keep the Americans clear of
the “English and Chinese imbroglio.” But there was fighting a-plenty
all around the Americans, both afloat and ashore; and it happened, on
November 15, 1856, while Foote was rowing past one of the forts of
the city, that the Chinese fired on him. The American flag was waved
vigorously toward the fort, and Foote fired his revolver toward it by
way of protest, but the firing continued until Foote was out of bearing
of the guns. Another fort had still to be passed, and this one opened
with grape-shot at a range of two hundred yards.
The next day the forts were bombarded by the _Portsmouth_. On the 20th
the _San Jacinto_, the _Portsmouth_, and the _Levant_ bombarded the
fort that had been first guilty of assault, and then Foote with four
howitzers and a force of two hundred and eighty-seven men, all told,
landed. Crossing the rice-fields and wading a creek waist-deep, they
attacked the fort in the rear, when the Chinese fled, although the
fort was a massive stone structure with walls several feet thick, and
contained fifty-three cannon. The marines killed more than forty of the
Celestial soldiers who fled, and so completed the rout.
The guns of the captured fort were turned on the fort that was next in
line, and that was soon silenced. Meantime a Chinese force estimated at
more than 3,000 came from Canton to whelm the Americans, but a single
howitzer with its sailor crew, aided by the muskets of the marines,
drove them away with great slaughter. It was not glorious work but it
was absolutely necessary to the preservation of American citizens and
their property.
During the two or three days that followed other forts were taken,
until the American flag had been planted on four of the forts. Admiral
Belknap, who was then a master, is mentioned for his gallantry while in
charge of one of the launches. The Americans in the course of the work
lost seven killed and twenty wounded. The Chinese said they lost five
hundred in all, but Foote estimated their loss at about two hundred and
fifty. At any rate, the Chinese of Canton have not yet forgotten either
the _Portsmouth_ or her captain.
Three years later an American naval officer gave the English-speaking
nation a catch-phrase that is likely to live in the literature of
both England and the United States after the deed of the man who used
it is long forgotten. It was in 1859, when the English and French were
bombarding the Chinese forts in the Peiho River. On July 25th, while
some English gun-boats were removing obstructions from the river, the
Chinese opened a severe fire on them. Captain Josiah Tattnall, whose
bravery before Vera Cruz is mentioned elsewhere, was a witness of the
attack in the chartered steamer _Toey-wan_. Tattnall could not look on
such an affray without taking part in it, even if he were of a neutral
nation. Turning to a junior officer he said, “Blood is thicker than
water,” and ordered his boat manned. Getting into it he rowed to the
flagship of the British flotilla. His boat was struck by a shot that
killed the coxswain and wounded Lieutenant Stephen Decatur Trenchard,
but he boarded the British gun-boat and with his crew helped to
fight the Chinese. He afterward used the _Toey-wan_ in towing up the
British reserves. It is certain that no action contrary to the law
of nations ever did more to promote good feeling between the rival
English-speaking nations.
[Illustration: The Steamer _Toey-wan_.
“Blood is Thicker than Water.”--Josiah Tattnall going to the Assistance
of the English Gun-boats at Peiho River.
_From a painting, by a Chinese artist, owned by Mr. Edward Trenchard._]
What is known as the Koszta incident in the Mediterranean shall serve
to close this chapter on the fighting work of the American navy, in
time of peace, previous to the civil war. It is particularly worth the
attention of the American people, for the reason that in these later
days some such an example seems to be needed. American citizens who
now travel in foreign countries have not infrequently had occasion to
wonder whether their Government had an arm that was strong enough to
protect them when beyond the borders of the nation.
One Martin Koszta, an Austrian by birth, after having, in legal form,
taken out his first papers as a citizen of the United States, was
found in Smyrna by the Austrian authorities, and carried on board the
Austrian war-ship _Hussar_, because he had, in some way, offended the
Austrian Government. The American sloop-of-war _St. Louis_ was at that
time at anchor in Smyrna harbor, and an appeal was made through the
American consul to Captain Duncan Nathaniel Ingraham, commanding her,
in behalf of Koszta. Captain Ingraham applied to the captain of the
_Hussar_ for the man, but the Austrian, having a heavier ship, declined
to deliver him up. As Ingraham understood his duty he was compelled
by it to get the man first and attend to the necessary diplomatic
correspondence and consideration of the facts of the matter afterward.
Clearing his ship for action he laid her alongside the _Hussar_, and
setting a time-limit, said he would have the man or a fight. He got the
man.
It is admitted that ill-disposed people have become citizens of
the United States in order to use the American flag as a cover
for nefarious deeds. So the American Government has a delicate
and difficult task to perform whenever its power is invoked for
the protection of an American citizen who is in trouble with the
authorities of another nation. But because naturalized Americans
have not infrequently received harsh treatment when in their native
countries, and especially because American law presumes that every
accused person is innocent of wrong-doing until proven guilty to the
satisfaction of a jury of his peers, it is absolutely essential to the
preservation of American rights that every American naval officer hold
to Captain Ingraham’s understanding of duty. First get the man and then
let the State Department settle the diplomatic matters.
The Congress, by a joint resolution on August 4, 1854, requested the
President to give Captain Ingraham a medal in token of the nation’s
appreciation of this defence of American rights.
CHAPTER XVIII
IN THE WAR WITH MEXICO
THOMAS AP CATESBY JONES, THE HERO OF LAKE BORGNE, STRUCK THE FIRST
BLOW OF THE WAR--OPERATIONS ALONG THE PACIFIC COAST THAT INSURED
THE ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA--STOCKTON AND “PATHFINDER” FRÉMONT
OPERATE TOGETHER--WILD HORSES AS WEAPONS OF OFFENCE--THE _SOMERS_
OVERTURNED WHILE CHASING A BLOCKADE RUNNER--JOSIAH TATTNALL BEFORE
VERA CRUZ--WHEN SANTA ANNA LANDED--THE YANKEE SAILORS IN A SHORE
BATTERY--THE HARD FATE OF ONE OF THE BRAVEST AMERICAN OFFICERS.
In beginning the story of the Navy’s part in the war between Mexico
and the United States, it is interesting to note that the first overt
act of aggression on the part of the United States was made by a naval
officer, because of his distrust of the British Government. It was in
the year 1842, a long time before war was actually declared to exist.
As the reader will remember, the present State of California was then
a most inviting part of the Mexican domain--so inviting, indeed, that
the long-headed statesmen of England were puzzling their brains to
find a way of getting control of it without a too great expense of
trouble and money. Just how far they would have gone in their efforts
can never be known, of course, but no one now doubts that they were
considering the matter. This is not to say that their wishes were
discreditable; from the point of view of the American leaders at that
time, the British statesmen were merely enterprising, for the Americans
were looking at California with a thought quite as covetous as any
that ever animated the mind of an Englishman. Mexico was but a feeble
power. Stirring American frontiersmen had pushed over into the Mexican
state of Texas and, wresting it from the Mexican rule, had set up an
independent government. There were other restless Americans who were
making their way into California. The American statesmen could not
quite see their way to taking possession of the domain on the Pacific,
but this they could do: They could and they would prevent England’s
grasping it. To this end a strong squadron was ordered around Cape
Horn to the Pacific, and the command of it was given to the hero of
Lake Borgne, Captain Thomas ap Catesby Jones,--he who with less than
two hundred brave seamen on open gun-boats withstood for an hour the
shock of a British flotilla, manned by nine hundred and eighty men,
besides the officers. His fleet included the brave old frigate _United
States_, the captured sloop _Cyane_, the sloop-of-war _Dale_, and the
schooner _Shark_.
[Illustration: SCENE OF NAVAL OPERATIONS ON THE PACIFIC COAST.]
On reaching Callao Commodore Jones “came upon a copy of Mexico’s
somewhat querulous complaints” about the neutrality that the United
States Government showed in Mexico’s war with Texas, while a Callao
newspaper published as authentic news an article asserting that Mexico
had just ceded California to England. This report appeared on September
6, 1842. As it happened, the big British frigate _Dublin_, flying a
rear-admiral’s flag, appeared off Callao that very evening. Heaving to
for a short time, the Britisher had a look at the Yankee squadron and
then sailed away to the north without casting anchor.
That was a right curious action for a British frigate in those days,
and Commodore Jones could explain it only by connecting it with the
story that California had been ceded to England. And Jones, with his
squadron, had been sent to the Pacific for the express purpose of
preventing, by force if necessary, the establishment of a British Hong
Kong on the coast of California. There was but one thing for him to do,
and that was to up anchor and make all sail for California, and this
he did. On October 19th he arrived in Monterey harbor, and, although
nothing had been seen of the _Dublin_, he landed and took possession of
the town.
A day later he learned that Monterey was still a Mexican town, and that
Mexico and the United States were at peace. So he made such amends as
he could, and surrendered the town to its lawful authorities.
Commodore Jones had carried out the policy of his Government, as
he understood it, and his act was unquestionably approved by the
Administration at Washington, but to conciliate the Mexicans Jones was
recalled, though, of course, in nowise punished.
Of the causes of the war which followed, beginning by official
declaration on May 13, 1846, it is not the province of this history
to treat, but the writer may be permitted to observe that no one of
those who protest most loudly against Anglo-Saxon aggressiveness
has ever shown how to stop it; and, what is of more importance, it
is absolutely certain that every territory that has been taken by
Anglo-Saxon aggressiveness has been greatly benefited by the rule of
the aggressors, whether found in Asia, Africa, or on the Pacific coast
of North America. Not because of commercial considerations, for these
are commonly detestable, but because “the only race that possesses a
proper conception of the two pillars that support civilization--Liberty
and Justice”--is the Anglo-Saxon race, every humanitarian views with
satisfaction the spreading power of the English-speaking people, even
though it be “inevitable that causes of offence should arise.” That
policy which would confine the United States Government to its present
geographical limits, however good the motives of its advocates may be,
is short-sighted and wholly devoid of philanthropy.
No one proposes that as an act of justice either Calcutta or San
Francisco shall be returned to their former rulers. The dominant race
shall rule a willing world.
However false the declaration of the American Congress, made on May 13,
1846, that “war exists, and notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid
it, exists by the act of Mexico herself” (and certainly that statement
was absolutely false), a war was unavoidable. It was absolutely
impossible to prevent the expansion of the American Republic to the
Pacific. The American Government tried repeatedly to buy the territory,
but Mexico would not sell, and where individuals led the way their
government was compelled to follow.
[Illustration: John B. Montgomery.
_From a photograph._]
When the war at last began, Captain John Drake Sloat, Commodore
of the Pacific Squadron, was at Mazatlan, Mexico, in the frigate
_Savannah_. He heard the news on June 8th, and sailed at once for
Monterey, California, where he found the _Warren_, the _Cyane_, and
the _Levant_ at anchor. A force of two hundred and fifty men from the
ships took possession of the town, and Commander John B. Montgomery of
the _Portsmouth_, took possession of the settlement on San Francisco
Bay the following week. The capitulation of Sutter’s Fort, on the
Sacramento, and a couple of other stations followed.
[Illustration: R. F. Stockton.
_From an engraving by Hall of a painting on ivory by Newton, 1840._]
On July 19th “the Pathfinder,” John C. Frémont, reached Monterey, and
he, with one hundred and fifty riflemen, was sent in the _Cyane_ to
take possession of San Diego. The British liner _Collingwood_, bearing
Admiral Sir George F. Seymour on board, was in port at this time, but
there is no reason to suppose that the admiral was there in any other
capacity than that of a spectator. Anyway, the _Collingwood_ soon
sailed from the coast. Then, on July 23d, Sloat gave up the command.
He was in bad health and glad to escape the responsibility of the
situation. The more vigorous Captain Robert Field Stockton took his
place. Stockton’s first move was against Los Angeles. He had only
three hundred and fifty men, all told, in the party that he landed at
San Pedro, the port of Los Angeles, and these were armed with only
ninety muskets and a few carbines, but cutlasses and boarding-pikes
were plentiful. Indeed, when some of the enemy appeared under a flag
of truce, Stockton felt obliged to resort to a trick (since familiar
to cowboys with cattle for sale) to make his force seem larger than it
was. He marched them around some buildings in a way to make them appear
as an army several times three hundred and fifty. He also covered up
all the six-pounders in his artillery but left a thirty-two’s muzzle
peering out as if by an oversight. The trick, it is said, succeeded
well. Anyway, Stockton, after falling in with Frémont’s men, _en
route_, entered Los Angeles without opposition on August 13, 1846. The
next day the Mexican governor, Andres Pico, and General José Maria
Flores, were paroled.
[Illustration: Perry’s Expedition Crossing the Bar at the Mouth of the
Tabasco River.
_From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N._]
After that Stockton organized a state government with Frémont at the
head of it. Frémont then went to Sacramento to recruit men for an
expedition which Stockton planned against Acapulco (there were plenty
of United States citizens in the California region), but before the
expedition was ready news came that the Mexicans had rallied against
Los Angeles, under the lead of ex-Governor Pico and General Flores,
who had broken their parole. The garrisons at Santa Barbara were also
reported in danger.
Sending the _Savannah_ immediately from San Francisco to help the
forces at the South, Stockton followed in the _Congress_ on October
12th, having Frémont with “one hundred and seventy good men” along with
him.
Meantime the Mexicans had risen against the Americans at Monterey.
In fact, the Mexicans in the country far outnumbered the Americans,
and it was only the difference in races that prevented the Mexicans
driving the Yankees into the sea. However, Stockton landed fifty men,
under Midshipmen Baldwin and Johnson, at Monterey and hurried on to
San Diego. Here an attack by the Mexicans was repulsed, and then came
Brigadier-general Stephen W. Kearny over the mountains with one hundred
men from Santa Fé, New Mexico. Kearny’s men, aided by the sea forces,
attacked the Mexicans at San Bernardino on the morning of December
6th; but were repulsed with a loss that was in a way significant,
for eighteen were killed to fifteen wounded, and Kearny and Captain
Gillespie and Lieutenant Beale of the naval squad were among the
wounded.
Meantime Captain Mervine of the _Savannah_, had tried to march to Los
Angeles but had been driven back. The Mexicans were fighting fiercely
for their homes.
However, Stockton was the man for the occasion. Kearny was reinforced
by two hundred and fifty men, and then he was able to march to San
Diego. Next a force of nearly seven hundred men was organized for
another attack on Los Angeles. The road thither was one hundred and
forty-five miles long, and it lay across a desert of sand. The weather
was cold, the men were poorly clothed. The Mexicans were well mounted
and accustomed to the country. They disputed the advance stubbornly,
and on one occasion, by a plan that proved successful on the plains of
Patagonia once upon a time, they stampeded a herd of wild horses toward
the American force; but the horses did not take kindly to the task of
trampling down Yankee sailors.
[Illustration: The Naval Expedition Under Commodore Perry Ascending the
Tabasco River at the Devil’s Bend.
_From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N._]
At the San Gabriel River a decided stand was made against the
Americans, but the sailors crossed over and carried the enemy’s works
by assault on January 8, 1847. That being the anniversary of the battle
of New Orleans, the Yankees celebrated their triumph. They had lost two
killed and nine wounded, while the Mexicans lost seventy killed and one
hundred and fifty wounded. Los Angeles was retaken on January 15th.
Then Stockton left for the East and Commodore William Bradford Shubrick
came to the coast with the liner _Independence_ and the brig _Preble_.
Commodore Biddle also came to the coast at that time, and there was
some little difficulty (not personal) over the question of which one
was to have command, but it was settled by both doing the best they
could for the Government while awaiting word from the Navy Department.
Every Mexican port north of Acapulco was blockaded, and at Mazatlan
the custom-house was administered by the Americans and some $300,000
collected on imports.
[Illustration: S. F. Dupont.
_From a photograph._]
From a naval man’s point of view the most interesting deeds on this
coast were a few cutting-out expeditions. The _Cyane_, under Commander
Dupont, after landing and spiking all the guns at San Blas, went up the
Gulf of California to Guaymas. There Dupont found two Mexican gun-boats
and a brig. On seeing the _Cyane_ the Mexicans burned their gun-boats
but hauled their brig in close to the beach, where several hundred
soldiers were able to cover her from the houses along shore. There were
also a number of cannon to keep off invaders.
Captain Dupont, however, ordered out his launch and a cutter under
Lieutenant G. W. Harrison, Lieutenant Higginson, and Midshipman
Lewis. These, under cover of a fire from the _Cyane_, rowed in, cut
the moorings and began towing the brig out unmolested. At that the
_Cyane_ stopped firing for a few moments, but the instant the _Cyane_
stopped the Mexicans began. Then the _Cyane_ opened again, when the
Mexicans fled; but when the _Cyane_ had to stop on account of the line
of fire endangering her own men the Mexicans returned and began again.
However, the _Cyane_ finally drove them away by firing over her own
boats, and the brig was towed out of the Mexican range and burned.
[Illustration: The Tabasco Expedition Attacked by the Mexicans from the
Chapparal.
_From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N._]
Lieutenant Harrison distinguished himself while the _Cyane_ was
blockading Mazatlan a little later. Mazatlan was dependent on the
coasting trade for food, and the blockade reduced the town to a short
allowance. Small schooners, however, managed to slip past in the shoal
water alongshore, and the small boats of the _Cyane_ had to look after
them. On one occasion the _Cyane_ was so far out from the beach that
the Mexicans launched four big barges and put out to capture Harrison,
who had three small boats with perhaps a third of the Mexican force
in men. It was clear that Harrison could easily outrow the heavier
boats of the Mexicans and escape, but instead of doing so he headed
straight for them. The Mexicans were supported by field-guns on the
beach, but they fled the moment the Yankee fire began to tell. The
American seamen showed a feeling toward the enemy that was very much
like that the English had showed for the French sailors in the wars
with Napoleon. And it is certain that the self-confidence was commonly
justified in both wars. On September 30, 1847, Lieutenant Craven of the
_Dale_ pulled up a creek at Mulijé and captured a schooner that mounted
a nine-pounder without opposition, although more than one hundred
soldiers were in the town. And the next day he landed with eighty men
and drove one hundred and forty Mexicans three miles inland.
[Illustration: SCENE OF Naval Operations in GULF OF MEXICO.]
However, the fights were in reality skirmishes between small bands on
both sides. The Mexicans had no navy, and they did not gather their
soldiers in sufficient force at any point to permanently dislodge the
Americans. Commodore Shubrick eventually had exclusive command of the
American squadron, and he held the entire coast north of Acapulco. He
would have held it to Salina Cruz or Ocos if he had had a few more men
for garrison duty, but that was not necessary, for the hand of fate was
against the Latin-Americans, and California was destined to become,
because of the efficiency of the work of the Navy, a part of the United
States; and it is now one of the most beautiful as well as one of the
richest States of the American Union.
The work of the Navy in the Gulf of Mexico began during the battle of
Palo Alto, when Commodore David Conner, who commanded the American
squadron assembled off the mouth of the Rio Grande, landed about five
hundred of his men to help protect the garrison which General Taylor
had left at Point Isabel.
[Illustration: Landing of Perry’s Expedition Against Tabasco.
_From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N._]
Unfortunately the Commodore had only ships of deep draught--vessels
that could not cross the shoal water over the bars of Mexican streams.
And the number of ships was small, so that when ordered to blockade
the coast he was not able to do so for several months. As late as
October, 1846, his force was “barely sufficient to close the ports of
Vera Cruz and Tampico.” By October, however, he had three schooners
and the shoal-draught steamer _Vixen_, and this force was subsequently
increased to three light steamers and seven gun-boats, the whole
flotilla carrying seventeen cannon.
Meantime, on August 7th, an attempt was made on Alvarado, an important
port southeast of Vera Cruz. The ships were unable to get over the
bar. On August 15th, a force was collected before Tuspan, but the
brig _Truxton_ grounded within reach of the shore-batteries and was
captured, and the attack failed.
On October 16th a second attack was made on Alvarado. The steamer
_Vixen_ towed in the schooners _Bonita_ and _Reefer_ and a vigorous
attack was made, but the steamer _McLane_, towing the _Nonita_, the
_Petrel_, and the _Forward_, grounded. The steamer _Mississippi_ had
bombarded at long range the enemy’s works, but it was ineffectual, and
this attack failed. The failures created a deal of dissatisfaction
in the United States, but it is a fact that Commodore Conner had a
wretched outfit for the work. The small steamers were especially bad.
[Illustration: Commodore Perry’s Expedition Taking Possession of Tuspan.
_From a lithograph of a drawing by Lieutenant H. Walke, U. S. N._]
On the day following the Alvarado failure Commodore Conner sent an
expedition under Captain Matthew Calbraith Perry, then commanding the
_Mississippi_, against Frontera. Perry was afterward distinguished
for opening Japan’s ports to American commerce. He had with the
_Mississippi_ in his attack on Frontera the steamers _Vixen_ and
_McLane_, and the schooners _Bonita_, _Reefer_, _Nonita_, and
_Forward_, and he carried two hundred marines, besides ample crews.
Frontera was an important port, because the river that flows in the
gulf there is the dividing line between the Yucatan peninsula and
Mexico proper. Moreover, Tabasco was an important city lying some
distance up the river. The Mexicans had a considerable fleet of
merchant vessels in this river--two river steamers, in fact, besides
five coasting schooners, a brig, a sloop, and a lot of small barges.
Captain Perry made a dash over the bar with the _Vixen_ and two
schooners, when he reached the mouth of the river. The Mexican fleet
inside were taken almost unawares--there was, at any rate, no time
to escape, and the fire of the land-batteries did no damage to the
Americans. After the capture of the shipping the forts and town
surrendered.
[Illustration: Matthew Calbraith Perry.
_From an oil painting at the Naval Academy, Annapolis._]
Captain Perry at once followed up his success by ascending the river
with the _Vixen_ and the captured steamer _Petrita_. A battery of four
good twenty-fours, advantageously located at a bend in the river, was
abandoned by the Mexicans, and at Tabasco, which lies seventy-two
miles up the river, only three shots were needed to bring down the
enemy’s flag.
The result of cutting the enemy’s territory in two here, was that
Yucatan was thereafter governed and her resources appropriated by the
Americans until the war ended.
Of course the chief work in hand was the capture of Vera Cruz. On
the night of November 20, 1846, Lieutenant Parker, two midshipmen, and
five sailors, in a small boat from the brig _Somers_, entered Vera Cruz
harbor and burned the bark _Creole_ that was lying under the guns of
the forts. This was a right valorous but a mistaken expedition, for
it appears from the papers of Commodore Conner that not only did he
know nothing of it until the flames of the ship were seen, but had he
known of it he would have stopped it. The _Creole_ was supposed to be
a blockade runner loaded with arms, and that she had slipped in. As a
matter of fact, Conner allowed her to go in, and she was the medium
by which communications were carried on with spies and disaffected
Mexicans who had kept Conner well posted as to the condition of affairs
in Mexico, and as to the troops, guns, etc., in and around Vera Cruz.
Indeed, it is said that among the more valuable services of Conner in
this war was the gathering of exact information about the enemy.
[Illustration: Capture of Tabasco by Perry’s Expedition.
_From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N._]
Another mishap occurred when the _Somers_, while chasing a blockade
runner on December 8th, carried sail so hard that she capsized and lost
over forty men--half of her crew. She was commanded at the time by
Commander Raphael Semmes, who gained fame in the Confederate cruiser
_Alabama_ in the Civil War.
But the worst feature of the work on the coast was facing the tropical
fevers. The men enjoyed meeting an enemy they could see, but there was
no defence against the malarial germs from the swamps. The yellow fever
appeared, as well as other less malignant fevers, and scurvy came in
the list of terrors.
Nevertheless, the men remained at their posts uncomplainingly, and in
March, 1847, the force before Vera Cruz numbered seventy ships and
transports, with General Winfield Scott’s army of 12,600 men on board.
Not a little controversy has grown out of the work that followed. A
number of good authorities were of the opinion that Vera Cruz should
have been captured by the ships alone, while the friends of Conner
maintain that an attack by the fleet would have been fatal to it. The
question at issue is as to the strength of the castle San Juan de
Ulloa, lying on Gallega Reef, just off the city--a reef that really
forms the harbor. The city lies on the mainland with a fort at each
end, and a wall all around it. It is said, on one hand, that the castle
was old and weak, and on the other that it had been strengthened as
to the mason-work, and with new and heavy guns, the whole number of
efficient guns being at least two hundred. Commodore Conner had a fleet
of ten vessels, ranging from the fifty-gun frigate _Potomac_ down
to a twelve-gun brig--in all two hundred and one guns, “of which
number not half were fitted either by weight or shape to make any
serious impression on the walls of a fortress.” The quotation is from
a pamphlet on the subject by P. S. P. Conner, a son of the Commodore.
Without trying to decide the matter it may be said that Farragut was of
the opinion that the fort could have been taken.
[Illustration: Brig-of-War Like the _Somers_ Under Full Sail.
_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]
However, no naval attack was made, but every preparation was made
for a combined army and naval attack. Commodore Conner provided for
landing a battery of six heavy guns from the ships, that were to be
manned by seamen and sheltered by a sand-bag battery. At sunrise on
March 9, 1847, Conner sent the steamers _Spitfire_ and _Vixen_ with
four gun-boats to clear the beach near the town. Meantime the troops
embarked in huge row-boats, made for the purpose, and by ten o’clock
over ten thousand men had been landed with arms and stores. On the
next morning the _Spitfire_ was sent in to draw the enemy’s fire and
disclose the location of the guns along the mainland. Every gun opened
on her and she returned the fire, sending shells to the heart of the
town, and then, the guns having been located, she retired.
[Illustration: The _Mississippi_ Going to the Relief of the _Hunter_ in
a Storm off Vera Cruz.
_From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N._]
The bombardment of the city by the land-batteries began on March 22d,
and on the next day Lieutenant Josiah Tattnall, with the steamers
_Spitfire_ and _Vixen_ and five schooners in tow, attacked the castle.
One schooner was left off Point Honorios, but the others steamed up
until within grape range of Fort San Juan de Ulloa. The Mexicans
held their fire in ominous fashion until the American vessels were
in position and then opened with scores and hundreds of guns, from
the city as well as the castle. The vessels were in an instant almost
obscured by the spray that arose in clouds where the shot of the enemy
struck the water on every side of them. A more terrific fire has rarely
been seen. It covered the vessels with water as well as hid them with
spray, and the sailors came out of the fight at the end of an hour
soaking wet and in real danger of taking cold.
But not a man had been hit by a missile. Only three of the vessels
were struck, and those not seriously. It was a very poor exhibition of
gunnery.
In the meantime, between the 10th and the 20th, the sailors had
established their battery on shore and had arranged to work it as it
would have been worked on a ship. So eager were the forces afloat
to see service in this battery that the officers for it were chosen
by lot. So effective was its work that the enemy, on the 25th,
concentrated upon it all the guns that would bear, and the work there
became the warmest any man present had ever experienced.
Seeing this, Commodore Perry, who had relieved Conner on the 21st,
ordered four vessels into the harbor to divert the attention of the
enemy from the battery. Lieutenant Josiah Tattnall was fortunate enough
to get command of this little squadron, and with it discretion to go
where he pleased. Accordingly he advanced to within eighty yards of
the castle and then went still farther in. The fire he drew on his
boats was terrific--so terrific, in fact that Commodore Perry, to save
the vessels, that seemed doomed to immediate destruction, signalled
Tattnall to return; but Tattnall was too busy to look for signals and
did not see them. So a small boat had to be sent to bring the intrepid
crews away.
While the navy must share some of the honor of the capture of Vera Cruz
with the army, it is clear that between the ships and the naval battery
ashore the seamen did the main part of the work. It was their battery
that made the first and the largest breach in the forts attacked, and
at two o’clock on the afternoon of the 25th, every gun in reach of this
battery had been silenced. The battery lost four men killed and eight
wounded.
[Illustration: Naval Bombardment of Vera Cruz, March, 1847.
_From a lithograph published in 1847 by N. Currier._]
Perhaps one of the most signal evidences of cool bravery shown by the
sailors was when Santa Anna was landed from the American fleet. As
the reader will remember, Santa Anna had been President of Mexico
earlier in the trouble with the United States, but a revolution
had overthrown him. The American Government thought to make a new
revolution in Mexico and at the same time get a man in power there who
could be bought into making a peace, by aiding Santa Anna to return.
Negotiations were opened with him at Havana and some kind of an
arrangement made by which he went to the American fleet off Vera Cruz,
and it was then proposed to land him with his suite under a flag of
truce.
A more dangerous movement for that brave Mexican could not be imagined,
for he was outlawed, and any soldier might kill him at sight.
But Lieutenant Josiah Tattnall went ashore with him, and on landing
took his arm, and then the two, at the head of the general’s suite,
walked up the streets. The throng looked on in silence until a squad
of soldiers recognized the old hero and saluted. At that everybody
cheered, and Santa Anna was again, practically, master of Mexican
affairs. And what was of more importance, he was a patriot first of
all, and the Americans soon found they had made a mistake in sending
him home.
[Illustration: The U. S. Naval Battery During the Bombardment of Vera
Cruz on the 24th and 25th of March, 1847.
_From a lithograph designed and drawn on stone by Lieutenant H. Walke,
U. S. N._]
A feature of the operations alongshore that deserves mention, if only
to say a good word for a brave officer, was a third attack on Alvarado.
The Mexicans had collected a lot of horses there that Scott needed
for the advance on the capital after Vera Cruz was taken. The steamer
_Scourge_, under Lieutenant Charles G. Hunter, was sent to blockade
the place, while a larger force was to follow to attack it. General
Quitman was to get in behind and cut off retreat. Hunter arrived at
the port on March 30th, and immediately captured the town with his one
ship. Quitman had not yet arrived in the rear, of course, and the enemy
got away with the horses. Because of Quitman’s delay, Hunter had to
suffer. He had, perhaps, exceeded his orders somewhat in capturing the
place, but his gallantry in taking it single-handed where a squadron
was thought necessary for the task, deserved a better fate than it
received. He was court-martialled and dismissed from the service. One
cannot help saying that a great wrong was done, not so much because one
man suffered unjustly, but because no nation can afford to punish a man
beyond a reprimand for an excess of bravery and zeal.
At 8 A.M. on March 25th, the firing at Vera Cruz ceased, at the request
of the Mexicans, and after a talk between the commanding officers the
town surrendered on March 28, 1847, and the important work of the navy
for that war was done.
It was not a great war. For the American nation it was not
a creditable war. Nevertheless, the naval men, although lacking
opportunity for engaging in the kind of battles for which they had
been especially trained--although lacking opportunity to meet an enemy
afloat--showed in their energy and persistent bravery that they would
not lower the standard of efficiency set for them in the War of 1812.
[Illustration: The Battle of Vera Cruz.--Night Scene.
_From an engraving by Thompson of a drawing by Billings._]
CHAPTER XIX
EXPEDITION IN AID OF COMMERCE
COMMODORE MATTHEW C. PERRY AND THE FIRST AMERICAN TREATY WITH
JAPAN--AN EXHIBITION OF POWER AND DIGNITY THAT WON THE RESPECT OF
A NATION THAT HAD BEEN JUSTIFIED IN ITS CONTEMPT FOR CIVILIZED
GREED--SERVICES OF NAVAL OFFICERS THAT ARE NOT WELL KNOWN AND HAVE
NEVER BEEN FULLY APPRECIATED BY THE NATION.
Although any historian of the American Navy must be almost exclusively
occupied with the deeds of men whose chief business it was to secure
and promote the peace of the nation, one chapter of this work must
be devoted to achievements which, though bloodless and in no sense
spectacular, were of great importance not only to the American people
but to the whole world.
A most interesting and valuable work might be written on the doings of
the American Navy in times of peace. It would be especially valuable,
for it would demonstrate beyond question that the Yankee seamen
have at the least earned what they have cost during the years when
short-sighted legislators have argued that a navy was on the whole
a useless expense, or at best a school of preparation for a war not
likely to come.
The truth is that only one of the navy’s achievements in times of
peace has ever been fully appreciated by the American people, and
that was the expedition to Japan, in the early fifties, under Captain
Matthew Calbraith Perry. This Captain Perry, it is worth noting, was
a younger brother of Oliver H. Perry, the hero of Lake Erie. He was
made a lieutenant in 1813, but, like many others at that time, did not
make a great name simply because he lacked opportunity. He never had
a separate command where the qualities that give a naval officer fame
might have sway. However, in the Gulf squadron during the war with
Mexico, he found some work to do, and he had previously identified
himself with the progressive work of the Navy by services in connection
with the early use of steam, something of which will be told in the
last volume of this work.
After the Mexican war, came the tremendous developments on the Pacific
coast, and the wide expansion of commerce that gave the American
clipper ship an imperishable fame--an expansion of commerce that
reached out to every nation of the globe but one. That one was the rich
island-empire of Japan. A most remarkable and a most interesting
people were the Japanese. In the sixteenth century, a band of Christian
missionaries penetrated the empire, and found there a civilization
really far higher than that they had left in Europe. With wondrous zeal
and self-sacrifice, and arrogant confidence in their own superiority,
these missionaries set about converting this people to the Christian
faith and subverting the government to their own ends. They succeeded
in proselyting and in politics just far enough to throw the whole
empire into a turmoil that ended at last in much bloodshed and the
total expulsion of all the devotees of the Christian religion.
[Illustration]
[Illustration: A Japanese Portrait of M. C. Perry, with a poem
dedicated to him.
_From a lithograph presented to the Navy Department by William Elliott
Griffis, Esq._
TRANSLATION OF THE POEM
“When in the Land of the Morning, I came as Ambassador, aiming to
reach the Eastern Capital, many days passed while the ships lay at
anchor in a place called the harbor of Yokohama. One day, in order
to beguile the tedium of waiting, we gathered on board and feasted.
After sunset the moon rose resplendent, and, in playful mood, I
sang this verse:
On Musashi’s bright sea,
The rising moon,
In California
Makes setting gloom.
“Taira Hiraki [Sakuma Shozan] composed this, putting himself in the
place of the American Envoy.”
Translated by T. Harada and Wm. Elliot Griffis.]
So painful had been the experience of the Japanese that they determined
that thereafter no Christian should ever have a foothold in their
country; and for nearly three hundred years they were very nearly
faithful to this resolve.
The Dutch did, indeed, manage to establish something of a trading
station at Nagasaki. The Dutch were from the early days adroit and
enterprising traders, but the conditions to which they submitted were
so humiliating that the Japanese held them in the heartiest contempt.
In fact, the Japanese during the nineteenth century had come to believe
that the Christian world had really no thought unconnected with the
greed of material gain; and when the clear-eyed historian looks over
that world as a whole he cannot escape the feeling that the Japanese
were almost justified in their faith. A people who worship Beauty and
Art are justified in their contempt for those who worship the twin gods
of Utility and Profit.
Nevertheless it is certain that with the introduction of Western
civilization wrought by the American fleet the Japanese standards of
Liberty and Justice have been immeasurably raised. And that is to say
that the Japanese people have gained in happiness more than greedy
Western traders have gained in material profits, while the result of
spreading the knowledge of Japanese art over the rest of the civilized
world needs nothing more than mere mention here. It is with good reason
that the American people recall the work under Commodore Matthew
Calbraith Perry with hearty pride.
It is a matter of interest to note that Perry was advocating an
expedition to peacefully open the ports of Japan to American
commerce, when so wise a statesman as Webster viewed the matter with
indifference, for that was not the only occasion in the history of the
country when the people might well have given a quick ear to the advice
of naval officers in the matter of the nation’s foreign policy. As a
matter of fact, the officers of the Navy, with their knowledge of the
world and their sturdy patriotism, are the safest and in every way the
best judges of what the foreign policy of the nation should be.
[Illustration: The _Mississippi_ in a Cyclone on Her Japan Cruise.
_From a wood-cut in Perry’s “Narrative” of this trip._]
The advance upon Japan was slow. President Jackson sent a man to
the East in 1831 with that project, among others, in view. In 1845
Commodore Biddle was sent with the big ship-of-the-line _Columbus_ and
the _Vincennes_ to negotiate a treaty, but he was hampered by orders
“not to do anything to excite” either hostile feelings toward or
distrust of the United States, and nothing was accomplished. Another
expedition planned in 1851 failed even to reach the Japanese coast
because the commander, Captain James Aulick, of the _Susquehanna_, was
recalled, when _en route_, to face a charge based on a false report
regarding his conduct as a gentleman and an officer.
[Illustration: The _Mississippi_ at Jamestown, St. Helena.
_From a lithograph in Perry’s “Narrative.”_]
Finally, on March 24, 1852, Commodore Perry having been appointed to
the mission, he sailed from Norfolk in the steamer _Mississippi_, and
after touching at the Madeiras, St. Helena, the Cape of Good Hope, and
elsewhere _en route_ he arrived at Hong Kong, on the southeast corner
of China, on April 6, 1853. The American squadron on the China station
included the steamer _Susquehanna_ and the sailing-ships _Saratoga_
and the _Plymouth_. These were added to the expedition, with the
_Susquehanna_ as flagship, and on July 8th the squadron was in the Bay
of Yeddo and at anchor off Uraga.
As it happened, there was a fog on the sea that morning, and no
steamship had ever entered the harbor before that day. This combination
of circumstances--the sudden appearance of two big ships propelled out
of the fog, with two others in tow, by a power they had never seen,
made a profound impression on the people. Yet it was not the impression
that an ignorant people would have received, for the authorities were
expecting the fleet, having heard of it through the Dutch, and they
had read about and had seen pictures of steamships and steam-cars as
well.
But while the fleet was well adapted to excite the respect as well as
the admiration of the people, they still had but one idea of the white
race, and that was that it was animated by greed only, and so would
submit, as the Dutch had done, to every indignity to accomplish their
ends. And it was the not unnatural pleasure of this curious people to
inflict indignities on traders.
It was therefore with astonishment mixed with rapidly growing respect
that they became acquainted with the envoy of the American nation. For
it was a curious fact (curious to us) that this representative of a
people who believe all men born free and equal was the first to insist
on the Japanese recognizing distinctions in rank among Americans. The
representative of a people who believe in observing no other forms than
those that preserve the rights and comforts of the individual, and
despise formalities exacted for form’s sake, compelled the Japanese to
the observance of the most respectful formalities in their intercourse
with him.
[Illustration: View of Uraga. Yeddo Bay.
_From a lithograph in Perry’s “Narrative.”_]
As the squadron steamed up the bay, boat after boat bearing official
flags put out from the shore, but they were wholly ignored by the
Yankee commodore. And when the ships had come to anchor and
the little officials from the shore came alongside, the lines of
their boats were cut as fast as the crews tried to make fast to the
war-ships, and the officials themselves, who were so bold as to try
climbing on board, were driven back--in some cases knocked back--into
their boats, while an interpreter informed them that only the very
highest official would be admitted.
Then came one who was manifestly of no little importance, though not
of the highest rank. By motions he let it be known that he wanted a
gangway lowered. He was ignored until he showed an order for the ships
to leave the harbor immediately, when the interpreter informed him
that no communication could be held with such a low-grade fellow as
he was. At that, somewhat humbled, he asked that someone of a rank
corresponding to him might be delegated to receive him, and after a
delay that was long enough to make him think no one cared very much
for the matter, a lieutenant was assigned to listen to him and he was
permitted to come on board.
[Illustration: A Japanese Junk.
_From a lithograph in Perry’s “Narrative.”_]
On his reaching the deck of the flagship the Americans found they were
dealing with the Vice-Governor of the district. He said the Japanese
law provided for communicating with foreigners at Nagasaki only, where
the Dutch came to trade. The American representative (Lieutenant John
Contee) informed him that the Americans considered any such proposition
to be in the highest degree disrespectful. Further, they had come to
Japan with a message from their President to the ruler of Japan, and
that that message should be delivered only to a prince of the highest
rank, who especially represented the Japanese ruler. Moreover, it would
be delivered only on the shores of the bay where the squadron was now
lying, and at a point very near the capital.
Then pointing to the armed boats that swarmed around the _Susquehanna_,
Lieutenant Contee, in an indignant manner, informed the official that
the presence of those boats was an insult, and that if the boats did
not go away quickly the insult would be resented with violence--even
with the cannon.
At that the official ordered the boats away, and the upshot of
the visit was that the governor himself came next day on board to
negotiate. He was received by two captains--Buchanan and Adams--with
Lieutenant Contee, but he was informed that no third-rank official like
himself could see the American commodore.
After some little palaver the governor conceded that the Americans
might deliver their message there, but insisted that the answer of the
Emperor must be sent to Nagasaki. Immediately the watchful Americans
noted, although they did not understand the language, that the governor
used one term when he spoke of the Emperor and a different one when he
spoke of the American President. Assuming that he was less respectful
in speaking of the President, they demanded that he use the same term
for each ruler, and he apologized. Then they told him that the answer
to the message would be received only where the message was delivered.
Finding the Americans fully determined, the governor said he would
have to appeal to the throne for instructions. This seemed reasonable,
but when he said it would take four days to get his instructions back,
although the capital was but a few hours away, the Americans said that
if the Emperor did not send the order in three days the ships would
steam up to the capital to learn the cause of the delay, and in that
event the American commodore would go ashore and himself call for the
answer to the President’s message to the Emperor.
“I will wait until Tuesday, the 12th day of July, and no longer,” was
the emphatic message which Commodore Perry sent to the governor, and
that brought the governor to the American terms.
[Illustration: Commodore Perry’s First Landing at Gorahama.
_From a lithograph in Perry’s “Narrative.”_]
It may be worth noting here, as indicating the character of
the Japanese, that when the Governor of Uraga came on board he was
accompanied by three reporters, who not only wrote down everything that
was said, but asked many questions, wrote the answers carefully, and
added descriptions of everything they saw about the ships. Like good
reporters everywhere, they were careful, in matters of importance, to
get everything down in their notebooks, and then verify their notes.
They are called _Metsko Devantigers_--_i. e._, men who look in all
directions.
[Illustration: Commodore Perry Delivering the President’s Letter to the
Japanese Representatives.]
On Tuesday, July 12th, came word permitting the message to be delivered
in a house to be erected for the purpose on the shore of the bay and
promising an answer in due time at the same place. An official of
the highest rank was assigned to receive the message. The Thursday
following was the day set for delivering the message. So Commodore
Perry ordered out his barge with fourteen others to carry guards of
honor. The boats formed in line and the advance guard-boat, with an
American captain in command, was accompanied by two Japanese boats
containing, as a mark of honor, the Governor and Vice-governor
of Uraga. There was a band of music, and to the blare of brazen
instruments was added the roar of a thirteen-gun salute.
On reaching the shore the American guard, consisting of four hundred
marines and sailors, lined up to salute the commodore. Then a
procession was formed, with the commodore in a sedan-chair borne by
Chinese members of the crew, while the letter of the President and the
credentials of the commodore were borne by two negroes selected for
their size and bearing. These documents, by the way, were written on
vellum of folio size, the big seals were enclosed in solid gold boxes,
and the documents were enclosed in gold-mounted caskets.
The commodore’s sedan was flanked by two immense negroes in gorgeous
uniform and armed like pirates.
[Illustration: A Japanese Fish-Present.
(One of the invariable Imperial gifts. The substance protruding at
each end is edible sea-weed on which the fish is laid and covered with
paper.)
_From a wood-cut in Perry’s “Narrative.”_]
There was no great ceremony in the house of reception. The dignitaries
took seats, a box that had been prepared for the occasion was pointed
out as the receptacle of the message, and into it the message was
placed. There was, of course, plenty of bowing and rising up in the
presence of the great men of both nations. But after the big ceremony
was over the princes went on board ship and had a sail around the bay.
There was also an exchange of presents, the Japanese being somewhat
surprised to find the Americans refusing to accept presents without
returning something of equal value.
[Illustration: The Imperial Barge at Yokohama.
_From a wood-cut in Perry’s “Narrative.”_]
In February the commodore returned for the Emperor’s reply to the
President’s message requiring a commercial treaty. He came with the
steamers _Powhatan_, _Mississippi_, and _Susquehanna_, with the
_Lexington_, _Vandalia_, and _Macedonian_ in tow. They insisted on
anchoring farther up the bay than before--at Yokohama, within nine
miles of the capital. Here the commodore continued the practices of
the former visit, and the business of the expedition was concluded in
the signing of a treaty which granted everything that the Americans
could reasonably demand--a treaty, it is worth noting, that has been of
greater benefit to Japan than to the nation that insisted on making it.
[Illustration: The Final Page of the First Treaty with Japan.
_From a facsimile of the original._]
And to the very great honor of the American Navy it was made without
bloodshed as well as without a single humiliating concession. In fact,
the Japan expedition emphasizes the assertion that whenever matters
of foreign diplomacy have been left to the discretion of the officers
of the Navy both the honor of the nation and justice have been
carefully guarded.
[Illustration: Commodore Perry Meeting the Imperial Commissioners at
Yokohama.
_From a lithograph in Perry’s “Narrative.”_]
An amusing feature of the history of this expedition is found in the
periodicals of the day, where it is said that the Japanese idea of
entertaining their guests was a “disgusting exhibition” of the skill
of their wrestlers, while the American idea of a return entertainment
was a “brilliant” negro minstrel show in which the seamen of the fleet
performed as well as the professional talent at “Christy’s” on Broadway
might have done.
[Illustration: Japanese Wrestlers at Yokohama.
_From a lithograph in Perry’s “Narrative.”_]
No elaborate résumé of the doings of the scientific explorers of
the Navy can be given here. The exploring expedition of Lieutenant
Charles Wilkes, with the sloops _Vincennes_ and _Peacock_, the brig
_Porpoise_, the store-ship _Relief_, and the tenders _Sea-gull_ and
_Flying Fish_, was the most pretentious. It was authorized in 1836,
and was directed chiefly to the extreme South, but some work was done
among the islands of the Pacific. A number of thick quarto volumes
give the reports of officers and specialists, but only people engaged
in a scientific study of nature ever fully appreciated the great value
of the work done. Lieutenant J. M. Gilliss, assisted by Lieutenant
Archibald MacRea, Acting-Master S. L. Phelps, and Captain’s Clerk E. R.
Smith, were members of a “United States Astronomical Expedition to
the Southern Hemisphere” in 1849–52. There was an exploring expedition
in the Parana in the steamer _Water Witch_, which was fired on by the
Paraguyan dictator, and the event compelled a show of force, later on,
in order to teach the people there to respect the flag. An exploration
of the Dead Sea was made by Lieutenant William Francis Lynch, in 1848.
In 1850 Lieutenant Edwin J. De Haven sailed from New York with the
brigs _Rescue_ and _Advance_, in search of the remains of Sir
John Franklin, the Arctic explorer. A proper relation of what was
accomplished by these and other expeditions of the kind would fill a
large and most interesting work. But it may be said here that only
a cursory examination of the reports of the officers making them is
needed to show not only that the naval officers were fitted for the
work in hand, but that the work accomplished was in its influence upon
humanity in general, as well as upon the American nation, well worth
its cost.
[Illustration: Commodore’s Pennant, 1812–1860.
_From a pennant at the Naval Institute, Annapolis._]
[Illustration: The U. S. Brig _Porpoise_ in a Squall.
_From a picture drawn and engraved by W. J. Bennett, in 1844._]
[Illustration: The U. S. Frigate _Hudson_ Returning from a Cruise, with
a Fair Wind.]
APPENDIX
NAVAL CALLS
From the Station Bills of the U. S. Ship _Concord_ during her cruise in
the Mediterranean, 1830–1832, Captain M. C. Perry, Commander.
_From the original volume at the Naval Academy, Annapolis._
[Illustration: BUGLE CALLS
CALL FOR DRUMS & FIFE
BAND CALLS]
[Illustration: CALL 1st CUTTER]
[Illustration: CALL ALLIGATOR
CALL SHARK]
[Illustration: CALL LAUNCH]
[Illustration: BOATS CREW
CALL 1st GIG
CALL ARIEL]
[Illustration: MORNING CALL
EVENING CALL]
[Illustration: LAST CALL
CALL TO QUARTERS]
INDEX
_Abby Bradford_, merchant-ship, capture of, by the _Sumter_, iv. 412;
captured by the frigate _Powhatan_, 413.
_Abellino_, Yankee privateer, captures prizes in the Mediterranean,
iii. 343.
_Acasta_, British gun-boat, attacks the _Constitution_, iii. 260.
Acquia Creek, Potomac River, capture of Confederate forts at, iv. 66,
81–83.
_Active_, British brig, captured by the _Hazard_, i. 206.
_Adams_, American frigate, changed to a corvette, iii. 54;
Captain Charles Morris in command of, 57;
on the coast of Africa, 58;
chased by the _Tigris_, 59;
scurvy on board, 60;
runs on a rock, 61;
attacked on the Penobscot, 62;
burned, _ib._
Adams, Captain H. A., disloyal conduct of, iv. 117.
Adams, John, member of first Marine Committee, i. 36.
Adams, Samuel, and the Boston tea-party, i. 12.
_Adelaide_, Federal transport, iv. 100.
_Adeline_, American brig, recaptured from the British, ii. 74.
_Admiral Duff_, British privateer, blown up by the _Protector_, i.
207.
_Adriana_, American brigantine, Ambassador to Holland sails on, iv.
153.
_Adventure_, British ship, burned by Paul Jones, i. 78.
_Africa_, British ship-of-the-line, ii. 55.
Africa, making the coast of, safe for American traders, iii. 340–358.
_Aiken_, Southern revenue cutter, converted into the Confederate
privateer _Petrel_, iv. 93.
_Alabama_, Confederate privateer, off Galveston, iv. 357;
known as _No. 290_, 430;
Captain Semmes appointed to command, 431;
cruises off the Azores, Martinique, Galveston, Cape Town, and the
East Indies, 432–436;
encounters the _Kearsarge_ at Cherbourg, 436;
comparison of their armaments, 437;
the fight, 438–441;
prizes taken by, 447.
_Alabama_ claims, iv. 430.
_Albatross_, Federal gun-boat, passes the batteries of Port Hudson,
iv. 358.
_Albemarle_, Confederate ironclad ram, iv. 456;
laid up at Plymouth, N.C., 457;
blown up by Lieutenant Cushing, 461.
Albemarle Sound, N.C., a Confederate privateer resort, iv. 94.
_Albert Adams_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by the _Sumter_, iv.
415.
Alden, Captain James, iv. 386.
Alden, Commander James, iv. 314.
_Alert_, British corvette, surrenders to the _Essex_, ii. 42;
attempt to rescue from Porter, 43, 44.
_Alert_, British cutter, captures the _Lexington_, i. 119, 120.
Alexander, Captain Charles, i. 66.
_Alexandria_, British frigate, ii. 359.
Alexandria, Red River, Admiral Porter’s squadrons arrive at, iv. 370.
_Alfred_, American flagship, sent to France, i. 130;
captured, 132, 133.
Algerian fleet sent after Yankee merchantmen, iii. 341.
Algerian Navy, strength of the, iii. 344.
Algerian pirates encouraged by England, i. 308, 309.
Algiers, Africa, tribute paid to by the United States, iii. 339;
by England, 340.
Algiers, Dey of, ransom paid to, i. 309, 310;
treatment of Americans by, iii. 340, 341.
Algiers, harbor defences of, iii. 345.
_Allen_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
Allen, Captain William Henry, ii. 360;
carries the American Minister to France, 361;
sails into the English Channel, _ib._;
captures a wine ship from Portugal, 362, 363;
encounters the _Pelican_, 362–364;
his ship surrendered, 367;
dies in Mill Prison Hospital, 371.
Allen, Lieutenant William Howard, takes charge of the ship, ii. 364;
continues the fight, 367;
killed in an engagement with pirates, iii. 333.
_Alliance_, American frigate, detailed to carry Lafayette home, i.
232;
fouls the _Bonhomme Richard_, 234;
takes a valuable prize, 236;
fires into the _Bonhomme Richard_, 254;
flight of Paul Jones on the, 275;
cruises on the French coast, 297;
narrow escape of, 298;
sails from Havana with specie, _ib._;
attacked by the _Sybille_, 299;
sold, 303.
_Alligator_, American tender, surrendered to the British, iii. 235.
_Alligator_, American schooner, defeats an attack at Cole’s Island,
ii. 419.
Alvarado, Mexican port, Commodore Conner attempts to take, iii. 410;
captured by Lieutenant Charles G. Hunter, 428.
Alwyn, John C., Lieutenant in the _Java_ fight, mortally wounded, ii.
166, 171, 172.
American citizens in foreign countries, iii. 385, 386.
American commerce, English policy toward, i. 306, 307, 384;
protected by Portugal, 307;
menace to, iv. 412.
American cruisers in British waters, i. 112–133.
American flag, first salute given to, i. 69;
designed, 134;
first hoisted, 135;
first saluted by a foreign power, 138;
protected by Portugal, 307;
a shield for an infamous traffic, iii. 361;
a Chinese assault on, 380.
American frontier in 1812, ii. 262.
American Navy, first existence of, i. 1;
founders of, 37;
first ships of, in commission, 39–43;
resolutions of Congress founding it, 41;
first officers and first ships of, 39–43;
origin of the, 1–47;
first cruise of the, 48–62;
first squadron poorly manned and inefficient, 49–53;
along shore in 1776, 63–83;
mismanagement in, 159;
at the time of the Declaration of Independence, 300;
building a new navy, 303;
strength of, at commencement of hostilities with France, 315;
almost extinct, 396;
reduced to a peace footing, 398;
discreditable lack of, ii. 26;
increase of, 356;
development of, from 1815 to 1859, iv. 1–9;
personnel of the, in 1859, 24–26;
number of men who took part with the Southern States, 27;
value of men from Northern ports and the Great Lakes, 36;
a nautical curiosity shop, 37;
ferryboats as naval ships, _ib._;
first great naval expedition of the War of the Rebellion, 168;
modern, sketch of, 523–554;
in 1885, condition of, 523.
American prisoners in England, i. 122;
in Tripoli, 345, 358.
American seamen, impressment of, ii. 18;
courage and skill of, 357.
American sea-power in 1812, ii. 21.
American shipping and French cruisers, i. 314.
American squadron, career of the first, i. 60.
Ammen, Captain Daniel, at Port Royal, iv. 163;
Commander of the _Patapsco_, 480.
_Amphitrite_, American pilot-boat, attacks a French privateer, ii. 34.
_Amy_, American bark, Blackford, at Rio Janeiro, iv. 548.
_Anacostia_, Federal screw steamer, at Acquia Creek, iv. 81.
Anarchy in the West Indies and along the Spanish Main, iii. 325.
_Andrea Doria_, brig of first American Navy, i. 39;
in the first naval battle of the Revolution, 58;
ordered to sea, 64;
fight with brig _Racehorse_, 68, 69;
burned, 70.
Andrews, Major W. S. G., Commander of Fort Hatteras, iv. 107.
Anglo-Saxon aggressiveness, iii. 391.
Anglo-Saxon cheer, the, ii. 308.
Angostura, Venezuela, Commodore Perry arrives at, iii. 329.
Anthracite coal used by blockade-runners, iv. 55.
Antonio, Cape, Captain Kearny of the _Enterprise_ captures pirates
near, iii. 331.
_Aquidaban_, Brazilian rebel monitor, iv. 548.
Arbuthnot, Captain James, captured by the _Wasp_, iii. 93–96.
_Arcade_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, iv. 415.
_Archer_, captured by Captain Read of the _Tacony_, iv. 424.
_Argus_, American sloop, ii. 360;
carries the American Minister to France, 361;
cruises in the English Channel, _ib._;
too successful for her safety, 362;
encounters _Pelican_, 362, 363;
her sails become unmanageable, 364;
surrenders, 367;
contemporary view of the battle, 369;
taken by a prize crew to Plymouth, 371.
_Argus_, American frigate, captures six prizes, ii. 151.
_Argus_, American cruiser, in the attack on Tripoli, i. 374.
_Ariadne_, British man-of-war, captures the _Alfred_, i. 132, 133.
_Ariel_, American schooner, ii. 292.
_Arkansas_, Confederate ram, skirmish in the Yazoo River, iv. 342,
343;
machinery gets out of order, 343;
attacks Farragut’s squadron, 344.
Arkansas Post, naval force sent to help capture, iv. 351.
_Armada_, British liner, chases the _Wasp_, iii. 92.
Armament and construction of gun-boats, iv. 246.
Armament of battle-ships from 1812 to 1859, iv. 24.
Armor-plated ships, first use of, iv. 9, 10.
Armstrong, Commodore James, surrenders Pensacola Navy Yard to
Confederates, iv. 112;
suspended for five years, 113.
Arnold, Benedict, invades Canada, i. 84;
builds a fleet, 89;
fight on Lake Champlain, 92–94;
character of, as a fighter, 105.
Arsenals established in New York State, ii. 264.
_Asp_, American ship, ii. 352.
_Atalanta_, British brig, surrenders to the _Alliance_, i. 298.
_Atalanta_, British ship, captured by the _Wasp_, iii. 100.
_Atalanta_, British frigate, ii. 16.
_Atlanta_, formerly the _Fingal_, Confederate ironclad, iv. 488;
surrenders to the _Weehawken_, 489.
_Atlanta_, United States cruiser, iv. 533.
_Atlantic_, British letter-of-marque whaler, captured by Porter, iii.
9.
See _Essex, Jr._
Audience, an intensely interested, iii. 152.
_Augusta_, Federal ship, in Port Royal squadron, iv. 172.
_Augusta_, armed merchantman, attacked by the Confederate ironclad
_Palmetto State_, iv. 474.
Aulick, Captain James, sent to Japan in 1851, iii. 443;
recalled on false charges, _ib._
_Avon_, British brig-sloop, captured by the _Wasp_ (3), iii. 93–96.
_Aylwin_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
Bache, Lieutenant G. M., iv. 369.
Badajos, rapacity of English veterans in the streets of, iii. 134.
_Bahama_, British merchant-ship, officers and crew of the _Alabama_
taken in the, to Terceira, iv. 431.
Bahama Islands, a resort for contraband traders in the Civil War, iv.
48.
Bahia, Brazil, Captain Bainbridge paroles his prisoners at, ii. 167,
175.
Bailey, Lieutenant-colonel Joseph, saves Admiral Porter’s squadron,
iv. 371–376;
receives thanks of Congress, 376.
Bailey, Captain Theodorus, at New Orleans, iv. 316;
commands first division of Farragut’s squadron, 324;
sent ashore to deliver Farragut’s letter, 338.
Bainbridge, Captain William, i. 316;
surrenders to the French frigate _Insurgent_, _ib._;
Captain of the _Voluntaire_ refuses to accept his sword, _ib._;
deceives the French officer, 317;
sent to Tripoli in charge of the _Essex_, 335;
chases a Tripolitan corsair, 341;
loses his ship on a reef, 343;
court-martialed, 344;
a prisoner in Tripoli, 345;
communicates with American fleet, 346;
a shot penetrates his prison, 368;
remonstrates with the Navy Department of Madison’s administration,
ii. 26;
cruising in Brazil, 152;
fight with the British frigate _Java_, 153–173;
wounded, 155;
conducts his ship while his wounds are being dressed, 156;
paroles 378 of the _Java’s_ crew, 167;
blows up the _Java_, 173;
his dream realized, 172, 173;
his character illustrated, 177;
insulted at Barcelona, iii. 311–313.
Bainbridge, Midshipman Joseph, his duel with the Secretary of Sir
Alexander Ball, iii. 307–311;
captures a Carthaginian privateer, iii. 65;
attacked and captured by the _Orpheus_ and _Shelburne_, 65, 66.
Baker, Captain Thomas H., iv. 89.
Baldwin, Lieutenant, i. 66.
Ball, Sir Alexander, iii. 307.
_Ballard_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
Ballard, Midshipman Edward J., ii. 206.
_Baltimore_, American frigate, five men of the, impressed in the
British service, 401.
Bankhead, Captain J. P., at Port Royal, iv. 163.
Banks, General Nathaniel Prentiss, sent on expedition to Shreveport,
La., iv. 368.
_Banshee_, the first steel blockade-runner, iv. 57.
Barbary pirates encouraged by England, i. 307;
war with, 333, 334.
_Barclay_, British whaler, captured by Porter, iii. 8.
Barclay, Captain Robert H., appears off Erie, ii. 289;
fond of festivities, 291;
misses the American fleet, 292;
opposes Perry, 296;
superiority of his ships, 298;
determines to meet Perry, 302;
awaits the American squadron, 306;
fires the first gun, 308;
surrenders, 324, 326;
loses a second arm in the battle, 330.
Barnard, Captain Tim, iii. 187;
captures nineteen prizes, _ib._
Barney, Captain Joshua, sketch of, i. 209–215;
has command of the clipper-schooner _Rossie_, ii. 245;
captures by, 246–248;
commands a fleet in Chesapeake Bay in 1813, 403;
attacked by the British on the Patuxent River, 403–409;
Captain Samuel Miller and Colonel Wadsworth sent to his assistance,
409, 410;
moves up the Patuxent River, 413;
burns his fleet, 414;
wounded, 416.
Barney, Major William B., acts as aid to his father, ii. 406;
in command of cutter _Scorpion_, 408.
_Barossa_, British frigate, ii. 395.
Barreaut, Captain, chases American ships, i. 316;
recalled by Captain St. Laurent, 317–319.
Barriers on the Mississippi to prevent Farragut’s advance, iv. 320;
broken down by the _Itasca_, 323.
Barron, Captain James, sent to Tripoli in charge of the _President_,
i. 335;
with Stephen Decatur, iii. 318–322;
restored to active service, 323.
Barron, Captain Samuel, sent to Tripoli in charge of the
_Philadelphia_, i. 335.
Barron, Flag Officer Samuel, captured at Fort Hatteras, iv. 106.
Barry, Captain John, i. 39;
commands American brig _Lexington_, 63;
cruises off Virginia capes, 64;
encounters British tender _Edward_, 64;
sinks the _Effingham_, 188;
captures and destroys the schooner _Alert_, 189, 190;
appointed to the _Raleigh_, _ib._;
chases the Unicorn, 191;
loses the _Raleigh_, 194.
Bashaw of Tripoli, treachery of, i. 335, 336;
refuses to make a treaty, 340;
agrees to give up prisoners, 378.
Bassett, Lieutenant F. S., opinion of Commodore Hopkins, i. 61.
Batteaux, travelling in, ii. 263.
Battle of Bunker Hill, i. 26;
Champlain, 92–111;
of Fort Pillow, iv. 298;
of Grand Gulf, 367;
of Lake Erie, ii. 309–325;
of Lexington, i. 14;
of Memphis, iv. 298–307;
of New Orleans (in the Civil War), 326–340;
of Pittsburg Landing, 284.
Baton Rouge surrenders to Captain Craven of the _Brooklyn_, iv. 340.
_Baudara de Sangare_, a private vessel, captured by the _Shark_, iii.
332.
Baury, Lieutenant Frederick, iii. 81.
Bay Point. See _Fort Beauregard_.
Bazely, Lieutenant John, captures the _Lexington_, i. 119, 120.
_Beagle_, American ship, captures Cape Cruz, iii. 334.
_Beaufort_, Confederate gun-boat, takes crew off the _Congress_ after
she surrenders to the _Merrimac_, iv. 208.
_Beauregard_, Confederate ram, attacks the _Queen of the West_ at
Fort Pillow, iv. 301;
rammed and sunk by the _Monarch_, 302.
Bell, Henry H., iv. 314.
Belligerent ships, rules and orders regarding, issued by British
Government, iv. 411.
Belligerents, rights of, iv. 86.
Belmont, on the Mississippi, battle at, iv. 251;
the Confederates compel Grant to retreat, 252.
_Belvidera_, British frigate, encounters the _President_, ii. 29;
escapes, 32.
_Ben. Dunning_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate
cruiser _Sumter_, iv. 415.
Benham, Admiral A. E. K.,
prompt action of, at Rio Janeiro, iv. 548.
Bentham, Commander George, attacks the _General Armstrong_ in the
harbor of Fayal, iii. 187–199;
sets fire to the _Armstrong_, 200.
_Benton_ snag-boat, converted by Eads into an armored vessel, iv.
246–249.
_Benton_, Porter’s flagship before Vicksburg, iv. 363.
_Benton_, Federal gun-boat, Lieutenant-commander J. A. Greer, iv. 369.
_Berceau_, French frigate, fights with the _Boston_, i. 328;
returned to France, 330.
Beresford, Captain John Poer, recaptures the _Frolic_ from the
_Wasp_, ii. 118.
Berkeley, British minister at Washington, recalled and promoted, ii.
2.
Bermudas a basis for contraband trade during the Civil War, iv. 48.
_Betsey_, British bark, captured by Captain Alexander, i. 66.
Biddle, Captain Nicholas, i. 64;
commands the _Randolph_, 160;
attacks the _Yarmouth_, 162.
Biddle, James, Lieutenant on the _Wasp_ (No. 2), ii. 111;
leads the boarders, _ib._;
hauls down the flag of the _Frolic_, 112;
appointed to command the _Hornet_, iii. 272;
commands the _Macedonian_, 331;
sent to the Pacific Coast, 401;
sent to Japan to negotiate a treaty of peace, 440.
_Bienville_, Federal ship, in Port Royal squadron, iv. 172.
_Black Hawk_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 369.
_Black Prince_, purchased by Naval Committee, i. 39.
Black Rock, near Buffalo, Lieutenant Elliott establishes a navy yard
at, ii. 273.
_Black Snake_, British gun-boat, iii. 126.
Blake, Captain H. C., iv. 432.
Blakely, Master-commandant Johnston, ii. 375;
fights with the _Reindeer_ and the _Avon_, iii. 85–96;
captures the _Atalanta_, 100;
lost with his ship, 103.
Blockade-runner, legal status of, iv. 57, 58.
Blockade-runners, chiefly in the hands of the British, iv. 48;
reckless loading of, 61;
profits of, 63, 64.
Blockading the Southern ports, iv. 28–30;
no force available to blockade at the beginning of the war, 32;
lack of ships and men, 34;
Congress slow to appreciate the need of a navy, 35.
“Blood is thicker than water,” iii. 381, 382.
Blythe, Captain Samuel, attacks the _Enterprise_, ii. 375;
killed, 379;
buried at Portland, 385.
Board of Admiralty, i. 158.
Boggs, Commander Charles S., iv. 314.
_Bolton_, American bomb-brig, i. 56.
_Bonhomme Richard_, American ship, i. 227;
origin of the name, 228;
fitted out by Jones, 229;
mixed crew of, 230;
Richard Dale as master’s mate on, _ib._;
the _Alliance_ runs foul of, 234;
accident to, 235;
meets the _Serapis_, 243;
fight with the _Serapis_, 245–259;
comparative strength of the two ships, 265;
after the surrender, 269–272;
sinking of the ship, 272.
_Bonita_, American schooner, in attack on Alvarado, iii. 410.
_Bonne Citoyenne_, British war-ship, blockaded in the harbor of
Bahia, ii. 179;
cowardice of Captain Greene, 180.
_Borer_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
_Boston_, American frigate, i. 286, 287.
_Boston_, American ship, fights the _Berceau_, Captain Senez, i. 328,
329.
Boston Port Bill, i. 13.
Boston, tea destroyed in harbor of, i. 13;
press-gang riots in, 395.
_Boston_, United States cruiser, iv. 533.
Boutelle, Mr., of the Federal Coast Survey, replaces the buoys at
Port Royal, iv. 171.
Bowling Green, Kentucky, Confederate position at, untenable after
surrender of Fort Henry, iv. 266.
_Boxer_, British brig, attacks the _Enterprise_, ii. 375;
surrenders, 379;
crew of, 382;
decision of the British court on the loss of the, 384.
_Bragg_, Confederate ship, captured at Fort Pillow, iv. 302.
Breckenridge, General, attacks the Federal forces at Baton Rouge, iv.
344.
Breese, Lieutenant-commander K. R., iv. 369.
Breeze, Chaplain, on the _Lawrence_ in the battle of Lake Erie, ii.
317.
British Government, attitude of the, toward African pirates, iii. 340.
British grab at the Valley of the Mississippi, iii. 229, 230.
British merchants and the American war, i. 112.
British Navy in American waters, i. 195.
British waters, rights of belligerents in, iv. 411.
Brock, Sir Isaac, his view of the English possession of America, ii.
279.
_Broke_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
Broke, Captain Philip Vere, Commodore British squadron, ii. 55;
challenges Lawrence of the _Chesapeake_ to fight, “ship to ship,”
ii. 203, 204;
boards the _Chesapeake_, 214;
is wounded, 217;
becomes delirious, 221, 225;
made a baronet, 226;
death of, 229.
Brooke, Lieutenant John M., assigned to assist in designing an
ironclad, iv. 184.
_Brooklyn_, screw sloop, iv. 314.
_Brooklyn_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 386.
Brown, Lieutenant George, iv. 389.
Brown, Captain Isaac N., iv. 342;
skirmish with the Federal fleet in the Yazoo River, _ib._;
attacks Farragut’s squadron, 344;
supports Breckenridge at Baton Rouge, _ib._
Brown, Lieutenant James, ii. 217.
Browne, Lieutenant G. W., iv. 370.
Brownson, Captain Willard H., at Rio Janeiro, iv. 548;
on the coast of Mexico, 553.
Bruinsburg, Federal army crosses from, to Grand Gulf, iv. 364.
Bryant, Captain N. C., before Fort Pillow, iv. 290.
Buchanan, Flag Officer Franklin, iv. 188;
his difficulty in finding a crew, 195;
wounded, 210;
his report of the fight, _ib._;
Confederate fleet of, at Mobile, 380;
sends the _Tennessee_ into action, 399;
wounded, 402.
Budd, Lieutenant George, ii. 206, 218.
Bullock, Commander James D., supervises construction of the
_Alabama_, iv. 430.
Bunker Hill, battle of, i. 26.
_Bunker Hill_, American privateer, ii. 394.
Burleton, Admiral Sir George, chases the _Hornet_, iii. 282.
Burnside, General A. E., sent to capture Roanoke Island, iv. 109.
_Burrows_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
Burrows, Lieutenant William, appointed to command the _Enterprise_,
ii. 375;
encounters the _Boxer_, 375–377;
is mortally wounded, 377;
receives the surrender of the _Boxer_, 379.
Bushnell, David, invents first American submarine torpedo boat, i.
164;
sketch of his life, 180–184.
Butler, General Benjamin F., sent to attack the forts on Hatteras
Islands, iv. 100;
his report at, 107;
occupies New Orleans, 338, 339;
his plan for blowing up Fort Fisher, 508–510.
_Byron_, Captain of, chased by the _President_, ii. 29–32.
_Cabot_, brig of first American Navy, i. 39;
commanded by Captain Elisha Hinman, i. 66;
fired by her captain, 163.
_Cairo_, armor-plated Federal gun-boat, built by Eads, iv. 245;
Captain N. C. Bryant commands, 290;
runs by torpedoes in the Yazoo River expedition, iv. 350.
Calbreth, Peter, one of the capturers of the _Margaretta_, i. 17.
Caldwell, Lieutenant C. H. B., iv. 314;
breaks barriers across the Mississippi, 323.
_Caleb Cushing_, Federal revenue cutter, cut out and burnt by the
_Archer_, iv. 424.
_Caledonia_, British brig, captured by Lieutenant Elliott, ii. 279.
California, a bone of contention between Americans and English, in
1842, iii. 387, 388;
operations that insured the acquisition of, iii. 387, 388.
Canada invaded by American troops, i. 84;
annexation of, agitated in 1812, ii. 20;
invasions of, for resenting British aggressions, ii. 263.
Canning, British prime minister, diplomacy of, in regard to the
_Chesapeake_ affair, ii. 1.
Canton, China, American fleet sent to, to protect American interests,
iii. 380.
Cape Cruz, South America, a pirate resort captured by the
_Greyhound_ and _Beagle_, iii. 334.
Carden, Captain John Surnam, i. 389;
cruel treatment of sailors, _ib._;
cruises in the Azores, ii. 121;
falls in with the _United States_, 122;
fight with, 125–134;
Decatur refuses to receive his sword, 139.
Caribbean Sea a nest for pirates, iii. 326.
Carleton, Sir Guy, his supplies captured by Paul Jones, i. 79;
confidence of, 85;
his fleet at St. John’s, 87;
fight on Lake Champlain, 92–94.
_Carleton_, British schooner, ii. 100.
_Carnation_, British brig, attacks the _General Armstrong_ in the
neutral port of Fayal, Azores, iii. 187–200.
Caroband Bank, South America, fight between the _Hornet_ and
_Peacock_ near, ii. 181.
_Caroline_, American schooner, attacks the British camp at Villeré’s
Plantation on the Mississippi, iii. 239;
is fired and abandoned, 240.
Carondelet, James B. Eads’s shipyard at, iv. 243.
_Carondelet_, armor-plated Federal gun-boat, built by Eads, iv. 245,
369;
goes aground outside Fort Henry, 265;
gets free, 266;
shells Fort Donelson, 268, 271;
disabled before Fort Donelson, 271;
gun bursts on, 272;
in Porter’s fleet before Vicksburg, 363.
Carronades, description and value of, ii. 36–38.
Carronades (short guns) out of use, iii. 141.
Carrying trade of the Mediterranean, England’s tribute to the Dey of
Algiers for, iii. 340;
after the War of 1812, _ib._
Cassin, Lieutenant Stephen, iii. 139.
_Castilian_, English brig-sloop, iii. 93.
_Catherine_, British ship, captured by Lieutenant Downes, iii. 10.
Cat-o’-ninetails used to enforce orders on British ships, i. 389.
_Catskill_, Federal ironclad, iv. 480.
_Cayuga_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 314.
_Centipede_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
_Centipede_, British launch, ii. 398;
sunk, 400.
Ceremonies connected with first American fleet, i. 44–46.
_Ceres_, British man-of-war, captures the _Alfred_, i. 132, 133.
Chads, Lieutenant, in the fight with the _Constitution_, takes
command when Captain Lambert is mortally wounded, ii. 165.
Champlain, Lake, naval battle on, i. 92–100;
reflections on the battle, 105–111.
Champlin, Stephen, in the battle of Lake Erie, ii. 326;
fires the last shot of the battle, 327.
Chandeleur Islands, the British forces arrive at, to attack New
Orleans, iii. 230.
Chaplin, Lieutenant J. C., attacks the forts at Acquia Creek, iv. 82.
Charles City, Ark., attack on, by Federal gun-boats and an Indiana
regiment, iv. 307.
_Charleston_, United States cruiser, plans of, imported, iv. 531.
Charleston, S. C., defences of, iv. 467;
bombardment of, iv. 480–502.
_Charlton_, British whaler, captured by Porter, iii. 14.
_Charwell_, British brig, iii. 110.
Chase, Major W. H., and Colonel Lomax, capture the Pensacola Navy
Yard, iv. 112.
_Chasseur_, Baltimore clipper, attacks the _St. Lawrence_, British
war-schooner, iii. 204.
_Chatsworth_, American brigantine, slave-ship captured by Lieutenant
Foote, iii. 366.
Chauncey, Commodore Isaac, appointed to command the forces on the
Great Lakes, ii. 270;
attacks Kingston, _ib._;
attacks Toronto, 341;
attacks Fort George, 342;
returns to Sackett’s Harbor, 348;
makes another assault on Toronto, 349;
Sir James Yeo’s squadron appears, _ib._;
jockeying for position, 350;
Chauncey opens fire, 351;
returns to the attack, 352;
misses the great opportunity of his life, 353;
operations of, on Lake Ontario, iii. 113–129.
_Cherub_, British war-ship, accompanies the _Phœbe_ in the attack on
the _Essex_, iii. 25.
_Chesapeake_, American frigate, built, i. 312.
_Chesapeake_, Lawrence appointed to command of, ii. 197;
her crew, 198;
the ship reputed to be unlucky, 199;
is fitted out for a voyage to intercept British ships, 200;
is blockaded by the _Shannon_ in Boston Harbor, 203;
goes out to meet the _Shannon_, 1813, 204;
crew mutinous, 205;
closes down on the _Shannon_, 206;
the battle, 209;
the _Chesapeake_ is boarded, 214;
hand-to-hand fight, 217;
the ship is captured, 221;
taken to Halifax, 222;
comparison of the two ships, 229.
_Chickasaw_, Federal monitor, iv. 386.
_Chickasaw_, Federal gun-boat, shells Fort Gaines, and compels it to
surrender, iv. 405.
_Chicora_, Confederate ironclad, built at Charleston, iv. 473;
fires on the _Keystone State_ and captures her, 475.
_Chillicothe_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 369.
Chinese assault on the American flag, a, iii. 380.
Chinese war of 1856, American interests involved in, and fleet sent
to protect them, iii. 379–382.
_Chippeway_, British schooner, in battle of Lake Erie, ii. 297.
_Chubb_, British ship, disabled and surrenders to Macdonough, iii.
156.
_Chubb_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
_Cincinnati_, armor-plated Federal gun-boat, built by Eads, iv. 245;
flagship of Commodore Foote before Fort Henry, 261;
Captain R. N. Stembel commands, 289;
throws the first shell into Fort Pillow, 293;
attacked by Confederate rains, _ib._;
the _Mound City_ goes to the rescue of, 294;
sinks, _ib._
_Circassian_, blockade-runner, captured off Havana by the Fulton
ferryboat _Somerset_, iv. 37.
Civilization promoted by Anglo-Saxon aggressiveness, iii. 391.
_Clarence_, merchant-ship, captured by Captain Maffitt, of the
cruiser _Florida_, iv. 424;
placed under command of Lieutenant Read, _ib._;
burnt, _ib._
Coaling stations, need of, by Federal war-ships in Southern waters,
iv. 161.
Cocke, Captain W. H., iii. 333;
fired on and killed by a Porto Rican fort, _ib._
Collier, Sir Ralph, K. C. B., iii. 260.
Collins, Captain Napoleon, at Port Royal, iv. 163;
commanding the _Wachusett_, captures the _Florida_ in Bahia Harbor,
iv. 424.
“Colonial Navy,” distinguished from temporary cruisers, i. 28, 29.
_Colorado_, United States screw frigate, launched, iv. 15.
_Columbia_, American frigate, attacks and bombards the Malay town of
Quallah Battoo, iii. 375–379.
_Columbia_, United States cruiser, iv. 534.
Columbiad, description of, iv. 119.
_Columbus_, successful cruise of Captain Whipple in the, i. 66.
_Columbus_, American ship-of-the-line, sent to Japan, iii. 440.
Columbus, Ky., Confederate position at, becomes untenable after
surrender of Fort Henry, iv. 266.
Columbus, on the Mississippi, Confederates evacuate, iv. 275.
_Comet_, American privateer, ii. 252.
Commander-in-chief of the Navy, title held by Commodore Hopkins only,
i. 62.
_Condor_, blockade-runner, wreck of, at Fort Fisher, iv. 511.
_Conestoga_, merchant-vessel, purchased by Commander Rodgers, iv. 241;
Captain Phelps appointed to command, 251.
_Confederacy_, American frigate, i. 287.
_Confederacy_, American packet, captured by the English, i. 298.
_Confiance_, British frigate, iii. 142;
flagship of Captain Downie in the battle of Lake Champlain, 153;
disabled and surrendered to the _Saratoga_, 165.
_Congress_, American galley, i. 89;
Arnold’s, flagship, 99;
covers retreat at Crown Point, 104;
burned by Arnold, 105.
_Congress_, American frigate, built, i. 312;
opens fire on the ironclad _Merrimac_ in Hampton Roads, iv. 200;
grounded, 207;
two Confederate gun-boats open fire on her, _ib._;
Lieutenant Pendergrast surrendered her to the _Merrimac_, 208;
hot shot fired at her by the _Merrimac_, 209;
her magazine explodes, 215.
Connecticut troops desert, i. 30.
Conner, Commodore David, lands a force at Point Isabel, iii. 409;
his fleet not fitted for shallow waters, 410;
his conduct of the seige of Vera Cruz, 418.
Connyngham, Captain Gustavus, i. 123;
captures prizes on the French coast, 124;
commission taken from him, 125;
takes command of the _Revenge_, 126;
his ship injured, 127;
refits in English port, 128;
gets provisions in an Irish port, _ib._;
sails for America, _ib._;
denounced as a pirate, 129;
cruel treatment of, in English prison, _ib._
_Constellation_, American frigate, built, i. 312;
Captain Thomas Truxton commands, 316, 319;
battle with French frigate _Insurgent_, 320;
discipline on board of, 322, 323;
battle with French frigate _Vengeance_, 323–325;
Captain Charles Gordon appointed to command in Decatur’s fleet,
iii. 343.
_Constitution_, United States frigate, built, i. 312;
flagship in the attack on Tripoli, 367;
called a “pine box” by Englishmen, 380;
Captain Isaac Hull disputes with the Captain of the British warship
_Havana_, ii. 13, 14;
is chased by two frigates, _ib._;
ship prepares for action, _ib._;
frigates retreat, 16;
her escape from a British squadron, 53–69;
“a bunch of pine boards,” 73;
fight with _Guerrière_, 76–95;
comparative strength of the two ships, 96;
return to Boston, 101;
cruising off Brazil, 152;
falls in with the _Java_, 153, 155–173;
attempt of the _Java_ to board, 158;
the London _Times_ on the victory, 176;
Lawrence applies for the command of, 197;
laid up at Boston, iii. 241;
goes to sea again, 242;
captures the war-schooner _Picton_, _ib._;
falls in with the British frigate _La Pique_, _ib._;
the British ship runs away, 243;
is chased by the _Junon_ and _Tenedos_, 244;
returns to Boston, 245;
captures the _Lord Nelson_, _ib._;
chases the _Elizabeth_ and captures the _Susan_, _ib._;
is chased by the _Elizabeth_ and _Tiber_, 246;
fight with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_, 247–256;
sails to Porto Praya, 260;
attacked by three British frigates, 261;
her fighting days over, 268;
plan of, iv. 537.
Continental Congress, effect on the, of the British vengeance on
Portland, i. 26.
Continental Naval Board, i. 158.
Contraband trade in the Civil War, iv. 48–52.
Cooke, Captain. See _Albemarle_.
_Coquette_, American merchant schooner, plundered by the Porto Rico
privateer _Palmira_, iii. 332.
Cornwallis, Lieutenant-general Lord, released from imprisonment in
exchange for Henry Laurens, iv. 154.
Corpus Christi, Texas, captured by Farragut, iv. 357.
_Cossack_, Federal transport, iv. 478.
Cottineau, Captain Denis Nicholas, i. 232.
Cotton-mills of the world shut down during the War of the Rebellion,
iv. 47.
_Countess of Scarborough_ attacks Paul Jones’s fleet off Flamborough
Head, i. 243;
surrender to the _Pallas_, 267.
_Couronne_, French ironclad, witnesses the _Alabama-Kearsarge_ fight,
iv. 438.
Couthouy, Lieutenant S. P., iv. 369.
Cox, William, midshipman on the _Chesapeake_, ii. 206.
Coxetter, Captain Louis M., iv. 91–93.
Craighead’s Point, shells thrown into Fort Pillow from, iv. 290.
Craney Island, Captain Tattnall fires and blows up the _Merrimac_ on,
iv. 236–237.
Craven, Captain Thomas Tunis, iv. 314;
sinks with his ship, 394.
Craven, Commander T. A. M., iv. 386.
Crawford, William H., American minister to France, ii. 361.
_Cricket_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 370.
Crosby, Lieutenant Pierce, iv. 315.
Crown Point, retreat of Benedict Arnold to, i. 103;
account of the roads and distances to, from New York, 109.
Crowninshield, George, Jr., privateersman, brings home the bodies of
Captain Lawrence and Lieutenant Ludlow, ii. 225.
_Croyable_, French gun-ship, captured off the Delaware, and renamed
the _Retaliation_, i. 316, 400.
Cruisers, Confederate, tales of the, iv. 407–451.
_Cuba_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, iv. 415.
_Cumberland_, Federal sailing sloop-of-war, opens fire on the
ironclad _Merrimac_, iv. 200;
is rammed by the _Merrimac_, 201;
in a sinking condition, 202;
continues firing as she goes down, 203.
Cumberland Head, Plattsburg Bay, Macdonough’s squadron at, iii. 149.
Dabney, John B., American consul at Fayal, iii. 187;
his report on the fight between the _Carnation_ and the _General
Armstrong_, 195, 196, 198–201.
Dacres, Captain James Richard, ii. 55;
surrenders to Captain Hull, 94.
Dahlgren, Rear-admiral John Adolph, his smooth-bore gun introduced,
iv. 489.
Dahlgren, Admiral John A. B., relieves Dupont of his command, iv. 489.
Dale, Commodore Richard, master’s mate on _Lexington_, i. 68;
escape of, from English prison, 123;
joins Paul Jones’s fleet, 230;
resourceful conduct of, 256, 260–262;
wounded, 266;
gallant conduct on the _Trumbull_, 295–297;
placed in command of squadron in the Mediterranean, 334.
Dartmoor Prison, Rev. Joseph Bates imprisoned in, iii. 294.
_Dartmouth_, merchant-ship, tea thrown from, in Boston Harbor, i. 13.
_Dash_, privateer of Baltimore, captures schooner _Whiting_ in
Chesapeake Bay, ii. 241.
_Dauphin_, American ship, captured by Algerian pirates, i. 309.
Dauphin Island, Mobile, iv. 379;
Federal troops landed on, 385.
“Davids,” torpedo boats, first used at Charleston, iv. 497;
derivation of name, 498.
Davis, Captain Charles, relieves Commodore Foote, iv. 289;
his inactivity, 293.
Davis, Captain Charles H., replaces the buoys at Port Royal, iv. 171.
Davis, Jefferson, proclamation inviting applications for letters of
marque, iv. 85.
Davis, Gunner’s Mate John, heroism of, iv. 110;
promoted and honored, 111.
Davyson, Captain Thomas, surrenders to the _Providence_, i. 282, 283.
Dead Sea, exploration of the, iii. 464.
_Deane_, American frigate, with the _Boston_, captures six prizes, i.
284, 287.
Deane, Silas, member of first Marine Committee, i. 36;
American commissioner to France with Franklin, i. 117.
De Camp, Commander John, iv. 314.
_Decatur_, American privateer, throws her guns overboard, ii. 75.
Decatur, Lieutenant James, in the attack on the city of Tripoli, i.
361;
killed by the Tripolitans, 362.
Decatur, Lieutenant Stephen, Jr., i. 346;
captures the _Mastico_, _ib._;
sails on the _Mastico_ to set fire to the _Philadelphia_, 348–361;
made a captain, 358;
in the attack on the city of Tripoli, 361;
his encounter with a Tripolitan captain, 363, 364;
falls in with the British ships _Eurydice_ and _Atalanta_, ii. 16;
cruises in the Azores in the _United States_, 121;
encounters the _Macedonian_, 122;
fights the second frigate battle of the War of 1812, 125–134;
his personal direction of the guns, 128;
surrender of the British frigate, 133;
ball given to Decatur and his officers in New York, 149;
gold medal given by Congress to, 150;
transferred to the _President_, iii. 212;
ordered to cruise in the East Indies, 215;
chased by the British fleet, 216;
lightens his ship, 217;
addresses his crew, 218;
attempts to retreat, 221;
ordered to cruise in the South Atlantic, 271;
his duelling experiences, 307–315;
his fatal duel with Commodore Barron, 318–321;
his death, 322;
a squadron under his command sent to Africa, 343;
his treaty with the Dey, 347–355;
compels the Dey to pay indemnity, 355;
goes to Tripoli and compels the Bashaw to settle, 357.
_Deerhound_, English yacht, witnesses the _Alabama-Kearsarge_ fight
off Cherbourg, France, iv. 438;
assists in picking up the crew of the _Alabama_, 441.
_Defence_, Connecticut cruiser, captures two transports, i. 203, 204.
_Defiance_, Confederate ironclad, abandoned by her crew at New
Orleans, iv. 337.
De Gama, Saldanha, Brazilian rebel admiral, iv. 548.
_De Kalb_, armor-plated Federal gun-boat, built by Eads, first
called the _St. Louis_, iv. 245;
takes part in capture of Arkansas Post, iv. 351.
_Delaware_, United States frigate, i. 316.
_Demologos_, Fulton’s first steam war-ship, iv. 4, 11.
Desertions from British ships, i. 394.
_De Soto_, Federal boat, added to Ellet’s command, iv. 351;
burned, 352.
_Detroit_, American brig, captured by the British, ii. 274;
recaptured by Lieutenant Elliott, 276;
runs aground on Squaw Island, 278;
British again capture her, _ib._;
the Americans destroy her, 279.
_Detroit_, United States cruiser, at Rio Janeiro, iv. 548;
fires on the _Guanabara_, 553.
_Diadem_, British frigate, strength and armament of, iv. 23.
Diamond Reef, near Cape Hatteras, iv. 165.
Dickenson, Captain James, attacks the _Hornet_, iii. 273;
is killed in the fight, 276.
_Diligence_, British schooner, sent to capture Captain Jeremiah
O’Brien, i. 23.
_Diligent_, English brig, surrenders to the _Providence_, i. 282, 283.
Discipline on board American frigate _Constellation_, i. 322.
Discord fomented by England between the States of the Union, i. 384.
_Divided We Fall_, American privateer, ii. 253.
_Dixie_, Confederate privateer, iv. 93.
_Dolphin_, American cutter, purchased by Franklin and other
commissioners, i. 117.
_Dolphin_, American privateer, ii. 242.
_Dolphin_, United States cruiser, iv. 531.
Donaldson, Commander Edward, iv. 389;
of the _Sciota_, 315.
“Don’t tread on me,” the significant motto, i. 2, 46.
Douglas, Hon. Captain George, iii. 247;
surrenders, 255.
Douglas, Lord Howard, his views on armor-clad ships, iv. 198.
Downes, Lieutenant John, sent on a cruise in the _Georgiana_, iii. 10;
captures by, 10, 11;
in the _Essex-Phœbe_ fight, 28;
is appointed to command the _Epervier_, 1815, 343;
attacks and overpowers the Malays at Quallah Battoo, 373, 374.
Downes, Commander John, iv. 480.
Downie, Captain George, iii. 144, 145;
at the battle of Lake Champlain, 153, 154;
killed, 165.
Drayton, Captain Percival, at Port Royal, iv. 163;
Captain of the _Hartford_, 386;
of the _Passaic_, 480.
Drayton, General Thomas F., at Port Royal, iv. 170.
_Druid_, British brig, attacked by the _Raleigh_, i. 131, 132.
_Drummond_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
_Drummond_, British schooner, captured by Chauncey at Lake George,
ii. 353.
Drunkenness and debauchery promoted by gun-boats, ii. 394.
_D. Trowbridge_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by the _Sumter_,
iv. 415.
_Dublin_, British frigate, cruises off Callas, iii. 389.
_Duc de Lauzan_, American frigate, i. 287, 299.
Duckworth, Admiral Sir John T., on the cartel of the _Alert_, ii. 47.
Duddingstone, Lieutenant William, i. 4;
shot, 10.
Duelling in the American Navy, iii. 305–323;
at Gibraltar, 313, 314.
_Duke of Gloucester_, British ship captured by Americans at Toronto,
burned at the attack on Fort George, ii. 346.
Dummy monitor sent adrift by Porter’s men, iv. 357.
Dunmore, Lord, in Chesapeake Bay, i. 35.
Dunovant, Colonel R. M., at Fort Beauregard, iv. 170.
Dupont, Commander Samuel Francis, spikes the guns of San Blas, iii.
402;
takes command of a fleet to take possession of Port Royal, iv. 163.
Dynamite cruisers, construction of, iv. 542.
Eads, James B., ship-builder, takes a contract to build seven
ironclad gun-boats, iv. 242–244;
construction of, described, 245, 246;
Eads and Ericsson, 244.
_Eagle_, American sloop, in Macdonough’s squadron, ii. 354;
sunk by the British in the Sorel River, 355.
_Eagle_, American sloop, iii. 136, 138.
Earle, Commodore, attempts to capture the _Oneida_ and destroy
Sackett’s Harbor, ii. 266, 268.
_Eastport_, Confederate river steamer, captured by Lieutenant Phelps,
iv. 267.
_Eastport_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 369.
_Eben Dodge_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, iv. 415.
_Eclipse_, American merchant-ship, attacked and looted by Malays,
iii. 374–376.
_Edinburgh Review_ on the treatment of America by Great Britain, i.
384.
_Edwin_, American merchant-brig, captured by the Dey of Algiers, iii.
341, 351.
_Effingham_, American frigate, sunk, i. 188.
_Eliza_, merchant-schooner, David Porter’s first ship, ii. 33.
_Elizabeth_, British schooner, captured by Porter, iii. 4.
Ellet, Colonel Charles, Jr., converts seven river steamers into rams
on the Ohio River, iv. 298;
his part in the attack on Fort Pillow, 301.
Ellet, Colonel Charles R., sent by Porter to control the Mississippi
between Vicksburg and Port Hudson, iv. 351.
Elliott, Lieutenant Jesse D., sent to Buffalo to purchase vessels,
ii. 273;
capture of the _Detroit_, 276, 278, 279;
in command of the _Niagara_, 292;
brings up the gun-boats, 322;
criticized for inactivity, 335, 336;
acts as second to Commodore Barron in his duel with Decatur, iii.
319;
commands the _Ontario_ in an expedition against the Dey of Algiers
in 1815, 343.
Elliptical route plan condemned by Admiral Porter, iv. 101.
_Emily St. Pierre_, British merchant-ship, seized by United States
cruiser _James Adger_, iv. 58;
recaptured by her captain, _ib._
_Enchantress_, merchant-schooner, captured by Confederate privateer
_Jefferson Davis_, iv. 91.
_Endymion_, British frigate, attacks the _Prince de Neufchâtel_,
American privateer, iii. 202;
is defeated, 203;
assists in the capture of the _President_, 222.
England, greed of, in dealings with her colonies, i. 4;
tries to crush the new republic, 314.
English Navy of 1812 in American waters, ii. 25.
English officers offended by names given to Yankee ships, iii. 313.
English seaman in 1812, ii. 25.
Ensign, naval, first American, i. 46.
_Enterprise_, American brig, sent to South America to put down
piracy, iii. 331.
_Enterprise_, American schooner, captures the French privateer
_Seine_, i. 330;
sent to Tripoli in charge of Lieutenant Andrew Sterrett, 335;
battle with the war polacre _Tripoli_, 335;
the luckiest, naval ship of the War of 1812, ii. 372;
captures eight privateers, 373;
cruises in the Mediterranean, _ib._;
captures the _Tripoli_ and the ketch _Mastico_, _ib._;
changed to a brig and overloaded with guns, 374;
drives off English privateers under command of Master-commandant
Johnston Blakely, 375;
Lieutenant William Burrows takes charge of her, _ib._;
cruises for privateers, _ib._;
encounters the _Boxer_, _ib._;
her commander wounded, and Lieutenant McCall takes his place, 377,
378;
the _Boxer_ surrenders, 379;
after the battle Master-commandant James Renshaw appointed to
command, 386;
cruises off the southern coast, _ib._;
escapes from a British frigate, _ib._;
employed as harbor guard, 387.
_Enterprise_, American sloop, i. 89.
_Epervier_, British brig-sloop, captured by the _Peacock_, iii. 66–71;
taken into Savannah by Lieutenant John B. Nicholson, 76–78.
_Epervier_, American ship, lost at sea, iii. 354.
_Era_, Confederate steamer, captured by Federal fleet, iv. 352.
Erben, Captain Henry, at Fort Pillow, iv. 289.
_Ericsson_, a name given to the first monitor, iv. 215.
Ericsson, John, Swedish engineer, his screw propeller, iv. 10;
his boat the _Francis B. Ogden_, _ib._;
induced to come to America, 11;
plans the first screw steamship, 12;
Naval Board makes a contract with, for the _Monitor_, 191.
Erie, Pa., chosen as base of operations for gaining control of Lake
Erie, ii. 282;
ship-building at, 286.
_Espiègle_, British war-brig, chased by Captain Lawrence of the
_Hornet_, ii. 181;
again chased after sinking the _Peacock_, 190.
_Essex_, American frigate, sent to Tripoli, i. 335.
_Essex_, American frigate, ii. 33;
first cruise in War of 1812, 34–50;
British frigate _Minerva_ refuses to fight with, 39–41;
captures the _Alert_, 41–43;
crew of _Alert_ plan a rescue, 44;
chased by the _Shannon_, 47;
Farragut’s account of the crew, 49;
begins her second cruise, Oct. 8, 1812, iii. 1;
cruises off Port Praya, 2;
captures the brig _Nocton_, 2, 3;
dysentery among the crew, 4;
panic on board, 6;
painted and disguised, 8;
captures British whalers, _ib._;
refitted from the captured ships, 9;
captures the _Atlantic_ and the _Greenwich_, _ib._;
captures the _Charlton_, 13;
goes into the harbor of Nukahiva to refit, 18–21;
an incipient mutiny on, 21;
attacked by the _Phœbe_ and _Cherub_, 24–43;
losses of, 44;
sent to England to be added to the British Navy, 48;
her captures, 52;
amount of damage done to the enemy, _ib._
_Essex_, Federal armor-plated gun-boat, iv. 249;
in the battle of Port Henry, _ib._;
disabled, 262;
Flag Officer Foote’s warning to his crews about wasting shot, 261;
Commander Robert Townsend, 369.
_Essex Junior_, formerly the British whaler _Atlantic_, iii. 12;
in the fight between the _Phœbe_ and _Cherub_ against the _Essex_,
33–43;
is disarmed and sent to New York, 49.
_Estido_, Algerian brig, captured near Cape Palos by the American
Navy, iii. 348.
_Eurydice_, British frigate, ii. 16.
Evans, Surgeon Amos E., ii. 168.
_Experiment_, British frigate, captures the _Raleigh_, i. 194.
_Experiment_, American schooner, i. 330.
Exploring expeditions of the American Navy, iii. 464.
“Export powder,” an inferior quality of gunpowder, ii. 368.
_Fair American_, British brig, driven ashore by the _Hyder Ali_, i.
215.
Fairfax, Lieutenant D. M., takes Mason and Slidell off the _Trent_,
iv. 144–146.
Fairfax, Commander D. M., iv. 480.
Falcon, Captain Thomas Gordon, chased by the _Constitution_, iii. 247;
surrenders, 252.
Falmouth (now called Portland), Maine, attacked by British, i. 24–26,
32.
_Fame_, privateer of Salem, ii. 241.
_Fanny_, successful blockade-runner, iv. 63.
Farragut, Commodore David Glasgow, midshipman on the _Essex_, ii. 40;
his wit saves a rescue of the _Alert_ by her crew, 44;
his account of the crew of the _Essex_, 49;
as captain when only twelve years old, iii. 12, 13;
resumes his studies at Nukahiva, 19–21;
his account of the fight of the _Essex_ with the _Phœbe_ and
_Cherub_, 40–42;
in his home at Norfolk, Va., 1862, awaiting orders, iv. 311;
a member of the Naval Retiring Board, 313;
suggested by Porter as a suitable commander of the New Orleans
expedition, 313;
accepts the position, 314;
ships in his squadron, 314, 315;
disguises his ships, 317;
advances past the barriers, 324–330;
demands surrender of New Orleans from Mayor Monroe, 338;
pressed by the Administration to open up the Mississippi, 341;
his bold cruise practically fruitless, 342;
his fortune in the Gulf of Mexico, 357;
runs his squadron past the works of Port Hudson, _ib._;
captures Galveston and Corpus Christi, _ib._;
losses in his fleet, 358;
watches Confederates strengthen their works at Mobile, 384;
moves his fleet up to Fort Morgan, 389;
commences the battle, 392;
disregards the torpedoes, 396;
lashed to the mast, _ib._;
wins the battle when the _Tennessee_ surrenders, 403;
in his report gives special praise to members of his fleet, _ib._;
his place in history, 465.
Faunce, Captain John, iv. 99.
Federal Government, its great aim to strangle and starve the
Confederates, iv. 239.
Fernando de Noronha, Brazil, Porter visits and communicates with
Bainbridge at, iii. 3;
Captain Semmes allowed to make his headquarters there, iv. 527.
Ferryboats as successful naval ships, iv. 37.
_Finch_, British gun-boat, iii. 143;
disabled in the battle of Lake Champlain, 161.
_Fingal_, Scotch iron steamer, erected into a Confederate ironclad,
iv. 486;
renamed the _Atlanta_, 488.
Fitch, Colonel, attacks Charles City, Ark., iv. 307;
storms and captures it, 308.
Flag. See _American Flag_.
_Flag_, armed merchantman, attacked by the Confederate ironclad
_Palmetto State_, iv. 474.
_Flambeau_, French privateer, captured by the _Enterprise_, ii. 373.
Flamborough Head, naval fight between the _Serapis_ and _Bonhomme
Richard_ near, i: 243.
Flannen Islands, the _Alliance_, of Paul Jones’s fleet, captures a
valuable prize off the coast of, i. 236.
Flores, General José Maria, paroled by Commodore Stockton, iii. 397;
breaks his parole, _ib._
_Florida_, Confederate cruiser built at Liverpool, iv. 416;
her first voyages, 417;
Captain John Newland Maffitt appointed to command of, 418;
is fired at by Captain Preble of the _Winona_, 419;
escapes, _ib._;
blockaded by the _Cuyler_, 420;
runs the blockade, 423;
Captain Charles M. Morris appointed to command of, 424;
rammed by the _Wachusett_ and taken to the United States, _ib._;
scuttled at Newport News, 429.
_Fly_, schooner of first American Navy, i. 40.
Foote, Admiral Andrew Hull, Lieutenant on the American brig _Perry_,
sent to Africa to assist in putting down the slave traffic,
iii. 363;
his sincere desire to stop the traffic, 364;
captures the slave-ships _Martha_ and _Chatsworth_, 364–366;
the “original prohibitionist of the navy,” 367;
is sent to Canton to protect American interests, 380;
is fired on by the Chinese forts, _ib._;
bombards and captures the forts, 380, 381;
relieves Commander John Rodgers of his command on the Mississippi,
iv. 250;
assembles a fleet at Paducah, 255;
inspects the crews, 256;
seeming insolence of Captain Walke to, 266;
joins the expedition to Fort Donelson, 268;
is seriously wounded, 271;
again, 272;
is relieved by Captain Charles H. Davis, 289.
_Forest Queen_, Federal army transport, in Porter’s fleet before
Vicksburg, iv. 364.
Fort Beauregard, on Bay Point, Charleston, S. C., Confederate fort
at Port Royal, iv. 169, 467.
Fort Donelson, strength of, iv. 268;
arrival of the _Carondelet_, _ib._;
the _St. Louis_, _Louisville_, and _Pittsburg_ arrive before, 271;
all three ships disabled, _ib._;
the fleet at a disadvantage, 272;
surrendered to General Grant, _ib._
Fort Erie, the Coney Island of Buffalo, ii. 273.
Fort Fisher, N. C., capture of, iv. 503–518;
fortifications of, 505;
General Butler’s plan of capture, 508–514;
garrison of, 514.
Fort Gaines shelled by Federal gun-boat _Chickasaw_, iv. 405.
Fort George attacked by the Americans under Winfield Scott, ii.
342–344;
Scott hauls down the British flag, 344.
Fort Gregg, Charleston, S. C., iv. 467.
Fort Henry, Tennessee River, Foote assembles a fleet at Paducah to
attack, iv. 255;
troops under Grant proceed up the river, _ib._;
storm clears the river of torpedoes, 256;
attacked by Foote’s fleet, 261–266;
a victory for the gun-boats, 266;
its importance to both armies, _ib._
_Fort Hindman_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 370.
Fort Jackson, Confederate fortification on the Mississippi, iv. 318;
bombardment of, 322–324;
surrendered to Porter, 339.
Fort Johnson, Charleston, S. C., iv. 467.
Fort Morgan, iv. 385, 386, 389.
Fort Moultrie, Charleston, S. C., iv. 467.
Fort Pillow, Federal fleet advances to, iv. 289;
evacuated by Confederates, 298.
Fort Pinckney, Charleston, S. C., iv. 467.
Fort Ripley, Charleston, S. C., iv. 467.
Fort Sumter, five monitors open fire on, iv. 491;
bombarded and reduced to a wreck, 493.
Fort Wagner, Charleston, S. C., iv. 467, 469, 490.
Fort Walker, on Hilton Head, Confederate fort at Port Royal, iv. 169.
Fortress Monroe, the _Monitor_ retires to, after the fight with the
_Merrimac_, iv. 226.
_Forward_, American schooner, in attack on Alvarado, iii. 410.
_Forward_, filibuster craft, cut out by Lieutenant Brownson of the
United States frigate _Mohican_, iv. 553.
Foster, Lieutenant-commander J. P., iv. 369.
Foster, General John G., Captain Flusser appeals to him to go and
burn the Confederate ironclad _Albemarle_, iv. 454.
Fox, Augustus V., appointed assistant to Gideon Welles, Secretary of
the Navy, iv. 35.
_Fox_, Captain W. H. Cocke, iii. 333.
Foxardo affair, the unfortunate, iii. 337, 338.
France, United States Government abrogates all treaties with, July 7,
1798, i. 314.
_Francis B. Ogden_, Ericsson’s model boat, attains speed of ten miles
an hour, iv. 10;
Captain Stockton makes a trip on, _ib._
Franklin sails for France on the _Reprisal_, i. 114.
Franklin, Sir John, American expedition sent to search for the
remains of, iii. 464.
_Franklin_, American schooner, captures ten vessels and Governor
Wright of St. John’s, i. 203;
captures a quantity of war supplies, _ib._
_Freeborn_, Federal steamer, at Acquia Creek, iv. 81.
“Free trade” before “sailors’ rights,” the motto of Washington
politicians in 1812, ii. 18.
_Freely_, Confederate privateer, iv. 93.
Frémont, John C. (“the Pathfinder”), takes possession of San Diego,
iii. 394;
commands in the Mississippi Valley, iv. 241.
French cruisers destroy American shipping, i. 314.
French troops enter Mexico, iv. 367.
_Friendship_, American ship, attacked and looted by natives of
Sumatra, iii. 368.
_Frolic_, American sloop, built at Portsmouth, N. H., in 1814, iii.
64;
Master-commandant Joseph Bainbridge appointed to, 65:
sinks a Carthagenian privateer, _ib._;
encounters the British frigate _Orpheus_ and schooner _Shelburne_,
_ib._;
surrenders, 66.
_Frolic_, British brig, encountered by the _Wasp_, ii. 106;
captured by the _Wasp_, 107–112;
comparison between the ships, 116;
recaptured by the _Poictiers_, 118.
Frontier posts retained by England contrary to treaty, i. 383;
posts used as Indian headquarters, _ib._
Fry, Captain Joseph, capture of, iv. 308;
captured and executed by the Spaniards in the _Virginius_
expedition, _ib._
Fulton ferryboat _Somerset_ captures the blockade-runner _Circassian_
off Havana, iv. 37.
Fulton, naval plans of, iv. 3, 4;
his first steam war-ship, the _Demologos_, 4;
report of commissioners appointed to examine her, 7, 8;
blown to pieces, 9.
_Fulton 2d_, launched in 1887, iv. 11.
Gadsden, Christopher, member of first Marine Committee, i. 36.
_Gaines_, Confederate gun-boat, iv. 380.
_Galatea_, British frigate, chased by the _Congress_ and _President_,
ii. 151.
_Galena_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 389.
_Gallinipper_, American barge, captures a pirate schooner, iii. 335.
Galveston, Texas, blockaded by the _South Carolina_, iv. 44;
bombarded by Captain James Alden of the Federal frigate _South
Carolina_, 121;
the foreign consuls protest against the bombardment, 123;
captured by Farragut, 357;
is retaken by the Confederates, _ib._
Gamble, Lieutenant Peter, killed in the battle of Lake Champlain,
iii. 157.
_Gaspé_, captured by men armed with paving-stones, i. 9.
_Gazelle_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 370.
Geisinger, Midshipman David, placed in charge of the captured ship
_Atlanta_, iii. 100.
_General Armstrong_, American privateer schooner, iii. 186;
owned by New York men, _ib._;
under Captain Tim Barnard captures nineteen prizes, 187;
sails from New York under command of Captain Samuel C. Reid, _ib._;
arrives at Fayal and encounters the _Carnation_, _Plantagenet_, and
_Rota_, _ib._;
is attacked by boats from the three ships, but beats them off, 189;
scuttled and abandoned by her crew, 200.
_General Bragg_, Confederate gun-boat, rams the _Cincinnati_ at Fort
Pillow, iv. 293;
raked by the _Carondelet_, 294;
surrenders, 302.
_General Monk_, British ship, attacked and captured by the _Hyder
Ali_, i. 209–215.
_General Pike_, American ship, burned at the attack on Fort George,
ii. 346.
_General Price_, Federal ram, in Porter’s fleet before Vicksburg, iv.
364.
_General Rusk_, Confederate steamer, blockaded in Galveston by the
Federal frigate _Santee_, iv. 137.
_Georgiana_, British whaler, captured by Porter, iii. 8.
Gerdes, F. H., Federal coast surveyor at New Orleans, iv. 322.
German troops hired by England to fight in America, i. 32.
Ghent, terms and conditions of the treaty of, iii. 209.
Gherardi, Commander Bancroft, iv. 389.
_Gibraltar_, formerly the _Sumter_. See _Sumter_.
Gibraltar, duels between American and English officers at, iii.
311–313.
Gillis, Captain John P., iv. 99;
of the _Seminole_ at Port Royal, 163.
_Glasgow_, British sloop-of-war, fight with Commodore Hopkins’s
American squadron, i. 59.
_Globe_, American privateer, ii. 250.
“God Save the King,” American sailors on British ships compelled to
bare their heads when played, i. 394, iii. 291.
Godon, Captain S. W., at Port Royal, iv. 163.
_Golden Rocket_, captured by the _Sumter_, iv. 410.
Goldsborough, Flag Officer L. M., in charge of expedition sent
against Roanoke Island, iv. 109;
in charge of a large fleet sent to ram the _Merrimac_, 235.
Gordon’s Landing, Red River, fort at, attacked by Ellet, iv. 352.
Gorringe, Master H. H., iv. 370.
_Governor_, Federal transport, sinks off Cape Hatteras, iv. 166.
_Governor Tompkins_, American privateer, ii. 253.
_Governor Tryon_, British sloop, attacked by and strikes to the
American privateer _Thorn_, i. 209.
_Grampus_, American schooner, in fleet sent to punish pirates in
South America, iii. 331;
captures the _Pandrita_, 332.
Grand Gulf, Porter attacks fortifications of, and finds them
evacuated, iv. 367;
Grant makes it his base of supplies, _ib._
Grant, General Ulysses Simpson, attempts to dislodge Confederates
below Cairo, iv. 251;
attacks the Confederates at Belmont, 251, 252;
proceeds up the Tennessee, to attack Fort Henry, 255;
muddy roads prevents his taking part in the capture of the fort,
266;
at Fort Donelson, 268;
Captain Walker diverts the Confederates’ attention from him, 271;
Confederates surrender to him, 272;
fight with Confederates at Pittsburg Landing, 284;
arrives before Vicksburg, 351;
goes to New Carthage to surround Vicksburg, 363;
makes Grand Gulf his base of supplies, 367.
_Granville_, French privateer, in the fleet of Paul Jones, i. 234.
Graves, Admiral, destroys Portland, Maine, i. 24–26.
Grease as a protection on armor-plated ships, iv. 10.
Great Britain, sea-power of, in 1812, ii. 22;
European nations dread the power of, 23.
Greene, Lieutenant Charles H., iv. 386.
Greene, Captain P. B., blockaded in Bahia Harbor, ii. 179;
refuses Lawrence’s challenge, _ib._;
cowardice of, 180;
rescued by the _Montagu_, _ib._
Greene, Lieutenant S. D., executive officer of the _Monitor_, iv. 216;
takes charge of the guns in the turret, 219, 220;
takes command after Worden is disabled, 226;
his statement, 229, 230;
orders regarding the _Merrimac_, 235.
Greenpoint, Brooklyn, N. Y., the _Monitor_ constructed at, iv. 192.
_Greenwich_, British letter-of-marque whaler, captured by Porter,
iii. 9.
Greer, Lieutenant-commander James A., before Vicksburg, iv. 363, 369.
_Greyhound_, Captain John Porter, iii. 333.
_Growler_, American schooner, captured by the British, ii. 351;
recaptured by the Americans, 351.
_Growler_, American sloop, in Macdonough’s squadron, ii. 354;
grounded in the Sorel River, 355.
_Growler_, American sloop, iii. 135, 138.
_Guanabara_, Brazilian rebel warship at Rio Janeiro, iv. 548;
fired on by the United States cruiser _Detroit_, 553.
_Guerrière_, American frigate, built in 1814, iii. 64;
Decatur’s flagship in expedition sent against the Dey of Algiers,
346, 347.
_Guerrière_, British frigate, picking sailors from American ships,
ii. 6;
flees from an inferior force, 7;
stops the _Spitfire_, and takes off John Deguyo, an American
citizen, _ib._;
race with the _Constitution_, 55;
Captain Dacres in charge of, 55–60;
fight with the _Constitution_, 76–95;
surrendered and blown up, 95.
Gun-boats, the ideal navy, ii. 388;
description and build of, 389;
arguments in favor of, 390;
cheapness of, 392;
points against, _ib._;
cost of, 393;
difficulty of getting unanimity of captains in battle, 394;
lack of discipline on gun-boats, _ib._;
use of, in Long Island Sound, 395;
first encounter with gun-boats, _ib._;
uselessness again shown, 416.
Gunners of 1812 and 1861 compared, iv. 419.
Gunpowder, expedients for getting, by the United Colonies, i. 28.
Guns, penetrating power of long and short, iii. 142;
improvements made in, iv. 18–23.
Gwin, Lieutenant, supports Grant at Pittsburg Landing, iv. 284.
Hacker, Captain Hoysted, i. 79, 282, 283.
Haggerty, Captain F. L., at Port Royal, iv. 163.
_Halifax_, British war-ship, i. 406, 407.
Hallock, Captain William, i. 66.
Hambleton, Purser on the _Lawrence_ in the battle of Lake Erie, ii.
317.
_Hamilton_, American schooner, ii. 350.
Hamilton, Schuyler, suggests cutting through the trees of swamp from
the Mississippi to New Madrid, iv. 281.
Hampton Roads, the first point blockaded in the Civil War, iv. 40;
_Keystone State_ blockades, 45.
Hanchett, Captain, ii. 398.
Handy, Captain Robert, misunderstands signals, iv. 133, 134;
letter to Captain Pope, showing his fear of the _Manassas_, 136.
_Hannah_, a Providence packet, chased by the _Gaspé_, i. 5.
Harding, Captain Seth, surrenders to the _Orpheus_ and _Roebuck_, i.
298.
_Harriet Lane_, American revenue cutter, used as a war-ship, iv. 42;
Captain John Faunce, 99.
_Harriet Lane_, Federal frigate, captured in the Gulf of Mexico, iv.
357.
Harrison, Lieutenant Napoleon B., iv. 314.
_Hartford_, United States screw sloop, built, iv. 16;
flagship of Captain Farragut, 314;
set on fire by Confederate fire-raft, 329;
passes the batteries at Port Hudson, 358;
flagship of Rear-admiral Farragut, 386.
Hatteras, Cape, battle between the _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_ in the
tail of a gale off, ii. 107.
Hatteras, Fort, captured by Federal forces, iv. 106;
the first Union victory in the War of Secession, _ib._
Hatteras hurricane, a fleet of transports in a, iv. 166.
Hatteras Inlet, N. C., resort of the “Hatteras Pirates,” iv. 97.
_Hatteras_, merchant-steamer, captured and sunk by the _Alabama_ at
Galveston, iv. 432.
_Hawke_, American tender, captured by British off Long Island, i. 56.
Hawkins, Captain Richard, refuses to fight the _Essex_, ii. 39–41;
branded as a coward, 40.
Haymakers, Machias, attack of the, on the _Margaretta_, i. 21.
Haymakers and wood-choppers as Yankee seamen, iii. 82, 83, 86, 90, 95.
_Hazard_, American privateer, captured the British brig _Active_, i.
206.
Hazard, Captain, in the first naval battle of the Revolution, i. 57.
_Hebrus_, British frigate, ii. 420.
_Hector_, British letter-of-marque ship, captured by Lieutenant
Downes, iii. 10.
Heddart, Captain Francis, extracts from his account of the
_Serapis_-_Bonhomme Richard_ battle, i. 245, 257.
Henley, Midshipman John D., assists in the attack on the city of
Tripoli, i. 366.
_Henry Clay_, Federal army transport, in Porter’s fleet before
Vicksburg, iv. 364;
catches fire and sinks, _ib._
Hewes, Joseph, member of first Marine Committee, i. 36.
_Hibernia_, British transport, captured by Captain Hopkins, i. 281.
Hickman, on the Mississippi, evacuated by the Confederates, iv. 275.
_Highflyer_, British schooner, Captain Rodgers succeeds in getting
private signals from, ii. 23, 358.
Hillyar, Captain James, in the harbor of Valparaiso, iii. 25;
attempts to attack the _Essex_, but is scared off, 26;
attacks the _Essex_ in company with the _Cherub_, 30–43;
criticism on handling his ship, 46.
Hilton Head. See _Fort Walker_.
Hinman, Captain Elisha, i. 66;
sent to France for army supplies, 130;
his ship captured by the British, 133.
Hislop, Lieutenant-general, Governor of Bombay, on board the _Java_
in her fight with the _Constitution_, ii. 168;
Captain Bainbridge’s curious dream of, 172, 173.
Hoel, Lieutenant W. R., iv. 363, 370.
Hoffman, Lieutenant B. V., sent to take charge of the _Cyane_ when
she surrendered, iii. 252.
Hoke, General, advances on Plymouth, N. C., and captures it, iv. 455,
456.
Holdup, Thomas, in the battle of Lake Erie, chases and captures the
_Chippewa_ and _Little Belt_, ii. 326.
_Holland_, torpedo boat, launching of, iv. 543.
Holland, John P., inventor of submarine torpedo boats, iv. 542.
Honor, American Medal of, origin of, iv. 111.
Hope, Lieutenant David, horrible cruelty of, to sailors, i. 389;
wounded on the _Macedonian_, ii. 140;
his report on gunnery practice, 143.
Hopkins, Esek, Commander-in-chief of first American fleet, i. 42;
career of, 48;
dismissed from the service, 61;
dies near Providence, R. I., _ib._
Hopkins, Captain John Burrows, in command of the _Cabot_, i. 57.
Hopkins, Commodore Robert, receives his appointment through influence
of John Adams, i. 49;
sent to Chesapeake Bay in search of Lord Dunmore, 53;
goes to the Bahamas instead and attacks the British there, _ib._
Hopkins, Stephen, member of first Marine Committee, i. 36.
_Hornet_, sloop of first American Navy, i. 40.
_Hornet_, American sloop-of-war, blockades the British warship _Bonne
Citoyenne_ in Bahia Harbor, ii. 179;
raises the blockade on the approach of the _Montagu_, 180;
captures the _Resolution_, 181;
falls in with the _Peacock_, _ib._;
fight with the _Peacock_, 182–184;
encounters the _Penguin_, iii. 273;
the _Penguin_ surrenders, 274–280;
the _Hornet_ chased by the _Cornwallis_, but escapes, 282–284;
Captain Robert Henley appointed to command, 330;
detailed to South America to destroy pirates, 331.
Horses, wild, as weapons of offence, iii. 401.
_Housatonic_, Federal war-ship, attacked by the Confederate ironclad
_Palmetto State_, iv. 474.
Howard, Lieutenant Samuel, iv. 370.
Howe, Captain Tyringham, i. 59.
Huger, Captain Thomas B., at New Orleans, iv. 321;
mortally wounded, 332.
Hull, Lieutenant Isaac, cuts the privateer _Sandwich_ out of Puerto
Plata, i. 329;
tricky conduct of the officers of two British frigates to, ii. 15;
the frigates turn and retreat, 16;
his opinion of the crew of the _Constitution_, 52;
his escape from a British squadron, after standing at his post for
two days, 53–69;
race with the _Guerrière_, 55;
fight with and capture of the _Guerrière_, 76–95;
reception on returning to Boston, 101;
Congress votes a gold medal to, 103.
Humphreys, Joshua, American ship-builder, statement of, in regard to
new ships, i. 311;
his theories accepted, 312.
Hunt, William H., Secretary of the Navy, appoints a board of naval
officers, with Rear-admiral Rodgers at its head, iv. 527.
_Hunter_, American ship, captured by the _Peacock_, ii. 191;
taken in charge by the _Hornet_, _ib._
_Hunter_, British ship, attacked by privateers, i. 200.
_Hunter_, British brig, in battle of Lake Erie, ii. 296.
_Hussar_, Austrian war-ship, Martin Koszta, an American citizen taken
and detained on, iii. 385;
on demand of Captain Ingraham of the _St. Louis_ is given up, _ib._
Hutter, Midshipman, killed while assisting the Union wounded out of
the _Congress_, iv. 209.
_Hyder Ali_, American privateer, Captain Joshua Barney, attacks and
captures the _General Monk_, i. 212–215.
_Illinois_, United States battle-ship, iv. 534, 536.
Impressment, feeling of American seamen regarding the practice of,
ii. 18.
_Independence_, American privateer, Commander Thomas Truxton, cuts
out three big ships from the British fleet, i. 205.
_Indian Chief_, Confederate ship, iv. 499.
_Indiana_, United States battle-ship, iv. 534.
_Indianola_, Federal armored gun-boat, in attack on Port Hudson, iv.
352;
captured and sunk by the Confederates, _ib._
Indians, friendship of, cultivated by England to injure United
States, i. 383;
incited by British to attack pioneers, _ib._
Ingraham, Captain Duncan Nathaniel, demands the surrender of Martin
Koszta, an American citizen detained on the Austrian war-ship
_Hussar_, iii. 385;
medal presented to him by Congress, 386.
Inland navy an imperative necessity to reach the heart of the
Confederacy, iv. 241.
Inman, Lieutenant William, chases and captures a pirate schooner,
iii. 335.
_Insurgent_, French frigate, Captain Barreaut, captures the American
ship _Retaliation_, i. 316;
battle with the _Constellation_, 320–322;
surrenders, 321;
lost at sea, 330.
International law, a question of violation of, iv. 160.
_Intrepid_, formerly the _Mastico_, used as a fire-ship at the attack
on Tripoli, i. 371;
explodes, 378.
_Investigator_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate
cruiser _Sumter_, iv. 415.
_Iowa_, United States battle-ship, iv. 534, 536.
Ironclad warfare, superior activity of the Confederates in preparing
for, iv. 184.
Ironclads, the Confederate Government the first to construct, iv. 185;
the _Merrimac_ launched, 188;
Congress makes appropriation for construction of, 190;
dilatory action of Naval Board in making contracts for, 191;
first battle between, 220.
_Iroquois_, United States screw sloop, built, iv. 16.
_Iroquois_, Federal screw corvette, iv. 314.
Irving, Washington, on Perry’s victory on Lake Erie, ii. 338.
_Isaac Smith_, Federal war-ship, in the Port Royal fleet, iv. 164.
Island No. 10, strongly fortified by the Confederates, iv. 275;
Foote’s flotilla arrives in front of, 276;
capture of, delayed two weeks by Foote, 281;
Captain Walke successfully runs the gauntlet of batteries on, 282,
283;
the island captured, 283, 289;
has disappeared under action of the current, 284.
Isle-aux-Noix, British fort at, iii. 136, 139.
Isle St. Mary, Paul Jones lands on and surrounds the house of the
Earl of Selkirk, i. 147, 148.
_Itasca_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 314;
breaks down barriers placed across the Mississippi, 323;
Lieutenant-commander George Brown, 389.
_Ivy_, Confederate gun-boat, iv. 127.
James, Reuben, seaman, saves Decatur’s life, i. 364.
_James Adger_, American cruiser, captures the _Emily St. Pierre_, iv.
58;
the latter recaptured, _ib._
_Jamestown_, Confederate warship, captures several prizes in sight of
the _Monitor_, iv. 235.
Japan, condition of, in the sixteenth century, iii. 438;
experience with Christianity, _ib._;
Dutch trading at Nagasaki, _ib._;
introduction of Western civilization by the American fleet, 439;
Commodore M. C. Perry’s work in opening the ports of Japan, _ib._;
appointed to the Japan mission, 443;
Commodore Perry’s exhibition of power and dignity wins the respect
of, 444.
_Jason_, British transport, captured by Captain Hopkins, i. 281.
_Java_, British frigate, fight with the _Constitution_ off the coast
of Brazil, 155–173;
poor gunnery of, 157;
a complete wreck in sixty-five minutes, 162;
losses of, 169.
_Jefferson_, American brig, iii. 113.
_Jefferson Davis_, Confederate privateer, captures the _John Welsh_,
_Enchantress_, _S. J. Waring_, iv. 91;
_Mary Goodell_ and _Mary E. Thompson_, 92;
runs aground at St. Augustine and is lost, 93.
Jenkins, Captain Thornton A., iv. 386.
_Jersey_, the notorious prison-ship, sketch of, i. 221–226.
_John Adams_, Perry’s flagship on his cruise to South America, iii.
327.
_John Welsh_, merchant-brig, captured by Confederate privateer
_Jefferson Davis_, iv. 91.
Johnson, Captain Henry, in charge of brig _Lexington_, sent to
Europe, i. 117.
Johnson, Captain J. D., succeeds Admiral Buchanan on the _Tennessee_,
iv. 402;
surrenders his ship to Captain Le Roy, of the Federal steamer
_Ossipee_, 403.
Jones, Captain Jacob, encounters the _Frolic_ in a gale, ii. 106;
captures the _Frolic_, 107–117;
surrenders the _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_ to the frigate _Poictiers_,
118, 119;
rewarded with a gold medal from Congress, 119;
given command of the frigate _Macedonian_, 119, 143.
_Jones_, American brig, iii. 113.
Jones, John Paul, first independent command of, i. 64;
promoted to rank of captain, 73;
fight with the _Solebay_, 73–76;
outsails the British frigate _Milford_, 77;
sails into Canso Harbor, _ib._;
in Newport Harbor, 78;
in command of flagship _Alfred_, 79;
passes through British squadron off Block Island, _ib._;
captures brig _Mellish_, _ib._;
encounters and captures coal fleet in Canso Harbor, 80;
captures a British privateer, _ib._;
chased by the _Milford_, _ib._;
arrives in Boston, 82;
ordered back to the brig _Providence_, 83;
bad treatment of, by Congress, _ib._;
appointed to the gun-ship _Ranger_, 134;
sails to Nantes, 135;
reaches Quiberon Bay, 137;
sails from Brest to England, 138;
scuttles a merchant-brig, _ib._;
seizes the _Lord Chatham_, _ib._;
sails to Whitehaven, _ib._;
attempts to capture the _Drake_, 140;
descends on Whitehaven, 141;
his crew takes an earl’s silver, 142;
attacks the house of the Earl of Selkirk, 147;
returns the silver taken by his crew, 151, 152;
second and successful attempt to capture the _Drake_, 152;
generosity of, 155;
fought for honor, 158;
inactivity of, in France, 228;
fits out the _Bonhomme Richard_, 229;
Congress arranges to give him a fleet, 232;
the _Alliance_, _Pallas_, and _Vengeance_ put under his command,
232;
trouble with Captain Landais of the _Alliance_, 234;
his fleet sails from L’Orient augmented by the _Monsieur_ and
_Granville_, _ib._;
captures a brigantine, 235;
Landais refuses to attend a council of officers, 237;
proposes to attack Leith, _ib._;
delay and a windstorm prevent his landing, 240;
meets a fleet of merchantmen off Flamborough Head, 243;
the _Serapis_ bears down to meet him, _ib._;
attacks the _Serapis_, 245;
fight with the _Serapis_, 247–259;
character of, 265;
his account of events after the surrender, 269–272;
arrives at Texel, followed by a British squadron, 273;
flight of, 275;
made a hero of, at Paris, _ib._;
sails to America in the _Ariel_, 277;
honors on his arrival, _ib._;
denounced as a pirate by the British Government, _ib._;
misrepresented by English writers, _ib._;
his pride in being an American, 278.
Jones, Lieutenant Thomas ap Catesby, with a small flotilla, opposes
the British fleet at New Orleans, iii. 232–238;
he is cut down and his small force eventually surrenders, 236, 237;
sent in command of a squadron to the Pacific coast, 388;
strikes the first blow in the Mexican War, 390;
lands at and takes possession of Monterey, _ib._;
surrenders the town, _ib._;
appointed chief officer on the Confederate ironclad _Merrimac_, iv.
188;
takes command after Captain Buchanan is wounded, 209;
returns with the _Merrimac_ to Sewell’s Point, 213.
_Joseph_, British ship, captured by the _Surprise_, i. 124.
_Joseph H. Toone_, Federal schooner, iv. 129.
_Joseph Maxwell_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate
cruiser _Sumter_, iv. 415.
_Joseph Parke_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate
cruiser _Sumter_, iv. 415.
Jouett, Lieutenant James E., cuts out the _Royal Yacht_ from
Galveston Harbor, iv. 138, 139;
Lieutenant-commander of the _Metacomet_, 386.
_Judah_, Confederate privateer schooner, destroyed at Fort Pickens,
iv. 120.
_Julia_, American schooner, ii. 268;
captured by the British, 351.
_Junon_, British frigate, becalmed in Hampton Roads, attacked by
gun-boats, ii. 395;
chases the _Constitution_ off Cape Ann, iii. 244.
_J. W. Hewes_, merchant-ship, captured by Confederate privateers, iv.
97.
_Katahdin_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 315.
Kearny, Sailing-master Lawrence, attacks a party from the frigate
_Hebrus_, ii. 420;
captures the tender of the frigate _Severn_, 421.
Kearny, Brigadier-general Stephen W., goes to the assistance of
Commodore Stockton in Mexico, iii. 398;
is repulsed and wounded, _ib._;
marches to San Diego, _ib._
_Kearsarge_, American sloop-of-war, built, iv. 38.
_Kearsarge_, Federal armored frigate, meets the _Alabama_ in
Cherbourg Harbor, France, iv. 436;
comparison of their armament, 437;
description of the fight, 438–441;
the best gunnery of the Civil War, 441.
_Kearsarge_ (new), United States battle-ship, iv. 534, 536.
Kedge anchor, use of, on the _Essex_, ii. 49.
Kedging, method of, described, ii. 58.
_Kennebec_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 314;
Lieutenant-commander William P. McCann, 389.
Kennon, Captain Beverley, at New Orleans, iv. 321;
attacks the _Varuna_, 334;
surrenders, 335.
Kentucky, western, railroad communication with the East cut off from,
iv. 267.
_Keokuk_, Federal monitor, at Charleston, iv. 483, 485.
Kerr, Captain Robert, attacks the _Constitution_ at Porto Prayo, iii.
260.
_Keystone State_, armed merchantman, attacked by the Confederate
ironclad _Palmetto State_, iv. 474.
Kidnapped sailors ill-fed and poorly paid on British ships, i. 387.
Kilty, Captain A. H., before Fort Pillow, iv. 289;
aids the _Cincinnati_, 294.
_Kines_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 315, 358.
Kingston, Canada, chief naval and military post in 1812, ii. 265;
Commodore Chauncey attacks, 270.
Kirkcaldy, Scotland, anecdote of the parson of, on the approach of
Paul Jones’s squadron, i. 238.
Koszta, Martin, an American citizen, taken by the Austrian
authorities on board the war-ship _Hussar_, iii. 385.
_Lackawanna_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 389.
_Lady Gore_, British schooner, captured by Chauncey at Lake George,
ii. 353.
_Lady Prevost_, British war-vessel, fired and destroyed by the
Americans, ii. 279.
Lafayette, carried back to France in the _Alliance_, i. 232;
narrowly escapes capture, _ib._
_Lafayette_, Federal gun-boat, in Porter’s fleet surrounding
Vicksburg, iv. 363;
Lieutenant-commander J. P. Foster, 369.
Lake Erie, the battle of, ii. 309–325.
Lamb, Colonel William, commander of Fort Fisher, iv. 507.
Lambert, Captain Henry, surrenders to Captain Bainbridge of the
_Constitution_, ii. 155–173;
his attempt to board the _Constitution_, 158;
mortally wounded, 165;
Captain Bainbridge returns his sword, 172.
Lambert, Jonathan, proprietor of the island of Tristan d’Acunha, a
breeding resort for seals in the South Atlantic, iii. 270.
_Lancaster_, United States screw sloop, built, iv. 16.
_Lancaster_, Federal ram, sunk below Port Hudson, iv. 358.
Landais, Captain Pierre, placed in command of the _Alliance_ by
Congress, i. 232;
mutinous conduct of, 234;
fouls the _Alliance_ with the _Bonhomme Richard_, _ib._;
insolence of, 235;
captures a valuable prize, 236;
refuses to attend a council of officers, 237;
jealousy of, 241;
further insubordination of, 244;
fires into the _Bonhomme Richard_, 254;
treachery of, 267;
dismissed and settles in New York City, _ib._
Langdon, John, member of first Marine Committee, i. 36.
Langthorne, Lieutenant A. R., iv. 370.
_La Pique_, British frigate, encounters the _Constitution_ off
Porto Rico, iii. 242.
Lardner, Captain J. L., commands the _Susquehanna_ at Port Royal,
iv. 163.
Laugharne, Captain Thomas L. P., surrenders to Porter, ii. 42.
Laurens, Henry, American Ambassador to Holland, is removed from the
_Mercury_ by the Captain of the British ship _Vestal_, and
taken to St. Johns, Newfoundland, iv. 153;
taken to England and imprisoned in the Tower of London, 154;
exchanged for Lord Cornwallis, _ib._;
his case parallel to the _Trent_ affair, _ib._
_Lurestinus_, British frigate, ii. 395.
Law, Lieutenant of British marines, fires at Lawrence and wounds
him, ii. 213.
_Lawrence_, American brig, flagship of Commodore Perry, ii. 290;
in the battle of Lake Erie, 317;
Perry shifts his flag to the _Niagara_, 321;
sunk in Little Bay, 337.
Lawrence, Captain James, Midshipman on the _Constitution_, i. 348;
Captain of the _Hornet_, 403;
blockades the British warship _Bonne Citoyenne_ in Bahia Harbor,
ii. 179;
challenges Captain Greene, _ib._;
compelled to raise the blockade, 180;
recaptures the _William_, 181;
captures the _Resolution_, _ib._;
is chased by the _Peacock_, 182;
the _Peacock_ is beaten, 183;
Lawrence fits his ship for another fight, 190;
chases the _Espiègle_, _ib._;
put all hands on half rations and squares away for home, 191;
promoted to command the _Chesapeake_, 192;
sails out of Boston to meet the _Shannon_, 197;
has difficulty in getting a crew, 199;
is challenged by Captain Broke of the _Shannon_, 203;
sails out to meet the enemy, 204;
addresses his crew, 205;
mutinous spirit of his men, 206;
displays great skill in handling his ship, _ib._;
the _Chesapeake_ is damaged and begins to drift, 213;
Lawrence shot, _ib._;
dies, 221;
interred in Trinity Churchyard, 225.
Lay, John L., devises a torpedo boat, iv. 458;
used by Lieutenant Cushing to destroy the _Albemarle_, 459–461.
_Leander_ affair, the, i. 403, 404;
Captain Whitby court-martialed, 405.
Lear, Tobias, American Consul-general at Algiers 1812, iii. 340.
_Lee_, American galley, i. 89.
_Lee_, American schooner, i. 30, 197;
assists in capturing a British troop-ship, 203.
Lee, Captain F. D., Chief of Confederate torpedo corps, iv. 497.
Lee, Richard Henry, member of first Marine Committee, i. 36.
Lee, Rear-admiral S. Phillips, iv. 314;
in command of the Albemarle Station, 454.
_Leopard_ and _Chesapeake_, affair of the, i. 40.
Le Roy, Commander William E., iv. 389.
Letter of marque and a privateer, difference between, iii. 242.
_Levant_, British sloop-of-war, chased by the _Constitution_, iii.
247;
surrenders, 255.
Lewis, Captain Jacob, made Commodore of the American fleet in New
York Harbor, ii. 394.
_Lexington_, American brig, i. 63;
captured by British frigate _Pearl_, 66;
escapes, 68;
sent to Europe under Captain Johnson, 117;
captured by the cutter _Alert_, 119, 120;
fate of the crew of, 121, 122.
_Lexington_, merchant-vessel, purchased by Commander Rodgers for use
in Federal Navy, iv. 241;
Captain Stembel appointed to command, 251.
_Lexington_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 369.
Lexington, battle of, i. 14.
Lincoln’s proclamation blockading the Southern ports, iv. 28–30.
_Linnet_, British brig, at the battle of Lake Champlain, iii. 138,
142, 166;
surrenders, _ib._
Linzee, Captain, chased by the _Gaspé_, i. 5.
Little, Captain John, fights and captures the _Berceau_, i. 328.
_Little Belt_, British corvette, fires on the American frigate
_President_, ii. 10;
in battle of Lake Erie, 297.
Little Falls, N. Y., Indian and Dutch traders at, ii. 263.
_Little Rebel_, sunk by the Federals at Fort Pillow, iv. 302.
Livermore, Parson Samuel, ii. 214.
_Livingston_, Confederate gun-boat, iv. 127.
Lloyd, Captain Robert, assists in the attack on the _General
Armstrong_, iii. 194.
Lockyer, Captain, attacks Lieutenant Catesby Jones at New Orleans,
iii. 235.
Lomax, Colonel, captures the Pensacola Navy Yard, iv. 112.
_Lord Nelson_, British merchantman, captured by the _Oneida_, ii. 265.
Los Angeles, Cal., captured from the Mexicans by Commodore
Stockton, iii. 397;
recaptured, _ib._;
retaken by the Americans, 401.
_Lottery_, American ship, captured, iii. 204.
_Louisa Beaton_, American brigantine, engaged in the African slave
traffic, iii. 364.
_Louisa Hatch_, captured by the _Alabama_, iv. 427.
_Louisa Kilham_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate
cruiser _Sumter_, iv. 415.
_Louisiana_, American schooner, in the attack on New Orleans, iii.
240;
used as a powder-boat to blow up Fort Fisher, iv. 510.
_Louisville_, armor-plated Federal gun-boat, built by Eads, iv. 245;
disabled, 271;
in Porter’s fleet before Vicksburg, 363, 369.
_Lowell_, Confederate ship, sunk at Fort Pillow, iv. 301.
Lowry, Captain R. R., iv. 100.
_Loyal Convert_, British vessel, i. 90.
Ludlow, Lieutenant Augustus C., strives to get the crew in place, ii.
206;
mortally wounded, 210;
interred in Trinity Churchyard, 225.
_Ludlow_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
Lynch, Confederate Commodore W. F., at Roanoke Island, iv. 109.
Lyons, Lord, British Minister to Washington, his instructions
relative to the _Trent_ affair, iv. 150–153.
McCall, Lieutenant Edward Rutley, in the _Boxer_ fight, ii. 376;
takes command after Captain Burrows is disabled, 378;
the _Boxer_ surrenders to him, 379.
McCann, Lieutenant William P., iv. 389.
McCauley, Commodore, disloyal conduct of, at the Norfolk Navy Yard,
iv. 72–74.
_McClellan_, Federal transport, iv. 135.
McDonald, Lieutenant James, succeeds Captain Dickenson in command,
iii. 276;
surrenders to Captain Biddle, 276–278.
Macdonough, Captain Thomas, i. 348;
in the attack on the city of Tripoli, 361;
sends the _Growler_ and _Eagle_ in pursuit of British gun-boats,
iii. 136;
repairs to Vergennes, Vt., _ib._;
in command of a squadron, 144, 145;
his careful preparations, 147–150;
his squadron assembled, 152;
an interested audience, _ib._;
the battle opened with a prayer, 154;
a sporting rooster, 155;
Macdonough is knocked senseless, 161;
he cleverly winds his ship, 164;
wins the battle of Lake Champlain, 166;
casualties and losses of, in the battle, 174;
anecdote of, 179–181;
the Legislature of New York donates him land, 182;
the Legislature of Vermont presents him with a farm, _ib._;
he is promoted, 183;
his victory served to bring the war to a close, 184.
_Macedonian_, British frigate, cruelty and flogging of sailors on, i.
389;
encounters the frigate _United States_, ii. 124;
battle with, 125–134;
a horrible scene of carnage, 134;
the crew breaks into the spirits-room, 136, 137;
American seamen found on board, 137, 138;
losses among the crew, 139;
the forces of the two ships, 140;
taken to New York, 148;
fitted for sea in the American service, 150.
_Machias_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, iv. 415.
Machias haymakers, attack of the, on the _Margaretta_, i. 21.
_McLane_, American steamer, grounded before Alvarado, Mexico, iii.
410.
Macomb, Major-general Alexander, opposed to Sir George Prevost at
Plattsburg, iii. 147, 169.
_McRae_, Confederate gun-boat, iv. 17.
_McRae_, Confederate cotton-clad steamer, iv. 321;
fight with the Federal steamer _Iroquois_, 332.
Madame Island, Paul Jones captured British vessels at, i. 78.
_Madison_, American privateer, ii. 245.
_Madison_, the flagship of Commodore Chauncey, ii. 341.
Madison, President, lack of an American Navy discreditable to the
Administration of, ii. 26.
Maffitt, Captain John Newland, authority on construction of
fortifications, iv. 170;
appointed to command of Confederate cruiser _Florida_, 418;
goes to Havana and Mobile to get a crew, _ib._;
his ship fired at by Captain Preble, of the _Winona_, 419;
is blockaded, but escapes, 423;
goes to Nassau, _ib._;
cruises between New York and Brazil, 424;
overhauls his ship, _ib._;
he is relieved by Captain Morris, _ib._
_Magnet_, British brig, iii. 128.
Mahan, Captain A. T., fortifications of Mobile described by, iv.
379–383.
Mahone, William, Southern politician, trickery of, iv. 74, 75.
_Maine_, United States cruiser, iv. 534.
Maitland, Captain, falls in with the _Constitution_, iii. 243;
afraid to engage the _Constitution_, _ib._
_Majestic_, British cruiser, iv. 534, 535.
_Majestic_, British razee, assists in the capture of the _President_
off Long Island, iii. 216.
Malayans, teaching, to fear the American flag, iii. 373–379.
Malden, Captain Barclay, his rendezvous before the battle of Lake
Erie, ii. 294.
Maley, Lieutenant William, i. 330.
_Manassas_, Confederate ram, formerly the _Enoch Train_, iv. 127;
remodelled and put in charge of Lieutenant Alexander F. Warley, 128;
strikes the _Richmond_ and causes a panic, 129–131; 321;
attacks the _Brooklyn_, 332;
sinks, 333.
_Manhattan_, Federal monitor, iv. 386.
Manly, Captain John, i. 30, 197;
surrenders the _Hancock_, 185.
Manners, Captain William, fights the _Wasp_, iii. 85;
severely wounded, 87;
killed, 88.
Maples, Captain John F., goes in search of the sloop _Argus_, ii. 362;
finds her by the light of the flames on a wine ship, 363;
captures the sloop, 363–367;
sends it by a prize crew to Plymouth, 371.
Marchand, Captain John B., iv. 389.
_Margaret and Jessie_, successful blockade-runner, iv. 63.
_Margaretta_, attack on the, by the Machias haymakers, i. 21.
_Maria_, British transport, captured by Captain Hopkins, i. 281.
_Maria_, Boston schooner, captured by Algerian pirates, i. 309.
Marine Committee of Congress, i. 158.
Marine Committee of United Colonies appointed, i. 36.
_Marquis de la Fayette_, French privateer, i. 297.
_Mars_, American privateer, fitted out by Captain Thomas Truxton,
cruises in English Channel, and captures numerous prizes, i.
205.
_Mars_, English privateer, captured by the _Alliance_, i. 297.
Marston, Captain John, iv. 200.
_Martha_, American slave-ship, captured by Lieutenant Foote, iii. 364.
_Martin_, British sloop, grounds on Crow’s Shoal, ii. 401.
_Mary_, British schooner, captured by Chauncey at Lake George, ii.
353.
_Mary_, British brig, cut out and fired by the _Wasp_, iii. 92.
_Mary E. Thompson_, merchantman, captured by Confederate privateer
_Jefferson Davis_, iv. 92.
_Mary Goodell_, merchantman, captured by Confederate privateer
_Jefferson Davis_, iv. 92.
_Mashonda_, frigate of Rais Hammida, Algerian Admiral, iii. 345–347;
captured by Captain Downes of the _Epervier_, 347.
Mason, James Murray, Confederate Commissioner to England, in company
with John Slidell, sails in the blockade-runner _Theodora_, iv.
141;
arrives at Cardenas, Cuba, and proceeds to Havana, _ib._;
sails in the _Trent_ for St. Thomas, 143;
is taken off the _Trent_ and carried into Boston, 147–149;
he and Slidell are released, 156.
_Mastico_, Tripolitan ketch, captured by Decatur, i. 346;
he sails in it to fire the _Philadelphia_, 348–356;
its name changed to the _Intrepid_, 358.
See _Intrepid_.
Mathews, Jack, an old man-of-war tar, on the ironclad _Essex_,
gallant conduct of, iv. 261;
death of, 265.
_Mattabesett_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 457.
Matterface, Lieutenant William, in the attack on the American ship
_General Armstrong_, iii. 194.
_Maurepas_, Confederate gun-boat, iv. 127.
Mayo, W. R., his report of the assault on Fort Fisher, iv. 520.
Medicines excluded by blockade of Southern ports, iv. 56.
Mediterranean, second war with African pirates in the, iii. 339–358.
_Medway_, British liner, captures the _Siren_, iii. 79.
_Medway_, British frigate, with Farragut’s fleet at New Orleans, iv.
323.
_Melampus_, British war-ship, i. 406, 407.
_Mellish_, British brig, captured by Paul Jones, i. 79.
Memphis, battle of, iv. 298–307;
railroad communication with, cut off, 266, 267.
_Memphis_, armed merchantman, attacked by the Confederate ironclad
_Palmetto State_, iv. 474.
_Mercedita_, armed merchantman, attacked by the Confederate ironclad
_Palmetto State_, iv. 474.
Mercer, Captain Samuel, iv. 99.
Merchants, British, sufferings by the American Revolution, i. 112,
113, 127.
_Mercury_, Dutch packet, Henry Laurens, Ambassador to Holland, sails
on, iv. 153;
the British frigate _Vestal_ overhauls her and takes Mr. Laurens
from, _ib._
_Merrimac_, United States screw frigate, launched, iv. 15;
the old frigate transformed into a floating fort, 186;
reconstructed, 186–188;
particulars of building, 187;
the best and heaviest guns placed on her, 188;
her engines in bad condition, _ib._;
named the _Virginia_, but not known in history by that name, 189;
starts on a trial trip, 197;
the _Congress_ and _Cumberland_ harmlessly open fire on her, 200;
she rams the _Cumberland_, 202;
opens fire on and silences the Federal batteries, 207;
attacks the _Congress_, which surrenders, _ib._;
comparison of her guns and armament with the _Monitor_, 217, 218;
Captain Worden tries to find a vulnerable spot, 222;
she runs aground twice, 223;
tries to ram the _Monitor_, 224;
attempts made to board the _Monitor_, 225;
fires at the _Minnesota_, _ib._;
steams back to Norfolk, 229;
leak discovered, 230;
the gunnery better than the _Monitor’s_, 232;
the _Merrimac_ overhauled at Norfolk, 234;
Commodore Tattnall relieves Buchanan in command, _ib._;
Tattnall takes the _Merrimac_ down to Hampton Roads, _ib._;
the _Monitor_ retreats from, 235;
blown up on Craney Island, 237.
Mervine, Captain, attempts to march on Los Angeles, but is driven
back, iii. 398.
_Metacomet_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 386.
Metsko Devantigers, Japanese reporters, iii. 455.
Mexican War, the navy’s part in the, iii. 424, 428, 429.
Mexico, Gulf of, naval operations in the, iii. 402–428;
Farragut’s operations in the, iv. 357.
Mexico, French troops enter, iv. 367.
_Miami_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 454.
_Milford_, British frigate, encounter with Paul Jones, i. 77.
Miller, Captain Samuel, assists Commodore Barney with his marines,
ii. 409, 410.
_Milwaukee_, Federal gun-boat, sunk by a torpedo, iv. 406.
_Minerva_, British frigate, Captain of, refuses to fight the _Essex_,
and is branded as a coward, ii. 39–41.
_Minerva_, English privateer, captured by the _Alliance_, i. 297.
_Minneapolis_, United States cruiser, iv. 534.
_Minnesota_, United States frigate, compared with Arnold’s
_Congress_, iv. 3.
_Minnesota_, American frigate, iv. 99.
Mississippi, the British grab at the Valley of the, iii. 229, 230.
_Mississippi_, Federal side-wheel steamer, iv. 314.
_Mississippi_, Federal gun-boat, goes aground in front of Port
Hudson, is fired and abandoned, iv. 358.
Mississippi squadron transferred to the Navy Department, iv. 349;
ships composing the, 245–249.
Mississippi River, blockade of the entrance to, iv. 124–126;
opening of the, by Federal Navy, 240.
Mississippi, Valley of, the British plan to get possession of, iii.
229, 230.
Mississippi Valley, practically all Confederate territory till opened
by the Federal Navy, iv. 240.
Mitchell, Lieutenant-commander J. G., iv. 369.
Mobile, Ala., Porter’s views on attack on, iv. 341.
Mobile, fortifications of, described by Mahan, iv. 379–383.
Mobile Bay, description of, iv. 377;
Confederate defences of, ashore and afloat, 379.
_Mohawk_, United States screw sloop, built, iv. 16;
Captain S. W. Godon, 163;
rescues the crew of the _Peerless_, 167.
_Mohican_, United States frigate, cuts out the steamer _Forward_ on
the coast of Mexico, iv. 553.
_Monarch_, Federal ram, in attack on Fort Pillow, iv. 301;
attacks and sinks the _Beauregard_, 302.
_Monitor_, Federal ironclad, iv. 191;
rapid work in constructing, 192;
particulars of building, 192–194;
her passage to Hampton Roads, 215;
commanded by Captain J. L. Worden, _ib._;
comparison of armament with that of the _Merrimac_, 217, 218;
the fight with the _Merrimac_, 220;
superiority of the _Monitor’s_ revolving turret, 221;
the _Merrimac_ tries to ram, 224, 225;
her pilot-house struck and her captain disabled, 225;
retires to Fortress Monroe, 226;
her gunnery was poor, 231;
the battle an unparalleled lesson in naval warfare, 233;
letter from the crew to Captain Worden, 233, 234;
bombards the batteries at Sewell’s Point, 235;
ordered to Beaufort, N. C., 237;
founders at sea in a gale, _ib._
Monitors, most efficient and safest style of coast-defence ships, iv.
194.
_Monongahela_, Federal gun-boat, passes the batteries of Port Hudson,
iv. 358;
Commander James H. Strong, 389.
Monroe, ----, Mayor of New Orleans, objects to surrendering the city
to Farragut, iv. 338.
_Monsieur_, French privateer, in the fleet of Paul Jones, i. 234;
captures a Holland ship, 235.
_Montagu_, British frigate, rescues the _Bonne Citoyenne_ from the
_Hornet_, ii. 180.
_Montauk_, Federal monitor, shells and burns the Confederate ironclad
_Nashville_, iv. 480.
Monterey, Cal., Captain Catesby Jones takes possession of, iii. 390;
the American fleet under Captain Sloat take possession of, 392.
_Montezuma_, American ship, i. 316.
_Montezuma_, British whaler, captured by Porter, iii. 8.
_Montgomery_, American brig, fight with the _Surinam_, ii. 254.
Montgomery, Captain J. E., at Fort Pillow, iv. 290;
retreats, 297.
Montgomery, John B., takes possession of settlement on San Francisco
Bay, iii. 392.
_Monticello_, Federal frigate, iv. 99.
_Montmorency_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, iv. 415.
Moore, Captain, i. 15;
killed on the _Margaretta_, i. 22.
_Moore_, Confederate cotton-clad steamer, iv. 321;
rams and sinks the _Varuna_, 334;
fired by the _Cayuga_ and _Oneida_, _ib._
_Morgan_, Confederate gun-boat, iv. 380.
Morris, Captain Charles, wit of, in an emergency, ii. 58;
shot through the body in the _Guerrière_ fight, 88;
placed in command of the _Adams_, iii. 57;
runs the blockade in the Chesapeake, 57, 58;
he cruises on the coast of Africa, 58;
goes in search of the Jamaica fleet, _ib._;
sails to Newfoundland, thence to Ireland, and after taking a few
prizes is chased by the _Tigris_, 59;
again chased for forty hours, 59, 60;
his crew attacked by scurvy, 60;
his ship is driven on a rock, _ib._;
attacked by a British fleet and compelled to burn his ship, 62;
appointed to command of the _Florida_, iv. 424;
during his absence on shore Captain Collins of the _Wachusett_
captures her and takes her to the United States, _ib._
Morris, Lieutenant George U., iv. 201;
attacks the _Merrimac_, _ib._;
his ship is rammed, 201, 202;
refuses to surrender, 202–204;
his gallantry commended, 204, 205.
Morris, Captain Henry W., iv. 314.
Morris Island, Charleston, iv. 467.
Morse, Jedidiah, his description of the South Carolina islands, iv.
31.
_Mosher_, unarmored Confederate boat, Captain Sherman commanding, iv.
321, 329;
fired at and sunk by the _Hartford_, _ib._
_Mosquito_, American ship, chases and captures a pirate brig, iii.
335.
Mottoes, naval, on men-of-war, iii. 30.
_Mound City_, armor-plated Federal gun-boat, built by Eads, iv. 245;
Captain A. H. Kilty commands, 289;
rammed by the _Van Dorn_, 294;
Confederate shell bursts her boiler, 307;
in Porter’s fleet before Vicksburg, 363;
Lieutenant A. R. Langthorne commands, 370.
Mowatt, Captain, attack of, on Portland, Maine, i. 24–26.
_Muckie_, bombarded and burned by the American frigate _Columbia_,
iii. 376–378.
Mugford, Captain James, captures a transport with 1,500 barrels of
powder, i. 203.
Mullany, Commander J. R. M., iv. 389.
Murphy, Lieutenant J. McLeod, iv. 363.
_Murray_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
Murray, Captain Alexander, beats off two British gun-ships, i. 207.
Murray, Colonel J., with 1,000 British troops assaults Plattsburg and
Saranac, ii. 355;
burns the public stores at both places and then retreats, _ib._
_Nahant_, Federal ironclad, Commander John Downes, iv. 480;
at Charleston, 485.
_Naiad_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, 415.
_Nancy_, English merchantman, captured by the _Raleigh_ and _Alfred_,
i. 130.
_Nancy_, British brigantine, captured by the _Lee_, i. 197–199.
_Nantucket_, Federal ironclad, iv. 480.
Napier on the character of the veterans sent to America, iii. 134.
Napoleon III., Emperor of France, his views in regard to Texas and
Mexico modified by the surrender of New Orleans, iv. 340;
tries to persuade Texas to secede from the Confederacy, 368.
_Narcissus_, British frigate, attacks the American schooner
_Surveyor_, ii. 417.
Narragansett Indian impressed by the British, a, iii. 293.
_Nashville_, Confederate cruiser, blockaded in the Great Ogeechee
River, iv. 479;
attacked and burned by Captain Worden of the monitor _Montauk_, 480.
Natchez, Tenn., surrenders to Captain Craven of the _Brooklyn_, iv.
340.
National sea-power, curious chain of events that led to creation of,
i. 1, 2.
_Nautilus_, American cruiser, in the attack on Tripoli, i. 374.
_Nautilus_, East India Company’s cruiser, surrenders to the
_Peacock_, iii. 285.
Naval architecture, a point on, iii. 227.
Naval armament, means for furnishing United Colonies with, i. 35.
Naval calls, iii. 471.
Naval discipline, effect of, on raw recruits, iv. 250.
Naval forces of the United States compared with those of Great
Britain in 1812, ii. 21–23.
Naval officers, old-time, life led by, iii. 305–307;
American, work that they have had to do in out-of-the-way parts of
the world in times of peace, 359–386;
disloyalty of, at commencement of the Civil War, iv. 70.
Naval operations in the Gulf of Mexico, iii. 402–428.
Naval terms applied to war-ships, iii. 54.
Navy, British, in American waters, i. 195.
Navy, colonial, creation of a, i. 30.
Navy of the United Colonies, regulations of, i. 34.
Navy, the American, at the battle of New Orleans, iii. 229.
_Neapolitan_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, iv. 415.
Neilds, Ensign H. C., heroic conduct of, iv. 394.
_Neosho_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 370.
_Nereyda_, Peruvian cruiser, captured the American whalers _Walker_
and _Barclay_, iii. 7;
is dismantled by the _Essex_ and sent to the Viceroy of Peru, _ib._
_Netley_, British brig, iii. 111.
Neutral ports, violations of, iv. 427.
Neutrality laws observed by American naval officers, iii. 28, 29.
Neutrality, the law of, in open ports, iv. 44.
New Carthage, Grant crosses from, to surround Vicksburg, iv. 363.
_New Castle_, British frigate, attacks the _Constitution_, iii. 260.
_New Ironsides_, successful Federal ironclad, iv. 190, 480.
New Madrid, on Missouri River, captured by Pope, iv. 276.
New Orleans, British attack on, iii. 230;
blockaded by the _Brooklyn_, iv. 44;
attacked by Farragut’s squadron, 314–337;
Farragut demands the surrender of the city, 338;
General Butler takes possession of, 339.
New Providence taken by Commodore Hopkins, i. 56.
Newton, Isaac, first Assistant Engineer of the _Monitor_, iv. 216.
_New York_, United States cruiser, iv. 533.
_New Zealander_, British ship, captured by Porter, iii. 14.
_Niagara_, British merchantman, captured, ii. 265;
Elliott’s ship in battle of Lake Erie, 292.
_Niagara_, American ship, Perry shifts his flag from the _Lawrence_
to, ii. 321;
after the war is sunk in Little Bay, 337.
_Niagara_, United States screw frigate, launched, iv. 15.
Nichols, Lieutenant Edward T., iv. 315.
Nichols, Captain Samuel, first Captain of marines in American Navy,
i. 53.
Nicholson, Captain James, i. 187.
Nicholson, Lieutenant John B., sent by Decatur to take charge of the
_Macedonian_ when she surrendered, ii. 134;
carries the _Epervier_ into Savannah after her fight with the
_Peacock_, iii. 77;
transferred to the _Siren_, _ib._;
a story of sailors’ superstitions, 78, 79.
Nicholson, Commander J. W. A., iv. 386.
Nicholson, Captain Samuel, appointed to the American frigate
_Constitution_, i. 312.
“Ninety-day fleet, the,” iv. 39.
_Nipsic_, United States cruiser, thrown ashore at Samoa, iv. 554.
Noah, Mordecai M., American Consul at Tunis, demands indemnity for
seizure of the _Abellino_ prizes, iii. 355.
_Nocton_, British brig, captured by Porter, iii. 2;
recaptured by the _Belvidera_, 3.
_Nonita_, American schooner, in attack on Alvarado, iii. 410.
_Nonsuch_, American frigate, in Perry’s cruise to South America, iii.
327;
Perry makes it his flagship, _ib._;
the crew infected with yellow fever, 329.
Norderling, Mr., Swedish Consul at Algiers in 1815, iii. 348.
_Norfolk_, American ship, i. 316.
Norfolk Navy Yard, loss of the, iv. 66–83.
North, Lord, despair of, on hearing of the surrender of Lord
Cornwallis, i. 299.
Nukahiva, Marquesas Islands, Porter brings the _Essex_ and his fleet
of captured whalers here to refit, iii. 16;
a sailor’s paradise, 19;
an incipient mutiny at, 21–23.
_Nymphe_, British frigate, chased by the _President_ and _Congress_,
ii. 151.
Ocracoke Inlet, fort at, iv. 108.
_Octorara_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 386.
Ogdensburg, N. Y., British attack on, ii. 268.
“Old Glory” first hoisted, i. 135.
“Old Ironsides” (the _Constitution_), i. 312.
“Old Sow, The,” ii. 267.
Old-time naval officers, iii. 305–307.
_Old War Horse_, another name for the _Benton_, iv. 249.
Olney, Captain Joseph, i. 163.
“On to Canada,” the war-cry of 1812, ii. 20.
_Oneida_, American war-brig, ii. 264;
captures the _Lord Nelson_, 265;
Commodore Earle attempts to capture, 266.
_Oneida_, Federal screw corvette, iv. 314.
_Oneida_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 389.
_Ontario_, American sloop-of-war, sent against the Dey of Algiers in
1815, iii. 343.
Ontario, Lake, operations on, iii. 113–129.
Ordronaux, Captain J., attacked by the British frigate _Endymion_,
iii. 202–207.
_Oreto_, Confederate cruiser. See _Florida_.
_Orpheus_, British frigate, captures the _Confederacy_, i. 298.
_Orpheus_, British frigate, with the _Sherburne_, attacks and
captures the _Frolic_, iii. 65, 66.
_Osage_, Federal gun-boat, iv, 369;
sunk by a torpedo, 406.
_Ossipee_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 389.
_Ottawa_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 163.
_Ottawa_, Federal war-ship, attacked ironclad _Palmetto State_, iv.
474.
Otter Creek, Vt., Macdonough fortifies, iii. 137.
_Ouachita_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 369.
Owen, Lieutenant-commander E. K., iv. 363, 369.
_Ozark_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 370.
Pacific coast, naval operations on the, in 1842, iii. 389–428.
Pakenham, Sir Edward Michael, in command of the British forces to
attack New Orleans, reaches the Chandeleur Islands, iii. 230.
_Pallas_, American ship, i. 232;
_Countess of Scarborough_ surrenders to, 267.
_Palmetto State_, Confederate ironclad, iv. 473;
armament of, _ib._;
attacks the _Mercedita_, 474;
paroles her crew, 475.
_Palmira_, Porto Rico privateer, plunders American schooner
_Coquette_, and is captured by the _Grampus_, iii. 332.
Pamlico Sound, N. C., a rendezvous for Confederate privateers, iv. 94.
_Pandrita_, pirate ship, captured by the _Grampus_, iii. 332.
Paper blockade, Navy Department tries to establish, iv. 41.
Parker, Captain John, at Lexington, i. 14.
Parker, Lieutenant, in the _Java_ fight, ii. 165.
Parker, Lieutenant George, dies at sea, iii. 78;
a story of sailors’ superstition in connection with his death,
78, 79.
Parker, Lieutenant, the _Congress_ surrenders to, iv. 208.
Parsons, P. Usher, fleet surgeon in the battle of Lake Erie, ii. 294.
Pass à Loutre, Federal fleet retreat down the, iv. 137.
_Passaic_, Federal monitor, iv. 237, 480, 490.
_Patapsco_, Federal ironclad, iv. 480, 490.
Patterson, Master-commandant William T., attacks the British camp,
iii. 239;
sets fire to and abandons his ships, 240.
_Paul Jones_, American privateer, ii. 251.
Paulding, Captain Hiram, breaks up the nest of plotters against the
Federal Government, iv. 71.
Paving-stones used as missiles to capture the _Gaspé_, i. 9.
_Pawnee_, Federal frigate, iv. 99, 163.
_Peabody_, Federal transport, iv. 100.
_Peacock_, American corvette, meets the brig-sloop _Epervier_, iii.
66;
captures the sloop, 67–71;
cruises, 78;
attached to Decatur’s fleet, 271;
captures prizes and the cruiser _Nautilus_, 285.
_Peacock_, British brig, encounters the American sloop _Hornet_, ii.
181;
the battle, 183;
her captain killed, _ib._;
sinks, 184;
good treatment of the officers and men by the Americans, 187;
comparison of the ships, 190.
Peake, Captain William, attacks the _Hornet_, ii. 181;
is killed, 183;
proud of his ship, 190.
Pearce, Lieutenant John, iv. 370.
_Pearl_, British frigate, captures the _Lexington_, i. 68;
the latter escapes, _ib._
Pearson, Captain Richard, encounters the _Bonhomme Richard_, i. 243,
245;
surrenders, 259;
anecdote of, 262–264;
conduct of, 274;
treated as if he had won a victory, 275.
Pechell, Captain Samuel John, in charge of expedition sent against
Craney’s Island, ii. 398.
_Peerless_, Federal transport, lost near Cape Hatteras, iv. 167.
Peiho River, attack on Chinese forts in the, iii. 382.
_Pelican_, British frigate, goes in search of the American sloop
_Argus_, ii. 362;
attacks the _Argus_, 363, 364;
captures the sloop, 364–367;
takes her into Plymouth, 371.
_Pembina_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 163.
Pendergrast, American Flag Officer G. J., his proclamation, iv. 40.
Pendergrast, Lieutenant Austin, takes command of the _Congress_, iv.
208;
surrenders to Lieutenant Parker of the _Beaufort_, _ib._;
assists in transferring the wounded, 209;
escapes by swimming, _ib._
_Penguin_, British brig-sloop, is beaten by the _Hornet_, iii.
273–281.
_Penguin_, Federal gun-boat, at Port Royal, iv. 171.
_Pensacola_, United States screw sloop, iv. 16;
Captain Henry W. Morris, 314.
Pensacola Navy Yard surrendered to Confederates, iv. 112.
Perkins, Lieutenant-commander George H., iv. 386.
_Perry_, Federal brig, captures the _Savannah_, iv. 89.
Perry, Christopher Raymond, gallant conduct of, i. 296.
Perry, Commodore Matthew Calbraith, brother of Oliver H. Perry, sent
against the Mexican port of Frontera, iii. 410;
captures the Mexican fleet, _ib._;
captures Tabasco, 413;
conducts the operations during the siege of Vera Cruz, 424;
his early services, 435;
a Japanese poem dedicated to him, 437;
his work in opening the ports of Japan, 439;
appointed to the Japan mission, 443;
anchors off Uraga, _ib._;
reception by the Japanese, 444–447;
difficulty in opening negotiations, 449, 450;
the Japanese Governor accompanied by three reporters, 455;
permission from the Emperor to receive the President’s message,
_ib._;
the Emperor grants all that is asked, 457–463;
amusing features of the expedition, 463;
assigned to the _Fulton 2d_, iv. 11;
his opinion of her, _ib._
Perry, Oliver Hazard, in command of a fleet of gun-boats at Newport,
R. I., in 1812, ii. 280;
ordered to join Commodore Chauncey, 282;
inspects the navy yard at Black Rock, 283;
finds five ships being constructed at Erie, Pa., _ib._;
hastens to Pittsburg for cannon-balls, 285;
returns to Erie, 286;
starts for Buffalo in a row-boat, _ib._;
compels the British to abandon the Niagara River, 287;
stricken with fever through overwork, 288;
ordered to co-operate with General Harrison, _ib._;
his appeal for men, 289;
starts on an expedition with an inadequate force, _ib._;
chooses the _Lawrence_ as his flagship, 290;
gets his fleet in deep water, 291;
cruises on Lake Erie, 292;
is joined by officers and men from the _Constitution_, _ib._;
sails up the lake to join General Harrison, 292;
arrives at Put-in-Bay, 293;
confers with General Harrison, 294;
sickness, _ib._;
his fleet anchors in Put-in-Bay, _ib._;
sketch of Perry’s fleet, 295;
sketch of Barclay’s fleet, 296;
comparison of the commanders, 300;
his thoughtfulness for his men, 305;
the battle of Lake Erie commences, 309;
closes in on the British, 311;
loads and fires his own guns, 315;
his flagship a wreck, 317;
shifts his flag to the _Niagara_, 321;
the decisive movement, 322;
the British surrender, 324;
“We have met the enemy and they are ours!”, 325;
receives the swords of the British officers on the _Lawrence_, 328;
his letter to the Secretary of the Navy, 332;
results of his victory, 333;
promoted from rank of master-commandant to captain, 334;
his praise of Lieutenant Elliott, 336;
value of ships captured in the battle, 337;
his squadron at Erie, _ib._;
Washington Irving’s opinion of the victory, 338;
his duel with Captain Heath, iii. 317;
detailed to cruise in South American waters, 327;
sails up the Orinoco, _ib._;
demands compensation for American vessels, 329;
contracts yellow fever, _ib._;
dies while entering the Port of Spain, Trinidad Island, 330;
buried at Newport, R. I., _ib._
_Pert_, American schooner, ii. 270.
_Perthshire_, British merchantman, captured off Mobile, iv. 43;
released by the _Niagara_, _ib._;
claims compensation, 44.
_Petrel_, American schooner, in attack on Alvarado, iii. 410.
_Petrel_, Confederate privateer, iv. 93;
chases the _St. Lawrence_, which fires into and sinks her, 94.
Phelps, Captain S. S., appointed to command of the _Conestoga_, iv.
251;
convoys General Grant down the Mississippi, _ib._;
captures the Confederate steamer _Eastport_, 267;
takes command of her, _ib._;
before Fort Pillow, 290;
Lieutenant-commander of the _Eastport_, 369.
_Philadelphia_, American gondola, i. 90;
on Lake Champlain, 100.
_Philadelphia_, American frigate, sent to Tripoli, i. 335;
sunk on a reef, 343;
raised by the Tripolitans, 344;
boarded and fired by Decatur, 349–358.
_Phœbe_, British frigate, attempts to attack the _Essex_, iii. 25,
26;
is scared off, _ib._;
with the _Cherub_ makes another attack on the _Essex_, 30–43.
Pico Andres, Mexican Governor of Los Angeles, iii. 397;
breaks his parole, _ib._
_Picton_, British war-schooner, captured by the _Constitution_, iii.
242.
Pike, Zebulon M., explorer, at storming of Toronto, ii. 341;
killed by the explosion of a magazine, 342.
_Pinola_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 316.
Piracy discoveries at Cape Cruz, South America, iii. 335.
Pirate caves with the bones of dead in them, iii. 324, 325.
Piratical assaults on Yankee traders, iii. 366.
Pitcairn, Major, at Lexington, i. 14.
Pitchforks used by haymakers in their attack on the _Margaretta_, i.
21.
_Pittsburg_, armor-plated Federal gun-boat, built by Eads, iv. 245;
Captain Egbert Thompson commands, 290;
before Vicksburg, 363, 370.
Pittsburg Landing, fight at, iv. 284.
_Plantagenet_, British liner, assists in the attack on the _General
Armstrong_, iii. 188, 194, 196–198.
_Planter_, Confederate transport, turned over to the Federals by
Robert Small, a negro slave, iv. 501, 502.
Plattsburg Bay, operations of Macdonough in, iii. 145, 150.
“Playing ball with the red coats,” ii. 268.
_Plunger_, Holland submarine boat, iv. 545.
Po Adam, Malay chief, rescues Captain Endicott, iii. 370;
aids Captain Downes in his attack on Quallah Battoo, 374.
_Pocahontas_, Federal frigate, iv. 163.
_Poictiers_, British frigate, recaptures the _Frolic_ from the
_Wasp_, ii. 118.
_Policy_, British whaler, captured by Porter, iii. 8.
_Polk_, Confederate gun-boat, iv. 127.
_Polly_, American privateer, attacks the English sloop-of-war
_Indian_, ii. 242.
_Pomone_, British frigate, assists in the capture of the _President_,
iii. 222.
Pope, Captain John, his report on the retreat of the Federal fleet,
iv. 137;
captured New Madrid, 276;
fortifies the river, _ib._;
shuts Confederates in, _ib._
_Porcupine_, American schooner, in battle of Lake Erie, ii. 295.
_Porpoise_, American schooner, in fleet sent to South America to
punish pirates, iii. 331.
Port Hudson, Farragut runs his squadron past, iv. 357;
the _Albatross_, _Monongahela_, and _Kineo_ successfully pass the
batteries of, 358;
the _Mississippi_ and the _Lancaster_ fired and sunk below, _ib._
Porter, Midshipman David, assists Lieutenant Rodgers in charge of
captured French frigate _Insurgent_, i. 323;
sent to Tripoli, 335;
sent from the _Enterprise_ to take possession of the _Tripoli_,
335, 336;
lands and fires gun-boats in the port of Tripoli, 340;
surrenders to the Tripolitans, 343;
his experience and training, ii. 33, 34;
captures the corvette _Alert_, 42;
crew of, plan a rescue, 44;
receives an insulting challenge from Sir James Yeo, 348;
starts on a second cruise in the _Essex_, iii. 1;
cruises off Port Praya, 2;
captures the British brig _Nocton_, _ib._;
reaches Fernando de Noronha, 3;
Bainbridge directs him to pose as Sir James Yeo, _ib._;
captures the schooner _Elizabeth_, 4;
left free to choose his own course, _ib._;
rounds Cape Horn, _ib._;
dysentery among his crew, 5, 6;
encounters fearful storms, 6;
a panic on board, _ib._;
sails for Valparaiso, 7;
overhauls the _Nereyda_, throws her guns and arms overboard, _ib._;
disguises his ship, 8;
captures the British whalers _Barclay_, _Montezuma_, _Georgiana_,
and _Policy_, _ib._;
captures the whalers _Atlantic_ and _Greenwich_, _ib._;
forms a squadron, 10;
captures the whaler _Charlton_, the ships _Seringapatam_ and _New
Zealander_, 14;
captures the _Sir Andrew Hammond_, 16;
refits his ship at Nukahiva, _ib._;
the prisoners plan to capture the Yankee force, 21;
an incipient mutiny, _ib._;
he sails from Nukahiva, 23;
waits for the British frigate, the _Phœbe_, 24;
gives a reception to the officials of the city, 25;
the _Phœbe_ arrives and attempts to attack him, 25–28;
he challenges the _Phœbe_, 29;
a heavy squall interferes, 31;
the _Essex_ disabled and the enemy gives chase, _ib._;
Porter retires into neutral waters, 32;
Porter’s running gear disabled, 36;
he surrenders his ship, 43;
is sent to New York on the _Essex, Junior_, 49;
escapes in a fog, _ib._;
aids the defence of Baltimore, 53;
services, death, and burial, _ib._;
operating against the pirates of South America, iii. 333;
endeavors to get support of the local governments, _ib._;
compels a Porto Rico alcalde to show respect to American officers,
336;
court-martialed, _ib._;
is suspended and resigns his commission, _ib._
Porter, Commander David D., his idea of attacking New Orleans, iv.
313;
finds New Orleans fishermen good spies, _ib._;
arranges the expedition, _ib._;
commands the mortar fleet up the Mississippi River, 325;
placed in charge of the Mississippi squadron, 349;
tin-clads added to his squadron, _ib._;
tries to get in behind Vicksburg, 358;
is unsuccessful, 363;
attacks the fortifications of Grand Gulf, 367;
sent with General Banks’s expedition to Shreveport, La., 369;
arrives at Alexandria, 370;
captures the _Abby Bradford_ from the _Sumter_, 413;
disagreement with General Butler at Fort Fisher, 508.
Porter, Captain John, in command of the _Greyhound_ in South America,
iii. 333.
Porter, Confederate Navy Constructor J. L., assists in making the
working drawings for the _Merrimac_, iv. 185.
Porter, Captain William D., iv. 249;
in Commodore Foote’s fleet, 255;
severely scalded, 265.
Portland, Maine, atrocities of the British at, i. 24–26, 32;
influence of atrocities, 196.
_Port Royal_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 389;
capture of, 162–182.
_Portsmouth_, American frigate, in the bombardment of Chinese forts,
iii. 380–382.
_Potomac_, American frigate, attacks and punishes the Malays at
Quallah Battoo, iii. 373–375.
_Powhatan_, Federal frigate, captures the _Abby Bradford_ from the
_Sumter_, iv. 413.
_Preble_, American sloop. See _Rising Sun_.
Preble, Captain Edward, i. 26;
in command of the _Constitution_, 346;
attacks the city of Tripoli, 359;
Congress gives him a gold medal, 378.
Preble, Lieutenant George H., iv. 315.
_President_, American frigate, built, i. 312;
sent to Tripoli, 335;
encounters and is fired on by the corvette _Little Belt_, ii. 7;
Captain John Rodgers sent to look for the _Guerrière_, 8;
chases the British frigate _Belvidera_, 29–32;
the frigate escapes, 32;
mentioned, 121;
chases the _Nymphe_, 151;
chases the _Curlew_, 358;
a lieutenant of the _President_ boards the _Highflyer_, _ib._;
special efforts ordered to capture the _President_, 359;
termed “The Waggon” by the British, 360;
Decatur transferred to, iii. 212;
attacked by the British fleet, 216;
surrenders, 222;
is carried to the Bermudas, 226;
her dimensions, 227.
Press-gang riots in Boston, i. 395, 397.
Press-gangs, raised in England, i. 156;
methods of the, 386, 387;
number of Americans enslaved by the, ii. 2–4.
Prevost, Sir George, attacks Sackett’s Harbor, ii. 345;
mistakes trees for troops, 346;
in command of “Wellington’s Invincibles” at Plattsburg, iii. 147;
defeated, 169, 170;
dies of chagrin, 183.
_Price_, Confederate gun-boat, rams the _Cincinnati_, iv. 293;
disabled by the _Carondelet_, 294.
_Prince de Neufchâtel_, American privateer, ii. 253;
attacked by the British frigate _Endymion_, iii. 202–207.
_Prince of Orange_, British brig, captured by the _Surprise_, i. 124,
125.
_Prince Regent_, British ship, iii. 129.
_Princeton_, Ericsson’s first screw steamship, iv. 12;
Captain Stockton assigned to her, 14;
the “Peacemaker,” one of her guns, bursts, _ib._;
her success pronounced, _ib._
Pring, Captain, in the battle of Lake Champlain, iii. 166;
surrenders, _ib._
Prisoners, American, in England, bad treatment of, i. 122.
Prisons, British, iii. 288–304.
Privateer and a letter of marque, difference between, iii. 242.
Privateers, commissioned by Congress, i. 33;
authorized by General Court of Massachusetts, 196;
by Connecticut and Rhode Island, 197;
by General Washington, _ib._;
work accomplished by them up to 1777, 217;
another account of them, 220, 221;
captured prisoners from privateers on prison-ship _Jersey_, 221–226;
result of licensing of, iii. 324.
Privateers, American, capture sixteen English cruisers during the
Revolutionary War, i. 302.
Privateers in the War of 1812, only a few made money, ii. 233–258;
two hundred and fifty commissioned during the war, 240.
Proctor, General, his incursion into Ohio prevented by the result of
the battle of Lake Erie, ii. 333.
_Protector_, American gun-ship, blows up the British privateer
_Admiral Duff_, i. 207;
beats off the frigate _Thames_, _ib._
_Providence_, brig of first American Navy, i. 39, 57;
commanded by Captain John P. Rathburne, descends on New Providence,
Bahamas, 186.
_Quaker City_, armed merchantman, attacked by the Confederate
ironclad _Palmetto State_, iv. 474.
Quallah Battoo, Malays of, attacked by the American frigate
_Potomac_, iii. 373, 374;
bombarded by the _Columbia_, 376.
_Queen Charlotte_, British ship, in battle of Lake Erie, ii. 296;
sunk in Little Bay, 337.
_Queen of France_, American ship, i. 280, 281.
_Queen of the West_, Federal ram, at Fort Pillow, iv. 301;
sinks the _Lowell_, _ib._;
rammed by the _Beauregard_, _ib._;
sent to attack Port Hudson, 351;
abandoned by the Federals, 352.
_Racehorse_, British brig, captured by the _Andrea Doria_, i. 69.
Radford, Captain William, absent from duty, iv. 201.
_Rainbow_, British gun-ship, captures the _Hancock_, i. 185.
Rais Hammida, the terror of the Mediterranean, iii. 344, 346;
killed, 347.
_Raleigh_, American man-of-war, sent to France, i. 130;
attacks the _Druid_, 131;
loads her supplies, 132;
returns to America, 133;
captured, 194.
_Raleigh_, Confederate gun-boat, assists in taking crew off the
_Congress_, iv. 208.
_Randolph_, American frigate, i. 160;
blown up, 162.
Ransom paid to the Dey of Algiers, i. 309, 310.
Ransom, Lieutenant George M., iv. 315.
Rathbone, Captain John P., i. 186;
releases American prisoners, _ib._;
commands the _Queen of France_, 281.
_Rattlesnake_, American ship, captured by the _Leander_, ii. 387.
Ravenel, Dr. St. Julien, aids in fitting out torpedo boats, iv. 497.
_Razee_, a line-of-battle ship, ii. 403, iii. 56.
Read, Lieutenant Charles W., appointed to command the _Clarence_, iv.
424;
captures the _Tacony_ and burns the _Clarence_, _ib._;
captures the _Archer_ and cuts out the _Caleb Cushing_, _ib._;
captured, _ib._
Red River, Texas, blockaded, iv. 358.
Red River dam, iv. 372–374.
_Reefer_, American schooner, iii. 410.
Reid, Commodore George C., bombards and burns Malay towns, iii.
375–379.
Reid, Captain Samuel C., sails from New York Harbor, iii. 187;
arrives at Fayal, _ib._;
the brig _Carnation_, accompanied by the _Plantagenet_ and the
frigate _Rota_; enter the harbor, 188;
attacked in a neutral port, 189;
heavy loss of the enemy, _ib._;
the population gather to watch the issue, 190;
the _Carnation_ attacks with a fleet of boats, _ib._;
a fierce hand-to-hand fight, 192;
he scuttles and abandons his ship, 200;
returns home, 201;
is enthusiastically received and honored, _ib._;
his pedigree, _ib._;
originated the arrangement of the stars and stripes in the American
flag, _ib._;
dies in New York City, _ib._
Reilly, Lieutenant James, iii. 81.
_Reindeer_, British brig-sloop, captured by the _Wasp_ (No. 3), iii.
88;
armament of, 91;
the wounded of, sent to Plymouth, _ib._
Renshaw, Master-commandant James, on the _Enterprise_ after the
_Boxer-Enterprise_ battle, ii. 386.
_Reprisal_, American brig, captures a number of prizes, i. 70;
fight with the _Shark_, 71;
Franklin sails for France on the, 114;
close call of, 118;
ordered to leave France, 119;
founders, _ib._
_Resolute_, Federal steamer, at Acquia Creek, iv. 81.
_Resolution_, British brig, captured by the _Hornet_, ii. 181, 191.
_Retaliation_, American gun-ship, formerly the French ship
_Croyable_, i. 316, 330, 400.
_Revenge_, American sloop, i. 89.
_Revenge_, American man-of-war, i. 126;
takes numerous prizes, _ib._
Rhind, Commander A. C., iv. 480;
Commander of the _Louisiana_, 510.
Rhode Island, first naval fight in waters of, i. 2.
_Richmond_, United States screw sloop, iv. 16;
Captain Thornton A. Jenkins, 386.
Richmond, Va., railroad communication cut off from, iv. 267.
Ricot, Captain, in Paul Jones’s fleet, i. 232.
Rifled cannon introduced into the American Navy, iv. 20, 21.
_Rising Sun_, American sloop, renamed the _Preble_, iii. 136, 138,
140.
“River Defence Squadron,” Confederate, iv. 297.
_Roanoke_, United States screw frigate, launched, iv. 15.
Roanoke Island, expedition to, iv. 109.
Robertson, Lieutenant John Downie, in the battle of Lake Champlain,
iii. 165.
Robinson, Captain Isaiah, i. 69;
captures the _Racehorse_, _ib._
Rodgers, Rear-admiral John, with Midshipman David Porter and others,
sail the captured frigate _Insurgent_ with 173 French on her,
i. 323;
brings the ship safely into St. Kitts, _ib._;
ready to move his fleet in one hour, ii. 28;
starts to intercept a big fleet of merchantmen, 29;
chases the _Belvidera_, _ib._;
fires the first shot of the War of 1812, 30;
his leg broken, 31;
the frigate escapes him, 32;
cruises and captures merchantmen and recaptures an American ship,
_ib._;
challenged by the _Guerrière_, 72;
sails from Boston, 121;
chases the British frigate _Nymphe_, 151;
chases the _Curlew_, 358;
falls in with the British schooner _Highflyer_, and secures her
book of private signals and instructions, _ib._;
value and usefulness of the book, 359;
ordered to report to General Frémont, iv. 241;
buys and fits out merchant-vessels, _ib._;
relieved of his command, 250;
appointed head of Board of Naval Officers, 527.
Rodgers, Captain John, iv. 480.
Rodgers, Commander George W., killed on the _Catskill_, iv. 480, 491.
Rodgers, Captain R. C. P., at Port Royal, iv. 163.
Rodman, Captain United States Ordnance Department, his experience
with heavy guns, iv. 18, 20.
_Rodolph_, Federal wrecking steamer, sunk by a torpedo, iv. 406.
_Roebuck_, British frigate, captures the _Confederacy_, i. 298.
Roosevelt, Clinton, proposed steel-plated ship, iv. 9.
Rooster, a sporting, iii. 155.
_Rose_, British ship, captured by Lieutenant Downes, iii. 10;
sent to St. Helena as a cartel, 12.
_Rota_, British frigate, in the attack on the _General Armstrong_,
iii. 188–200.
Rowan, Captain Stephen C., iv. 99;
destroys the Confederate fleet at Roanoke Island, 110.
_Royal Savage_, American schooner, i. 89.
_Royal Yacht_, Confederate privateer, blockaded by the _Santee_ in
Galveston, iv. 138.
Russell, Lieutenant John H., iv. 314.
Russell, Lord, correspondence about the _Trent_ affair, iv. 150–152;
letter of, on the closing of Charleston Harbor, 471, 472.
_S. J. Waring_, merchantman, captured by Confederate privateer
_Jefferson Davis_, iv. 91.
_Sabine_, Federal sailing ship, rescues the crew of the _Governor_,
iv. 167.
Sackett’s Harbor, N. Y., chosen as a naval station, ii. 264;
attacked by the British, 345.
Sailors, kidnapped, cruelty to, on British ships, i. 387.
Sailor’s rights ignored by politicians, ii. 18.
St. Eustatius, Governor of, gives first salute to the American
flag, i. 69.
_St. James_, American privateer, beats off a British frigate, i. 206.
St. John’s, British fleet built at, i. 87.
St. Laurent, Captain, deceived by Captain Bainbridge, i. 317.
_St. Lawrence_, British liner, iii. 129.
_St. Louis_, Commodore Foote’s flagship, disabled, iv. 271;
Captain Henry Erben commands, 289.
_Sally_, purchased by first Marine Committee, i. 39.
Saltonstall, Captain Dudley, i. 46;
commands the _Trumbull_, 164;
captain of the _Warren_, 283.
Samoa, hurricane at, iv. 554.
Sand-bar, lifting vessels over a, ii. 289, 290.
San Diego, Cal., John C. Frémont takes possession of, iii. 394.
_Sandwich_, American privateer, cut out of Puerto Plata by Lieutenant
Isaac Hull, i. 329.
_San Jacinto_, American frigate, iii. 380.
_San Jacinto_, United States screw sloop, iv. 15;
Mason and Slidell, Confederate Commissioners, taken to Boston in,
148.
See _Mason, James Murray_.
San Juan de Ulloa, a castle on Gallega Reef, Vera Cruz,
fortification of, iii. 418.
Santa Anna, Mexican General, landed from the American fleet at Vera
Cruz, iii. 424;
the American Government negotiates with him to return to Mexico,
427;
escorted up the streets of Vera Cruz, _ib._;
is recognized by a squad of soldiers and saluted, _ib._;
again master of Mexican affairs, _ib._
_Santee_, Federal frigate, blockades Galveston, iv. 137.
Saranac River, the British retire from, iii. 136.
_Saratoga_, American frigate, i. 287;
captures the _Charming Molly_ and two other ships, 292;
lost in a hurricane, 293.
_Saratoga_, American privateer, ii. 253.
_Saratoga_, American corvette, iii. 137, 138;
Macdonough’s flagship in the battle of Lake Champlain, 155.
_Sassacus_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 456.
_Savannah_, American frigate, iii. 392.
_Savannah_, Confederate privateer, captures brig _Joseph_, iv. 88;
captured by Federal brig _Perry_, 89.
_Sciota_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 315.
_Scorpion_, American gun-boat, ii. 292.
_Scorpion_, American cutter, ii. 408.
_Scorpion_, American schooner, captured by the British, iii. 110.
Scott, Lieutenant-colonel Winfield, at Black Rock, ii. 275;
takes possession of Squaw Island, 278;
hauls down the British flag, 344.
_Scourge_, American privateer, ii. 253.
_Scourge_, American schooner, ii. 350.
_Seahorse_, American tender, makes a gallant fight against the
British fleet, iii. 233–235.
Sea-power, American, in 1812, ii. 21;
of Great Britain, 22.
Search, the right of, on the high seas, i. 387;
reaffirmed, ii. 19.
_Seine_, French privateer, captured by the American schooner
_Enterprise_, i. 330.
Selfredge, Lieutenant-commander T. O., iv. 369.
Selfredge, Lieutenant-commander T. O., Jr., at Fort Fisher, iv. 519.
Self-restraint of Americans, iii. 303.
Selkirk, Earl of, house of, surrounded by Paul Jones, i. 147, 148.
_Selma_, Confederate gun-boat, iv. 380.
Selman, Captain John, captures ten British vessels and Governor
Wright of St. John’s, i. 203.
_Seminole_, Federal frigate, iv. 163.
_Seminole_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 389.
Semmes, Commander Raphael, his ship capsizes and he loses half the
crew, iii. 417;
takes command of Confederate cruiser _Sumter_, iv. 408;
chases the _Brooklyn_, 409;
captures the _Golden Rocket_, 410;
takes five prizes into Cuba, 411;
takes the _Abby Bradford_ to Venezuela, 412;
the _Powhatan_ captures her, 413;
some of his captures, 415;
his ship sold to English blockade-runners, _ib._;
Brazil authorities allow him to use Fernando de Noronha as
headquarters, 427;
appointed to command of _Alabama_, 431;
ships his officers and men at Terceira, _ib._;
encounters the _San Jacinto_, 432;
captures the _Ariel_, _ib._;
goes to Galveston to intercept transports, _ib._;
captures the _Hatteras_, _ib._;
his reception at Cape Town, 434;
his gallantry, 435;
cruises in the East Indies, 436;
fight with the _Kearsarge_, 438–441;
rescued by the yacht _Deerhound_, 442;
his reception in England, 447.
_Seneca_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 163.
Senez, Captain Andre, surrenders to Captain Little of the _Boston_,
i. 328, 329.
Sentiment, a touching tale of, iii. 243, 244.
_Serapis_, British frigate, encounters the _Bonhomme Richard_, i. 243;
fight with the latter, 245–259;
surrenders, 259;
comparative strength of the two ships, 265.
_Seringapatam_, British ship, captured by Porter, iii. 14.
_Severn_, British ship, ii. 421.
Seward, William H., his reply to the despatch of the British
Government relative to the _Trent_ affair, iv. 154–156.
Sewell’s Point, Confederate batteries erected at, iv. 195.
Shajackuda Creek, Niagara River, expedition starts from, ii. 275;
route opened up by Perry, 287.
_Shannon_, British frigate, ii. 55;
blockades Boston, 200;
challenges the _Chesapeake_, 203;
captures her, 209–221;
arrives at Halifax, 222;
comparison of the two ships, 229.
_Shark_, American brig, captures five pirate vessels, iii. 331.
_Shark_, British sloop, fight of, with American brig _Reprisal_, i.
71.
Shaw, Lieutenant, captures the French privateer _Seine_, i. 330.
Sheed, William W., Sailing-master, attacks the British, ii. 402.
_Shelburne_, British schooner, assists in capturing the _Frolic_,
iii. 65.
_Shenandoah_, Confederate cruiser, destroys American whaling and
sealing fleets, iv. 447.
Sherman, Captain, “bravest man in the Confederate squadrons,” iv.
321, 329, 340.
Sherman, General Thomas W., commands a force against Port Royal, iv.
164.
Shipbuilder, the private, a factor in the sea power of a nation, iv.
38.
Shipbuilding after the Revolution, i. 304.
Ship-masts retained for use of the crown, i. 15.
Shirk, Lieutenant, supports Grant at Pittsburg Landing, iv. 284;
commander of Federal gun-boat _Tuscumbia_, iv. 363.
Shreveport, La., General Banks sent on expedition to, to frustrate
designs of Napoleon III., iv. 368.
Shubrick, Lieutenant J. T., boards the _Peacock_ and endeavors to
save the ship from sinking, ii. 184.
Shubrick, Commodore William Bradford, in command of the Pacific Coast
Squadron, iii. 401.
“Siege of Plattsburg,” a popular song, iii. 184.
_Silver Wave_, Federal Army transport, before Vicksburg, iv. 364.
_Simcoe_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
_Simes_, British schooner, sunk, ii. 271.
Sinclair, Captain Arthur, sent to take charge of the American fleet
west of the Niagara, iii. 106;
sails into Lake Huron, 107;
destroys St. Joseph, _ib._;
destroys a block-house, 108;
returns to Detroit, 109.
_Sir Andrew Hammond_, British whaler, captured by Porter, iii. 16;
recaptured by the _Cherub_, 50.
_Sir George Prevost_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
_Sir James Yeo_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
_Sir Sidney Beckwith_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
_Sir William Erskine_, British sloop, attacked and captured by the
American privateer _Thorn_, i. 209.
_Siren_, American brig, accompanies Decatur on his expedition to fire
the _Philadelphia_, i. 348–350;
John B. Nicholson placed in command of, iii. 78;
cruises on the coast of Africa, _ib._;
is captured, 79.
Slave traffic on the coast of Africa, iii. 360;
Admiral Foote’s efforts to stamp it out, 363–367.
Slavers, chasing, on the African coast, iii. 360–361.
Slavery, kidnapped sailors subjected to a state of, i. 387.
Slidell, John, Confederate commissioner to France. See _Mason, James
Murray_.
Sloat, Captain John Drake, takes possession of Monterey, California,
iii. 392;
gives up command of the squadron, 394.
Smith, Lieutenant Albert N., iv. 315.
Smith, Lieutenant Joseph B., attacked by the _Merrimac_, iv. 207;
stands by his ship until killed, 208.
Smith, Commander Melancthon, iv. 314.
Smith, Lieutenant Sydney, indiscreet zeal of, iii. 136.
_Solebay_, British frigate, fights with American brig _Providence_,
under Paul Jones, i. 74.
_Somers_, American brig, enters Vera Cruz harbor and fires the
_Creole_, iii. 417;
capsizes and drowns half her crew, _ib._
_Somers_, American schooner, captured by the British, iii. 111.
_Somers_, American schooner, in battle of Lake Erie, ii. 295.
_Somers_, overturned while chasing a blockade-runner, iii. 417.
Somers, Commandant Richard, assists in attack on the city of Tripoli,
i. 359–367;
blown up on the _Intrepid_, 378.
Somers, Captain, fights five duels in succession, iii. 315–317.
_Somerset_, Fulton ferryboat, captures the blockade-runner
_Circassian_, iv. 37.
Somerville, Captain Philip, assists in the attack on the _General
Armstrong_, iii. 194.
Sorel River, invaded by “Wellington’s Invincibles,” iii. 135.
Soulé, Pierre, Senator and Minister to Spain, iv. 338.
South Carolina islands, as described by Jedidiah Morse, iv. 31.
_Southampton_, British frigate, flagship of Sir James L. Yeo, ii. 348.
Southcombe, Captain, fights off nine British barges, iii. 204.
Southern States dependent on commerce for necessaries of life, iv. 46;
their lack of factories and mills before the Civil War, _ib._
_Southfield_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 454.
_Sparlin_, British sloop, captured by the _Thorn_, i. 209.
_Spitfire_, American merchantman, stopped by the _Guerrière_, ii. 7.
_Spitfire_, British sloop, ii. 359.
Spies, New Orleans fishermen as, iv. 313.
Sproats, David, inhuman conduct of, i. 224.
Spy service of Federal government not as good as the Confederate,
iv. 189.
Squaw Island, N. Y., the _Detroit_ grounds on, ii. 278.
Stanton, Edward, Secretary of War, his views of the victory of the
_Merrimac_, iv. 211–212.
_Star of the West_, Federal steamer, first shot of the Civil War
fired at, iii. 363;
taken by the Confederates, _ib._
Stars and Stripes first saluted by a foreign power, i. 138.
_State of Georgia_, Federal warship, iv. 237.
Steamboats under fire of heavy guns, iv. 252.
Steam-rams, first fight of, in history, iv. 307.
Stembel, Captain R. N., before Fort Pillow, iv. 289;
badly wounded, 294.
Sterrett, Lieutenant Andrew, sent to Tripoli, i. 335;
appointed to command the _Enterprise_, ii. 373;
captures the _Tripoli_, _ib._
_Stettin_, armed merchantman, attacked by the Confederate ironclad
_Palmetto State_, iv. 474.
Stevens, Captain T. H., at Port Royal, iv. 163.
Stevens, Robert L., invents first ironclad, iv. 9.
Stevens, Commander Thomas Holdup, iv. 386;
in charge of Federal fleet to carry Fort Sumter by storm, 494.
Stewart, Lord George, commander in the attack on the _Constitution_
at Porto Praya, iii. 260.
Stewart, Captain Charles, sails from Boston, iii. 242;
overhauls and captures the British war-schooner _Picton_, _ib._;
falls in with the British frigate _La Pique_, 243;
finds the British frigates _Junon_ and _Tenedos_ lying in wait for
him, 244;
escapes to Marblehead, _ib._;
returns to Boston, 245;
sails out of Boston while blockade squadron is off port, _ib._;
captures British merchant ship, _Lord Nelson_, _ib._;
chases the _Elizabeth_, but captures the _Susan_, 245;
chased by the frigates _Tiber_ and _Elizabeth_, 246;
escapes, _ib._;
encounters the frigate _Cyane_ and sloop-of-war _Levant_, 247;
opens fire on both ships, 249;
the _Cyane_ surrenders to, 252;
the _Levant_ surrenders to, 255;
sails to Porto Praya with his captures, 260;
the _Newcastle_, _Leander_, and _Acasta_ surprise him, 260;
the _Newcastle_ opens fire, 265;
the _Constitution_ sails away free, _ib._;
her last fight, 268.
Stivers, A. C., Chief Engineer of the _Monitor_, iv. 216.
Stockton, Captain Robert Field, succeeds Captain Sloat in command of
the Pacific Squadron, iii. 394;
lands and attacks Los Angeles, _ib._;
novel trick to deceive the enemy, _ib._;
organizes a state government, 397;
is succeeded by Commodore Shubrick, 401;
his trip on Ericsson’s _Francis B. Ogden_, iv. 10;
he induces Ericsson to come to America, 11;
assigned to the _Princeton_, 14.
Stoddert, Benjamin, Secretary of Navy, i. 334.
“Stone Fleet,” sinking of the, iv. 470.
_Stonewall Jackson_, Confederate ironclad, iv. 333;
rams the _Varuna_ and sinks her, 334;
is driven ashore by the _Oneida_ and _Cayuga_, _ib._
Stoney, Theodore D., Charleston citizen, builds, at his own expense,
a number of “Davids,” iv. 497.
Stringham, Flag Officer Silas H., assigned to command of Hatteras
Island expedition, iv. 99.
Strong, Commander James H., iv. 389.
Submarine torpedo vessel, principles and construction of a, i.
165–170;
experiments made to prove the nature and use of a, 172.
Sullivan’s Island, Charleston, S. C., iv. 469.
Sumatra, attack of natives of, on American ship _Friendship_, iii.
368.
_Sumter_, Confederate gun-boat, rams the _Cincinnati_ at Fort Pillow,
iv. 293;
surrenders, 302.
_Sumter_, Confederate ship, captured at Fort Pillow, iv. 302.
_Sumter_, Confederate cruiser, iv. 407;
Captain Semmes takes command of, 408;
captures the _Abby Bradford_, 412;
cruises in the Caribbean Sea, 413;
on the Brazil coast, 414;
is chased by _Iroquois_, _ib._;
goes to Spain and Gibraltar, 415;
expense of, to the Confederate Government, 416;
sold and converted into an English merchant-ship, _ib._;
runs the blockade of Charleston, _ib._;
name changed to the _Gibraltar_, _ib._;
lost in the North Sea, _ib._
_Superior_, American frigate, iii. 113.
Superiority of British naval crews, i. 60.
Superstition, sailors’, iii. 78, 79.
_Surprise_, American brig, renamed the _Eagle_, iii. 139.
_Surprise_, American cutter, i. 123;
captures the ship _Joseph_ and the brig _Prince of Orange_, 124;
detained in France by the British ambassador, 125.
_Surveyor_, American schooner, attacked and overpowered by the
British frigate _Narcissus_, ii. 417.
_Susquehanna_, American ship, sent to Japan in 1851, iii. 443.
_Susquehanna_, Federal frigate, iv. 163.
_Sylph_, American schooner, ii. 349.
Symonds, Sir William, his opinion of Ericsson’s _Francis B. Ogden_,
iv. 10.
Tabasco, Mexico, captured by Commodore M. C. Perry, iii. 414.
_Tacony_, captured by Captain Read of the _Clarence_, iv. 424.
_Tapanagouche_, British schooner sent to capture Captain Jeremiah
O’Brien, i. 23.
Tarbell, Captain, unsuccessfully attacks the becalmed British fleet
in Hampton Roads, ii. 395.
_Tartarus_, English brig-sloop, iii. 93.
Tattnall, Commodore Josiah, takes part in the English attack on
Chinese forts, iii. 382;
attacks the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa in the siege of Vera Cruz,
420–423;
commands a squadron of four vessels sent in to divert the attention
of the Mexicans, 424;
exchanges places with a brother officer on the _Constellation_, and
so saves his life, 354;
commands the Confederate fleet at Savannah, iv. 168;
his worthless flotilla, _ib._;
attacked by the Federal fleet and retires, 171;
destroys the _Merrimac_, 236, 237.
Tayloe, Lieutenant, killed while assisting the Union wounded out of
the _Congress_, iv. 209.
Taylor, Captain John, chased by Captain Lawrence of the _Hornet_, ii.
181.
Taylor, Thomas E., leading blockade-runner, iv. 57.
Tea destroyed in Boston Harbor, i. 13.
_Teaser_, privateer of New York, ii. 245.
_Teaser_, American blockade-runner, iv. 60.
_Tecumseh_, British gun-boat, iii. 145.
_Tecumseh_, Federal monitor, iv. 386;
sunk by a torpedo, 394.
_Tenedos_, British frigate, captures the American frigate
_President_, iii. 222;
goes in chase of the _Constitution_, 244.
_Tennessee_, Confederate ram, iv. 380.
Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers, how far navigable, iv. 240.
Tennessee opened up by the capture of Fort Henry, iv. 266;
railroad communication cut off from, 267.
Terceira, a Portuguese island, officers and crew of the _Alabama_
shipped from, iv. 431.
Terry, General Alfred H., at Fort Fisher, iv. 516.
Texas, Napoleon III. tries to persuade, to secede from the
Confederacy, iv. 367–368.
_Thalia_, British frigate, ii. 29.
_Thames_, British frigate, attacks American gun-ship _Protector_, i.
207.
Thatcher, Master Charles, iv. 370.
_Theodora_, Confederate blockade-runner, carries Mason and Slidell to
Cuba, iv. 141.
_Thetis_, British frigate, chased by Porter and escapes, ii. 38.
_Thomas_, American privateer, ii. 252.
_Thompson_, Confederate ram, sunk at Fort Pillow, iv. 302.
Thompson, Captain Egbert, before Fort Pillow, iv. 290.
Thompson, Captain Thomas, i. 130; sent to France for supplies, _ib._;
returns to America, 132–133.
_Thorn_, American privateer, attacks and strikes the _Governor Tryon_
and _Sir William Erskine_, i. 209;
captures the _Sparlin_, _ib._;
captured by the _Deane_, 284, 287.
_Ticonderoga_, American schooner, iii. 137–139.
_Tigress_, American schooner, in battle of Lake Erie, ii. 295;
captured by the British, iii. 109.
Tilghman, General Lloyd, surrenders Fort Henry to Commodore Foote,
iv. 265–266.
Tillinghast, Lieutenant T. G., iii. 81.
Tin-clads, light-draft steamers in Admiral Porter’s squadron, iv. 349.
Tiptonville, Pope shuts Confederates in by occupying, iv. 276.
_Toey-wan_, steamer chartered by Captain Tattnall in the attack on
Chinese forts, iii. 382–384.
Tombigbee Channel, Mobile, lined with torpedoes, iv. 406.
_Tom Bowline_, store-ship for Decatur’s fleet, iii. 271.
_Tompkins_, American ship, ii. 352.
Toronto, Canada, Americans plan to attack, ii. 339;
a force under General Dearborn sent to attack, 340;
stores and prisoners taken, 342.
Torpedo boat, the first one built, i. 164;
general principles and construction of a submarine vessel, 165.
Torpedoes made of whiskey demijohns, iv. 350.
Townsend, Commander Robert, iv. 369.
Trabangan, Malay settlement, natives of, capture the American
merchant-ship _Eclipse_ and kill Captain Wilkins, iii. 374–379.
“Tracking” up a river, ii. 287.
_Trajano_, Brazilian rebel warship, iv. 548.
_Transit_, New London merchant-ship, captured by Confederate
privateers, iv. 97.
Treaty of Ghent, terms and conditions of, iii. 209;
the real cause of the war ignored in the treaty, 210.
Tredegar Iron Mills, Richmond, Va., the only gun and engine factory
possessed by the South at the outbreak of the Civil War, iv. 46.
Trenchard, Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, wounded in a fight with
Chinese, iii. 382.
_Trent_, British mail steamer, Confederate Commissioners Mason and
Slidell taken from, iv. 148;
attitude of the British Government in regard to the seizure,
150–152;
instructions to Lord Lyons, 152, 153;
reply of Mr. Seward to the despatch of the British Government, iv.
154;
review of Mr. Seward’s reply, 154–158;
Commodore Smith’s comment on the reply, 156.
_Trenton_, United States cruiser, ashore at Samoa, iv. 554.
_Trepassy_, British brig, surrenders to the _Alliance_, i. 298.
Tribute, paid to Algerian pirates by America, iii. 339;
by England, 340.
Tripoli declares war against America, i. 333;
pays indemnity to United States, iii. 357.
_Tripoli_, war polacre, is beaten by the American schooner
_Enterprise_, i. 335.
Tripolitans, treachery of, i. 335, 336.
_Trippe_, American sloop, in battle of Lake Erie, ii. 295.
Trippe, Sailing-master John, at attack on city of Tripoli, i. 366.
Tristan d’Acunha, Island of, in the South Atlantic, Jonathan Lambert
pre-empts, iii. 270, 271;
a breeding resort for seals, _ib._;
Decatur makes it a rendezvous, _ib._
_True Briton_, captured by the _Randolph_, i. 160.
_Trumbull_, American galley, i. 89, 164.
_Trumbull_, American ship, captures two British transports, i. 164;
cruises along American coast with a crew of landsmen, 290;
is nearly disabled, 291;
attacked by three British ships and surrenders, 295–297.
Truxton, Captain Thomas, captures prizes in the Azores, i. 205;
cuts out three ships from the British fleet, _ib._;
fits out the _Mars_ and cruises in the English Channel, _ib._;
involves France in war with England, 206;
successfully beats off a British frigate, _ib._;
Captain of the _Constellation_, compels the French frigate
_Vengeance_ to fight, 323;
loses her in the night, 328.
_Truxton_, American brig, grounded before Tuspan, Mexico, and is
captured, iii. 410.
Tucker, John, Assistant Secretary of War, asks Commodore Vanderbilt
his terms for destroying the _Merrimac_, iv. 212.
Tucker, Captain Samuel, captures thirty British vessels, i. 203.
Tunis, brought to terms by the American fleet, i. 378, 379;
pays indemnity to United States for seizing the _Abellino_ prizes,
iii. 353.
_Tuscumbia_, Federal gun-boat in Porter’s fleet before Vicksburg, iv.
363.
Tybee Bar, Savannah, coal-ships ordered to go to, iv. 165.
_Unadilla_, Federal frigate, iv. 163;
attacked by the Confederate ironclad _Palmetto State_, 474.
_Underwriter_, Federal gun-boat, boarded and destroyed by John Taylor
Wood, iv. 452.
_Unicorn_, British frigate, captures the _Raleigh_, i. 194.
_United States_, American frigate, built, i. 312.
United States Astronomical Expedition to the Southern Hemisphere,
members of, iii. 464.
_United States_, frigate, falls in with the _Eurydice_ and
_Atalanta_, ii. 16;
cruises between the Azores and the Canary Islands, 121;
encounters the _Macedonian_, 122;
battle with, 125–134;
losses after the battle, 139;
comparison of the forces of the two ships, 140;
blockaded in New London, 150.
United States Government abrogates all treaties with France, i. 314.
_United We Stand_, American privateer, ii. 253.
Valcour Island, Lake Champlain, fight between Benedict Arnold and Sir
Guy Carleton at, i. 92–99.
Van Brunt, Captain G. I., iv. 99.
_Vandalia_, United States warship, sank at Samoa in a hurricane, iv.
554.
_Vandalia_, Federal sailing-ship, iv. 163;
sails from Hampton Roads with a fleet of coal schooners in charge,
165;
encounters a hurricane, 166.
Vanderbilt, Commodore Cornelius, asked for what sum he would destroy
the _Merrimac_, iv. 212.
_Van Dorn_, Confederate gun-boat, rams the _Mound City_ and disables
her, iv. 294.
_Varuna_, Federal screw corvette, iv. 314.
Vaughan, Captain William, at Sackett’s Harbor, ii. 267;
drives off the British, 268.
_Vengeance_, American brig, in Paul Jones’s fleet, i. 232.
_Vengeance_, French frigate, fight with the _Constellation_, i. 323;
surrenders, 327;
slips away in the night to Curaçao, 328;
returned to France, 330.
Vera Cruz, Mexico, siege and blockade of, by Americans, iii. 417–424;
the city captured, 424–427;
the navy’s part in the capture, 424.
Vergennes, Vt., Macdonough builds the _Saratoga_ there, iii. 137.
_Vesuvius_, United States dynamite cruiser, iv. 540.
Veterans of the Peninsular War sent to subjugate America, iii. 135.
Vicksburg, Admiral Farragut’s fleet arrives at, iv. 341;
moves made against, by way of the Yazoo River country, 350;
they failed, _ib._;
General Grant arrives before, 351;
Admiral Porter tries to get in behind, 358–363;
Grant surrounds, 363.
_Victor_, British gun-boat, captures the _Hancock_, i. 185.
_Vigilant_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, iv. 415.
_Vincennes_, American ship, sent to Japan in 1845, iii. 440.
_Vincennes_, Federal war-ship, iv. 129;
misunderstands signals, 133, 134.
_Viper_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
_Virginia_, American frigate, grounded in Chesapeake Bay, i. 186.
_Virginia_, English frigate, i. 284.
_Virginia_, a name given to the reconstructed _Merrimac_, but not
used, iv. 189.
_Vixen_, American cruiser, in the attack on Tripoli, i. 374.
_Vixen_, American brig, captured by British frigate _Southampton_,
ii. 348.
_Vixen_, American steamer, in attack on Alvarado, iii. 410.
_Voluntaire_, French frigate, i. 316.
_Wabash_, United States screw frigate, iv. 15;
commanded by Captain Samuel Mercer, 99;
Captain C. R. P. Rodgers, commander, 163.
_Wachusett_, Federal frigate, captures the _Florida_, iv. 424.
Wadsworth, Captain Alexander Scammel, appointed to the
_Constellation_, iii. 327.
“Waggon, The,” a contemptuous term applied to the frigate _President_
by the British, ii. 360.
Wales, Captain R. W., fights a battle with the _Peacock_, iii. 68–71;
surrenders, 71;
his ship is carried into Savannah, 77.
Walke, Commander Henry, in charge of transport _Supply_, iv. 115;
disobeys orders, _ib._;
is court-martialed, 116;
appointed to command the _Taylor_, 250;
convoys General Grant down the Mississippi, 251;
in command of gun-boat _Taylor_, 251;
gallant conduct of, 252;
his timely aid, _ib._;
commands the _Carondelet_ in Commodore Foote’s fleet, 255;
his seeming insolence to Commodore Foote, 266;
commences the attack on Fort Donelson, 268;
diverts the Confederates’ attention from Grant, 271;
successfully runs the _Carondelet_ past the batteries of Island No.
10, 281;
resourcefulness of, 282;
passes six forts, under fire of fifty guns, 283;
aids the _Cincinnati_, 294.
_Walker_, American whaler, captured by the Peruvian cruiser
_Nereyda_, iii. 7.
“Wall-piece,” a gun used in capturing the _Margaretta_, i. 17.
_Wampanoag_, Federal ironclad, iv. 472, 473.
War of 1812, events which led up to, i. 383;
Great Britain fomented discord between the States of the Union, 384;
used every means to harass American commerce, _ib._;
impressed men by force to serve on English ships, 386;
used the press-gang in foreign ports, 387;
demanded right of search on the high seas, _ib._;
used nothing to enforce an order but the cat-o’-ninetails, 389;
American ships stripped of their crews, 397;
five men off the _Baltimore_ impressed in the British service, 401;
the affair of the _Leopard_ and _Chesapeake_, 402–413;
case of the _Spitfire_ and _Guerrière_, ii. 7;
tricky conduct of the officers of two British frigates, 15;
war declared, 28;
justified by the _Trent_ affair, iv. 140.
War-ship, the first submarine, i. 157;
the first Yankee, on fresh waters, ii. 264;
development of the, from 1815–1859, iv. 1–9.
Ward, Fleet Officer James H., his attack on the Acquia Creek
batteries, iv. 81;
killed, 82.
Ward, Samuel, Rhode Island delegate to Continental Congress, i. 31.
Warren, Fort, Mass., Mason and Slidell confined there, iv. 156.
_Warren_, American frigate, i. 280, 283.
Warrington, Master-commandant Lewis, iii. 66;
attacks and captures the _Epervier_, 66–71;
succeeds Porter in clearing the South American coast of pirates,
338.
_Washington_, American galley, i. 89; on Lake Champlain, 99.
Washington, George, and the Congress of the United Colonies, i. 27.
Washington, D. C., conduct of the British sailors at capture of, ii.
418, 419.
_Wasp_, schooner, of first American Navy, i. 40.
_Wasp_ (No. 2), American sloop-of-war, fight with the _Frolic_, ii.
107–117;
both the _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_ captured by the British frigate
_Poictiers_, 118, 119;
taken into the British navy and lost at sea, 119.
_Wasp_ (No. 3), American sloop-of-war, cuts her way through British
blockaders, iii. 81;
fights and captures the _Reindeer_, 86–88;
comparison of the two ships, 91;
cuts out the _Mary_ under the convoy of the _Armada_, and is chased
by the _Armada_, 92;
encounters the _Avon_, 93;
fights and disables her, 97;
the _Castilian_ and _Tartarus_ appear and chase the _Wasp_ off, 97;
captures two merchantmen and the _Atalanta_, 100;
mysterious end of, 102–104.
Waters, Captain Daniel, assists in capturing a British troop-ship, i.
203;
desperate fight with two British sloops-of-war, 209.
_Water Witch_, carries an exploring expedition to Parana, iii. 464.
_Water Witch_, Federal war-ship, iv. 129–133.
Watson, William H., Lieutenant, ii. 364;
is cut down and carried off unconscious, _ib._;
captures a pirate schooner off South America, iii. 335.
_Watt_, British privateer, fights with the _Trumbull_, i. 291.
_Webb_, Confederate ram, iv. 352.
_Weehawken_, Federal ironclad, iv. 480.
Weitzel, General, in command of troops at Fort Fisher, iv. 513.
Welles, Gideon, Secretary of the Navy, his account of the effect
that the raid of the _Merrimac_ had upon a cabinet meeting at
Washington, iv. 211.
Wellington, Duke of, on the character of the veterans sent to
America, iii. 134.
“Wellington’s Invincibles” invade the Sorel River, iii. 135;
sent to New Orleans under Sir Edward Packenham, iii. 230.
_Wellington_, British gun-boat, iii. 143.
Wells, Clark H., Lieutenant-Commander, iv. 389.
West India pirates, iii. 324.
Western waters, ships of the line of battle on, iv. 249.
_Westfield_, Federal ship, destroyed by the Confederates, iv. 357.
_West Wind_, Federal merchant-ship, captured by Confederate cruiser
_Sumter_, iv. 415.
Whaler, an armed British, transformed into a Yankee cruiser, iii. 9,
10.
Whaling fleet, British, taken by surprise, iii. 8–10.
Wheaton, Joseph, one of the capturers of the _Margaretta_, i. 16.
Whinyates, Captain Thomas, ii. 106;
encounters the _Wasp_ in a gale, _ib._;
gives battle to the _Wasp_, 107;
wounded, 112;
surrenders, 116;
his ship recaptured by the _Poictiers_, 118.
Whipple, Abraham, in command of boats attacking the _Gaspé_, i. 9;
commands American ship _Columbus_, 66;
in charge of the _Providence_, 281.
Whiskey demijohns for torpedoes, iv. 350.
White River, Ark., Federal operations on, iv. 307.
White Squadron, formation of, iv. 531–554.
_Whitehead_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 457.
Wickes, Captain Lambert, in the fight with the _Shark_, i. 71;
carries Franklin to France, 114;
captures prizes, _ib._;
goes on a cruise in the Bay of Biscay, _ib._;
captures fifteen prizes, 118.
Wilderness, building war-ships and gun-boats in the, ii. 286.
Wilkes, Captain Charles, stops the British steamer _Trent_ and takes
off Mason and Slidell, iv. 144–160;
sails into Boston, with his prisoners, 148, 149;
his conduct commended by Secretary of the Navy Welles, _ib._
Wilkinson, General, attempts to attack Montreal, ii. 271;
expedition fails, 272;
builds winter quarters on Salmon River, _ib._
_William_, American merchant-ship, captured by the _Java_, ii. 153;
recaptured by Captain Lawrence, of the _Hornet_, 181.
_William S. Robins_, merchant-ship, captured by Confederate
privateers, iv. 97.
Williams, Richard, reports to the British Government on the _Trent_
affair, iv. 150.
Williams, Captain John Foster, captures the British brig _Active_, i.
206;
fights and blows up the British privateer _Admiral Duff_, 207;
compels the frigate _Thames_ to haul off, _ib._
Williamson, Chief Engineer W. P., assists in the reconstruction of
the frigate _Merrimac_ into an ironclad, iv. 185–186.
_Will-o’-the-Wisp_, blockade runner, iv. 57;
description of, _ib._
_Wilmer_, American gun-boat, iii. 141.
Wilmington, N. C., a favorite resort of blockade-runners, iv. 41.
Wilson, Lieutenant-commander Byron, iv. 363–369.
_Winnebago_, Federal monitor, iv. 386.
_Winona_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 315.
_Wissahickon_, Federal screw gun-boat, iv. 315.
_Wolfe_, British sloop-of-war, ii. 348.
Wood, Lieutenant John Taylor, iv. 189;
boards and destroys the Federal gun-boat _Underwriter_, 452;
his statement on the retiring of the _Monitor_ from the fight, 230,
231.
Woodworth, Lieutenant S. E., iv. 364.
Woolsey, Lieutenant Melancthon, ii. 264.
Worden, Lieutenant John L., causes Fort Pickens to be reinforced, iv.
119;
arrested and held prisoner for seven months, _ib._;
Captain of the _Monitor_, 205;
begins the battle with the _Merrimac_, 219;
gets to close quarters, 222;
has his ship under good control, 212;
disabled, 225;
Lieutenant Greene succeeds him in command, 229;
transferred to a tug and taken to Washington, 230;
letter to him from his crew, 233;
Captain of the _Montauk_, 480.
Wright, Governor, of St. John’s, captured by Captain Selman, i. 203;
released, _ib._
_Wyalusing_, Federal gun-boat, iv. 457.
Wyer, Captain, captures four prizes in the Mediterranean, iii. 343.
Wyman, Captain R. W., at Port Royal, iv. 163.
Yankee squadron, first cruise of the, i. 48.
_Yarmouth_, British ship, attacked by the _Randolph_, i. 162.
Yarnall, Lieutenant, in the battle of Lake Erie, ii. 313;
Perry leaves him in charge, 318.
Yellow fever decimates the crews of the American ships before Vera
Cruz, iii. 418.
Yeo, Sir James L., placed in command of the British naval forces on
Lake Ontario, ii. 348;
captures the American brig _Vixen_ in the West Indies, _ib._;
sends an insulting challenge to Captain Porter of the _Essex_,
_ib._;
captures two schooners and supplies, _ib._;
meets Commodore Chauncey’s squadron, 349;
has some brushes with the enemy, 350–353;
operations on Lake Ontario, iii. 114–126.
_York_, Confederate privateer, iv. 93.
Yucatan, Mexico, governed by the Americans during the Mexican War,
iii. 414.
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a
predominant preference was found in the original book; otherwise they
were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced quotation
marks were remedied when the change was obvious, and otherwise left
unbalanced.
Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned between paragraphs
and outside quotations. In versions of this eBook that support
hyperlinks, the page references in the List of Illustrations lead to
the corresponding illustrations.
The illustration between pages 116 and 121 was printed as a two-page
spread.
Several illustrations are not included in the List of Illustrations.
Page 48: The date given for when the _Essex_ was built (1779) is
incorrect.
The Transcriber copied the index from Volume IV. It was not checked
for proper alphabetization or correct page references. Most of the
references are to pages in the other three volumes of this series; all
four volumes are available at no charge at LibraryBlog:
In the original book, the index entries for "Biddle, Captain Nicholas"
referring to Volume II. actually refer to his nephew, "Biddle, James",
and some of those are in Volume III. In this ebook, those entries have
been corrected, but the index may contain other errors.
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