Journal of a second expedition into the interior of Africa, from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo : $b To which is added, the journal of Richard Lander from Kano to the sea-coast, partly by a more eastern route.

By Author	[ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z \| Other Symbols ]
By Title	[ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z \| Other Symbols ]
By Language

Download this book: [ ASCII ]

Look for this book on Amazon

We have new books nearly every day.
If you would like a news letter once a week or once a month fill out this form and we will give you a summary of the books for that week or month by email.

Title: Journal of a second expedition into the interior of Africa, from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo : To which is added, the journal of Richard Lander from Kano to the sea-coast, partly by a more eastern route.
Author: Clapperton, Hugh, Lander, Richard
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.

*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Journal of a second expedition into the interior of Africa, from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo : To which is added, the journal of Richard Lander from Kano to the sea-coast, partly by a more eastern route." ***

[Illustration: Painted by Gildon Manton.

Engraved by Thos. Lupton.

CAPTN. HUGH CLAPPERTON, R.N.

London, Published Decr. 1, 1828, by John Murray, Albemarle Street.]

=JOURNAL=
OF A
SECOND EXPEDITION
INTO THE
=INTERIOR OF AFRICA,=
FROM
=THE BIGHT OF BENIN TO SOCCATOO.=

BY THE LATE COMMANDER CLAPPERTON,
OF THE ROYAL NAVY.

TO WHICH IS ADDED,
THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD LANDER FROM KANO TO THE SEA-COAST,
PARTLY BY A MORE EASTERN ROUTE.

WITH
A PORTRAIT OF CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON, AND A MAP OF THE ROUTE,
CHIEFLY LAID DOWN FROM ACTUAL OBSERVATIONS FOR LATITUDE AND LONGITUDE.

* * * * *

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
* * * * *
MDCCCXXIX.

CONTENTS.

* * * * *

Page

Life of the author v

Introduction xi

CHAPTER I.

Journey from Badagry over the Kong mountains to the city of
Eyeo or Katunga 1

CHAPTER II.

Residence at Eyeo, or Katunga, the capital of Youriba 38

CHAPTER III.

Journal of proceedings from Katunga, or Eyeo, to Boussa, on
the Niger, or Quorra, the place where Mungo Park perished 61

CHAPTER IV.

Journey from Boussa, across the ferry of the Quorra, by
Guarri and Zegzeg, to the city of Kano 107

CHAPTER V.

Journey from Kano to the camp of Bello, and from thence
to Soccatoo 169

CHAPTER VI.

Residence at Soccatoo, till the death of the author 194

LANDER’S JOURNAL.

From Kano to Soccatoo 257

Residence at Soccatoo—my master’s death—burial 269

From Soccatoo to Dunrora 282

From Dunrora back to Zegzeg 297

From Zegzeg to Badagry 305

SHORT SKETCH
OF THE
=LIFE OF CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON.=

BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL CLAPPERTON.

* * * * *

Captain Hugh Clapperton was born in Annan, Dumfries-shire, in the
year 1788. His grandfather, Robert Clapperton, M.D., was a man of
considerable knowledge, as a classical scholar, and in his profession.
He first studied at Edinburgh; but as, in those days, the continental
colleges were considered superior in medicine and surgery, he went
to Paris, and there studied for some time. On his return to his
native country, he married Elizabeth Campbell, second cousin of
Colonel Archibald Campbell of Glenlyon; and soon after settled in
Dumfries-shire, at a place called Crowden Nows, where he remained until
George Clapperton (the father of our traveller), and another son were
born. He afterwards removed to Lochmaben, where he had an increase to
his family of four sons and one daughter. All the sons became medical
men, except the youngest and the only survivor, who entered his
Majesty’s service, in the beginning of 1793, as a second lieutenant of
marines. His eldest son, George Clapperton, married young to a daughter
of John Johnstone, proprietor of the lands of Thorniwhate and Lochmaben
Castle, and settled in Annan, where he was a considerable time the only
medical man of repute in the place, and performed many operations and
cures which spread his fame over the borders of England and Scotland.
His father bestowed a good education upon him, which proved so useful
a passport to public favour, that he might have made a fortune;
but, unfortunately, he was, like his father, careless of money. He
married a second wife, and was the father of no fewer than twenty-one
children. Of the fruit of the first marriage, he had six sons and one
daughter who grew to men and women’s estate. All the sons entered his
Majesty’s service, the youngest of whom was Captain Clapperton, the
African traveller, and the subject of this memoir. In his person he
resembled his father greatly, but was not so tall by two inches, being
five feet eleven inches; had great breadth of chest and expansion of
shoulders, and otherwise proportionably strong; and was a handsome,
athletic, powerful man. He received no classical education, and could
do little more than read and write, when he was put under the tuition
of Mr. Bryce Downie, a man of general knowledge, but chiefly celebrated
for his mathematical abilities. He remained with Mr. Downie until he
required a knowledge of practical mathematics, including navigation
and trigonometry. He was found an apt scholar and an obliging boy by
Mr. Downie, whose attention was never forgot by the traveller; as he
expressed a great wish, when he arrived the first journey from Africa,
that he could have had time to see his native country, and shake his
old master once more by the hand. Captain Clapperton left Mr. Downie
about the age of thirteen; when, by his own wish, he was bound an
apprentice to the owner of a vessel of considerable burthen, trading
between Liverpool and North America. After making several voyages in
that vessel, he either left her, or was impressed into his Majesty’s
service, and was put on board a Tender then lying at Liverpool, which
vessel carried him round to Plymouth, where he with others were
draughted on board of his Majesty’s ship Gibraltar, of eighty guns. He
did not remain long in that ship, as in 1806 he arrived at Gibraltar
in a naval transport; from which he was impressed, with others, on
board his Majesty’s frigate Renommée, Captain Sir Thomas Livingston.
Opportunely for our traveller, at that time his Majesty’s ship Saturn,
Captain Lord Amelias Beauclerc (belonging to Lord Collingwood’s fleet
off Cadiz), arrived for the purpose of watering and refitting; and
our traveller, learning that his uncle (now Lieut.-Col. Clapperton)
was captain of royal marines on board the Saturn, sent him a letter
describing his situation in the Renommée. The uncle having been an
old messmate of Sir Thomas’s, when both were lieutenants at the Cape
of Good Hope many years before, made it his business immediately
to see Sir Thomas; and, through his intercession, Sir Thomas very
kindly put our traveller, for the first time, upon the quarter-deck
as a midshipman. The Renommée very soon after left Gibraltar for the
Mediterranean; and, when on the coast of Spain, had occasion to send
boats to attack some enemy’s vessels on shore. Clapperton, being in
one of the boats, was slightly, as he considered it, wounded in the
head, which, however, afterwards gave him much annoyance. He remained
in the Renommée, with Sir Thomas, until she returned to England, and
was paid off, in the year 1808. He then joined his Majesty’s ship
Venerable, Captain King, in the Downs, as a midshipman, where he did
not remain long, having heard that Captain Briggs was going to the East
Indies in the Clorinde frigate, and wishing to go to that country, he
applied for his discharge, that he might enter with Captain Briggs;
but he could not accomplish it before the Clorinde had sailed from
Portsmouth; he was ordered, however, (by the admiral) to have a passage
in a ship going to the East Indies. In the course of the voyage, they
fell in with a ship in great distress, it then blowing a gale of wind;
but humanity required assistance, if it could be given. A boat was
ordered to be got ready, and Clapperton to go in her. He declared to
his messmates his decided opinion that the boat could not possibly
live in the sea that was then running, but that it was not for him to
question the orders of his superior officer. On pushing off, he told
his messmates to share equally among them any articles belonging to
him, and bade them good bye. The boat had scarcely put off from the
ship when she swamped, and as no assistance could be rendered, all
hands perished, with the exception of two; one of whom was Clapperton,
who, under such trying circumstances, encouraged and assisted his only
surviving companion till his own strength failed him. Among others, he
had previously struggled hard to save a warrant officer; but finding
himself nearly exhausted, he was obliged to desist, and he perished.
They then dropped off, one after the other, until the bowman and
Clapperton were the only two remaining out of the whole boat’s crew.
The latter then made use of a common sea expression to the bowman,
“Thank God, I am not the Jonah!” meaning that he was not, by his bad
conduct in life, the cause of the Almighty visiting them with his
vengeance. The bowman seconded him in the exclamation, and they kept
cheering each other until the gale so far abated, that another boat was
got out and sent to their relief.

They then proceeded upon their voyage; and in March, 1810, Clapperton
joined his majesty’s ship Clorinde, where he received the greatest
attention from Captain Briggs during the time he was on board. In 1812,
when lying in Bombay harbour, he was joined by another messmate, the
Hon. F. Mackenzie, youngest son of the late Lord Seaforth, between
whom a most sincere friendship was contracted. Not long after this,
Mr. Mackenzie was attacked with a severe illness, on which occasion
Clapperton never left him, but nursed him as he would his own brother,
until he died; when he added a lock of his hair to his locket, which
contained that of his father and some friends. He returned to England
in the end of 1813, or beginning of 14; and he was then sent, with some
other intelligent midshipmen, to Portsmouth dock-yard, for the purpose
of being instructed in Angelo’s sword exercise, in which he afterwards
excelled. When these midshipmen were distributed to the different ships
in the fleet as drill-masters, Clapperton volunteered his services for
the Canadian lakes, and was sent on board Sir Alexander Cochrane’s
flag ship, the Asia. This ship continued at Spithead till the end of
January, 1814. During the passage to Bermudas, Clapperton’s services as
a drill were performed on the quarter-deck. On her arrival, he was sent
to Halifax, and from thence to the lakes, just then about to become
the scene of warlike operations. During his passage out and his stay
at Bermuda, nothing could exceed his diligence in the discharge of his
duty with the officers and men. At his own and the other mess-tables,
he was the soul and life of the party: he could sing a good song, tell
humorous tales, and his conversation was extremely amusing. He bade
adieu to all on board the Asia, and pursued his voyage to Halifax; from
that to Upper Canada.

Soon after he arrived on the lakes, in 1815, he was placed in a
situation that strongly marked that benevolence which was so strong
a feature in his character. In the winter he was in command of a
blockhouse on Lake Huron, with a party of men, for the purpose of
defending it: he had only one small gun for its defence; he was
attacked by an American schooner; the blockhouse was soon demolished
by the superiority of the enemy’s fire; and he found that himself and
the party must either become prisoners of war, or form the resolution
of immediately crossing Lake Michigan upon the ice, a journey of nearly
sixty miles, to York, the capital of Upper Canada, and the nearest
British depot. Notwithstanding the difficulty and danger attending
a journey of such length over the ice in the depth of winter, the
alternative was soon adopted, and the party set out to cross the
lake, but had not gone more than ten or twelve miles, before a boy,
one of the party, was unable to proceed from the cold; every one of
the sailors declared that they were unable to carry him, as they were
so benumbed with the cold, and had scarcely strength sufficient to
support themselves. Clapperton’s generous nature could not bear the
idea of a fellow-creature being left to perish under such appalling
circumstances, for a dreadful snow-storm had commenced; he therefore
took the boy upon his back, holding him with his left hand, and
supporting himself from slipping with a staff in his right. In this
manner he continued to go forward for eight or nine miles, when he
perceived that the boy relaxed his hold; and on Clapperton examining
the cause, he found that the boy was in a dying state from the cold,
and he soon after expired. The sufferings of the whole party were
great before they reached York; the stockings and shoes completely
worn off their feet; their bodies in a dreadful state from the want of
nourishment, they having nothing during the journey except one bag of
meal. From the long inaction of Clapperton’s left hand, in carrying the
boy upon his back, he lost, from the effects of the frost, the first
joint of his thumb.

Not long after this, Sir Edward Owen was appointed to the command upon
the lakes. A short time after his arrival, he gave to Clapperton an
acting order as a lieutenant, and appointed him to the Confiance. While
belonging to this ship, he often made excursions on shore, with his
gun, into the woods, for the purpose of getting a little fresh meat.
In these excursions he cultivated an acquaintance with the aborigines
of the forest, and was much charmed with their mode of life. He had
sent to his uncle in England the acting order which Sir Edward Owen
had given him, that it might be laid before the Board of Admiralty
for their confirmation; but, unfortunately, a very large promotion
had taken place a little before his acting order came to England, and
the Board declined confirming his commission. No sooner was he made
acquainted with its ill success, than he formed the idea of quitting
his Majesty’s service altogether, and becoming one of the inhabitants
of the North American forests. Fortunately for him, he some time
afterwards abandoned that idea.

While the Confiance was at anchor near the shores of the Lake,
Clapperton often went on shore to dinner and other parties. When he
thought it time to return on board, he never employed a boat; being an
expert swimmer, he plunged into the water with his clothes on, and swam
along-side of the vessel; but this mode of proceeding very nearly lost
him his life. One night he was so exhausted, that he could scarcely
make the people on board hear his cries: they got a boat ready, and,
as he was on the point of sinking, they picked him up, and took him on
board; but he never tried the same method of getting on board again.

About the end of 1816, Sir Edward Owen returned to England, and was
the means of Clapperton’s commission being confirmed by the Board of
Admiralty. And in the year 1817, when our vessels on the Canadian
lakes were paid off and laid up, Lieutenant Clapperton returned to
England, and, like many more, was put on half-pay. He went then to
Edinburgh, where he remained a short time, and was introduced to the
amiable mother of his beloved friend, Mr. Mackenzie, who died at
Bombay. He afterwards retired to Lochmaben in 1818, and lived with an
aged sister of his beloved mother’s, at the abode for many years of
his grandfather. Here he continued to amuse himself with rural sports
until 1820, when he went to Edinburgh, and there became acquainted
with Dr. Oudney, who mentioned to him the offer that had been made
to employ him in a mission to the interior of Africa. This was an
opening, to Clapperton’s enterprising mind, not to be resisted; he
immediately entreated that he might accompany the doctor, and his offer
was accepted. Dr. Oudney was told by a friend that knew Lieutenant
Clapperton well, that, in all varieties, and under every circumstance,
however trying, he would find him a steady and faithful friend, and
that his powerful and athletic form, and excellent constitution,
had never been surpassed. This person was a medical man, and was so
confirmed in the opinion that Clapperton, from the strength of his
constitution, could not fall a sacrifice to disease, that, until the
arrival of Clapperton’s servant, Richard Lander, from his last and
fatal expedition, he would not (like many more who knew Clapperton)
believe the report of his death in any way but by accident.

In the highest spirits, Lieutenant Clapperton left Edinburgh, where he
had been for a short time with his sister and other relations. Before
his departure, he was introduced by Lady Seaforth (the mother of his
friend Mackenzie) to a distinguished countryman, the author of the Man
of Feeling. Clapperton’s spirits were elated, and he left Edinburgh
and his relations with the highest hopes. He returned to England, and
was made a commander in June 22, 1825; and before he could finish for
the press an account of his former journey, he was engaged again,
by Lord Bathurst, for a second mission, by the way of the western
coast of Africa, near the Bight of Benin. He sailed from Portsmouth
in his Majesty’s sloop Brazen, commanded by Captain Willis; and was
accompanied by Doctor Dickson, Captain Pearce, and Doctor Morrison.
They called at Sierra Leone; from that to Benin, where they landed;
but Dr. Dickson landed near Whida, and proceeded by the way of Dahomy.
Captains Clapperton, Pearce, and Dr. Morrison, pushed their way up the
country; but they were soon attacked with disease, and Captain Pearce
and Doctor Morrison died, as did also Columbus, the former servant of
Lieut.-Col. Denham. Captain Clapperton and his servant, Richard Lander,
accompanied by Mr. Houtson, a British resident at Benin, proceeded
across the mountains to Katunga, where Mr. Houtson left them to return
to the coast, where he shortly afterwards died. Dr. Dickson reached
Dahomey, and proceeded on his way to join Clapperton, but has not
since been heard of. Captain Clapperton, with his servant, Lander,
and a native black of Houssa, reached Soccatoo in safety, where they
remained many months; but at last the captain was seized with a fever
and dysentery, which terminated his existence, and was buried, by his
faithful servant, four miles south-east of Soccatoo, at a village
called Chungary, April 13, 1827.

Thus perished, in the bloom of life, an officer beloved and respected
by those of his profession who were acquainted with him; a man of a
daring and enterprising spirit; and one who, for humanity and active
benevolence, could be surpassed by none.

INTRODUCTION.

* * * * *

When the late Captain Clapperton made his way to Soccatoo for the first
time, in the year 1824, he received the most flattering attentions,
and every mark of kindness, from Bello, the sultan of the Fellans, as
they call themselves, or Fellatas, as they are called by the people
of Soudan. This chieftain may be said to rule over almost the whole
of that part of North Africa which is distinguished by the name of
Houssa, though he appears to have lost a considerable portion of what
his father, Hatman Danfodio, first overran; and many of the petty
chiefs still continue in a state of rebellion, some of them within a
day’s journey of his capital. In the course of frequent conversations
held with this chief, at his usual residence of Soccatoo, Clapperton
was given to understand, that the establishment of a friendly
intercourse with England would be most agreeable to him; that he wished
particularly for certain articles of English manufacture to be sent
out to him to the sea-coast, where there was a place of great commerce
belonging to him, named Funda: he also expressed a wish that an English
physician and a consul should be appointed to reside at another
sea-port, called Raka; to the former of which places, he said, he would
despatch messengers to bring up the articles from England; and to the
latter he would send down a proper person to transact all matters of
business between the two governments, through the intervention of the
English consul; and he made no difficulty in declaring his readiness
to adopt measures for putting an entire stop to that part of the
slave-trade supposed to be carried on by his subjects with foreigners.

On the arrival of Clapperton in England, Lord Bathurst, then secretary
of state for the colonies, considering this so favourable an
opportunity of establishing an intercourse with the interior of Africa,
and probably of putting an effectual check, through this powerful
chief, to a large portion of the infamous traffic carried on in the
Bight of Benin, and also for extending the legitimate commerce of Great
Britain with this part of Africa, and at the same time adding to our
knowledge of the country, did not hesitate in adopting the arrangement
which Clapperton had made with Bello. Accordingly it was determined to
send him out again to that chief, by the way of Benin, with suitable
companions and presents, in order that a communication might be opened
between Soccatoo and the sea-coast, and an attempt made to carry into
effect the objects to which Bello was supposed to have given his hearty
assent.

It had been arranged that, after a certain period agreed upon, Bello
should send down his messengers to Whidah, on the coast, to meet
Captain Clapperton and his companions. On their arrival, however, in
the Bight of Benin, they could neither gain any intelligence of Bello’s
messengers, nor did any of the people there know any thing of such
names as Funda or Raka, the places which were pointed out by Bello as
lying on the sea-coast. The country of Houssa, however, was well known
by name, and as the precise geographical position of Soccatoo had been
ascertained, our enterprising travellers could have no difficulty in
knowing what direction to take; but the spot from whence it would be
most advisable to start was a point not so easily to be determined.
They finally, however, selected Badagry, for reasons that will be
briefly stated; and proceeding northerly, from one chief to another,
the survivors met with some delay, but no serious impediments, in
reaching the spot of their destination.

The conduct, however, of Bello, though at first kind, was afterwards
changed to every thing the reverse, for reasons which will appear in
the course of the journal. His desire for establishing an amicable
intercourse was not even hinted at, nor one word respecting the
physician, the consul, or the slave-trade; and, either through
ignorance or design (the former, in all probability), Bello had totally
misled Clapperton as to the position of the city or district of Funda;
which, instead of being on the sea-coast, as stated by him, is now
ascertained to be at least 150 miles from the nearest part of the
coast; and the other city, Raka, still farther in the interior. Indeed,
one would almost suspect that Clapperton, from not being sufficiently
acquainted with the Fellata language, must have mistaken the meaning
of Bello on his former visit, had not the letter in Arabic, which he
brought home from the latter, addressed to the king of England, borne
him out in his representation of the proposals made or assented to by
this chieftain. In this letter he says, “We agreed with him upon this
(the prohibition of the exportation of slaves), on account of the good
which will result from it, both to you and to us; and that a vessel
of yours is to come to the harbour of Raka, with two cannons, and the
quantities of powder, shot, &c. which they require, as also a number
of muskets: we will then send our officer to arrange and settle every
thing with your consul, and fix a certain period for the arrival of
your merchant ships; and when they come, they may traffic and deal with
our merchants. Then, after their return, the consul may reside in that
harbour (namely, Raka) as protector, in company with our agent there,
if God be pleased.”

It is clear, from this letter, that Bello understood what was proposed
and accepted, but, with regard to the geographical position of his
two sea-ports, he was evidently most grossly ignorant; for, admitting
the ambiguity of the Arabic word _bahr_, which signifies any great
collection of water, whether sea, lake, or river, merchant ships could
not get up to Raka, which is an inland town, not situated on any
coast or river. Be this as it may, an expedition, as already stated,
was planned without loss of time, at the head of which Clapperton
was placed. He was allowed to take with him, as a companion, a
fellow-countryman of the name of Dickson, who had been brought up as a
surgeon, in which capacity he had served in the West Indies, but had
recently been studying the law. This person considered himself to be
inured to a tropical climate, and was supposed to have a sufficient
knowledge of medicine to take care of himself and the rest of the party.

In an enterprise of this novel and hazardous nature, it was deemed
advisable to unite two other gentlemen to those above-mentioned; in
order that, when once at Soccatoo, two of them might be spared to
set out from thence, and explore the country of Soudan in various
directions. For this purpose, Captain Pearce of the navy, and Dr.
Morrison, a naval surgeon, were selected; the former an active and
accomplished officer, and a most excellent draughtsman; the latter well
versed in various branches of natural history. Unhappily, it was not
their good fortune to live long enough to put their respective talents
in practice for the benefit of the public, or the gratification of
their friends; having each of them, on the same day, fallen a sacrifice
to the pestilential climate, at a very early period of their journey in
Africa.

The presents intended for the Sultan of the Fellatas, and also for
the Sheik of Bornou, being all ready, the four gentlemen, with their
servants, embarked in his majesty’s ship Brazen on the 27th August,
1825, and, after touching at Teneriffe and St. Jago, arrived in the
Bight of Benin on the 26th November, 1825. Mr. Dickson being desirous
of making his way alone to Soccatoo, for what reason it does not
appear, was landed at Whidah, where a Portuguese gentleman, of the
name of De Sousa, offered to accompany him as far as Dahomey, where
he had resided for some time in the employ of the king. The offer
was accepted, and Dickson, taking with him a mulatto of the name of
Columbus, who had been a servant to Lieutenant-Colonel Denham on the
former expedition to Bornou, departed on the 26th November, arrived
safe at Dahomey, where he was well received, and sent forward to a
place called Shar, seventeen days’ from Dahomey, under a suitable
escort, where he also arrived safely, and had an escort given him
from thence on his intended journey to Youri, since which no account
of him whatever has been received. By some Dahomey messengers, which
Clapperton met with at Wawa, he sent a letter to Dickson; but it is
evident they did not fall in with him, as the letter was some months
afterwards sent down to the coast. It may here be observed, that though
Whidah was the port to which Bello was ultimately understood to say
he would despatch his messengers to convey the travellers, and their
presents and baggage, to Soccatoo, it did not appear that any inquiries
had been made there respecting them; nor did any person there seem to
know more about Bello or Soccatoo, than was known, further on, of Funda
or Raka.

The rest of the travellers proceeded towards the river of Benin, where
they encountered an English merchant of the name of Houtson, who
advised them by no means to think of ascending that river, in their way
into the interior, as the king of that country was well known to bear a
particular hatred to the English, for their exertions in endeavouring
to put a stop to the slave-trade, by which his greatest profits had
been derived: nor had he any knowledge how far, or in what direction
that river might convey them; he mentioned Badagry as a place far more
preferable, as being equally near to Soccatoo, and the chief of which
was favourable to the English; said that he would, no doubt, afford
them protection and assistance on their journey, as far as his country
extended, which was to the frontier of the kingdom of Yourriba. As Mr.
Houtson had resided on this part of the coast for many years, and was
well acquainted with the customs of the people, Captain Clapperton
engaged him to accompany the party as far as the city of Eyeo or
Katunga, the capital of Yourriba. Having, therefore, arranged matters
with Captain Willis of the Brazen, as to sending after them the heavy
baggage, and keeping up, for a certain time, a communication with them,
they landed on the 29th November at Badagry; and, under the sanction of
the king, commenced their long journey on the 7th December, the details
of which will be found in the following Journal.

On his arrival at the encampment of Bello, at a short distance from
Soccatoo, Clapperton had every reason to be satisfied with his
reception. While at Kano, he had received a letter from that chief,
congratulating him on his first arrival there, and inviting him to
Soccatoo; and when he discovered, soon after his arrival at that city,
that Clapperton had left at Kano the presents intended for the Sheik
of Bornou, he again wrote to him, in a friendly manner, very civilly
informing him of the impossibility of his allowing the warlike stores
to be sent to one with whom he was in a state of hostility: he told
him, also, that he had letters from a most respectable quarter, putting
him on his guard against Christian spies. These circumstances seem,
by the servant’s account, to have preyed very much on Clapperton’s
mind; and that, when seized with dysentery and inflammation of the
bowels, which, after thirty-six days’ illness, carried him off, Bello’s
coolness and suspicion tended very much to depress his spirits and
increase his disorder.

To Clapperton’s Journal is appended that of his servant, Richard
Lander, giving an account of his return journey from Kano, after his
master’s death, a great part of the way by a more easterly route. This
journal of a very intelligent young man will be read with interest.
Accompanied by two or three slaves, and a black man of Houssa, of the
name (English) of Pascoe, who once belonged to a British ship of war,
and had been engaged to attend Belzoni as interpreter, with a scanty
supply of money, and without presents of any kind (so necessary in
this country), he not only made his way among the various tribes he
had to pass through, but brought with him, in safety, a large trunk
belonging to his master, containing his clothes and other property;
three watches, which he secreted about his person, to preserve from
the rapacity of Bello; and all his master’s papers and journals, with
which, after a journey of nine months, he arrived in safety on the
sea-coast.

The friendship and kind feeling which Clapperton entertained for this
valuable servant is evinced in various letters written to him while he
remained in Kano, with the presents intended for the Sheik of Bornou;
but which were first decoyed to Soccatoo, and afterwards meanly seized
by the Sultan Bello, on the pretext of their being, many of them, arms
to be put into the hands of his enemy, he being then in a state of war
with the sheik. In one of these letters he says, “I hope you ride out
every day, and amuse yourself in shooting and stuffing birds, as this
will tend to keep you in good health. Attend strictly to the duties
of religion; rely firmly on the assistance and mercy of Heaven; and,
in all your difficulties and distress, this will bear you up like
a man;” and he signs himself, “his sincere friend and master.” In
another letter, dated from Soccatoo, he says, “Pray to Heaven night and
morning, and read the church service every Sunday; for a firm reliance
on the justice and mercy, and assistance of Heaven, will bear you up
with cheerfulness and courage, when all earthly friends and things
fail. Farewell, and believe me your sincere friend and master.”

Clapperton was, in fact, a kind-hearted and benevolent man, of a
cheerful disposition, not easily put out of temper, and patient
under disappointments; a virtue, indeed, which was frequently put to
the test in the course of his long peregrinations in Africa. Both
he and his servant suffered much from frequent attacks of fever and
dysentery. His last illness continued for thirty-six days, during
which he was attended by his faithful Richard; who has given a painful
and interesting account of his death, of the mode in which he had him
interred, of his own affliction, and the mournful state of solitude
in which he was left among a set of unfeeling wretches, who regarded
Christians in no better light than their dogs. His own situation is
described in a letter which he addressed from Kano, after the death of
his master, to Mr. Consul Warrington, of Tripoli. It is as follows:—

“_Kano, 27th May_, 1827.
“HONOURED SIR,

“With sorrow I have to acquaint you of the death of my master, Captain
Clapperton. He departed this life at Soccatoo, on the 13th of April,
at six o’clock in the morning, after thirty-six days’ illness, with
a severe inflammation in the inside, much regretted by me, as he had
always behaved like a father to me since I left England. I buried him
at Jungavie, a small village five miles east of Soccatoo, at three
o’clock in the afternoon of the same day, according to the rites of
the church of England. He was carried on one of his own camels, and
followed by no one but myself, and five people who went with me to dig
the grave.

“We arrived at this place (Kano) on the 20th of July, 1826, and were
treated with the greatest respect, and the persons in power were well
pleased with their presents, until master asked to go to Bornou: after
this we were treated like spies. I was left in Kano to take care of
the baggage, and my master proceeded to Soccatoo, with the presents to
Bello. When master asked permission to go to Bornou, Bello despatched
a messenger off to Kano, with orders to bring me, with all the things,
instantly to Soccatoo. I left Kano on the 25th of November, and arrived
at Soccatoo the 20th of December. On the 21st, the sultan demanded the
Sheik of Bornou’s letters. Master gave them to him. He desired master
to open them. He said it was more than his head was worth, to open his
king’s letters. He said, ‘Then I will.’ He then told him that he had
received letters, from several respectable persons, to say that we
were spies. Master said he must see those letters; but he would not
show them. He waved his hand for us to go. We went home, and in the
afternoon of the same day, the king’s head men came, and demanded the
Sheik of Bornou’s present and the spare arms. My master said, ‘There is
no faith in you; you are worse than highway robbers.’ They said, ‘Take
care, or you will lose your head.’ He said, ‘If I do lose it, it is for
the rights of my country.’ They then took the presents and arms, and
went off; and, soon after, the sultan sent to say we must go by the
desert, or by the way we came; we must not go to Bornou.

“I left Soccatoo the 4th of May, and arrived at Kano the 21st of May.
I am waiting here for two hundred and forty-five thousand cowries, for
different articles purchased by the Sultan of Soccatoo. As soon as I
receive these, which I expect in ten days, I proceed to the sea-side
by the way we came, or else by a nearer way by thirty-five miles, ten
days due south of Kulfu, called Funda, which I expect is the Bight of
Benin, as the Quorra runs to it. This river is called by us the Niger.
If the Sultan of Kulfu assures me of the road being safe, I will go,
as it will be a great advantage to the English. I send the copy of the
Journal from Katunga to this town by an Arab, whom I have told that, on
delivering them safe, you will give him thirty dollars.

I remain, &c.
(Signed) “RICHARD LANDER,
“Servant to the late Captain Clapperton.

“Mr. Consul-General Warrington.”

With regard to the Journal of Clapperton, it may be necessary to
observe, that it is written throughout in the most loose and careless
manner; all orthography and grammar equally disregarded, and many of
the proper names quite impossible to be made out; full of tautology, so
as to have the same thing repeated over and over again daily, and even
on the same day. Much, therefore, has been left out, in sending it to
the press, but nothing whatever is omitted, that could be considered of
the least importance; and the only change that has been made is that
of breaking it into chapters, which is always a relief to the reader.
Clapperton was evidently a man of no education; he nowhere disturbs
the progress of the day’s narrative by any reflections of his own, but
contents himself with noticing objects as they appear before him, and
conversations just as they were held; setting down both in his Journal
without order, or any kind of arrangement. This may, perhaps, in one
respect be considered as an advantage. The reader sees the naked facts
as they occurred, and is left free to draw his own inference from
them. There is no theory, no speculation, scarcely an opinion advanced
throughout the whole of his Journal. He has not contributed much to
general science, but, by his frequent observations for the latitude
and longitude of places, he has made a most valuable addition to the
geography of Northern Africa; and it may now be said of him, what will
most probably never be said of any other person, that he has traversed
the whole of that country, from the Mediterranean to the Bight of Benin.

The map that accompanies the Journal was constructed entirely from the
latitudes and longitudes in a table annexed to that document. That
portion of it which shows the route pursued by Richard Lander on his
return, till stopped by the Fellatas at Dunrora, and from thence back
again to Zegzeg, was laid off from the bearings and distances marked
down by this intelligent young man; and no better proof is wanting of
its general accuracy than that of his return route closing in with the
fixed point Zaria, or Zegzeg, within ten miles.

It is greatly to be regretted, that the premature deaths of Captain
Pearce and Dr. Morrison have deprived the world of many beautiful
specimens of art, and many valuable acquisitions to the stores of
natural history. Among the vegetable products of the tropical regions
of North Africa, which, from the general descriptions here and there
given, are of great beauty and fertility, there are no doubt to be
found many new and valuable species; the whole line from the Bight of
Benin to Soccatoo being entirely untrodden ground, consisting of every
variety of feature, mostly left in a state of nature, and a great
portion of it covered with magnificent forests.

Various notices are given, in the Journal, of two objects of peculiar
interest, which are still left open for further investigation; the
course and termination of the river which has been (improperly, as
it now appears) called the Niger, and the recovery of the papers,
which still exist, of the late Mungo Park. The exact spot on which
he perished, and the manner of his death, are now ascertained with
precision. The former of these inquiries will now be considered,
perhaps, to have lost much of its original interest, by the deflection
which that river takes from its easterly into that of a southerly
course; and which, in point of fact and strict propriety, has destroyed
every pretension to its continuing the name of Niger. It cannot be
supposed that either Herodotus, or Ptolemy, or Pliny, or any Greek or
Roman writer whatever, could have had the slightest intimation of such
a river as this, so far to the westward and to the southward of the
Great Desert, of the crossing of which by any of the ancient travellers
there does not exist the slightest testimony. The name of Quorra, or
Cowarra, by which it is known universally in Soudan, and probably also
to the westward of Timbuctoo, ought now, therefore, to be adopted on
our charts of Africa.

With regard to its termination, the reports continue to be
contradictory, and the question is still open to conjecture. Its
direction, as far as has now been ascertained, points to the Bight of
Benin; but there is still a considerable distance, and a deep range
of granite mountains intervening, between the point to which with any
certainty it has been traced, and the sea-coast. If, however, it be
the fact, that the river of Benin has been traced as high up as is
marked on the chart (and it is taken from an old chart of the year
1753, stated to have been engraved for Postlethwayte’s Dictionary),
that distance, between the lowest ascertained point of the Quorra and
the highest of the Benin, is reduced to little more than a degree
of latitude, or about seventy miles; but it is seventy miles of a
mountainous country. By our occupation of the beautiful and fertile
island of Fernando Po, and the extension of African commerce which may
be anticipated in consequence thereof, there can be little doubt that
this question of their identity or otherwise will ere long be decided.

From a variety of notices obtained by Clapperton, it is pretty clear,
that the particulars of the death of Mungo Park, and the spot where the
fatal event happened, are not very different from what was originally
reported by Amadoo Fatima, and has since been repeated in various parts
of the continent. The following correspondence, which was found in one
of Clapperton’s memorandum books, and translated from the Arabic by Mr.
Abraham Salamé, is highly interesting; and the more important, from the
avowal of an individual, that he is in possession of the books of that
enterprising traveller, and is ready to deliver them up to any person
duly authorised by the sovereign of England to receive them.

TRANSLATION OF SOME DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO MUNGO PARK’S DEATH AND PAPERS.

No. 1.

“Praise is due to God alone!—As to the subject of the Christians who
were drowned in the river of Boossy, they consisted of two freemen, and
two slaves, their own property. The event thus happened in the month of
Rajab: As their ship or vessel was proceeding down the river, it came
to a narrow place or creek, into which they pushed it, and remained
there three days; but the people of Boossy, having observed them,
assembled, and went and fought them for three days. When the fight
became severe, they (the Christians) began to take up their goods,
and throw them into the river, till they had thrown a great quantity;
and on the fight becoming still more severe (desperate), one of them
got out, and threw himself into the river, and died; and, in the same
manner, the other followed him, leaving their two slaves imprisoned
in the ship; so that the hands of the people of Boossy did not reach
so far as to kill them (_i. e._ they died in drowning, and were not
murdered). Thus I have heard, and do herein write it myself.

“THE SHARIF OF BOKHARY.”

No. 2.

_Arabic Letter from Clapperton to the Lord of Boossy._

Translation.—“Praise be to God, and prayers and peace be unto his
apostle. From Abdallah, the English ràis (captain), to the lord of
Boossy, named Moosa (Moses), with regard and salutation; and that he
has heard that the writings of his brethren, who were slain by the
people of your country, have come into your hands. He therefore wishes
you to give them up to him, either by purchase, or as a gift, or by
exchange for a book of your own (the Koràn), or, at least, to let him
see them only. We conjure thee, O lord, by God, by God, by God! and
Sàlàm to you.”

The reply to this does not appear among Clapperton’s papers; but, from
the following letter, it may be concluded that he was referred to the
Lord of _Yàoury_.—A. S.

No. 3.

_Arabic Letter from Clapperton to the Lord of Yàoury._

Translation.—“Praise be to God alone. From Abdallah, the English
captain, to the Lord of Yàoury. Hence respecting the book of the
Christians who were seized by the people of Boossy, he wishes you to
give it to him, that he may deliver it to his master, the Great Lord of
the English nation. This only is his desire; and Sàlàm be to you.”

No. 4.

_Reply to the above._

Translation.—“This is issued from the Prince or Lord of Yàoury to
Abdallah, the English captain: salutation and esteem. Hence your
messenger has arrived and brought us your letter, and we understand
what you write. You inquire about a thing that has no trace with us.
The Prince or Lord of Boossy is older (or greater) than us, because
he is our grandfather. Why did not you inquire of him about what you
wish for? You were at Boossy, and did not inquire of the inhabitants
what was the cause of the destruction of the ship and your friends, nor
what happened between them of evil; but you do now inquire of one who
is far off, and knows nothing of the cause of their (the Christians’)
destruction.

“As to the book which is in our hand, it is true, and we did not give
it to your messenger; but we will deliver it to you, if you come and
show us a letter from your lord. You shall then see it and have it, if
God be pleased. And much esteem and Sàlàm be to you, and prayer and
peace unto the last of the apostles.”—(Mohammed.)

No. 5.

The following is a letter from Clapperton to some prince or grandee,
whose name is blotted out of the copy book, complaining of the above
refusal of the Lord of Yàoury.

Translation.—“Hence, my lord, I have written to the Lord of Boossy
about the Christian book, whose owner was destroyed by the inhabitants;
but when I heard that it was in the hands of the Lord of Yàoury, I
wrote to him to give it to me, and he has refused. I have therefore
written to you.”

It cannot be doubted for a moment, that volunteers enough will be
found ready to proceed on an enterprise of so much interest; and for
an object, the recovery of which is not only due to the reputation of
the lamented traveller, but to the nation to which he belonged, and to
the government under whose auspices he undertook to make discoveries
in Africa. If Clapperton’s servant could find his way, alone and
unprotected, through three times the distance it would be necessary
to travel for the object in question, how much more likely would a
duly accredited agent, bearing some trifling presents, and a letter
from the King of England, be certain of making good his way, without
difficulty, in the same track which has so recently been trodden,
without molestation, by Christians and white men. A few presents, and
but a few, and of trifling value, would only be necessary to secure the
protection and assistance of the native chieftains on the road.

It is much to be regretted that Clapperton himself did not personally
wait upon the Sultan of Yaoury, whose residence is not more than
twenty-five or thirty miles northward of Boossy, and who appears to
have been most anxious to see the Christian traveller, and pay him
every possible attention. He sent messengers with presents, and boats
to convey him up the river to Yaoury. Clapperton, however, had, no
doubt, sufficient reasons for not visiting that chieftain at this time:
it might be on account of the delay it would occasion at a time he was
most anxious to get to Kano, to avoid the rains; or, for the sake of
keeping clear of the belligerent parties who were ravaging the country
in that direction. Perhaps he thought that, not being furnished with a
letter to the sultan of that country, he would not have given up the
papers to him. And, after all, it is not quite certain, from what he
afterwards learned, that the Sultan of Yaoury has in his possession
any thing more than some printed books; for on Clapperton inquiring
of one of the sultan’s people, if there were any books like his own
Journal, the man said there was one, but that his master had given it
to an Arab merchant ten years ago; but that the merchant was killed
by the Fellatas on his way to Kano, and what had become of that book
afterwards he did not know.

The death of Dr. Morrison, at an early period of the journey, deprived
the scientific world of all information on the subject of natural
history, of which, as might well be supposed, neither Clapperton nor
his servant had any knowledge. It will be matter of regret to some,
that they had not, which they might easily have done, collected
specimens of the language of the several districts through which they
passed. The little that is added to the Appendix is all that was found
among the papers of the deceased commander on this subject; and the
state of the thermometer and barometer at different hours of the day,
as observed on the journey, and also by Lander at Kano and Soccatoo, is
not quite complete.

J. B.

=EXPEDITION=
FOR
THE DISCOVERY OF THE INTERIOR
OF
=NORTHERN AFRICA.=

[Illustration: A Chart of the Route _of the late_ CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON,
From _BADAGRY TO SOCCATOO, and of his Servant_ RICHARD LANDER, _from_
Kano to the Niger, _in a different and more EASTERLY DIRECTION_.

_Published as the Act directs Novr. 1828 by John Murray, Albemarle
Street London._

_J. & C. Walker Sculpt._]

[Illustration: The course of the Kowara or Quarra _as described by
Bello’s Schoolmaster._

_Published by John Murray, Albemarle Street London._

_J. & C. Walker Sculpt._]

=EXPEDITION=
FOR
THE DISCOVERY OF THE INTERIOR
OF
=NORTHERN AFRICA.=

* * * * *

CHAPTER I.

JOURNEY FROM BADAGRY OVER THE KONG MOUNTAINS TO THE CITY OF EYEO
OR KATUNGA.

Wednesday, December 7th, 1825.—After a great deal of palavering
and drinking with our African friends, we succeeded in getting off
all our baggage and presents; and embarked in the canoes provided for
our accommodation. That in which I was with the presents and stores,
being very heavy, proceeded slowly up a branch of the Lagos river as
far as the junction of the Gazie creek, up which we then proceeded
about a mile and a half, and landed on the west bank. The banks
of both these small rivers are low, and covered with reeds: at the
place where we halted, a market is held for the Badagry people, and
those of Puka and other neighbouring towns; it is called Bawie. The
Gazie comes from the north-west, running through part of the kingdom
of Dahomy, having its rise in the country called Keeto.

Thursday, 8th.—Morning thick and hazy, and though sleeping close
to the river in the open air, for the first time since we have been
on shore, we did not hear the hum of a single musquito. The canoes
of our attendants were armed with small guns in the bow, to guard
us from the danger of any attack; Adoli had his cook and one of his
wives with him in his own canoe, the after part of which was covered
with a matted roof.

While halting here Mr. Houtson and I walked on to the town of
Puka, leaving the baggage and stores to come on after us. The path
over which we travelled was partly cleared, and covered with high
grass wherever it was clear of wood; and had apparently once been
cultivated. The woods were thick and the trees high, with a great
deal of tangle and underwood, so as to render it impenetrable to
man or beast excepting along the path. The country is low and flat,
and the soil a red clay mixed with sand.

On arriving at Puka, we halted under a tree, and were surrounded by
immense crowds of people, who were very civil: those who could not
get near enough to see us, on account of their small size, were held
up on others’ shoulders; and from the great number of old people and
of young children, it would appear that they are not much in the habit
of selling their children at this place. They are all negro pagans. We
had a visit from one of the Eyeo war chiefs, who came in state: he
was mounted on a small horse, as were also two of his attendants; the
saddles and ornaments were the same as those in Soudan and Bornou;
the rest of the cavalcade were on foot, amongst which was a little
boy apparently the favourite slave of the chief, judging from the
conspicuous part he bore, and the great attention which was paid to
him by all the others. His dress and appearance was most grotesque,
consisting of a ragged red coat with yellow facings, a military
cap and feather apparently Portuguese. The captain came curvetting
and leaping his horse until within the distance of a hundred yards,
when he dismounted, and approached within twenty yards of us, where
he sat down. We then sent our umbrella as a message or token that we
wished him well; and on the receipt of which, the drums beat and hands
were clapped, and fingers cracked at a great rate. He now came up
to us, capering and dancing the whole way, and shook us by the hand,
a few of his attendants accompanying him. He then began his speech,
saying he was very glad that he now saw white man; and pointing
to the various parts of his dress, he said, This cloth is not made
in my country, this cap is of white man’s velvet, these trowsers
are of white man’s nankeen, this is a white man’s shawl; we get
all good things from white man, and we must therefore be glad when
white man come to visit our country. The two men who appeared next in
authority to himself were stout good-looking men, natives of Bornou;
they were dressed in the fashion of that country, with blue velvet
caps on their heads. Being Mahometans, they could not be prevailed
on to drink spirits, but the captain and his men drank each two drams.

We paid a visit to the caboceer, or chief man of the town. We found
him seated in the midst of his elders and women. He was an ancient,
tall, stupid-looking man, dressed in a red silken tobe, or long shirt;
on his head was a cap made of small glass beads of various colours,
surrounded by tassels of small gold-coloured beads, and three large
coral ones in front. The cap was the best part of the man, for it
was very neat; in his hand he held a fly-flapper, the handle of
which was covered with beads. After a number of compliments, we were
presented with goroo-nuts and water. We told him of our intention
to proceed to Eyeo, that we were servants of the king of England,
and that we wanted carriers for ourselves and baggage. We remained
here for the night, and as all our baggage had not come up from the
coast, Captain Pearce went down to the beach after them.

As soon as we had removed into the caboceer’s house he sent us a
present of a sheep, a basket of yams, and some fire-wood. His wives
and young women came peeping at us through the holes in the walls,
and at the doors; and whenever we went near them they would run
off. Captain Adamooli told us to keep a good look out after our
things, for the people here were great thieves. I said he must make
his men keep watch, as I held him answerable for whatever might be
lost. Accordingly he sent the greater part of his troop, he himself
taking up his station at the principal door, where they kept drumming
all night.

This morning, Friday, 9, there was a good deal of palavering between
the captain and the old caboceer, while we sat patiently waiting the
removal of the baggage and stores from his house. I found the old
caboceer sitting on a chair with an umbrella held over his head;
his aged counsellors by his side. The old gentleman was carefully
counting all the articles as they were brought out, laying a small
piece of stick on each; they were then counted over a second and
a third time, after which the bundles were tied up; not however
before they obliged me to count them over, and till I said all was
right. After waiting about two hours for carriers, the old caboceer
said with the most invincible gravity that he would not procure
a single carrier, alleging that he had not received enough for a
present. We then declared we would return to Badagry, and let the
king know of his conduct, and made a show of going that way; but
the old caboceer was not in the least moved. Poor Captain Adamooli,
however, prostrated himself before me, laid hold of my legs, and said
he should lose his head if I went back. I therefore returned, and
he loaded his own people; the old wretch not giving us a single man.

Having seen the whole of the baggage off, we started in the evening,
and proceeded on our journey. We learned in fact that we were not now
in the king of Badagry’s territory, but in a district of Eyeo, which
is called Yarriba by the Arabs and people of Houssa, and that the
name of the capital is called Katunga, and that it is thirty days’
journey. Finding we could get no men to carry the hammocks which they
supplied us with, I mounted my friend Ali’s small horse, without
a saddle, and Houtson and I agreed to ride and tie, as my feet were
cut and blistered with a pair of new boots I had mounted yesterday,
and I could only wear a pair of slippers. We set off in this state,
accompanied by the caboceer of Jannah’s messenger, named Acra,
and Mr. Houtson’s boys. Puka, which we are leaving, has once been a
large town, surrounded by a wall and deep ditch; the wall is now down,
and all the houses of the town in ruins. After leaving this place
it soon became dark, and we frequently lost our way. We could see,
however, that the road in the open part of the country was through
fine plantations of corn; the rest was through thick dark woods,
where we could not see the heaven over our heads, the path winding
in every direction. My slippers being down at the heels I soon lost
them off my feet, which were miserably cut; but I became so galled by
riding without a saddle, that I was compelled thus to walk barefooted,
which was the worst of the two; for whenever I crossed an ant path,
which were frequent, my feet felt as if in the fire, these little
animals drawing blood from them and from my ankles. We halted at a
village called Isako, after passing several others on the road: here
the people offered us a house for the night, but on their telling
us that our people had gone on to a town a short distance off, we
remained only a little while and set off again. They kindly gave us
guides with lamps to show us the way. Our short rest and ride had
had a bad effect on us, and the road only wanted thorns to make
our misery complete. However, after struggling on till midnight,
we arrived at a town called Dagmoo, where we found our servants with
the heavy baggage and the canteen, but our beds had gone further on,
so that we were obliged to sleep in the market-place, in the open air:
even this, with a little cold meat, was better than travelling.

Saturday, 10th.—The morning raw, cold, and hazy, and we had
nothing to eat. The road lay through the thickest woods I ever saw;
and, except on the narrow footpath, wholly impenetrable by man or
beast: the surface rather uneven; the soil a strong red clay. We
passed several people, principally women, heavily laden with cloth,
plantains, and a paste made from pounded Indian corn, wrapped in
leaves called _accasson_, going to market. They were all extremely
civil, and never omitted saluting us, or giving us the road. One
woman, whom I made signs to that I was thirsty, was nearly crying
that she had no water to give, but would make us take plantains and
_accassons_. Shortly after leaving Dagmoo we crossed a small stream,
over which I was carried. About noon, arrived at the town of Humba,
where I found Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison in the caboceer’s
house, and the caboceer waiting in state to receive us. Here I had my
feet bathed, but found I had a considerable degree of fever on me,
and was glad to get to bed. In the afternoon I had a slight fit of
ague. The house was in a very ruinous state; and, indeed, the whole
town, as far as we saw of it, was equally so. The inhabitants,
however, were cheerful enough, and kept singing and dancing all
night round our house; their songs were in chorus, and not unlike
some church music that I have heard.

Sunday, 11th.—Though very weak, I walked on for a mile to a town
called Akalou, where the baggage was halted; and here I found a black
captain in a leopard skin cloak, holding a palaver, and declaring
he would neither go nor let the baggage go on, without a flask of
rum. Mr. Houtson gave him a glass of grog, when, after keeping it in
his mouth for some time, he poured it out of his own into the mouths
of his attendants. After this the baggage proceeded, and I had two
men to carry me in my hammock; but they had not gone twenty paces
before they set me down, and said they would carry me no further. I
accordingly endeavoured to creep on slowly, but on seeing the fellows
walking very deliberately after me, I took my gun and presented it
at them, when they threw down the empty hammock and fled. The two
messengers, however, took me up and carried me to a town called Eto,
where we were to change the bearers. The caboceer of this place sent
us a goat and a basket of yams, and Mr. Houtson gave him in return
a flask of rum. Here I procured hammock-men, and we left Eto and
proceeded on through thick woods to Sado or Isado, where we halted
in the palaver house. Here, as in other places since leaving Puka,
our articles of baggage were strictly counted in presence of the
caboceer. The people sung and danced all night around our houses.

The soil between this place and Humba is generally a strong red
clay, and there must be considerable plantations not far from the
road, but none appear near the towns for the support of the numerous
inhabitants. I judge we are not far from the banks of the river which
they say we are to cross to-morrow; but old Acra, the messenger, says,
that the fetish at Gazie would kill any white man that came up the
river, and that this is the only reason why we did not come that way.

Monday, 12th.—Morning raw and hazy; our things going off with
alacrity this morning, and hammock-men provided. Leaving Sado,
the road lay principally through thick woods for an hour, when we
arrived at the town of Bidgie, where there are some fine plantations
of corn and plantains. The caboceer was all ready to receive us: a
fine civil young fellow, his name Lorokekri. They came in crowds to
see us; and on our expressing a wish to proceed on without delay, he
begged we would stop all day, as neither he nor his people had ever
seen white men before, and he was desirous of giving us something
to eat. Mr. Houtson and I went down to the river, embarked in a
canoe, and crossed over to the other side. We found there was no
place clear of wood except the footpath. The river we had to cross
was about a quarter of a mile in width, full of low swampy islands
and floating reeds. The natives appear to have a number of canoes,
which are not used with paddles, but a forked pole, and they manage
them very cleverly.

At this place Dr. Morrison was taken very unwell, and had slight
symptoms of fever. The caboceer made us a present of two hogs and
some yams. We observed here some women very oddly marked, having
small raised dots, like wens, across the forehead, about half an inch
apart; those on the cheek about an inch. They are made by cutting
and lifting the skin.

Tuesday, 13th.—This morning Dr. Morrison was better, and we left
Bidgie in the canoes. The road from this place was through a dry
swamp nearly the whole way. The sun was very oppressive, and I
had sent my umbrella on. About midday I sat down in the shade,
quite exhausted by the heat, when a horseman came up; he kindly
dismounted, and gave me his horse, while he walked with me to the
village of Atalioboloo, where the baggage and people were halted,
waiting for carriers to come from the next town. I procured rooms
in the principal man’s house for Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison,
who were indisposed. This town is surrounded with plantations of yams
and corn; numbers of people were on the road going to the market at
Bidgie. The carriers having arrived from Laboo, the sick, and the
greater part of the baggage, sent forward, Houtson and I followed in
hammocks; the road lying through fine plantations of yams, and nearly
as level as a bowling-green. In the evening I was met by the Jannah
messenger, with an officer of the caboceer of Laboo, bringing horses
for the party: we got out of our hammocks and mounted. I was the only
one that had a saddle, but it was so hard and the stirrups so short,
that it became a question which of us had the best bargain. We soon
arrived at the town of Laboo, which stands on an eminence, and is
the cleanest we have seen since we first set foot in Africa. The
country has now become beautiful, rising into hill and dale, from
which there are some fine views: part of our road lay through large
plantations of corn and yams and fine avenues of trees.

At 7 P.M. we arrived at Laboo. The approach to the town appeared
by the moonlight quite enchanting, being through an avenue of
tall majestic trees, with fetish houses placed here and there, and
solitary lights burning by each. On entering the town we were taken
to the caboceer’s house, where he was sitting under his verandah
ready to receive us, and the house was crowded with spectators; he
rose as high as the roof would admit, welcomed us to his country,
and said he was glad to see us. We told him there was one sick
gentleman behind, and requested he would send lights, and people to
assist to bring him up. In less than two hours Dr. Morrison arrived;
and having received a present of a pig and five baskets of yams,
we prepared our supper and went to bed.

Wednesday, 14th.—The morning raw and cold; Morrison a little
better; Captain Pearce and my servant Richard Lander taken ill. After
daylight the caboceer sent to inquire after our health, and at 10
A.M. we paid him a visit. We found him in the same place we saw him
last night. The whole of the verandah and square was full of people,
except a small space for those who came to prostrate themselves. In
the centre of the square was a large baboon and pole, and a forked
stick, with water for pigeons, that were continually flying about
our heads. Behind the caboceer sat about two hundred of his wives
and concubines. He was sitting on a mat, reclining on a large round
pillow, one of each of which he immediately ordered for us. We sat
down beside him and gave him a glass of grog, which he drank off with
great relish, turning himself round so that his own people might
not see him drink. We handed a few glasses more to his ladies, and
a goblet full to his headmen, who were sitting in front with all the
marks of their morning’s salutation of their master. Their obeisance
is a complete prostration of the body at full length on the ground,
with the chin resting on the hands, turning one cheek to the ground,
then the other, and finally to bestow a kiss on their mother earth
and rise. Before entering the caboceer’s presence their heads must
be covered with dust or clay. He told us he had a house at Eyeo,
and that half his wives were there. When he spoke in a complimentary
way to us, all the people clapped their hands joyfully. When we told
him that a white man had only one wife, he and the whole people,
with his wives, laughed immoderately. After staying with him an hour
we took our leave, giving him two bottles of rum, and a promise of
something more when the baggage arrived. The town of Laboo is large,
and stands on a rising ground on the top of a small hill, and in
some parts commands an extensive view, particularly to the south,
which is low and flat. Lagos, we were told, can be reached in one
day by a messenger.

Thursday, 15th.—Our sick better: at eight, sent them off in the
hammocks: at nine, started on horseback, but waited a short time for
the caboceer, who came mounted, but without stirrups. He attended us
some distance out of town with the whole population of Laboo around
him, the women singing in chorus and holding up both hands as we
passed; and groups of people were kneeling down and apparently wishing
us a good journey. The country well cultivated and beautiful, rising
into hill and dale: from the tops of the hills we had distant views,
the road leading through plantations of millet, yams, calavances,
and Indian corn.

On arriving at Jannah about noon, I found our poor sick halted in
the palaver house, which is an open shed, surrounded by thousands
of people making a great noise. Here we had to wait about an hour
before the caboceer made his appearance, which however at last he did,
gorgeously arrayed in a large yellow silken shirt and red velvet cap;
with a silver mounted and silver wrought kind of horsewhip ornamented
with beads, in one hand, and a child’s silver bells in the other,
which he rattled or shook when he spoke: he was seated on a large
leathern cushion, which was placed on a mat covered with scarlet
cloth. On the cloth I was going to sit down, but the ladies very
unceremoniously whipt it from under me, and I squatted myself on
the mat; his female attendants sung in chorus very beautifully: the
drummers were at a more respectable distance, and the whole space
in front of his house was covered with people. Here also were the
worshippers, who paid their respects in due form to their master,
going out and coming in three times. We shook hands with him. He said
he was glad to see us; that whatever we had to say to the king of Eyeo
we must first deliver to him; that if he approved of our palaver,
so would the king; but if not, neither would the king of Eyeo. This
seemed somewhat ungracious and consequential, especially when coupled
with his apparent inattention while the interpreter was speaking to
him: but on our explaining to him that we had nothing of particular
importance to say to the king of Eyeo beyond a request that he would
accept the king of England’s respects, and grant a passage through
his country, he said all was right; that he was glad we should see the
king of Eyeo’s face; that God would give us a good path, and that
he would forward us right on without any trouble. We then asked him
for a house: he said he would give us into the hands of his principal
servant, who would lend us his house, to which we went. We found it
pretty well occupied with people, but there was a room each for the
sick, and Houtson and I took up our quarters in the verandah. In
the evening we were visited by the caboceer incognito. He was now
quite a different man: his servant Akoni, who had come with us from
Badagry, sat down, and the caboceer made a seat of his knee. He now
conversed freely, gave us a great deal of good advice, and spoke
of God more like a christian than a pagan. He said that the king
of Eyeo would not allow us to go through his dominions, but that he
would give us horses and carriers to bring us to the king; but that
the Eyeo people were unaccustomed to carry hammocks, and we must
go on horseback. He repeatedly assured us of safe conduct to Eyeo,
and said we might start to-morrow if our sick were well. We then gave
him the greatest part of our string of coral, which in this country
is highly esteemed. Mr. Houtson learnt this evening that a message
had arrived to the caboceer from some part of the coast, probably
Lagos or Dahomy, advising him that the Englishmen were going to make
war upon the king of Eyeo, and that we might perhaps kill the king:
this, I apprehend, was the reason why he was so positive in wanting
to know our business with the king of Eyeo.

Friday, 16th.—Morning raw and hazy. We this morning received
two goats, a hog, and a large quantity of yams, ten fowls and two
pigeons. We are visited by a great number of the town’s-people;
and whenever we show ourselves out of the house we are followed by
an immense crowd. We received a present of a goat and a quantity
of yams from the town’s-people. In the evening Mr. Houtson and I
took a walk through the town: we were followed by an immense crowd,
which gathered as we went along, but all very civil; the men taking
off their caps, the women kneeling on their knees and one elbow,
the other elbow resting upon the hand. In returning we came through
the market, which, though nearly sunset, was well supplied with raw
cotton, country cloths, provision, and fruit, such as oranges, limes,
plantains, bananas; and vegetables, such as small onions, chalotes,
pepper, and gums for soups; also, boiled yams and _accassons_. Here
the crowd rolled on like a sea, the men jumping over the provision
baskets, the boys dancing under the stalls, the women bawling,
and saluting those who were looking after their scattered goods,
yet no word or look of disrespect to us.

Saturday, 17th.—Morning clear. Captain Pearce much better; Richard
worse. Dr. Morrison bled Richard in the temple in the evening,
but he has had no relief.

Sunday, 18th.—Our patients to-day a little better. The town
of Jannah stands on the side of a gentle hill, commanding an
extensive view to the west; the view to the east is interrupted by
thick woods. The inhabitants are apparently civil and industrious,
and may amount from 8000 to 10,000. They are great carvers; their
doors, drums, and every thing of wood is carved. It has formerly been
surrounded by a wall and ditch: the gate and ditch are now all that
remain. The streets are irregular and narrow; the houses occupying
a large space, and in the same form as those of Puka. Here, amongst
the Yarribanies, is the poor dog treated with respect, and made the
companion of man; here he has collars around his neck of different
colours, and ornamented with cowries, and sits by his master, and
follows him in all his journeys and visits. The great man is never
without one, and it appeared to me a boy was appointed to take care
of him. In no other country of Africa, that I have been in, is this
faithful animal treated with common humanity.

Owing to a Brazilian brig having arrived at Badagry for slaves, the
people here have been preparing themselves for two days to go on a
slaving expedition to a place called Tabbo, lying to the eastward.

I cannot omit bearing testimony to the singular and perhaps
unprecedented fact, that we have already travelled sixty miles in
eight days, with a numerous and heavy baggage, and about ten different
relays of carriers, without losing so much as the value of a shilling
public or private; a circumstance evincing not only somewhat more
than common honesty in the inhabitants, but a degree of subordination
and regular government which could not have been supposed to exist
amongst a people hitherto considered barbarians. Humanity, however,
is the same in every land; government may restrain the vicious
principles of our nature, but it is beyond the power even of African
despotism to silence a woman’s tongue: in sickness and in health,
and at every stage, we have been obliged to endure their eternal
loquacity and noise.

We have observed several looms going here: in one house we saw
eight or ten—in fact a regular manufactory. Their cloth is good in
texture, and some very fine. They also manufacture earthenware, but
prefer European, though they sometimes misappropriate the different
articles. The vessel in which the caboceer of Laboo presented us
water to drink, Mr. Houtson recognised as a handsome chamber-pot
sold by him last year at Badagry.

Monday, 19th.—Captain Pearce is better this morning, but Richard
continues still very ill with severe head-ache and fever.

About twelve o’clock we visited the caboceer at his own house. He
had previously sent us about twenty-five gallons of rum, saying he
heard we had not brought much rum with us; that Eyeo people liked
rum too much, and that he sent us this that we might give all his
people a dram to get us a good name amongst the inhabitants.

We found his highness seated in the door-way of a room, in the inner
verandah, and on his large leather cushion; behind were his singing
women; and under the verandahs, on both sides of the doors, were his
musicians and his headmen. He wore this morning a rich crimson damask
robe, or shirt, and the same red velvet cap; but during the visit,
to display his grandeur, he changed his dress three different times,
each time wearing a richer than before. The whole court, which was
large, was filled, crowded, crammed, with people, except a space
in front where we sat, into which his highness led Mr. Houtson and
myself, one in each hand, and there we performed an African dance,
to the great delight of the surrounding multitude. The _tout ensemble_
would doubtless have formed an excellent subject for a caricaturist,
and we regretted the absence of Captain Pearce to sketch off the old
black caboceer, sailing majestically around in his damask robe, with
a train-bearer behind him, and every now and then turning up his old
withered face to myself, then to Mr. Houtson—then whisking round
on one foot, then marching slow, with solemn gait, twining our hands
in his—proud that a white man should dance with him. We gave in to
the humours of the day, and thus “cheered we our old friend, and he
was cheered.” We sent for Captain Pearce, who came on his hammock,
but he could only stay a few minutes, the noise being too great for
him. In the evening we despatched our messenger to the caboceer to
ask when the horses would be ready; he returned with an answer,
that his highness was drunk to-night, but would see us to-morrow
morning. Richard much worse: Dr. Morrison put a large blister over
his head, which caused a temporary delirium; but as the blister rose
he got better, and promises in the morning to be convalescent.

Tuesday, 20th.—Morning raw and hazy. The caboceer called to inquire
after the sick, and expressed much concern at their not getting
well. Indeed Dr. Morrison continued very weak, and Captain Pearce
getting weaker; Richard something better.

Wednesday, 21st.—The caboceer came this morning with his headmen to
overhaul the packages, to see how many carriers would be requisite. We
tried for hammock-men for the sick, but the caboceer said, that the
Eyeo people could not and would not carry a hammock—that a man was
not a horse; which, to be sure, was a truism so obvious and ancient,
that we could not venture to contradict it. I offered him a string
of coral, which to him is most tempting, but he would not make a
positive promise. However, he sent a messenger in the evening, saying
that he would find hammocks to the first stage. He promised also to
forward any thing that was sent from Badagry for the mission, and any
thing from the mission to Badagry. We visited several manufactories
of cloth and three dyehouses, with upwards of twenty vats or large
earthen pots in each, and all in full work. The indigo here is of
an excellent quality, and forms a most beautiful and durable dye;
the women are the dyers, the boys the weavers; the loom and shuttles
are on the same principle as the common English loom, but the warp
only about four inches wide. Mr. Houtson was anxious to purchase the
freedom of a Bornouese slave, a dwarf three feet high and thirty years
of age, a cunning-looking rogue; but he was not willing to be sold,
and his master would not therefore sell him.

Thursday, 22d.—This morning Dr. Morrison was looking ill, but in
better spirits; Captain Pearce very weak; Richard better. In the
extreme weak state of the two former, I thought it advisable to say
to both, that I would either make arrangements for their remaining
here until they were completely convalescent, or for their return on
board the Brazen, provided hammocks could be got to carry them to
Puka, and to go under the care of Mr. Houtson’s boy, Accra; or,
if necessary, that Mr. Houtson should himself take charge of them,
and return them safe to Badagry. Captain Pearce expressed a decided
determination to proceed, and Dr. Morrison would not even hear
Mr. Houtson speak on the subject of a return or stay, but said he
would proceed on. The caboceer came early, and after much trouble,
and seemingly much difficulty, got men to carry the sick, his own
son being obliged to take one end of a hammock. I observed that, on
the caboceer’s sneezing, all his attendants clapped their hands and
snapped their fingers, a custom common to Benin, Lagos, and Dahomy,
and similar to our exclamation of “God bless us” on the same
occasion. The hammocks started early, when Mr. Houtson’s small boys,
owing to some people frightening them with stories of war on the path,
and probably a message from their friends at Badagry requesting them
to go no further, all ran away. He immediately despatched a letter
for another interpreter, who will join us in a few days. About an
hour afterwards, I started after the sick, leaving Mr. Houtson to
see the baggage off.

Friday, 23d.—At 7 A.M. the sick left Bachy. Dr. Morrison looking
very ill; Captain Pearce much the same; Richard better. We had
presents, as usual, of yams, plantains, eggs, and a goat. At ten,
arrived at Tshow; the country finely cleared, and diversified with
hill and dale, a number of inhabitants travelling with us. A little
after our arrival Dr. Morrison sent for me, and said, that as our
proceeding onwards had made him no better, he wished me to allow him
to return, which I did, to see if the sea air would recover him;
I therefore gave Mr. Houtson an order to see him to Jannah, or to
Badagry if necessary, and they parted at 4 P.M.

Saturday, 24th.—Raw cold morning: Captain Pearce much the same,
Richard better. At 7 A.M. left Tshow. During last night we had
thunder, lightning, and rain; the roads dreadfully bad; in some
places over the horses’ bellies. In one place George Dawson’s
horse lay down in the midst of the water, and the rider rolled off,
as he was weak and ill with ague. At 10.30 A.M. arrived at Ega;
the road mostly through thick woods, with here and there patches
of cleared ground planted with corn. Received a present of yams,
oranges, eggs, plantains, and a goat. At 4 P.M. George Dawson,
seaman, died: he had got the ague at Jannah, where Dr. Morrison had
turned him off. I was not aware of his belonging to his majesty’s
service until after his death, or I should have sent him down to
his ship the moment of his discharge at Jannah. I caused him to be
decently buried, and read the service over the body, making all the
servants that were able to attend the ceremony.

Sunday, 25th.—Our poor sick still remain much the same. I also have
been very ill from a cold caught on the journey of yesterday. The
country continues to be diversified with hill and dale, and in many
places well cultivated. The approach to Emadoo is through a long,
broad, and beautiful avenue of the tallest trees; a strong stockade
eighteen feet high, with a wicker gate, and at one hundred paces from
this another of the same kind, defends the entrance to the town. The
road from Ega to Liabo was beautiful, rising ground, gentle hills
and dales, a small stream of water running through each valley:
the land partly in a state of cultivation, and sufficiently cleared
of that thick forest which gives such a monotony to this part of
Africa. At 9 A.M. halted at a town called Ekwa, where we received
a present of yams, plantains, and a goat.

Monday, 26th.—Raw, cloudy morning. All the towns from Jannah to
Ekwa are situated in the bosom of an inaccessible wood; the approach
is through an avenue defended by three stockades with narrow wicket
gates and only one entrance; but Liabo only had a mud wall and ditch
in addition to the stockades.

Tuesday, 27th.—Morning clear for the first time since we left
Jannah—a strong wind blowing—our sick and myself the same—had
them well wrapped up in their hammocks. I suffered much from cold,
being lightly dressed. After leaving Ekwa we crossed a deep ravine,
and descended a hill on the ridge of which we travelled until we
arrived at Engwa, at 9 A.M.

At 11 A.M. Pearce had become much worse and quite insensible; and at
nine in the evening he breathed his last. From the moment of Captain
Pearce’s being taken ill, his wonted spirits supported him through
the progress of a disease that was evidently wasting his strength from
day to day; but after Dr. Morrison left us, he became less sanguine
of recovery, and wished Richard to remain in his room to keep him
company, as my duties in attending to the business of the mission
prevented me from being as much with him as I could have wished. On
the morning of our leaving Tshow I gave him some bark, but afterwards
the heat of his skin was so great, that I thought it prudent not
to give him any more, and he was too weak to venture on any strong
medicine. The death of Captain Pearce has caused me much concern,
for independently of his amiable qualities as a friend and companion,
he was eminently qualified by his talents, his perseverance, and
his fortitude to be of singular service to the mission, and on these
accounts I deplore his loss as the greatest I could have sustained,
both as regards my private feelings and the public service.

Wednesday, 28th.—At eleven this morning I interred the remains
of Captain Pearce, the whole of the principal people of the town
attending, and all the servants. The grave was staked round by the
inhabitants and a shed built over it: at the head of the grave,
an inscription was carved on a board by Richard, I being unable to
assist or even to sit up.

Saturday, 31st.—As I had heard nothing from Mr. Houtson as to the
fate of Dr. Morrison, I determined to wait here until I should get
a little stronger. In the evening, however, Mr. Houtson arrived,
who informed me that Dr. Morrison had died at Jannah on the same
day as Captain Pearce.

With the assistance (says Mr. Houtson) of old Accra, and the
caboceer’s messenger, I had the body washed and dressed, and at 8
A.M. on the morning of the 28th buried him at the south-west end of
the house we lived in; the king’s messenger and a number of people
attending. I read the church of England service over his remains,
and paid all the respect that circumstances permitted. I sent to
Badagry for a head board with an inscription stating his name and
the date and place of his death.

Tuesday, January 3d, 1826.—Left the town of Engwa in a hammock,
and reached the town of Afoora, where we were well lodged, and had
a present of yams, fowls, a goat, &c. The town is surrounded by a
stockade; the state of the atmosphere much changed for the better.

Wednesday, 4th.—Clear and cool, all of us much better. At 7.50. left
Afoora. The country clear, and rising into hill and dale: on the
rising grounds large blocks of gray granite showed their heads above
the earth; the plains were scattered with the female cocoa-nut, and
covered with long high grass, which in many places had recently been
burnt down. The view on leaving Afoora was beautiful from the hills;
all the valleys being filled with streams of water running to the
north-west, to join a larger river said to empty itself into the
Lagos. Halted at the town of Assulah, and received plenty of yams,
fowls, plantains, eggs, and a goat; the inhabitants were as usual
very kind and civil, and may consist of five or six thousand people:
the town is surrounded by a new made ditch, on account of the existing
war, and they are building a number of houses; the women are very shy,
and they say that adultery is punished with death.

Thursday, 5th.—Left the town of Assula, and passed through the
village of Itallia. The country to-day very beautiful. Arrived at
Assoudo: it is a walled town, and as far as my observation goes,
at least 10,000 inhabitants. We received a plentiful supply of
provisions, wood, and water. The people here are as curious as at
other places, but very civil. Houtson and I rode out at sunset,
and were surrounded by thousands; the men kept dancing and the women
singing all night on account of our arrival.

Friday, 6th.—We left the town of Assoudo: the country naturally
clear of wood, and planted with cotton and corn; the succession
of hill and dale beautiful. We halted for the night at the town of
Chocho. The caboceer out hunting, as he did not expect us to-day. All
the men in the place were with him, hunting the wild buffalo. We
got the best house the town afforded. In the evening the caboceer
arrived, and we received a present of yams, plantains, eggs, and
a goat. This town is pleasantly situated among the rocky hills,
but the inhabitants not numerous.

Saturday, 7th.—On leaving Chocho our road lay through beautiful
rocky valleys, cultivated in many places and planted with cotton,
corn, yams, and bananas; and well watered with many fine streams. A
number of little towns are perched on the top and in the hollows
of the hills, to whose inhabitants the plantations in the valley
belong. A war is now carrying on only a few hours’ ride from us:
not a national but a slaving war. We were supplied with yams, eggs,
and plantains, a goat and fowls. The caboceer did not make his
appearance: I therefore told the king’s messenger that I should
inform the king of Eyeo of this caboceer’s want of respect.

Sunday, 8th.—Last night we had thunder, lightning, and rain; the
morning dull and cloudy: at 8 A.M. left Bendekka, our road through
winding and beautiful valleys formed by the rugged and gigantic blocks
of granite, which in some places rose to the height of six or seven
hundred feet above the valleys in which we travelled. Sometimes the
valley is not a hundred yards broad, at others it may widen out to
half a mile; in one place we had to travel over a wide mountain
plain. The soil is rich, but shallow, except alongside the fine
streams of water which run through the valleys, where large tall
trees were growing; the sides of the mountains are bare except in
the crevices, which are filled with stunted trees and shrubs. The
valleys well cultivated, and planted with cotton, corn, yams, &c. At
12.30. P.M. arrived at the town of Duffoo, where we were well lodged;
but the crowds of people were immense: when told to go away, they
said—No; if white man would not come out, they would come in to
see him.

This cluster of hills said to rise in the Berghoo country, which is
behind Ashantee, and to run eastward through Jaboo to Benin. They
do not know their direction any farther. They extend from W.N.W. to
E.S.E.; and are about 80 miles in width from north to south.

The king of Eyeo’s wives are to be found in every place trading
for him, and, like other women of the common class, carrying large
loads on their heads from town to town. Mr. Houtson and I went to
the top of one of the mounts: I had to be assisted by two men, being
so weak I could not go alone. We had a grand and beautiful view of
mountains, precipices, and valleys, wherever we turned our eyes,
with the town of Duffoo spread out at our feet. The top of the hill
was covered with women grinding corn. They make round holes in the
face of the rock in which they crush the grain with a small stone
in the hand. This mount may be called a large corn mill.

This evening the fetish went round to keep away thieves. These
watchmen make a noise resembling that which a boy does by spinning a
notched stick tied to a string, round his head. When this is heard,
no one, on pain of death, must stir out of his house.

Monday, 9th.—Left Duffoo, a town that may contain upwards of fifteen
thousand people. Mr. Houtson unwell; he rode on early to avoid the
sun. I had great trouble in getting hammock-men. After leaving Duffoo,
the road winding around between two hills, descending over rugged
rocks and stones, and immense blocks of granite overhanging us,
as ready to start from their base to the destruction of every thing
below. About half a mile came to the village of Jesin, close at the
base of five towering rocky hills, and surrounded by tall trees,
a small stream running through it; from this the road ascends and
descends, still winding round the hills, until we arrived at the town
of Weza. Here our carriers would not start until they had quaffed an
immense calabash of _otée_, (mountain ale made from millet), which
the caboceer of the town sent to me with some plantains and eggs:
the last article in this country almost invariably half-hatched. We
now passed over a table land, gently descending from the mountains,
well cultivated and watered with several streams; halted at the town
of Chiadoo, situated on the side of a gently rising hill, surrounded
by a wall and ditch; and within the walls thickly planted with a
belt of trees, which entirely surround the town.

Tuesday, 10th.—The caboceer of this town is a friend of the caboceer
of Jannah, and extremely kind and attentive. He hopes our stay may be
extended to ten days, and assures us that neither we nor our people
should find any want of provisions. He sent us abundance of yams,
fowls, a goat and a turkey; the last a rare fowl in this country. The
caboceer’s name is Toko. I have put the barometer up, and shall
wait two days. Mr. Houtson better; myself unwell, with head-ache,
languor, and weakness; Richard much better, but still weak.

Wednesday, 11th.—Calm and clear. The caboceer waited on us to-day,
when we gave him ten coral beads for a piece of cloth, with which
he was much pleased. This town of Chiadoo is large, and I think
contains upwards of 7000 inhabitants, whose curiosity regarding us
is insatiable, crowding the square whenever we make our appearance.

Thursday, 12th.—The morning dull and cloudy. About eight o’clock
left Chiadoo; the caboceer, and an immense train of men, women, and
children, attending us; the women singing in chorus, while the drums,
horns, and gongs, formed a strange discord with their agreeable
voices: the road, through a well cultivated country, apparently
descending through the rude and rugged pass between the hills. The
soil a fine mould, but very thinly strewed over the granite base,
which in many places on the plain broke out and appeared like large
sheets of water glittering in the sun. At 10 halted at the town of
Matoni (signifying “Let me alone”), where we took leave of the
caboceer. We staid but a few minutes, while the carriers had swigged a
few calabashes of mountain ale, or _otée_, as it is called in their
language. The road was now very difficult and dangerous, over broken
rocks, and through rugged passes, where the inhabitants were perched
in groups to look at us as we passed by. At one halted at the town of
Erawa, where we were received with drums; the caboceer conducted us to
his house and gave us fowls, sheep, and a goat; and the caboceer of a
neighbouring town sent us a pig. The people were here curious beyond
measure, yet exceedingly kind. The town is large and very populous.

Friday, 13th.—Dull and hazy. The caboceer, on coming to bid us good
morning, said that our guide had not told him that we wished to go
away to-day, a manœuvre of the caboceer and the guide to detain us,
so that all the people might have an opportunity of seeing us: but we
were determined to proceed; and after much palaver about hammock-men
and carriers, left Erawa at nine: the road through a mountain pass
as far as a town called Washoo, where we rested. After this we
again entered the mountains. At 2.30 P.M. arrived at Chaki. The
country from Erawa to Chaki well planted and thickly inhabited,
till we entered the last mentioned mountains, which were more broken
than those we had hitherto passed, and appeared as if some great
convulsion of nature had thrown the immense masses of granite into
wild and terrific confusion. The road through this mountain pass
was grand and imposing, sometimes rising almost perpendicularly,
and then descending in the midst of rocks into deep dells; then
winding beautifully round the side of a steep hill, the rocks above
overhanging us in fearful uncertainty. In every cleft of the hills,
wherever there appeared the least soil, were cottages, surrounded by
small plantations of millet, yams, or plantains, giving a beautiful
variety to the rude scenery. The road continued rising, hill above
hill, for at least two miles, until our arrival at the large and
populous town of Chaki, situated on the top of the very highest
hill. On every hand, on the hills, on the rocks, and crowding on
the road, the inhabitants were assembled in thousands; the women
welcoming us with holding up their hands and chanting choral songs,
and the men with the usual salutations and every demonstration of
joy. The caboceer was seated on the outside of his house, surrounded
by his ladies, his singing men and singing women, his drums, fifes,
and gong-gongs. He is a good-looking man, about fifty years of age,
and has a pleasing countenance. His house was all ready for us; and
he immediately ordered us a large supply of goats, sheep, and yams;
pressing us strongly to stay a day or two with him. He appeared to
consider us as messengers of peace, come with blessings to his king
and country. Indeed a belief is very prevalent, and seems to have gone
before us all the way, that we are charged with a commission to make
peace wherever there is war; and to do good to every country through
which we pass. The caboceer of this town indeed told us so; and said
he hoped that we should settle the war with the Nyffee people and
the Fellatah; and the rebellion of the Housa slaves, who have risen
against the king of Yarriba. When I shook hands with him, he passed
his hand over the heads of his chiefs, as confirming on them a white
man’s blessing. He was more inquisitive and more communicative
than any one whom we have yet seen. He sat until near midnight,
talking and inquiring about England. On asking if he would send one
of his sons to see our country, he rose up with alacrity, and said he
would go himself. He inquired how many wives an Englishman had? Being
told only one, he seemed much astonished, and laughed greatly, as
did all his people. “What does he do,” said he, “when one of
his wives has a child? Our caboceer has two thousand.”

We learned from this man that the Niger, or Quorra, passed Jaboo, and
entered the sea at Benin, but that it flowed over rocks; that Burgho
is only one day’s ride north-north-west, and that the mountains
through which we are travelling pass through Ghunga, thirty-five
days distant from hence west-north-west; that they continue through
Burgho, Youriba, and Laboo, to Benin; but of their further course he
was ignorant. This was confirmed by the king of Burgho’s messenger,
who was present. On asking for milk he sent for it, and said, that
if we wished to wash in milk there was abundance for us all. Abaco,
our guide, told us this caboceer held great authority under the king
of Eyeo, and had an extensive district of country, and many large
towns, under his regency. He appeared a true mountain king, and the
friend of strangers; his name is Toko, and he is fond of our tea.

Saturday, 14th.—Clear, and a fine breeze from the westward;
much difficulty in getting away the people, and caboceer wishing
us to stay. At 8.40 A.M. started, accompanied several miles by the
caboceer and a great number of people, with upwards of two hundred
of the caboceer’s wives, one of which was young and beautiful. The
messenger from Burgho also was with us, and mounted on a much better
horse than any I had yet seen. He said it was a war-horse, and set
much value on it. Passed through the village of Fellah: the country
extremely beautiful, clear of wood, and partly cultivated. We passed
a number of Fellatah villages, whose inhabitants live here as they
do in most other parts of Africa, attending to the pasturage of
their cattle, without interfering in the customs of the country,
or the natives giving them any molestation. Passed Awari at ten;
at eleven started again and halted at Bayoo; the country still
continuing fine and well cultivated. Here we changed carriers; and at
1.40 P.M. arrived at Kooso, a large, double-walled town; the outer
wall extending from some rugged granite hills on the south-east to
a great distance in the plain: the walls were crowded with people to
receive and welcome us. The caboceer was seated under his verandah,
with his wives and headmen around him, and shortly after came to
welcome us. He was dressed in a Nyffee tobe, made after the Mohammedan
fashion. He said he was glad to see white men come to his country,
and going to see his king; that he never expected to see this day;
that all the wars and bad palavers would now be settled. He presented
us with yams, eggs, a goat, a sheep, and a fine fat turkey, and milk:
a large pig also from the caboceer of a neighbouring town.

Sunday, 15th.—Clear and cool breeze from the east. The caboceer
came to bid us good morning, bringing abundance of provisions,
which we gave to the kafila accompanying the messenger. The large
court, about two hundred yards square, in which we are lodged,
is constantly filled with some thousands of people, who will not be
driven away, party succeeding party in their curiosity to see us; and
“wide-mouthed wonder stares apace.” This is by much the largest
town we have seen, and at least contains twenty thousand people. They
describe the country on every side as being full of large towns.

Monday, 16th.—Morning clear and fine. Last night we had thunder,
lightning, and a few drops of rain; the thermometer had been as low
as sixty-two degrees. They tried very hard this morning to retain us
another day, but we were determined to go on, and at eight we left
Kooso. I rode to-day, as I felt myself much stronger than since I
left Engwa. Just as we were starting, Mr. Houtson being mounted on
a vicious horse, the animal reared and fell backwards with him. Our
road was in a parallel line with the hills until we passed through
the town of Yaboo; course, east three-quarters north; the country
well cultivated and very beautiful. At 10 A.M. halted at the town of
Ensookosoo; here we had to stop, much against our will, as Abaco,
the messenger, had eaten too much pork, and made himself sick,
and could proceed no farther. We therefore took up our quarters in
the house of the caboceer, a dull-looking man, with a long iron
chain round his neck, an ornament of which they are all fond: a
pair of manacles for the hands lay beside him. We were lodged in
the fetish room, which was the best in the house, and a very good
one. We had a present of a pig, fowls, guinea-fowl, goat, fruits,
milk, two bushels of plantains, yams, &c. The country between
Yaboo and Ensookosoo was a beautiful plain, well cultivated, and
studded with a number of Fellatah villages; here also the curiosity
of the people appeared to be insatiable, but the women very shy;
they are well dressed, and have immense large bugles on their arms,
the Fellatah women who came from the villages to see us especially,
as also their necks covered with coarse jasper beads, made in the
country: we met a number of people with merchandize. The people snap
their fingers when the caboceer drinks.

Tuesday, 17th.—Last night we had a long conversation about England;
and the belief of my going to make peace with the Housa slaves and
the king gains ground. They have been in rebellion these two years,
and possess a large town only two days’ journey from Katunga,
called Lori. The Youribanis are evidently afraid of them; they say
they have a great number of horses, and have been joined by many
Fellatahs. I told them, that if the king made good friends with
the king of England, he would send him every thing he wanted; that
if ships could come up the Quorra there would be an end of the war
immediately. They said that canoes came up the river from Chekerie
or Warrie to Nyffee or Tappa, and that they were ten days on the
passage. I surprised them not a little by an account of our rivers,
towers, houses, and especially our great guns. We had a great deal
of trouble in leaving Ensookosoo, and it was 8.45 before we got
fairly started. The Fellatahs near the town had supplied us with
plenty of milk; we had guards inside and outside the house, and the
war-horn blowing at intervals all night. At 9.15 halted at the town
of Ladooli; the country is well cultivated, with numerous villages. We
met numbers of trading men and women, and saw a range of hills bearing
from east by south to south. After changing horses we left Ladooli,
and halted at Aggidiba; the country well cultivated as before, but
the inhabitants had mostly deserted from the town on account of the
rebellious Housas, who make frequent inroads into this part of the
country, and have burnt several towns and villages. I stopped here,
as I was very sick, and unable to ride; but at 12.15 left Aggidiba;
our road through a wood of low, stunted, scrubby trees, on a soil of
sand and gravel; passed three villages, and two that had been burnt
by the Fellatahs. At noon arrived at the town of Akkibosa: it is
surrounded with trees inside the walls. The caboceer was very civil,
and made us a present of a goat, yams, fowls, eggs without number,
and plantains. These two days we have not seen the palm-oil tree,
but one of them appeared to-day by the banks of a small stream in the
valley. Mr. Houtson and I took some strong medicine, as we were both
very unwell. I was worse than I have been since I left Badagry. The
town of Akkibosa is large, and surrounded inside the walls with an
impenetrable wood.

Wednesday, 18th.—Morning dull and hazy, with a little drizzling
rain. At 7 A.M. left Akkibosa; the country cultivated only in patches
here and there; the trees low and stunted; the soil gravelly. At 9.20
halted at Adja, where we were obliged to stop, the people being at
work in the fields. The caboceer seemed inclined to be uncivil, and
did not wait on us for a considerable time: when he did, I would not
shake hands with him, but told him I should report his disrespectful
conduct to the king of Eyeo. He first said he was in the country,
then that he was asleep, and no one told him we were come. He said,
if I would forgive him, he would get us every thing we wanted;
to which I assented, provided he would promise to get us every
thing ready for starting at daylight. I had my side rubbed with a
piece of cord, after some Mallageta pepper was chewed and spit on
the part. The cord was rubbed backwards and forwards on the part,
and gave ease; and I consider it an excellent mode of rubbing.

Thursday, 19th.—Clear morning. Every thing was ready at daylight. The
caboceer brought me some medicine to take; it was like lime-juice and
pepper. I was so sick that I could not stand for half an hour after I
had taken it; I then got suddenly well, both as to the pain in my side
and the severe diarrhœa which had troubled me for some days: gave him
six coral beads, and at 6.40 A.M. left Adja, which is a walled town,
having an avenue of trees, with a creeping plant of a briar-like
appearance ascending to their very tops, from which hanging down, it
makes an impenetrable defence against any thing but a snake; and being
an evergreen, there is no possibility of burning it. The town is
straggling, and may be said to contain 4000 inhabitants. At 8 A.M.
passed the town of Loko, where we changed carriers: the country well
cultivated, and planted with corn, yams, &c., and rising into gentle
hills and dales. At 8.30 left Loko, which is a considerable walled
town; at 9.30 halted under a tree to tighten my hammock; at 10 halted
at the eastern town of Saloo; there being three of that name close
together, and all apparently equally large; the western one walled, the
other two not walled. The country between Loko and this place but
little cultivated, and thickly wooded; the soil a red clay and gravel,
with some large pieces of clay iron-stone that looks as if it had
passed through the fire, being full of small holes, perhaps by the
water wearing away the soft parts. In this part of the route I obtained
the flower of the butter tree of Mungo Park. The tree is almost bare of
leaves when in flower, and until the rains are nearly over, and is then
in luxuriant foliage. The flower has eight petals and eight leaves,
and of a pale yellow. At 10.30 changed carriers and left Saloo; at
noon, halted at the town of Laydoo. The caboceer’s house was under
repairs, but we got a good room, with plenty of provisions. He sent
into the country for milk and honey; the latter we got; the former
not to be had. We here saw a great number of traders.

Friday, 20th.—Morning clear. Last night we had a visit from the
caboceer and the principal people of the town, to inquire what would
make their town large and flourishing as it once was. I told them,
that to encourage people to come and settle in it by treating them
well, and also to encourage them to come and trade, and plant
plenty of corn and yams, and then poor people would make money,
and get children; that no man ought to have one hundred wives and
another none, but that every man ought to have only one wife. The
latter part of my advice was laughed at, though the first was highly
approved. I told them, if they had only one wife, more children
would be born: that in England the people are as numerous as ants;
and that I was the youngest of thirteen children, and as stout a man
as any in their town; that it was no uncommon thing for one woman
to have sixteen or seventeen children. Mr. Houtson then gave them
a word on the riches, improvements, and happiness of Old England,
enlarging on the general cultivation of the country, its roads,
carriages, and modes of travelling; its canals, ships, trade, wars,
&c.; the bravery of the men, and the beauty of the women, with the
richness of their dress; and that this prosperous state of things
resulted from its good government, the king encouraging people from
all parts of the world to come to England and trade, and sending his
own people to visit the most distant corners of the earth to see what
in every country might be of use in England. It was midnight before
we parted, and then I had to send them away, telling them we had to
rise early in the morning. Burgho is only a day’s journey from
this, and the natives of that country often come and steal people
from the neighbouring towns to sell into slavery. At 7 A.M. left
Laydoo; the country but little cultivated, thin woods, soil a red clay
mixed with lumps of iron-stone, none being larger than three feet on
each side. At 8.30 halted at the village of Leogalla, inhabited by
Fellatahs, who kindly brought us sweet milk to drink. At 10 halted
at the village of Bongbong, where the carriers got their breakfast
of eko, or accassan, which is made of millet meal, first steeped
in water until sour, then boiled like a thick paste, and then mixed
with warm or cold water for a drink, or eaten without water for food:
it is very wholesome. The village of Bongbong is walled. At 10.30
started—passed a burnt village—the road winding—country woody,
forming gentle dale and down; a strong harmattan, or north wind,
blowing. At noon halted at Atepa; got quarters in the caboceer’s
house, where we were supplied with yams, fowls, a goat, turkey, &c.,
also a large pig, which we gave to Abaco, the king’s messenger. The
caboceer was very inquisitive about England.

Saturday, 21st.—Morning cold and clear. This night the thermometer
has been as low as 55° in the open air. The coldest time in this
country, as, I believe, in all others, is the hour before day-light,
or rather before sunrise. The town is large and populous, containing
certainly above six thousand; it is surrounded by a belt of trees,
rendered impenetrable by the crossing thorny creepers, through which
there is only a narrow pass at the gates. The country, for a couple of
miles outside the gate, well cultivated. At 9.15 entered the walled
town of Namah, the road now winding and woody; changed carriers;
and at 9.30 left Namah. The country plain, and a clay soil. At 10
A.M. crossed a stream called Juffee or Moussa which runs into the
Quorra at, or opposite to, Nyffee. At 11.30 arrived at the walled town
of Leobadda: there is a range of broken rocks, like an immense wall,
on the east side of which the town is built. We were accompanied
hither by the caboceers of Atepa and Namah, with all their train,
to guard us from the Burgho robbers who frequent the road, as the
king of that country has his capital only one day’s journey with
a horse from this place. Passed two ruined villages; the road woody
and winding. We gave the two caboceers a dram before starting,
as they had been very kind to us.

Sunday, 22d.—Clear and cold; north wind during the night;
thermometer, 56°. The town of Leobadda is situated on the east
side of a ridge of granite, the tops of which are broken into large
masses, some of them forming the most grotesque figures imaginable;
they run in a direction from north-east to south-west, and are from
fifty to sixty feet above the plain, and join the hills to the south
and east. Leobadda contains about one hundred and fifty houses, with
from thirty to forty souls in each; it is walled; the inhabitants are
poor, but civil; we were well supplied with provisions, as before,
and in addition had milk. The caboceer told us that Kiama, the capital
of Borgho, was only one day’s journey by a horse from his town;
that these people were only a band of thieves; that their country
was small, but independent; that they infested the roads of Youriba,
and stole all they could catch.

At 7 A.M. started, accompanied by the caboceer and a great number
of attendants. The country well cultivated for a little way outside
the town. We met upwards of six hundred men, women, and children,
carrying loads; they had travelled all night, and were guarded
by men with bows and arrows and swords, ten or twelve armed men
marching between each fifty; the road woody, but the trees low
and stunted. Here, for the first time, I saw the small stunted
accacia. The soil red clay. Passed several villages that had been
destroyed by the Fellatahs, some very large. The shady trees are
now desolate, the walls covered with weeds. After closing with the
range of rocks we entered a beautiful valley in the midst of them,
planted with large shady trees and bananas, having green plots,
and sheets of water running through the centre, where the dingy
beauties of Tshow were washing their well-formed limbs, while the
sheep and goats were grazing around on the verdant banks. After
passing this lovely valley we crossed another ridge of rocks, and
at 9.15 arrived at the town of Tshow, where, after getting housed,
we turned to and cleaned our arms, as they say the road is infested
with robbers. We afterwards heard that the king of Eyeo was going
to send an escort, and was quite rejoiced at our near approach. Got
a specimen of the Tsheu fruit and leaves: the fruit is the size of a
large pear, having a stone inside, covered with a pulpy cream-coloured
substance, which is good to eat. The stone is said to be poisonous;
the outer rind of the fruit is put into their soup.

After sunset a caboceer arrived from the king of Katunga or Eyeo. His
attendants, horse and foot, were so numerous that every corner
was filled with them, and they kept drumming, blowing, dancing,
and singing all night. The caboceer waited on us, and after shaking
hands with us, rubbed all his face and body over, that his hands,
by touching ours, might impart our blessing to his face, head, and
body. They were well dressed, and said the king of Eyeo was most
anxious to see us: they had a great deal of natural good-breeding;
and on my saying I had brought only a small present, they replied,
if I had brought nothing the king of Eyeo would be glad to see
us. Sent them a flask of rum. They kept firing all night.

Monday, 23d.—The town of Tshow was all bustle and hubbub with the
great men and their attendants, the large grooms and their little
horses. I left it early, being a poor place, with a good wall, and
may contain four thousand inhabitants. Perhaps I might call them
poor, as they had not fed us so well as we had been wont to be fed;
but considering the ravenous host which came to escort us to Katunga,
and who five pretty freely wherever they can, this deficiency on our
side is easily accounted for. The road through which we passed was
wide, though woody, and covered by men on horseback, and bowmen on
foot. The horsemen armed with two or three long spears hurrying on as
fast as they could get us to go; horns and country drums beating and
blowing before and behind; some of the horsemen dressed in the most
grotesque manner; others covered all over with charms. The bowmen
also had their natty little hats and feathers, with the jebus, or
leathern pouch, hanging by their side. These men always appeared
to me to be the best troops in this country and Soudan, from their
lightness and activity. The horsemen however are but ill mounted; the
animals are small and badly dressed, their saddles so ill secured,
and the rider sits so clumsily on his seat, that any Englishmen,
who ever rode a horse with an English saddle, would upset one of
them the first charge with a long stick.

We were also accompanied by great numbers of merchants or traders. At
9 A.M. halted to the southward of a village called Achoran, until
the baggage should come up; but the heavy packages not coming soon,
the caboceers thinking we would be too much exhausted before we got
into Katunga, sent us off with a proper escort, waiting themselves for
the baggage. At 9.30 left the shade, and went on as hard as the horses
could possibly walk; the road winding and woody; clay iron-stone,
resembling lava, in the spaces between the granite, great blocks of
which appeared on each side of the ravines and low hills. We had from
the top of one of the ridges some beautiful views to the east, of fine
wooded valleys and low rugged bare hills in the back ground. At 10.20
crossed a stream running to the Quorra, which is only a journey of
three days distant. Here we drank and gave our horses water; passed
the ruins of two towns burned by the Fellatahs. At 11.30, from the
top of a high ridge, on which were the ruins of a clay wall, we saw
the city of Katunga or Eyeo. Between us and it lay a finely cultivated
valley, extending as far as the eye could reach to the westward; our
view intercepted to the eastward by a high rock, broken into larger
blocks, with a singular top; the city lying, as it were, below us,
surrounded and studded with green shady trees, forming a belt round
the base of a rocky mountain, composed of granite, of about three
miles in length, forming as beautiful a view as I ever saw.

At 12.15 we entered the north gate of Katunga; there was a small
Fetish house outside the gate, and a few others inside. We halted,
and went into one of the caboceer’s houses until the baggage
and escort came up. Here we got _accassan_; and Abaco’s wife was
cooking a little country soup for us, but the pot broke on the fire
just as it was ready, and the house was in an uproar in an instant;
only for my interference they would have come to blows. Abaco was
ready to cry that he had disappointed us.

At 2 P.M. the baggage having all arrived, a message came from the
king to say that he wanted to see us. A band of music accompanied
us and the escort, with an immense multitude of men, women, and
children. As there was much open and cultivated ground, the dust they
caused almost suffocated us, though the escort tried all gentle means
to keep them off. At last after riding one hour, which was full five
miles, we came to the place where the king was sitting under the
verandah of his house, marked by two red and blue cloth umbrellas,
supported by large poles held by slaves, with the staff resting on
the ground. After the head caboceers had held some conversation with
the king, they came back to us, and I thought they were talking about
our prostrations. I told them if any such thing was proposed, I should
instantly go back; that all the ceremony I would submit to should be
to take off my hat, make a bow, and shake hands with his majesty,
if he pleased. They went and informed the king, and came back and
said I should make only the ceremony I had proposed. We accordingly
went forwards: the king’s people had a great deal to do to make
way amongst the crowd, and allow us to go in regular order. Sticks
and whips were used, though generally in a good-natured manner; and
I cannot help remarking on this, as on all other occasions of this
kind, that the Youribas appear to be a mild and kind people, kind to
their wives and children and to one another, and that the government,
though absolute, is conducted with the greatest mildness. After we
got as far as the two umbrellas in front, the space was all clear
before the king, and for about twenty yards on each side. We walked
up to the verandah with our hats on, until we came into the shade,
when we took off our hats, made a bow, and shook hands; he lifting
our hands up three times, repeating “Ako, Ako,” (how do you
do?) the women behind him standing up and cheering us, calling out
“Oh, oh, oh!” (hurrah!) the men on the outside joining. It was
impossible to count the number of his ladies, they were so densely
packed and so very numerous. If I might judge by their smiles, they
appeared as glad to see us as their master. The king was dressed
in a white tobe, or large shirt, with a blue one under; round his
neck some three strings of large blue cut-glass beads; and on his
head the imitation of an European crown of blue cotton covered over
pasteboard, made apparently by some European, and sent up to him from
the coast. We waited about half an hour until all inquiries had been
made respecting our health and the fatigues of our journey. We were
then conducted by his chief eunuch and confidents to apartments in the
king’s house, and asked if we liked them. They certainly were very
good; but our servants would have been too far removed from us. We
looked out for one in which we could be more comfortably stowed, and
one by which both servants and baggage would be under our own eyes;
which is an important matter, in this country especially, and never
to be neglected, however good the servants may be. After this we
had dinner and tea, to which we had good new milk; and when it got
fairly dark we had a visit from the king in person: he was attended
by his favourite eunuch, the ladies remaining outside. He was very
plainly dressed, so that he would not have been known outside but
as one of the people, with a long staff in his hand. He said he
could not sleep until he saw us, but that we should only talk about
our health, and not about business now. After a short stay he went
away. We requested before he went that we should be left undisturbed
for two days, that we might rest from the fatigues of our journey.

CHAPTER II.

RESIDENCE AT EYEO, OR KATUNGA, THE CAPITAL OF YOURIBA.

Tuesday, January 24th.—Early this morning the king paid us a visit,
accompanied by his favourite eunuch and Abaco the messenger. He had
received previous information that he wished to have the presents
intended for him this night; and such is the crooked policy of
these petty sovereigns of Africa, that no present can be given, no
business or transaction of importance can be done openly: all must be
conducted under the cover of night, and with the greatest secrecy,
from the highest to the lowest. We first began inquiring after his
health. I then told him that I was the king of England’s servant,
sent by his majesty to beg his acceptance of a present, which then
lay before me; that we had heard his (the king of Youriba’s)
name mentioned in England as a great king; that we now experienced
the truth of the report; that three white men, two of them my
companions, and one a servant, had died on the road; that another
of my companions was at Dahomey, to ask the king of that country
to allow him a passage through his dominions. I told him that all
the Youriba people had behaved well to us; that the caboceers of
the different towns through which we had passed supplied us with
every thing we wanted, especially the chief of Jannah, his friend,
who had shown the greatest attention to us, and had given us a good
man for a messenger, who had conducted us with safety and attention
to his majesty’s capital. Upon this the messenger was ordered to
make his prostrations, and his majesty rubbed his shoulders with
his hand. I then told him that the king of England would be glad
to make him his friend, and that whatever he, the king of Youriba,
might have occasion for would be sent from England by one of the
king’s ships to Badagry.

The king then replied in assuring us that we were truly welcome to
his country; that he had frequently heard of white men; but that
neither himself, nor his father, nor any of his ancestors had ever
seen one. He was glad that white men had come at this time; and
now he trusted his country would be put right, his enemies brought
to submission, and he would be enabled to build up his father’s
house, which war had destroyed. This he spoke in such a feeling
and energetic manner, and repeated it so many times, that I could
not help sympathising with him. He then said we were welcome to his
country, and he was glad to see us, and would have been so, even if
we had not a cowrie, instead of coming with our hands full, as we had
done; that he wanted nothing from white men, but something to assist
him against his enemies, and those of his people who had rebelled
against him, so as to enable him to reduce them to obedience; that
his slaves from Housa had joined the Fellatahs, put to death the old,
and sold the young; that he was glad to hear that all his people had
behaved well to us; that had any of them refused us assistance, he
should have sent an order to cut off their heads; that the caboceer
of Jannah was his slave, whom he put there to look after that part of
his dominions; that Badagry, Alladah, and Dahomey all belonged to him,
and paid custom for every ship that anchored there: and he concluded
by assuring us he wanted nothing but assistance against his enemies;
feelingly deploring the civil war occasioned by his father’s
death, the state of his country, and of his capital, Katunga. He
then asked us if we did not see the ruined towns as we came along
the road. “All these,” says he, “were destroyed and burned by
my rebellious Housa slaves, and their friends, the Fellatahs.”

We now began to unfold and to deliver the presents. With the
umbrellas and gold-mounted cane he was much pleased; but for the
red and blue cloth, which, by some mistake, was common cloth for
soldiers’ coats, we had to make an apology. With all the others
he was highly pleased. Indeed, during our stay at Katunga he was
never seen without the cane.

After the delivery of the presents, I told him that the king, my
master, had sent me before on a mission to Bornou, in which country
and Housa I had passed two years; that the sultans and people of
these countries had behaved to me with the greatest kindness; and
that, having then understood that the path we were now going was
the nearest way to Bornou, the king of England had ordered me, as
I proceeded, to visit the king of Youriba, and to assure him of his
friendship, and to request him to give me a safe conduct to Nyffee,
from whence I might proceed to Bornou.

He seemed to hesitate much at this request, and consulted with his
minister what answer to give. After which, he said, that Nyffee or
Toppa was involved in civil war, caused by the death of the king,
who had left two sons, both of whom claimed the kingdom; that one
son had more of his countrymen on his side, but the other had called
in the assistance of the Fellatahs or Fellans, which made him doubt
as to my safety, in the event of his putting me into their hands. I
told him I was a servant of the king of England, and must go where
he chose to order me, and that, live or die, I must proceed; that I
had nothing to do with either party or with their wars; that all I
wanted was a passage over the Quorra into Nyffee, and hoped he would
not refuse me. After some further consultation with his counsellors,
he said he would despatch a messenger to open the road for me,
and that he would send me safely over the river.

Wednesday, 25th.—Early this morning the king sent me a present of
a large fat cow, a sheep, yams, &c. He had before sent us a goat,
yams, honey, and milk, night and morning.

The atmosphere here is so dry, that most of the instruments are
breaking and splitting. My only hygrometer was broken at Badagry. The
late Dr. Morrison’s barometers were fitted with ivory screws at
the bottom of the tube; they are all split, and rendered useless by
the heat: the plain tubes are the best; those with ivory or wooden
scales contract, and break the glass. The microscope is all in pieces,
as also several other instruments.

In the evening we had a visit from the king, to thank me for the
presents I had given him, and again to assure me of being welcome;
said that he wanted nothing, unless it was something that would
speedily cause the submission of the rebels. He said that he had
sent to his friend the king of Benin for troops to assist him in
the war. He added that the customary fêtes or amusements would
begin in about two months, and he would be very glad if I would stay
and see them; that he dressed now as a common man, but after that,
I should see him robed as a king. I told him I must go on early,
to get to Bornou before the rains. Mr. Houtson took this opportunity
of observing to him that he had been at the customs in Dahomey, and
inquired if the king of Yourriba put to death such a number of people
at his customs as at those of Dahomey. He shook his head, shrugged up
his shoulders, and exclaimed “No, no—no king of Yourriba could
sacrifice human beings; and that if he so commanded, the king of
Dahomey must also desist from that practice; that he must obey him.”

Thursday, 26th.—This morning we had a sheep from the king, and a
hog and some plantains from one of his sons. In the evening I set off
five rockets, which astonished all and frightened away many. The king
was sitting under his verandah, and we waited on him to inquire how
he liked the rockets; he was quite delighted, and said they should
be kept for war.

Friday, 27th.—Employed in reducing the packages, and writing. The
morning dull and hazy. In the afternoon the king paid us a visit,
when we showed him some presents intended for the three principal
caboceers of the city. He said he did not know what to do or say for
our great kindness, as we had given him more things than he would
have got for the sale of one hundred slaves, and now we were giving
more to his caboceers; that, however, what he could do he would. He
said he had sent messengers in different directions to try to find
a safe path to the place where I wished to go; that while we were
in his dominions we were perfectly safe, but on leaving them he was
sorry to think we might be exposed to danger from the disturbed
state of the countries through which I must travel. He then said
that the Tappa, or Nyffé messengers, who had been here three years,
were in waiting to give us every information regarding the course of
the river that I might wish to ask him. They were accordingly called
in, and were certainly the most savage-looking knaves I ever saw;
but they either could not, or were afraid to give any the least
account of the river Quorra, and I therefore sent them off, after
asking a few questions. Indeed there seems a great unwillingness in
both the king and the people of this place to say any thing at all
about the subject, for what reason I cannot yet conjecture.

Saturday, 28th.—This morning I set out on horseback on a visit
to the three head caboceers, who dwell about three miles from our
house. We were received with much kindness and attention by all of
them under their respective verandahs, and surrounded by hundreds of
their wives, who all clapped their hands in token of welcome. They
severally presented us with goats, sheep, pigs, yams, eggs, honey,
and ducks, inviting us to drink country ale with them, and to make
merry; but I was very unwell, and anxious to get home. In the evening
we paid a visit of ceremony to the king, when I asked him to allow
Mr. Houtson and myself to go and look at the Quorra, and return
before closing my despatch for England. He replied, that he heard
what we said, and that we should go. I also asked for a messenger to
carry letters to Badagry in two days hence. He said he would be ready.

Sunday, 29th.—Clear and cool. Very unwell all night with a bad
cold, pains in the limbs, and severe headache, with vomiting of bile;
took calomel. Richard also weak and unwell.

Monday, 30th.—Clear and fine. The harmattan seemingly approaching
its end. Better this morning. In the early part of the evening we
had no wind, and it is extremely hot.

Tuesday, 31st.—I have been very restless and unwell all night. The
king sent twice to inquire after my health yesterday, and wished to
come and see me; but I was too weak to sit up to receive him. The
messenger sent to open the path to Nyffé not yet returned. The
king called to see me this evening, but I was asleep; he insisted,
however, that Mr. Houtson should allow him to look at me with his
own eye, and taking the candle, he did so, and observed, that having
looked on me I should be quite well in the morning. Mr. Houtson asked
him for the loan of a horse, to take an airing in the morning. This
his majesty could not comprehend: what could a man want to ride or
walk for nothing? if he rode or walked, he ought to go and see one
of the caboceers, and he would get a present of a sheep, or a pig,
or some yams; that would be doing good; so he said he would send a
horse in the morning, and he must go and see some of his caboceers,
and he would send to let them know he was coming. The pain in my
head has fallen into my left eye, with inflammation and acute pain,
accompanied with a light delirium. Poor Pascoe very unwell.

Wednesday, February 1.—Strong breezes. My eye a little better. Pascoe
much better. The king, agreeably to his promise, sent a horse and two
eunuchs to attend Mr. Houtson in his ride. He visited one caboceer, and
was about to return home, when the whole of the party begged he would
visit another, or all the caboceers would make a palaver with this one.
Mr. Houtson went accordingly to see the other caboceers; he was
received with great kindness and attention, and came home with a supply
of eggs, milk, honey, two goats, a pig, two ducks, and plantains, &c.
He objected to receiving presents, but they told him the king’s friends
could not come to their houses, and go away empty-handed.

Sunday, 5th.—Morning clear, and a fresh breeze. In the afternoon
had a visit from his majesty. I asked him if the Nyffé messenger
had arrived. He said, no; that he must be dead, sick, or taken
prisoner. He said we could not go by the road of Nyffé, which was
impassable from the wars: what was my hurry to go? He was not yet
tired of me; he had many caboceers coming from the country to see
me; he wished to put every thing right on the roads for me before I
set off; that the king of England did not send me to him to run away
again directly; that he wished me much to wait and see the customs,
for then I should see him truly a king. I said I would do so with
pleasure, but that the rains would have set in by that time, and
I should be unable to go to Bornou. He asked what I was going to
Bornou for. “Did not the king of England send you to me alone?”
“No,” said I, “he sent me to you to procure me a passage to
that country, where an Englishman now resides who was left there
when I returned from thence.” I then told him I would consent to
remain twelve days longer, and if he did not by that time find me a
passage, I would return to England and say he would not allow me to
proceed. He now informed me that the messenger who arrived yesterday
was from one of his provinces called Yaru, five days distance;
that it was divided from the Youri by the Quorra; that he would
send me by that route, which was quite safe. I asked if I could not
go and see the Quorra before I departed from Katunga. He said no:
the Fellatahs had possession of the road. He gave me his gooro-nut
box, carved in the shape of a tortoise in ebony. I promised to
let him have thirty musquets, with powder and ball; on which he
went away dancing, tripped and fell, but was soon picked up by
his ladies. He always brings us some little present when he comes,
and to-day he brought us a bottle of honey, and some fruit called
agra, about the size of a pear, with a hard outer skin, four large
black seeds, surrounded by a pleasant acid pulp, like tamarinds,
of a cream colour. My servant Pascoe met in the market to-day some
Fellatahs, who told him there was no war in Nyffé; that the king
was only afraid of the Fellatahs; that the Fellatahs of Raka had
taken nine Yourribanis, who had been found in a suspicious place,
but were going to return them here on the morrow. Raka is only one
day’s journey north-north-east from Katunga.

Monday, 6th.—In the evening, at the request of the king, I again set
off five rockets, one of which having too low an elevation ran along
the ground, but fortunately only set fire to some grass. We afterwards
went and saw the king, who, with his ladies and principal men, was
sitting outside under the verandah to see the rockets. He presented
us with gooro nuts, and said he would come and see us in the morning.

Tuesday, 7th.—In the middle of the day the king visited me, and brought
a bottle of honey and two cock fowls. He began joking me as to what I
was about to give him. I said I had nothing to give him. Says he, “I
ask you to give me one of your servants.” “I can’t do that,” says I;
“they are free men as well as myself.” “What,” says he, “no slaves in
England!” “No,” says I, “as soon as a slave sets his feet in England
he is free.” “Then,” says he, “as you must go, either Mr. Houtson or
Richard must stop with me. I must have one.” After a good deal of
conversation of this kind I asked him to fix a day for our departure.
He artfully shifted the subject of conversation to that of women. Would
I not like a wife? he would give me one. Did he not give us plenty to
eat, or did he not use me well? “All very true, and very good,” says I,
“but I am not like a black man, who has no book to write. I must know
the day on which I am to go, as I must have all my books ready for the
king of England. Every thing I give away is in that book, every thing I
get, and every thing I say.” All my talk would not make him fix a day,
but he said I should have a servant of his to the king of Youri;
that that road was safe. I would go in four days to Yara in Bamba,
which was tributary to him; there I would cross the river Moussa,
which ran into the Quorra, three days distance; that the Moussa came
from the north-west, and in it were plenty of hippopotami. He is
still particularly shy of giving any information about the Quorra,
of which, perhaps, he has none. At one time he says it runs into the
sea between Jaboo and Benin, and at another that it passes Benin;
that the Fellatahs are in possession of Raka, only a day’s journey
north-north-east, and of all the country between it and the Quorra:
he therefore cannot contrive to get me thither. He now shifted the
subject of conversation; told me he did not know how many wives, or
how many children he had got, but he was sure that his wives alone,
hand to hand, would reach from hence to Jannah. He sent for one of
his daughters, whom he had given as wife to Abaco, the messenger. His
daughters are allowed to take any one they may choose, either as
a husband or lover; but it is death to touch any of the king’s
wives. The son, at the father’s death, takes all the widows to
maintain. The king had his skin rubbed over with the powder of a
species of red wood, ground very fine, and made like a paste; it is
used by all classes. The wood is brought from Waree and Benin. We
gave him a flask of rum on his leaving us, and he promised to give
me some of the blue stone of which his beads are made. He says it
comes from a country between this and Benin. They are not glass,
as I at first supposed.

Thursday, 9th.—This evening I had to take the eunuch to task about
our provisions: he had been dealing us out too small a share, and
pocketing the rest. He pretended to be in a great rage, and even
the milk is now bad.

Friday, 10th.—Moderate breezes and clear. A number of caboceers from
distant provinces arrived to-day, and we had nothing but drumming,
and whistling, the whole day. The king sent us an invitation to
see them, and we went in the afternoon. We found the king seated
in an old easy chair covered with crimson damask. The caboceers at
some distance in front, facing him, dressed in leopard skin robes,
their heads well dusted, and also their cheeks, by rubbing their
faces in the dust while making their prostrations. It is the court
etiquette here to appear in a loose cloth, tied under one arm; part
over the other shoulder, and hanging down to the feet in a graceful
manner: but no tobes, no beads, no coral, or grandeur of any kind,
must appear but on the king alone. The cane I made him a present
of holds, on all occasions, a conspicuous place: when he walks,
he carries it, and when he sits, it is stuck in the ground at some
distance before him. He presented us with gooro nuts, and asked me
to fire off some rockets to-night.

The caboceers from the country were attended by their bowmen. They
are required to wait upon, and first to prostrate themselves before,
the chief eunuch, with dust on their heads. When any one speaks to
the king, he must do it stretched at full length on the ground, and
it must be said to him through the eunuch, who is also prostrated
by his side. When equals meet, they kneel on one knee; women kneel
on both knees, the elbows resting on the ground.

Saturday, 11th.—More caboceers arrive to-day, attended by their
wild-looking followers, armed with swords, bows, and arrows; they
also, covered with dust and sweat, went through their prostrations
before the fat eunuch; the attendants dancing in a circle, while
occasionally one came out, and danced a movement in the minuet style;
in doing which, he would frequently throw a somerset equally as
expert as old Grimaldi himself in his best times. I sat for an hour
and a half, during all which time the prostrations were continued
without intermission, accompanied with the dancing and tumbling,
without regard to the intense heat of the sun. I concluded that they
were practising before the eunuch, in order to be perfect when they
appeared before the king. They were dressed in leopard skin robes,
hung round with tassels and chains. At last the prostrations were
completed, and the eunuch sent for several jars of palm wine. The
caboceers were admitted to drink theirs in the eunuch’s house,
but the attendants drank their share under a tree. In the afternoon,
the king sent for us to see him, but I was too unwell to go, and
desired Mr. Houtson and Richard to attend him.

Monday, 13th.—This morning, our friend and guardian, the fat
eunuch, was drunk; when in that state, he begs every thing he
sees. He got Mr. Houtson and myself into his house to see him dance;
but independent of his want of steadiness, he was the most clumsy and
unwieldy performer I ever saw. He begged we would also dine with him,
but I complained of illness, and Houtson ran off. He followed and made
Mr. Houtson hand out the flask, which, without waiting for a glass,
he put to his mouth, and drank upwards of a pint of raw rum, without
drawing his breath. He said, he had drank two quarts to-day already,
and given away a small cask: that rum was good, and made him fat.

The people of Katunga are fond of ornamenting their doors, and the
posts which support their verandahs, with carvings; and they have
also statues or figures of men and women, standing in their court
yards. The figures carved on their posts and doors are various; but
principally of the boa snake, with a hog or antelope in his mouth;
frequently men taking slaves, and sometimes a man on horseback
leading slaves.

Their manner of burying the dead is to dig a deep narrow hole, into
which the corpse is put in a sitting posture, the elbows between the
two knees: a poor person is buried without any ceremony; a rich man
has guns fired, and rum drank over his grave, and in his house by
his friends and retainers. When a king of Yourriba dies, the caboceer
of Jannah, three other head caboceers, four women, and a great many
favourite slaves and others, are obliged to swallow poison, given
by fetishmen, in a parrot’s egg: should this not take effect, the
person is provided with a rope to hang himself in his own house. No
public sacrifices are used, at least no human sacrifices, and no one
was allowed to die at the death of the last king, as he did not die a
natural death; having been murdered by one of his own sons: not the
present king. Wives are bought; and according to the circumstances
of the bridegroom, so is the price. Three days after the bargain,
he and his friends go and bring the wife to his own house, when the
pitto, or country beer, is sent about freely amongst the guests.

In the afternoon we waited on the king. There is a pleasant walk
through a large enclosed park at the foot of the hills, between
the house of the king and that of his wives, enclosed by a clay
wall. Some parts of the park are planted with corn, yams, &c. and
others studded with beautiful shady trees. The king was sitting
under the shade of one of the trees. I observed to him that I had
been here twenty-four days, and was anxious to go on my journey, as
the rains were about to set in. He asked if all the white men were
going. I said “Only myself and my servants.” As I knew him to be
skilful in evasive answers, and always to have one ready at hand, I
said “Fix a day.” His reply was, “Every one would say, the white
man came to see the king of Yourriba, and brought him large presents,
and requested him to give them a good passage to where they wanted to
go; he gave them a bad path; they were robbed and killed: all people
would say that the king of Yourriba did not do good to white man.”
He had been busy these last four days with his people, but he had sent
a messenger to get a good path. I asked him positively to fix a day,
as I could not put off any longer. After consulting with his people,
he said, “Nine days.” I said, “Well—I shall remain nine days:” without
saying one word that I had every thing ready to go.

_Foo-foo_, the common food of the rich and poor, is of two
kinds—white and black: the white is merely boiled yams beaten into a
paste with water, and sold in balls of about a pound weight each. The
black is made as follows:—The yam is first parboiled, then cut
into small pieces and exposed to the rays of the sun till quite dry;
in this state it is pounded in a large wooden mortar into a flour,
and sifted again and again until it is as fine as possible. The
flour will keep in this way about six months. When wanted for use,
boiling water is poured over it, and stirred round until completely
mixed and of a proper thickness; and when so done it is, like the
other, made into balls of about a pound weight each. The natives
eat it with soup, gravy, or palm oil; or without any other thing.

Wednesday, 15th.—At 3 P.M. we had a messenger from Jannah, who
brought letters; one from Captain Clavering of the Redwing, with
half a dozen bottles of porter and half a dozen of wine; the other
two half dozens having either been broken or drunk on the road. The
supply was as welcome as unexpected, and proved to us how very little
trouble and expense were required to keep up the communication. By
the letters of Captain Clavering, it appears that the trunks of the
late Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison had arrived safe.

Thursday, 16th.—Morning cool and cloudy. We had an early visit
from the king, who was anxious to have a bottle of our porter, which
I could not well refuse. He also begged my looking glass, and one of
the tin boxes. In my turn I told him, that since we had finished our
bullock that he gave us, we had nothing to eat. He replied, we must
go to the caboceers. I told him I would do no such thing; that we
did not come here to beg. He said I was mistaken; it was not begging;
they were all his slaves, and what they possessed belonged to him. I
requested, however, that he should send orders to them direct from
himself. After a little time he left us: but the eunuch remained;
and showing symptoms of sauciness I turned him out of the house.

Friday, 17th.—Morning clear and cool, with fresh harmattan
breezes. A great number of people arrived to-day from different
parts of the country to pay their annual custom and visit to the king.

Saturday, 18th.—Morning clear and cold; a strong harmattan still
blowing. The religion of the people of Yourriba, as far as I could
comprehend it, consists in the worship of one God, to whom they
offer sacrifices of horses, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls. At the
yearly feast all these animals are sacrificed at the fetish house,
in which a little of the blood is spilt on the ground. The whole
of them are then cooked; and the king and all the people, men and
women, attending, partake of the meat, which they are said to eat
in a state of nakedness, and in company, drinking at the same time
copiously of country ale, or pitto; but it is also said, that the
least attempt at indecency would be punished with death.

It is stated, moreover, that it depends on the will of the fetish
man or priest whether a human being, or a cow, or other animal is
to be sacrificed. If a human being, it is always a criminal, and
only one. The usual spot where the feast takes place is in a large
open field before the king’s house, under wide spreading trees,
where there are two or three fetish houses. This account I had from a
native of Bornou, a Mahometan, and a slave to the caboceer of Jannah.

Monday, 20th.—The morning cool. The harmattan still continues
blowing. Our supply of provisions has of late been rather scanty,
owing to the avarice of the fat eunuch, our guardian, who pockets
as much as he can out of what the king sends us. I have threatened
him two or three times, but I believe he trusts to my patient and
easy disposition. Complaining to the king would get him a beating,
though he is a favourite, and an useful person, well-skilled as a
war-captain, and guardian of the king’s women.

Tuesday, 21st.—Cool and clear. Harmattan continues. A number of
caboceers of the different towns came in to-day with their forces,
and the king sent for us to come and see them. We went accordingly,
and saw about twenty of these dependents, in all their dirt and
debasement, who vied with each other which could have most dust,
and who could kiss the ground with the greatest fervour. They
were stretched at full length on their bare bellies; no cloth
being allowed on this occasion over the shoulder, the body being
required to be bare as far as the waist. Old Pascoe calls them the
sand-eaters. After our usual compliments to the king, and shaking
hands with the caboceers of Eyeo and the sand-eaters, we returned;
the king promising to visit us at our house.

At 4 P.M. he came, attended by his women and our fat guardian. The
women he left outside, except two; one of whom attends upon him on
all occasions bearing a handsome carved gourd, having a small hole
covered with a clean white cloth, to hold his Majesty’s spittle,
when he is inclined to throw it away; the other with a white pot,
used with us as a chamber utensil, containing his gooro nuts, since
he made me a present of his black ebony box, carved in the shape of a
tortoise, which he used for that purpose. After an end had been put
to our complimentary inquiries after his majesty’s good health,
I observed that the time was now come, within a few days only, that
he had appointed for my departure. He said, that the messenger he
had sent to Youri was returned; that the road was perfectly safe;
that he would have me passed from one king to another; but that
by the way of Nyffé he would not ensure my safety; and that if he
suffered me to go where there was danger, it would cause a reflection
on him. I thanked him for his kindness, and said that whatever he did
was right. He then said that his messenger, and that of the caboceer
of Yarro, would attend me to Youri. I thought this a proper time
to hint a gentle complaint against our fat guardian, for having for
some time past appropriated our provisions to his own use. The old
rogue swore through thick and thin that he had given us every thing,
even some goats which I had actually purchased at the market, but
which he swore he had supplied himself. I told the king it was of no
use talking against a rogue like his eunuch, therefore I should hold
my tongue. As the king never comes to us empty-handed, he brought
us a Muscovy duck, and a bag of rice; the last a scarce article,
and not to be had in the market.

Wednesday, 22d.—Cold morning. Harmattan still continues. More
caboceers came in yesterday, with their attendants. They waited on us
this morning, and we observed that they were well provided with dust,
as they had been to wait on the king early; it being the etiquette
of Yourriba to hold a levee twice a-day, at six in the morning,
and at two in the afternoon.

It is the custom, during the time that the caboceers from the
different towns remain on their visit to the king, to act plays
or pantomimes, or whatever they may be called. I shall attempt a
description of the one I saw to-day. The place chosen for this pastime
is the king’s park, fronting the principal door where his majesty
usually sits. A fetish house occupies the left side; to the south
are two very romantic and large blocks of granite, by the side of
which is an old withered tree. On the east are some beautiful shady
trees; and on the north his majesty’s house, from whence he views
the scene. In the centre are two beautiful clumps of trees; in one of
which is a tall fan-palm, overlooking the whole area, a space that may
include some seven or eight hundred yards square. Under these clumps
of trees were seated the actors, dressed in large sacks, covering
every part of the body; the head most fantastically decorated with
strips of rags, damask silk, and cotton, of as many glaring colours
as it was possible. The king’s servants attended to keep the peace,
and to prevent the crowd from breaking into the square in which the
actors were assembled. Musicians also attended with drums, horns,
and whistles, which were beaten and blown without intermission.

The first act consisted in dancing and tumbling in sacks, which they
performed to admiration, considering they could not see, and had not
the free use of their feet and hands. The second act consisted in
catching the _boa constrictor_: first, one of the sack-men came in
front and knelt down on his hands and feet; then came out a tall
majestic figure, having on a head-dress and masque which baffle
all description: it was of a glossy black colour, sometimes like
a lion couchant over the crest of a helmet; at another like a
black head with a large wig: at every turn he made it changed its
appearance. This figure held in its right hand a sword, and by its
superior dress and motions appeared to be the director of the scene,
for not a word was spoken by the actors. The manager, as I shall call
the tall figure, then came up to the man who was lying in the sack;
another sack-dancer was brought in his sack, who by a wave of the
sword was laid down at the other’s head or feet; he having unsown
the end of both sacks, the two crawled into one. There was now great
waving of the manager’s sword; indeed I thought that heads were
going to be taken off, as all the actors were assembled round the
party lying down; but in a few minutes they all cleared away except
the manager, who gave two or three flourishes with his sword, when
the representation of the boa constrictor began. The animal put its
head out of the bag in which it was contained, attempting to bite
the manager; but at a wave of the sword it threw its head in another
direction to avert the blow; it then began gradually to creep out of
the bag, and went through the motions of a snake in a very natural
manner, though it appeared to be rather full in the belly; opening and
shutting its mouth, which I suspect was the performer’s two hands,
in the most natural manner imaginable. The length of the creature
was spun out to about fourteen feet; and the colour and action were
well represented by a covering of painted cloth, imitating that of
the boa. After following the manager round the park for some time,
and attempting to bite him, which he averted by a wave of the sword,
a sign was made for the body of actors to come up; when the manager
approaching the tail, made flourishes with his sword as if hacking
at that part of the body. The snake gasped, twisted up, and seemed
as if in great torture; and when nearly dead, it was shouldered
by the masqued actors, still gasping and making attempts to bite,
but was carried off in triumph to the fetish house.

The third act consisted of the white devil. The actors having retired
to some distance in the back ground, one of them was left in the
centre, whose sack falling gradually down, exposed a white head, at
which all the crowd gave a shout, that rent the air; they appeared
indeed to enjoy this sight, as the perfection of the actor’s
art. The whole body was at last cleared of the incumbrance of the
sack, when it exhibited the appearance of a human figure cast in white
wax, of the middle size, miserably thin, and starved with cold. It
frequently went through the motion of taking snuff, and rubbing its
hands; when it walked, it was with the most awkward gait, treading as
the most tender-footed white man would do in walking bare-footed, for
the first time, over new frozen ground. The spectators often appealed
to us, as to the excellence of the performance, and entreated I would
look and be attentive to what was going on. I pretended to be fully
as much pleased with this caricature of a white man as they could be,
and certainly the actor burlesqued the part to admiration. This being
concluded, the performers all retired to the fetish house. Between
each act, we had choral songs by the king’s women, in which the
assembled crowd joined their voices.

The kingdom of Yourriba extends from Puka on the south, which is
within five miles of the sea, to Lagos and Whydah in that line; to
the north to about the 10th degree of north latitude. It is bounded
by Dahomey to the north-west, which is reckoned a tributary province:
Ketto and the Maha countries on the north, Borgoo on the north-east,
the Quorra or Niger to the east, Accoura, a province of Benin, on
the south-east, five days’ journey distant; Jaboo to the south and
west. Its tributaries are Dahomey, Alladah, Badagry, and Maha. From
the sea coast to Chocho in latitude 8° 8′ north, longitude 4° 2′
east, the country rises by a gradual ascent; the soil of a strong red
clay and mould, and where the woods have not been cleared, they may
be considered as impervious. The trees are of great size, with most
luxuriant foliage. From Chocho to Koosoo is a range of granite hills,
running from west-north-west to east-south-east. These hills are of
grey granite, bare of vegetation, and in solid masses. They are from
four to eight hundred feet above the level of the valleys, which are
narrow, winding, and well cultivated, and watered with innumerable
small streams. The soil a thin black mould. From Koossoo to Eyeo,
the country is less hilly, the hills in broken irregular ranges,
and running principally from north-east to south-west, with here and
there detached masses thrown up, as if by some great convulsion of
nature. The granite of which they are composed is of a softer kind,
and crumbling away with the weather. The valleys between these hills
widen into plains, as they advance to the northward. In the hilly
region, the trees are thinly scattered, low and stunted. The domestic
animals are horses of a very small breed, and even these are scarce;
the horned cattle also near the coast are of a small size: but as we
approach the capital, they are as large as those in England. Many of
them have humps on their shoulders, the same as those in Abyssinia and
the East Indies. They have sheep of the common kind, and also those
which are found in other parts of Africa; hogs, Muscovy ducks, fowls,
pigeons, and a few turkeys. Of the wild animals, and the feathered
race, I can say but little, having seen none of the former except
monkeys; but the natives report that the hyæna and the leopard are
very common. The lion, also, is found in some parts of the country;
yams, Indian corn, millet, and challots; fruits, such as oranges,
limes, pears, apples, &c. are plentiful throughout the kingdom. The
cotton plant is cultivated to a considerable extent, and the wool
manufactured into cloth. The commerce of this country is almost
entirely confined to slaves, though a considerable quantity of cloth
is made, and bartered with the people of the coast for rum, tobacco,
European cloth, and other articles. The medium of exchange throughout
the interior is the cowry shell. A prime slave at Jannah is worth in
sterling money, according to the value set on the articles of barter,
from three to four pounds.

The government of Yourriba is hereditary, and an absolute despotism,
every subject being considered the slave of the king; but its
administration is mild and humane, and appears to have been so for
a long period. The only distinction of rank that obtains is that of
caboceer, who may be considered as the governor of a distant town or
province; the appointment of these governors depending on the will of
the king. The military force consists of the caboceers and their own
immediate retainers, which, allowing one hundred and fifty to each,
will not give such immense armies as we have sometimes heard stated;
that of Yourriba is perhaps as numerous as any of the kingdoms of
Africa. I think the general appearance of the Yourribanians has
less of the characteristic features of the negro than any other
I have yet seen; their lips are less thick, and their noses more
inclined to the aquiline shape, than negroes in general. The men
are well made, and have an independent carriage, that cannot fail
to attract attention. The women are almost invariably of a more
ordinary appearance than the men, which may arise from their being
more exposed to the sun, and the drudgery they are obliged to undergo;
all the labour of the land devolving on them.

The city of Eyeo (in Houssa language, Katunga), the capital of
Yourriba, is situated in latitude 8° 59′ north, longitude 6°
12′ east. It is built on the sloping side and round the base of a
small range of granite hills, which, as it were, forms the citadel
of the town; they are formed of stupendous blocks of gray granite of
the softest kind, some of which are seen hanging from the summits,
in the most frightful manner, while others, resting on very small
bases, appear as if the least touch would send them down into the
valley beneath. The soil on which the town is built is formed of
clay and gravel, mixed with sand, which has obviously been produced
from the crumbling granite. The appearance of these hills is that
of a mass of rocks left bare by the tide. A belt of thick wood runs
round the walls, which are built of clay, and about twenty feet high,
and surrounded by a dry ditch. There are ten gates in the walls,
which are about fifteen miles in circumference, of an oval shape,
about four miles in diameter one way, and six miles the other,
the south end leaning against the rocky hills, and forming an
inaccessible barrier in that quarter. The king’s houses and those
of his women occupy about a square mile, and are on the south side
of the hills, having two large parks, one in front, and another
facing the north. They are all built of clay, and have thatched
roofs, similar to those nearer the coast. The posts supporting the
verandahs and the doors of the king’s and caboceers’ houses
are generally carved in bas relief, with figures representing the
boa killing an antelope or a hog, or with processions of warriors
attended by drummers. The latter are by no means meanly executed,
conveying the expression and attitude of the principal man in the
groupe with a lofty air, and the drummer well pleased with his own
music, or rather deafening noise. There are seven different markets,
which are held every evening; being generally opened about three or
four o’clock. The chief articles exposed for sale are yams, corn,
calavances, plantains, and bananas; vegetable butter, seeds of the
colycynth, which forms a great article of food, sweetmeats, goats,
fowls, sheep, and lambs; and also cloth of the manufacture of the
country, and their various implements of agriculture. The price of a
small goat is from 1500 to 2000 cowries; a large sheep, 3000 to 5,000;
a fowl, 150 to 200; yams, 4000 per hundred; a horse, 80 to 100,000;
and a cow from 20 to 30,000; a prime slave, 40 to 60,000;—2000
cowries being equal to one Spanish dollar. Trona, or natron, is
brought here from Bornou, and sold to all parts of the coast, where
it is much in request, to mix with snuff, and also as a medicine.

Saturday, 25th.—This afternoon we had a visit from the king;
he brought with him a duck, some rice, and goora nuts. I told him
I was all ready to go, whenever he chose to give me the escort and
messengers. He said the caboceers of the different towns through
which I had to pass were still here, but as soon as they left I
should go. I asked him, as I was writing to England, what he wanted
from thence. He said, a brass crown, fine yellow and blue cloth,
large coral, some gaudy carpeting, an English drum, and about half a
ton of cowries. The whole of this curious catalogue would not cost,
as I suppose, more than £200. I told him, therefore, that I should
send the list home.

Sunday, 26th.—Morning dull and hazy, with an oppressive sultry heat,
the wind north-north-east, causing the same depression of spirits as
the siroc wind in the Mediterranean, and which affected every one
of the party, and made us all sigh for a breeze, and to proceed on
our journey.

Wednesday, 1st March.—On this day the weather began to clear up,
with a fine breeze from the eastward. Our friend the fat eunuch is
evidently playing the rogue with us, as we neither can get provisions,
wood, nor water, but with the greatest difficulty. He sees he has got
all I intend to give, either to the king or any body else. A messenger
of the caboceer of Jannah went and returned from Rakah to-day, to buy
trona. The Yourriba name of Rakah is Saguda: the Quorra is only about
two hours’ easy walking to the eastward of it. The following day,
in the afternoon, I had a visit from the king. I asked him why I was
longer detained; said I had waited with patience through the several
times he had appointed for my starting, but it appeared I was just as
far from getting away as ever. He hesitated, and gave me an evasive
answer. I asked him to tell me distinctly. No, he could not do that,
as he wished to get me a large horse to ride before I went. I said I
would ride a small one. He then said he had only one. I asked him if
he would allow me to hire horses from the caboceers. “What,” he
replied, “will they say of me, if I allow you to go away in this
way after your king sending me such a present?” He then begged
I would stop for three days more, until he could get horses, and I
should certainly go. I pointed out to him the number of times he had
broken his word: he said the reason he would not fix a day now was,
that he might not break his word again.

Monday, 6th.—It was not before the 6th that the king paid me another
visit, and told me, that the Yarro messengers were ready, and that
I might go to-morrow or next day, and that he intended to give me a
horse. I thanked him, and told him I was quite ready and determined
to set off to-morrow, as delays here were dangerous. Accordingly,
the next day, when every thing was ready for starting, I was again
visited by the king, who, after giving me in charge of what he
called the Yarro messenger, told me that the sultan Yarro would
take the greatest care of my baggage, and forward me to the king of
Youri. He then made me a present of a horse, for which I thanked him,
and took my leave.

CHAPTER III.

JOURNAL OF PROCEEDINGS FROM KATUNGA, OR EYEO, TO BOUSA, ON THE NIGER,
OR QUORRA, THE PLACE WHERE MUNGO PARK PERISHED.

At three o’clock in the afternoon I set out from Katunga, and passed
the gates of the town, with the same escort I had on entering it,
headed, as before, by the king’s brother. In the evening we halted
at the village of Assina for the night, where I got two fowls and
some yams. The poor people were just returning to their houses,
from which they had been driven out by the Fellatas last year,
who continue to infest the country, even up to the gates of Katunga.

Wednesday, 8th.—Left the village of Assina; the morning dull,
but cool and pleasant; arrived at Tshow, where I had breakfast,
and left it at 10 A.M., and after travelling over very bad roads,
cut up and crossed by deep rocky ravines, reached the higher ground,
which was well cultivated; but their villages appeared to be all
in ruins, which my guides told me were destroyed last year by the
Fellatas. At noon arrived at the town of Algi, which is now rising
from its ruins; it having shared the same fate as the villages I had
passed. The inhabitants are now returning to their ruined dwellings,
some of which they have already repaired; they said they had nothing
but a little grain, and a few yams for seed; of these they gave me
part, and the best house in the town. The Yarro messenger had not
made his appearance, and I now learned, that Algi no longer belonged
to the king of Yourriba, but to Yarro, the chief or sultan of Kiama,
a petty state of the kingdom of Borgoo; that Kiama was the name of
the province, and Yarro the name of the sultan, as he is called. I
gave the king of Yourriba’s brother, who commanded the escort,
a fathom of red cloth, and ten coral beads, as he is to return to
Katunga as soon as he has seen me off from this place.

Thursday, 9th.—Light airs, and clear. I was unable to get off
to-day, as they could not collect the people to carry my baggage. The
king of Yourriba’s brother declared, that he or his people had had
nothing to eat all night, or since he had left Assina; yet he got the
caboceer of the place to send me a pig, for which I gave five coral
beads: the man said he was ashamed to see me, as he had nothing to
give. Algi consists of three walled villages, and before it was burnt
down had been of considerable size: they pointed out a rock close to
the south side of the town, from whence the Fellatas flew the pigeons
to set fire to it. The mode of doing it was, by making combustibles
fast to the tails of the birds, which, on being let loose from the
hand, immediately flew to the tops of the thatched houses, while the
Fellatas kept up a sharp fire of arrows, to prevent the inhabitants
extinguishing the flames. There are still a number of Fellatas in
this neighbourhood, who are nearly white, but pagans: they speak
the Fellata language, and agree in every thing but their religion.

Friday, 10th.—This morning the king’s brother accompanied me
outside the town. I sent by him a letter to Mr. Houtson, to tell the
king of Yourriba he had behaved very ill in not sending a proper
messenger; that the one he had sent was not the Kiama messenger,
but the butcher’s son of Algi, and that in no one point had he
performed his promise to me. We halted at the village of Watatoo,
where I was lodged in one of the best houses; this village had also
shared the fate of Algi, having been burnt down by the Fellatas,
and the inhabitants were just returning to their homes. The country
between Watatoo and Algi is cultivated in a number of places, and
planted with cotton, yams, and maize, and is diversified by hill
and dale: the hills are low and rocky; the rocks of a fine-grained
sand-stone. In the evening the head man of the village made me a
present of four fowls and some yams.

Saturday, 11th.—Cool and cloudy; during the night, heavy storm of
wind, with thunder and lightning. At daylight I had every thing ready
for starting; the butcher’s son having arrived last night, mounted
on a little mare, with a saddle, and he without shoes or boots. On
leaving Watatoo, I gave the two head men of the village a fathom of
blue cloth each, as they had been as good as their circumstances
would admit, and they promised to send every thing after me as
soon as possible. In about fifteen minutes after leaving Watatoo,
I arrived at and crossed the river Moussa, which formerly divided the
kingdoms of Yourriba, and Borgoo: it was dry in a great many places,
with a very rocky bed; when full, about thirty yards in breadth;
and runs apparently with a very strong current. They say, it is the
same river I passed on the road to Tshow, on the north side of the
hills, and enters the Quorra opposite Nyffee, and near Rakah. After
crossing, I travelled through thick woods for an hour, when I halted
at a few huts on the north side of the river, called Bori, until
the baggage should arrive. A hut stood apart from the rest, near
the banks of the river; the grass and weeds carefully cleared away
from around it. The messenger and people who were with me went one
after another to say their prayers; which they did, by lying down,
with their foreheads towards the door, which was secured by a mat:
they appeared to be very devout, and having finished their prayers,
slipped a few cowries inside the mat. I asked if I might go and look
in, but they would not allow me. I asked them who they prayed to: they
said, to the God that gave them plenty of water, corn, and yams. They
say there are great numbers of hippopotami and crocodiles in the river
during the time that it is full. The carriers, with the baggage, came
up very slowly, and the heaviest loads were mostly carried by old
women; and I could not help noticing the cold-blooded indifference
of the young men, who would not give the poor old creatures the
least assistance: however, I made them carry the heaviest loads,
to the great joy of the old ladies. During the time I was waiting
for the carriers to come up, a piece of cloth was stolen from one
of the women. The bearers flew to arms instantly, the arrows laid
on the strings, and the bows bent. I expected nothing but a battle;
but fortunately the thief was discovered to be one of the villagers,
who had pretended to be asleep, and drunk, all the time we were here;
he had stowed the cloth under the thatch of the house, and I never saw
a woman more overjoyed in my life than the poor honest creature was,
when she recovered her cloth; she came and kneeled down to thank
me, as she said it was by my influence the cloth was returned. On
the tops of the huts, which are of the real Bornou coozie form,
the first I have seen since I came to Africa this time, were stuck
a number of crocodiles’ eggs, which are considered as a protection
against that animal. All the baggage having now arrived, I left the
village of Boru, with its shady trees and mud temple, at a very quick
pace, over a flat country apparently not far from the river Quorra,
thickly wooded with fine tall trees, and inhabited by large antelopes,
numerous traces of which I saw. In the evening halted in the wood,
close to a small stream of water.

The next morning, on leaving our encampment, a messenger from the
chief of Kiama arrived; he had been sent to see if I was on the
road, and to return with speed and inform his master. Our road was
through thick woods; the soil a red clay, mixed with gravel. At
10 A.M. halted at the town of Oblah, which has been walled, and
of considerable size, but now only a few huts remain, the rest
having been burned by Yarro. Here my servant Richard was taken
very ill, and unable to ride; in consequence of which I remained
until the afternoon, when he got better, and was able to proceed,
by a man holding him on the bare back of the horse, for we had no
saddles. Halted at the village of Socka, where I got one of the best
huts, a few yams, and four fowls.

Monday, 13th.—Morning cool and cloudy. At daylight an escort
arrived from the chief of Kiama, mounted on as fine horses as I ever
saw. One man had on a white cotton tobe, or shirt, written over
entirely with Arab charms, which made it look like printed cotton
at a distance. They were a despicable, lawless set of fellows; for
as soon as they had delivered their master’s compliments to me,
they began to plunder the village of the goats and fowls. One fellow
rode in at full gallop, through the fence of matting which surround
the huts, brandishing his spear; those on foot following him, and
making a prize of every thing they could lay their hands on. I gave
the head man of the village, out of sight of the escort, a fathom of
blue cloth, and two knives. On leaving Sacko, I was now accompanied
by this escort, who formed as fine and wild a looking troop as I
ever saw. They had brought me a saddle, but Richard and Pascoe rode
bare-backed, and our little Yourriba mares made a miserable contrast
with the gallant looking troop who were guarding us: but I consoled
myself with the thought that I had not plundered the village. Our road
lay through a country rough and uneven, consisting of hill and dale,
with rocks of quartz and sandstone, a range of hills closing round
to the right. Passed two villages, at which my honest escort levied
a tribute of goats and fowls. At nine A.M. we arrived at the city
of Kiama, and rode instantly up to the house of the chief; where,
after waiting under the shade of a wide spreading tree for a few
minutes, I paid my respects to the chief, or sultan, as they call
him: his name is Yarro. He was sitting in the porch of his door,
a stout, good looking man, past the middle age, dressed in a white
tobe or large shirt, with a red Moorish cap on his head. We shook
hands; and after telling him who I was, and where I wished to go,
he said, Very well, I had better go and rest from the fatigues of
my journey, in the house that was prepared for me; and sent his
head man to conduct me to it. He was attended by a mob of people,
who were lying on their bellies and their sides, talking to him in
this posture. After taking my leave, I went with his head man to my
house, which proved to be a very good one. It consisted of three large
huts inside a square, in one of which I put the baggage; occupied the
second myself; and the servants the other. I had not remained long,
before Yarro sent me a present of milk, eggs, bananas, fried cheese,
curds, and foo-foo; and I was left alone until the heat of the day was
over, when I received a visit from Yarro himself. He came mounted on
a beautiful red roan, attended by a number of armed men, on horseback
and on foot; and six young female slaves, naked as they were born,
except a stripe of narrow white cloth tied round their heads, about
six inches of the ends flying out behind; each carrying a light
spear in the right hand. He was dressed in a red silk damask tobe,
and booted. He dismounted, and came into my house, attended by the
six girls, who laid down their spears, and put a blue cloth round
their waists before they entered the door. After he was seated,
he began by asking after the health of the king of Yourriba, who,
I said, I had left very well. I then told him I had been sent by the
king of England to visit Bornou; that I was the king of England’s
servant, and hoped he would assist me in proceeding on my journey;
and that I intended to make him a suitable present; that I wanted
thirty-six men to carry my baggage, and two horses for my servants
to ride; and that I wished to stay as short a time as possible,
as the rains were near at hand, which, if overtaken by them, would
prevent my travelling; that the season of the rains was very sickly,
and fatal to white men; that three of the white men who had left
England with me had died in Yourriba, and it was more than probable
that I should die also, if exposed in any of these countries to the
rains. He said I was going to stay but a short time, and that he
would send me to Wawa; from thence I should be forwarded to Boussa;
then to cross the river Quorra to Injaskee, and thence to Bornou. On
his leaving me, I attended him to the door. He mounted his horse,
the young ladies undressed, and away went the most extraordinary
cavalcade I ever saw in my life.

After sunset I had a visit from the taya or chief of the caravan
belonging to Houssa, which had arrived yesterday from Gonja and
Ashantee, and a trader of Bornou who had known me when I was in
that country. They advised me by all means to leave this country
as soon as possible, as they were all kaffirs; that they would
plunder me of every thing I had; and that on no account ought I to
go by the way of Youri, as they were now at war with the Fellatas,
and the road entirely shut up; that, besides, the road by Youri was
the most distant; and that I must urge this chief to send me away
as soon as possible.

Tuesday, 14th.—This morning I waited on Yarro with my present, which
consisted of the following articles:—a large blue silk umbrella,
one of Tatham’s African swords, three fathoms of blue cloth, three
fathoms of red, some red beads and coral, an imitation gold chain,
two bottles of rum, two phosphorus boxes, four knives, and six pair of
scissars, and some prints. The cloth I had spread out at full length:
the large mock coral beads he shook at the naked young females, as
much as to say, Which of you will get these? On seeing the sword he
could not restrain his delight, and drawing it, and brandishing it
around his head, he called out, “_Ya baturi! Ya baturi!_” “Oh,
my white lord! Oh, my white lord!” He was certainly more pleased
than any man I ever saw with a present; his eyes sparkled with joy,
and he shook me about a dozen times by the hand. I pressed the
necessity of my departure, which he said should be the day after
to-morrow. I then took my leave; and a short time after returning
to my house he sent me some milk and a sheep; and in the afternoon,
by his head man, Abubecker, an earthenware jug to look at: it was of
English earthenware, representing old Toby Philpot with a flowing
jug of ale in his hand. I have seen more European articles, such
as earthenware jugs, brass and pewter dishes, pieces of woollen
and cotton cloth, within these two days that I have been in Kiama,
than I saw during the whole time I was in Yourriba.

In the evening I had a visit from the head man of the Houssa goffle,
or caravan, which is on its way from Gonja and Ashantee: they consist
of upwards of 1000 men and women, and as many beasts of burthen. He
offers to carry all my things to Kano for a certain sum. He says
that they had been detained in Gonja a long time, twelve months,
on account of the wars; that the king of Ashantee was dead, as
also the heir, and that the Ashantees were now without a king. This
taya, as the head man of the goffle is called, is named Abdullah,
a native of Kano. I heard a great many inquiries made after myself,
they not knowing me in my English dress, and without a beard. They
talk to me about having seen me in Bornou and Soudan: I do not yet
tell them that I am the same person.

The principal part of the cargo of these Houssa merchants consists
in gora or kolla nuts, which they receive in exchange for natron,
red glass beads, and a few slaves, principally refractory ones
which they cannot manage. They carry their goods on bullocks, mules,
asses, and a number of female slaves are loaded; even some women hire
themselves to carry loads to and from Nyffé. Some of the merchants
have no more property than they can carry on their own heads. The
duty they pay to the chief of Kiama is ten kolla for each load.

Wednesday, 15th.—I early visited the chief this morning, to urge
my departure. He was surrounded by a number of his head men; and
when I had finished my story, he made a number of objections to my
going off to-morrow. One of his fellows said I had given nothing to
be allowed to go. I said I was not a merchant, possessed of a great
quantity of goods to give away; that I had only a few things to give
to the different sultans on the road, to afford me protection to
and from Bornou, and pointed out to Yarro each separate place where
I should be obliged to give. He said that, before I left Kiama, I
must give a present to his governor and the head men of the town,
whom he would send to me. I told him, if this was to be the way,
I should very soon have nothing to give: that at Wawa, Boussa,
and Injaskie, they would be sure to hear what I had given here, and
that they would expect the same. He then said, that as soon as his
messenger arrived from Katunga, who was a very trusty man, I should
go to Wawa. I informed him that the chief of the Houssa caravan
had offered to take me to Kano from Wawa, and that he would carry
every thing for me. “Oh,” says he, “you must not believe these
stories; he would take you a day or two on the road, and then leave
you: where is he to get the means to carry your things? and besides,
he has not paid his custom yet, and until that is paid he cannot go:
you shall go to-morrow or next day.” On which I thanked him, and
took my leave. On my return I had a messenger from his principal wife,
to say she wished to see me; and she sent me five yams and a fowl.

In the afternoon I went to visit her sable majesty. I first repaired
to Yarro’s house, where, after some conversation about my going
away, I told him I wished to send a letter to Badagry, and if he
wanted a tea-pot like mine I should send for one for him: he said
yes, he wanted a tea-pot and a pair of gold bracelets, and some
other things, which he would mention to me by and by. His wife and
daughter came in: the first old and ugly; the next about twenty-five
years old, which is past the meridian in this country. After paying
their respects to Yarro, which is after the Yourriba fashion, I gave
them one fathom of red cloth, one fathom of blue, some scissars,
needles, beads, and silk. Yarro asked me if I would take his
daughter for a wife; I said “Yes,” after a great many thanks
for my present. The old woman went out, and I followed with the
king’s head man, Abubecker. I went to the house of the daughter,
which consists of several coozies separate from those of the father,
and I was shown into a very clean one: a mat was spread: I sat down;
and the lady coming in and kneeling down, I asked her if she would
live in my house, or I should come and live with her: she said,
whatever way I wished: very well, I said, I would come and live with
her, as she had the best house. She kept her kneeling posture all
the time I was in the house. I took leave of her, and went home,
when one of the great men mentioned by Yarro waited upon me, and I
gave him a present of two knives, some beads, and a yard of cloth.

Thursday, 16th.—The king’s son came to-day for my advice: a
fat, gross, tall man. He said, on my inquiring after his disorder,
that every month he had a great throbbing of blood in his head,
attended with pain; that he lost the use of his limbs, and could
not stand; that the pain then fell down to his breast, and remained
altogether four days, coming on always a few days before the new
moon. I weighed him out nine doses of calomel, of seven grains each,
desiring him to take them one at a time when the throbbing came on,
and if he could get bled in the head to have that done also; and,
with the assistance of God, I hoped he would get well before he
had taken the nine doses. I had a visit also from the princess,
for the purpose of receiving a small donation of beads. She would
not sit down on the carpet or mat, as her father had sat on it when
he had been in my house. Such is the custom: a daughter must not
presume to sit where her father has sat. A wife of the governor
of the town also came to see me. She brought me a present of some
cowries, as she said her father had been a servant to white men:
she would sleep well and happy to-night, as the joy or wish of her
life was accomplished—she had seen me.

I had a present of a sheep, four fowls, and some yams, from a young
man related to Yarro, for my advice and assistance; as I now intend
my advice in the medical way shall turn to some account: without
that I should never have a moment’s peace for patients. This
young man had nothing the matter with him: he was only afraid he was
going to get the disorder his mother died of, which he described as
follows:—First, swellings of the eyes and ears, then contracting
of the toes and fingers; the skin on the body peeling off, and the
flesh looking red and raw; then death. I gave him twelve papers of
calomel, of two grains each, desiring him to take one every morning,
besides giving him a strong dose of Croton oil (three drops), and
a dose of Seidlitz to wash it down.

Every night we have dancing and singing. Their music is the Bornou
flute, the Arab fiddle, and the drum. There appears not the least
jealousy to exist in Kiama: men’s wives and maidens all join in
the song and dance; even those of the Moorish belief seem to forget
that part of their creed in Kiama.

Friday, 17th.—This being jama, or the day Mahometans attend the
mosque, kept by them as we keep our Sunday, the pagans also take
advantage of the day, and spend it in showing their fine clothes,
and paying and receiving visits. I had a visit from the governor,
who came in state: he was attended by a great rabble, and two drums:
he had on a turban over a European foraging cap, two or three tobes
of Manchester cotton; the rest of his dress was of country-made
cloth. After the governor left me I visited Yarro with a present
of six wax candles, and the remains of my red beads of the largest
size, as he says his women are very fond of them; and this is to be
my last present, as I am to go away to-morrow. He says he will give
me carriers; lend me horses; and, as I will have to sleep in the
woods, he would send plenty of provisions: his people should sleep
on one side the baggage, and mine on the other, at night; and then,
when every thing went safe, I could not but say Yarro was a good man.

After the heat of the day was over, Yarro came, attended by all his
train. The most extraordinary persons in it were himself and the
bearers of his spears, which, as before, were six naked young girls,
from fifteen to seventeen years of age. The only thing they wore
was a white bandeau, or fillet of white cloth, round the forehead,
about six inches of the ends flying behind, and a string of beads
round their waists; in their right hands they carried three light
spears each. Their light form, the vivacity of their eyes, and the
ease with which they appeared to fly over the ground, made them appear
something more than mortal as they flew alongside of his horse, when
he was galloping, and making his horse curvet and bound. A man with
an immense bundle of spears remained behind at a little distance,
apparently to serve as a magazine for the girls to be supplied from,
when their master had expended those they carried in their hands.

Yarro is a stout, good-looking man, with large eyes, a handsome
Roman nose, a short grisly beard, sits well on horseback, and was
dressed in a high red Moorish cap, a tobe or large shirt, boots,
and brass stirrup-irons. His horse’s neck was bedecked with small
brass bells and charms, and was as fine a dark bay as I ever saw. The
rest of his attendants were not worth mentioning: some on horseback,
some on foot; and one only had an old musket, which missed fire every
time they snapped it. The whole of the horse in attendance might
be about fifty, who filed past my door, and then halted, when Yarro
alighted and came in. I had tea prepared for him, which he professed
to like very much; but he would not drink milk with his tea, as it
is forbidden by his fetish. The girls came into the house with him,
but a cloth for the waist was first given them to put on. After tea he
returned, and at his request I went to the front of his house, where
there was some by no means bad horse-racing, in an oblong square in
front of his house, formed on one side by tall shady trees, the end
closed by the rocky ridge. The horses ran in pairs up this square,
sometimes a large Bornou horse paired with the small native breed,
the latter of which appeared to dispute the victory often with the
larger horses of Bornou. Towards the close, young boys rode on bare
backed young horses, which was not the worst of the sport. After
the racing I went and complimented Yarro on his riding, as he also
was one of the racers, and of course won.

Kiama, the principal city of a province of that name in the kingdom of
Borgoo, is situated in latitude 9° 37′ 33″ north, and longitude
5° 22′ 56″ east of Greenwich. It is governed by a chief whose
name, Yarro, signifies The Boy; and both city and province are,
as frequently happens in Africa, sometimes called after him. The
province is thinly inhabited, and the city straggling and ill
built. The houses consist of circular huts, or coozies, built of
clay and thatched: a number of these, enclosed in a square fence
of matting, generally form but one house. The city is built on the
south side of a rocky ridge, and is surrounded by an extensive low
clay wall, which is broken down in a number of places: inside the
walls are plantations of corn and yams. The surrounding country is
thickly wooded, with but few plantations, and the country is said
to abound in game of all descriptions.

Kiama is one of the towns through which the caravan from Houssa and
Bornou passes to and from Gonja, on the borders of Ashantee: it also
has a direct trade with Dahomey, Youri, Nyffé, and Yourriba. There is
no fixed duty for the merchants to pay, but the chief takes just as
much as can be squeezed from them. The inhabitants are pagans of an
easy faith; never praying but when they are sick, or want something,
and cursing their object of worship as fancy serves. The Houssa
slaves amongst them are Mahometans, and are allowed to worship in
their own way.

The town (and I think I speak within bounds) may contain 30,000
inhabitants. They are looked upon by all who know them as the greatest
thieves and robbers in all Africa; and it is enough to call a man a
native of Borgoo, to designate him as a thief and a murderer. Their
government is despotic; and it appears very little protection is
given to the subject, as one town will plunder another whenever an
opportunity offers. Their manner of salutation to superiors is by
prostration at full length on the ground, but without throwing dust on
the head or body: the women kneel on their knees and elbows, holding
the two open hands turned up towards the face. They say that a country
called Gourma lies eight days’ journey to the north of them; Gonja
is to the W.N.W.; and that a small territory called Katakolee lies
between Gonja and Borgoo. They sell in the market Brazil tobacco,
snuff, natron, yams, plantains, bananas, milk, vegetable butter,
gora nuts, and honey in great plenty and cheap. Sheep and bullocks
are abundant: the latter mostly in the hands of the Fellatas, who
inhabit the woods, shifting about from place to place as pasture is
good. The Borgoo people will not suffer them to carry any weapons
of defence. Their best horses they get from the Bornou and Houssa
merchants, who bring them for sale.

On the 18th, after breakfast, being provided with carriers and
two horses, one saddled for myself, I took leave of Yarro, and
left Kiama. The Houssa caravan left before me, but was to halt
at another village, at a little distance from my route. The road
was principally through thick woods, with a few plantations of
yams, near some villages that we passed, inhabited by Fellatas. One
deserted village, they said, had been abandoned last rainy season, on
account of sickness; but what the disease was, I could not learn. The
inhabitants of these villages were mostly Fellatas, who take care
of Yarro’s cattle. The road very winding, diversified by gentle
hill and dale; the soil red clay and gravel, with rocks and stones
here and there, of a gritty sandstone, with large square pebbles
of quartz. At 11.40 A.M. halted at the village of Bonaga, where I
got a good house; and I found Yarro had sent forward two goats and
a large quantity of yams, which I shared out to the carriers of the
baggage. The day was excessively hot, and it was late before all the
baggage came up. The head man of the village sent me three large bowls
of foo-foo, with goats’ flesh dressed in the skin, which is the
saving way of this country, nothing being thrown away but the hoofs
and horns. Just as I was going to bed in the evening, Abubecker, who
by Yarro’s order had accompanied me, to see me safe on my journey,
came running into my room in his shirt, apparently in a great fright,
and said the men had run away who were engaged to carry the baggage,
and he must ride into the town to bring them back. I thanked him,
and said I hoped he would make haste. He waited a little; and I
suspected he wanted to draw a present out of me, though I had given
him more than any other person in Kiama except Yarro.

Sunday, 19th.—At daybreak I had every thing ready for starting, but
the manœuvring of old Abubecker kept me until 7.30 A.M.; and even
then I had to give three yards of blue cloth and several strings of
beads before I could get the baggage off. After starting, our road
was through a thickly wooded country of fine tall trees, with little
underwood, the country rising into gentle hill and dale, and the
path very winding. At 10 we fell in with the Houssa caravans. They
occupied a long line of march: bullocks, asses, horses, women, and
men, to the amount of a thousand, all in a line, after one another,
forming a very curious sight; a motley groupe, from the nearly naked
girls and men carrying loads, to the ridiculously and gaudily dressed
Gonja traders, riding on horseback, some of these animals being lame,
and going with a halt, and all in very bad condition. The poor girls,
their slaves, are compelled to travel with a heavy load on their
heads, yet are as cheerful and good-natured as if they were at home
grinding corn in their own native country. The road lay over a level
plain covered with trees; the soil a red clay, with gravel and ore,
among rocks of clay ironstone, appearing, from the softer parts,
to have been washed or worn away, as if it had undergone the action
of fire. We halted near to a small rainy-season stream, in which
were pools of water. Here and there saw numerous traces of the
large antelopes, buffaloes, and elephants. The latter, they say,
the natives do not kill, because they can get plenty of other meat,
and they can prevail on no one to buy the tusks. They destroy wild
animals with poisoned arrows, one of which they pretend to say will
kill an elephant in about an hour. They eat the flesh of the animal
slain with these arrows, but cut out and throw away the piece around
the poisoned wound. Yarro’s messenger has promised to show me the
tree from which they get the poison when we arrive at Wawa: they
tell a number of extravagant stories about its power and effects,
which are too ridiculous to believe.

In the evening I went to the place where the Houssa people were
encamped, in order to conclude my bargain with the taya, or head
man of the caravan, and to make him sign the written agreement in
Arabic by which he was to be bound to carry my baggage and presents
from Boussa to Kano; and for which I was to pay him, the day after
my arrival at the latter place, two hundred thousand cowries. He had
always fought off the agreement, saying, I could conclude the bargain
when I got over the river; that I must get the sultan of Boussa to
allow me to go, and then we should conclude the bargain. I never
could get him to say how much he would take them for, or even that
he would take them at all. I now said he must determine, as, before
I knew whether he would for certain take them or not, it would be of
no use asking the sultan of Boussa; “for if I get the sultan’s
leave, and you get me on the road, you may charge what you please:
if he does not allow me to go, signing the agreement will do no harm,
it will only be the loss of the papers. You are mistaken if you think
I have any thing to fear from the sultan of Youri; I am a servant
of the king of England, and will receive assistance and protection
whichever route I take.” He said he would send for his partner. His
partner came, Malem Mohamed, or the learned Mohamed; a man that could
not read or write, but could repeat a chapter or two of the Koran by
heart. He was a palavering old rogue, who always repeated, to whatever
the taya said, the words “_madealla, madealla_,”—“very good,
very good,”—without giving any answer to what I asked. I told
them, it did not require much consideration about the matter: this
must be done, yes or no, before I see the sultan of Boussa; for if
they did not determine whether they would take my things or not, I
would go direct to Youri. The taya then said, how many loads would
I have? I said, fifteen bullocks or asses; that I would pay him at
Kano, the day after my arrival, as I could have what money I wanted
from Hadji Hat Saleh on giving him a receipt, as I had no money here;
(not wishing to let them know that I had a dollar here, as it might
endanger my existence and that of all my property). “Well,” says
he, “I know you can have what money you want from the merchants
of Kano: I and my partner will consider of the affair to-night,
and give you an answer to-morrow.” The taya returned with me
to my encampment, and, to my surprise, told me that I must not
let it be known that I was going to the Fellatas: “Say you are
going to Bornou.” “So I am,” I said; “I have got a letter
for the sheikh, which I will show you to-morrow.” When the taya
left me, I began to think that what Yarro of Kiama had told me was
true. When I asked him to go with the caravan, says he, “Are you
a merchant? if you are, go with the caravan: if you are the king of
England’s messenger, you have nothing to do with them; your way is
to go from one king to another, not with caravans of merchants. You
will find plenty of people to put evil in your head; if you are wise,
do not believe them.”

Monday 20th.—At 6 A.M. left our encampment. Our road through a
woody country, rising into hill and dale, with some beautiful rocky
mounts, perched on the heights composed of blocks of sandstone and
clay ironstone; the soil a red clay and gravel. We halted at the
village of Barakina, where I stopped until the carriers came up. As
I arrived at this village, a hunter came in from the chase. He had
a leopard’s skin over his shoulder, a light spear in his hand,
and his bow and arrows slung over his shoulder. He was followed by
three cream-coloured dogs, a breed as if between the greyhound and
cur: they were adorned with round collars of different coloured
leather. The hunter and his dogs marched through the village as
independently as ever I saw a man, without taking the least notice
of us, or even looking at us. He was followed by a slave carrying a
dead antelope that he had killed this morning. They say the people
of Borgoo are the greatest hunters in Africa, and that the people of
this village and of those we have passed live entirely by the chase;
the little ground they cultivate being worked by the women.

Leaving Barakina, and travelling until noon, I came to a rocky
ledge, formed like a wall, in some places rising into beautiful
rocky mounts with bold precipices, shaded on the top with trees of
the most luxuriant foliage. The road lay through a narrow pass in the
ledge, shaded with fine tall majestic trees. Here, I said to myself,
is the pass, or gates, leading to the Niger. The rocks of which the
ledge is composed are of a conglomerate, formed with large square
pieces of white quartz, imbedded in a shining dark gray substance;
the pieces of quartz about an inch square, the strata forming an
angle of about 40° with the zenith. At noon crossed the river Oli,
which has a very rocky bed, and is said to be impassable, from
the swiftness of the current, in the rainy season. At this place
the rocks in the river were a dark clay slate: its course was from
west-north-west to east-south-east. The head man of the village at the
ferry told me that it had its rise in the hills to the north of Niki,
ran to the north of Kiama, and entered the Quorra above Rakah. At
the place where I and my baggage crossed it was dry; but all other
passengers, not being in the service of a king, are required to cross
at the ferry by a canoe, where they have to pay ten cowries a head
for each passenger, and twenty cowries for a load for goods. After
crossing, I halted at the village of the ferry, which is called Billa,
on the south side of the river. I encamped under a shady tree for
the superior coolness, though I was offered the best house in the
village. The head man brought me a present of a sheep, some yams,
milk and honey; and, a short while after my arrival, the head man
of the village of Barakina arrived with a sheep, yams, and honey,
making an apology for his not being at home when I passed. Alligators
are plenty in the river, as one of the carriers, in going to bring
water, was chased from the river side by one: parrots, paroquets,
and game abound near the banks of this stream. In the evening it
was reported to me that the whole of the horses were lost: whether
it be to extract a present or not, time will show.

Tuesday, 21st.—It was 8 A.M. before the horses were brought back. I
sent all the baggage and stores off, except three boxes, which I gave
in charge to the head man of the village, who promised to forward
them to me at Wawa. I gave him and the head man of the village of
Barakina two yards of cloth each, with a knife and a few beads,
with which they were very well pleased. An escort of four horsemen
arrived to conduct me to Wawa, and at 8.30 A.M. I left Billa and the
escort, who had made the head man of the village provide them with a
breakfast. The road lay over a plain, well cultivated, and planted
with cottons, yams, and corn in a number of places. At 10 halted
under the shade of a tree, near the walls of Wawa, until the escort
came up, which they did in a short time afterwards, when I proceeded
with them into the town, to the gate of the governor’s house, where
I halted under a large spreading tree for upwards of an hour. I then
desired Yarro’s messengers to tell the governor that if I was kept
longer waiting outside I should return to Kiama; that I was the king
of England’s messenger, and would not be kept outside of any door
in this way. They went in and told the governor, who sent out to say
he was dressing to receive me, and would be out immediately. In a
few minutes a number of men came out of the house, and sat down in
two rows outside the door; then a high stool was brought out, and
placed in the entrance; after which the great man came slowly out of
the gate, with a long staff in his hand, and seated himself on the
stool. He sent for me. Until then I had not dismounted. I went up
and shook hands with him: he kept his hand wrapped up in the sleeve
of his tobe, for fear the touch of a white kaffir should kill him. I
told him at once who I was, and what I wanted. He said, every thing
I wished should be done, and as I must be fatigued with my journey,
I should see him again to-morrow. I was shown to a very good house,
but found it excessively hot: the thermometer in the shade was 105°
of Fahrenheit, which is higher than it has been since I have been in
Africa this time. In the afternoon, the governor sent me a present
of a goat, yams, honey, and eggs, and the same from his head man.

I was not a little surprised, towards sunset, by a visit from the king
of Dahomey’s messengers. I thought that all my prospects were now
blasted; that they had been sent to detain me, and bring me back;
but my fears were soon allayed, by their saying that they were on
their way home; that they had heard white men had arrived here,
and they had come to pay their respects to me; that they had been
in Youri, and twelve months since had left Dahomey; that the king
of Dahomey had sent them to get a camel, but the war between the
people of Youri and the Fellatas prevented any camels coming to
Youri. These men brought two muskets to salute me with; they had
been here twelve days, and were intending to leave this for their
own country as soon as they could procure an answer from the governor.

I am lodged in the house of a widow, whose husband was one of the
governor’s head men. She is the only wife that bore children to the
deceased, and in consequence was not taken and sold at her husband’s
death. She wears a rope round her head, another round her neck, and
one round her waist, until she has passed her time of mourning, or
procures another husband; but I suspect this will be until she dies,
as she is ugly in the extreme. I had a visit, amongst the number,
from the daughter of an Arab, who is very fair, calls herself a white
woman, is rich, a widow, and wants a white husband. She is said to
be the richest person in Wawa, having the best house in the town, and
a thousand slaves. She showed a great regard for my servant Richard,
who is younger and better looking than I am: but she had passed her
twentieth year, was fat, and a perfect Turkish beauty, just like a
walking water-butt. All her arts were unavailing on Richard: she could
not induce him to visit her at her house, though he had my permission.

The next day I went, after sending to say I was ready to give the
governor his present, to his house, accompanied by his head man,
and gave him seven yards of red cloth, seven yards of blue cloth,
seven yards of blue silk, an umbrella, ten strings of beads, and a
phosphorus box, after showing them off to the greatest advantage, a
thing never to be neglected in Africa. I sat down and told him what
I have told them all, and which has been so often repeated. He said
there were two roads, one where there was war, the other peace. The
one where there was war was by Youri; that the sultan of that country
was out fighting the Fellatas: the other by the way the merchants
went, through Nyffé, which was safe, and he would advise me to go
by that road. I thanked him, and said I would follow his advice,
for that I had nothing to do with war. Says he, “You are come to
make peace among all people, and make the kings leave off war.”
I said, “God willing, I would do what I could.” This opinion of
my being a peace-maker prevails strongly in all places that I have
been in: perhaps it may arise from the people of the coast and those
of Dahomey informing them of the active part we take in preventing
the slave trade. He said he should send to the sultan of Boussa, and
tell him to forward me by the way of Nyffé, with the merchants, as
the other road was bad; that he had never had such a valuable present
from any one before; and that I should see every thing I pleased in
his country. I told him that three white men who were with me had
died on the road; that I was very anxious to get to Bornou before
the rains, as being a dry sandy country, I considered that there I
was safe: but that in this country or Houssa it was very unsafe and
unhealthy for white men to be caught by the rains. The governor is a
thin, spare, old man; he had on a cap in the form of a foraging cap,
with some of the Stuart tartan riband in several folds around it,
a white tobe or large shirt, a Moorish kaftan of Manchester cotton,
and a pair of sandals on his feet. The room in which he received
me had nothing worth note but the stool on which he sat, which had
two lizards carved in bas relief on the top, and the heads of two
as handles for carrying it. His house is inside a high square clay
wall, with one gate on the western side, and consists of coozies,
or circular huts, built of clay and thatched, and one square tower
of clay, having little projections at each corner, and an ostrich
egg on the top of each of the huts.

After returning home I had numerous visitors, who brought presents of
rum, palm wine, and pitto, none of which I would accept, nor allow to
be brought into the house for the servants; but as for my man Ali,
an Arab, whose freedom I had purchased at Badagry and taken as a
servant, all my care could not prevent him from getting drunk. He is a
confirmed liar and a thief, and I have often regretted that I gave him
his freedom, as I cannot well get rid of him here. The inhabitants
of this place appear to be the most roaring, drinking set of any
other town I have yet seen. Last night, until near morning, nothing
was to be heard but fiddles, Arab guitars, castanets, and singing.

The Kiama messenger, according to his promise, brought some of
the leaves of the tree or bush called by them kongkonie, from the
seeds of which the natives extract the poison for their arrows; from
the leaves and branches exudes a resinous gum which sticks to the
fingers; the flower is small and white, with a very long foot-stalk;
the seeds are enclosed in a long case surrounded by a silky substance;
the seeds are small, like caraway seeds, and are boiled to a thick
black paste before they are put on the arrows. They say that the
seeds are a deadly poison if taken into the stomach; the seeds I
have got in the case, but dried, and fit for use.

The king of Dahomey’s messengers came to me in the evening and
told me they wanted to speak to me, saying they wished to do so
privately. I sent Pascoe to one side with them, but they came back
observing that they must say it to myself only; their mighty secret
was this: that they had been in Youri five months assisting the king
of that country against the Fellatas; that, if I either regarded
my safety or wished to reach the end of my journey, I ought not to
take that road, as I should never get on; that they had stood the
brunt of all his battles, and that all their guns but two were burst;
that they were now on their way to their own country, but expect to
be sent back by the king of Dahomey with a larger force after the
rains. They said that Niki was the capital of Borgoo and not Kiama;
that it is fifteen days only from Dahomey; that Borgoo and Dahomey are
joined together, or two neighbouring kingdoms; that there are high
hills on the road between Niki and Dahomey; that they left the Maha
country on their left hand when they came here; that Kiama is five
days distant from Niki; that it is from Dahomey the people of these
countries receive all their rum and European articles. This account
I believe to be true, as I have seen great abundance of rum, pewter,
and earthen ware. They begged I would send a letter by them to say
I had met them, which I shall do to-morrow. They are much superior
looking men to the people of Wawa, and from their knowledge of white
men in their own country, have been very civil to me. They seem to
entertain a poor opinion of the courage and behaviour of the people
of Youri and of this country, and say that with a few men they could
take them all.

Thursday, 23d.—I had heard various stories, at different places on
the road, concerning the fate of the late unfortunate and enterprising
travellers Park and Martin, none of which I considered worth relating
except that which I now heard from the governor’s head man; but
they all with whom I have conversed agree in asking me if I am not
going to take up the vessel, which they say still remains. The head
man’s story is this: that the boat stuck fast between two rocks;
that the people in it laid out four anchors a-head; that the water
falls down with great rapidity from the rocks, and that the white men,
in attempting to get on shore, were drowned; that crowds of people
went to look at them, but the white men did not shoot at them as I
had heard; that the natives were too much frightened either to shoot
at them or to assist them; that there were found a great many things
in the boat, books and riches, which the sultan of Boussa has got;
that beef cut in slices and salted was in great plenty in the boat;
that the people of Boussa who had eaten of it all died, because it
was human flesh, and that they knew we white men eat human flesh. I
was indebted to the messenger of Yarro for a defence, who told the
narrator that I was much more nice in my eating than his countrymen
were. But it was with some difficulty I could persuade him that if his
story was true, it was the people’s own fears that had killed them;
that the meat was good beef or mutton; that I had eaten more goats’
flesh since I had been in this country than ever I had done in my
life; that in England we eat nothing but fowls, beef, and mutton.

The women here are marked on the body somewhat in the manner of the
lace on a hussar’s jacket: in some, where the skin has not healed
properly, it looks very disgusting.

The widow Zuma has been kind enough to send me provisions ready
cooked, in great abundance, ever since I have been here. Now that she
has failed with Richard, she has offered Pascoe a handsome female
slave for a wife, if he could manage to bring about matters with
me. Not being much afraid of myself, and wishing to see the interior
arrangement of her house, I went and visited her. I found her house
large, and full of male and female slaves; the males lying about
the outer huts, the females more in the interior. In the centre
of the huts was a square one of large dimensions surrounded by a
verandah, with screens of matting all around except in one place,
where there was hung a tanned bullock’s hide; to this spot I was
led up, and, on its being drawn on one side, I saw the lady sitting
cross-legged on a small Turkey carpet, like one of our hearth rugs,
a large leather cushion under her left knee; her goora pot, which was
a large old-fashioned English pewter mug, by her side, and a calibash
of water to wash her mouth out, as she alternately kept eating goora
and chewing tobacco-snuff, the custom with all ranks, male or female,
who can procure them: on her right side lay a whip. At a little
distance, squatted on the ground, sat a dwarfish hump-backed female
slave, with a wide mouth but good eyes: she had on no clothing,
if I except a profusion of strings of beads and coral round her
neck and waist. This personage served the purpose of a bell in our
country, and what, I suppose, would in old times have been called a
page. The lady herself was dressed in a white coarse muslin turban;
her neck profusely decorated with necklaces of coral and gold chains,
amongst which was one of rubies and gold beads; her eyebrows and
eyelashes blacked, her hair dyed with indigo, and her hands and
feet with henna; around her body she had a fine striped silk and
cotton country cloth, which came as high as her tremendous breasts,
and reached as low as her ankles; in her right hand she held a fan
made of stained grass, of a square form. She desired me to sit down
on the carpet beside her, which I did, and she began fanning me,
and sent hump-back to bring out her finery for me to look at; which
consisted of four gold bracelets, two large paper dressing-cases
with looking-glasses, and several strings of coral, silver rings,
and bracelets, with a number of other trifling articles. After a
number of compliments, and giving me an account of all her wealth,
I was led through one apartment into another, cool, clean, and
ornamented with pewter dishes and bright brass pans. She now told
me her husband had been dead these ten years, that she had only
one son, and he was darker than herself; that she loved white men,
and would go to Boussa with me; that she would send for a malem,
or man of learning, and read the fatha with me. I thought this was
carrying the joke a little too far, and began to look very serious,
on which she sent for the looking-glass, and looking at herself,
then offering it me, said, to be sure she was rather older than me,
but very little, and what of that? This was too much, and I made my
retreat as soon as I could, determined never to come to such close
quarters with her again. During the night squally, with thunder,
lightning, and rain.

Friday, 24th.—Amongst my numerous visitors this morning, I had a
travelling musician, attended by two boys. His instrument was a violin
made of a gourd, with three strings of horse hair, not in single
hairs, but a number for each string untwisted; the bow the same;
the body of the violin was formed of half a long gourd; the bridge,
two cross sticks; the top, the skin of a guana stretched tightly over
the edges; the neck was about two feet long, ornamented with plates of
brass, having a hollow brass knob at the end. To this instrument was
hung a diminutive pair of sandals to denote his wandering occupation,
a piece of natron, strings of cowries, and stripes of cloth. He said
he would take any thing that was given to him. The boys had hollow
gourds with stones or beans in them, with which they kept time by
holding them in one hand and beating them against the other. The
musician himself was past the middle age, his beard being tinged
with gray, and neither too long nor too short; his face inclining
more to long than oval, with a nose slightly hooked; his forehead
high; his eyes large, bright, and clear, with a kind of indefinable
expression of half rogue and half a merry fellow, and when he sang
he sometimes looked sublime; his mouth and teeth were good; his
voice clear and melodious; his stature about the middle size, and
spare form; his dress was a white turban and large sky-blue tobe or
shirt. He accompanied his instrument with his voice, the boys joining
in chorus. His songs were extempore. I should have taken one down,
but found they were all about myself; and a number of visitors coming
in, I gave him fifty cowries and sent him away rejoicing. Received
a present of a sheep, yams, milk, eggs, and a goat, from the governor.

I went outside the town with Yarro’s messenger to see the kongkonie
tree which I have before mentioned, and from the seeds of which
they are said to extract the poison for their arrows. The tree is
a parasite (meaning probably a creeper), about the thickness of
a man’s thigh at the root, from which shoot up several stems,
that ascend the large tree at the root of which it grows, twisting
itself round the stem and branches to the top of the tree; the bark
of the young branches is like the darkest of the hazel; the stem and
older branches smooth and whitish, like the bark of the ash; the
flower, which is now fading, has five leaves tapering to a point,
from which they have a string about two inches in length hanging;
they are about the size of our primrose, but of a darker yellow; the
leaves of the tree are rough and furry, exuding a gum that sticks
to the fingers; the part which grows from the flower and contains
the seeds is about a foot and a half in length, and one and a half
or two inches in circumference in the thickest part; the seeds are
like caraway seeds, and are surrounded by a silky substance; they
are boiled until they turn into a paste, when they are fit for use,
and put on the arrows. I had a present of five alligators’ eggs
sent me by the governor; they are only eaten by the principal people,
and considered a great delicacy: they were brought from the banks
of the Quorra. The taja called upon me, but he appeared still to
shuffle off coming to any arrangement, saying he could not say for
how much he would carry me to Kano, until he saw whether I was to
go with him or not. I observed to him it was very easily said, and
that until he told me how much, I would not ask the governor to go
with him. He said he wanted half the money here. To which I replied,
“You must go with this understanding in all future affairs between
you and I, that I will not give you one farthing until I arrive in
Kano, when, the day after I arrive there, you shall have every cowrie
of the money. If you come to any bargain with me, it must be with
the understanding that I have no money here.” “Well,” says
he, “I will call to-morrow and see your things, and then come to
a written agreement with you—half the money here.” This taja
must take me for a fool; I will sooner stay here all the rains,
than let him have the money and leave me in the lurch.

Saturday, 25th.—Clear and warm. At noon the taja visited me, when,
after a great deal of unnecessary palavering and manœuvring on his
part, we came to the following bargain,—that he is to carry all my
baggage and stores to Kano for 200,000 cowries. I also found out that
he does not go to Boussa, but crosses the Quorra at a place called
Comie, and goes to Koolfu in Nyffé, where he stops for a few days. I
am therefore to ask the governor here to carry my baggage to Koolfu,
where the taja will find bullocks. I must however go out of the way
to visit the sultan of Boussa, as all this part of the country is
nominally under him. The sultan of Niki is next to him, and equal
to him in power. My baggage, therefore, and stores with my servants
must proceed to Koolfu without me, as I have no other alternative
but to take this route or that of Youri. After the taja left me,
I went to the governor, and acquainted him with the agreement I had
come to with the taja, who immediately promised to send a messenger
with myself to Boussa, and another with my servants and baggage to see
them safe to Koolfu. I would not on any account miss the opportunity
of going to Boussa, being most anxious to see the spot where Park
and Martin died, and perhaps get their papers. If I am detained,
my servants go on with the taja; and I have left directions with
them how to proceed in the event of my death or other accidents.

Sunday, 26th.—On inquiring to-day of the same person, the
governor’s head man, concerning the fate of Park and Martin,
he said the natives did shoot arrows at them, but not until guns
had been fired from the boat: in all other parts of the story he
agreed with what he had told before, adding, that the boat was to
be seen above water every Sunday. They all treat the affair with
a great deal of seriousness, and look on the place where the boat
was wrecked with awe and superstition, telling some most marvellous
stories about her and her ill-fated crew. I also learnt from this
man their manner of burial in Borgoo, which is as follows: they
dig a deep round hole like a well; the corpse is put in the hole
in a sitting posture, with the wrists bound tight round the neck,
the legs bent, and the thighs, legs, and arms, bound tight round
the body. The grave is made in the floor of the deceased’s house,
and his horse and dog, if he has any, are killed to serve him in the
next world. The Mahometans bury in their usual fashion, and have a
burying-ground on the east side of the town, inside the walls.

Monday, 27th.—Received a present of a goat, two fowls, yams, and
milk, from the brother of the governor, who has got a sore leg, and
wishes me to cure it. In the afternoon we had thunder, lightning, and
rain. I took this opportunity of waiting on the governor to press my
departure, as the taja is rather too slack for me. I asked him if he
would not send me to Koolfu to-morrow, as he saw now that the rains
were close at hand. “Oh,” says he, “they will not set in these
two months, yet it is always thus before the rains.” I told him that
no one knew the seasons better than I did; and that, if I travelled as
slow as I had done of late, I would be caught by the rains in Houssa,
and I might as well have a sword run into my breast. He said he would
send for the taja to-night, and give me into his charge. I said,
I must go to Boussa, and make a present to the sultan; that if I did
not, he would say, a white man has passed through my country without
paying his respects to me, or bringing a present: it would be going
out of the country like a thief, not like the messenger of the king
of England. “Very well,” says he, “I will despatch a messenger
with you to request he will not detain you. You must send all your
things up to my house; I will give them and your servants in charge
of the taja, and all will go well; my messenger shall accompany them
to Koolfu”—(sometimes pronounced Koolfie and Koolfa). He then
began asking me if Englishmen would come into the country. “Yes,”
says I, “if you use them as well as you have done me: there is now
a doctor on his way to join me from Dahomey.” He said he would
be very glad to see him, and would forward him on to me. I asked
him if this country or Borgoo owed any allegiance to Yourriba: he
said, none; and laughed at the idea. He said he owed allegiance to
Boussa, as Kiama, Niki, and Youri did; that he was separated from
Kiama by the brook I halted at the second day I left that place,
and that the province of Wawa extended as far south as Rakah; that
Kiama owed no allegiance to Yourriba, but was a province of Borgoo,
subject to the sultan of Borgoo, who was the head of all: he added,
the sultan of Boussa could take Yourriba whenever he chose, but,
says he, the Fellatas will take it now. I asked him if he thought the
sultan of Boussa would give me the books that were found in the boat
belonging to the white men lost there. He said, if there were any,
he would certainly give them to me, as they were of no use to him,
he could not read; and he then related to me the same story nearly
that his head man had told me of that affair, and asked me if the
unfortunate people were not my countrymen, and had great riches:
I said they were, but that they were not rich, but honest men like
myself; that one, the head man, was a doctor.

Tuesday, 28th.—This morning I visited the governor’s brother
who has got the sore leg, as he had sent a fee, and could not come
and see me. His left ankle was dreadfully ulcerated and swelled,
and had been in the same state since the last rainy season. The leg
was thin and wasted; and he complained of suffering much pain. He
could move his toes very well; and inquiring if it was the effect of
a hurt, he said no, that it had come on at the beginning of the last
rains. I directed him to wash it clean night and morning with warm
milk and water, to apply poultices night and day until the swelling
was reduced, and on no account to drink spirits or palm wine: an
advice which he did not at all admire, as he said when he drank
it eased his pain and gave him sleep. I desired moreover that when
the swelling in his leg was reduced by the poultices, he should put
clean fat on a soft rag and lay over it, and on no account to drink
any thing stronger than water. After my return home he sent me a
present of a sheep, four fowls, eggs, milk, and honey. I now began
to prepare for starting to Boussa in the morning at daybreak, but
the taja is working against me, and I doubt being able to get off,
as I have just learned that he does not leave this until Saturday
next, and wishes to detain me also. The sky being clear, before the
moon rose I was able to get the meridian altitude of the star Dubbe
in the Great Bear, which gave the latitude of my house in Wawa,
9° 53′ 54″ north. Its longitude I calculate to be 5° 56′ east.

Wednesday, 29th.—Wawa is the capital of a province of the same
name in the kingdom of Borgoo; it is in the form of a square, and may
contain from eighteen to twenty thousand inhabitants. It is surrounded
by a good high clay wall and dry ditch; and is one of the neatest,
most compact, and best walled towns between this and Badagry. The
streets are wide, spacious, and airy, the houses of the coozie, or
circular hut form; the huts of each house being connected by a wall,
forms an airy and open space inside, and does not take away from
the regular appearance of the houses. One of the coozies next the
street has two doors, which forms an entrance into the interior, into
which the other coozies open. The plan of the one in which I lived
may serve for all, except the governor’s and that of the widow
Zuma. This plan will afford a fair specimen of the accommodations
of Wawa. The governor’s house is surrounded by a clay wall, about
thirty feet high, in the form of a square, having large coozies,
shady trees, and square clay towers inside.

[Illustration: A. Sleeping and sitting-rooms.

c. Little houses for holding grain.

F. House of entrance.

B. Stables.

D. Houses of the slaves.

4. Places for cooking.]

The marriages of the Wawanies are very simple. The pagans make up
matters with the girl first, give the father or mother a present,
and all is right. The Mahometans read the fatha, and make a present;
read it again, and part, when tired of one another. The virtue of
chastity I do not believe to exist in Wawa. Even the widow Zuma lets
out her female slaves for hire, like the rest of the people of the
town. Neither is sobriety held as a virtue. I never was in a place
in my life where drunkenness was so general. Governor, priest, and
layman, and even some of the ladies, drink to excess. I was pestered
for three or four days by the governor’s daughter, who used to
come several times in a day, painted and bedizened in the highest
style of Wawa fashion, but always half tipsy; I could only get rid of
her by telling her that I prayed and looked at the stars all night,
never drank any thing stronger than _roa-in-zafir_, which they call
my tea,—literally hot water: she always departed in a flood of
tears. Notwithstanding their want of chastity, and drunkenness,
they are a merry people, and have behaved well to me. They appear
to have plenty of the necessaries of life, and a great many of
the luxuries, some of which they would be better without; this
being the direct road from Bornou, Houssa, and Nyffé, to Gonja,
Dahomey, and Jannah. Since the war between the Fellatas and people
of Yourriba, they are able to procure plenty of European articles,
such as pewter jugs and dishes, copper pans, earthenware, Manchester
cottons, &c. Their fruits are limes, plantains, bananas, and several
wild fruits in the season. Their vegetables are yams, calalou, or the
leaves of a plant which they use in their soups, as we do greens or
cabbage; grain, doura, Indian corn, and millet. Fish they procure in
great plenty from the Quorra and its tributary streams: those I have
seen were all smoked, and principally a kind of catfish. Their best
and largest horses come from Bornou: the native breed are small,
like the Shetland ponies, hardy, active, and generally of a brown
or mouse colour. Oxen are in great plenty, principally in the hands
of the Fellatas; sheep and goats are also plentiful; domestic fowls
plenty and cheap; honey and bees’ wax abundant; ivory and ostrich
feathers they say are to be procured in great plenty, but they can
get no sale for them. The country abounds in wild animals of all
the different kinds to be found in Africa. Slaves are numerous:
the males are employed in weaving, collecting wood or grass, or on
any other kind of work; some of the women are engaged in spinning
cotton with the distaff and spindle, some in preparing the yarn
for the loom, others in pounding and grinding corn, some cooking
and preparing cakes, sweetmeats, natron, yams, and _accassons_, and
others selling these articles at the markets; the older female slaves
are principally the spinners. The mere labour is very light, and a
smart English servant would accomplish their hardest day’s work
in one hour: but if their labour be light their food is also light,
being confined to two meals a day, which almost invariably consist
of paste of the flour of yams, or millet, in the morning about nine
o’clock, and a thicker kind, approaching to pudding, after sunset,
and this only in small quantities; flesh, fowl, or fish, they may
occasionally get, but only by a very rare chance. Their owners, in
fact, fare very little better: perhaps a little smoke-dried fish,
or some meat now and then; principally only a little palm oil, or
vegetable butter, in addition to their paste or pudding; but they
indulge freely in drinking palm wine, rum, and bouza.

Of the slaves for sale I can say but little, and a stranger sees
very little of them. In fact when not going on a journey to some
slave mart, or sent out to the wells or rivers in the mornings to
wash, they are seldom seen. Even then they are fastened neck to neck
with leather thongs; and when this duty is over, they are confined
closely in the houses until they are marched off. When on their march,
they are fastened night and day by the neck with leather thongs or a
chain, and in general carry loads; the refractory are put in irons,
in addition to the other fastening, during the night. They are much
afraid of being sold to the sea coast, as it is the universal belief
that all those who are sold to the whites are eaten; retorting back
on us the accusation of cannibalism, of which they have perhaps the
greatest right to blame us. The slaves sold to the sea coast are
generally those taken in war, or refractory and intractable domestic
slaves. Nyffé at present is the place that produces the most slaves,
owing to the civil war raging in that country.

The people of Wawa would take beads in exchange for any articles their
country might produce; also brass bracelets for the arms and legs;
brass, copper, pewter, and earthenware dishes; Manchester cottons of
gaudy colours, and calicoes. Their arms are bows and poisoned arrows,
and light spears. They say they do not like war, but appear to be
very tenacious in not permitting interference with their country; and
they like the Fellatas better than their neighbours of Kiama, of whom
they are very jealous. They have a good character for honesty; are
cheerful, good-natured, and hospitable; and no people in Africa that
I have met with are so ready to give information about the country as
they are; and, what is very extraordinary, I have not seen a common
beggar amongst them. They deny their Borgoo origin, and say they are
descended from the people of Nyffé and Houssa. Their language is a
dialect of the Yourriba: but the Wawa women are very good-looking,
and the Youriba women are not: the men are strong and well made, but
have a debauched look. Their religion is partly a loose Mahometanism,
and partly pagan. The most pious of the former can only say a few
prayers, or go through the necessary forms, and are called Malem,
or learned: the latter are called Kaffirs; and what they worship
it is hard to tell; every man choosing his own god, which they
pray to that he may intercede with the Supreme Being for them; and
they offer sheep, dogs, and sometimes a bullock, according to the
benefit they expect. A woman is sent to the market and sold, if,
when she has a child at the breast, she is known to go with a man,
and, in addition, loses her child, and is flogged.

In this country, as well as in all others I have passed between
this and the sea, I have met with tribes of Fellatas, some of whom
are not Mahometans, but pagans. They certainly are the same people,
as they speak the same language, have the same features and colour,
except those who have crossed with the negro. They are as fair as
the lower class of Portugueze or Spaniards, lead a pastoral life,
shifting from place to place, as they find grass for their horned
cattle, and live in temporary huts of reeds or long grass.

Thursday, 30th.—Having had every thing prepared last night
for starting this morning at day-break, I went and took leave
of the governor, who repeated his promises of sending my baggage
on to Koolfu. On my return from the governor, I met a messenger
of the sultan of Boussa, who had been sent expressly for me. He
said he would just wait on the governor, and deliver a message,
and follow me. I left Wawa, mounted on an old red roan mare of the
governor’s, on a good road, leading through a woody country, with
numerous plantations of yams, and Indian corn. At 8.30 A.M. passed
a village about a quarter of a mile from the south side of a range
of low rocky hills, running in a direction from east-south-east to
west-south-west by compass. The rocks were composed of pudding-stone,
the white quartz pebbles of which were square, not rounded, and
imbedded in a gray substance. At the end of an opening in the range
was a beautiful sugar-loaf mountain, overlooking all the rest, and
bearing from the village east-south-east, distance half a mile. This
I presumed to call Mount George, after his present majesty George the
Fourth. After passing the village and entering amongst the hills,
I found the valleys well cultivated, and planted with yams, corn,
and maize, but the road winding and rocky. At 10 A.M. came to the
village of Injum, the first belonging to the province of Boussa. Here
I halted, until the messenger, who had joined me some time before,
got his breakfast. This village is on the north-east side of the
hills. Amongst the number of people who came to look at me was a
woman, whose face, neck, right breast, and part of her right arm,
were covered with a scurf, like a person very ill with the small
pox: the borders of the scurf were bare, raw, and inflamed. This is
the disorder the young man’s mother died of, to whom I gave the
medicines at Kiama. When the disease reaches the toes and fingers,
they first contract, and then drop off; when, in a short time after,
the unfortunate person is relieved by death, as they have no cure
for it, nor do they attempt any. I called the woman, and asked her
if she suffered much pain: she said no, nor did it itch. She sent
for some yams, and offered them, as she said my looking at her would
do her good.

At 10.30 the messenger having finished his breakfast, we left
Injum. He gave me his horse to ride, as I could not get the old
Wawa mare to go on without a great deal of beating. At noon halted
at the side of a brook, to water the horses. Here end the hills and
the pudding-stone of which they are composed, and the rocks are now a
dark gray slate, which moulders away with the rains, the soil a strong
blue clay, with deep gullies formed by the rains. At 1 left the brook:
the country thickly wooded with tall trees, amongst which are a number
of the acacia or mimosa, many of them thrown down by the elephants,
for the purpose of feeding on the upper and tender branches. The
traces of elephants, buffaloes, and the larger kind of antelopes
called in Bornou _corigum_, are numerous. At 2.40 halted at a village
of the Kumbrie, or Cambrie, a race of Kaffirs inhabiting the woods,
on both sides of the river. They made a great difficulty in procuring
me a drink of water, so I mounted and left them, and at 3.30 arrived
at a branch of the Quorra, called the Menai, close to its junction
with a second branch. The Menai is about twenty yards in breadth,
and about two fathoms in depth; the current hardly perceptible, and
the water dark and muddy; that of the branch into which it runs being
about thirty yards in breadth, with a strong current, about three or
four knots, throwing a back-water up the Menai. The island on the
other side of it is low and swampy, and covered with high reeds;
the colour of both the streams red and muddy, as if in flood; but
the messenger, on my asking if this was the case, said no, that the
river was now at its lowest mark, and pointing to a place on the
opposite bank of the Menai, about fifteen feet above the present
level, said the river rose to that height during the rains. The
trees on both banks were close down to the water’s edge, and the
branches were in the stream, and every now and then a branch would
be broken off, and washed away by the strength of the current. From
this, and the muddiness of the water, I concluded it was rising; but
certainly the inhabitants must know best: had I not made inquiry,
I should certainly have said it was rising. The canoe being on the
other side of the Menai, the messenger stripped off his tobe, and
swam over for it. After crossing and swimming the horses over, in
about a quarter of an hour’s ride I entered the walls of Boussa,
by the western gate. The walls appeared very extensive, and are at
present under repair. Bands of male and female slaves, accompanied
by drums and flutes, and singing in chorus, were passing to and from
the river with water, to mix the clay they were building with. Each
great man has his part of the wall to build, like the Jews when they
built the walls of Jerusalem, every one opposite his own house.

I was much surprised, after entering the gate, to see only clusters
of huts here and there, and no regular town, as I had been led to
expect. I remained under the shade of a tree until the messenger went
and acquainted the sultan of my arrival. On his return I accompanied
him up to the sultan, whom I found sitting under a small projection
of the verandah of one of his coozies: his midaki, or principal wife,
sitting alongside of him. To this personage I had been advised by the
widow Zuma to pay particular attention, as she was every thing with
the sultan. He received me very kindly, and said the sultan of Youri
had kept seven boats waiting for me for these last seven days to take
me up the river to Youri. I said I was much obliged to the sultan
of Youri, but that I did not intend going that way, as the war with
the Fellatas had shut up the communication between Bornou and Youri;
that with his permission I would go by the way of Koolfu and Nyffé,
where there was no war. He said I was right, and that it was good for
me that I had come to see him; that I should take what path I chose.

We then parted, he ordering his head man to take me to a house. He
would have come with me himself, but the midaki pulled him back;
she had acted, during the time I was there, as prompter. The sultan
is a fine looking young man, about twenty-five or twenty-six years
of age, five feet ten inches high, with a high forehead, large eyes,
Roman nose, decent lips, good teeth, short chin covered with about
an inch and a half of beard, more of a spare than robust make. He
was dressed in a white tobe, striped Moorish kaftan, with a red
Moorish cap on his head. The midaki appears somewhat older, below the
middle size, with nothing remarkable about her but her voice, and a
winning womanish way, sitting on his left side, a little behind him,
with her arm half around his neck. His house does not differ from
those of other people, except the huts being a little larger, and
surmounted by ostrich eggs. I found my house a very good one, with
three rooms or huts, and a shade for the heat of the day; and the
sultan and midaki sent me a sheep, yams, fish, milk, honey, and eggs.

Friday, 31st.—This morning I waited on the sultan with my present,
which consisted of eight yards of red cloth, eight yards of blue,
eight yards of silk, a blue silk umbrella, an African sword, three
pair of white cotton stockings, three pair of gloves, two phosphorus
boxes, three clasp-knives, and three pair of scissars, a mock-gold
chain, beads, and coral; for the midaki, pictures of the king, and
royal family, &c. I displayed my present to the best advantage,
and explained the uses of the different articles. The sword he
was delighted with, and the chain, I saw, had won the midaki’s
heart. She first put it around her own neck, then taking it off,
and putting it around the sultan’s, looked up in his face with as
sweet an expression of countenance as ever I saw. Upon the whole,
my present appeared to have the effect I wished. After giving me a
great many thanks, and the presents were taken away, he began again
about Youri: said, that Yarro of Kiama had informed him that I was
going there. I said, I meant to have gone there, but that I should
now defer my visit until my return; that the rains were now at hand;
that by the way of Youri there was war, and I could not get to Bornou
before the rains; that remaining in Youri or Houssa during that
season would kill me, and they had better put a sword through me at
once than detain me. He said there was no sultan between Koolfu and
Guari. I told him the taja had engaged to find me bullocks to carry
my baggage to Kano. He then asked me when I wished to go away. I
replied, “To-morrow.” “Well,” says he, “you shall go in the
afternoon.” I said I would prefer daybreak, as I wished to make
observations at the river side, and see my baggage safely over. I
had some apprehension that the king of Youri, should he hear that I
am going by the way of Koolfu, might outwit me; on which account I
mentioned my preferring to travel in the morning. “Well,” says
he, “you shall go when you please.”

This point being settled, I asked him to lend me a horse and saddle,
which he promised to do. I next inquired of him after some white men
who were lost in the river near this place twenty years ago. He seemed
rather uneasy at this question, and I observed that he stammered in
his speech. He assured me he had nothing belonging to them; that he
was a little boy when the event happened. I said, I wanted nothing
but the books and papers, and to learn from him a correct account of
the manner of their death; and that with his permission, I would go
and visit the spot where they were lost. He said no, I must not go;
it was a very bad place. Having heard that part of the boat still
remained, I asked him if it was so: he replied, that such a report
was untrue; that she did remain on the rocks for some time after, but
had gone to pieces and floated down the river long ago. I said if he
would give me the books and papers it would be the greatest favour
he could possibly confer on me. He again assured me that nothing
remained with him, every thing of that kind had gone into the hands
of the learned men; but that if any were now in existence he would
procure them and give them to me. I then asked him if he would allow
me to inquire of the old people in the town the particulars of the
affair, as some of them must have seen it. He appeared very uneasy,
gave me no answer, and I did not press him further. In the afternoon
the sultan came galloping up in front of my house, a man running
after him, holding the umbrella I had given him; but the bearer
could not keep up with the horse, or hold it over his head.

In the evening I was visited by the sultan and midaki, and the king
of Youri’s messenger with them. The messenger said his master
had sent provisions and every thing for my voyage up the river to
Youri. I told him I could not but feel much obliged to the king
of Youri for his kindness; but that the rains were close at hand,
and the road between Youri and Bornou shut up by the war; that on
my return, after the rains, I should certainly visit the king, for
his kindness on this occasion. The sultan of Boussa said I should be
making an enemy of the king of Youri if I went away without seeing him
or sending him a present. I said I really had nothing here to give;
that if the messenger of the king of Youri would accompany me to
the ferry where my baggage was, I would give him as good a present
as I was able; but that I had now very little to give. The Youri
messenger was very anxious that I should go with him; but the midaki,
whose heart the gold chain has won, fairly beat him off the field,
and it was decided that I am not to go to Youri. The sultan made a
great many inquiries about England, and asked me two or three times
if I had not come to buy slaves. I laughed in his face, and told
him there was nothing we so much abhorred in England as slavery;
that the king of England did every thing to prevent other nations
buying slaves; that the slave trade was the ruin of Africa; that
Yourriba presented nothing but ruined towns and deserted villages,
and all caused by the slave-trade; that it was very bad to buy and
sell men like bullocks and sheep. It was now nearly dinner-time,
and he said he would come and see me at night.

At eight in the evening the sultan came, accompanied by the midaki,
and one male slave. He began again about Youri; but I repeated what I
had said before. He then asked me if the king of England was a great
man. “Yes,” I said, “the greatest of all the white kings.” “But,” says
he, “you live on the water?” “Oh no,” I said, “we have more land than
there is between Boussa and Badag (as they call Badagry), and more than
five thousand towns.” “Well,” says he, “I thought, and always have
heard, that you lived on the water. How many wives has the king?” “Only
one wife,” I said. “What!” says he, “only one wife?” “Yes,” says I;
“no man is allowed more than one wife, and they hang a man if he has
two at one time.” “That is all very good for other men,” says
he; “but the king having only one wife is not good.” When I told
him, if the king had a daughter and no son, she would rule the kingdom
at her father’s death, he laughed immoderately, as did the midaki,
who was apparently well pleased with the idea of only one wife, and
a woman ruling. I asked him who were the first people who inhabited
this part of the country. He said the Cambrie; that his ancestors were
from Bornou; that the sultan of Niki was descended from a younger
branch of his family; that his ancestors and people had come into
this country a long time ago; that his family were descended from the
sultans of Bornou; and that they had paid the latter tribute until,
of late years, the road had been shut up; but that he would pay it
all up whenever the road was open; that the sultans of Youriba, Niki,
Kiama, Wawa, and Youri, paid tribute to Bornou. I then asked him at
what place the river entered the sea. He replied he did not know:
but he had heard people say it went to Bini, which is the name they
give to Bornou. I asked if he had ever seen any of the Bini people,
or if they come up as far as this by the river. He said, no, he had
never seen any of them; that he understood they never came higher
up the river than Nyffe or Tappa (as they call Nyffe). He remained
with me until near morning, and when he was gone, finding I could
not sleep, and hearing the sound of sweet-toned instruments, I sent
for the musician, and made him play and sing to me. On sending him
away, I desired him to call in the morning and I would pay him,
and to bring his instrument with him.

Saturday, 1st April.—Morning cool and cloudy, with a little
rain. The Houssa musician came to his appointment, and I made him
play and sing. I made a sketch of his instrument, which I asked him to
sell to me; but he said he had played on it to his father and mother,
and they were pleased with it; they were now dead, and he would not
part with it. My servant Ali was cooking a fowl for my breakfast,
and having occasion to call him, he came with a knife in his hand;
on seeing which, the musician started, and ran as if he had been
going to be put to death instantly. The women in the house, when they
saw him run, rolled on the ground, and laughed at the poor man’s
fright. After breakfast I visited the sultan, and asked him to be
allowed to depart, as my baggage was to have been at the river-side
yesterday. He said I must not leave him to-day, and that when I came
back I must stay forty days with him. I was visited by a great number
of people, amongst which were many Fellatas, the chief of whom sent
me a sheep, honey, and milk. The sultan, when I inquired of him
again to-day about the papers of my unfortunate countrymen, said
that the late imam, a Fellata, had had possession of all the books
and papers, and that he had fled from Boussa some time since. This
was a death-blow to all future inquiries here; and the whole of the
information concerning the affair of the boat, her crew, and cargo,
which I was likely to gain here, I have already stated. Every one
in fact appeared uneasy when I asked for information, and said
it had happened before their remembrance, or that they did not
see it. They pointed out the place where the boat struck, and the
unfortunate crew perished. Even this was done with caution, and as
if by stealth; though, in every thing unconnected with that affair,
they were most ready to give me what information I asked; and never
in my life have I been treated with more hospitality or kindness.

The place pointed out to me, where the boat and crew were lost, is
in the eastern channel: the river being divided into three branches
at this place, not one of which is more than a good pistol-shot
across. A low flat island, of about a quarter of a mile in breadth,
lies between the town of Boussa and the fatal spot, which is in a
line, from the sultan’s house, with a double-trunked tree with
white bark, standing singly on the low flat island. The bank is
not particularly high at present, being only about ten feet above
the level of this branch, which here breaks over a gray slate rock,
extending quite across to the eastern shore: this shore rises into
gentle hills, composed of gray slate, thinly scattered with trees;
and the grass at this season gives it a dry and withered appearance.

The city of Boussa is situated on an island in the river Quorra,
and is in latitude 10° 14′ north, longitude 6° 11′ east. The
course of the Quorra here is from north-north-west to south-south-east
by compass; and, as they informed me, is full of islands and rocks
as far up the river as they were acquainted with it, and the same
below. Boussa stands nearest the westernmost branch, which is called
by the natives the river Menai; the other two branches have no other
name than the Quorra. The Menai’s stream is slow and sluggish;
those of the other two strong, with eddies and whirlpools breaking
over rocks, which in some places appear above water. Boussa island,
as I shall call it, is about three miles in length from north to
south, and a mile and a half in breadth at the broadest part. A
ridge of rock, composed of gray slate, runs from one end of the
island to the other, forming a precipice from twenty to thirty feet
high on the eastern side, and shelving gently down on the west:
below this precipice extends a beautiful holm or meadow, nearly the
whole length of the island, and about three hundred yards broad,
to the banks of the river, where there are several rocky mounds, on
which villages to the number of four are built. The wall of Boussa
is about a quarter of a mile from the banks of the Menai, and unites
with the two extremities of the rocky precipice, where they fall
in with the banks of the river; and may be about three quarters
of a mile or a mile in length. The houses are built in clusters,
or forming small villages, inside the wall, not occupying above
one-tenth of the ground enclosed. Outside the walls, on the same
island, are several villages, with plantations of corn, yams, and
cotton. The language of the people of Boussa is the same as the other
states of Borgoo, and appears to be a dialect of the Yourriba: but the
Houssa language is understood by all classes, even by the Cambrie. I
should not think that the whole of the inhabitants living between
the wall and the river amounted to more than ten or twelve thousand;
but I was informed that the state of Boussa was more populous than
all the other provinces of Borgoo; and that, next to Houssa, the
sultan of Boussa, from that state alone, could raise more horse
than any other prince between Houssa and the sea. The inhabitants,
with a very few exceptions, are pagans, as is the sultan, though
his name is Mohamed. Milk is his fetish, and which he, therefore,
does not taste. This I learnt when he drank tea with me. They eat
monkeys, dogs, cats, rats, fish, beef, and mutton; the latter only
on great occasions, or when they sacrifice. This morning when I was
with the sultan, his breakfast was brought in, which I was asked to
partake of. It consisted of a large grilled water-rat with the skin
on, some very fine boiled rice, with dried fish stewed in palm oil,
and fried or stewed alligators’ eggs, and fresh Quorra water. I eat
some of the stewed fish and rice, and they were much amused at my not
eating the rat and the eggs. Their arms are, the bow, sword, spear,
and a heavy club of about two feet and a half in length, bent at the
end and loaded with iron: their defensive armour is a tanned leather
shield, of a circular form, and the tobe or large shirt gathered in
folds round the body, and made fast round the waist with a belt.

From the front of the Sultan’s house they pointed out to me a
high table-topped mountain, bearing by compass north-north-east,
distant from twenty-five to thirty miles. On the south-west side of
this mountain they say Youri lies; and the Quorra runs past the west
end of the mountain.

When I went to take leave of the sultan and midaki, the latter made
me a present of a fine young native horse; his brother, a fine young
man, accompanied me; the head man, or, as he is called, the _avoikin
sirka_ and the principal people of Boussa, also accompanied me to
the banks of the Menai, when I crossed and took leave of them; the
messenger of the sultan of Boussa, and a messenger of the king of
Youri, to whom I had promised to deliver a present for his master
when I got to the ferry, attending me. Thus ended my visit to Boussa.

CHAPTER IV.

JOURNEY FROM BOUSSA, ACROSS THE FERRY OF THE QUORRA, BY GUARRI AND
ZEGZEG, TO THE CITY OF KANO.

Leaving the banks of that branch of the Quorra called Menai at 10.30
in the morning of the 2d of April, I travelled on the Wawa road as
far as the Cambrie villages mentioned on my way to Boussa. Here we
turned off south-south-west ½ west., sometimes near the banks of
the river; the road winding, woody, and rocky, and cut up into deep
ravines, in which there were pools of water, and near which were the
traces of numerous wild beasts, but few were seen, and those were of
the large species of antelope. At 2 P.M. halted at one of the rocky
ravines to water the horses. I heard the Quorra roaring as if there
was a waterfall close at hand. I ascended the high rocky bank of the
ravine, and the rocky ridge which here formed the banks of the river,
where I saw the stream rushing around two low rocky and wooded islands
and among several islets and rocks, when taking a sudden short bend to
the westward, the waters dashed with great violence against the foot
of the rock on which I sat, and which might form a precipice of about
fifty feet high above the river. Just below the islands, and nearly
half way across, the river had a fall at this time of from three to
four feet; the rest of the channel was studded with rocks, some of
which were above water. It occurred to me that even if Park and Martin
had passed Boussa in safety, they would have been in imminent danger
of perishing here, most likely unheard of and unseen. When I attempted
to get up and mount my horse, after finishing a rough sketch of the
scene, I was taken with a giddiness, and lost the use of my limbs and
sight. They carried me under the shade of a tree, where I broke into
a profuse perspiration; and at 3.30 being much relieved, I mounted
and rode half an hour, when I halted at a village of the Cambrie,
called Songa, the inhabitants of which gave me the best hut in the
village: but bad was the best; it was infested with rats, scorpions,
and centipedes, and the furniture consisted of old nets, rotten wood,
and broken gourds: I therefore left it, and remained on a mat in the
open air all night. The head man of the village gave me a sheep and
some yams, and at my request sent one of his young men to the ferry,
to see if my baggage and servants had arrived. I gave the sheep and
yams to the two messengers and their attendants. The young Cambrie
man returned about midnight with an answer from the taya, saying
that Richard would be up with the baggage at the ferry in the morning.

Monday, 3d.—Morning clear and cool. These Cambrie appear to be
a lazy, harmless race of negroes; and, as I was informed, inhabit
the villages in the woods near the Quorra, in the states of Boussa,
Wawa, and Youri. They plant a little corn and yams, and keep a few
sheep and goats. The men employ their time in hunting, fishing,
and sleeping; the most laborious work falling on the women. They
are apparently a mild people; in general tall; more stupid-looking
than wild; go with very little clothing, seldom any thing more than
a skin round the waist. The young people of both sexes go entirely
naked until they have cohabited, when they put on a skin, or tobe,
as their circumstances will afford. They are, from their unwarlike
and mild dispositions, often very ill used and imposed upon. When any
of their rulers has a sudden demand for slaves or sheep, they send
and take away from the poor people their children or their flocks;
and any of the slaves of the sultans passing through their villages
live at free quarters. They are pagans; and their temple here was a
platform raised about five feet from the ground, on which were piled
the heads of the hippopotamus and the alligator. The upper and under
jaws of the alligators appeared in all to be of an equal length. I
took some of the teeth from one that was last offered. Their language
differs from that of the surrounding inhabitants.

The Quorra at this village was in one whole stream, and not above
three-fourths the breadth of the Thames at Somerset House at high
water, with a current from about two to two and a half or three
knots: the colour of the water red and muddy: the banks on each
side the river rising to the height of forty-five or fifty feet;
in some places rocky: about a quarter of a mile below, it divided
into three rocky streams.

At 7.30 A.M. left Songa: the road through a woody country, cut up by
deep ravines with very rocky beds: the rocks mostly of red and gray
granite. At 9 A.M. passed between the east end of a rocky hill,
composed of porphyry, and the river; the hills on the east side
appearing of the same: the river running with great force through
this natural gap, which appeared as if cut on purpose to let the
waters through. The river between Songa and this is full of rocky
islets and rapids. After having passed the hill about a mile, the
western bank shelved away from the river, leaving a high ridge by
the river side, composed of sand and clay, with occasionally ridges
of clay-slate, between which and the high ground it appeared as if
it had formerly been the bed of the river, and is now a swamp. The
ridge close to the river was studded with villages; the river full
of small rocky islands, and occasionally rapids. At 10.30 arrived at
the village of Comie, or, as it is more commonly called, Wonjerque,
or the king’s ferry. Here the river is all in one stream; and
this place is the great ferry of the caravans to and from Houssa,
Nyffé, &c. The village is built on the high ground, the bank shelving
gradually down to the river side, where there is a second temporary
town composed of the huts of the merchants: here and in the village
all was bustle and confusion. A caravan going to Gonja was halted
on the eastern bank; on the western, the goffle from Gonja, with
kolla nuts, &c. The village was filled with horses and men dressed
out in their gayest trappings: here merchants were offering horses
for sale; there their slaves, with gay glass beads, cords of silk,
unwrought silk, and tobes and turkadoes for sale; some dancing and
drumming; while others, more wicked, were drinking and rioting. I
was provided with a good house, and received presents of milk, honey,
eggs, ducks, sheep, and goats, as soon as it was known I had arrived;
but I returned the whole of them, and said I would accept of nothing
until my servants and baggage arrived. Several people came and said
they had left Wawa early in the morning, and that my baggage was on
the road. The widow Zuma, who is at a neighbouring village, sent me
boiled rice and a fowl, and also an invitation to go and stop at
her house until my things came, and I should cross the river; but
my anxiety for my baggage, and my being rather unwell, prevented me
accepting her invitation. I had a visit from the taya, who declares
the baggage will be here in the course of a short time. He has now
changed his tone: he says I must buy bullocks and pay for them at
once, as he will not carry my baggage: he will buy the bullocks for
me, and find men to drive them; that he will sell me those which he
has bought from the widow; and that he will trust to my generosity for
a present when I arrive at Kano; that my baggage, he said, would be
here directly, and advised me to go and stop at the widow’s until
it came. Towards evening my anxiety was very great on account of my
baggage, as no appearance of it, or any tidings that I could depend
upon was to be learnt. The governor’s son of Wawa, who is here,
offered to go to Wawa and see what was the reason they had not come.

Tuesday, 4th.—I found on his return from Wawa, to my great surprise,
that my baggage would not be allowed to come until the widow Zuma
went back to Wawa. “What have I to do with the widow?” I asked
him. “Yes, you have,” says he, “and you must come back with me
and fetch her.” “Not I,” I answered; “what have I to do with
her? If I were governor of Wawa I would bring her back if I wanted
her, but I am a stranger.” “Then,” says he, “I will go if
you will send a token and a message, to say I come from you.” I
gave him my umbrella, but no message, declaring I would not send
any. The governor’s son went to the widow, and I went to Wawa,
where I arrived at noon. My trusty servant Richard arrived at the same
instant from Boussa, where he had been to seek me, and acquaint me of
the detention of my property: his only guide, a boy whose language he
did not understand, or any other but his own native English. He had
seen the sultan and midaki, who understood from the little boy who
accompanied him what he had come for. They treated him with great
kindness, making him remain all night; and in the morning sent him
with two armed men to protect him and to find me, and to desire the
governor of Wawa to allow my things to go instantly: a convincing
fact that the minds of men here must be much changed for the better
since the days of Park and Martin. He had left Wawa yesterday, to
come and inform me of the detention of my baggage, and the cause why;
which was the widow Zuma’s having left Wawa about half an hour
after I did, with drums beating before her, and a train after her,
first calling at my house before she waited on the governor; giving
Pascoe a female slave for a wife, without the governor’s permission,
which I had allowed him to accept; and the widow’s declaration
before she went away, that she intended following me to Kano, and
come back and make war on the governor, as she had done once before.

I was glad to find all my things safe; and was more amused than vexed
to think that I had been so oddly let into the politics of Wawa, and
that the old governor meant me no harm, but just to let me see his
consequence before I left Wawa. I certainly never would have thought
that the widow Zuma would have been at the head of the malcontents
in Wawa. I was now let into their politics with a vengeance; and it
was believed I was taking a very great share in them. It would have
been a fine end to my journey indeed, if I had deposed old Mohamed,
and set up for myself, with a walking tun-butt for a queen.

I sent to the governor the instant of my arrival at Wawa, to say
I was ready to wait on him. I had tea to refresh me and clear up
my ideas; and went, accompanied by his head man. My servant Ali
brought the rifle, which was loaded; but I ordered him back with a
severe reproof, as I always make a point of going unarmed; as the
least show of fear or distrust would most likely cause me to pay
dearly for my unnecessary caution. The head man said, “Ah! dua,
dua,” or that I had taken medicine to keep me from harm. I found
the governor just roused from his noon-day nap, which was done by
sound of horn. I put on as many smiles as I was master of, shook
hands with him, and asked how he did, and how he had been since I
last was blessed with the sight of him. I told him that I had seen
the sultan of Boussa, and said what a good and generous man he was;
and how well he and the midaki, his wife, and the governor’s sister,
had behaved to me. I then said, I was surprised that my things had
not come to the water side, according to his promise. He asked if the
widow was not going to take them, as he thought she was. I said, I had
nothing to do with the widow; I was a servant of the king of England,
and it was to him I looked; that I did not know the widow before I
came here. “Is she not going to Houssa with you? if she is greater
than me, let her take them.” I said, no; it was he, and not the
widow: I had nothing to say to her; and I would thank him to send me
and my things off as soon as possible. “As soon as the widow comes
back,” says he, “you shall go, not until then: send for her.” I
said, I would not send for her; I had nothing to do with her. “You
allowed your servant to take a female slave from her; send her back;
and if the widow comes back to-night you shall go to-morrow.” I
said, as to the widow’s coming or going, it was nothing to me:
with respect to Pascoe’s returning the girl, that was his affair;
and that no offence had been meant to the governor in allowing him
to accept her. He said, return her, and he would give him another;
and if the widow came to-night I should go in the morning: she was
his enemy, and was gone to stir up war against him, as she had done
once before. I said, he might blame his head man for my acquaintance
with the widow: he was present when she first came to my house; and,
as she was an enemy of the governor, he ought to have told me then,
and I, as a stranger, and the governor’s guest, would not have
allowed her to come to my house. We parted after this, and in the
evening he sent me a present of one fowl, yams, milk, and honey.

Wednesday, 5th.—This morning the widow arrived in town, with
a drummer beating before her, whose cap was bedecked with ostrich
feathers; a bow-man walking on foot at the head of her horse; a train
behind, armed with bows, swords, and spears. She rode a-straddle
on a fine horse, whose trappings were of the first order for this
country. The head of the horse was ornamented with brass plates,
the neck with brass bells, and charms sewed in various coloured
leather, such as red, green, and yellow; a scarlet breast-piece,
with a bright brass plate in the centre; scarlet saddle-cloth,
trimmed with lace. She was dressed in red silk trowsers, and red
morocco boots; on her head a white turban, and over her shoulders
a mantle of silk and gold. Had she been somewhat younger and less
corpulent, there might have been great temptation to head her party,
for she has certainly been a very handsome woman, and such as would
have been thought a beauty in any country in Europe.

After the heat of the day was over, I went to the governor, Pascoe
having previously sent back his wife to the widow. They parted
without reluctance, though he declared that she had fallen in love
with him at first sight. She was the second wife the old fellow has
had since we left Badagry: the first he got at Jannah; she turned
out to be a thief, a jade, and used to get drunk with the king’s
wives at Katunga, for which I was obliged to order her out of the
house; but Pascoe, with tears in his eyes, begged me to forgive her,
as she really loved him, and he loved her. I was not sorry when I
heard, the day we left Katunga, that she had walked off with all
the coral and other little trinkets which Mrs. Belzoni had given
him before he left England, as I trusted it would be a lesson to
him in future. I told the governor that the widow was now arrived,
and I wished he would send me off according to his promise. He said,
he did not know that she had arrived, but would send for her. He
again repeated what he had said yesterday, and so did I; to which
I added that I should be sorry if such a foolish affair should have
any effect on the good understanding that existed between him and me
before I went to Boussa. The widow arrived, having stripped off her
finery, and put on only a common country cloth around her, and one
female slave in attendance. She saluted the governor according to
the custom of the country; that is, by kneeling down on the ground
on her knees and elbows, with the palms of her hands before her
face. It was some time before the governor spoke: he then began,
and gave her a lecture on disobedience and vanity, and asked her
where she was going: she said, after some slaves of hers who had
run away and gone to Nyffé: with which excuse, after his telling
her she did not speak the truth, she was dismissed; and when she
got outside the coozie, or hut, she shook the dust from her cloth
with the greatest contempt. “That,” says he, “is a bad woman;
none of the sultans like her; she will not pay duty on any thing:
but you shall go to-morrow.” I went home, determined never to be
caught in such a foolish affair in future, as my last journey ought
to have taught me never to make friends of the opposition party in any
place, for they were always sure to lead to trouble, if not mischief.

As the governor said I should go to-morrow, I took him at his word,
and accordingly left Wawa the second time, determined that politics
should never bring me back to the place again. We halted at a village
of the Cambrie, remained here an hour, then proceeded an hour, and
halted at another, where the gentlemen seized a sheep, as they had
done at the former place. I gave them a severe lecture, which they
listened to very quietly, but killed the sheep, lighted a fire, and
roasted it with the skin on, before the poor Cambrie its owner. In
the evening I arrived at the ferry, where I had an excellent house,
and plenty of presents of sheep, eggs, and honey, sent to me and my
friends: the carriers arriving at sunset with the baggage, and living
at free quarters on the inhabitants, as they had done on the Cambrie.

Being unwell, I remained at the ferry three days; and on the 10th,
about noon, having got all my baggage over, I crossed the Quorra,
which at this time was about a quarter of a mile in width, running
at the rate of two miles an hour, and in the middle ten or twelve
feet deep. The ferry is crossed by canoes of about twenty feet long
and two broad. Cattle are occasionally made to swim over.

The four rogues of slaves wanted to cheat me out of my horse, and
urgently invited me to pass over first. I told them, when I saw the
horses fairly over I would go, but not until then: at which they
were evidently much disappointed; and as it was, they succeeded in
cheating me out of one which the governor had lent me.

The master of the house in which I lived in Comie, a very respectable
man, and formerly head man to the king of Nyffé, but who had fled
to escape the civil war, told me that the river was full of rocks
and islands nearly the whole way to the sea, which it entered at the
town of Fundah; that the people of that country visited the southern
parts of Nyffé; that the people of Benin came up by land, and had
the river to cross, as they never travelled by water if they could
avoid it, it being against their fetish; that the river farther down
ran more to the eastward, until joined by the river Kadania, flowing
from the east, when it turned to the west, and fell into the sea.

I now proceeded on my journey towards Kano, and having travelled
about six miles, came to a walled village called Dallu; and beyond
that five miles to El Wata, which appeared to be inhabited by
blacksmiths. Though the village was small, I counted, on the way
to where I was to lodge, four large blacksmiths’ shops with five
forges in each. The blacksmiths were very civil to me; they gave me
their best house, some corn for my horses, and a goat and some yams.

The natives of Borgoo, of whom I have now taken leave, and to whom
the Arabs and their neighbouring nations give such a bad character
for theft and robbery, always behaved honestly to me. I never lost
the smallest article while amongst them. I have travelled and hunted
alone with them, and myself, servants, and baggage, have been at
their mercy. I ever found them cheerful, obliging, good-natured,
and communicative; and the plundering of the sheep, goats, &c. from
the villages, by the slaves of Yarro and Mohamed of Wawa, was not the
act of natives of Borgoo, but of Houssa; as were the four messengers
of Wawa, who had also formed a design to plunder me. These persons
are nearly half-starved, and possessed with the idea that it is only
right their masters’ subjects should feed them when on a journey,
as they have no other provision but what they can catch in this
manner; and therefore all they can lay their hands on is considered
by them as good and lawful prize. They are more warlike than any
of their neighbours; more bold and independent also: and parties
of two or three will infest the roads of the neighbouring kingdoms,
and carry off passengers whom they may meet, and sell them as slaves.

The kingdom, as I have already said, is divided into the petty states
of Niki, Kiama, Wawa, and Boussa, of which Boussa is considered the
head, Niki the next. The governors are all hereditary as long as
they can keep their place. These states sometimes make war upon one
another, when the sultan of Boussa interferes, and makes both parties
pay. The kingdom is bounded on the east by the Quorra; on the south by
Yourriba; on the west by Dahomey; and on the north by a large country
called Gourma, which they assert to be inhabited by naked savages,
but the Mahomedans say by a civilized people, and governed by a
powerful sultan. The country is eleven days’ journey from north
to south, and thirty from east to west: its rivers are the Quorra,
Moussa, and Oli: its mountains are the range which passes through
Yourriba, Youri, Zamfra, Guari, and Zegzeg. The face of the country
is partly plain and partly mountainous, abounding in game of all
the kinds common to Africa; and the inhabitants are said to be great
hunters. Through Borgoo the caravans from Houssa and Bornou pass to
Gonja and Yourriba. They have few cattle, but plenty of corn, yams,
plantains, and limes. Their religion is paganism, but they offer no
human sacrifices.

Tuesday, 11th.—Left El Wata, the country around which is well
cultivated. The ant-hills here are the highest I have ever seen,
being from fifteen to twenty feet high, resembling so many Gothic
cathedrals in miniature. Halted at another walled village to change
carriers, which, like El Wata, was also full of blacksmiths. In
all the villages I passed through to-day there is a fetish-house,
or pagan house of worship, in good repair; showing that the head
people and the majority of the inhabitants, though pagans, have a
regard for religion. Figures of human beings are painted on these
houses, as are also the boa, the alligator, and the tortoise. The
country is well cultivated, and planted with corn, and yams, and
cotton. They have plenty of sheep and goats, a few small horses, but
no cows; and large plantations of bananas and plantains are seen by
the river side. The blacksmiths are still in great numbers. They get
their iron ore from the hills, which they smelt where they dig it,
and which is done without mining. The taya paid me a visit, wishing
me to remain at this place to-morrow, as an army of the Fellatas
were in Koolfu, on their return to Sockatoo. He still shuffles off
his bargain, and begged hard that I would remain here until the
day after to-morrow, as the Fellatas would then be gone. I said I
had nothing to do with the Fellatas; they would not hurt me: that
he had put me off from day to day, always making a fresh bargain,
different from the one he had made before. I offered him half the
money here, on his giving me proper security; but he began haggling
again, and went off without coming to any certain agreement, as he
has always done. I however determined to get to Koolfu to-morrow
if possible, as these Fellatas are the very people I want to meet,
more particularly if they are from Sockatoo.

Wednesday, 12th.—In the afternoon of this day we halted at a
village, after crossing a wooden bridge over a stream called the
May-yarrow. It was rudely constructed of rough branches covered with
earth; long, and so narrow that two horses could not pass at one
time. It is the first I have seen in Africa. I remained here only a
few minutes, when I went to another village, where the carriers, after
setting the baggage down, ran off. As soon as myself and servants
arrived we were instantly surrounded by the whole male population of
the village, all armed with bows and arrows, their knives in their
hands, and bow-rings on their thumbs, perfectly ready for war. I
could not help being much amused at their uncalled for alarm; and
to prove to them how tranquil I felt, I dismounted from my horse,
and sat quietly down on the baggage, ordering my servants to do the
same. They pretended not to understand a word of the Houssa language;
for that they did not understand it was next to impossible, as not
a town or village between this and Badagry occurred in which we did
not find one or more that could speak that language; and the Boussa
messenger not having come up, we could not talk to them in the Nyffé
tongue. For a little time silence prevailed, when all at once they
seized on the baggage, each man taking something, until the whole
was gone. I now re-mounted, with my servants, and followed. They ran
along as fast as it was possible for them, and we rode after them;
at length we came to another village, where the people understood
Houssa, and asked what I wanted. I said, to stop all night. These
voluntary carriers however took up the baggage again, and crossing
the May-yarrow by a wooden bridge, entered the town of Tabra, which
is in fact the same town I had reached, the river dividing it into
two parts. Having also crossed, I was taken with my things in front
of the head man’s house; where they questioned and cross-questioned
me as to whether I was going to their king or not; but to none of
their questions did I think fit to give a direct answer. When they
found I was not disposed to commit myself they carried my things to
a house for the night. Here for the first time I had to buy wood,
grass, and corn: they always asking, “Where is the money?” before
they would give me any thing. I sent Ali off to the chief of the
Fellatas, with a letter addressed to Bello, as I find they leave
Koolfu at day-break. I therefore missed them by being detained and
humbugged on the road, through the manœuvres of the taya, who was
very anxious I should not see the Fellatas.

Thursday, 13th.—The whole of this day was spent in expectation of
my paying a visit to the queen of Nyffé, who is at present residing
here; but in the evening I was informed she could not receive me,
as the king her husband is absent, at a town called Raba, two
days’ journey distant; but that I may see the king’s mother
in the morning, who will inform me when and how I am to proceed to
Kano. During the night thunder, lightning, and rain.

Friday, 14th.—After breakfast I went and visited the queen-mother,
according to last night’s arrangement; I took with me as a present
a Chinese crape shawl, part of a string of coral, and a mock gold
chain, and some silk. In the outer coozie of her house I found mats
spread for me, and a sheep-skin for her majesty. Her male attendants
were mostly all old men, without teeth. In this company I remained
for near a quarter of an hour. Then came in a number of women past
their teens, and seated themselves on the mats opposite to me. They
were decently dressed, in short check bed-gowns, the manufacture of
the country, with a stuffing in the breast, which made them appear
full-breasted. Around their loins they wore striped cotton cloths,
which reached down to their ankles. Their woolly hair was dressed in
the crest fashion; over which they wore a cap flowered and ornamented
with red and white silk; around which there was tied a piece of check,
flowered with white silk and fringed at each end, the ends hanging
down: this was about the breadth of a broad riband. After sitting in
profound silence for some time, they looking at me and I at them; at
last her majesty made her appearance, dressed in a large white tobe or
shirt. On her head she wore a coarse green cloth cap with two flaps,
and trimmed with red tape. She was old, walked with a staff, and had
only one eye. I rose to receive her, and shook her by the hand. She
sat down on the sheep-skin, and I on the mat beside her. After asking
after her health, and she doing the same, and how I had fared on my
journey, I began to display my present before her, told her who I
was, and where I wished to go. She appeared much gratified with the
present, particularly the chain; said I ought to go and see her son
the king, who was only two or three days distant, and he would forward
me to where I wished, and be glad to see me. I said I would go with
pleasure, but the rains had now set in; and that I wished to proceed
on my journey with the taya; that I had a great number of books for
Bello, and the Sheik of Bornou, and they would all be spoiled if
they got wet; that this country was very sickly in the rains; and
that three white men who accompanied me had died already. She said
she had sent a messenger to her son the night of my arrival; that
he would return to-night or to-morrow morning, and he would bring
orders to say whether I was to go to Raba, or not; that if I went,
they would detain the taya until my return. I said, “Very well;
but I must have a horse, as both mine have sore backs.” I then
took leave of her majesty, as she is called. A native of Moorzuk,
named Mohamed Ben Ahmet, who has long resided in this country, served
as my interpreter. He is married to one of the king’s daughters;
he is styled in Nyffe El Magia. I had the following account from
Ben Ahmet: that this woman was the late king of Nyffe’s relation;
that her son Mohamed El Magia, who is a Mahometan, is fighting with
the other, who is called Edrisi and a pagan, for the kingdom; that
Mohamed is assisted by the Fellatas, and the other, who has the
best right, by the people of Nyffe; that Mohamed has gained every
battle this summer, and that there is no doubt of his gaining the
day; that there is a cessation of hostilities during the rains;
that next summer will decide the fate of Edrisi; that Mohamed can
read and write Arabic; is a great drunkard, but very generous.

Tabra is on the north bank of the river May-yarrow, over which is
a narrow wooden bridge, which will not bear a man and horse. This
bridge connects it to a part of the town on the other side the river,
which is also surrounded on the three sides by a wall. The two parts
may contain from eighteen to twenty thousand inhabitants; they are
the occasional residence of the Magia, who has a house here; and
it is also the place of his birth. His mother during his absence is
considered as governor assisted by the _sirtain fada_, or master of
the ceremonies. There appears to be plenty of sheep and goats, and
plantations of yams, plantains, calavances, millet, and limes. The
river is always full of water, and may be about twenty yards broad,
shaded with large trees; the banks rise with a gentle ascent from
the river, and are planted with yams, millet, &c. There are only a
few blacksmiths, but a great number of weavers. The inhabitants,
with a few exceptions, are pagans, and they all, men and women,
have the reputation of being great drunkards. The Houssa caravans
pass close to the north side of the town, but seldom halt here. It
was deserted last year, when Edrisi was driven here with his army;
the inhabitants flying to Ingastrie in Youri, and to the province
of Wawa; but are now mostly returned.

Sunday, 16th.—I was visited by the _sirtain fada_ this morning,
who had just returned from seeing the Fellatas safe out of Koolfu:
he told me that the Benin people, before the civil war began, came
here to trade; that the Quorra ran into the sea, behind Benin, at
Fundah; that the Nyffe people and those of Benin were the same people;
that Benin paid tribute to Nyffe—(this is common with all negroes,
to exalt their native country above all others, in their accounts to
strangers). He said they got their salt from a town called Affaga,
near the sea: this is the Laro or Alaro of Yourriba, and in possession
of the Fellatas. In the evening an eunuch, a messenger, arrived from
the king, to take me to the Sanson, or gathering-place, where he was;
and to stop the taya.

Monday, 17th.—This morning a messenger of the king of Youri arrived,
bringing me a present of a camel, to assist in carrying my baggage
to Kano. He said the king, before he left Youri, had shown him two
books, very large, and printed, that had belonged to the white men,
that were lost in the boat at Boussa; that he had been offered a
hundred and seventy mitgalls of gold for them, by a merchant from
Bornou, who had been sent by a Christian on purpose for them. I
advised him to tell the king, that he ought to have sold them; that
I would not give five mitgalls for them; but that if he would send
them, I would give him an additional present; and that he would be
doing an acceptable thing to the king of England by sending them,
and that he would not act like a king if he did not. I gave him
for his master one of the mock-gold chains, a common sword, and ten
yards of silk, and said I would give him a handsome gun and some more
silk, if he would send the books. On asking him if there were any
books like my journal, which I showed him, he said there was one,
but that his master had given it to an Arab merchant ten years ago;
but the merchant was killed by the Fellatas on his way to Kano, and
what had become of that book afterwards he did not know. He also
told me, that the fifteen men whom I had seen at Wawa belonging
to Dahomey were slave-merchants; that they had bought a hundred
slaves at Youri; that they also bought small red beads that came
from Tripoli; that at Wawa they were to get a hundred more slaves,
when they would return to Dahomey; that these people bring cloths,
earthen ware, brass and pewter dishes, and sell them in Houssa,
Nyffe, and Youri, for slaves and beads.

Wednesday, 19th.—Dull and cloudy this morning. The eunuch came
with his horse ready saddled, but without one for me. I told him I
was all ready, but would not go until he brought me a horse. He then
pretended that he was going, and asked if I had no present to send
to the king. I said I had, but should give it myself when I saw him;
not until then. He then departed; when a Fellata, calling himself
a messenger from Bello, residing with the king, came and said he
would make the eunuch stop, and removed my baggage and myself to
a good and quiet house, as the one I was in was much disturbed by
women and children; and it is settled that I am to go with him to
the king to-morrow. I have offered two hundred thousand cowries to
have my baggage carried, but I cannot even get a letter conveyed
to Kano; either so jealous are they of me, or they have an eye to
my baggage, about which they have formed anxious conjectures. I
had a present from the king’s sister of a sheep, for which she
modestly requested a dollar and some beads. My new house is very
snug and comfortable. I have three rooms for myself and servants,
with houses for my horse and mare, an old man and his wife to look
after it, and I can keep out all idle persons.

Thursday, 20th.—Morning clear and warm. I had to remain to-day also,
as my guide and messenger, the black eunuch, is gone to the Koolfu
market again. At sunset he and Omar Zurmie (or Omar the Brave),
the messenger of Bello, waited on me, and told me that they would
leave this for the Sanson, or camp, in the course of the night, if
I was ready, and that Zurmie had a horse ready for me. I said I was
ready at a moment’s notice, and had been the last four days. In
the night we had a tornado, with thunder, lightning, and rain.

Friday, 21st.—This morning I left Tabra in company of Omar the
Brave, a black eunuch, and Mohamed Ben Ahmet, the Morzukie, as my
interpreter and servant; and having travelled twenty-seven miles,
came to a village called Kitako, where we passed the night.

Saturday, 22d.—At 1.30 A.M. left Kitako. The moon through the
thick clouds just enabling us, by the assistance of two Amars
(spearmen) who went a-head, to thread our way through the thick
woods, and over some of the most ticklish wooden bridges that ever
man and horse passed over. The morning was raw and cold, and the
path slippery and wet. At 4.30 I got so unwell and unable to bear
the motion of the horse, that I dismounted, and lay down on the
wet ground without covering, or any thing underneath me; for there
are times when a man, to get rid of his present sickness, will try
any remedy, whatever may be the after consequences: this was my
case, and I lay until six, when I rose much better of my sickness,
but with severe pains in the bones. A short while after starting,
I crossed over the wall of a ruined town called Jinne, or Janne,
through plantations of indigo and cotton, choked up with weeds. The
morning was raw and cloudy. A few of the ragged inhabitants were up;
two or three of the most miserable starved horses I ever saw were
tied to stakes close to the few huts that were rebuilt, their backs
dreadfully lacerated, the skin being nearly off from the shoulder to
the rump, and their eyes running with matter. Only for the verdure
of the trees at this season, and a beautiful stream of clear water,
whose banks were planted with plantain and palm-oil trees, this
would have been one of the most miserable scenes I ever saw in
my life. After passing the stream twice, without bridges, whose
banks were very steep and slippery, with several deep round holes,
as man traps, on each side the road, I ascended the plain above,
from whence I saw the ruins of several other towns and villages along
the banks of the ravine. At eight passed the ruins of another town;
and at nine I met, attended by a great rabble, armed with pickaxes,
hoes, and hatchets, Mohamed El Magia, or the would-be king, mounted
on horseback, and halted under a tree. When they told me there was
the Magia waiting to receive me, I rode up and shook hands with
him. He asked me after my health, and how I had fared on the road,
and then told the eunuch who was with me to take me to his house;
he then rode past, as I was informed, to complete the ruin of the
last, as I thought already ruined, town I had passed through. He was
mounted on a good bay horse, whose saddle was ornamented with pieces
of silver and brass; the breastpiece with large silver plates hanging
down from it, like what is represented in the prints of Roman and
eastern emperors’ horses. He is a tall man, with a sort of stupid
expression of countenance, having a large mouth and snagged teeth,
with which he makes himself look worse when he attempts to smile,
and looks indeed like any thing but a king or a soldier. He wore
a black velvet cap, with two flaps over the ears, and trimmed with
red silk, a blue and white striped tobe, red boots, part of leather
and part red cloth, in rags; in his hand he had a black staff,
with a silver head; his slaves were carrying a coast-made umbrella
and his sword. I paid him every decent respect, and put on as many
smiles as I was able, as I know that those ragged and dirty rogues,
when they have power, have more pride than a real king, and expect a
great deal more respect, and cannot bear a man to look serious. At
ten I arrived at the Sanson, or camp, where I was lodged in the
eunuchs’ part, having a small unoccupied hut separated from the
rest allotted for me to live in. Here I was left to myself until
3 P.M., when the eunuch came and told me the king had arrived,
and wished to see me. I went directly, taking a present, which I
displayed before him. When the articles were taken away by an eunuch,
I told him who and what I was, where I was going, and that I wanted
his assistance and protection to the governors of Guari or Zegzeg,
in Houssa; that I had been well treated by every king and governor
between Badagry on the sea-coast, to Tabra in his dominions, and
I hoped for the same favourable reception from him. He said it was
easy to do all that I had asked, and he would do it.

Sunday, 23d.—This morning I was much better, having shut my little
straw hut up as close as possible, so that I was as if in a steam
bath all night. I have ever found this and fasting a good cure for
most disorders.

The king went through the camp, attended by a great rabble, a slave
carrying the umbrella I had given him over his head. He paid me
a visit, and began, as soon as he had seated himself, to show me
his staff of authority, a black stick, about four feet long, with a
silver head. He said I had got some of the same kind, and he wanted
one. I said I could not indulge him with one, unless I gave him that
intended for Bello. He then begged my travelling knife and fork. I
said, “What, then, I am to go without, and eat with my fingers! he
had better go to Tabra, and take all I had.” He observed he would
certainly not do that; that he would send me to Kano, and that I
should go in five or six days after this. He then went home, and
sent me, as a present, a small country horse, which will do well
enough for Pascoe to ride. I have now two horses and a mare.

The Sanson, or camp, is like a large square village, built of
small bee-hive-like huts, thatched with straw, having four large
broad streets, and with a square or clear place near the huts of
the king. Only for the number of horses feeding, and some picketed
near the huts, and the men all going armed, and numbers of drums
beating, it would pass for a well-inhabited village. Here are to be
seen weavers, taylors, women spinning cotton, others reeling off,
some selling foo-foo and accassons, others crying yams and paste,
little markets at every green tree, holy men counting their beads,
and dissolute slaves drinking _roa bum_.

Monday, 24th.—Morning cool and cloudy. In the early part of the
morning I went to take leave of the king, whom I found in his hut,
surrounded by Fellatas, one of whom was reading the Koran aloud
for the benefit of the whole; the meaning of which not one of them
understood, not even the reader. This may seem odd to an Englishman;
but it is very common for a man, both in Bornou and Houssa, to be
able to read the Koran fluently, and not understand a word in it but
“Allah,” or able to read any other book. They left off reading
when I came in; and as soon as the compliments of the morning were
over, the king begged me to give him my sword, which I flatly refused,
but promised to give him the five dollars, the staff, and the pistol,
whenever I was permitted to leave this for Kano, which he promised I
should do, and pointed out a person whom he said he would send with
me as a messenger; and that a merchant from Koolfu would come and
agree about the price he was to have for carrying my baggage. I
thanked him, and took my leave. He is one of the most beggarly
rogues I have yet met with; every thing he saw or heard that I was
possessed of he begged, not like a person that wished to have them
because they were scarce or rare, but with a mean greediness that
was disgusting. Though I had given him a better present than he had
ever got in his life before, he told me that I said “No, no,”
to every thing he asked for. He has been the ruin of his country
by his unnatural ambition, and by calling in the Fellatas, who will
remove him out of the way the moment he is of no more use to them;
even now he dares not move without their permission. It is said that
he has put to death his brother and two of his sons. Through him the
greater part of the industrious population of Nyffé have either been
killed, sold as slaves, or fled from their native country. To remove
him now would be charity; and the sooner the better for his country.

At 8.30 in the morning I left the Sanson, and riding on ahead of
old Malam Fama, the Morzukie, I halted under a tree at eleven to let
the horses feed, and the Malam to come up with the sheep. At noon,
Mahomed having joined, I started with a plundering party who were
going the same road. They told me they were going to seize some
villagers who had returned to build up their ruined huts and sow
a little millet without first praying for leave to the Magia. On
crossing one of the small rivers and ascending the steep and slippery
bank, the chief of this band checked his horse, and both horse and
rider fell souse into the water. He was close behind me, but I left
his companions to pick him up. On the 25th we once more reached Tabra.

I have observed more people with bad teeth and the loss of the front
teeth in Nyffé than any other country in Africa, or indeed any other
country. The males mostly are those who lose their teeth. Whether
it may arise from the universal custom of chewing snuff mixed with
natron or not, I do not pretend to say. The white of the eye in the
black population is in general bilious-looking and bloodshot. There
is scarcely one exception, unless it be in those below eighteen or
twenty years of age.

Tuesday, May 2.—This morning I left Tabra, and travelling
along the banks of the May-yarrow, passed the walled village of
Gonda. Having crossed a stream coming from the north, and running
into the May-yarrow, I entered the walled town of Koolfu, the
greatest market town in this portion of Nyffé, and resorted to by
trading people from all parts of the interior. I was provided with
a good house; and the head man of the town, a plausible fellow,
was very officious, but at the same time giving broad hints for a
present. Mohamed Kalu, the madagoo or head man of the goffle from
Bornou, has to remain here until after the Rhamadan. I was visited
by all the principal people in the place, as a matter of curiosity,
though many of them had seen me at Tabra.

Monday, 8th.—Clear and cool. The house in which I live is one of
the best in Koolfu. I have three separate coozies parted off from
the rest of the house, and a place for my stud, which now amounts to
two horses and a mare. My landlady is a widow, large, fat, and deaf,
with an only child, a daughter, about five years old; a spoiled
child. The widow Laddie, as she is called, is considered to be
very rich. She is a merchant; sells salt, natron, and various other
articles: but what she is most famed for is her booza and roa bum,
as the palm wine is called; and every night the large outer hut is
filled with the topers of Koolfu, who are provided with music as well
as drink, and keep it up generally until the dawn of morning separates
them. Their music consists of the drum, erbab, or guitar of the Arabs,
the Nyffé harp, and the voice. Their songs are mostly extempore,
and allude to the company present. The booza is made from a mixture
of doura, or Guinea corn, honey, Chili pepper, the root of a coarse
grass on which the cattle feed, and a proportion of water: these are
thrown in equal proportions into large earthen jars, open at top,
and are allowed to ferment near a slow fire for four or five days,
when the booza is fit to drink, and is put into earthen jars. It is
a very fiery and intoxicating beverage; but, whether Mohamedan or
pagan, they all drink, and agree very well together when in their
cups. At first neither I nor my servants could sleep for their noise,
but now I have got used to it. This night the new moon was seen,
and Mohamedan and pagan joined in the cry of joy. My landlady had
thirteen pieces of wood, on each of which was written by the Bornou
malem the word “Bismillah,” the only word he could write. These
boards she then washed and drank the water, and gave to her family
to drink. She offered some of it to me; but I said I never drank
dirty water: and I thought that if she and her servants had taken
a comfortable cup of booza or bum it would have done them more good
than drinking the washings of a board written over with ink; for the
man was a rogue who had made her pay for such stuff. “What!”
says she, “do you call the name of God dirty water? it was good
to take it.” These rogues, who call themselves malems, impose on
the poor ignorant people very much; and the pagans are as fond of
having these charms as the Mohamedans. These dirty draughts are a
cure for all evils, present and to come, and are called by the people
_dua_. Some of their fighting men will confine themselves to their
houses for thirty or forty days, fasting during the day, and only
drinking and washing with this dirty stuff. If a man is fortunate,
or does any feat above the common, it is attributed to the dua, or
medicine: neither his wit nor the grace of God gains a man any thing.

Tuesday, 9th.—Clear and warm. The new moon having been seen last
night put an end to the fast of the Rhamadan; and this day is kept
throughout the northern interior by Mohamedan and Kafir. Every
one was dressed in his best, paying and receiving visits, giving
and receiving presents, parading the streets with horns, guitars,
and flutes; groups of men and women seated under the shade at their
doors, or under shady trees, drinking roa bum or booza. I also had
my share of visitors: the head man of the town came to drink hot
water, as they call my tea. The chief of Ingaskie, the second town
in Youri, only a day’s journey distant, sent me a present of a
sheep, some rice, and a thousand gora nuts, for which he expects
double the amount in return. The women were dressed and painted
to the height of Nyffé perfection; and the young and modest on
this day would come up and salute the men as if old acquaintances,
and bid them joy on the day; with the wool on their heads dressed,
plaited, and dyed with indigo; their eyebrows painted with indigo,
the eyelashes with khol, the lips stained yellow, the teeth red,
and their feet and hands stained with henna; their finest and
gayest clothes on; all their finest beads on their necks; their
arms and legs adorned with bracelets of glass, brass, and silver,
their fingers with rings of brass, pewter, silver, and copper; some
had Spanish dollars soldered on the back of the rings. They, too,
drank of the booza and roa bum as freely as the men, joining in their
songs, whether good or bad. In the afternoon, parties of men were seen
dancing: free men and slaves all were alike; not a clouded brow was
to be seen in Koolfu; but at nine in the evening the scene was changed
from joy and gladness to terror and dismay; a tornado had just began,
and the hum of voices and the din of people putting their things under
cover from the approaching storm had ceased at once. All was silent
as death, except the thunder and the wind. The clouded sky appeared
as if on fire; each cloud rolling towards us as a sea of flame, and
only surpassed in grandeur and brightness by the forked lightning,
which constantly seemed to ascend and descend from what was now
evidently the town of Bali on fire, only a short distance outside
the walls of Koolfu. When this was extinguished a new scene began, if
possible worse than the first. The wind had increased to a hurricane;
houses were blown down; roofs of houses going along with the wind like
chaff, the shady trees in the town bending and breaking; and, in the
intervals between the roaring of the thunder, nothing heard but the
war-cry of the men and the screams of women and children, as no one
knew but that an enemy was at hand, and that we should every instant
share in the fate of Bali. I had the fire-arms loaded when I learned
this, and stationed Richard and Pascoe at the door of each hut, and
took the command of my landlady’s house, securing the outer door,
and putting all the fires out. One old woman roasting ground nuts,
quite unconcerned, made as much noise as if she had been going to be
put to death when the water was thrown over her fire. At last the
rain fell: the fire in Bali had ceased by its being wholly burnt
down. In our house we escaped with the roof blown off one coozie,
and a shed blown down. All was now quiet; and I went to rest with
that satisfaction every man feels when his neighbour’s house is
burnt down and his own, thank God! has escaped.

Sunday, 14th.—Mohamed, the Fezzanie, whom I had hired at Tabra,
and whom I had sent to the chief of Youri for the books and papers
of the late Mungo Park, returned, bringing me a letter from that
person, which contained the following account of the death of that
unfortunate traveller: that not the least injury was done to him
at Youri, or by the people of that country; that the people of
Boussa had killed them, and taken all their riches; that the books
in his possession were given him by the Imam of Boussa; that they
were lying on the top of the goods in the boat when she was taken;
that not a soul was left alive belonging to the boat; that the
bodies of two black men were found in the boat chained together;
that the white men jumped overboard; that the boat was made of two
canoes joined fast together, with an awning or roof behind; that he,
the sultan, had a gun, double-barrelled, and a sword, and two books
that had belonged to those in the boat; that he would give me the
books whenever I went to Youri myself for them, not until then.

Monday, 15th.—I am still very weak; Richard worse. I had a letter
from the learned Abdurahman, of Kora, a noted chief of banditti,
and who once, with his followers, overran Nyffé, and held possession
of the capital six months. He now keeps the town of Kora, a day’s
journey to the north-east, and is much feared by Mohamedan and
Kafir. He is a native of Nyffé. He is particularly anxious that I
should visit him, as he wants my acquaintance, and begs I will give
him the Psalms of David in Arabic, which he hears I have got. His
letter was written on part of the picture of the frontispiece of
an European book, apparently Spanish or Portuguese. He says he
has something to communicate to me, which cannot be done but by a
personal interview; but unless he come to Koolfu I told his messenger,
I could not see him.

Tuesday, 23d.—Cool and cloudy. A large caravan arrived from
Yourriba. They had come through Borgoo, where they sold what natron
they had remaining after they left Yourriba. They were in Katunga when
I was there; but were forbidden to hold any communication with us,
on pain of having their throats cut. They told me that my friend
the fat eunuch had endeavoured to hire a man to assassinate me,
but that they were all afraid. There are strong reports of a war
between the Sheik El Kanami and the Fellatas. They say the sheik has
taken the city of Hadija, and that the governor of Kano is gone out
to meet him, as he is advancing upon Kano. Whether it is a report
to please the Nyffé people, who cannot bear the Fellatas, or not,
I do not know. We had a number of such reports when in Bornou last
journey. In the evening a messenger from the sultan of Boussa arrived,
bringing me a present of a beautiful little mare. The messenger of the
sultan was accompanied by another person from the midaki, a female
slave, bringing me rice, yams, and butter. He brought a message
from the sultan desiring me to kill a she-goat, and distribute the
flesh amongst the inhabitants of Koolfu the day before I left it;
that he had distributed gora nuts and salt for me at Boussa, which
would do for Koolfu. I was also desired not to eat any meat that
came cooked from the west, and which would be sent by the Magia’s
female relations from Tabra, as they intended to take away my life
by poison. Through the night continual rain, thunder, and lightning.

Thursday, 25th.—Sent Sheeref Mohamed to Raba, a town possessed by
the Fellatas, three days south of this, on the banks of the Quorra,
with a message to the late Imam of Boussa, who, he says, has got some
of the books belonging to the late Mungo Park: one, he tells me,
was carried to Yourriba by a Fellata, as a charm and preservative
against musket balls. He is either to buy them, or I will give him
Arabic books for them in exchange.

Friday, June 17th.—This evening I was talking with a man that is
married to one of my landlady’s female slaves, called her daughter,
about the manners of the Cumbrie and about England; when he gave the
following account of the death of Park and his companions, of which he
was an eye-witness: He said that when the boat came down the river,
it happened unfortunately just at the time that the Fellatas first
rose in arms, and were ravaging Goober and Zamfra; that the sultan of
Boussa, on hearing that the persons in the boat were white men, and
that the boat was different from any that had ever been seen before,
as she had a house at one end, called his people together from the
neighbouring towns, attacked and killed them, not doubting that they
were the advance guard of the Fellata army then ravaging Soudan,
under the command of Malem Danfodio, the father of the present Bello;
that one of the white men was a tall man with long hair; that they
fought for three days before they were all killed; that the people in
the neighbourhood were very much alarmed, and great numbers fled to
Nyffé and other countries, thinking that the Fellatas were certainly
coming among them. The number of persons in the boat was only four,
two white men and two blacks: that they found great treasure in the
boat; but that the people had all died who eat of the meat that was
found in her. This account I believe to be the most correct of all
that I have yet got; and was told without my putting any questions,
or showing any eagerness for him to go on with his story. I was
often puzzled to think, after the kindness I had received at Boussa,
what could have caused such a change in the minds of these people
in the course of twenty years, and of their different treatment of
two European travellers. I was even disposed at times to flatter
myself that there was something in me that belonged to nobody else,
to make them treat me and my people with so much kindness; for the
friendship of the king of Boussa I consider as my only protection
in this country.

Koolfu, or, as it is called by many, Koolfie, is the principal town
for trade in Nyffé at present; and at all times a central point
for trade in this part of the interior. It is situated on the north
bank of the river May-yarrow; and it is surrounded by a clay wall
about twenty feet high, and has four gates. It is built in the form
of an oblong square, having its longest diameter from east to west;
there is a long irregular street runs through it, from which lead
a number of smaller streets. There are two large open spaces near
the east and west ends of the town, in which are booths, and large
shady trees, to protect the people from the heat of the sun, when
attending the markets, which are daily held in those places: there
are, besides the daily markets, two weekly markets on Mondays and
Saturdays, which are resorted to by traders and people inhabiting
the sea coast. Ajoolly and the other towns in Yourriba, Cubbi,
Youri, Borgoo, Sockatoo, and Zamfra on the north, Bornou and Houssa
on the east, and, before the civil war, people from Benin, Jabbo,
and the southern parts of Nyffé, used to resort to this town as a
central point of trade, where the natives of the different countries
were sure to get a ready sale for their goods; either selling them
for cowries, or exchanging them for others by way of barter. Those
who sold their goods for cowries attend the market daily, and when
they have completed their sale, buy at once the goods or wares they
want, and return home. Such is the way of the small traders, who
are nine out of ten women, and are principally from the west part
of the Quorra, even as far off as Niki: they carry their goods on
their heads in packages, from sixty to eighty and a hundred pounds
weight. The goods these people bring from the west are principally
salt, and cloths worn by the women round their loins, of about six
yards in length and two in breadth, made of the narrow striped cloth,
in which red silk is generally woven, and a great deal of blue cotton;
this is called Azane, and the best are worth about three thousand
to five thousand cowries, or two dollars:—Jabbo cloths, which are
about the same length as the others, and about the breadth of our
sail-cloth, are worn by slaves, and have a stripe or two of blue
in them; the poor classes also wear them, men and women:—Peppers,
called monsoura, shitta, and kimba; monsoura is like our East India
pepper; shitta is the malagetta pepper of the coast; kimba is a small
thin pepper, growing on a bush, near the sea coast, in Yourriba,
of a red colour, like Chili pepper:—Red wood from Benin, which
is pounded to a powder and made into a paste; women and children
are rubbed with this, mixed with a little grease, every morning;
and very frequently a woman is to be seen with a large score of
it on her face, arms, or some part of her body, as a cure for some
imaginary pain or other:—A small quantity of calico or red cloth is
sometimes brought, which is of European manufacture. They take back
principally natron, beads made at Venice of various kinds, and come
by the way of Tripoli and Ghadamis, and unwrought silk of various
colours, principally red, of about one ounce in weight, and is sold
here at three thousand cowries; it and natron are as good as cowries.

The caravans from Bornou and Houssa, which always halt here a
considerable time, bring horses, natron, unwrought silk, beads,
silk cords, swords that once belonged to Malta, exchanged for
bullocks at Bengazie, in the regency of Tripoli, sent to Kano and
remounted, and then sold all over the desert and the interior;
these swords will sell for ten or twenty dollars a piece or that
value, and sometimes more; cloths made up in the Moorish fashion;
looking-glasses of Italian manufacture from about a penny a piece to
a shilling in Malta; tobes or large shirts undyed, made in Bornou;
khol or lead used as blacking for the eye-lids; a small quantity
of ottar of roses, much adulterated; sweet smelling gum from Mecca;
a scented wood also from the East; silks the manufacture of Egypt;
turbans; red Moorish caps with blue silk tassels; and sometimes a few
tunics of checked silk and linen made in Egypt: the last are generally
brought by Arabs. A number of slaves are also brought from Houssa
and Bornou, who are either sold here or go further on. The Bornou
caravans never go further than this place, though generally some of
their number accompany the Houssa merchants to Agolly in Yourriba,
Gonja, and Borgoo, from which they bring Kolla or Gora nuts, cloth
of woollen, printed cottons, brass and pewter dishes, earthenware, a
few muskets, a little gold, and the wares mentioned before as brought
from Yourriba. They carry their goods on bullocks, asses, and mules;
and a great number of fine women hire themselves to carry loads on
their heads; their slaves, male and female, are also loaded. The
Bornou merchants, during their stay, stop in the town in the houses
of their friends or acquaintances, and give them a small present on
their arrival and departure, for the use of the house. The Houssa
merchants stop outside the walls in little straw huts or leathern
tents, which they erect themselves. They sell their goods and wares
in their houses or tents; the small wares they send to the market
and round to the different houses by their slaves to sell; there are
also a number of male and female brokers in the town, whom they also
intrust. The pedlers or western merchants always live in the houses
of the town, and attend the markets daily, employing their spare
time in spinning cotton, which they provide themselves with on their
arrival, and support themselves by this kind of labour. There have
been no fewer than twenty-one of these mercantile women living in my
landlady’s house at one time, all of them from Yourriba and Borgoo:
these women attend the markets at the different towns between this
and their homes, buying and selling as they go along. The caravans
from Cubbi, Youri, and Zamfra, bring principally slaves and salt,
which they exchange for natron, Gora nuts, beads, horses, tobes
dyed of a dark blue, having a glossy and coppery tinge. The slaves
intended for sale are confined in the house, mostly in irons, and
are seldom allowed to go out of it, except to the well or river every
morning to wash; they are strictly guarded on a journey, and chained
neck to neck; or else tied neck to neck in a long rope of raw hide,
and carry loads on their heads consisting of their master’s goods,
or his household stuff; these loads generally from fifty to sixty
pounds weight. A stranger may remain a long time in a town without
seeing any of the slaves, except by accident, or making particular
inquiry. The duties which traders pay here are collected by the
people of Tabra, who take twenty cowries from every loaded person,
forty for an ass, and fifty for a loaded bullock.

The inhabitants may amount to from twelve to fifteen thousand,
including all classes, the slave and the free; they are mostly
employed in buying and selling, though there are a great number of
dyers, tailors, blacksmiths, and weavers, yet all these are engaged
in buying and selling; few of these descriptions ever go on distant
journeys to trade, and still fewer attend the wars, except it be to
buy slaves from the conquerors. I have seen slaves exposed for sale
here, the aged, infirm, and the idiot, also children at the breast,
whose mothers had either fled, died, or been put to death. The
domestic slaves are looked upon almost as the children of the family,
and if they behave well, humanely treated: the males are often freed,
and the females given in marriage to freemen, at other times to the
male domestic slaves of the family; when such is the case a house
is given to them, and if he be a mechanic, he lives in the town,
and works at his trade; if not, in the country, giving his owner
part of the produce, if not made free; in both cases they always
look upon the head of such owner’s family as their lord, and call
him or her father or mother.

The food of the free and the slave is nearly the same; perhaps the
master or mistress may have a little fat flesh, fish, or fowl, more
than their slaves, and his meat is served in a separate place and
dish; but the greatest man or woman in the country is not ashamed at
times to let their slaves eat out of the same dish, but a woman is
never allowed to eat with a man. Their food consists of ground maize,
made into puddings or loaves, and about half a pound each, sold at
five cowries each in the market; of flummery, or, as they call it in
Scotland, sowens, made from the ground millet, which is allowed to
stand covered with water, until it gets a little sour; it is then well
stirred and strained through a strainer of basketwork into another
vessel, when it is left to settle, and the water being strained off,
it is dried in the sun; when perfectly dry, it is broken into lumps
and kept in a sack or basket; when used it is put into boiling water,
and well stirred, until of a sufficient thickness; this makes a
very pleasant and healthy breakfast with a little honey or salt,
and is sold in the market at two cowries a pint every morning, and
is called Koko. They have a pudding made of ground millet, boiled
in the ley of wood ashes, which gives a red colour; this is always
eaten with fat or stewed meat, fish, or fowl. They always stew or
grill their meat: when we have it in any quantity it is half grilled
and smoked, to preserve until it is wanted to be used. Boiled beans
made up in papers of a pound or a half pound each, and wrapped in
leaves, sold for two cowries each, and called waki. Beans dried in
the sun sold at one cowrie a handful. Small balls of boiled rice,
mixed with rice flower, called Dundakaria, a cowrie a piece, mixed
with water, and serves as meat and drink. Small balls of rice,
mixed with honey and pepper, called Bakaroo, sold at five cowries
each. Small balls made from bean flowers, fried in fat, like a bunch
of grapes. Their intoxicating draughts are the palm wine called roa
bum, bouza, and aquadent, very much adulterated and mixed with pepper.

At daylight the whole household arise: the women begin to clean the
house, the men to wash from head to foot; the women and children are
then washed in water, in which the leaf of a bush has been boiled
called Bambarnia: when this is done, breakfast of cocoa is served out,
every one having their separate dish, the women and children eating
together. After breakfast the women and children rub themselves over
with the pounded red wood and a little grease, which lightens the
darkness of the black skin. A score or patch of the red powder is put
on some place where it will show to the best advantage. The eyes are
blacked with khol. The mistress and the better looking females stain
their teeth and the inside of the lips of a yellow colour with gora,
the flower of the tobacco plant, and the bark of a root: the outer
part of the lips, hair, and eye-brows, are stained with shuni, or
prepared indigo. Then the women who attend the market prepare their
wares for sale, and when ready go. The elderly women prepare, clean,
and spin cotton at home and cook the victuals; the younger females
are generally sent round the town selling the small rice balls, fried
beans, &c. and bringing a supply of water for the day. The master of
the house generally takes a walk to the market, or sits in the shade
at the door of his house, hearing the news, or speaking of the price
of natron or other goods. The weavers are daily employed at their
trade; some are sent to cut wood, and bring it to market; others to
bring grass for the horses that may belong to the house, or to take
to the market to sell; numbers, at the beginning of the rainy season,
are employed in clearing the ground for sowing the maize and millet;
some are sent on distant journeys to buy and sell for their master
or mistress, and very rarely betray their trust. About noon they
return home, when all have a mess of the pudding called waki, or
boiled beans, and about two or three in the afternoon they return to
their different employments, on which they remain until near sunset,
when they count their gains to their master or mistress, who receives
it, and puts it carefully away in their strong room. They then have a
meal of pudding and a little fat or stew. The mistress of the house,
when she goes to rest, has her feet put into a cold poultice of the
pounded henna leaves. The young then go to dance and play, if it is
moonlight, and the old to lounge and converse in the open square of
the house, or in the outer coozie, where they remain until the cool of
the night, or till the approach of morning drives them into shelter.

Their marriages are the same amongst the Mohamedans as they are
in other countries, where they profess that faith. The pagan part
first agree to go together, giving the father and mother a present,
and, if rich, the present is sent with music, each separate article
being borne on the head of a female slave. The Mohamedans bury in
the same manner as they do in other parts of the world. The pagans
dig a round hole like a well, about six feet deep, sometimes in
the house, sometimes in the threshold of the door, and sometimes
in the woods: the corpse is placed in a sitting posture, with the
wrists tied round the neck, the hams and legs close to the body:
a hole is left at the mouth of the grave, and the relations and
acquaintances leave tobes, cloth, and other articles at the small
round hole, and telling the dead persons to give this to so and so:
these things are always removed before the morning by the priest. The
majority of the inhabitants of Koolfu profess to be Mahometans, the
rest Pagans, whose mode of worship I never could learn, except that
they, like the inhabitants of the other towns in Nyffé, attended
once a year in one of the southern provinces, where there was a
high hill, on which they sacrificed a black bull, a black sheep,
and a black dog. The figures on their houses of worship are much
the same as in Yourriba: the lizard, crocodile, the tortoise, and
the boa-serpent, with sometimes men and women. Their language is a
dialect of the Yourriba, but the Houssa tongue is the language of
the market. Their houses and court are kept very clean, as also the
court-yard, which is sprinkled every morning with water, having the
shell of the bean of the mitta tree boiled in it, which stains it
of a dark brown colour; and each side of the doors of the coozies
or huts are stained with indigo and ornamented with figures. The
women have the stone for grinding the corn, pepper, &c. raised on
a clay bench inside the house, so that they can stand upright while
they grind the corn; an improvement to be seen in no other part of
the interior, or in Fezzan, the women having to sit on their knees
when grinding corn. Their gourd dishes are also of the first order
for cleanliness, neatness, and good carving and staining, as also
their mats, straw bags, and baskets.

They are civil, but the truth is not in them, and to be detected in
a lie is not the smallest disgrace, it only causes a laugh. They are
also great cheats. The men drink very hard, even the Mahometans;
and the women are generally of easy virtue. Notwithstanding all
this against them, they are a people of a natural good disposition;
for when it is considered that they have been twice burnt out of
the town by the enemy within the last six years, and that they have
had a civil war desolating the country for the last seven years,
and been subject to the inroads of the Fellatas during twenty years,
and having neither established law nor government but what a present
sense of right and wrong dictates, I am surprised that they are as
good as they are.

I witnessed while here several acts of real kindness and goodness
of heart to one another. When the town of Bali was burnt down, every
person sent next day what they could spare of their goods, to assist
the unfortunate inhabitants. My landlady, who has given away a number
of her female slaves to freemen for wives, looks upon them as her own
children, attending them when sick; and one who had a child while I
was here, at the giving it a name, she sent seventy different dishes
of meat, corn, and drink, to assist at the feast on that occasion. In
all my dealings with them they tried and succeeded in cheating me,
but they had an idea that I was possessed of inexhaustible riches;
and besides, I differed with them in colour, in dress, in religion,
and in my manner of living. I was considered therefore as a pigeon
for them to pluck. Had they been rogues, indeed, they might have
taken all I had; but, on the contrary, I never had an article stolen,
and was even treated with the most perfect respect and civility they
were masters of.

I believe it is generally considered in England, that when a negro
slave is attached to his master, he will part with his life for
him. Instances of this kind are not so common as they ought to be,
when it is considered that all of these slaves are brought up from
their childhood, and know no other parent or protector; and if they
were to run away, or behave so ill as to cause him to sell them, they
would never be so well off as they were before. Those who are taken
when grown-up men or women, and even boys and girls, run whenever
an opportunity offers, and, whenever they can, take their owner’s
goods or cattle to assist them on their journey. Instances of this
kind happened every night.

They have very few bullocks, sheep, or goats, in the country; but
that is owing to the desolating war. Corn they have in abundance,
as that cannot be driven away by plundering parties. The surrounding
country is a level plain, well cultivated, and studded with little
walled towns and villages, along the banks of the May-yarrow, and
another little river running into it from the north. It is subject
to the Majia, but never visited by him or his people, except to
attend the market, or collect the duties from the traders. The
town of Kufu, at a short distance (not a mile), has a quarrel with
another little town about half a mile from it, called Lajo, the
latter having taken the wife of a man, whom they thought they had
killed and left for dead, and selling her; hence arose a regular
system of retaliation; and they take and sell one another whenever
they have an opportunity. Every other night almost the war-cry was
raised about stealing asses, oxen, or murder; and sometimes the
inhabitants of Koolfu would join in the fray, always siding with Kufu.

Monday, 19th.—Having been detained thus long at Koolfu, by my
own and my servant Richard’s illness, we left it this morning,
accompanied by the head man and the principal inhabitants of Koolfu,
who went with me as far as the walled and warlike village of Kufu,
where I stopped for the night. Here the head man of Koolfu introduced
me to the head man of Kufu, who provided me with a good house, and
made me a present of a sheep and some cooked meat. I had also presents
of meat sent me by the principal inhabitants. The people of Kufu, not
satisfied with having frequently seen me and my servants at Koolfu,
are in the habit of mounting some trees growing on a small hill
close to and overlooking my house and court-yard, to get another and
a last look: party came after party until sunset, when they went away.

My landlady, the widow Laddie, also accompanied me to Kufu, where she
remained all night. I thought it had been out of a great regard for
me; but I was soon let into the secret, by five of her slaves arriving
with booza and bum, which she began selling in my court-yard to the
different merchants, bullock-drivers, and slaves assembled here,
who are going to the eastward.

The village of Kufu is walled, and only about two musket shots from
the other walled village, which is to the south, and with whom they
are at heavy war. The space between is generally occupied by the
caravans bound to the eastward, who usually halt here for a week
to complete their purchases at the market of Koolfu before they
start. The country around has a rich and clay soil, planted with
indigo, cotton, Indian corn, and yams.

Tuesday, 20th.—Having given the head man of Kufu thirty Gora nuts,
with which he was well pleased, and loaded the bullocks, horse,
ass, and camel, at 6 A.M. left Kufu. The path, or road, through
a woody country: the trees consisting mostly of the micadania, or
butter tree, which does not grow to a large size; the largest only
about the size of our apple trees in Europe, and this only seldom:
their girth is not above two or three feet. The path was winding;
the soil a deep red clay, covered with a thin layer of sand.

Wednesday, 21st.—After passing a great number of towns and villages,
we arrived at a walled town called Bullabulla, where we encamped
outside. As soon as my tent was pitched, I was surrounded by the
inhabitants. They were quite amused with my hat; and the women soon
found that I was a stranger, and no Moslem, and charged me three
times as much for any thing I wanted to buy as they would any body
else. They brought boiled beans, fowls, pudding, goats, sheep, wood,
and water, for sale. The young men were dressed in a very fanciful
manner, with a bandeau of beads, red and white; the wool cut short,
and shaved in circles and straight lines; round the neck strings
of red and white beads, with pendants of white beads attached to
the lowest string, and reaching to the upper part of the breast;
round the loins a tanned sheep or goat’s skin, cut into thongs,
to the ends of which were attached beads or cowrie shells. Those
who pretended to be Mahometans wore a tobe or large loose shirt;
but these were few in number, not more than two or three.

The young women wore a string of large beads round the loins; where
they had not beads they had pieces of bone, round which was twisted
a piece of narrow brown or blue cloth; the beads, bone, or cloth,
showing alternately, and hanging down about a foot before and behind,
fringed at the end, with cowries or beads attached to the ends of
the fringe. They appeared a good looking active set of people, but
suspicious. Every two or three women had an armed man to attend them,
and to see that they got paid for what they sold. By all accounts they
are very ill used, both by their rulers and those who are not. Their
wives and children are stolen and made slaves by every one who can
seize them; and rulers, whenever a demand is made on them, take them
by force and sell them as slaves.

Thursday, 22d.—Left Bullabulla, and travelled through plantations of
grain, indigo, and cotton; the soil and clay mixed with sand, and here
and there large blocks of sandstone, in which were nodules of iron,
and veins of clay ironstone; the face of the country diversified
with hills and dales; some of the hills to the south rising into
table-topped mounts; the country open and clear; every thing at
this season looking green and gay. Halted at the walled town of
Rajadawa, the head man of which wished me to stop in the town,
but I preferred halting outside. He sent me a present of cooked
meat, rice, and honey. I gave him in return three yards of silk,
a pair of scissors, and fifty Gora nuts. At this town they take,
for the chief of Youri, from every loaded bullock 500 cowries, and
from every loaded ass 300 cowries. The inhabitants are Cumbrie and
pagans, except the head man and about a dozen others, who profess
to be Mahometans. They say the governor, like his master of Youri,
is a great rogue; and invites people within his walls to detain them,
and screw as much out of them as he can. Rajadawa is walled (a clay
wall and ditch), and may contain from 6000 to 7000 inhabitants. The
environs are clear of wood, and planted with grain, yams, gaza
(a kind of potatoe, yellow inside, and very watery, leaving an
unpleasant taste in the mouth after eating), indigo, and cotton. We
had a plentiful market in the camp. The principal articles for sale
were raw bullocks’ flesh, fowls, millet, boiled yams, pudding, &c.

At noon on the 24th, after passing numerous villages, we arrived
at the town of Wazo, or Wazawo, the first town in the province of
Kotongkora, where the merchants had to pay 250 cowries for every
loaded ass, bullock, horse, or mule: of course I passed free, being
a white man, and went through the town with my baggage, and encamped
about a mile to the eastward of the town. The town of Wazo is built
on the shelving side of a rocky mount: on the south-east side is a
wall with two gates; the steep sides of the mountain serving as a
wall on the other side. The inhabitants are all Cumbrie and pagans;
and to-day they are holding a festival, so that we can get nothing
to buy. After my tent was pitched, I engaged one of the natives
for a few cowries to accompany me to hunt. I saw very little game,
except five antelopes, out of gunshot. On my return to the tent I
found the head man of Wazo had sent me one fowl, and some millet
for the horses, for which he expects nine or ten times the value in
return. The value of his present altogether, at the highest price,
is not above 200 cowries. I had to make my dinner of raw flour,
water, and an onion, reserving the fowl for my sick servant. During
the night heavy rain, but without thunder or lightning.

Monday, 26th.—Morning dull and cloudy. The chief servant of Wazo’s
head man came to my tent early in the morning in a great fright,
saying his master was going to hang him, as he thought he had stole
part of the present I had sent him. He said he wished that Moussa or
myself would go into the town and bear witness that he had delivered
all I gave him. I thought it was only a trick to cause further delay,
or to catch something else; I therefore sent Moussa, and on his
return had the bullocks loaded; and at 9.30 A.M. left the place
of our encampment near Wazo. Our path was rocky and very winding,
having high rocky mounts to the east, with steep perpendicular sides,
the tops of most occupied by villages and little walled towns. The
inhabitants came into the valleys with millet, boiled beans, yams,
and cashew nuts, &c. to sell; the sellers were all women, every
two or three having an armed male protector. In a narrow pass in
the valley, as I had lingered behind the caravan, I fell in with a
very interesting group, consisting of about a dozen of the natives,
all young men, gaily dressed in their beads and tasselled skins,
armed with bows and arrows and a light spear, some sitting and others
standing; in the midst of them were three Fitakies, and a jackass
without a load. The north side of the pass was formed by a high mount,
rising perpendicular for about thirty feet above the path, over which
hung trees, and on the top of the mount a little village, to which
the young men belonged; the south side was formed by a large block of
granite, on which the party were seated, the Fitakies looking as grave
as the poor ass. At first I thought it was a robbery, and began to
prepare my gun, but as I drew close and inquired what was the matter,
before I intended to fire, it proved to be the Fitakies selling a
sick jackass, which was unable to carry its load to the natives, to
kill for food, as they consider its flesh as medicine, and good for
coughs and pains in the chest. At noon arrived at the town of Wazo,
which is situated in a narrow part of the valley, partly built on the
shelving side of a mountain, which forms the south side of the pass
and valley, the other part of the town and wall, on the north side;
here the Fitakies had to pay ninety cowries for each loaded ass or
bullock; I, of course, passed without payment. After passing Worm, or
Wormzou, as it is sometimes called, the valley opened out to the south
as far as the eye could reach; the mountains on the left bending more
to the north. At 3 P.M. crossed a small stream running to the south,
whose bed, when covered with water, is dangerous to man and beast,
owing to the sharp rocks in its bed, which, from the muddiness of its
waters, are not seen. We halted at a short distance from its eastern
bank. Our place of encampment was soon filled by the inhabitants
of the neighbouring little towns, having raw goat’s flesh, boiled
beans, millet, and pudding for sale; as usual all Cumbrie, and every
two or three women attended by an armed companion to see fair play;
the men and women dressed in the same gay style as usual; upon the
whole they were a fine, active, clean-looking people: most of the
men had a bastard kind of greyhound following them, whose necks were
ornamented with colours and strings of cowries. Every man working
in the plantations, as I came along, was armed, owing, they say,
to the frequent inroads of the Fellatas. At sunset all our visitors
left us, and we had a severe storm of rain, thunder, and lightning.

Wednesday, 28th.—For the last five days we have been travelling
through a rich and beautiful valley and over woody hills, and
arrived at Womba. The capital of this province is called Kotonkora,
and distant from Womba, north, thirty miles. Before the Fellatas
took Haussa and its dependencies, Womba belonged to the province of
Kashna; and at the death of Bello’s father, it, along with the
rest of the Towias, threw off the yoke of the Fellatas, declared
its independence, which it still maintains, and joined the Towias,
or confederation, against their conquerors. All the caravans from
the east and west halt a day or two at this town, and pay for each
loaded ass or bullock five hundred cowries; besides, the head man
of each caravan makes a present, for which he receives, in return, a
dish or two of cooked meat, or a sheep. The town is in latitude 10°
35′, and longitude 7° 22′. It is situated on a rising ground,
having a commanding rocky hill of granite to the east, one on the
south, and another to the north, all bare of vegetation except a
few patches here and there; to the west is an open valley. A small
stream of water runs past the western gate, from which the town is
supplied with water. The valleys for two miles round are cleared,
cultivated, and planted with millet, doura, yams, cotton, &c., as
is likewise every spare space within the walls this year, as there
is a scarcity of grain this season throughout the whole of the
eastern interior, owing to last year’s rains being very scanty,
and they fear this may be the same. The town is walled round; the
wall is also in good repair, and has a dry ditch on the outside;
its height between twenty and thirty feet. It has four gates, which
are shut every night at sunset. The inhabitants may amount from
ten to twelve thousand souls; they possess plenty of sheep, oxen,
and horses, the latter apparently a cross from the large Bornou and
the small native African, and are a strong, hardy race, like what
in Scotland are called highland ponies, but not quite so tall.

Friday, June 30th.—At daylight loaded the bullocks, and at 7
A.M. sent them off. I went to the governor’s house and took leave
of him. He gave me a messenger to the chief of Guari, and lent me
a man to lead my camel. After leaving him, I rode and joined the
caravan. Passed two towns called Gilma, the one built on the top of
a rocky hill, the other at a few hundred yards from its base. They
are at hot war one with the other, and seldom a day passes without
some one or other belonging to either town being killed. Yesterday
we heard there were twelve of the lower town’s-people killed in a
pitched battle between them. Their usual field of battle was pointed
out to me by the messenger; it is a clear spot of about three hundred
yards broad, between the south wall of the lower town and the base
of the hill. Parties of women belonging to both towns were working
in these fields, but parties of armed men kept walking up and down
between them and the enemy.

Saturday, July 1st.—Left our encampment, and travelled through a
country well cleared and cultivated near the road planted with millet,
&c.; the soil, red clay and gravel. At 10 A.M. passed round the south
side of a town called Akingie, which was walled, large, and populous,
the environs cleared and planted with grain on the east side. Found
the town’s-people collecting the toll from the Fitakies of the
caravan who had preceded us in the morning. They had here a regular
toll-gate, not painted white and hung on hinges like those in England,
but the collectors of the toll were lusty rude fellows, armed with
clubs and staves, the head man with a sword. After passing the toll
of Akingie the country became more hilly and woody; the soil stony
and gravelly, and little cultivated. At noon arrived at the town of
Curigie, where I halted, the head man of which, having provided me
with a house, made a present of two fowls, with millet for my horses
and camel. The walls of this town are extensive, but the houses are
few, partly built on a hill and part in the valley. At this season
both inside and outside of the town has a beautiful appearance, from
the large spreading and shady trees inside the town. The houses,
some of which are built on the top of the blocks of granite which
form the hill, are beautifully situated; green plats, overhung by
shady trees, growing out of the clefts of the rocks.

Sunday, 2d.—Morning dull and cloudy. At 7.30 A.M. left Curigie. The
path through a woody country, with small cultivated spots here
and there. The soil is red clay, mixed with sand and gravel, and
diversified with gentle hill and dale. At one passed a town called
Sabonque, apparently a favourite name in Kashna from the number of
that name. They till the ground for a considerable distance, and
plant it with doura, millet, yams, and sweet potatoes. Close to the
east of the town runs a small stream, which is now full and deep. We
had to unload the bullocks and carry the baggage over; a great many
of them getting wet, and Pascoe lost my shot belt in the stream. In
the evening we halted outside the walls of a town called Guber
in Dushee. The head man, and the greater part of the inhabitants,
were out of the town, at their plantations in the country, attending
the growing grain; we therefore could get nothing for man or beast
but grass. Guber in Dushee, or “the rock without an equal,”
is situated on a height, with several large blocks of granite,
inside the walls, which are extensive: few houses are to be seen,
except those situated on the highest ground.

Monday, 3d.—At 7.40 A.M. left Guber in Dushee wet and hungry. The
country woody; the path stony, wet, slippery, and cut up by deep
ravines, through which run streams of water; the descent and ascent
dangerous to man and beast. As we approached Guari, the country
became very hilly, and the path winding; the valleys began to be
cultivated, and the road thronged with passengers; and on the sides
of the road were the remains of camps of caravans; and as we drew
closer to the city the camps were occupied by the merchants of the
caravans bound to the west. At four arrived at the walls of the
old city, and entering the western gate, rode round and over part
of the hill on which the city is built, by a footpath, which cuts
off about two miles: entered the eastern gate of the new city,
where I was met by forty horsemen sent by the chief to conduct
me into the town. I rode up to the door of the chief’s house or
castle, who came out instantly, and received me very kindly, and,
after exchanging compliments, he sent me with his chief eunuch to a
house prepared for me, where shortly after was brought a live sheep,
millet for the horses and camel, cooked meat for me and my servants,
consisting of pudding made from the seeds of grass, the same as what
is called tiff in Abyssinia, equal to any flour pudding made with
milk and eggs in England: it is called asha in Houssa: I had also
two stewed capons, the largest I ever saw.

Tuesday, 4th.—I waited on the chief, and made him a present of
a silk umbrella and other articles. I then told him that what I had
given him did not belong to me, but to my master, the king of England,
who had sent me to visit Houssa and Bornou, where I had been two years
before; that I wanted the chief of Guari to give me his assistance
and protection as far as he could give it. He said he thanked me for
the present I had given him from the king, and I should have every
protection and assistance he could afford; that he and the Fellatas,
I knew, were at war, and that his sending an escort of horse to
Zegzeg with me would be of no service, and only expose me to attack
from the Fellatas who infested the road on the frontiers of the two
states; but from the last town in his territory bowmen on foot should
escort me as far as Fatika, the first town in Zegzeg, and under the
dominion of the Fellatas, and then I should be in perfect freedom
to go where I pleased; that his horsemen should go with me as far
as the last town in his territory, and would provide every thing,
and see me off, escorted by the bowmen, before they returned; that
the bowmen were the best escort in the woods I had to cross between
Guari and Zegzeg, and, God willing, I should perform it in safety,
as I had done the long and dangerous journey I had already come;
but that if I thought any other way was better, or if there was
any thing I wanted, to mention it, and if it could be got in Guari
I should have it. I thanked him; said, if there were any curious
animals or birds, I should like to have them; and if he had any
written account of the country, I should like that more than all. He
said he had no written account of the country; that no one troubled
their heads about affairs of that kind; that if I would remain with
him in Guari some time, I should have all the curious birds and
beasts in the country, but that at present every person that could
be spared was out in the country attending the growing grain; that
they had a scarcity over all the country last year, and they were
afraid the same thing might happen this year, as the rains as yet
had not been very abundant. After I left the chief I returned home,
and opened all the cases, and put the things that were wet out to dry.

Guari, formerly a district of the province of Kashna, was conquered
by the Fellatas a short while after their rising, along with the rest
of Houssa. At the death of old Bello, this, with the greater part
of the province of Kashna, made itself independent by joining in the
Towia, or confederation and rebellion against the Fellatas. Bonaga,
the chief of Zamfra, was the first to rise and shake the spear,
as they express it. He was joined instantly by the inhabitants of
the province of Goober, whose chief, a lad, was kept as a slave in
Sackatoo; but, by the assistance of his countrymen, had made his
escape, and now heads his people. The northern part of Kashna was the
next to join, under a son of their former chief or governor. Guari
and Katongkora, both districts of Kashna, and belonging to Houssa,
also joined, but declared themselves independent of the authority
of Kashna. The states of Youri and Cubbi have also since joined,
as have Doura and the southern part of Zegzeg. Youri, they say,
was forced to join by the others of the Towia, as their districts
nearly surround it. The strength of Guari lies in the bravery of
its inhabitants and the number of horse they can bring into the
field—they say a thousand: this may be all true, but I think
they owe their strength to the hilly and woody nature of their
country. The capital of this district, also called Guari, is situated
in latitude 10° 54′ north, longitude 8° 1′ east; built partly
on the north-east side of a hill, and partly in a narrow valley,
through which a muddy stream runs that is dry in the summer months;
this stream rises only a day’s journey in the mountains or hills
south of Guari, runs through part of Zamfra, and divides in one part
the states of Katongkora and Guari, and enters into the Kodonia in
Nyffé. The city or town has two walls, the old and the new; the
old in ruins ever since it was stormed by old Bello. At the rising
of the Fellatas it surrounded the hill on which the city is built,
and great part of another; the new wall runs over the ridge of
the hill, cutting the town into one half the size it was formerly;
and even now the wall is much too extensive for the inhabitants to
defend, and appears enclosing a few scattered houses and villages,
not a town or city. The house of the chief is like a walled village,
with a large clay castle at one end: this serves as the harem of the
chief, and is well filled, or, more properly speaking, there are a
great number of women in it. The other houses in the enclosure are
huts, or coozies, occupied by blacksmiths, weavers, tailors, dyers,
&c. all belonging to his household.

Friday, 7th.—Morning cloudy. At 8 A.M. loaded the bullocks and
camel, and sent them off. I went and took leave of the chief Abubuker,
where I found an escort of four horsemen ready to conduct me to the
frontier. This was more than I expected; for both he and his people
knew I was going to Bello: at least I told the chief I had a letter
and present for him: at all events they knew I had to go through
his territory—there could be no mistake as to that. The road from
Guari was hilly and woody, and winding and rocky, and filled with
sharp gravel stones; the soil a deep red clay; the rocks a slaty
sandstone: a number of what in England are called the Malacca cones
were growing by the sides of the streams.

At 1 P.M. passed the town of Makundi, where a large caravan from
the eastward had just halted, a number of the merchants of which
had seen me in Yourriba and Borgoo, and came to wish me joy and
a blessing at being so near their country. A number of tongas, or
camps, were around this town, some empty and some filled. Arrived
at the walled town of Cazigie, where I remained for the night.

Saturday, 8th.—The country, as we approached Fatika, became more
uneven and cut up by deep ravines between the long ridges which the
land formed. At 5.30 P.M. passed to the south of Fatika, which is
walled, and of considerable size. I sent to the head man to inform
him of my arrival, and to tell him who I was, and that I was going
to halt near the tonga, as the gates of the town were too narrow
to admit loaded bullocks. At 6 A.M. halted near a large camp, or
tonga. The caravan had preceded us from Guari, and had travelled
all night through the wood. They said they had seen the robbers, but
from the numbers composing the caravan they were afraid to attack. A
short while after halting, the head man of the town sent me pudding,
stewed meat, and millet for my horses and camel. I certainly felt
very light-hearted and comfortable, as I thought now I had entered
the territories actually under the dominion of the Fellatas. All my
cares were over; not even thinking of my sick servant, or the chance
of my having perhaps to-morrow as much anxiety as ever I had before.

Sunday, 9th.—Morning dull and cloudy. At 8.30 A.M. left our
encampment to the eastward of Fatika, the road winding and very
gravelly; passed through several plantations of millet, sweet
potatoes, indigo, and dourra, the path winding to the south and
south-east, when we came to the ruins of a large town, where we
turned up, E.S.E. at noon. At 1 P.M. saw the mount inside the walls
of the old city of Zaria, appearing over the long ranges which the
land forms, like islands in the midst of the sea.

Monday, 10th.—Morning cloudy, with rain. At 7 A.M. the rain ceased,
and we loaded our animals, and started at eight. Shaped our path
across gentle rising and declining ridges; the soil a deep red clay,
with now and then rocks of sandstone and clay ironstone, and the
country woody. Within about four or five miles of Zaria the country
became altogether clear of wood: except a patch here and there,
all was in pasture, or planted with rice, millet, and dourra. Herds
of beautiful cattle were feeding in the valleys, or lying chewing
the cud on the higher grounds. Zaria was seen to the eastward, and
known by its tall trees, like a long avenue of gigantic poplars;
running across the horizon from north to south, stretching from the
south end of one detached mount to the north end of another. At two,
entered one of the gates on the west side of Zaria; but, instead
of finding houses, I could just see their tops over the growing
grain. At about a quarter of a mile distance all was walled fields,
full of growing millet and dourra, with here and there a horse or
mare tethered in the open spaces.

At sunset Abdulkrum, the acting governor, arrived, and waited on
me instantly. He was very kind, offered me his own house to live
in if I did not like the one I was in; sent for a fine fat sheep,
with plenty of provisions for man and beast.

Tuesday, 11th.—Morning dull and cloudy. After breakfast I had
a visit from Abdulkrum. I told him who I was, and what I was, and
where I was going; and desired he would give me a messenger to Kano,
as I intended going to Sackatoo by that route. He said he would send
to the sultan, or governor, and inform him of my arrival; that the
messenger would return in three days, and in the meantime I should
have every assistance that he could afford me. I told him I wanted
the loan of a horse to Kano, and should leave my little mare until
she recovered, when she was to be sent to me, and I would pay all
expenses. Abdulkrum appears to be a very good fellow, but is in
great distress he tells me; and there is nothing in his possession
but he will give me if I will only relieve him, for he declares I
can. A number of visitors coming in put an end to his story, as it
appears to be with him a great secret.

The old city of Zaria was taken by the Fellatas about a month after
they had taken the provinces of Goober and Zamfra, in or about the
year 1800, as they do not care much about a year or two. It only
stood a siege of two days; the sultan and the greater part of the
inhabitants flying to the southern and western part of the province,
which is hilly, and inhabited by pagans. Here they still remain, and
preserve their independence, though the Fellatas seldom let a month
pass without making an attack on them; but of late they have suffered
severely, and begin to be more cautious in their attacks. The old city
is now only known by its ruined wall surrounding the before-mentioned
mounts, which were in the centre of the city.

The new city built by the Fellatas, the walls of which extend from the
south-east side of the old, about two miles to the south, enclosing a
great space of ground, on which are built a number of little villages
and detached houses, is surrounded by high clay walls. Abdulkrum’s
house, where I lived, is in latitude 10° 59′ north, and longitude
8° 42′ east. Near the centre of the wall stands the principal
mosque, built of clay, having a minaret about forty or fifty feet
high. The principal market is at the south end, inside the walls,
and here the caravans make their tongas, or camps. One twentieth
is exacted from the merchants as a duty; and they dread halting at
Zaria, from the rapacity of the inhabitants, who are all Fellatas,
and often keep travelling by secret paths through the woody country,
to evade the city, until they enter the province of Guari. The house
of the governor is north of the great mosque, and is surrounded
by a high clay wall; inside this wall are large coozies, or huts,
surmounted by ostrich eggs, and some single rooms of a square form,
with a flat roof. The houses of the principal inhabitants are much
the same. Of the number of inhabitants I can form no estimate: they
say there are more than in Kano, which I should suppose to contain
40 or 50,000 at least. They are mostly all Fellatas; a great many of
them from Foota Bonda and Foota Torra, and know the French and English
well they say; but I am sorry to add, that they have not improved by
their acquaintance. They rattle over the names of the towns between
Sierra Leone, or the Senegal, and Timbuctoo, like a, b, c, then sit
down, and will not start until they get something. These fellows
are generally armed with French fusees. They prefer the guns of the
French and the powder of the English. The late governor was a native
of Foota Bonda: so that the Foulahs and the Fellatas are the same
people. Foota Bonda, Foota Torra, &c. they call Meli. They now possess
Jinnee, near Timbuctoo, and I think will soon have the whole of the
interior. Inside the walls there are a great number of shady trees,
which are pruned every year for fire-wood; they look at a distance
like immense poplars: swamps, corn fields, and green plats, make
up the rest of the town. Date trees, palm oil trees, papas, melons,
plantains, Indian corn, millet, dourra, rice, yams, sweet potatoes,
&c. are in abundance, particularly rice. They say they raise more and
better rice than all the rest of Houssa put together. Horses, sheep,
and horned cattle abound in every part of the province inhabited by
the Fellatas. Game is also in abundance; such as antelopes of all
the different kinds. Guinea fowls and partridges are also in great
numbers. The elephant and buffalo inhabit the southern part of the
province, which they say is twelve days south of Zaria, and reaches
close to the salt water. It is bounded by the province of Kano to the
east; Jacoba to the south-east; by the mountains inhabited by pagans
to the south, where they say the sea is; by Nyffé to the south-west;
Guari and Kashna to the north and west. The environs of the city
are beautiful, being formed of gentle ridges of land and plains;
here and there fine large shady trees, and small streams of water;
the rocky mounts to the north and south adding to the beauty of the
scene. A small river, dry in summer, runs at a little distance from
the eastward wall: its course is south.

Friday, 14th.—Morning clear. No messenger having arrived from the
governor, as was expected, I had the bullocks and camel loaded, and
told Abdulkrum I would stay no longer, and if he attempted to stop me,
it would be at his peril. He said there was not the least objection
to my going; that, on the contrary, he would send a messenger of his
own with me to Kano, and should accompany me part of the way. It was 8
A.M. before I was able to leave the town, Abdulkrum proceeding with
me: he has behaved very well to me while I remained in Zaria, and is
as decent a Fellata as I ever met with; and he is the only man in the
place who bears a good name with strangers. Poor man, his secret came
out at last. He was very earnest and rather bashful about it for a
Mahometan. It was as usual with them who have too many wives: one,
he said, was the governor’s daughter, and he was convinced I had
medicine that would be of use to him. It was too serious a matter, and
lay too near his heart, for me to laugh at him, or to say I had none;
so I gave him a box of Seidlitz powders, the effervescing of which
surprised him very much, desiring him to take one once a week. He
was made perfectly happy, and fully believed in their virtue. It is
the first time I have given medicine for such a disorder, generally
laughing them out of asking me for such a thing. As he and I rode
after the bullock, a great deal of our conversation was about England,
which he, as well as a great many others here, declares to be a small
island in the midst of the sea. I had hard work to convince him to
the contrary. He then talked a great deal about the inferiority of
the Christians to the true believers in battle. I told him he had
never yet had Christians to deal with in battle, or he would tell
another story. “Oh! do not say that,” says he; “did we not kill
forty at Adamowa, and make all the rest run away?” I said they were
all Mahometans and Arabs, not a Christian amongst them: but all I
could say he would not be convinced, until I told him he lied like
a thief, and whenever I saw Bello I should insist on his writing to
the governors of the different provinces of Houssa, to inform their
people of the truth of that affair: that it was Arabs and Mahometans,
headed by Boobecker Bookaloom, who made the attack on Adamowa; and
that they had, to save themselves, taken advantage of our being in
Bornou at the time to throw it on our backs. Mr. Abdulkrum began to
be a little alarmed at the earnestness of my language and threat,
and begged I would think no more about it; he himself knew it was
a lie told by the Arabs to save their credit. We parted not quite
such good friends as we had been.

The country at present, on this side of Zaria, looks like some of the
finest in England, about the latter end of the month of April. All
around is green and beautiful, with only trees here and there. The
soil a red clay, mixed with gravel. The cultivated ground continued
until 11 A.M. when we entered a wood of low trees, which continued
until noon, when we found ourselves amongst the cultivated grounds
belonging to the town of Leokoro, which we passed, and halted on
the east side. It is of considerable size, walled round, but the
wall is in very bad condition, being broken and falling down in
several places. The houses are in good repair, and the inhabitants
numerous. Towards sunset several large herds of cattle came in
from grazing in the neighbouring woods, and were secured in thorny
enclosures outside the walls for the night.

Saturday, 15th.—At 4.30 P.M. arrived and halted at a town called
Roma, in English, Soup, whose walls are extensive; and, from the
number of shady trees within them, must have once been a populous and
well inhabited place. The present inhabitants do not amount to more
than forty, poor, mean, and miserable. They were all collected under
one of the old shady trees in the town to receive me, with their chief
man at their head, bearing a long white wand, or peeled palm-tree
branch in his hand, dressed in a ragged dirty white tobe, his skin
spotted black and white like a leopard with disease. He conducted
me to his house, which was large and spacious; but the courts were
overgrown with weeds and grass; the roofs of the huts falling in;
the floors wet, damp, and dirty. I could not amongst the whole find
one fit to shelter man or beast. I went out, and he accompanied me
until, amongst the untenanted houses, I found one, where I put my
baggage for the night. He brought me a little corn in a gourd for
my horses, and I asked him the cause of the sad state in which the
town was: he said, the Fellatas, and held his peace. “Why is your
house in such a state?” I asked. He said he once had fifty wives,
but they had all run away one after another, and he could not take
care of it himself. Plenty of guinea fowls came to roost on the shady
tree. Towards sunset I went out and shot six, which served all hands.

Sunday, 16th.—At 12.20 halted at the town of Aushin, where I was
provided with as good a house as the place afforded; and this being
the day of the aid kebur, or great feast, they had killed a bullock,
of which the head man of the town sent me a part, with Indian corn
for my horses and camel. I had not taken possession of my house more
than ten minutes, and hung my watch and compass up to the rafters,
as was my usual custom, than, having occasion to go out, I found
my watch torn forcibly from the ring; but I fortunately caught the
thief, who was one of the bullock drivers: I threatened him very much,
but was glad I had got my watch again without any serious injury. The
bullocks on this day’s journey were nearly all worn out; it was with
great difficulty we could get two of them on with very light loads.

Monday, 17th.—Having passed Roma and several other towns, at
noon of this day we entered the town of Dunchow, the first to the
westward in the province of Kano. I rode up to the head man’s
house, who was just coming out of his door to take his ride; a
jolly looking tall Fellata, about thirty years of age. After we had
exchanged compliments, he took me to a very good house to lodge in,
and promised to send me every thing I wanted, which was food for
man and beast. I got corn sent me in abundance, but nothing else;
all his other promises proved to be nothing but empty words.

Tuesday, 18th.—Clear and cool. Thermometer at sunrise 68° F. in the
open air. After giving the head man of Dunchow a knife, and a lecture
for not performing his promises to me, in giving me meat or milk,
or lending me a horse, he said, they had no meat, because they had
killed no bullock; no milk, as all the young women were dancing last
night, as their custom is after the _aid_, and they did not milk the
cows; his horses had all been killed this summer at the war with the
sheik of Bornou. All these excuses were made with as much ease as he
made the promises, and I could not help admiring the courtier-like
manner in which he behaved, though he has only been here a month
as governor. At 7 A.M. I left Dunchow and its polite governor,
and travelled through a well cultivated and populous country, the
inhabitants of the villages all out in their plantations, giving the
millet and dourra the second hoeing, and drawing the earth up to the
roots of the grain: the soil a fine black mould, covered with a thin
layer of sand. Passed several plantations of rice, which was sown
in beds in the low and swampy grounds; also beds of sweet potatoes,
yams, and a root called goza, like a small short yam, more watery,
and of a yellow colour inside: it has a broad flat leaf.

At 2 P.M. entered the town of Baebaegie. I rode to the house of the
governor, whose head man gave me a part of his house to lodge in;
and shortly after I had halted he sent me a sheep, two fowls, some
wheat, the first I had seen since I left England, and plenty of millet
for my horses and camel. I sent him in return a knife, six yards of
red silk, a gilt chain, and a pair of scissars. In the evening the
governor sent me pudding, boiled rice, milk, and stewed meat.

Wednesday, 19th.—The town of Baebaegie is in latitude 11° 34′
north, and longitude 9° 13′ east, and stands as it were in the
midst of a large plain, having in sight, from the granite mount
about a musket shot outside the southern gate, the hills of Nora,
about ten miles east; to the south, the mountains of Surem, distant
about twenty-five miles; to the west I could distinguish the tops of
one or two of the hills of Aushin, in Zegzeg; to the north a plain
bounded only by the horizon; to the north-east the two mounts inside
the walls of Kano could just be distinguished above the horizontal
line, bearing north-east by north. One hill bore north, breaking the
horizontal line, twenty or twenty-two miles; the land, every where
the eye turned, looked beautiful; the grain was just high enough
to wave with the wind; little towns and villages were numerous; the
trees full of foliage, none being left hardly but such as were fit
for use, such as the micadania or butter-tree, the nutta or durow,
and the tamarind: heads of fine white cattle were seen grazing on
the fallow ground; horses and mares were tethered in the small spaces
left between the plantations in cultivation; women, to the amount of a
hundred, were thrashing out corn with large sticks, on the flat rock
at the base of the mount, the wind, blowing fresh from the westward,
serving them as a winnowing machine. The town was below, in the form
of an oblong square, the four sides facing the four cardinal points;
the head man’s house in the centre of the town, and is like one of
the old keeps or castles in Scotland, near the Borders; it is also of
the Moorish form, and the general one for all the governor’s houses
in Houssa. A high clay tower, through which is the gate or entrance
from each side, overtops a wall of clay about twenty feet high, in the
form of a square; inside are huts or coozies for the women, eunuchs,
domestics, and horses; the governor occupying the upper part of the
tower in times of alarm and danger, and his men-slaves and armed
retainers the lower. This, like all the others, is built of clay,
and is three stories high, with a flat roof and battlement. In the
lower story, at each side, and above the gate, are oblong holes,
which serve for archers and to give light in the upper stories;
the windows are like ours in England in form, four on each side,
but no attention as to regularity in placing them; the windows are
either shut by a mat on the side next the wind, or by a number of
coloured and plaited lines of grass strung over a small rod, which
is hung across the top of the window; the ends falling down, admit
sufficient air and light, and keep out flies. This plan is also used
for the doors of inner apartments in the lower houses, and requires no
opening or shutting. The rooms in the town are supported by pillars
formed by lashing long poles together until sufficiently strong,
and, when they are up, plastering them thickly over in all parts
with clay, and then a coating of cow-dung, to prevent the white
ants and other insects eating away the wood; the great beams are
formed in the same manner. The floors of the upper rooms are first
laid with rafters of stout poles, then short diagonal pieces are
laid over as close as they can be laid, then a coating of clay and
small gravel is laid six or eight inches thick. The walls are made,
first by mixing clay well up with a little chopped grass or cow-dung,
and making it up in lumps of two handfuls, and letting it dry in the
sun; when dry, they build with them as our masons would do with rough
stones, laying a thick layer of well-wrought soft clay between each
layer of hardened lumps, and a good thick coat outside: their hand
is the only trowel; and, without plumb-line or level, they manage
to make pretty fair walls and buildings, taking these things into
consideration. The walls outside, before the commencement of every
rainy season, get a fresh plastering, the tops are repaired, and parts
that may be washed down are built up. The water is conveyed from the
tops of the houses, clear of the walls, by long, baked, clay funnels,
like what are used on the tops of smoky chimneys in England, and look
like great guns mounted on the tops of the walls. The other houses
of the town are like almost all others outside the capital towns, a
number of circular huts within a high, square, clay wall; frequently
a single room, with a flat roof, used by the master of the house as
a safe repository for his goods. Every house has two or three date
trees within this wall or enclosure, which bear fruit twice a year,
like those of Kashna and Kano; once before or at the commencement of
the rains, the other after the rains a month or forty days. They use
two pieces of flat board or gourd, one fixed, the other moveable,
to which is attached a line for the purpose of clapping one against
the other to frighten the vampire-bat and a kind of jay which lodge
on the trees and destroy a great quantity of fruit. The ibis, stork,
crane, adjutant-crane, and several other birds, build their nests
in the shady trees of the town. A market is held daily, which is
well attended: grain, oxen, sheep, and all the necessaries of life,
abound. A tame ostrich is kept in the market-place to avert the evil
eye—a Bornou and eastern custom. There are several places of prayer
in the town, but one principal mosque or jama, as they call them,
stands on the right of the governor’s house, forming one side
of the square before his door. The inhabitants may amount to about
twenty or twenty-five thousand, the greater part of whom are refugees
from Bornou and Wadey, and their descendants, who are all engaged in
trade: from the little I saw of them, they appeared to be cleanly,
civil, and industrious. In the afternoon I went through a great
number of these houses, shooting pigeons, of which there are four
kinds here: the domestic or house pigeon, the large wood dove,
a larger kind with a fleshy substance round the outside of the eye
like the carrier pigeon, and the small dove with purple breast and
black ring round the neck. The inhabitants offered not the least
objections to my shooting in their court-yards, but were as much
amused as I was, and afforded me every assistance in procuring the
wounded birds. At sunset I took leave of the governor, who lent me a
horse and a messenger to go with me early to Kano to provide a house,
for I had not yet heard from Hadje Salah. The governor’s son sent
me a present of a turkey and some wheat, but I sent him nothing in
return, as all my things were packed up ready for starting.

Thursday, 20th.—Daylight, fresh breezes and cloudy; thermometer,
at sunrise, 75° Fahrenheit. Landed the bullocks, and saw them out
of the north gate of Baebaegie, when I started ahead, on the horse
I had borrowed from the governor, his servant and the messenger
of Zaria accompanying me. I left the baggage in charge of Richard,
desiring him to halt at the nearest town or village if it should come
on to rain, and not to start in the morning if the weather was bad. My
road was through a well-cultivated country, the soil clay and gravel;
the villages were numerous, the inhabitants of which were busy in
their plantations, dressing up the earth to the roots of the dourra,
and hoeing away the weeds. The road was broad and good, thronged
with passengers, asses and bullocks loaded with goods and grain,
going to and returning from Kano. At 7 A.M. crossed a small stream
which runs south and falls into the Girkwa. At 8.30 A.M. passed the
town of Madagie, which is walled, and appeared to be well filled with
houses and inhabitants. At noon, arrived at the banks of the river
which passes Girkwa, and which rises amongst the hills of Aushin. All
the streams to the south of the granite ridge passing Roma, close
to the south of Kashna, fall into this river. One considerable river
passing Duncomee and Fariroa, flows south of Kano close to the walls
of Girkwa, runs east past the town and hills of Dushie, near Katagum,
and enters the river Yoau near Hadega. This is the river which has
been spoken of by the Arabs as coming from Timbuctoo, and continuing
its course to the Nile of Egypt. It is dry for nearly the whole length
of its course during six months: the stream, when full, is broad but
shallow; at this place, about 100 or 120 yards across: its waters are
now muddy with yesterday’s rains; the depth five feet. I got wet
up to the middle as I crossed, the horse I rode being a small one,
and at times off his legs and swimming. I halted on the other side
to dry my clothes, and after an hour’s rest under a tree, when my
clothes were pretty well drained and half dry, I again started, and,
about five in the evening, arrived at the city of Kano.

CHAPTER V.

JOURNEY FROM KANO TO THE CAMP OF BELLO, AND FROM THENCE TO SOCCATOO.

On entering Kano, I immediately bent my way to the house of my former
agent, Hadje Hat Salah Byoot; but I soon saw that both he and the
Arabs that were present would rather I had come from the eastward:
they were all in fact in low spirits about the war with Bornou,
which had shut them out, for some time past, from all communication
with Fezzan or Tripoli. The caravan for these countries had left Kano
twenty days ago for Kashna, to try whether they could not succeed to
get home by way of the Tuaric desert. This has deprived me of the
opportunity of sending home my journals and letters; but it would
have been a great risk, as they have to go through the capital of
the son of the former sultan of Kashna, who is in rebellion against
the Fellatas; and the Tuarics have not allowed a caravan to pass,
except those of the merchants of Ghadamis, for these many years past;
and on these they levy a contribution.

Hadje Hat Salah Byoot, my former and present agent, is the richest
man in Kano, an Arab of the tribe of Majabra, inhabiting the country
to the east of Augela, adjoining it. They, like the Augela people,
are great merchants. He was formerly the agent and merchant of the
hereditary governors of Fezzan; he was the cause of their being
removed and dispersed by the bashaw of Tripoli, who would still have
continued the family in the government, if they had not prevented
his people of Tripoli, and the other towns on the sea-coast, from
trading to the interior. They even prevented, all in their power,
the bashaw’s sending Mohamed El Mukni with presents and a letter to
the king of Waday; they went so far as to endeavour to stimulate the
chiefs of the Tibbo tribes to cut them off, offering them a reward and
protection if they would do so. Mukni and his people were accordingly
attacked on their return, but by their bravery beat the Tibbos in
every attack. When they found they could not destroy them in this
manner, they bribed the guides, who led them astray in the desert,
where all their slaves, and most of their camels, perished; and Mukni
arrived at Tripoli with the remains of the merchants, who were mostly
all ruined. A few years after this, the bashaw sent another mission
under Mukni, with presents to the sultan of Bornou, and was again
accompanied by a number of merchants from the sea-coast. The governor
or sultan of Fezzan did not try by open force this time to oppose
Mukni’s passing Mourzuk, but sent again to the Tibbo chiefs and
Hadje Salah, to Bornou, to prejudice the sultan against Mukni; but all
without effect. Some of the Tibbo chiefs were now friends with Mukni,
and gave him the letters the governor of Fezzan had sent him. The
sultan of Bornou was much pleased with the bashaw’s present, and
gave every encouragement to the people of Tripoli to come and trade
to the interior, and sent a large present of slaves, ivory, &c. to
Mukni for the bashaw, who had carried him two small field-pieces,
those now in possession of the sheikh; but the Fellatas invaded and
took the capital, and all the presents were lost. Notwithstanding
this, on Mukni’s return to Tripoli empty-handed, he was followed
by Hadje Salah, who did all he could to prevent the people of Waday
from serving him, by selling him the provisions necessary for him
and his people in crossing the desert. He first got the people
of Kanem to attack the Tripoli caravan; the people of the caravan
of Fezzan not rendering them any assistance, and always encamping
out of gunshot distance from them. Next they were attacked in the
Tibbo country, where the people of the Fezzan caravan assisted the
Tibbos against them; but Mukni again overcame them, and arrived at
Mourzouk. Here the gates were shut against him, and every person
was forbid to provide him or his people with provisions, or hold
any communication with him, on pain of death. Notwithstanding all
these orders, they were supplied by their friends inside the town,
principally the cadi, who used to send them out provisions on asses,
as if laden with manure. After this, it was eighteen months before
the bashaw would grant Mukni a force to depose the governor of Fezzan.

Sunday, 20th.—This morning the whole city was thrown into
considerable alarm by a merchant from Ghadamis being found strangled
in his bed. His female slaves were suspected of being guilty of
the murder, as two or three similar cases had happened before. The
governor of Kano sent to Hadje Salah, as chief of the Arabs, to
know what he would have done on the occasion; whether the slaves
should be sold out of the country, or whether they should be put
to death. It had been customary, in cases of this kind, to send
the perpetrators of similar crimes to the sea-coast, to be sold
to the slave-dealers. Hadje Salah and the principal Arabs came
to my house before they went to the governor, to ask my advice on
the occasion, and to know what we should do if such a thing were to
happen in England. I told them, that all the slaves would be confined
separately, and strictly examined, and that if the fact was proved,
all those concerned would be hanged—not one would escape. They said
that was the proper way, and that no man would be safe in Kano if
they were to escape. I took this opportunity of asking them how many
slaves there were in Kano in proportion to free men; they said, about
thirty slaves to every free man. I told them they had better keep
a good look out, as, were the men once to know their own strength,
they would soon take the place from their masters. I informed them
in what manner the slaves in St. Domingo had made themselves free;
and pointed out to them the case of the slaves in Yourriba, who had
killed their masters, and now formed a free people there.

Monday, 21st.—I visited the governor, who was very civil and
talkative. He said that the gadado was coming to Kano, but if I
wished to go before he came, I should have a camel to carry Bello’s
present, and two men, as also a messenger; but he added, that it was
very uncomfortable travelling at present, for every day and night the
men and camels were out in the last expedition at Donna, that they
had been exposed to very heavy rains, and that most of the people
and animals were knocked up. I said I was all ready to go, and, if
he had no objection, I would start the day after to-morrow. He said,
well; and sent for a messenger, to whom he gave strict charge to see
me well used and lodged, and safe into the hands of the gadado. I
found two of my barometer tubes broken in the box, by the sudden
transition from heat to cold in a tornado.

Tuesday, 22d.—Found I had made a mistake in the month of May,
having given it only thirty days instead of thirty-one.

Wednesday, 23d.—Rain and lightning all day, so that I could not
start in the afternoon. I waited on the governor and took leave.

Thursday, 24th.—At 9 A.M., it having rained all the morning, I had
the camels loaded, and took leave of my servants, whom I left, with
much regret, in a land where they were perfect strangers. Richard
was still unwell with dysentery. I left with him instructions how
to proceed home in the event of my death, and also strict orders
to Hadje Salah to afford him and Pascoe every assistance, even the
same he would have given to me, and that he would be well paid by the
consul at Tripoli. I also desired him to allow Richard one thousand
cowries, to keep the house and horse; my poor little Boussa mare
having died a few days before. I had been obliged to draw a bill
for five hundred Spanish dollars in favour of Hamada ben Medoon,
for which I had to take a horse at more than double its price,
and only got 1500 cowries for each dollar—just one half,—such
is the rate of the country. This money I left in the hands of Hadje
Salah for the use of my servants, which amounted to 250,000 cowries
(not 100 dollars), the price of the horse being 500,000 cowries. I
left them with much regret, as I was in very bad health myself. I
was accompanied as far as the horse gate (Coffin Dalkie) by Hadje
Salah, Shereef Ali, a Tunis merchant, Hamada ben Medoon, and all the
principal Arabs, as they thought that I should bring about a peace
between the sheik of Bornou and Bello.

After leaving the walls of Kano the country was well cultivated on
every side, and planted with Indian corn, millet, doura, potatoes,
indigo, and cotton; but the road was very disagreeable, all the
hollows being full of water. At 11.40 came to a stream of running
water, at this season at least a quarter of a mile broad. At 12.30
got all the people, and baggage, and the camels, across. I was
wet up to my seat in the saddle, and once or twice the horse was
swimming. Started again, and at four halted at the walled town
of Toffa, the walls of which, since the death of Duntungwa, the
rebellious governor of Dumburta, have been allowed to go to decay;
and unless they are soon repaired and built up, the town will,
in a year or two, be without walls. I was provided with a house,
and had even milk and pudding—not like our puddings in Britain,
but Indian corn-flour boiled in an earthen pot, and stirred with
a large stick, without salt or fat, and, when thick enough, it is
made up into pieces of about two pounds each, and eaten with milk,
if it can be got; if not, with a sauce made of the dried leaves of
a certain plant and a little butter. It is the general food for the
second meal in all parts between the Quorra and Bornou, and sometimes
also in the latter place, if they have millet.

They are now gathering in the indigo, which they cut about two or
three inches above the ground, bringing what they cut off home, and
strip off the leaves, which are laid in a circular heap, and left
to rot or ferment until the end of the rains, when it is beaten in
the troughs or wooden mortars, and allowed to remain until dry. In
other places they beat it in the troughs as soon as cut, and let it
remain until dry, when what they do not want for use is carried to
Kano and sold.

The houses in Toffa are few, and all the spare places in the town
are planted with millet and doura. The inhabitants do not amount to
more than two thousand. During the night we had thunder, lightning,
and rain.

Friday, 25th.—Morning clear and fair; gave the head man ten gora
nuts, and my landlord ten, and started at 7.10 A.M. The country
cultivated only in parts; saw several large herds of very fine cattle
belonging to the Fellatas. They follow the cry of the herdsman, which
is _ah hea hay!_ in a soft but shrill cry, and the cattle, lowing,
follow the sound. At ten passed a walled town called Kiawa; and at
noon another walled town called Gagai. At this last town the land was
all in cultivation. Formerly, when Duntungwa was living, they durst
not stir out of their towns; now he is dead, and his son submitted
to Bello, every one tries who can plant the most. At 2 P.M. arrived
and halted at a walled town called Gongodi, where I was provided with
a house. The walls of this town are also falling to pieces. All the
spare places were planted with millet and doura. A plentiful market
was holden outside of the town. In the shady tree close to the house
in which I lived were birds, a little larger than our sparrows,
with a jet-black head, and a bright yellow in the neck, breast,
belly, and under the wings, and the back a dusky green; chirped
just like the sparrow: hundreds were building their nests in this
and the other trees, which they do at the extreme branches or twigs,
and are sown together with leaves; the nests are platted with grass,
and have their entrance at the bottom. Both male and female work at
the nest, and they lay about six or seven eggs. During this season
they are very busy, and keep up a constant chirruping and flutter
under their nests and about the trees.

Saturday, 26th.—Last evening I had a long and severe fit of the
ague, which continued on me until daylight. In the morning it came
on to rain, thunder, and lighten, which continued until near noon,
when it cleared up. I had the camels loaded, giving the head man of
the town twenty-seven gora nuts, as he had sent me a young sheep,
plenty of milk, and corn for my horse. Left Gongodi; the path winding
through plantations of millet, doura, cotton, and indigo here and
there dispersed in the woods. Crossed a small river, and several
streams whose courses were to the eastward. The soil a red clay mixed
with sand, and only scraps of rock, of clay ironstone, and large
blocks of granite. The water from the leaves of the trees made us all
wet, and one time I had nearly lost my eye by the branch of a tree
while looking at my compass; as it was, I got my face badly torn. At
2.30 P.M. it came on to rain, and being close to the town of Koki,
I halted for the night. The walls of this town are also falling to
decay; but I observe with pleasure that as the walls have fallen the
houses appear to have increased. I was provided with as good a house
as the place afforded, and was plentifully supplied with provisions.

Sunday, 27th.—Clear morning, with light flying clouds. At 6.30
A.M. left Koki. I gave the head man thirty gora nuts, as he had
given me a plentiful supply of milk, and millet for my horse and
camel. The road was excessively wet, being nearly every step midleg
deep, and very slippery. The decayed ant-hills not being seen, the
camels several times sunk up to their bellies, when they had to be
unloaded. I constantly rode behind them, both for the safety of myself
and horse, as also to render that assistance and encouragement to
my servants which was necessary, who certainly suffered much, having
to wade by the side of the camels the whole way. Thank God! not one
fell sick, or uttered the least complaint. I sent the Kano messenger
on a-head, as I heard the gadado was on his way to Kano, and only a
day or two distant from me, to request he would detain the governor
of Adamowa until my arrival, as that person had only left Kano a few
days before me with his retinue; and, in the event of my joining him,
I should not have any occasion to wait at the town of Torri for an
escort to conduct me through the woods of Goudami. At 11.30 passed the
town of Duncamie; after which the roads were the worst I have ever
seen, or rather, in fact, there were no roads at all. Every where
the surface was a swamp, the men sometimes up to their middles in
water for half an hour at a time; the path leading through fields
of millet and doura. Thus the road continued until 5.30, when it
came on to rain, thunder, and lighten. My servants stripped to the
buff, and put their shirts under the hides that covered the baggage,
to preserve them dry until they halted. I got wet to the skin, yet
had a burning thirst—at times hardly able to sit on horseback,
until relieved by vomiting. I would gladly have lain down any where,
but there was not a spot clear of water. In this condition myself,
my men, and animals continued until 6.30 P.M. when I arrived,
and halted at the town of Jaza, in the province of Kashna, where
I lay down by a fire in the house of the head man of the town,
after being assisted off my horse. At no time am I possessed of a
sweet and passive temper, and when the ague is coming on me it is a
little worse. The head man made a great many difficulties; I gave it
to him in all the Houssa language I possessed; but it was all lost on
him. These Kashna bears are rude, and though they pride themselves on
being the most polite and the best in Houssa, calling all the rest
infidels. He, to make up the peace, left me in possession of the
house, and ordered his servants to get food for my people, horse,
and camels. I suffered severely during the night with ague and cramp.

Monday, 28th.—Morning clear. As I did not intend starting early,
on account of last night’s illness and the people getting the wet
things dry, at ten the governor of Kano’s messenger arrived, whom
I had sent to the Gadado, with a request from him that I would stop
for the day and he would meet me, as he intended halting at Jaza. At
11 A.M. the Gadado arrived, with a numerous train of attendants
on horseback and on foot. The horsemen armed with spears, swords,
and shields; the foot with swords, bows, and arrows. The women were
behind; some riding on horseback a-straddle, some on camels, others,
less fortunate, were walking, and carrying the gourds and kitchen
utensils. As he passed my house I went out to see him: he had four
long trumpets and a pipe, like the pipe of a bagpipe, and two drums
before him. When he came up he dismounted, and taking me by the
hand, we walked, hand in hand, to the house prepared for him. He
inquired kindly after my health, and how I had found my friends in
England; said Bello had received my letter from Koolfu, in Nyffé,
and had sent a messenger there to bring me up: he said he had never
received my letter from Bornou appointing where his messengers were
to meet me on the coast, neither had he received the one sent from
Katagum. The Gadado advised me to return to Kano with him, as the
roads were so very bad ahead; that to such a small party as mine
it would be impossible to get through; that he would have sent to
the governor of Adamowa, but he was already five days’ journey
ahead of me, and no messenger could overtake him before he got to
Soccatoo; that it would be better both for my health and comfort to
go and return with him after the rains, and that I should want for
nothing. I said I would take his advice, as, from my own ill health
and the badness of the roads, I saw we should soon be all knocked up,
both man and beast. I had a plentiful supply of every thing.

Wednesday, Oct. 11th.—Last night my horse died, and this morning
I lost my pocket journal and remark book[1], spectacles, inkhorn,
and pens, &c., which my servant had laid on the saddle outside the
door of my hut, ready for me when I came out. The person in whose
house I had lodged while at Baebaegie I had permitted to remain in
the same enclosure; and my servant at once accused him and his men
of the theft. I was desirous of searching them, but they made off
the moment that the theft was discovered.

At 7 A.M. I proceeded on my journey, passed through a large
village, and several times crossed the river which I have frequently
before mentioned as coming from the granite hills, to the south
of Kashna;—it here winds beautifully, with steep and high-wooded
banks, sometimes composed of rock, and sometimes a mixture of clay
and rock. My camels I could hardly get along, as they were nearly
worn out with sores and fatigue. The country around Zurmie is well
cultivated, and planted with millet, Indian corn, and dourra. The
villages are numerous, the soil a light red clay, mixed with small
crumbling rocks scattered over the surface, which is generally
covered with a thin layer of sand.

The army has now increased to a large size, the forces of Zurmie and
Jaroba having joined, the roads on every side crowded with horse
and foot, camels, bullocks, and asses, all striving who shall get
foremost. Some of the people of Zurmie are entirely naked, save
only tanned sheep skin bound round the loins, cut into tassels, and
ornamented with cowries, their woolly hair cut in parts or shaved,
the rest plaited and formed into crests, circles, &c. Some have it
drawn out, and hanging in shaggy ringlets, which gives them a wild
and savage appearance.

About noon, arrived and halted at Quarrie, and immediately waited on
the Gadado, to inform him of the robbery, and by whom I had every
reason to suspect it was committed. He promised to send off to the
governor of Kano, and to desire him to have the people of Baebaegie
searched; and there was little doubt but that I would have my books
restored.

By the assistance of one of the Gadado’s principal officers and a
near relation, I hired a bullock to carry my baggage to Soccatoo for
5000 cowries; as, after the load had been removed from the back of
the camel that was worn out, the poor creature was unable to rise, and
was in consequence killed, and the carcass distributed among the poor.

Thursday, 12th.—Morning clear. Having waited in vain for the stolen
property until mid-day, I then started, and found that the bullock
which had been hired for me was miserably thin, and had the itch
very bad; and that if offered for sale, it would not have brought
me more than 3 or 4000 cowries.

After leaving Quarrie, the road lay through plantations of millet
and dourra. Passed through several villages and one walled town,
also called Quarrie; crossed the river Foutchir, at a ford about
four feet deep. The river was upwards of one hundred yards broad,
and full of water, with a current of about two and a half or three
miles an hour; the banks low, sandy, and woody; and here it is
close to its junction with the river Quarrie, which is on our right,
running to the north. We travelled along its banks for an hour; and
after leaving it, the country became a succession of sandy ridges
and swamps, and thick woods, the principal trees of which were the
acacia and a mimosa. Both my bullocks and camel were fairly exhausted;
and I had to wait until these animals had got some rest, and until
the heat of the day was over: the poor camel was unable to move.

At sunset, no assistance arriving from the Gadado, and no messenger
with my lost books, I hired five of the footmen belonging to Zamfra,
to carry the camel’s load for 2000 cowries, as far as the camp;
and the exhausted camel I left to its fate. We had not proceeded far,
however, before a messenger arrived from the Gadado with a camel, when
the loads were taken from the bearers by force, by the Gadado’s
messenger; but I gave them 500 cowries for their assistance, and
they were well pleased, and returned me many thanks. My servants had
carried the greater part of the bullock’s load on their heads all
day; and I could not but admire their patience, as their only food
in the morning was a little ground dourra and water; and of this I
was also obliged to partake.

It was 9 P.M. before we arrived at the camp, which was by the side
of a lake. I sent my present to the Gadado, to carry on his camels,
as all that was now left me was a bullock with the itch, which we
could hardly drive along, with only the tent, my servants carrying
the rest. All that I had to eat was a little ground Indian corn,
boiled with salt and water; and I slept in the open air.

The governors of the several provinces had each a singing or crying
man, in addition to the drums and horses. The one of Zegzeg was the
most disgusting, being a large black man, mounted on horseback,
with an unshaven head, roaring out like a person in great agony,
and every now and then screaming out as loud as he could bawl, and
calling me a Kaffir, threatening to eat me. In the morning, at an
early hour, I left our place of encampment; and ascending a gravelly
ridge, I had an extensive view to the west and south-west, over the
extensive plains and swamps of Gondamie. The soil on the ridge was
a red clay and gravel, the trees low and stunted. At noon, halted
for the bullock to rest; and at 1 P.M. got him to move on again. At
5 P.M. halted on the borders of a large lake, which is formed by
the rivers Zurmie and Zarrie—or, more properly speaking, a chain
of lakes and swamps, extending through all, or the greater part of,
the plains of Gondamie, approaching nearly to Soccatoo. The borders
of these lakes are the resort of numbers of elephants and other wild
beasts. The appearance at this season, and at the spot where I saw it,
was very beautiful; all the acacia trees were in blossom, some with
white flowers, others with yellow, forming a contrast with the small
dusky leaves, like gold and silver tassels on a cloak of dark green
velvet. I observed some fine large fish leaping in the lake. Some
of the troops were bathing; others watering their horses, bullocks,
camels, and asses: the lake as smooth as glass, and flowing around
the roots of the trees. The sun, on its approach to the horizon,
throws the shadows of the flowery acacias along its surface,
like sheets of burnished gold and silver. The smoking fires on its
banks, the sounding of horns, the beating of their gongs or drums,
the braying of their brass and tin trumpets, the rude huts of grass
or branches of trees rising as if by magic, every where the calls
on the names of Mahomed, Abdo, Mustafa, &c., with the neighing of
horses and the braying of asses, gave animation to the beautiful
scenery of the lake, and its sloping green and woody banks.

The only regulation that appears in these rude feudal armies is,
that they take up their ground according to the situation of the
provinces, east, west, north, or south; but all are otherwise huddled
together, without the least regularity. The man next in rank to the
governor of each province has his tent placed nearest to him, and so
on. I always found out my quarters, which were close to the Gadado,
by inquiring what province the people belonged to.

In the evening, the governor sent me a present of a sheep, and
directly afterwards ordered a musquet to be brought to me, that
I might put a screw to its lock; and on my declaring that I had
no screws, and could not make one, his people went off rather
dissatisfied, and shortly afterwards I missed my powder horn,
which was hanging, with my gun and sword, to the branch of a tree:
the rascals had stolen it.

I now was informed, for the first time, by the Gadado, that before
we went to Soccatoo, we should have to go by Coonia, the capital
of Goobur, near which the sultan Bello was then encamped, with the
forces from Soccatoo; and which place they intended to take before
they returned to Soccatoo. The Kano troops are considered to be the
best, and found to be more orderly than any of the others, but, on
the whole, they are the poorest, and the most inefficient I ever saw,
or could have imagined.

Saturday, 14th.—Morning cool and clear, but a heavy dew had made
me quite wet and chilly. At 5.40 A.M. left our encampment, the path
generally skirting along the banks of the lake. Saw the traces of
elephants every where, and last night the lions were roaring close
to the camp. The heat of the sun from nine in the morning to three
in the afternoon was the most oppressive I had ever felt it; and the
dust raised by the number of men, and animals all pressing forward
as hard as they could, made the air at times quite suffocating;
and now that we are supposed to be surrounded by enemies, it is who
shall be foremost: no halting is allowed. My servant, with a load
on his head, was obliged to lead on the fatigued bullock; and I,
with another servant, managed to drive it along at a quick pace,
but not without incessant beating, which, in a country like ours,
famed for its humanity, would have appeared extreme cruelty; but
a man will do many things here in Africa, that his humanity would
revolt at in our more happy country.

At 4.40 P.M. halted along with the camp, fatigued and low-spirited;
for what with the loss of my horse and camel, and what is still worse
than all, my books and journal, leaving me only some loose paper and
a pencil; when I beheld my servants carrying loads on their heads,
and myself assisting and encouraging them to drive beyond its speed a
poor scabbed and worn out bullock along the road; and when I have no
prospect before me, but to subsist on water and boiled Indian corn,
I cannot but feel a disposition to despond; but I trust things are
now at the worst. Our place of halting was on the banks of a creek
branching from the lake, very low and wet. My consolation is, that
Bello is not at a great distance from us, and has sent to-day to
ask after my health, and how I stood the fatigues of the journey.

Sunday, 15th.—Morning clear. At 5.45 left our encampment, and at
9 arrived at a spot in the swampy wood where a stream of water was
running through it. We had to cross this stream, which was about
twenty yards in width, the banks steep, and water deep, appearing as
if it had been artificially cut for a canal. We crossed it without
accident, though many of the party, with their camels, bullocks,
horses, and baggage, crowding together, were seen sticking in groups
in the boggy swamp. I had not gone many paces on the other side before
my horse sunk to the belly; and as I did not immediately dismount,
thinking to ride him through, I got severely hurt on the pommel of
the saddle, by his plunging. At last I got off, put the saddle on
my head, and got him to a firmer spot under a tree; close to which,
I found my servants endeavouring to drag the bullock out of the
place where he also had sunk. I sat as a guard over my baggage;
but all the exertions of my people could not get the poor ox out,
and I called them off to rest, sending one to the camp for assistance.

In the mean time, some of the people of Zamfra, coming post without
loads or arms, were on their way to assist their friends, who were
sticking in the mud, and to drag the governor’s baggage out of the
swamp. I asked them, in a good-natured way, to lend a hand to help
out my bullock, that was still sticking in the bog. “Well,” say they,
“christian, give us that meat you have got in your dish, and we will
assist you.” “Take it,” said I, “my lads;” and giving them the sheep’s
heart, which was boiled and covered with fat, they divided it among
them; and going to the spot where the unfortunate bullock was, had
him out in an instant.

After letting the bullock breathe a little, we started again, but
had new difficulties to encounter. There was a second stream to
cross, worse than the former: I stripped, and waded over, leading my
horse. On the other side, under a tree, I found a sick Fellata unable
to move, with a burning fever, a native of one of the neighbouring
villages; his friends, he said, had taken away his horse, and left
him there, to the mercy of whoever might choose to assist him.

About mid-day arrived at the court of Bello; the Gadado saw me passing
to my quarters, and sent to request I would halt, and to say I must
go to the sultan, who would excuse every thing about my dress, as he
was so anxious to see me. I accordingly dismounted, and accompanying
the Gadado, we were instantly shown into the residence of Bello,
which was formed of a number of huts, screened off by cloth fixed
to poles, making quite a little village of itself. His reception of
me was most kind and gratifying; he asked after the health of the
king of England, and if we were still at peace, and how I had found
all my friends. He was surprised when I said I had not seen them,
and that I had remained only four months in England. He said, he
had not received either of my letters, the one from Bornou, or that
which had been sent by the way of Ghadamis from Tripoli. He asked me
if I had not experienced a great many difficulties in getting through
Yourriba; said he had heard of me when I was at Eyeo or Katunga, and
that he had sent a messenger to that place, to assist me in getting
through; and had also sent another to Koolfu; but neither of whom,
as I told him, had I seen.

During this interview, it began to rain, thunder, and lighten
very heavily; but as he and the old Gadado remained exposed to it,
I was of course obliged to do so too. He had heard, he observed,
that our camels had died on the road, but said he would send one
of his men with a camel this evening, and who would take care that
all my baggage should arrive safely at Soccatoo; but that it would
be better that every thing should remain with me, until my setting
out for the capital, where I could then deliver to him the present,
and the king of England’s letter, as he intended making an attack
on the capital of Goobur on the morrow. The rain having now ceased,
I was permitted to take leave, and made the best of my way to that
part of the camp assigned to me, which was not far distant from the
sultan’s abode.

During the night, a pretty strict guard was kept, by horsemen in
quilted armour; and all the horses in the camp were saddled at sunset,
and remained so during the night.

Bello’s appearance was very little altered from what it was when I
saw him last, except that he had got a little lustier, and dressed
somewhat better. He was dressed to-day in a white striped muslin
shirt and turban, and the finest tobes that the country produces.

Monday, 16th.—Morning clear, with a heavy dew. At 4 A.M. all was
ready for commencing the war; but it was six before they started;
the intermediate time being spent mostly in praying. I kept close to
the Gadado, as it was his wish I should do so. Our path was through
the plantations of millet and dourra of the enemy. At 8, the sultan
halted under a tree, and gave orders for a camp to be formed, which
was speedily done by the troops, cutting or pulling up the millet
and dourra, and making huts, fences, and screens of the stalks. I
waited on the sultan, who was dismounted, and sitting under the
shade of the tree, near which he had halted. He was surrounded by
the governors of the different provinces, who were all, with the
exception of the governor of Adamawa, better dressed than himself.

After the midday prayers, all, except the eunuchs, camel drivers,
and such other servants as were of use only to prevent theft, whether
mounted or on foot, marched towards the object of attack; and soon
arrived before the walls of the city. I also accompanied them,
and took up my station close to the Gadado. The march had been the
most disorderly that can be imagined; horse and foot intermingling
in the greatest confusion, all rushing to get forward; sometimes the
followers of one chief tumbling amongst those of another, when swords
were half unsheathed, but all ended in making a face, or putting on a
threatening aspect. We soon arrived before Coonia, the capital of the
rebels of Goobur, which was not above half a mile in diameter, being
nearly circular, and built on the bank of one of the branches of the
river, or lakes, which I have mentioned. Each chief, as he came up,
took his station, which, I suppose, had previously been assigned to
him. The number of fighting men brought before the town could not,
I think, be less than fifty or sixty thousand, horse and foot, of
which the foot amounted to more than nine-tenths. For the depth of
two hundred yards, all round the walls was a dense circle of men and
horses. The horse kept out of bow-shot, while the foot went up as they
felt courage or inclination, and kept up a straggling fire with about
thirty muskets, and the shooting of arrows. In front of the sultan,
the Zegzeg troops had one French fusil: the Kano forces had forty-one
muskets. These fellows, whenever they fired their pieces, ran out of
bow-shot to load; all of them were slaves; not a single Fellata had
a musket. The enemy kept up a sure and slow fight, seldom throwing
away their arrows until they saw an opportunity of letting fly with
effect. Now and then a single horse would gallop up to the ditch,
and brandish his spear, the rider taking care to cover himself with
his large leathern shield, and return as fast as he went, generally
calling out lustily, when he got among his own party, “Shields to
the wall!” “You people of the Gadado, or Atego,” &c., “why
don’t you hasten to the wall?” To which some voices would call
out, “Oh! you have a good large shield to cover you!” The cry
of “Shields to the wall” was constantly heard from the several
chiefs to their troops; but they disregarded the call, and neither
chiefs nor vassals moved from the spot. At length the men in quilted
armour went up “per order.” They certainly cut not a bad figure
at a distance, as their helmets were ornamented with black and white
ostrich feathers, and the sides of the helmets with pieces of tin,
which glittered in the sun, their long quilted cloaks of gaudy
colours reaching over part of the horses’ tails, and hanging over
the flanks. On the neck, even the horse’s armour was notched, or
vandyked, to look like a mane; on his forehead and over his nose was
a brass or tin plate, as also a semicircular piece on each side. The
rider was armed with a large spear; and he had to be assisted to
mount his horse, as his quilted cloak was too heavy; it required
two men to lift him on; and there were six of them belonging to
each governor, and six to the sultan. I at first thought the foot
would take advantage of going under cover of these unwieldy machines;
but no, they went alone, as fast as the poor horses could bear them,
which was but a slow pace. They had one musket in Coonia, and it did
wonderful execution, for it brought down the van of the quilted men,
who fell from his horse like a sack of corn thrown from a horse’s
back at a miller’s door; but both horse and man were brought off
by two or three footmen. He had got two balls through his breast;
one went through his body and both sides of the tobe; the other went
through and lodged in the quilted armour opposite the shoulders.

The cry of “Allahu Akber,” or, “God is great,” was resounded
through the whole army every quarter of an hour at least (this is
the war-cry of the Fellatas); but neither this, nor “Shields to
the wall,” nor “Why don’t the Gadado’s people go up,” had any effect,
except to produce a scuffle among themselves, when the chiefs would
have to ride up and part their followers, who, instead of fighting
against the enemy, were more likely to fight with one another. There
were three Arabs of Ghadamis in the army, armed at all points. Hameda,
the sultan’s merchant, was one. He was mounted on a fine black Tuarick
horse, armed with a spear and shield, an Arab musket, brace of pistols,
blunderbuss, sword and dagger. The other two, Abdelkrim, and Beni Omar,
armed with musket, pistols, sword, and dagger. Abdelkrim was mounted;
Omar on foot, who received a ball from the Coonia musket, which carried
away his cartouche box, with all his ammunition, early in the attack.
The other two, Hameda and Abdelkrim, kept behind the sultan and Gadado
the whole of the action, and always joined lustily in the cry of
“Allahu Akber.” Once Hameda asked me, when I was near him, why I
did not join in the cry: was it not a good place? I told him to hold
his peace for a fool: my God understood English as well as Arabic.

The most useful, and as brave as any one of us, was an old female
slave of the sultan’s, a native of Zamfra, five of whose former
governors she said she had nursed. She was of a dark copper colour. In
dress and countenance very like one of Captain Lyon’s female
Esquimaux. She was mounted on a long-backed bright bay horse, with
a scraggy tail, crop-eared, and the mane as if the rats had eaten
part of it; and he was not in high condition. She rode a-straddle;
had on a conical straw dish-cover for a hat, or to shade her face
from the sun, a short dirty white bedgown, a pair of dirty white
loose and wide trowsers, a pair of Houssa boots, which are wide, and
came up over the knee, fastened with a string round the waist. She
had also a whip and spurs. At her saddle-bow hung about half a
dozen gourds, filled with water, and a brass basin to drink out of;
and with this she supplied the wounded and the thirsty. I certainly
was much obliged to her, for she twice gave me a basin of water. The
heat and dust made thirst almost intolerable. Numbers went into the
shade as they got tired, and also to drink at the river. When it drew
near sunset the sultan dismounted, and his shield was held over him
for a shade. In this way we continued until sunset, when the sultan
mounted. We left the walls of Coonia for the camp. Upon the whole,
it was as poor a fight as can possibly be imagined; and, though the
doctrine of predestination is professed by Mahomedans, in no one
instance have I seen them act as men believing such a doctrine. The
feudal forces are most contemptible; ever more ready to fight with
one another than they are with the enemy of their king and country,
and rarely acting in concert. During the night we were cut off from
water by the inhabitants of Coonia, and a cry was raised that they
had come out to attack us, when the whole of the forces of Zamfra,
horse and foot, were tumbling over us in our quarter, pell-mell,
who should get the soonest out of danger. I had not undressed, but
had my horse saddled, and the camels loaded. My servants would have
run too, but I made them stop and load the camels, when I sent them
off with those of the Gadado, which now only remained.

The flags of the Fellatas are white, like the French, and their
staff is a branch of a palm. They are not borne by men of honour,
but by their slaves. The sultan had six borne before him; each of the
governors had two. They also all dress in white tobes and trowsers,
as an emblem of their purity in faith and intentions.

Tuesday, 17th.—Morning clear, with a heavy dew. We were last
night disturbed several times by reports of the enemy’s approach;
and at one time so great was the confusion, that most of the people
and animals of the camp were tumbling over each other, and rushing
together to save what they could by flight. The forces of Zurmie,
who were encamped nearest the town, fled through the general camp,
upsetting every thing in their way. My servants would have followed,
but I declared, if they started without the baggage, I would shoot
them. This threat, and my seizing the rifle to put it in execution,
had the desired effect. I ordered them, however, to load the camels,
after which I allowed them to go off, along with the camels of
the Gadado. They begged hard that I would go with them; but I
remained until the Gadado and the sultan departed; and thus ended
this harmless campaign, for at five in the morning both he and the
Gadado set out, and at seven halted where we had suffered so much
fatigue in getting through the swamps two days before. Here the
south and eastern governors took leave of the sultan, and pursued
the road we had come with them the other day, while I remained with
the Soccatoo party. Our road lay once more along the banks of the
lake. Numerous tracks of elephants, and other wild beasts, were every
where seen. The face of the country, on the higher grounds, was but
thinly wooded, and the trees low and stunted, except in the ruins of
towns, where they usually grow to a large size, and very luxuriant in
foliage. No traces whatever of inhabitants. The sun was excessively
hot; and only for the plentiful supply of water the lake afforded,
we certainly must have died of thirst. At 7 A.M. halted at an old
encampment of the sultan.

I now, for the first time, learnt the cause of our rapid flight,
which was the desertion of the Zurmie forces, and all the foot;
who had started on the first alarm, as they were all aware that
the horse would not wait for them. I passed a number of the foot
who were wounded, a very few of whom had been fortunate enough to
procure bullocks to ride on. The rest were poor slaves, and were
obliged to walk. One poor fellow had been wounded in the night,
attempting to get water, for they had been cut off from the supply
of that necessary article. The night we attacked the town, his face
had been laid open by a sword, and he had received a severe wound in
the arm. His wounds were much swollen, as they were exposed both to
the sun, and the cold of the night; and only tied up with a bandage
or slip from the inner bark of a tree, which did not cover one half,
or a third of the wound.

Wednesday, 18th.—At 2.30 we left our encampment, and, half running,
half walking along the Soccatoo road, which still skirts the banks
of the river or lake, no appearance of inhabitants to be seen,
passed the ruins of three towers; and the traces of elephants and
other wild beasts were numerous: the soil a deep red clay, mixed
and covered with a thin layer of sand. At 2 saw a range of hills
extending from south-west to north-east, not of great elevation;
as we approached them, the lakes and swamps took a direction to
the southward; the soil became clay and gravel, with rocks of clay
iron-stone on the surface. At 5 we got amongst the ravines, and
beds of torrents at the foot of the hills, and turning to a bend
in the hills south, kept winding amongst them, fatigued and tired,
until 10 the next morning, when I halted at one of the Fellata’s
former encampments. I passed many walking on foot, driving their
horses before them, and for several miles before I came to the camp,
the foot, some of whom we had now come up with, were lying along
the road, unable to move further. My camels, which had got amongst
the first, had halted two hours before.

Thursday, 19th.—The road still lay over hills of clay iron-stone,
imbedded in a dark red clay, for about four hours, when we arrived on
their south-west side, where we had to pass about a mile and a half
of low swampy ground, before we came to the Zurmie river, which was
here broad, full, and running with a current of about two miles and
a half an hour to the westward; its depth at the ford about five
feet, its breadth about sixty yards. As usual, there was a great
assemblage of horses, camels, bullocks, and asses, and of course
great confusion, every one striving to drive before the others. I
stripped, and taking the bridle of my horse, plunged in, and drove
him on before me. I got a severe head-ache, as the water was very
cool, and I was warm. I lay down, after I had dressed, under a tree
on the other bank, until the camels had fed a little, when I started
again. The river below forms a chain of lakes and swamps, skirting
the south-west sides of the hills. Our road lay through plantations
of cotton and millet. The sides of the road were crowded by the foot,
with whom we were now come up. They looked miserable in the extreme
from hunger and fatigue: a great many of the horsemen were walking,
driving their poor goaded animals along.

At noon I arrived and halted at Magaria, a straggling town built
among the hills, which was now a second range closing in to the
north. This town is the sansan, or gathering place for their armies,
and is mostly inhabited by the slaves of the great in Soccatoo,
who have all houses here, and their slaves, who are employed in
raising grain, and tending the cattle, mostly reside here, and in
the villages around. The swampy plain, the river, and the lakes,
extend about six miles to the westward, below Magaria; and from its
situation in the gap of the hills must be very unhealthy, from the
north-east winds driving the vapours right through the town, which,
in fact, is situated on the borders of the swamp.

Morning clear. At 7 left Magaria, the Gadado and sultan having sent
to me the evening before, to say, if I wished to go to Soccatoo and
remain there, until they joined me, I might do so; as they intended
to stay for some days in Magaria, to see if the enemy was disposed
to make an attack on them. I availed myself of this permission;
indeed I had met with nothing but losses and difficulties since I
had joined the Fellata army. I therefore set out, and passed over a
fertile country. Every spot capable of cultivation was planted with
millet and dourra, which was in fine condition. In this district,
they had a scarcity last year, and the year before, and many of the
people had perished for want.

After crossing the hills, which were composed of loose pieces of iron
clay-stone, covered with sand, to the depth of a foot, I arrived at
the river which runs close to the foot of the ridge or hill on which
Soccatoo stands. The banks were crowded with people fishing. Their
nets were formed like a bag, having a border of two small wands,
which they held on each hand, to open the bag. The fish they caught
were small white ones, which are usually carried to the market fried
in butter, and sold at two cowries a-piece.

At 3 I entered Soccatoo, and took possession of the same house I
formerly inhabited; the Gadado having sent a messenger before me,
to make every thing ready for my reception, and to provide for all
my wants.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: It does not appear that he ever recovered them—hence
the _hiatus_ in the journal.]

CHAPTER VI.

RESIDENCE AT SOCCATOO, TILL THE DEATH OF THE AUTHOR.

Shortly after my arrival at Soccatoo, I was visited by all the Arabs
of the place, who began to pay me a great many compliments, and after
that, to beg every thing they saw in my possession. They immediately
recollected my servant, Mahomed El Siekis, who was formerly a slave
of Bukhaloom, and the only one of his army who brought off the flag
of the bashaw of Tripoli, at the battle with the Fellatas at Musfeia;
and the same man who restored Major Denham his horse, when he thought
he had lost it in that action. I had found this man a slave to a
Fellata, in the town of Korfu, and bought him for 25,700 cowries,
and gave him his liberty. These villains of Arabs now advised him
to leave me, because I was a Christian; telling him that they would
maintain him. I told him he was at full liberty to go, when and
where he pleased; that he was now free, and no longer a slave: but
I advised him not to go away like a thief and abscond, but to leave
me boldly and openly; at the same time I desired him only to look at
the dirty and ragged tobes of his advisers, poor rascals, who were
not able to buy soap to wash themselves or keep their clothes clean,
still less to give him food, wages, and clothes as I did.

On taking a survey of Soccatoo, I was not able to see much, if any,
alteration in its buildings, though I understand it was nearly
consumed by fire last winter, said to be the work of the rebels of
Goobur; who, as the morning breezes at day-break come strong from
the north-east, set fire to one house in that quarter, which spread
rapidly, and consumed nearly two-thirds of the town before it could
be stopped. It is now rebuilt just as it was before. There are at
present eleven gates into Soccatoo; seven having been built up since
the breaking out of the rebellion.

There are ten cadies or judges, who, with old Ben Gumso, an Arab
living here, whenever the sultan leaves the city, keep watch at the
gates day and night, with their people, until his return. Each takes a
gate, and has a temporary house of matting, built close inside to live
in. Ben Gumso, on my arrival, sent to tell me where he was stationed,
and that he could not come and see me, until the sultan should return,
as the punishment for leaving his post would be death. I accordingly
went to see him. He was standing at the door of his house; he had
seven crazy Arab muskets, some of them without flint or ramrod;
but, notwithstanding all this, his post, on account of the muskets,
was considered impregnable.

Tuesday, 24th.—In the afternoon a messenger arrived from the
sultan and the Gadado, to inform me that, as the rebels were daily
expected near Magaria, they did not know when they would be able to
return to Soccatoo. They therefore wished me to return to that place,
and remain with them, and sent two camels to carry my baggage, and
a horse for myself. The report here is, that the inhabitants of the
neighbouring villages near Magaria have all fled, and taken up their
quarters there.

Wednesday, 25th.—I did not start for Magaria to-day, as I had
to lay in a stock of rice, bread, dried meat, and flour, as these
articles are much dearer in Magaria, and bread not known. Magaria
is in the province of Adir, which is also called Tadela, containing
a great number of towns. The inhabitants are for the greatest part
negroes. The rest are a half breed between the Tuarics and their
slaves. The country is full of low rocky hills, and is well watered
by lakes and streams.

Thursday, 26th.—Morning cool and clear. At 8 A.M. I left
Soccatoo for Magaria. I was ill with a severe cold, caught by my own
carelessness, in throwing off my cloth trousers and worsted stockings
on my arrival at Soccatoo. The sun being very hot, I was quite
feverish. I halted at a village till 3 P.M., when I started again,
and arrived at Magaria at 6 P.M., where a house had been prepared
for me. I had messages from the sultan and Gadado, to inquire after
my health. My spleen was considerably increased in one day; but I
went to bed without tasting food: had a fire made at my bed-side,
which procured me a good sweat, and I soon found myself better;
though not lessening the swelling in my side, it eased the pain,
as also the pain in my head and bones.

Friday, 27th.—Cool and clear. I found myself much relieved;
and the Gadado, paying me an early visit, said, if I was able,
the sultan would receive his majesty’s letters and presents. I
immediately dressed in my uniform, and the presents being ready
packed in separate parcels, the time-piece, watch, &c. taken out of
the tin cases, and all just as they had left the maker’s hands, I
went, accompanied by the Gadado, my servants and the servants of the
Gadado carrying the presents, consisting of red silk umbrella, silver
mounted; a message cane, silver mounted; twelve yards red damask;
twelve yards sky blue; twelve yards red silk; twelve yards blue silk;
twenty-four yards cambric; two pounds cloves; a fowling-piece, brass
mountings, single barrel; a plain fowling-piece, double barrel; a pair
of pistols for his eldest son; two short swords; two boxes of rockets;
a quantity of powder, balls, flints, and small shot; one ream of
English foolscap paper; two bundles of black lead pencils; coloured
prints of the royal family, battles, and a plain journal book; a
small ditto; a dozen pair white cotton stockings; a dozen pair white
cotton gloves; a time-piece by Rigby; gold watch by ditto; a Bramah
pen; a pistol, detonating lock; two gilt chains; four clasp knives;
a dressing-case complete; a magnifying looking-glass; two English
bridles; a quantity of medicines; two empty trunks; the New Testament
in Arabic; that part of the Old Testament which was translated; the
Koran in Arabic; Euclid’s Elements in ditto; Ebn Senna in ditto;
History of the Tartars under Tamerlane; Psalms of David; several
chapters of the Bible, with a number of other books in Arabic. To
the Gadado a smaller collection of the same kind of articles.

Saturday, 28th.—I was visited this morning by Sidi Sheik, Bello’s
doctor, and one of his secretaries, who said he had a message from
the sultan for me, which, on his delivery, certainly surprised me
not a little, though I was cautious not to show him that I considered
it as any thing but a thing of course. It was this, that the sultan
had sent him to inform me that, by whatever road I might choose to
return to England, he would send me, were it even by Bornou, if I
should prefer that road; but that I should consider well before I
decided upon that road, as he had to inform me that, when I was here
two years ago, the Sheik of Bornou had written to him, advising him
to put me to death; as, if the English should meet with too great
encouragement, they would come into Soudan, one after another, until
they got strong enough to seize on the country, and dispossess him,
as they had done with regard to India, which they had wrested from
the hands of the Mahometans: that Bello, however, had said, in reply,
it would be a most disgraceful thing in him to cause an unprotected
man to be put to death, and could only account for such conduct, on
the part of the Sheik, after he himself had placed me under Bello’s
protection, to seek a quarrel between him and the Sultan Bello.

I observed to Sidi Sheik, that it was certainly very extraordinary to
me, that the Sheik El Kanemi should have written in such a manner;
as he had ever behaved to me with the greatest kindness, both
before I came to Soudan and on my return; and that, when I left
Bornou for England, he had dismissed me with a handsome present,
and the strongest expressions of friendship and regard. I added,
that I must insist on seeing this extraordinary letter, and have
a copy of it; but he said that Bello had sent the letter to Gondo,
to his cousin Abdallah. I must positively see it, I rejoined; and
also be allowed to take a copy of it before I leave this place; for I
had a letter and presents from the king of England for the Sheik. I
then asked him what other path the sultan proposed. He replied that
he would place me under the protection of a maraboot, or holy man,
who would safely conduct me to the sultan of Borgoo, and from thence
I might pass to the northward, as far as the borders of the desert,
and proceed along it until I came near to Foutoo Tora, from whence I
could turn to the southward into a country that belonged to Bello, and
which was inhabited by Fellatas, and not far from one of the English
settlements. I told him it was a matter of serious consideration to
me, as I had a sick servant at Kano, who was unable to travel; but,
at all events, I must have the letter the Sheik of Bornou had sent
to Bello.

I was very ill all day; but in the afternoon I paid a visit to Atego,
Bello’s brother, and made him a present of a gilt chain and a pair
of scissors, and a few cloves. His house being at some distance,
I was so much fatigued I thought I should not live until the morning.

Sunday, 29th.—Saw the sultan this morning, who was sitting in
the inner apartment of his house, with the Arabic copy of Euclid
before him, which I had given to him as a present. He said that
his family had a copy of Euclid brought by one of their relations,
who had procured it in Mecca; that it was destroyed when part of
his house was burnt down last year; and he observed, that he could
not but feel very much obliged to the king of England for sending
him so valuable a present. After a few general questions, I retired
with the Gadado; and when we arrived at his house, and were seated,
I again expressed my anxious desire that he would give me a copy of
the letter which had been sent from the Sheik of Bornou, as it was
of some importance to me to be guided as to my choice of the road I
was to take on my return home. The Gadado said he was not aware of
any letter having been sent; that it was very wrong in Sidi Sheik to
have told me such a story; said he must have made a mistake; but,
to relieve me from any uneasiness on that score, he would inquire
into the truth, and let me know to-morrow.

Monday, 30th.—I had been so ill all night with the pain in my side
that I had no rest whatever. At noon the Gadado came to say that he
would go with me to the sultan. Though very ill, I went; and we were
immediately shown into the apartment of the sultan, who was reading:
but when we entered, he laid down his book, and began of his own
accord about the letter. He observed, that a letter had certainly
come to him, but not with the Sheik’s signature; that it appeared,
however, the letter had been written, with the Sheik’s sanction, by
that holy man Hadgi Mohamed Bootabli; and that he was desired to say
I was a spy, and that he would not allow me to go beyond Soccatoo;
hinting, at the same time, that it would be better I should die,
as the English had taken possession of all India by first going
there by ones and twos, until we got strong enough to seize upon
the whole country. And thus ended our interview.

Tuesday, 31st.—I was much better this morning, and the swelling
and pain in my side much less, a dose of calomel I took having done
its duty; but I thought it advisable not to stir out all day. The
sultan and Gadado sent to me to know how I was.

Wednesday, Nov. 1st.—Clear. Magaria is now increasing to a town of
considerable size. Before, it was without shape or form; now, all the
people from the villages, for a considerable distance around, have
been ordered to live here; and the houses being properly arranged,
each man’s cluster of huts being fenced round with matting, nearly
all the vacant places are filled up with houses or enclosures for
cattle. A new wall has been built, according to the present Goobur
mode of fortifying a town; which is, to build a low wall, with a deep
ditch outside, and to erect on the wall a stockade of rough stakes,
firmly fixed in an upright posture, through the openings of which the
people inside are enabled to shoot their arrows and fire muskets, when
they have any. This new wall was not quite completed when I arrived;
but as every man having a house in the town was to bear his part in
the work, and every man of consideration who held office under the
sultan was to superintend that part of it next to his residence,
as well as to employ his slaves and servants in bringing wood and
materials, the progress advanced rapidly.

This evening we had a courier from the nearest town in the province of
Zamfra, bringing intelligence that Aleva, the rebel sultan of Goobur,
had died by an arrow wound in his side, which he received when we
made the attack. Whether this will have any effect in bringing about
a reconciliation with Bello and them I know not.

Thursday, 2d.—Warm, with light flying clouds. The Juma, or
place of worship, in Magaria, is only a temporary one. I have had
several opportunities of seeing them at prayers, being only a square
enclosure of matting, supported by stakes, and open on one side,
which is to the east. The Iman, or priest, a head man, stands at
a little distance in front, on his mat; the rest of the people in
rows behind him. He repeats the prayer, and those behind him also
repeating inwardly at the same time, and with the greatest regularity,
in a kneeling posture, with their heads inclined.

I had a long visit from Prince Atego this morning, who was amazingly
civil: at last it came out that he was afflicted with a disorder which
he represented as being very common in this country. I recommended
him to drink rice water in plenty, to refrain from pepper and strong
spices, and not to visit his ladies too often, and to wear a hat
when he rode out. I also gave him a dose of calomel, recommending
him to use natron in his food.

The henna or salli, with whose leaves they stain their hands and toes,
is made of pounded leaves, mixed with water to the consistence of a
poultice, which is laid on thick, and bound with gourd leaves to keep
it on. To see a person in this state, without knowing that he was
sacrificing comfort to make himself look beautiful, would be apt to
excite pity for the poor man, and to imagine that he had fallen from
some height, and bruised his hands and feet so badly as to require
their being poulticed to reduce the inflammation. Some great people
go so far as to have themselves stained every three nights.

Friday, 3d.—The negroes and most of the Arabs are great gamblers,
though it is strictly prohibited by the Fellata laws. Their principal
game is called cha-cha, and is played by any number of persons
at a time, with cowries. Night is the usual time for this game;
and so eager are they in it, that they will frequently stake their
breeches and every part of their dress. I should never have known
of its existence, had not one of my servants, named Micama, a native
of Zinder in Bornou, come home last night with the loss of his tobe;
and on my insisting this morning that he should not enter the house
in such a state, he pleaded the heat of the weather, and made other
excuses, which I could not allow: the other servants then told me
what he had been at, and said he was an expert hand, and could not
refrain from playing when he saw others play. I advanced him money
to buy another tobe, telling him if I ever knew him to play again,
I should give him up to the Fellatas, who punish all caught at such
a game with death, or something approaching it. In the afternoon I
took leave of the sultan, who breaks up in the night, and proceeds
to Soccatoo.

Saturday, 4th.—Morning cool and clear. The sultan did not leave
last night, but to-day at 3 P.M. I had to go and see the chronometer
carefully put up to bear carriage without injury: it is considered
the most valuable part of his property, and numbers come from a great
distance to hear it strike. One of the gold watches he has already
spoiled, and I have had to give his brother Atego my silver watch for
it in return, but I have got the worse bargain. If the sultan had not
asked me I should never have done it, as it has the new patent key,
and kept a regular rate from England.

Sunday, 5th.—I did not start this morning, as I had been very unwell
all night: got a new camel, and employed a Tuarick to buy me another,
as they are nearly 2000 cowries cheaper here than they are at Kano.

Monday, 6th.—Cool and clear. At 6 A.M. left Magaria. I rode my new
camel, as his load was light, and I had no horse. At 11 A.M. halted
at a spring for an hour, and started again at 2. Arrived at Soccatoo.

Tuesday, 7th.—This day I visited the sultan about noon, and,
at his request, taught a man, one of his servants, how to wind
up the time-piece, which is one of eight days. In the afternoon I
was visited by three Fellatas, Hadji Omer from Foota Tora, Malem
Mahomed from Timbuctoo, and the third from a neighbouring town
to Timbuctoo. Malem Mahomed says the whole of the district called
Timbuctoo is at present under the authority of the Tuaricks; that the
principal town is called Timbuctoo; and that their gold comes from
Ashantee, Gonga, and Bambarra, where they exchange it for salt to the
Tuaricks, and cloths to the inhabitants of Fez, Ghadamis, and Tripoli;
that Timbuctoo produces no gold, it being only the great market where
all the gaffles from the north and east meet those of the south and
west; that few Arabs now come from Fez and Morocco, owing, he says,
to the Arabs, called Waled Dleim, cutting off the caravans.

Hadji Omar, who was an intelligent man, told me that forty men arrived
at Sego with the late Mungo Park. That, out of the forty, thirty-five
had died of sickness, and that five only embarked in the canoe given
to him by the sultan of Sego. That they were repeatedly attacked by
the Tuaricks, of whom they killed a great number. Whether any, or
how many, of those belonging to the canoe were killed, he could not
say. The Hadji had just returned from Mecca, and wished to go there
again, if he could get an opportunity; but, as he said the sultan of
Baghermi and his subjects had been driven into the mountains to the
south of that kingdom by the Sheik el Kanemi, there was no passing
through that country, as it was now only inhabited by wandering
Arabs, who plunder all that fall into their hands, otherwise it was
the best road to the east from Adamowa, by the way of Baghermi.

Friday, 10th.—For the two last days I have found myself very ill,
with an enlargement of the spleen. Soccatoo was built by Sheik Othman,
usually known by the name of Danfodio, or the learned son of Fodio. He
was a good linguist; and knew most of the languages of the interior,
which he spoke fluently, and also all the dialects of the Arabic. He
knew all the learning of the Arabs; and, what was of the greatest
importance to him, was firmly believed to be a prophet; and the belief
continues, getting stronger as the Fellatas get stronger. He came out
of the woods of Ader, or Tadela, and settled, and built a town in the
province of Goobur, where the Fellatas began to gather around him;
he soon began to interfere with the affairs of the sultan of Goobur,
saying this was proper to be done, and such a thing was improper. This
not pleasing either the people of Goobur or the sultan, he was ordered
out of the country, he and his people. This order he did not obey; and
the people of Goobur rose and drove them out; when he again settled
in Ader, not in the woods, as formerly, but built a town. Fellatas
gathering round him from all the different countries, he divided
them under different chiefs, giving each chief a white flag, telling
them to go and conquer in the name of God and the prophet, as God
had given the Fellatas the lands and the riches of all the Kaffirs,
as they, the Fellatas, were the only true believers. In addition to
the white flag, the Fellatas were to wear a white tobe, as an emblem
of their purity, and their war-cry was to be Allahu Akber! or,
God is great! That every one who was wounded, or fell in battle,
was sure to gain paradise. Their belief in him as a prophet, their
own poverty, numbers, and the apparent wealth of the blacks, who had
been lulled into a fatal security, made the latter fall an easy prey
to their conquerors. Kano submitted without a blow. The next was
Goobur; the people of which had taken the alarm, and attempted to
turn Danfodio out of his town in Ader, but they were driven back,
and the wily old chief then attacked them, overran their country,
and killed the sultan. After this the whole of Houssa, with Cubbé,
Youri, and part of Nyffé, fell under their dominion. The whole
of the interior, from east to west, was terror-struck. Bornou, in
the east, was attacked with success, as was also Yourriba, in the
west. Here they found more resistance than any where else, as they
(the people of Yourriba) could not be made to believe in his doctrine
or prophecy, as they were confirmed Kaffers, who, on the invasion of
the Fellatas, put all the Mahometans to death, whether natives, or
in caravans trafficking; quite denying the plea that God had given to
the faithful their lands and houses, and their wives and children to
be slaves. Notwithstanding, they took Rakah, Elora or Affaga, besides
a great number of other towns, reaching to the sea coast, in their
expeditions; and once entered Eyeo, or Katunga, the capital, a great
part of which they burnt down, giving liberty to all the Mahometan
slaves, and encouraging others to kill their pagan masters and join
them. After they had fairly settled themselves, the Arabs from the
east and west came to congratulate Danfodio on his newly acquired
territory. Numbers of his countrymen came from the west to settle
in Houssa. These he located principally in the province of Zegzeg,
where he gave the lands and houses of the negroes who had fled to
the mountains and inaccessible parts of that province lying to the
south. To the Arabs of Tripoli and Fezzan he made large presents
of slaves and camels, sending none away empty-handed. The news of
his fame spread every way. Arabs, in shoals, came and passed with
him as sherifs, and would seldom go away under a hundred slaves,
with camels and provisions.

Before he gathered the Foulahs, or Fellatas, under his government,
they did not live in towns, but were scattered over the greater
part of Soudan, attending to their herds and flocks, living in
temporary huts, generally in the midst of unfrequented woods,
seldom visiting the towns. This business they left to the women,
who attended the markets, and sold the produce of their cattle. The
men were reported to live a religious and harmless life, spending a
great part of their time in reading the Koran and other religious
books. Now and then a few of their learned men would come forth,
and engage themselves for a few years with the Mahometan sultans
and governors, until they had collected a little money, with which
they purchased a few cattle, and then returned to the woods to
their countrymen, who moved about from one province to another,
according to the seasons, and the nature and quantity of pasture and
water; contented with building temporary huts of straw and rushes,
and to be left in peace. No one indeed thought of disturbing them,
or interfering with their pursuits, they being probably considered as
too contemptible and insignificant to excite any fear. Thus dispersed,
no one but themselves knew or could guess at their numbers. Melli,
or the petty kingdoms of Foota-Torra, Foota-Bonda, and Foota-Jella,
were the places from whence they spread themselves eastward, until
they became very considerable, in point of numbers, in all the
countries between the above-mentioned places and Wady. Many of them
had performed their pilgrimage to Mecca, and others had visited the
empires of Turkey and Morocco, as also Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli,
bringing back with them all the Arabic books they were able to beg
or buy.

In the year of the Hegira 1218, the old Mallem Sheik Othman Danfodio,
Sheik of the Koran, became religiously mad, and is said to have died
some years afterwards in that state. This Foulah or Fellata conqueror
was styled Sheik of the Koran from his being perfect master of that
book, not only being able to read it, and all the commentaries upon
it, but also to repeat any part, and explain it, from memory. The
laws of the Koran were in his time, and indeed continue to be, so
strictly put in force, not only among the Fellatas, but the negroes
and Arabs, and the whole country, when not in a state of war,
was so well regulated, that it was a common saying, that a woman
might travel with a casket of gold upon her head from one end of
the Fellata dominions to the other.

His madness took a very unhappy turn. In the midst of a paroxysm,
he would constantly call out that he should go to hell, for having
put so many good Mussulmen to death. The Arabs used to take advantage
of this, and tell him he was sure to be damned, unless he made amends
by giving them presents to assuage the manes of their friends. Not so
with the Fellatas. These people had so great a veneration for their
chief that, when his head was shaving, the hairs were carefully
collected, and preserved by them in cases of gold and silver, and
they used to come from all parts of the interior to get a sight of
him, negroes as well as Fellatas.

After his death, his son Mohamed Bello, the present sultan, governed
the kingdom which his father had conquered; but that part of the
country to the westward of Houssa he left to his brother’s son,
Mohamed Ben Abdallah, while the eldest, Mohammed Bello, had Haussa,
with all the countries to the south and east. Atego, the brother of
Mohammed Bello, both by father and mother, attempted to usurp the
government of the latter, at the death of the Sheik Othman; but his
brother put him down, and confined him to his house for twelve months;
and they are now as good friends as before.

Bello extended the walls of Soccatoo, which is now the largest and
most populous town in the interior that I have seen. Within these
walls live all the children which Danfodio had by his different wives
and concubines, very quietly and without splendour, except Atego,
who is a mean fellow, but keeps a large establishment. At the death
of Danfodio, in the year of the Hegira 1232 (in 1816 of ours),
the province of the Goobur, Zamfra, part of Kashna, and Zegzeg,
threw off the yoke of the Fellatas, and put the whole of them to
death that they could lay their hands on. Since that time, Bello
has retaken the greater part of Goobur; part of Zamfra, and Guari,
the southern part of Kashna, have made their peace, as also part
of Cubbé; but on this condition, that they shall be ruled by their
native chiefs, and the Fellatas not to interfere with them. Since my
arrival, he has also got back the greater part of Nyffé. Youri has,
since 1822, joined in the rebellion, being forced by the people of
Zamfra, who at all times can command that province, if not supported
by Cubbé or Soccatoo. The governor is to be hereditary, not like
most of the other provinces and kingdoms in the interior, where the
oldest relation always succeeds.

The city of Soccatoo stands on the top of a low hill, or rising
ground, having a river passing at a short distance from the
northern wall. It is formed of the united branches of the several
streams, which take their rise to the south of Kashna, and flow
past Zirmie. Having passed Soccatoo, it crosses the district of
Cubbé in a south-westerly direction, and at the distance of four
days’ journey enters the Quorra. It is well stored with fish,
which afford the poor people of Soccatoo a very considerable part
of their food. The city is surrounded by a wall, about twenty-four
feet high, and a dry ditch. The wall is kept in good repair, and
there are eleven gates; seven having been built up at the breaking
out of the rebellion. The clay walls which surround all African
towns, clusters of huts, and even single coozies, give a deadly
dull appearance to them all, whether negro or Mahometan. The only
appearance of animation is given by the great number of slaves and
others moving to and fro, or lounging, or lying in the shade at the
doors of great men. A great part of the town within the walls might
be taken for a number of ill-enclosed gardens.

The house of the sultan is surrounded by a clay wall, about twenty
feet high, having two low tower-like entrances, one on the east,
the other on the west. The eastern one is entirely guarded by
eunuchs, of whom he has a great number, I suppose because the harem
is on the eastern side. The whole of his house forms, as it were,
a little town of itself; for in it there are five square towers, a
small mosque, a great number of huts, and a garden, besides a house,
which consists of one single room, used as the place for his receiving
and hearing complaints, receiving visitors, and giving audiences to
strangers. This room or house is nothing more than what we should call
in our country a shed. Two large pillars support a beam, or bundle
of long rods, plastered over with clay. These support the rafters,
which are of the branches of the palm-tree; on the back part is an
imitation of a fire-place, with a fire-screen before it; and on each
side are two chairs, which are also plastered with clay, and coloured
like mahogany. The ornament or figure on the back of these is the
same as those seen on a number of chairs in England, and corresponds
with that on the fire-screen. The walls are ornamented partly in the
European and partly in the African fashion. There are two doors,
one in the front towards the right, and the other in the left end
of the house, and which leads through a small street of huts to a
large hut, with two doors: passing through and within a few yards of
it stands a large square clay tower, with an entrance in the west
side. The interior of this is common in most of the great men’s
houses in Houssa. It is in the shape of a dome, formed of eight
arches springing from the ground; in the centre of which is a large
bright brass basin, acting as it were in the place of a key-stone
to the arches, which are turned by branches plastered over with
clay. If I had not seen them constructing the arches and pillars of
a mosque, I should have supposed them to be formed entirely of clay,
as the wood in no part appears. The clay serves to keep the white
ants from destroying the wood; they are ornamented in their fashion
while the clay is wet, an operation performed with the fingers and
a small square stick. From the arches, about one-third up, runs a
gallery quite round the interior building, having a railing with
pillars of wood, covered and ornamented with clay. There are three
steps leading up to this gallery, from which every thing in the dome
may be seen or heard. Passages also lead from it into small rooms,
having each one small window, or square hole, some appearing to be
used as store-rooms, and others as sleeping-rooms. The floor of
the dome was covered with clean white sand. The height might be,
from the floor to the brass basin in the centre of the arches, from
thirty-five to forty feet. The air inside of this dome was cool and
pleasant; and Bello told me he often used it as a place to read in
during the heat of the day. These two apartments are the only two
I have seen deserving remark within his enclosure. One night that
he sent for me, when it was rather late, I was led by the hand by
an old woman through several apartments before I arrived at the one
in which he was. As there was no light, I could only judge by the
stooping, and ascending and descending through doors and galleries,
that I passed through some large rooms, out of one into another.

The houses of the other great men, and those of his brothers, are
nearly the same, but on a much smaller scale. A great number of the
poorer sort are fenced round with matting, or the stalk of dourra
or millet. Before the west front of the sultan’s enclosure is a
large open space, of an irregular form, on the west side of which
stands the principal mosque. In this space is also the prison, a
building of about eighty feet long, and nearly the same in breadth,
covered at top with a flat clay roof, overlaid with boughs. Inside
is a deep pit, where those who have committed the greatest crimes
are confined. No person is put in prison for debt; only thieves,
prisoners of war (taken singly), such as spies, and disobedient
slaves, who, on a complaint to the sultan that they will not work,
are sent to prison. Their only food is the bran or husks of millet
and dourra, with water; but their friends are allowed to give them
food, if they have any. It is a filthy place, and the terror of the
men-slaves of Soccatoo. The prisoners are taken out, two and two,
every day to work at the walls, or any laborious work which may occur.

Another house and the tomb of the sultan is further to the west of
the mosque, on the north side of a broad street, which leads to
the western gate. It is occupied by his widows, concubines, and
youngest son, called Abedelgader, who is not arrived at a proper
age to have a house for himself. The sheik’s tent is inside of
the square enclosure, behind the room he generally occupied when
living. It is visited as a holy place by all Mahometan strangers,
from which they afterwards hope to enjoy the good things of this
world, and that of their world to come.

The ordinary occupations of the higher, and indeed I may say of all
classes of the Fellatas is, they rise at day-break, wash and say
their prayers, count their beads for about half an hour, and then
chew a gora nut, if they have any; which done, they sip a quantity
of senkie, or furro-furrocoo. These articles are a preparation of
half-boiled dourra flowers, made into balls of about one pound,
mixed up with dry flour. Senkie is one of these balls, bruised and
mixed with milk; furro-furrocoo is the same kind of ball mixed with
water. About 10 A.M. they have rice boiled, which they eat with a
little melted butter. After this they pay visits, or lounge in the
shade, hear the news, say prayers, count their beads, which employ
them till sunset, when they have a meal of pudding, with a little
stewed meat and gravy, or a few small fish; they then retire to rest.

During the spring and harvest the proprietors of estates ride out to
their different slave villages to look after their grain, cotton,
indigo, &c.; or to the place where they have their cattle. The
occupations of the poorer class, who are not engaged in trade, are
much the same as those of their superiors; their food is somewhat
different, being principally confined to furro-furrocoo. The wives
of the principal people, of whom they all appear to keep up the
number allowed by the Koran, which is four, with concubines as many
as they can get or are able to keep, are occupied in directing the
female slaves in their work, cooking their husband’s food, cleaning
and spinning cotton, and dressing their hair, teeth, eye-brows and
eye-lashes, which take up no little time. They also take charge
of sending the female slaves to market to sell their spare cotton,
grain, furro-furrocoo, millet, cakes fried in butter, fried fish,
which are usually caught by the younger male slaves; in receiving
or paying visits, for they are great gossips. They are allowed more
liberty than the generality of Mahometan women.

The dress of the men is a red cap, with a blue tassel of silk, a
white turban, part of which, or a fold, shades the brow and eyes;
another fold is taken over the nose, which covers mouth and chin,
hanging down on the breast; a white shirt, close at the breast and
short in the skirts, a large white tobe, and white trousers, trimmed
with red or green silk, and a pair of sandals or boots: this is the
dress of the greater part of the wealthy inhabitants. When travelling,
they wear, over the turban, a broad-brimmed straw hat, with a round
low crown. Some who do not affect great sanctity or learning wear
check tobes and blue turbans over the forehead, with the end hanging
down behind; the poorer, a white check tobe, white cap and trousers,
and sandals. Some are content with the straw hat only, but all wear
a sword, which is carried over the left shoulder. The women have
a cloth striped with blue, white, and red, falling as low as the
ankles; silver rings in the ear, about an inch and a half in diameter,
bracelets of horn, glass, brass, copper, and silver, according to the
quality of the wearer; round the neck, beads, and strings of glass,
or coral; round the ankles, brass, copper, or silver, and sometimes
rings on the toes as well as fingers. The fashionable ornament is a
Spanish dollar soldered fast to a ring. The poor women have pewter,
brass, and copper rings. The hair is generally turned up like a
crest on the top of the head, with something like a pig’s tail
hanging down from each extremity, a little before the ears.

Some of the Fellata women have the hair frizzed out at the ends, all
round the head; others have the hair plaited in four small plaits,
going round the head like a riband or bandeau. This, and all the
plaited parts, are well smeared over with indigo or shumri. The
razor is applied to smooth all uneven places, and give a high and
fine arch to the forehead; they thin the eye-brows to a fine line,
which, with the eye-lashes, are rubbed over with pounded lead ore,
and done by drawing a small pen that has been dipped in this ore. The
teeth are then dyed with the gora nut, and a root of a shining red
colour; the hands and feet, the toe and finger nails, are stained
red with henna. A lady thus equipped is fit to appear in the best
society. The looking-glass is a circular piece of metal, about an
inch and a half in diameter, set in a small skin box, and is often
applied to. The young girls of the better sort of people dress much
in the same manner as their mothers, after they arrive at the age
of nine or ten; before that, they have very little dress, except
the binta or apron, scolloped or vandyked round with red cloth,
with two long broad strings vandyked round in the same manner,
hanging down as low as the heels behind. This is the dress of the
poorer sort of people, until fit for marriage, as also of a great
many of the virgin female slaves.

Their marriages are celebrated without any pomp or noise. The bride,
as far as I was informed, is always consulted by her parents; but a
refusal on her part is unknown. The poorer class of people make up
matters much in the same way; that is, after having got the consent
of one another, they ask their father and mother. The dowry given
by a man of good condition, with regard to riches, may be said to
consist of young female slaves, carved and mounted calabashes or
gourds, filled with millet, dourra and rice, cloths for the loins,
bracelets, and the equipage of her toilet, and one or two large
wooden mortars for beating corn, &c. and stones for grinding, &c.;
even these are carried in procession on the heads of her female
slaves, when she first goes to her husband’s house.

It is said that, in the event of the husband sleeping or having
connexion with any of the female slaves given as dower to the wife,
he must give her in lieu a virgin slave of equal value the next
day. This never causes any dispute between the parties.

Their mode of burial I have never seen; but I understand they always
bury their dead behind the house which the deceased occupied while
living. The following day all the friends and relations of the
deceased visit the head of the family, and sit a while with him
or her. If the husband dies, the widow returns to the house of her
parents, with the property she brought with her.

The domestic slaves are generally well treated. The males who have
arrived at the age of eighteen or nineteen are given a wife, and
sent to live at their villages and farms in the country, where they
build a hut, and until the harvest are fed by their owners. When the
time for cultivating the ground and sowing the seed comes on, the
owner points out what he requires, and what is to be sown on it. The
slave is then allowed to enclose a part for himself and family. The
hours of labour, for his master, are from daylight till mid-day; the
remainder of the day is employed on his own, or in any other way he
may think proper. At the time of harvest, when they cut and tie up
the grain, each slave gets a bundle of the different sorts of grain,
about a bushel of our measure, for himself. The grain on his own
ground is entirely left for his own use, and he may dispose of it as
he thinks proper. At the vacant seasons of the year he must attend
to the calls of his master, whether to accompany him on a journey,
or go to war, if so ordered.

The children of a slave are also slaves, and when able are usually
sent out to attend the goats and sheep, and, at a more advanced age,
the bullocks and larger cattle; they are soon afterwards taken home
to the master’s house, to look after his horse or his domestic
concerns, as long as they remain single. The domestic slaves are fed
the same as the rest of the family, with whom they appear to be on
an equality of footing.

The children of slaves, whether dwelling in the house or on the
farm, are never sold, unless their behaviour is such that, after
repeated punishment, they continue unmanageable, so that the master
is compelled to part with them. The slaves that are sold are those
taken from the enemy, or newly purchased, who, on trial, do not
suit the purchaser. When a male or female slave dies unmarried, his
property goes to the owner. The children of the slaves are sometimes
educated with those of the owner, but this is not generally the case.

The male and female children of the better sort of the Fellatas
are all taught to read and write Arabic, but are instructed
separately. The male children of the great are generally sent to
another town, at some distance from that where their parents reside,
to receive their education; in which case they usually reside in the
house of a friend, and a malem or man of learning attends them. Those
of the middle and lower classes generally send their children to the
schools, which they attend for an hour at day-break, and another at
sunset, reading their Arabic lessons aloud and simultaneously. They
are required to get their lessons by heart before the writing is
washed off the board on which it is written. The ink thus diluted
is drank by the scholars, when their master writes a new lesson on
the board.

The government of the Fellatas in Soudan is in its infancy; but, as it
now exists, and is likely to continue, is a perfect despotism. It was
left by will to Mahomed Bello, who was the eldest of Sheik Othman’s
sons, and is meant to descend to his eldest son at his death. The
governors of the different provinces are appointed during pleasure,
as, in the event of any improper conduct, they are displaced; and all
their property, at their death or removal, falls to the sultan. The
appointment to a vacancy is then sold to the highest bidder, who
is generally a near relation, provided his property is sufficient
to bid up to the mark. All the inferior offices in the towns of the
provinces are sold in like manner by the governors, who also succeed
to the property of those petty officers at their death or removal.

Of their revenues I can say very little. I only know that in the
province of Kano they have no regular system of taxation. A great deal
of marketable property is claimed by the governor, such as two-thirds
of the produce of all the date and other fruit trees, the proprietor
being allowed only the remaining third. A small duty is also levied on
every article sold in the market; or, in lieu thereof, a certain rent
is paid for the stall or shed: a duty is also fixed on every tobe that
is dyed blue and sold. On grain there is no duty. Kano produces the
greatest revenue which the sultan receives, and is paid monthly in
horses, cowries, and cloth. Adamawa pays yearly in slaves; Jackoba,
in slaves and lead ore; Zegzeg, in slaves and cowries; Zamfra,
the same; Hadiga and Katagum, and Zaonima, in horses, bullocks,
and slaves; Kashna, in slaves, cowries, and cloth; Ader or Tadela,
in bullocks, sheep, camels, and a coarse kind of cloth of cotton,
like what is called by us a counterpane. Every town, on being visited
by the governor or other public functionaries, must contribute to
the support of these officers, and bear the expense of travelling,
and feed all his servants and his cattle.

Their agriculture is simple enough. They begin clearing the ground
of weeds, and burning them after the first fall of rain, which in
Houssa is in the month of May; and when a person wishes to enclose a
piece of ground for his own use, he first gets permission from the
governor. He then sets his slaves, if he has any, to cut down the
smaller trees and brushwood, leaving the micadonia or butter trees,
if there be any, standing on the ground: the wood, brushwood, and
weeds are then gathered together in heaps and burnt. After the first
rains have fallen, the male and female slaves go to work, each male
having a hoe with a long handle, and each female a basket, dish, or
gourd, filled with the grain intended to be sown: the male goes on in
a straight line crossing the field, striking as it were with his hoe
on each side, and raising a little earth each blow in the line about
two or three feet, or broad enough for a man to walk; the females
follow with their baskets of grain, dropping the seeds into the holes
made by the hoe, which they then cover over with earth, and give it
a slight pressure with the foot. When the dourra or other grain has
risen above the ground three or four inches, the weeds are hoed off,
and the earth loosened around the stalks; when the dourra has got to
the height of three or four feet, they hoe around it a second time,
leaving the weeds in the middle of the rows. This is cleared away,
when small millet or calavances are to be sown between the rows of
doura, which is frequently the case. The third operation is to draw
the weeds and earth towards the roots of the doura a little before it
ripens. When ripe, the slaves go into the field or plantation, pull
it up by the roots, and lay it in rows between each row of millet
which is left to ripen: it lies in this state four or five days,
when they cut the heads off, tie them up in bundles, and carry it
home; where, after lying upon sheds made of the branches of trees
for a few days to dry, what is not wanted for use is stowed away in
their granary. As the seeds of the doura begin to ripen, it must
be constantly watched by the slaves, who are perched on trees, or
on raised platforms, with dried gourds, which they shake to make a
noise, at the same time shouting and hallooing to frighten away the
flocks of small birds which come to devour the grain, and which at
this season fly in myriads, making a whirring noise with their wings
when they rise. The doura is very subject to blight, caused by a kind
of winged insect, of a black colour, something like the bugs on a
camel; its smell is most offensive, and if killed by the fingers,
the stench can hardly be borne, and is not easily washed off. The
millet and calavances remain a month on the ground after the doura.

The stalks of the doura grow to the height of nine and ten feet;
the thunder storms, accompanied with rain and wind, often bend these
stalks when near ripe, so that the roots are raised above ground,
and the plant dies if the slaves the next day are not sent in to hoe
the earth up to the roots of such as are broken down. The stalks of
this grain are frequently used for fences and the rafters of their
houses. Sometimes they tie the bean and millet straw into bundles,
and carry them home for their camels. Their granaries are made in
the form of a large urn or pitcher, raised from the ground about
three feet by stones. They are made of clay and chopped straw, and
are raised to the height of eleven or twelve feet. The thickness of
the sides is not above four inches, though in any part it will bear a
man’s weight: the diameter in the widest part may be from seven to
eight feet, at the top about three or four feet, and is overlapped at
the mouth like a wide-mouthed earthen jar. When the grain is put in,
a conical cap of thatch is put over to keep out birds, insects, wet
and moisture. The doura and millet will keep well in these jars for
two or three years; after that period it perishes, and is destroyed
by worms and insects. The jar itself will last seven or eight years,
if taken care of, by matting round the lower part with straw during
the rainy season; if not, two or three years is the period it will
stand unimpaired.

The time of putting the sweet potatoes in the ground is at the
commencement of the rains, the ground being first well cleared of
weeds, well hoed into furrows, the clods all broken, and the soil a
good strong clay or mould. The branches or stems, in slips, are then
planted by the dibble, and are two months before they have potatoes
at the roots.

The gaza, though differing in taste, shape, name, and size, is not
unlike a small quince: it is more watery than a gourd, of a reddish
white inside, and by no means a pleasant taste; its stem is as
thick as that of a gourd, with large rough leaves like those of a
gourd. It is planted like the sweet potatoes, and is perpetuated in
the same manner, by joints, and sown in furrows, at the same time,
in a good soil of clay or mould.

Wheat, of which they raise enough to supply all who make use of it
in this country, is sown after the rains, when the cold weather has
set in. It is always met with by the side of a small lake or river,
where they are able to water it by irrigation every day. It is
ripe in three months after it is put into the ground: the grain is
small. It is not much relished by the Arabs, who say that it injures
the spleen, in whatever shape it may be eaten. The bread made of it
is black and coarse; but that may arise from the imperfect manner in
which it is ground and cleaned. Barley they also have; but this grain
is only used in very small quantity. The rice is sown in long beds;
and they have it in great abundance from the Surano, near Magaria:
the rice of Soccatoo is considered the best in Houssa. Melons, pappa
apples, the great . . . . ., a few fig and pomegranate trees are
grown in gardens. They have not been able to make the date tree grow
at Soccatoo; whenever it gets a little above ground it rots and dies.

They have a great many wild fruit trees, the principal of which is the
butter tree. Onions are brought forth at the side of the rivers or
lakes, and the place on which they are growing is watered afternoon
and morning, the water being drawn by a bucket and a rope fixed to
a long pole, over an upright post which serves as a pivot; the water
being poured into hollowed trees, conducts it to the entrance of the
little squares where the onions are growing. The onions are large
and good, much like the Portuguese onion. The leaves of the kuka
tree, or adansonia, are carefully gathered after the rains, dried,
and used in all their soups and gravies, giving to them a slimy
gelatinous consistence. The sauce, or cake which makes a sauce,
from the beans of the nitta tree, is in great request. The beans,
when taken out of the shell, are then broken in a wooden mortar,
and put into a pot with water, and kept on a good fire from sunrise
to sunset, when the pot is taken off: they are allowed to stand
in it until they begin to ferment and smell. They are then taken
to the river, pond, or well, where they are washed thoroughly with
clean water: when they are considered as perfectly clean, they are
spread on mats in the sun, and carefully covered up at night. When
a second fermentation takes place, or they begin to smell, they
are taken and bruised fine in their mortars, until it becomes like
paste. It is then made into small circular cakes, which are dried
in the sun before they are put by for use. This, when prepared,
looks like chocolate. To me it had always a very disagreeable smell;
but the taste was rather pleasant than otherwise when put on roast
meat or fowls. Of this the people are very fond, and go so far as
to eat it alone, and without being cooked.

When they wish to plant indigo, the place chosen is one of a good
strong clay or mould, and in a situation where there is moisture
through the heat of the summer. After enclosing the ground, they clear
it entirely of weeds, and burn them. The ground is well worked up by
the hoe (they have no spade or pickaxe), and laid out in furrows,
with a flat top, about a foot high, two broad, and six or seven
inches between each furrow. The indigo seeds are then planted by
the dibble, and just as the rains have begun: they cut it every
year during the rainy season. A plantation will last four or five
years without renewing the seeds. They crop it about three or four
inches above the ground. The leaves are then stripped from the stems,
and laid in a heap, exposed to the rains and weather for a month,
until they ferment, when they are beaten in wooden troughs of a round
form, and about two feet deep, and two feet in diameter; here they
remain until dry, and are then considered as fit for use. One of
these troughs of indigo, in the spring, costs three hundred cowries;
in the summer, the price rises to six or seven hundred.

The cotton is here planted in low situations, where the ground is
partially covered with water during the rains, or else in a good
clay that has moisture in it through the dry season. The ground,
or plantation, is generally only surrounded by thorny branches
stuck in the ground as a fence, then hoed well, and the clods,
if any remain, broken. A hole is made with the hoe, and the seed
is put in and lightly covered. If the season be abundant in rain,
the cotton is plenty; if not, the crop is bad. The time of pulling
is in the months of December and January. When worked, it is done by
the women, clearing it of the seeds by two small iron pins, between
which the cotton passes over a flat stone lying on the ground; the
seeds are thrown behind them, the cotton before. The seeds they give
to bullocks and camels, and are considered as very fattening. The
cotton being prepared, is put on a distaff, which is short, light,
neat, and small, great pains being taken in shaping and ornamenting
it. The females who spin it have generally small looking-glasses in
their baskets of cotton, with which they often survey their teeth
and eyes. A piece of chalk, or pipe-clay, is in constant use, to
rub the spinning thumb and finger. The occupation of spinning is
generally assigned to married women, or some old female slave that
is a favourite: weaving and sowing is left to the men. They have
three different kinds of hoes: one with a handle of about five feet
in length, and a small head stuck into the end of the staff; this
is used in sowing the grain: one with a handle of about three feet
in length, with a small iron head stuck into the end of the staff:
the third, called gilma, has a short bent handle, with a large head,
and is used in all the heavy work instead of a spade.

Their manufactures are confined to a very few articles, the principal
of which is the dying of tanned goat skins red and yellow. The red
skins are dyed with the leaves of a red millet, which is pounded
in water mixed with natron; when thick enough, the skin is put on
the stretch, and the dye rubbed in. The yellow is with the root of a
tree called raurya, which is also pounded in water mixed with natron,
and laid on the skin in the same manner as the red. The latter are
considered as superior to all the other skins dyed of the same colour
in any part of Houssa. A number both of the red and yellow skins are
carried to Kano and Kashna almost monthly, where they are made into
cushions, bags, boots, and shoes, &c.

The next article is the white cotton cloth of the country, of which
they make a considerable quantity, both for the home consumption and
for exportation to Kano and Nyffé: what they export is principally
made into tobes and large shirts before it leaves Soccatoo. They have
also a cloth called naroo, which is something like our counterpanes;
a few checked and red striped cloths, used as tobes, and some as
wrappers or zinnies for the women. The weavers of the latter are
mostly natives of Nyffé, as are also all their blacksmiths. They
have shoe, boot, saddle, and bridle-makers. Another article of export
is the civet; the animals that produce it are kept in wooden cages,
and fed on pounded fish and corn. A few slaves are also sold out
of the province to the merchants of Kano, Kashna, Ghadamis, and
Tripoli. A young male slave, from thirteen to twenty years of age,
will bring from 10,000 to 20,000 cowries; a female slave, if very
handsome, from 40,000 to 50,000; the common price is about 30,000 for
a virgin about fourteen or fifteen. The articles brought to Soccatoo
for sale by the Arabs are the same as what are brought to other parts
of Houssa, and are mentioned in another place. Salt is brought by
the Tuaricks from Billma, and also by the Tuaricks of the west. The
salt from the latter quarter is much better, being more pure, and in
large pieces like ice. Ostriches alive and ostrich skins are brought
by these people, but little is given for a skin, only from 4000 to
5000 cowries for the finest. They also bring horses which fetch a
good price here; dates from Billma, and a small quantity of goods
which they buy from the Arabs at Aghadiz. The articles they could
export in considerable quantities, if there were buyers, would be
elephants’ teeth, bullocks’ hides, which, when tanned, only cost
five hundred cowries, equal to sixpence of our money. Goat skins,
and the skins of antelopes, and other wild animals, might be procured
in abundance, but, of course, would rise much in price if there was
a great demand. Gum-arabic might also be procured in abundance. What
they would take from us in exchange would be coarse scarlet cloths,
which in all parts of the interior bring a good price, say 10,000
cowries a yard; coarse yellow and green cloth; red tape; unwrought
silk, of glowing colours; sewing needles, of the commonest kind;
looking-glasses, no matter however small, at a penny or twopence
each in England; earthenware with figures, plain ware would not pay;
the coarsest kind of red camlet scarfs; jugs and hardware of the most
common description, but stout; foolscap paper of the coarsest kind,
if it did not let the ink through: beads, I think, are sold as cheap
here by the Arabs as they are in England; sheets of tin; tin pots
and cups; brass gilt rings for the fingers, arms, and ankles; as
also ear-rings; copper and brass pots, the more figures the better;
paper and wooden snuff-boxes of the commonest sort.

These Africans keep up the appearance of religion. They pray five
times a day. They seldom take the trouble to wash before prayers,
except in the morning; but they go through the motions of washing,
clapping their hands on the ground as if in water, and muttering a
prayer. This done, as if they had washed, they untie their breeches
and let them fall off; then, facing the east, let the sleeves of
their larger shirt, or tobe, fall over their hands, and assuming
at the same time a grave countenance, begin by calling out, in an
audible voice, “Allahu Akber!” &c. kneeling down and touching
the ground with the forehead. When they have finished repeating this
prayer, they sit down, leaning over on the left thigh and leg, and
count or pass the beads through their fingers. All their prayers
and religious expressions are in Arabic; and I may say without
exaggeration, taking Negroes and Fellatas together, that not one
in a thousand know what they are saying. All they know of their
religion is to repeat their prayers by rote in Arabic, first from
sunrise to sunset in the Rhamadan, and a firm belief that the goods
and chattels, wives and children of all people differing with them
in faith, belong to them; and that it is quite lawful in any way to
abuse, rob, or kill an unbeliever. Of the Fellatas, I should suppose
about one in ten are able to read and write. They believe, they say,
in predestination; but it is all a farce; they show not the least
of such belief in any of their actions.

They believe, however, in divination by the book, in dreams, and in
good and bad omens.

Wednesday, Nov. 29th.—This morning the Gadado sent to inform me that
in the course of two days the sultan was going a short distance to the
south of Soccatoo, to found a new town, and asked me to accompany
him. At noon a fire broke out in the west quarter of the town,
which consumed nearly 200 houses, and a great quantity of grain. At
3 P.M. another fire broke out in the adjoining house to that in
which I was living. I had my baggage put out in the open square,
in my enclosure, and placed a servant over it as sentry, and went
with my two other servants to assist the wives and concubines of my
friend Malam Moodie, who was out of town. They were busy in removing
the household goods into the street. This I stopped, and had them
put into my square; as I saw that the fire was nearly put down by
the removal of the roofs of the huts in the adjoining house, and by
applying wet mats. Thieves were in abundance, and a great quantity
of articles were stolen belonging to the people whose house was on
fire. There was fortunately little wind, or several other houses
would have been burnt. As it was, the light and burning thatch was
carried to a great distance. My servant, Mohamed Allah Sirkie, got
great praise from the Gadado for his activity in putting a stop
to the flames: after all was over, the principal wife of Malam
Moodie sent her compliments and thanks to me for taking care of
her husband’s house and property. There have been three fires in
the town in the course of the day; they say they were done by the
agents of the rebels, who tie a burning cotton thread to the tail of
a large species of buzzard, with yellow head and reddish-yellow tail,
and blue body, common in this country, which flies to the thatch of
the house when set adrift.

Friday, Dec. 1st.—At 4 P.M. left Soccatoo by the southern gate,
with a camel carrying my tent and bed, with a small quantity of
provisions. After leaving the gate, the road was over what had been
plantations of millet, doura, and beans; the soil a stiff red clay,
covered with a thin layer of sand, with blocks of clay iron-stone,
which is often mixed with white pebbles; sometimes it would cover a
space of a quarter of a mile, like a crust, of about from two feet
to two and a half feet in thickness; the face of the country almost
bare of trees, but studded with villages; the herds of horned cattle
were to be seen in great numbers every where, returning to their
night’s quarters, feeding as they went along. The country hilly,
with very steep and slippery ravines in many places.

At 8 P.M. halted at the camp of the sultan, which was in a valley
of about three miles wide, and close to the bed of a small stream
passing the east of Soccatoo, which was distant about two miles and
a half to the north-east. After my tent was pitched, the Gadado sent
me a sheep, and I had my share of a bullock that was killed. There
were very few people with the sultan, and the Gadado had only three
servants with him.

Saturday, 2d.—Morning clear and cool at day-light. Rode out with the
sultan and Gadado to mark out the site of the new town. I took my gun
with me, intending to shoot: we rode to the eastward about two miles,
and halted within a short distance of the river, on the side of a low
hill, sloping to the river by a gradual and easy descent. This was
the place fixed on for the new town, which I left them to settle,
and went to shoot; but was never more unsuccessful. I saw several
antelopes and some bustards, but could not get within shot. At noon
I returned to the camp. The reason of founding this town is, that
the woods on the banks of the river are the resort and hiding-place
of the rebels, who come and plunder the herds, and set fire to the
villages before they can have information; and in Soccatoo the rebels
are hid with their prey in the woods. In the evening, as it was also
last night, the cryer went round the camp, calling every one to look
well after their horses, camels, and baggage; to pretend to sleep,
but not to sleep, as the place was full of robbers; and that every
one seen outside the camp after this notice, whether Fellata or not,
was to be secured. I set off three rockets at the request of the
sultan; for though I have shown them several times, they are still
afraid to try them, and the wonder and alarm is still as strong in
their favour as ever.

At 11 P.M. a courier arrived from Magaria, bringing information
that the rebels of Goobur had encamped a little to the eastward of
that place in great force. The order to march was given, and the camp
was cleared in a few minutes. I first saw my camel and baggage well
forward on the road to Soccatoo. Before I took the road for Magaria,
which was across the country, the alarm was spread from village
to village, by a cry not unlike the Indian warwhoop, with a clear
shrill voice; and bands of horse and foot were pressing forward
every where at day-break. We met large parties of women, children,
old men, bullocks, sheep, and asses, all flying towards Soccatoo.

At 10 A.M. I arrived at Magaria, where all was now quiet; and
put up at the house of my friend the Gadado, who had gone to rest,
having arrived an hour before me. Maalem Moodie, his brother, told
me that all the rebel army turned out to be only a few robbers come
to steal bullocks, one of which, on their not being able to drive
them away, they had killed, carried away its flesh, and fled. On my
asking one of his female slaves, who had the charge of his house at
Magaria, why they had been so much frightened by only a few thieves,
she replied, “What could we do? only a parcel of women to be seen:
there were two or three fellows within hearing of the noises, but they
were good for nothing; they were just as much afraid as we were. All
night (pointing to the highest point of ground in the town, which is
unoccupied, and kept for a market-place) did we stand there with what
things we could carry on our heads, our mouths open, no one thought
of eating or sitting down until the men came from Soccatoo and the
camp. This world,” continued she, “is nothing without the men
after all. If three of the thieves had only come, they might have
taken the town and all that was in it, for the gates were all open,
and we had not sense to shut them.”—After breakfast and a good
sleep, I waited on the Gadado, and told him that, as all was happily
quiet, I should return to Soccatoo at day-break to-morrow, as I had
neither bed nor baggage with me. He thanked me very much for coming to
their assistance, and said he should also return to the capital in the
course of the next day, and the sultan intended returning to the camp.

Sunday, 3d.—At day-break mounted and rode to Soccatoo, accompanied
by my freedman, Mohamed Allah Sirkie, who accompanies me on all
enterprises of danger. At noon arrived at Soccatoo, and the Gadado
arrived at midnight.

Wednesday, 6th.—The eunuchs of the sultan came to-day, wishing me
to go to the sultan’s house to wind up the time-piece. Though I
taught a man how it should be done, and to do it every eight days,
they have always neglected to do it: only for such an excellent
time-piece, the present of his majesty, and my having brought it so
far without injury, I would not have put a finger to it again; but
the Gadado coming, and asking me to go with him, I showed another
how to wind it up.

Saturday, 9th.—News from Magaria this day arrived, that the people
of Goobur had formed a camp outside the walls of their capital, and
there elected a new sultan or chief, in the room of the one killed
at our attack on Coonia; that he must go on some expedition against
their enemies before he returns to his house, such being their custom:
but at what part he is going against they do not as yet know. The
custom of the Gooburites is at first that, when they elect a chief,
which they do outside the walls of the capital, where they sacrifice
a bullock, a sheep, and a goat, under a tree, they must go on some
expedition against their enemies before they return to their house.

Tuesday, 12th.—Part of the tribe of Killgris, Tuaricks, or Berbers,
who inhabit that part of the desert between Timbuctoo and Tuat,
and to the north of Tadela, and Ader, come on their annual summer
or dry season visit to Soccatoo; also part of the tribe of Etassan,
from that part called Anbur, which lies to the north of Kashna and
Zinder in Bornou. The latter brought the sultan a present of a fine
Tuarick horse from their sultan, who has not come this year to pay his
yearly respects to Bello, as is the custom. The Tuaricks, or Berbers,
inhabiting the south part of the desert, consist of the tribes of
Etassan, Killgris, Killaway, and Timsgeda. Ajudiz is the capital,
and they jointly depose their sultan and elect another when they
think fit, which is generally once every two or three years. They do
not kill the old one; he only retires from his office, and remains
as a common man.

They yearly, after the grain has been cut and got in, arrive in
Houssa with salt, which they visit in the latter end of harvest,
or in the months of October or November, to exchange for grain, blue
tobes or large shirts, mugabs or blue turban dresses for their women,
and swords; they also lay in a sufficient quantity of millet and
doura to last them through the season, until they return to their
own country, as they neither sow nor reap. During the whole of the
dry season they remain in Houssa, principally in the provinces of
Kano, Kashna, Zamfra, and Soccatoo. The latter mostly Killgris;
and Kashna and Kano are the principal resort of the Etassan and
Killaway: they do not live, except a few, in houses in the town;
but build temporary huts in the woods, not far distant from them,
where they have their wives, their bullocks, horses, and camels,
the men only visiting the town: in this way they live until the
month in which the rains commence, when they retire north to the
desert. They are a fine manly looking race of men, but extremely
dirty in their persons, not even washing before prayers, but going
through the form with sand, as if washing. The poorest amongst them
are armed with a sword and spear, which are their constant companions.

Wednesday, 13th.—The sultan sent me a present of a sheep and
four Guinea fowls and some rice, from the Sanson, apologizing for
his long absence in the camp, as the Tuaricks were very unsettled,
and they had not as yet determined what party to side with.

Thursday, 14th.—I to-day employed Hadji Omar and Malam Mohamed,
the latter to give me a route, noting the northing and southing
of the road, between Massina, the country in which he was born,
to Soccatoo; the other, who has just returned from Mecca, to give
me an account between this and Sennar, with a description of the
countries, towns, and rivers: his route is from Kano to Adamowa,
Bagermie, Runza, Kaffins, Darfoor, and Kordofan: he says the
Bahr-el-Abiad is only about four feet deep in the summer, as is
also the Shari above Logan, before it is joined by the river Asha,
which comes from the south-east, through Bagermie, and falls into
the Shari above Logan. This is the only river not fordable in the
summer between the Quorra and the Bahr-el Azrek.

Monday, 18th.—I was not a little surprised to-day with the arrival
of a messenger from Kano, who had left, he said, my servants and
baggage at the border town, or, as they call it, the Sanson, of
Zamfra, with Hadji Salah, my agent; all of which he said had been
sent for by the sultan’s order: he also said that Pascoe had been
taken and brought back by Richard, after his having got as far as
Roma, in Zegzeg, and that he had twice run away since, and had been
taken, committing a fresh robbery each time; the last time was at
the Sanson. The only construction I put on this strange proceeding
was, that the sultan had done it, thinking that my things would be
safer with me than at Kano; and, as my health was not very good,
the account of Pascoe’s repeated robberies would make me worse;
and he, I thought, had judged that it would be time enough to tell
me when all my things had arrived.

Tuesday, 19th.—I was visited by Sidi Sheik, who is one of the
sultan’s Arab secretaries and confidential friends, who, after
a little conversation on the affairs of other people, asked me if
I was not glad my things were coming, and my servants. I said it
would put me to an expense I could ill afford, and I thought it a
very strange proceeding of the sultan.

Wednesday, 20th.—I was very ill all day, and in the evening I had
a visit from Mohamed Ben Haja Gumso and Sidi Sheik, who said they
had been sent to me by the sultan, to tell me not to consider it
strange that he had sent for my servants and baggage; and to tell me,
that there were three roads by which I could return, one of which I
must choose; also to speak the truth, had I come as a messenger from
the king of England to Bello, or only to seek out a road? that one
of the paths was through Yourriba, the way I had come; the other by
Timbuctoo; and another by way of Aghadez, Tuat, and Morzuk. I said
that, after such a message, and such unwarranted proceeding on the
part of the sultan, I could have no further communication with them;
that they might act as they thought fit, all was the same to me. They
went off, saying I was a very difficult man; had I nothing to say to
the sultan? I said that my business with the sultan was now finished,
and I would have no more to say.

Thursday, 21st.—In the morning I sent to the sultan to take
possession of my baggage, as it now appeared from Sidi Sheik,
who early visited me, that they considered I was conveying guns
and warlike stores to the sheik of Bornou. He sent to say that no
one should touch my baggage; he only wanted to see the letter of
Lord Bathurst to the sheik. I answered, they must take it if they
pleased, but that I would not give it. At noon the Gadado arrived,
and a short while after Hadji Hat Salah; the latter called on me as
he went to his house. He declared that he knew not on what business
they had sent for him; that he did not fear them, he had done nothing
amiss. As there were too many persons around, I did not ask him any
further questions, and instantly went to the Gadado, whom I found
alone, sitting by a warm fire. After the usual compliments were over,
I asked him for what reason the sultan had sent for my baggage. He
said of that he had not the least knowledge, until my servants
and baggage had arrived at Magaria; but the sultan had told him,
since his return, that all he wanted was to see the letter to the
sheik of Bornou. I told him that to give up the letter was more than
my head was worth. He said they did not want to open the letter,
they only wanted to see the direction, and if it was really from
Lord Bathurst. I told him of the strange conversation of Ben Gumso
and Sidi Sheik. He said, certainly such was not the message of the
sultan, but an addition of their own; the sultan never sent to ask
if I was really a messenger of the king of England.

At 3 P.M. my servant Richard arrived with my baggage and
Pascoe. Richard had been very ill on the road, but had received
every attention from the people in the different towns in which he
had halted, and also from the messenger which the sultan of Kano
had sent to accompany him, who had also given him five bullocks,
and four men to accompany him and carry the baggage, and a camel
which Hadji Salah had bought for me, for 60,000 cowries. The price
of the bullocks was 12,000 each, and the pay of the men 4,000 cowries
each. Richard’s account of Pascoe was as follows:—The second day
after Pascoe’s first desertion, he, though very ill, secured all my
baggage and goods in a secure room in the house, and went and gave
Hadji Salah the key, declaring he must be answerable to me if any
thing was lost, as he was going to bring Pascoe back. Hadji Salah
advised him much not to go; but Richard, with the Arab servant whom
I had left sick, and who was now recovered, mounting the two horses,
took the road to Quorra, the capital of Zegzeg. When they arrived
at the town of Aushur, in Zegzeg, they were informed by a person
who had just arrived that Pascoe had been firing a pistol in the
market-place in the town of Roma, a day’s journey ahead. They
arrived at Roma, where the people informed them that Pascoe had
been there, but had gone away. Richard stopped there that night,
as the horses were unable to proceed. A short time after halting,
some people came and informed him that he (Pascoe) was stopping in
a woman’s house near the market-place. Richard immediately sent
people to the gates of the town to stop him, if he attempted to
depart. Richard was too ill to go to the house, but sent Abdulfitha,
the Arab, and some other people to secure him, and bring him to
the house, which they did, and he promised faithfully to behave
well for the future; and Richard had him put inside of the hut,
he and the Arab sleeping at the door. Next day they departed with
their prisoner for Kano; but when within half a day’s journey of
Kano, where they halted for the night, during the time Richard was
asleep, Pascoe slipped out of the hut, taking with him all the arms
and money Richard had. He immediately mounted, and as he had now
neither money nor arms, he started for Kano, where he arrived early
in the morning, and told Hadji Salah to send instantly after him,
which he did, and Pascoe was brought back in two days after, and put
in irons in a house in Richard’s charge until the arrival of the
governor of Kano, when Richard set him at large, after his taking an
oath before the governor that he would not run away, or misbehave,
until he joined me: this was the day before Richard’s departure
from Kano. After leaving Kano, Richard was nearly dead with fatigue,
weakness, and watching; but the fourth day he got better. Ten days
after Richard arrived at the Sanson, or town, called Fofin Birnee,
bordering on Goobur and the territory of the rebels of Zamfra. Here
he was waiting for an escort to take him through the part of the
road infested by the rebels of Goobur and Zamfra, when Pascoe, the
third night after their arrival at the Sanson, took an opportunity,
when Richard was asleep, of breaking open one of my trunks and a
gun-box, taking a double-barrelled gun, five gilt chains, two dozen
and a half pairs of scissors, all my money, a brace of pistols,
seven hundred needles, one dozen of penknives, and a large quantity
of beads. Richard immediately gave the alarm, and the people of
the town were sent after him directly: they returned with him the
next night. He having taken the road towards Goobur, and the hyænas
being numerous, and following him, he got up into a tree, and fired
his newly-acquired gun at them, the report of which brought those in
search of him to the place, when they brought him back, and pinioned
him to the ground, and abused him very much. When Richard asked what
the Fellatas were saying, he said they were cursing Richard for
having him pinioned to the ground, but Richard would not have him
let loose. On his arrival here, the Gadado asked me to forgive him:
I told him that was impossible. They allow him to go at large, and
he stops in the house of the Gadado’s master of the camels. When
I saw him, he appeared as if nothing had been the matter. I forbad
my servants holding any communication with him.

Friday, 22d.—In the morning the Gadado sent for Allah Sirkie to
tell me the sultan wished to see Richard my servant, as he had never
seen another Christian besides myself; and he also wished to see me,
and I was to bring the sheik’s letter, which he by no means wished
to take from me, or to open; he only wished to see how we addressed
him, and if it was in a tin case like his. I went after the mid-day
prayers with the Gadado, taking with me my servant Richard, whom
they all called Insurah Coramina, or the little Christian, and Allah
Sirkie, to the sultan’s, where we found him sitting in an inner
room, better dressed than usual, and Mohamed Ben Hadji Gumso and
Sidi Sheik sitting on his left: the Gadado sat down on his right,
I with my servants in front. After his asking Richard and I how we
were, and a few other questions, he then said he had sent Ben Hadji
Gumso and Sidi Sheik to me, to inform me that he had sent for my
people and baggage. Before he had not informed me, but now he would
tell me how matters stood. The king of England had sent me to him,
but I wished to go to the Sheik of Bornou: that between him and the
sheik there was war; and therefore, though I had come from the king
of England, he would not allow me to go: that there were three roads,
out of which I must choose one; and he would send people with me;
one road was the way I had come, the second by way of Timbuctoo, and
the third by way of Aghadiz and Fezzan. I answered, that by the way I
had come he could not send me, nor was it safe I should attempt it,
as all Yourriba and the other countries at war with the Fellatas
were now well acquainted with my having come here as a messenger,
with presents from the king of England to him, for the purpose of
putting a stop to the slave trade. That the way by Timbuctoo was
almost impassable, for the Fellatas from Foota-Torra and Foota-Bonda,
&c. who had arrived here a short while ago, had with the greatest
difficulty been allowed to come here with nothing but a staff and a
shirt, and had been twelve months on the road, owing to the war; and
that, were I to go, all the country would hear of me, and his enemies
would have me and all my baggage before I had been two months on the
road. That the road by Aghadiz would require a number of camels,
more than I could afford to buy at present, also a great deal of
provisions, water-skins, &c. as there was no place for seven days’
journey that supplied either wood or water: that the Tuaricks were
a people without either law or government; and if they did allow
me to go, I should have to pay very dear for their permission, at
least two camel-loads of blue tobes and turbans; but if he would
allow me to go by the way of Baghermi, Darfoor, and Egypt, I would
go at all risks. He replied that was just going by way of Bornou,
as I must pass through from Adamawa to Logan. “With truth,” said
old Ben Gumso with great earnestness to Sidi Sheik, and loud enough
for the sultan to hear, “do you hear how that man talks before
the prince of the faithful?” He, the sultan, then asked to see
the sheik’s letter; I showed it to him, as also the Arabic list
of medicines which I had brought as far as Badagry for the sheik,
but had sent them back. He asked me to open the sheik’s letter,
after he had read the list of medicines. I said, it was more than
my head was worth to do such a thing; that I had come to him with a
letter and presents from the king of England, on the faith of his
own letter the preceding year, and I hoped he would not break his
promises and his word for the sake of seeing the contents of that
letter which he had now lying beside him. He then made a motion with
his hand for me to go, and I accordingly rose, made my bow, and went
out: I saw Pascoe at the door, ready to have his audience, the Gadado
accompanying me as far as the door. Instead of going to my house, I
went to see Hadji Salah, who certainly was but poorly lodged by the
Fellatas. I asked him, as there was none present but the son of the
former sultan of Fezzan, and whom he had brought from Kano with him,
what had brought him to Soccatoo? He said, they had not yet told him,
but he did not care for them. The house, as soon as it was known
that I was there, was soon filled with Fellatas, and I left him.

Saturday, 23d.—Hadji Salah to-day saw the sultan, and I was
informed by the master of my house that he was to return to Kano
in four days after this. In the evening, Hadji Salah, having asked
the Gadado’s permission to pay me a visit, came about eight P.M.:
he was not watched, that I could see. He informed me that he had
seen the sultan to-day, who had desired him to tell the truth,
whether I had given him the sheik’s present, or any thing for
the sheik before I left Kano. He said he certainly never received
any thing from me for the sheik, neither letter, nor goods, nor
any thing else. After answering to this effect, as also the two
friends that had come with him, the sultan told him it was well;
he would allow him to return to his family in four days. He said,
with respect to me, he would advise me, as a friend and a man of
peace, to give up to them the present I had for the sheik, and
return home by the way of Aghadiz, which they had proposed to me;
that there was not a Fellata, from the sultan to the meanest man
amongst them, that could bear the sheik of Bornou, or any one who
had ever been friends with him; that, thank God! I had put nothing
into his hands for the sheik, or he would have lost his head; that
he would (most earnestly repeating it again) advise me to give up
the sheik’s present to them, as I could not keep it. I observed
that it was the same thing as forcing the letter from me; it would
be the last injury they could do me; that they had broken all faith
with me; I could have no more to say to them: after their cheating or
robbing me of the letter, they might take what they pleased. I was
only one man, I could not fight against a nation: they could not,
even by taking away my life, do worse with me than they had done.

Sunday, 24th.—I saw the Gadado this morning, who complained that
he had got a bad cold: I recommended him to take a dose of senna. He
said he had to ride out of town a short distance, to meet Mohamed Ben
Abdullahir, Bello’s first cousin by the father’s side: he is the
Fellata king or sultan of Nyffé, and is coming here to get permission
to go down this year, as before he had sent only a relation or head
chief to command there, which was Omar Zurmie, whom I had seen when
there. He asked me to go with him to meet Abdullahir. I told him no;
my affairs with them were now at an end: after the manner in which
the sultan had behaved to me, it was impossible for them to put a
greater affront on me than what they had done. He said that when
I came here before, I had come with letters from the Bashaw of
Tripoli and the Sheik of Bornou, and that at that time they were
all at peace; now they were at war, and the sultan neither held,
nor allowed others to hold, any communication with the sheik or his
people: that I had come then with a letter and presents from the king,
and delivered them; that I had a letter and presents from the king of
England’s vizier; that when I sent the sword from Katagum to Bello,
from the king of England, the Sheik of Bornou had seized the letter
that came with it, and they had now done the same by him; and that,
if I would give up the present, they would send it by Hadji Salah. I
said there was no letter whatever came with the sword and box I had
sent from Katagum. I observed to him, that the conduct of Bello
was not like that of a prince of the faithful, who, in defiance
of his letter requesting the king of England to send a consul out,
had broken all faith between us; that they had done every evil to me
they could. The Gadado pleaded the letters sent from the Sheik and the
two Hadjis of Tripoli, saying that I was a spy, and that we wanted to
take this country, as we had done India. He was very sorry for what
the sultan had done, he said—as sore at heart as I could be: that
they had sent for Hadji Salah, who had been fourteen years in this
country, and all that time transacting the business of the Sheik,
to tell him, if he chose to go to Bornou, to go; if he remained,
he must not interfere any more for the Sheik. I said, what had I to
do with the Sheik or Hadji Salah’s affairs? he was my agent before,
and that was the reason I had employed him a second time. I then took
leave of the Gadado, after repeating to him what I had said above,
two or three times, till he perfectly understood what I had said;
and adding, that I never wished to see the sultan again, and I must
insist on the Gadado to repeat to him what I had said; and also that I
must for the future consider every part of his dominions as a prison,
for he had broken his word in every thing. Notwithstanding all this,
the Gadado and his brother Moodie still send me milk and food the same
as usual; there is not the least difference in their conduct. The
common conversation of the town now is, that the English intend to
take Houssa.

Monday, 25th.—Being Christmas-day, I gave my servant Richard one
sovereign out of six I have left, as a Christmas gift; for he is well
deserving, and has never once shown a want of courage or enterprise
unworthy an Englishman. The Gadado early sent to know how I was,
and desired my servant to tell me he had acquainted the sultan with
all I had said; and he inquired if my heart was difficult as ever,
which is their way of asking if I meant to talk in the same strong
language. Pascoe was to-day sent to the house of Ben Hadji Gumso,
from that of the Gadado’s servant, with all his baggage; whether
for the purpose of fishing him or making him say what they want,
or to make him a slave, I do not know. He made a fair recantation of
his faith to-day before an Imam and the Gadado: the latter told him,
when he had done, to go and wash himself from head to foot—that
yesterday he was a Kaffir, but now he was friends with the prophet. I
had provisions sent as usual in the evening.

Tuesday, 26th.—Early this morning I was visited by Hadgi Salah
and Malem Moodie, the Gadado’s brother. They said they had been
sent by the sultan, who had read the letter addressed to the Sheik,
in which it was said that I had six guns for the Sheik, two boxes
of balls and one box of powder, and one chest of goods as presents,
and they were come to demand them. I said it was untrue; no such
thing could have been put in the letter, for that the guns belonged
to myself and servants, except those of the gentlemen who accompanied
me, and who had died in Yourriba, and two others as presents: this
falsehood they must have had from their friend Pascoe. The present
I had intended to give the Sheik I had all ready prepared, and the
Gadado entering, I ordered my servants to bring it forth: the Gadado,
looking over the articles, said he did not want any thing of mine;
whatever belonged to the Sheik they would take, for he was making
a very unjust war upon them, and they would not allow any one to
carry arms or warlike stores to him. I told the Gadado that they
were acting like robbers towards me, in defiance of all good faith;
that no people in the world would act the same, and they had far
better have cut my head off than done such an act; but I supposed
they would do that also when they had taken every thing from me. The
Gadado flew off in a great passion, and the rest followed, carrying
the present for the Sheik with them. Hadji Salah said he was afraid
they would cut his head off, and he was a man with a large family;
he would from this time forward have no further concern with me or
my affairs. A short while after this, Hadji Salah and his attendants
came with a message from the sultan, to say the sultan had ordered
them to tell me that he did not wish to do any thing or say any thing
unpleasant to me; all he wanted was to know if I had any arms or
warlike stores for the Sheik—if I had, to give them up: I told him
all I had for the Sheik they had already taken. Hadji Salah wanted me
to give up all my own arms: I told him I would not give one. He said,
I was once, he thought, a wise man, now I acted like an unwise one,
not to give up all to save my head: I told him I would not give them
a charge of powder to save my head. They went off displeased again.

My servants and all my visitors fell off at this time. My servants
said they were afraid to remain, even Allah Sirkie. This cowardice
and ingratitude I did not expect from one I had found a slave, with
only a leather skin about his middle, and whom I had clothed, fed,
given him wages the same as my other servants from the day I bought
him, and made him free. I told them they were at perfect liberty
to go where they thought proper; that I could soon get others who,
after the manner in which I had behaved to them, could not behave
worse: they however returned in the evening, and begged I would take
them back, which I did; as lies, and ingratitude, and petty robbery,
no servant who is a native of Houssa, Fezzan, or Bornou, is free from.

Thursday, 28th.—The Gadado left to-day for Magaria: before he went,
he told me he should not stay long away; that if any thing unpleasant
happened to me during his absence, to send an express off to him
directly. In the afternoon the sultan left for the Sansan or new town,
which he is building. He sent, by Sidi Sheik, to ask me to go and
show him the way to build a house and fortify it; but as I did not
believe what he said, I took no notice of the message. It afterwards
turned out that Sidi Sheik had a relation who had lately arrived,
who was a builder, and he wanted to introduce him to the sultan.

Friday, 29th.—I applied a large blister to my side, as, from the
enlargement of the spleen, it gave me great pain, having increased
to such a size that I was unable to eat, and had little or no rest.

Sunday, 14th January, 1827.—No news from Magaria. After sunset,
a messenger with a horse for me arrived from the Gadado at Magaria,
wishing me to go there.

Monday, 15th.—Started at sunrise for Magaria; but I was so ill on
the road that I did not arrive there before 5 P.M. All the reports
of the enemy being near proved untrue.

Tuesday, 16th.—Waited on the Gadado and sultan. The latter told
me, as soon as the reports of the rebels being out were found to be
true or false, I should go; that he intended I should go by the way
of Asbur, and that I should visit the country of Jacoba during the
interval; that he should send a Fellata to Tripoli with me. I returned
in the afternoon, and arrived at Soccatoo a little after sunset.

Wednesday, 17th.—A small gaffle of Arabs arrived to-day from
Timbuctoo, one of whom had seen Major Laing, who, he said, had
lost his hand in an attack which the Tuaricks had made on him and
his servants during the night, and that his servants, a Jew and a
Christian, had got severely wounded.

Saturday, 20th.—Sent Richard to Magaria with a letter to the
Gadado, urging him to apply to the sultan for permission to visit
Jacoba and the southern parts of Houssa, that I might be able to
ascertain whether and where the Quorra fell into the sea.

Friday, 26th.—Light airs, with a slight haze; at 8 strong breezes
from the E.N.E. The sultan sent to inform me that a courier had
arrived from the sultan of Kano, informing him of the sheik being
only a day’s journey to the south of that place; and the Sultan
Bello wished to know if, after such intelligence, I wished to go
to Kashna. Sidi Sheik was the bearer of the message. I, of course,
said I should remain where I was at present, without making any
observations, as the news might be untrue, and it was only a catch
to get at my intentions.

Saturday, 27th.—Cool and clear. At day-break the Gadado arrived
from Magaria. In the forenoon I visited him, when he told me he was
going to Kano: he said that as soon as every thing was settled he
would write for me to come; but that I had better remain where I
was until the sheik had returned, who was at Sangia, on his way to
Kano. It seems the sheik, before he entered the territory of Houssa,
had sent to the governors of Katagum, Hadiga, Lamema, and Kano,
to say he was not at war with Bello or his people, but at peace;
that he had only come to take Mohamed Mungo and Mohamed Nema, two
of the Fellata chiefs on the frontiers, who were constantly invading
Bornou, and carrying off the inhabitants and cattle. Instead however
of looking after these chiefs, he entered the province of Shena,
took all the people and cattle he could lay his hands on, and was
now on his march to Kano, trying to cut off the sultan, who was
at Dushie, the frontier town, to assist Hadgi Katagum in case of
attack; but on hearing that the sheik was on his march to Kano,
he had returned to secure that important city.

Sunday, 28th.—Clear and cloudless sky. Took leave of the Gadado,
as he goes to Kano to-morrow to take command of the forces. The whole
of the Fellatas are in the greatest state of alarm, as they expect
the whole of the blacks will join the sheik, as also the Tuaricks:
they are now busily employed in getting their grain into Soccatoo,
expecting an attack here.

Monday, 29th.—The Gadado did not leave until the afternoon. The
sultan, and every one that could muster a horse, besides a number
on foot, accompanied him as far as the river side, which runs to
the north, on the east of Soccatoo: here they repeated the fatha,
after which all those not going to accompany him returned.

Thursday, February 8th.—Having taken leave of the sultan, I put all
my baggage, except one trunk and the canteen, into the Gadado’s
house, as well to prevent robbery as to guard against fires, which
are very common in Soccatoo; taking my two camels and all my servants
for Magaria. At 8 A.M. one of my camels being sickly and weak,
we travelled very slowly until 3 P.M., when I halted at a village
near the road-side, where the head man gave me a hut to sleep in;
and the river being about two miles distant to the north, we sent
the camels out to feed, and left Richard and Allah Sirkie to pitch
the tent and take care of the horses. I went down to the river
side with the gun, to look at the hunting ground: I was attended
by Malem Moodie, the owner of the village, on horseback, and about
twenty of his slaves. He is the only free man in the village,
which consists of about seventy men, women, and children. After
descending the rocky and gravelly side of the hill over which the
road lies, I came upon the flat, which spreads out about four miles
to the foot of the high ground or low hills. On the north side,
the river overflows all the flat during the rains; and the former
course of the river has left several pools and beautiful lakes of
water. The soil in the flat is generally a blue clay and mould to
a depth of from three to four feet; in the upper parts planted with
cotton and gourds, and the other parts, during the rains, with rice,
which is of a very good quality. The river runs at this place in a
narrow winding bed, about twelve feet deep; the banks sandy below the
strata of clay and mould; and the falling of trees, and the looseness
of the soil, cause it often to shift its bed through the flats or
swamps in the rainy season. The acacia trees were in blossom, and
the traces of elephants were numerous. I saw only three antelopes,
but great numbers of guinea-fowl, which were too wild to come near,
as they are so much hunted by the young Fellatas; so I returned
without any thing. I was very anxious to have shot a wild boar, of
which there were great numbers; but Malem Moodie was quite shocked at
the thought of my wanting the skin, so that he would not, I suppose,
have let me or my people have any supper if I had touched it; though
he had no objection to my shooting as many as I pleased of their
Kaffirs and Eblis. I returned to my hut in the village, when the
Malem, at meal-time, sent me a large store-pudding, and gravy made
of butter and the leaves of the adansonia, with corn for my horses.

Friday, 9th.—After day-light, left the village of Malem Moodie,
having given his female slaves who brought the pudding and millet
the full price in cowries, and the old Malem two gora nuts: the old
man was quite pleased with the present, and accompanied me a little
distance on the road, calling at two other villages on the road-side
to show his guest to the people. Though they have seen me fifty times,
every man and woman, for twenty miles round Soccatoo, still their
curiosity is as great as ever, examining my dress, and the dress
of my servant Richard; the buttons of brass they always call gold:
also my English bridles, and the cloth of my trousers, and my coat,
which is a striped printed dressing-gown, draw the attention of all
the women, young and old, who beg always a piece of the same to tie
round their heads: all good things, they say, we have got. They call
me the big Christian, and my servant Richard the little Christian: my
old name of Abdulla is seldom used, except by those who knew me when
I was here before, and that only to my face. At 10 A.M. arrived at
Magaria. My friend Malem Moodie was not at home; but I took up my
quarters at my old house; and Moodie’s wife, the one that lives
here (for he has four wives and sixteen concubines), sent me plenty
of milk and doura. Moodie arriving, I told him I had come to remain
a few days to shoot, and I wanted a man to show me the ground:
he soon got me one, and I had every thing ready to start next morning.

Saturday, 10th.—A little after day-light left Magaria, and riding
through between a number of plantations of cotton on the low ground,
which had been covered during the rains, we came on to the rice
ground, which is now covered with fine green grass, and has several
small lakes and pools of water formed by the ancient beds of the
river. The sides of the lakes and pools were swampy for a considerable
distance, so that there was no getting within reach of the birds
with small shot. They consisted of the white and gray pelican, the
Muscovy duck, Egyptian goose, ducks, widgeons, and snipes; the heron,
adjutant, ibis, and a small white crane were numerous. On the low
flat were feeding, amongst the herds of bullocks, five or six of
the large red antelopes, between the size of the common antelope
and the nylghau, of a red colour, about as high as a small ass,
with large thick horns, called by the Arabs the hamoria, and by the
people marea. I did not look after them, as there was little cover,
but rode over to the north side of the flat, where the river lies,
expecting to find plenty of game and plenty of cover. On approaching
through the flats, and within about a mile of the river, the woods
were almost impenetrable, abounding in wild hogs and guinea-fowl: of
the latter I shot some, but the hogs were forbidden fruits. I had no
wish to kill them, except to eat, or to have their skins; and my own
servants would have been the first to have held me up to abomination
if I had done so, as the less these rogues know about their religion,
the more they adhere to the less scrupulous points of it; the whole
they know being to repeat their prayers in Arabic, not a word of which
they understand; abhor a Christian, a Kaffir, and a poor harmless
pig. I saw five elephants, and the traces of a great many more. They
hunt them, or set watch for them in their regular paths, sitting on
the branch of some high tree which overhangs the path. Their weapon
is a harpoon, with two moveable barbs, like our whale harpoons, but a
shorter shaft, which is stuck into the end of the large wooden pestle
with which the women beat the husks of the rice and millet in their
mortars. The iron head is poisoned, and night being the time, they
strike on the back as the animal passes under the branch. The hunter
traces him for a little distance; the wood of the harpoon drops off,
and if the animal does not soon fall, the hunter returns home until
next morning, when he is sure to find him dead near to where he had
left him. They eat the flesh, and sometimes sell the tusks for a few
cowries, or they are oftener brought to the sultan or Gadado, along
with the trunk, as a proof of their victory; the tusks they always
give to the Arabs. Three have been killed since I have been here:
they watch only in the evening. At sunset we returned to Magaria,
all very tired, and I with my old dressing-gown torn to ribands.

Monday, 12th.—I went out to hunt on the flats on foot, with a
Fellata to drive in the game, my servants being all knocked up, and
too tired to accompany me. After getting on the ground, I lay down
amongst the long grass, and sent out the Fellata, who twice drove
the game close to where I was lying, but on both occasions I was
sound asleep, being overcome with fatigue, and I got up and returned
home. As I was returning I fell in with an old sow and five pigs: I
let fly at her, as she with her whole family were coming up to take a
look at me. This, as I did not hit any of them, did not at all disturb
her or her brood, who, by their size, might be about nine months old;
she, with four of the young ones, only turned on one side, and walked
slowly amongst the long grass. As I came nearer, the fifth, a young
boar, came snorting up, with his tail erect, to within pistol shot;
I presented the gun to him, but he seemed to care very little for me,
and I did not like to kill him. After both had satisfied ourselves
with looking at one another, he, seeing the whole of his relations
in safety, turned round with a grunt, and strutted after them,
with as little fear in his gesture as if he had been lord of the
soil. The wild hogs of Africa, both in Borgo, Houssa, and Bornou,
are the same in appearance, having a head much larger in proportion
to their bodies than the domestic hog of Europe. In Yourriba and
Nyffé the snout is very broad and round, with two large tusks
on each side, one in each jaw, both upper and lower turning up,
the lower fitting also the upper and outside; the back of the neck
covered with a mane of upright bristles of a snuff-brown colour,
no other hair appearing on any other part, except at the tip of the
tail: they are universally of the same colour, a dark mouse or lead
colour: the height of a full grown boar is about three and a half
or four feet, and from the tip of the snout to the root of the tail
about five feet. They have also two warts on each side of the head,
on a line with the nose, the largest below the ear, two inches and a
half, the other about an inch lower down, upon the end of the upper
tusk, which look like two horns.

Tuesday, 13th.—I did not go out until nearly mid-day, and then went
to the south of the town, amongst the hills and woods, but again was
unsuccessful. Though the traces of game of all kinds were numerous,
yet I saw nothing but one flock of antelopes, which I could not get
near; guinea-fowl were in plenty, but as shy as before. The hills
were composed of loose clay, iron-stone rocks on the surface, and a
red clay and sand for the depth of about four or five feet, then a
dull whitish or rather bluish clay, containing shining particles of
mica underneath. Several of the stones had rounded pebbles imbedded in
them; others were, on breaking, like yellow ochre; the outer surfaces
of all as if they had been burnt in the fire. This is owing to the
weather I suppose, as well as the appearance of having been melted
from the rains and sand beating on them, and wearing away the soft
parts. The blocks of rock never exceed six feet square when loose,
and when covering a flat, never above three or four feet thick over
the clay soil. I forgot to mention that the greater number, when
broke, present a glistening or shining appearance, like iron-ore,
and that they are much heavier than pieces of sandstone of the same
bulk. After tiring myself amongst the hills to no purpose, and I
and my guides being very thirsty, we went across to the north, to
a small lake on the flat or plain, to drink. Here I fell in with a
party of Fellata girls washing their gourds, from which their people,
who had a temporary bullock or cattle village close at hand, under
the shade of some large adansonia (kouka trees), had just gone out
on the flats with their cattle. They gave me curdled milk and water
to drink; after which I lay down by the side of the lake, and took
the bridle off my horse, to let him enjoy himself also amongst the
fine green grass.

Wednesday, 14th.—I did not go out to-day, as I had had such bad
success, and was too much fatigued. A courier arrived from the Gadado,
bringing intelligence of the Sheik El Kanemi being defeated with
great loss, and that he had fled towards Bornou; the governors of
Fudba and Zegzeg had beaten him; and that the governor of Kano had
joined them, with all his forces, in the rear. Duncoroa, governor
of Katagum, Ben Gumso of Hadiga, &c. were in front of the sheik,
so that he will not be able to return to Bornou if they manœuvre
right. The Fellatas are all in great glee on the occasion, and they
do not spare him the name of Dan Caria, or son of a b——h.

Thursday, 15th.—Took leave of Moodie, and left Magaria after 6
A.M., sending two camels with Richard and Moodie to the village
where I had halted on my way to Magaria. I proceeded along the foot
of the hills, skirting the river, the bed of which is now dry in a
number of places. I shot one duck and two guinea-fowls, the latter
of which were very numerous; but the boys had that morning been
hunting them, and they were very wild. I also saw one elephant, a
number of hogs, seven of what the Arabs call the red bullock, and
the people of Bornou the corigum. I take them to be the nylghau,
but only a variety in colour. In Bornou they are of a dark brown;
here they are of a cream colour. I shot several; they are of the
antelope tribe, very fierce when wounded, and will give battle when
attacked. At sunset I returned, and had a plentiful supply of pudding
from the old malem; and the guinea-fowls and duck feasted all hands.

Friday, 16th.—At daylight started, and rode on to the Sanson, where
I arrived at 10 A.M. The sultan sent, as soon as I arrived, to ask
how I was, and to tell me he wished to see me next day. The messenger
between him and me, since the Gadado is gone, is old Yargoorma,
who acts in that capacity when the Gadado is here. She also sits up
all night in the room he sleeps in, and keeps his fire alight. She
is a shrewd old woman, of strong natural sense; and has apartments
in the Gadado’s house, and also in the sultan’s, and possesses
upwards of forty male and female slaves, though herself a slave. This
possessing slaves and property is not uncommon for slaves here,
which, if they have no children, go at their death to their master.

Saturday, 17th.—Clear and warm. At 3 A.M. old Yargoorma came
and told me the sultan wished to see me. I went, and found him
alone. He asked after my health, and if my exercise in hunting
had cured me of the spleen, which is considerably reduced, and I
am now free from pain. He also asked after Richard, my servant;
if his legs and feet had got better; a disorder of which he is
also cured. The feet and ankles first swell, and cause great pain,
not being able to walk; then it proceeds to the calves of the legs,
knees, and thigh-joints. Purgative medicines are of little service;
and the soles and ankles are so painful the patient can walk but with
great difficulty, and great pain afterwards. The swelling is not like
the scurvy, as on pressing the finger on the part it is attended with
great pain, and does not leave a hollow after the finger is taken off.

I told him of the difficulty and the impossibility it was for me to
get the skin, head, and feet-bones of two wild hogs, as he wished,
because my servants would not touch them if I killed them. He said
he would send for two, and I might either have them skinned myself,
or they would bring the skins for me. I thanked him, and said I would
prefer them skinned in the woods, as, were they brought to me alive,
my house would be filled with idle people, and the whole town would
never leave off talking about it whenever they saw me. Good, he
said, and ordered a eunuch to give orders to the hunters to bring
two as soon as possible. He asked me if we eat pork? I said yes,
and the flesh was very good when they were well fed; we only eat it
sparingly; the fat, I said, was always used for salves. I said it
was much better to eat than dogs’ flesh, which they sold publicly
in the market at Tripoli; and all the great in Fezzan eat dogs’
flesh whenever they could procure it. This account Sidi Sheik, who
had just come in, confirmed. The sultan said, it was strange what
people would eat: in the district of Umburm, belonging to Jacoba,
they eat human flesh. I said I did not think any people existed on
the face of the earth that eat their own kind as food; that certainly
there were some savages in different parts of the world who eat their
enemies. The sultan said he had seen them eat human flesh; that on
the governor of Jacoba telling him of these people, he could hardly
believe it himself; but on a Tuarick being hanged for theft, he saw
five of these people eat a part, with which he was so disgusted that
he sent them back to Jacoba soon after. He said that whenever a person
complained of sickness amongst these men, even though only a slight
headach, they are killed instantly, for fear they should be lost
by death, as they will not eat a person that has died by sickness;
that the person falling sick is requested by some other family, and
repaid when they had a sick relation; that universally when they went
to war, the dead and wounded were always eaten; that the hearts were
claimed by the head men; and that, on asking them why they eat human
flesh, they said it was better than any other; that the heart and
breasts of a woman were the best part of the body; and that they had
no want of food, as an excuse for eating one another. Indian corn,
millet, doura, and sweet potatoes were in plenty; that both men and
women went naked, though their houses were much neater and cleaner
than those of the common people of Soccatoo; that, excepting this
bad custom, they were very cleanly, and otherwise not bad people,
except that they were Kaffirs; that he would make me a present of
some of them to let the king of England see that such was the fact. I
said, I would rather be excused taking them, as both the king and
the people of England would be too much disgusted at seeing such a
sight. You will see them, he said, when you go to Jacoba: he would
write to the governor to show them to me when I went. I then told him
I wished as soon as possible to go to Jacoba, as I had been here now
five months very idle. He said that the rebels of Zamfra had sent to
beg for peace, and that, as soon as their sultan or chief arrived,
he would send me through that part of Zamfra which I had not seen,
and I should see the gold ores said to be there; that I should also
see Adamawa and the Shari; and that he would send me afterwards to
the sea, by the way of a country called Kano, bordering on the sea,
and going to the south of the province of Zegzeg, and whose sultan
had sent a messenger a short while after I left Soccatoo on my former
journey, wishing to open a trade with Houssa. I said that the sooner
he could send me the better, as he would have every thing that he
could wish from England much cheaper than he could have by the way of
the desert. He asked me again who the eleven slave-dealers were that
his cousin, Mohamed Ben Abdullah, had taken at his camp at Nyffé;
and if I knew that they were Christians. He said they were black;
and had come from, or by the way of Borgoo; and what ought to be done
with them; for Abdullah had seized them, and written to know what he
should do with them. I said, he had better either take their goods,
and send them away home, or have them brought up here; that they
were not Christians, but I thought natives of Dahomey, and part of
the same gang I had seen at Wawa in Borgoo; as it was common for
the Mahomedans to call all persons, not agreeing with them in faith,
Christians or Jews. After this I took leave; and in the evening he
sent me a fine fat sheep, and two pomegranates from his garden.

Monday, 19th.—A courier from the Gadado arrived at Kano with a
letter to the sultan, informing him of the defeat of the sheik of
Bornou, and his retreat, with the loss of all his baggage, camels,
and tents, two hundred and nine horses, and a number of slaves. The
sultan sent me the letter to read, and the sheik’s water-pot,
made of copper. This is an article of the first importance to a
Mahomedan great man; he never travels without one. It had been cut
in three different places by a sword, not in taking it, as it was
found in the tent, but hacked by some of them to vent their rage on
the poor pot, as they could not do it on the sheik.

Saturday, 24th.—At day-break the pagans whom the sultan had sent
to kill and skin a wild boar for me arrived with the skins of a
boar, a sow, and one of their young ones. All the idle people in the
neighbourhood had come to have a peep, as did several of the better
sort of people, some of whom sat down to see me and the poor pagan,
whose name is Whidah, and his sons go through the operation of salting
and packing the skins. They asked Whidah if he eat the flesh? He
answered, Yes, and very good it is too. It is quite ridiculous to see
how much those people dread even to touch any part of the animal’s
skin, and know not for what reason, only because they have heard
others say so. I told them it was better meat than dogs’ flesh,
which the people of Fezzan and those of Tripoli eat; and at Tripoli
dogs’ flesh was publicly sold in the market; true they were Moslem,
and had not a pig, which was more cleanly in its eating, and better
to be eaten than a dog. My servants, the ignorant rascals, would not
come near, and if there had been others to be hired, I would have paid
them off. I first strewed the poison slightly over the inner part of
the hides, then plenty of finely pounded salt, and made Whidah and
his sons rub all well in, strewed them over with dried grass, and
packed each separately in a mat, and gave them in charge to Whidah,
to have them properly dried, and to take the flesh off the bones of
the heads. The news soon got to the market that I had such things
in my house; and on sending to the market to buy three new mats,
the owner said he would sell them to me, but would not bring them
to my house; and now the pigs and I are the whole talk of Soccatoo.

Sunday, 25th.—Divine service. Nothing worth remarking has happened
since the 25th, except that I was laid up for the last four days
with ague.

Wednesday, 28th.—Paid Malem Mohamed 20,000 cowries for his writing
me an account of the country between Soccatoo and Masina, and Kano
and Sennar, and making a chart of the river Quorra, between Cubbie
and Masina.

Sunday, 11th March, nothing worth noting down, until the 12th, when a
messenger of the governor of Boushi arrived, bringing with him part
of the spoil taken from the sheik of Bornou, which consisted of an
old Bornou tent, a horse, and two mares, with two drums. The tent
was erected in the square in the front of the sultan’s house, and
two slaves set to beat the drums; the whole population of Soccatoo
came to see them, and they continued beating all night. The sultan
sent for me. I went, and found him alone, and appearing very good
humoured with the news that had arrived. After my asking after his
health, and just beginning to ask if he would send me as soon as
convenient to Adamowa, and to write to the governor to allow me to
proceed up the Shari as far as possible, and show me every thing
worth seeing in that province; and after that, if the governor
of Adamowa thought it safe, he would send me to Boushi, without
coming back to Kano; and that from Boushi I would proceed to Zari,
and wait until after the rains, and then proceed with his messenger
to the other Kano and the sea—before he could give me an answer,
a number of the principal people of Soccatoo came in, and interrupted
the conversation; so I took my leave, he appointing another day to
give me the information I requested.

(_Note._—Here Clapperton’s Journal finishes, and no notices of
any kind appear among his papers subsequent to the above-mentioned
date; but the following Journal, kept by his faithful servant,
Richard Lander, amply supplies the deficiency.)

=JOURNAL=
OF
=RICHARD LANDER,=
SERVANT TO THE LATE
CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON.

JOURNAL, &c.

FROM KANO TO SOCCATOO.

November 20, 1826.—The sultan sent a messenger for me this morning,
and after waiting in a coozie an hour, I was introduced to him. He
informed me of his having received a letter from my father (after
the death of Dr. Morrison I always passed for my master’s son),
desiring him to send me to Soccatoo, with the whole of the property
intrusted to my care. I had myself received a letter from my master
only two days previously, in which he expressed no such intention;
but, on the contrary, said he should be with me shortly. In that
letter he complained of a violent pain in his side, to which he had
been for some time subject; and I fancied, by his not writing me
to-day, he had died; and that, from motives of delicacy, the king
had withheld the news from me.

22d.—The sultan again sent for me, and said he would make my father
a present of five pack bullocks to convey the goods to Soccatoo,
and send four men to take charge of them on the road; at the same
time wished me to leave on the 25th.

24th.—Paid my respects to the sultan in the morning; remained with
him upwards of an hour; and on leaving, he said in a feeling tone,
shaking hands with me at the same time, “Good bye, little Christian;
God take you safe to Soccatoo.” He sent a letter by me to my master,
and desired me to give his compliments to the king of the Mussulmans
(sultan Bello, who was invariably designated by that appellation). On
returning to my house, found Hadji Hat Sallah waiting for me. He told
me it was necessary I should take the whole of my master’s money,
which consisted of 212,000 cowries, to him. As this could not be
done conveniently without a camel, I purchased one for 62,000 cowries.

25th.—At half-past seven in the morning, left my house, accompanied
by old Pascoe, a messenger from sultan Bello, and one from the
king of Kano. Could not, however, get without the gates of the city
till ten, the bullocks being very restive, and throwing off their
burdens repeatedly. At one o’clock halted at Zungugwa: the camel,
in endeavouring to enter the gate, unfortunately broke two boxes in
which was stationery, &c. This accident detained us an hour outside
the walls, and the men were ultimately obliged to carry the goods
on their heads to the residence of the chief, which was a quarter
of a mile’s distance. I waited on him, and gave him a pair of
scissors, fifty needles, and a small paper of cloves, which pleased
him highly. The chief showed me into one of his best huts, where,
he told me, I might remain till I thought proper to leave the place;
and shortly afterwards sent me butter, sour milk, a couple of fine
fowls, and _tuah_ and corn.

26th.—At six in the morning left the hut of this hospitable chief;
and, after a ride of six hours, came to Markee, a large, but rather
thinly inhabited village. The chief, a kind-hearted old man, upwards,
I should suppose, of ninety years of age, and very feeble, was
delighted to see me, and testified the pleasure he felt by shaking
hands with me repeatedly, and by doing me many acts of kindness. He
presented me with fowls, rice, corn, and _tuah_. After a little
conversation, he took me into an inner apartment, and bidding me to
sit, took from a calabash, which was suspended to a piece of wood
attached to the roof, a small box made of skin, round which was wound,
with the greatest care, upwards of five hundred yards of thread, which
occupied him twenty minutes in taking off. In this box he showed me
four bits of tin, about the size of swan and common shot, which he
told me were silver. The old chief gave me to understand, with much
seriousness and earnestness of manner, that they had been given by
an Arab fifteen years before, who told him they were possessed of
life. The larger pieces, he continued, were males, and the smaller
females; and were to produce young at the end of every twelve years,
before which time they were by no means to be looked at. He had
enveloped them in a quantity of cotton-wool, in order to impart warmth
to them; and the thread was tied round the box that the offspring
might have no opportunity of escaping! “But,” said the old man,
with a disappointed air, “though I kept them with the greatest care
for twelve years, suffering no one to approach them, I found, to my
sorrow, at the expiration of that time, they had made no increase;
and I begin to fear they never will:” in saying which the old man
was so grievously affected that he burst into tears. It was with
considerable difficulty I could refrain from laughing aloud in his
face. I succeeded, however, in subduing the great inclination I had to
be merry; and told him, with all the solemnity the occasion deserved,
that the Arab was a rogue, and had deceived him; that the articles
were bits of tin, and not of silver; that they were without life,
and therefore could not produce young. I consoled the old gentleman on
the hoax that had been played off upon him, and sympathized with him
in his sorrow. He soon afterwards became more composed, although at
times he could not help sobbing audibly. After answering the numerous
questions he put to me about my country, &c. I complained of fatigue,
and retired to rest. Ill with dysentery all day.

27th.—Passing a very restless night, got up at six in the morning
and proceeded on my journey. At 10 A.M. passed close to a large
Fellata town, called Kaowah, in the neighbourhood of which were
numerous herds of cattle grazing. Here, as in other parts of Houssa,
the cows are mostly white; and the sheep generally white, with black
and red spots, which had a very agreeable appearance at a distance,
and put me strongly in remembrance of Jacob’s spotted sheep,
mentioned in Scripture. A ride of four hours brought us to Goguay, a
large walled town. The beasts were unable to enter the gate with their
loads, by reason of its extreme narrowness; and being ill, and much
in want of rest, I was unwilling for so much time to be consumed in
conveying them into the town on men’s heads: I accordingly reposed
for the night underneath the branches of a large tree. On learning
of my arrival, the chief came to see me, seated himself by my side,
and entered familiarly into conversation. He observed that tigers
abounded in the neighbourhood, and advised me by all means to keep
fires burning the whole of the night round my attendants and cattle,
to prevent their being attacked by those rapacious animals, which
would very likely be the case if that precaution were not used. The
chief told me that about two years before the Gooberites took and
plundered his town, and put to the sword nearly the whole of its
inhabitants, he himself very narrowly escaping with his life. This
was no doubt the reason of the scantiness of the population, and
the poverty of the chief and his remaining subjects. As soon as
the chief left me, a new married couple paid me a visit. I gave the
bride, a very pretty girl of eighteen, guinea nuts to the value of
one hundred cowries, for which she dropped on one knee, and thanked
me in a graceful and becoming manner. I shortly afterwards received
some butter-milk from her, which was a welcome present.

28th.—Left Goguay at half-past six in the morning, and halted at
Kookay, a small wretched looking village, at twelve at noon. The
chief sent provisions for myself and people, and provender for the
cattle; and the inhabitants complained sadly of the mischief done
to their crops by wild pigs, a great part of which was completely
destroyed. They were miserably clad, and exhibited signs of extreme
poverty. This night slept a little, which is a comfort I seldom enjoy.

29th.—At half-past six in the morning proceeded on our journey,
and at twelve stopped at Duncammee, a moderately sized walled town. I
was both surprised and pleased to observe the neatness of this town,
and the cleanliness of its inhabitants. Every inch of spare ground
was planted with tobacco, and very tastefully fenced round with
dried tobacco stalks. The natives manufacture large quantities of
cotton cloths, which are neat and durable; and at the north end
of the town are several dye-pits. The wall surrounding the town
is in rather a ruinous state. The chief welcomed me to his house,
and offered me the best apartment in it. Provisions were plentiful,
and we fared exceedingly well. In return for his kindness, I gave
him a clasp knife, and a hundred needles.

30th.—At six in the morning were again on our route, and halted
at Gaza at one at noon. The chief was happy to see me, lodged me in
his own house, and seemed to take pleasure in obliging me.

31st.—Continued our journey at the usual hour, and halted at Rayoo
at one o’clock. In this town I was considerably worse, became
debilitated in a surprising manner, lost my sight, and could not rise
in bed. Fancying I should not be able to proceed any further, and
that my life was drawing to a close, I called Pascoe to my bed-side,
and advised him, after he had buried me, to make all haste to my
master at Soccatoo; to take particular care of the property he would
have the charge of, and I had no doubt my master would reward him.

December 1st.—This day was dreadfully ill—unable to taste any
kind of food, and expecting every moment would be my last.

2d.—Did not find myself at all better this morning, and was
surprised I had lived so long. At 2 P.M., finding myself a little
revived, but unable to sit up, I determined to see my dear master,
if I could, before I died. For this purpose ordered my people to make
a couch on the back of the camel; after which they gently lifted
me into it, and I almost immediately ordered them to proceed. The
chief of Rayoo, who was one of Bello’s principal fighting men,
behaved particularly kind to me, and, I really believe, sincerely
sympathized in my distress. He expressed much sorrow on parting,
and hinted it would be dangerous to proceed, but did not oppose my
determination. The path, the greater part of the way, being very
narrow, and thickly lined on each side with a species of thorn,
I was annoyed greatly, by reason of the thorns frequently tearing
the covering from my bed, and exposing me to the intense heat of a
burning sun. The sultan of Kano’s messenger, however, seeing me in
this state, rode before the camel, and dexterously lopped off the
overhanging branches with his cutlass: this proved of the utmost
advantage. The violent shaking of the camel caused me to be faint
several times on the road; on which occasions my party uniformly
halted until I revived. In this manner we journeyed till seven in
the evening, when we entered a walled town called Koolefee. The
chief, a very fine old man, never having seen a white man before,
was in raptures when he learned of my being in the town; and
running to the camel, took me from its back, and carried me in
his arms into an apartment which had been hastily prepared for
my reception. Placing me on a bed, he took a gora nut from his
pocket, and holding it betwixt his finger and thumb, wished me to
chew one end of it, that he might have the pleasure of eating with
a Christian. I did it after some difficulty, when he immediately
ate the remainder with much apparent satisfaction. His great men,
who surrounded me, reproved him sharply for doing this. He quickly
answered them, in a pleasant but firm tone, that he believed the
“little Christian” was as good a man as himself or any of them;
which effectually silenced their remarks. He shortly afterwards went
out, and returned with a bowl, containing six quarts of new milk,
with which a little flour and some honey had been mixed. He told
me he was determined to see me eat the whole of it before he left
the apartment. I partook sparingly of it at first, but in the night
tasted it several times, which refreshed and invigorated me.

3d.—Finding myself considerably better this morning, I ordered a
pillow to be laid across my horse’s saddle, that I might travel
for a short distance on his back. Entered a miserable village named
Zunko, and slept there for the night.

4th.—Arose at sun-rise, and after a fatiguing journey reached
Roma at two in the afternoon. This town is built on an eminence, and
commands a delightful view of the country for miles round. Proceeded
to the house of the chief, and slept there. He made me the
accustomed presents of provisions, &c. and received in return a
pair of scissors, a hundred needles, and a paper of cloves. Several
Fellata girls came to me this evening, of a bright copper colour,
and extremely beautiful, with delicate and graceful forms. With a
curiosity so natural to their sex, they were all eager to catch a
glance of the “_little_ Christian,” having seen the “_great_
Christian,” as they termed my master, before. In the course of the
afternoon and evening they brought me a little milk and butter, for
which I recompensed them with a few beads. Here, I am happy to say,
the dysentery quite left me, and my health wonderfully improved.

5th.—Left Roma for Bogell early in the morning, and arrived there at
half-past four in the afternoon. Found myself so well to-day that I
was enabled to ride on horseback the whole of the journey. As usual,
went to the residence of the chief, who gave me a little corn for
the horses only. In the night slept profoundly, and next morning
was completely recovered.

6th.—At six in the morning left for Zulamee, where we arrived at two
in the afternoon. The chief was overjoyed to see me, and ordered four
armed men to guard the beasts and property. A band of robbers having
infested the town for some time, and committed numerous depredations,
he was fearful some of my goods or cattle would be stolen, and
desired me to fire a gun morning and evening, that the brigands
might not think I was unprepared to meet them. They did not, however,
molest me; but the king of Kashna was not quite so fortunate: he had
a fine horse stolen from him yesterday, which he never afterwards
recovered. Rested here two days, in order to recruit the spirits of
my followers, and refresh the animals under their charge.

9th.—At six in the morning, having got every thing in readiness,
left Zulamee. Both men and beasts seemed much invigorated with the
rest they had enjoyed, and at two in the afternoon reached Gundumowah,
a small but neat Fellata village. The chief sent me a little milk.

10th.—Early in the morning started for Sansanee. The country
traversed was thickly wooded, and the path lay for three hours
through a large bush, which, having recently been visited by a horde
of elephants, the prints of whose feet were very perceptible, rendered
travelling extremely unpleasant, and even dangerous. Reached Sansanee
at one at noon. The site on which the town is built not being long
cleared, none of the houses were quite finished. On our arrival,
the chief had an open shed, occupied by fifteen calves, cleaned out
for our reception. In the evening, putting the goods in the centre,
I ordered the men to lie around them, whilst I placed myself near
the most valuable articles. Not deeming them sufficiently secure,
my sleep was rather disturbed; and awaking about ten o’clock, I
found my camel had strayed from outside the hut, and being unwilling
to arouse my drowsy companions, went myself in search of him. On my
return, to my infinite surprise and alarm, discovered Pascoe had
decamped, taking with him a valuable gun, two pistols, a cutlass,
six sovereigns, nineteen dollars, ten large and ten small knives,
and several other articles, which he had contrived to take from the
boxes in which they had been placed. To deceive me, the artful old
villain had put a pillow into a sack, which he had laid along on his
own mat. On the discovery, I immediately made an alarm, and sent to
the chief for twelve horsemen to go in pursuit of him.

11th.—About three o’clock in the afternoon, as I was standing
in my shed, I perceived a party of horsemen coming towards me
in full gallop. On coming within a few yards of me, they suddenly
checked their horses, and flourishing their spears over their heads,
exclaimed, “Nasarah, acqui de moogoo!” (Christian, we have the
rogue!) They informed me that a little before day-break in the morning
they heard the report of a gun, and going towards the place whence the
sound seemed to proceed, saw Pascoe perched on the top of a high tree,
and the stolen goods lying at the root of it. They threatened to shoot
him with their poisoned arrows unless he immediately came down. This
had the desired effect. He hastily descended, and delivered himself
into their hands. One of the soldiers took the trembling scoundrel
behind him on his horse, when the whole party immediately clapped
spurs to their horses, and made all the haste they could to the
village. I asked Pascoe what could have induced him to leave me
in so disgraceful a manner. He replied that his countrymen (the
Gooburites) were at war with the Fellatas, who would cut off his
head on arriving at Soccatoo. The chief coming up at the instant,
cried out, “A blessing, a blessing; you have taken the thief,
let me take off his head!” This was Pascoe’s third offence; and
I ordered him to be heavily ironed and pinioned in the town dungeon.

12th.—Pascoe having expressed a wish to see me, I sent for him. He
begged most piteously to be forgiven, and holding up his naked arms,
which were swollen to thrice their natural size, implored me at
least not to have him pinioned again. This I freely consented to,
but he was not freed from his irons till the morning we left the town.

13th.—This day 500 camels laden with salt, obtained from the borders
of the Great Desert, arrived at the town. They were preceded by a
party of twenty Tuarick salt-merchants, whose appearance was grand
and imposing. They entered at full trot, riding on handsome camels,
some of them red and white, and others black and white. All the
party were dressed exactly alike. They wore black cotton tobes and
trousers, and white caps with black turbans, which hid every part of
the face but the nose and eyes. In their right hand they held a long
and highly-polished spear, whilst the left was occupied in holding
their shields, and retaining the reins of their camels. The shields
were made of white leather, with a piece of silver in the centre. As
they passed me, their spears glittering in the sun, and their whole
bearing bold and warlike, they had a novel and singular effect, which
delighted me. They stopped suddenly before the residence of the chief,
and all of them exclaiming, “Choir!” each of the camels dropped
on its knees, as if by instinct, whilst their riders dismounted to
pay their respects. They came in a body to see me just after, and
notwithstanding their apparent respectability, felt not the least
repugnance to beg money in a most importunate manner. One of them,
in the hope of obtaining some, described himself as “God’s
own slave.” I refused to accede to his request, observing, that
God always loved his servants, and made them prosperous and happy,
and could not believe what he had told me. Becoming at length very
troublesome, I was under the necessity of turning him out: as he
went away, he muttered something I did not understand, and said,
I was the first person that ever refused to give him money. Like
thousands of others, these merchants were very inquisitive, and
amongst other questions asked whether any of my countrymen had tails
like monkeys? I assured them none of them had that elegant appendage,
but they would not believe me. After remaining an hour, they went
to look after their wives and children, who were on the camels on
the road, and not yet arrived.

14th.—The goods being properly secured, I took my gun this morning
and shot enough of pigeons for dinner. The Tuarick men, women, and
children, surrounded me in great numbers on hearing the report of my
gun, and were amazed to see the birds falling dead at my feet from
the tops of the high trees. They examined them with great attention,
declaring I was a beautiful man, too good for a Kafer, and ought to
be a worshipper of the true faith.

16th.—In the afternoon an escort, consisting of fifty armed
horsemen sent by Bello, arrived, to conduct me to Soccatoo. They
brought with them my master’s two camels, to carry the goods,
which, as I afterwards learnt, the Gadado had borrowed under false
pretences. A messenger belonging to the sultan of Kano brought a
letter from my master, unknown to the escort, and was on his way
to Kano with it. The letter informs me of the total ignorance of
my master of my having left Kano, and his expectations of seeing me
there in a week or two. It struck me forcibly at the time that Bello
wished to get me in his power, in order to put us out of the way,
to become the sole possessor of the sheik of Bornou’s presents,
&c. As soon as I had read the letter, I asked the Gadado’s brother,
who commanded the escort, if it was the sultan’s intention to
murder us on my arrival at Soccatoo, as my master knew nothing of the
transaction. He answered, “Fear nothing, the king will not hurt you;
as he has never seen but one Christian, he wishes to view a second.”

17th and 18th.—The Gadado’s brother came to me several times
for money to buy goora nuts. I at length told him the money in my
possession belonged to my father, who would not permit me to part
with any, unless I had previously obtained his consent. This answer
by no means pleased him: but on my telling him he should be handsomely
rewarded on our safe arrival at Soccatoo, he became a little appeased.

19th.—Liberated old Pascoe in the morning, who had behaved peaceably
since his imprisonment, and seemed truly sorry for the offence he
had committed; and at two in the afternoon went out of the town,
but was obliged to leave a bullock behind, being lamed and unable
to proceed. Travelled till eleven o’clock the next night, when we
arrived much fatigued at Magaria. The poor camels and horses could
hardly stand, and suffered dreadfully from thirst, not having drank
during this long journey.

21st and 22d.—The horses and camels not being sufficiently recovered
to continue the journey, staid at Magaria both these days. Resided at
a house belonging to the Gadado, who supplied me with abundance of
provisions. Received a message from him to come to see him, with my
gun, in order to show the head men of the town the manner in which
birds were shot in my country. I soon gratified their curiosity by
firing at a small bird, at a distance of fifty yards. The whole of
them testified the greatest astonishment on taking it up, and would
not for a long time believe it was really dead.

23d.—To my great joy I entered the gates of Soccatoo in the
afternoon, about two o’clock, after a tedious and wearisome journey
of nearly a month. Not having seen my master for three months, I
hastened to his house; but not finding him at home, I went to the
Gadado’s, where, I was told, he had gone. My master was in earnest
conversation with the Gadado and an old Arab, and was much surprised
when informed of the reason of my leaving Kano: he spoke with warmth
of the artful and unhandsome conduct of the sultan; and after this
act of duplicity on the part of Bello, to the hour of his death,
I never observed him to smile. My master had been ill of dysentery
before my arrival, but was then much better.

RESIDENCE AT SOCCATOO — MY MASTER’S DEATH — BURIAL.

On the 13th December, the day after my arrival, Sultan Bello sent
for my master and myself to repair to his residence. As soon as we
entered, he began to make inquiries of the nature of the presents I
had with me, and was extremely desirous to know if I had left any with
Hadji Ben Sallah for the sheik of Bornou. I replied, I had not. “Are
you sure you have not?” said he. I again answered with firmness
in the negative. The sultan then demanded the king of England’s
letters to the sheik of Bornou, which my master reluctantly produced;
but refused to accede to the sultan’s request to open and read
them, observing that, when his king discovered, on his return to his
country, he had so unfaithfully broken his trust, he would immediately
be beheaded. The sultan himself took the letters, and waving his hand
for us to withdraw, we left the apartment. We had not been in our
hut more than a couple of hours when the Gadado, his brother, Hadji
Ben Sallah, and several of the principal inhabitants of Soccatoo,
entered, and demanded, in the name of Bello, the presents intended
for the sheik of Bornou, together with all the arms and ammunition
we did not want ourselves. My master became deeply agitated when he
had heard their errand, and rising up from his couch, exclaimed with
much energy and bitterness—“There is no faith in any of you; you
are an unjust people; you are worse than highway robbers.” They
cautioned him to be more guarded in his expressions, or it might
cost him his head. “If I lose my head,” rejoined my master in
the same determined manner, “I lose it for speaking for the just
rights of my country only.” Ben Sallah and others entreated him
to moderate his anger, or it might indeed be fatal to him. I also
implored him to accede to the demands of the sultan, how unjust and
tyrannic soever they might be, observing, that two debilitated white
men stood no chance in holding out against the united force of so
many Fellatas, who only waited the command of their sovereign to
assassinate them. After much entreaty, and not without considerable
reluctance, my master desired that they should be given to them; and
said to the Gadado, on his leaving the hut, “Tell your sovereign
I never wish to see him again; my business with him is now at an
end.” A short time after Mallam Mudey returned with a message from
the sultan, acquainting my master of his intention of writing to
the king of England in explanation of his conduct. He desired Mallam
Mudey to tell Bello that the king of England would not even _look_
at a letter from him, after the treatment his subjects had received.

I took an opportunity one day of acquainting my master of Pascoe’s
villany, who immediately dismissed him, without paying his wages. The
old man went to a native lawyer to obtain advice in what manner he
was to act; but instead of holding out the hope of obtaining the
sum due to him, the learned Fellata expressed his astonishment that
Abdullah had not cut off his head. Pascoe then turned snuff-merchant;
but having given too extensive credit, soon became a bankrupt,
and was finally obliged to cut wood from the adjoining country,
and sell it in the market at Soccatoo, by which means he contrived
to procure a precarious subsistence.

One day the Gadado came and begged me to lend him my camel to go to
the war against the sheik of Bornou: knowing it would be impolitic to
refuse, I let him have it. The animal was returned to me, about six
weeks after, in a most shameful state, reduced to a mere skeleton,
and having two immense holes in its back. I wished the Gadado to
give me another in its stead, but he would not listen to me.

My master and myself enjoyed pretty good health for some time after
my arrival at Soccatoo, and amused ourselves with going a shooting
almost every day. At one shot my master brought down thirteen wild
ducks, about two miles to the north-east of the city, ten of which
were secured. We remained at Soccatoo much longer than was intended,
believing the sultan would consent to our proceeding to Bornou when
the war had become somewhat abated; but this he never granted.

On the 12th of March, 1827, I was greatly alarmed on finding my
dear master attacked with dysentery. He had been complaining a day
or two previously of a burning heat in his stomach, unaccompanied,
however, by any other kind of pain. From the moment he was taken ill
he perspired freely, and big drops of sweat were continually rolling
over every part of his body, which weakened him exceedingly. It being
the fast of Rhamadan, I could get no one, not even our own servants,
to render me the least assistance. I washed the clothes, which was an
arduous employment, and obliged to be done eight or nine times each
day, lit and kept in the fire, and prepared the victuals myself;
and the intermediate time was occupied in fanning my poor master,
which was also a tedious employment. Finding myself unable to pay
proper attention to his wants in these various avocations, I sent
to Mallam Mudey, on the 13th, entreating him to send me a female
slave to perform the operation of fanning. On her arrival I gave
her a few beads, and she immediately began her work with spirit;
but she soon relaxed in her exertions, and becoming tired, ran away,
on pretence of going out for a minute, and never returned. Alla
Sellakee, a young man my master had purchased on the road from Kano
to take care of the camels, and whom he had invariably treated with
his usual kindness, and given him his freedom, no sooner was made
acquainted with his master’s illness than he became careless and
idle, and instead of leading the camels to the rich pasturage in the
vicinity of Soccatoo, let them stray wherever they pleased, whilst
he himself either loitered about the city, or mixed with the most
degraded people in it: by this means the camels became quite lean;
and being informed of the reason, I told my master, who instantly
discharged him from his service.

My master grew weaker daily, and the weather was insufferably hot,
the thermometer being, in the coolest place, 107 at twelve in the
morning, and 109 at three in the afternoon. At his own suggestion
I made a couch for him outside the hut, in the shade, and placed
a mat for myself by its side. For five successive days I took him
in my arms from his bed in the hut to the couch outside, and back
again at sunset, after which time he was too much debilitated to
be lifted from the bed on which he lay. He attempted to write once,
and but once, during his illness; but before paper and ink could be
brought him, he had sunk back on his pillow, completely exhausted
by his ineffectual attempt to sit up in his bed. Fancying by various
symptoms he had been poisoned, I asked him one day whether he thought
that, in any of his visits to the Arabs or Tuaricks, any poisonous
ingredients had been put into the camel’s milk they had given him,
of which he was particularly fond. He replied, “No, my dear boy;
no such thing has been done, I assure you. Do you remember,” he
continued, “that when on a shooting excursion at Magaria, in the
early part of February, after walking the whole of the day, exposed
to the scorching rays of the sun, I was fatigued, and lay down under
the branches of a tree for some time? The earth was soft and wet,
and from that hour to the present I have not been free from cold:
this has brought on my present disorder, from which, I believe,
I shall never recover.”

For twenty days my poor master remained in a low and distressed
state. He told me he felt no pain; but this was spoken only to
comfort me, for he saw I was dispirited. His sufferings must have been
acute. During this time he was gradually, but perceptibly, declining;
his body, from being robust and vigorous, became weak and emaciated,
and indeed was little better than a skeleton. I was the only person,
with one exception, he saw in his sickness. Abderachman, an Arab
from Fezzan, came to him one day, and wished to pray with him,
after the manner of his countrymen, but was desired to leave the
apartment instantly. His sleep was uniformly short and disturbed,
and troubled with frightful dreams. In them he frequently reproached
the Arabs aloud with much bitterness; but being an utter stranger
to the language, I did not understand the tenor of his remarks. I
read to him daily some portions of the New Testament, and the
ninety-fifth Psalm, which he was never weary of listening to, and
on Sundays added the church service, to which he invariably paid the
profoundest attention. The constant agitation of mind and exertions
of body I had myself undergone for so long a time, never having in
a single instance slept out of my clothes, weakened me exceedingly,
and a fever came on not long before my master’s death, which hung
upon me for fifteen days, and ultimately brought me to the very
verge of the grave. Finding myself unequal to pay that attention to
my master’s wants which his situation so particularly required,
I solicited and obtained his consent to have old Pascoe once more to
assist me. On entering the hut, he fell on his knees, and prayed to be
forgiven, promising to be faithful to my master’s service. Master
immediately pardoned him, and said he would forget all that had
passed, if he conducted himself well: by this means the washing and
all the drudgery was taken from my shoulders, and I was enabled to
devote all my time and attention to my master’s person. I fanned
him for hours together, and this seemed to cool the burning heat of
his body, of which he repeatedly complained. Almost the whole of his
conversation turned upon his country and friends, but I never heard
him regret his leaving them; indeed he was patient and resigned to
the last, and a murmur of disappointment never escaped his lips.

On the 1st of April, he became considerably worse, and though
evidently in want of repose, his sleep became more and more
disturbed. He swallowed eight drops of laudanum, four times a day,
for three days; but finding it did him not the least benefit,
he discontinued taking it altogether: this, with the exception of
two papers of Seidlitz powders and four ounces of Epsom salts, was
the only medicine he had during his illness. On the 9th, Maddie,
a native of Bornou, whom master had retained in his service,
brought him about twelve ounces of green bark from the butter
tree, and said it would do him much good. Notwithstanding all my
remonstrances, master immediately ordered a decoction of it to be
prepared, observing, “No man will injure me.” Accordingly Maddie
himself boiled two basins-full, the whole of which he drank in less
than an hour. Next morning he was much altered for the worse, and
regretted his not having followed my advice. About twelve o’clock
of the same day, he said, “Richard, I shall shortly be no more;
I feel myself dying.” Almost choked with grief, I replied, “God
forbid, my dear master: you will live many years yet.” “Don’t
be so much affected, my dear boy, I entreat you,” said he: “it
is the will of the Almighty; it cannot be helped. Take care of my
journal and papers after my death; and when you arrive in London,
go immediately to my agents, send for my uncle, who will accompany
you to the Colonial Office, and let him see you deposit them safely
into the hands of the secretary. After I am buried, apply to Bello,
and borrow money to purchase camels and provisions for your journey
over the desert, and go in the train of the Arab merchants to
Fezzan. On your arrival there, should your money be exhausted,
send a messenger to Mr. Warrington, our consul at Tripoli, and
wait till he returns with a remittance. On reaching Tripoli, that
gentleman will advance what money you may require, and send you to
England the first opportunity. Do not lumber yourself with my books;
leave them behind, as well as the barometer, boxes, and sticks,
and indeed every heavy article you can conveniently part with;
give them to Malam Mudey, who will take care of them. The wages I
agreed to give you my agents will pay, as well as the sum government
allowed me for a servant; you will of course receive it, as Columbus
has never served me. Remark what towns or villages you pass through;
pay attention to whatever the chiefs may say to you, and put it on
paper. The little money I have, and all my clothes, I leave you:
sell the latter, and put what you may receive for them into your
pocket; and if, on your journey, you should be obliged to expend it,
government will repay you on your return.” I said, as well as my
agitation would permit me, “If it be the will of God to take you,
you may rely on my faithfully performing, as far as I am able, all
that you have desired; but I trust the Almighty will spare you, and
you will yet live to see your country.” “I thought I should at
one time, Richard,” continued he; “but all is now over; I shall
not be long for this world: but God’s will be done.” He then took
my hand betwixt his, and looking me full in the face, while a tear
stood glistening in his eye, said, in a low but deeply affecting
tone, “My dear Richard, if you had not been with me, I should
have died long ago; I can only thank you, with my latest breath,
for your kindness and attachment to me, and if I could have lived
to return with you, you should have been placed beyond the reach of
want; but God will reward you.” This conversation occupied nearly
two hours, in the course of which my master fainted several times,
and was distressed beyond measure. The same evening he fell into
a slumber, from which he awoke in much perturbation, and said he
had heard with much distinctness the tolling of an English funeral
bell: I entreated him to be composed, and observed that sick people
frequently fancy they hear and see things which can possibly have
no existence. He made no reply.

About six o’clock in the morning of the 11th, on asking how he did,
my master answered he was much better, and requested me to shave
him. He had not sufficient strength to lift his head from the pillow;
and after finishing one side of the face, I was obliged to turn his
head, in order to shave the other. As soon as it was done, he desired
me to fetch him a looking-glass which hung on the other side of the
hut. On seeing himself in it, he observed that he looked quite as ill
at Bornou, on his former journey; and as he had borne his disorder
so long a time, he might yet recover. On the following day he still
fancied himself getting better. I began to flatter myself, also, that
he was considerably improved. He eat a bit of hashed guinea-fowl in
the day, which he had not done before since his illness, deriving
his sole sustenance from a little fowl-soup and milk and water. On
the morning of the 13th, however, being awake, I was much alarmed by
a peculiar rattling noise, proceeding from my master’s throat, and
his breathing was loud and difficult; at the same instant he called
out “Richard!” in a low and hurried tone. I was immediately at
his side, and was astonished at seeing him sitting upright in his
bed, and staring wildly around. I held him in my arms, and placing
his head gently on my left shoulder, gazed a moment on his pale and
altered features: some indistinct expressions quivered on his lips;
he strove, but ineffectually, to give them utterance, and expired
without a struggle or a sigh. When I found my poor master so very ill,
I called out with all my strength, “O God, my master is dying!”
which brought Pascoe and Mudey into the apartment. Shortly after the
breath had left his body, I desired Pascoe to fetch some water, with
which I washed the corpse. I then got Pascoe and Mudey to assist me
in taking it outside of the hut, laid it on a clean mat, and wrapped
it in a sheet and blanket. Leaving it in this state two hours, I put a
large clean mat over the whole, and sent a messenger to Sultan Bello,
to acquaint him of the mournful event, and ask his permission to bury
the body after the manner of my own country, and also to know in what
particular place his remains were to be interred. The messenger soon
returned with the sultan’s consent to the former part of my request;
and about 12 o’clock at noon of the same day a person came into my
hut, accompanied by four slaves, sent by Bello to dig the grave. I
was desired to follow them with the corpse. Accordingly I saddled my
camel, and putting the body on its back, and throwing an union-jack
over it, I bade them proceed. Travelling at a slow pace, we halted
at Jungavie, a small village, built on a rising ground, about five
miles to the south-east of Soccatoo. The body was then taken from
the camel’s back, and placed in a shed, whilst the slaves were
digging the grave; which being quickly done, it was conveyed close
to it. I then opened a prayer-book, and, amid showers of tears,
read the funeral service over the remains of my valued master. Not a
single person listened to this peculiarly distressing ceremony, the
slaves being at some distance, quarrelling and making a most indecent
noise the whole of the time it lasted. This being done, the union-jack
was taken off, and the body was slowly lowered into the earth, and I
wept bitterly as I gazed for the last time upon all that remained of
my generous and intrepid master. The pit was speedily filled, and I
returned to the village about thirty yards to the east of the grave,
and giving the most respectable inhabitants, both male and female,
a few trifling presents, entreated them to let no one disturb its
sacred contents. I also gave them 2,000 cowries to build a house,
four feet high, over the spot, which they promised to do. I then
returned, disconsolate and oppressed, to my solitary habitation, and
leaning my head on my hand, could not help being deeply affected with
my lonesome and dangerous situation; a hundred and fifteen days’
journey from the sea-coast, surrounded by a selfish and cruel race
of strangers, my only friend and protector mouldering in his grave,
and myself suffering dreadfully from fever. I felt, indeed, as if
I stood alone in the world, and earnestly wished I had been laid by
the side of my dear master: all the trying evils I had endured never
affected me half so much as the bitter reflections of that distressing
period. After a sleepless night, I went alone to the grave, and found
that nothing had been done, nor did there seem the least inclination
on the part of the inhabitants of the village to perform their
agreement. Knowing it would be useless to remonstrate with them,
I hired two slaves at Soccatoo the next day, who went immediately
to work, and the house over the grave was finished on the 15th.

One instance, out of many, of the kindness and affection with which
my departed master uniformly treated me, occurred at Jenna, on our
journey into the interior. I was dangerously ill with fever in that
place, when he generously gave up his own bed to me, and slept himself
on my mat, watched over me with parental assiduity and tenderness,
and ministered to all my wants. No one can express the joy he felt
on my recovery: and who, possessing a spark of gratitude, could
help returning it but by the most inviolable attachment and devoted
zeal? It was his sympathy for me in all my sufferings that had so
powerful a claim on my feelings and affections, and taught me to be
grateful to him in hours of darkness and distress, when pecuniary
recompense was entirely out of the question.

The great sufferings, both mental and bodily, I had undergone at the
death and burial of my master, and the constant agitation in which
I was kept, occasioned a rapid increase in my disorder; and on the
16th I could with difficulty crawl round my hut, and was obliged to
lay myself on my mat, from which I had not strength to arise till the
27th; old Pascoe, during that period, being very kind and attentive to
me. The Arabs in the city visited me daily, and did all in their power
to raise my spirits; telling me not to be disheartened at the death of
my father, and that no injury would happen to me. But I plainly saw
these visits of condolence did not proceed from a charitable spirit;
they came more for the purpose of obtaining presents than any thing
else: but I did not give them any. The sultan also sent messengers to
inquire after my health nearly as often. The weather was dreadfully
warm; and I was obliged to have a tub of water close at my side,
into which I frequently plunged my hands and arms, and occasionally
sprinkled my head and body. This much refreshed me; indeed it was
the only means by which I was enabled to obtain a little sleep. I
had given up all hopes of life, when on the 26th I found my health
improve in a wonderful manner; the next day I was able to sit up on
my mat. In the course of this day (27th) the Gadado, Malem Moodie,
and Sidi Sheik, came with a commission from the sultan to search my
boxes, as he had been informed they were filled with gold and silver;
but, to their great amazement, found I had not sufficient money to
defray my expenses to the sea-coast. They, however, took an inventory
of all my articles, and carried it to Bello. The gold watch intended
for him, and the private watches of Captains Clapperton and Pearce,
I had taken the precaution to conceal about my person. In a short
time the Gadado and his companions returned with a message from the
sultan, commanding me to deliver to them the following articles,
viz. a rifle-gun, double-barrelled ditto, two bags of ball, a
canister of powder, a bag of flints, a ream and a half of paper,
and six gilt chains, for which he promised to give me whatever I
might ask. I consequently charged him 245,000 cowries, which I was
to receive from Hadji Hat Sallah, at Kano; and an order was given me
to receive this sum, and what more I might require in my journey over
the Great Desert. A letter was also sent by me to Hadji Hat Sallah.

On the 28th I made Ben Gumso a present of four yards of blue, and
the same quantity of scarlet damask, an unwritten journal-book, two
pairs of scissors, and two knives: with these articles I endeavoured
to get into the good graces of this old Arab. By a singular piece
of good fortune he had just begun to exercise a powerful influence
over the mind and opinions of the sultan. Bello, in an excursion
into the Gooberite country, had come to an engagement with a large
party of the natives; and in the midst of the fight was shot in
the neck with a poisoned arrow, which turned the tide of victory in
favour of his enemies. On his return to Soccatoo, Ben Gumso wrote
a charm on a bit of wood, which was washed off into a calabash of
water, and drank immediately by the sultan; who, shortly after
recovering, attributed it solely to the virtues of this charm,
and he was advanced accordingly. I begged Ben Gumso to use his
influence with the sultan to obtain leave for my departure from
his capital, and make the best of my way homewards. He accordingly
represented to Bello the impolicy and injustice of detaining any
longer a subject of the king of England; advised him to allow me to
quit Soccatoo as soon as possible; and insinuated that, if I were
to die in his dominions, a report would be circulated and believed
that he had murdered both my father and me, by which he would get
a bad name. The sultan approved of these weighty arguments of Ben
Gumso; and word was sent me, almost immediately, to appear before
him. After a little preliminary conversation, Bello asked me which
route I should prefer. Although my master had advised me to proceed
with the Arabs to Fezzan, just before his death, I much feared that
the papers intrusted to my care would be stolen, and myself murdered,
by that wily and treacherous race, whose behaviour to my master,
from the time of his arrival in Houssa, I very much disliked; and
would rather cast myself, unarmed and unprotected, upon the good
faith of the natives, than go with them. Under these impressions I
answered the sultan that, as I wished to get to England in as short
a time as possible, the route to Kubbi, through Boussa, was most
likely to answer that end. “It is impossible,” he continued,
“to travel that way: the rainy season is commenced; the rivers
are overflowed; the country is inundated; and you will not be able
to reach the sea-coast in safety. It will be much better for you to
go over the desert; and, to facilitate your progress, I will write
Hat Sallah to get a trustworthy person to accompany you; he will
also furnish you with camels and provisions, and advance you what
money it is likely you will want.” I only replied, “Very well,
sultan.” He then asked if Abdullah had forgiven Pascoe in his book,
for the roguery he had committed. I said, “He had not been able
to write during the whole of his sickness; and therefore nothing
was stated about the matter.”—“If Abdullah has not pardoned
him in his book,” rejoined the sultan, “your king will certainly
cut off his head on his arrival in England.” I assured him Pascoe
would not be punished by any one, if his future conduct was good; but
this the sultan was in no haste to believe; and observed, “I cannot
suffer him to go with you; he shall stay here to _clean and repair my
guns_!” this latter consideration having evidently more influence
with the sultan than Pascoe’s safety, which he cared nothing at all
about. I then besought Bello to permit him to accompany me as far as
Kano, as an interpreter; to which he rather reluctantly consented,
on condition that I should procure him a horse to return, and pay
him wages, on my arrival at Kano, to the amount of 15,000 cowries,
which of course I agreed to do; and finding the sultan had nothing
more to say, I bowed profoundly and retired. I never saw him again.

FROM SOCCATOO TO DUNRORA.

On the evening of the 3d of May, a messenger came from the sultan,
and told me to get every thing in readiness to depart on the following
morning, with a promise of a camel and provisions, which I never
received. Early next day, therefore, I left Soccatoo, where I had
suffered so much, heartily tired of the place and its inhabitants;
and, accompanied with a messenger from the kind old Gadado, Pascoe
and Mudey, with our three camels and two horses, proceeded to a flat,
five miles to the east of Magaria, where we arrived in the afternoon,
and rested for the night under the branches of a large tree, near to a
small lake. Mosquitoes were numerous and troublesome, and consequently
could not sleep till morning, when a refreshing breeze springing up,
it drove them away. At this flat we joined a party of above 4,000
people, consisting of Tuarick salt-merchants returning to Kilgris,
pilgrims on their way to Mecca, Goora merchants returning to Kano and
Nyffé, &c. &c.; all travelling in company, for mutual protection,
with an immense number of camels, horses, and bullocks. The merchants
invariably meet at Kashna, where they disperse for their different
destinations. In the same train was the king of Jacoba, with fifty
slaves, which he had driven to Soccatoo, as a present to the sultan,
who, having learnt the dreadful losses he had sustained in men and
cattle in his wars with the sheik of Bornou, and the number of his
villages which had been plundered and burnt by the soldiers of the
sheik, would not accept of them, and desired the king of Jacoba to
re-conduct them to his own dominions.

At eleven o’clock in the morning of the 4th of May, a signal to
prepare to depart was made with the horns and drums of the party,
which made a loud and most discordant noise; and, about an hour
after, the whole body was in motion. We travelled in great haste
till three o’clock in the afternoon of the 5th, when Boussa Jack,
the horse on which I rode, and which was made a present of by the
king of Boussa to my late master, became much fatigued, and began
to lag. The weather was at this time intolerably hot, and the dust
was rolling in thick clouds in every direction, entering my eyes and
nostrils, and penetrating into the very pores of the skin. I felt
nearly suffocated, and was faint and exhausted. Finding I was unable
to proceed, I ordered Pascoe to overtake the camels, his horse being
fresh and vigorous, and bring me some water. I then dismounted, and
sat under a tree by the road-side, whose branches afforded but an
indifferent shelter against the scorching rays of an African sun,
and holding the bridle of my poor horse in my hand, I implored
the hundreds of Fellatas and Tuaricks who were passing to sell me
a drop of water; but the cold-hearted wretches refused my earnest
request, observing one to another, “He is a Kafir; let him die.”
At length a young Fellata, from Footatoora, accidentally seeing me,
came to the spot, exclaiming, “Nasarah, Nasarah, triffi manora!”
(Christian, Christian, go on!) I answered, “I am faint and sick
for want of water; no one will give me any; and I am so weary that
I cannot proceed.” On hearing which the young man kindly gave me
a small calabash full; part of which I drank, and with the remainder
washed the nostrils of Boussa Jack, and sprinkled a little into his
mouth. The people, who observed the Fellata performing this generous
action, upbraided him in strong language for giving water to the
Christian; but he, showing them a double-barrelled gun, remarked
that he had obtained it of my countrymen, who were all good men,
and would do no harm. This somewhat appeased them. On examining the
gun shortly afterwards, I found it to be of English manufacture,
with “Arnold, maker, London,” on its lock. I, as well as the
horse, was greatly refreshed with the small quantity of water I had
taken; but soon becoming again weak and dispirited, I was almost
in as bad a state as on the former occasion; my legs were swollen
prodigiously, and I felt the most acute pains in every part of
my body. At length I perceived Pascoe, whom I had sent for water
three or four hours previously, comfortably seated under a tree,
and seeming to be enjoying himself much with Mudey,—the camels
feeding at a short distance. I had half an inclination to shoot the
heartless old scoundrel, knowing as he did how keen my sufferings
must have been. Reflecting, however, that the safety of my papers,
and even my own life, was placed in some measure in his hands,
I restrained myself, and merely asked why he did not return with
the water, on which he answered, very composedly, “I was tired.”

The young Fellata who had so generously saved my life came to me on
the 7th, and informed me that the whole of the slaves of the king of
Jacoba being missing, a party of horsemen had been sent in quest of
them, and had just returned with the dreadful account of having seen
thirty-five of their dead bodies exposed on the road; the remaining
fifteen could not be found, but were strongly suspected of having
met a similar fate. These unfortunate creatures had to carry heavy
burdens on their heads the day before; and being unable to keep up
with the rapid pace of the camels, were necessarily obliged to be
left behind, and thus miserably perished of thirst. I congratulated
myself on my own good fortune in having so narrowly escaped so horrid
a death; and thanked the Almighty for having so providentially
rescued me. On leaving me, I gave the Fellata a pair of scissors,
and twenty flints for his gun, which pleased him highly. On our road
to Kano, the king of Jacoba became very sociable with me, and was
my constant companion. He pressed me very much to visit his country,
where he would do all in his power to make my stay agreeable. He told
me that his neighbours, the Yamyam people, who had assisted him in
his war against the sheik of Bornou, were surrounded, with some of
his own people, on a plain near Jacoba, by the sheik’s soldiers,
who made a dreadful slaughter of them. The fight lasted a whole
day, when the Yamyams and people of Jacoba were entirely routed; he
himself narrowly escaping being taken prisoner. The morning after,
the surviving Yamyams repaired to the field of action, and bearing
off a great number of the dead bodies of their enemies, made a fire,
roasted, and ate them!

Soon after our arrival at Markee, on the 19th, the spouse of the
chief, a finely formed and intelligent looking woman, aged about 22
years, came to me with tears in her eyes, and implored me to give
her some magarie, as she had no child. I accordingly presented her
with a couple of tea-spoonfuls of oil of cinnamon, and ordered her
to put two drops of it into a pint of cow’s milk, which should be
taken three times a day till the whole was consumed. I told her that
on my return to Markee I had not the least doubt I should have the
pleasure of seeing her the happy mother of a numerous progeny. On
her husband being made acquainted with the circumstance, he came and
thanked me in the heartiest manner for my kindness, gave me abundance
of fresh milk, fowls, rice, &c.; telling me at the same time, that
on my return from England he would give me a large sum of money,
which, no doubt, he will do. Bidding them adieu the next morning,
they said to me, “Christian! God send you safely to your country,
and may you speedily come back to Markee.”

On my arrival at Kano on the 25th of May, I delivered Sultan
Bello’s order and letter to Hadji Hat Sallah; but he declared,
after perusing the letter, he would have nothing to do with it:
he had nearly lost his head on my father’s account at Soccatoo,
and therefore positively refused to lend me a single cowrie. He
had no objection to give, in goods and a slave, the amount of my
demands on Bello, but refused to let me have any money. I accordingly
received from him a strong female slave, a quantity of unwrought silk,
and scarlet caps and beads. I sold my weakened and diseased camels
for 15,000 cowries each, and discharged their keeper, Maddie. Not
having sufficient money to purchase fresh camels, provisions, and
presents for the chiefs on my way to Fezzan, I was necessitated
to take a different route; and for that purpose purchased a horse
and two asses. Bello had not forgotten to mention in his letter for
Hadji Hat Sallah to send back Pascoe to Soccatoo, on his arrival at
Kano. I begged of him, however, to let me take him as far as Coulfo,
in Nyffé, which he at first refused; but giving him two yards of
scarlet damask, two pairs of scissors, two dollars, a large knife,
and two yards of blue damask, the old Arab seemed to relax in his
determination; and calling Pascoe to him, gave him leave to accompany
me to Coulfo, but cautioned him to return the moment he arrived,
on pain of having _Jerrub_ (the devil) sent after him. The old man
came to me just after in great trepidation, every member of his body
trembling like an aspen leaf, and gave me to understand, as well
as he was able, the conversation he had had with Hadji Hat Sallah,
and in consequence thereof, his great reluctance to quit Kano with
me. I did all I could to laugh him out of his superstitious fears,
but it utterly failed of the desired effect; the name of _Jerrub_
being enough to put him in a fever. I had given the slave that Hadji
Hat Salah had sold me to Pascoe as a wife. I told him that, unless
he accompanied me, he should not have her. As soon as he learnt he
was to be parted from the girl, all his scruples vanished, and he
consented to go to Coulfo, but no farther, he having left a wife at
Soccatoo, where he much wished to go. This woman, whom I had seen
several times as Ben Gumso’s slave, was remarkably ugly, and had
had before marriage a male child, by a blind fiddler belonging to
Sultan Bello’s band at Soccatoo. On my asking what had induced
him to marry so frightful an object, he replied, in a tone full
of tenderness, it was because she loved him very much, and made
the best _tuah_ he had ever tasted: these powerful recommendations
were irresistible to a man of Pascoe’s stamp; and a very short
time after he had first tasted her _tuah_, Ben Gumso’s ugly slave
became the wife of Abbou Boukir (Pascoe’s native name).

On the 29th, Hadji Hat Sallah desired me to pay my respects to
the king of Kano, who was then at Faniso, his country residence. I
complied with his wishes, and on my leaving his majesty he said,
“When you return to your own country, Christian, give the Fellatas
a good name.” He was not, however, kind enough to send a messenger
with me, so I hired two men to accompany me as far as Funda, paying
them 8,000 cowries each for their journey. The same day at one left
Kano, and travelling at a quick pace, halted on the banks of the
river Kogie, four hours’ journey from that place; but being much
swollen, did not dare to pass. To our great regret we found that the
tent-poles had been left behind; I was consequently obliged to send
back one of the hired servants after them, giving him a sword as a
proof that he was sent by me; but the scoundrel never returned. It
being necessary for us to rest on the banks of the river that night,
I slung the tent to the branch of a tree, and fastened the lower part
to the earth. At seven in the evening it came to fall heavy rain,
accompanied with the loudest thunder I ever recollect to have heard,
and lightning, which continued with great violence till nine next
morning. In the night, our tent becoming completely drenched and
heavy, the bough to which it was attached gave way, and it fell on
us as we were sitting on our mats, it being utterly impossible to
sleep. We remained in this miserable plight till day-light, for no
one could venture out in that dreadful weather.

30th.—As soon as things were put to rights this morning, I sent
Pascoe to Kano to endeavour to bring back the fellow that had cheated
me yesterday, but he had not been seen near the place; and Pascoe
returned in the afternoon with the poles. The river was now become
fordable, but, owing to the strength and rapidity of the current,
we crossed with extreme difficulty. We had no sooner landed on the
opposite side than four armed slaves from Soccatoo came up to us,
and demanded 4,000 cowries of Pascoe, which Ben Gumso had lent him
to defray the expenses of the marriage ceremony with his slave, the
celebrated maker of tuah; and if Pascoe were unable to pay that sum,
they were to take him back to Soccatoo. Pascoe informed them he had
left English clothes and money in that capital worth 50,000 cowries,
out of which Ben Gumso might pay himself. This answer by no means
satisfied the slaves, who were about to take him away by force, when
I myself paid the money demanded. This little affair being settled
to the complete gratification of Pascoe, we stopped till morning on
the spot. The weather during the whole of the night was just as bad
as yesterday. In the evening sent Mohamed, the other hired servant,
to a neighbouring village to purchase provisions; but he brought
with him a little corn only.

31st.—The weather clearing up this morning about eight, we
proceeded on our journey, and at two P.M. arrived at Madubie,
a small walled town. The chief invited me to remain at his house,
but I preferred staying in my tent, which I had fixed within the
walls, close to the gate. In the evening the chief’s daughter
came to see me, bringing milk, a bowl of stewed beef, and tuah,
sufficient for the whole of us for supper. I afterwards made her a
trifling present. The weather as usual.

June 1st.—Having dried our tent, at 9 A.M. journeyed till we came
to the banks of the Gora, a narrow but deep and rapid river. I was
much afraid the men would be washed down the stream in crossing;
but at length every thing was landed on the opposite side. Passed
the walled town of Bebajie at one at noon; and ordering the men
to proceed ahead, I followed at some distance, being afraid the
inhabitants would detain me if recognised. Half an hour after, came
to a spot where are two roads, one leading to Nyffé, and the other
to Funda. My master had said, before his death, at Soccatoo, that if
I returned through Nyffé and Youriba, the inhabitants, who must have
heard of our having taken presents to Sultan Bello, with whom they
were at war, would certainly assassinate me; and feeling an earnest
and irrepressible desire to visit Funda, on the banks of the Niger,
and trace, in a canoe, that river to Benin, without hesitation I chose
the Funda road. We therefore proceeded, and at 6 A.M. pitched our
tent within half a mile of the walled town of Koufa. Sent Pascoe to
the town for provisions; who shortly afterwards returned with some
of the inhabitants to look at the tent. The chief did not visit me,
thinking I was an Arab on his way to Funda. I was fortunate enough to
obtain a little sleep this night, for the first time since leaving
Kano. The town is situated at the foot of an immense rock, on which
there is not the slightest trace of vegetation, is about two miles
in circumference, and pretty thickly inhabited. To the east of the
town is a range of high hills, stretching from north to south as far
as the eye can reach. Their sides had a most pleasing appearance,
and vegetation looked green and luxuriant. Travelled in a south-east
direction till ten in the morning, when our course lay more westerly.

2d.—Left Koufa at 6 A.M., the weather being rainy, and halted at
the small walled town of Cookie at twelve at noon.

3d.—It began to rain at day-break, and continued without
intermission till ten in the morning, when, brightening a little,
we struck our tent, and started at eleven.

At 5 P.M. came near Carifo, a small walled town, similar in extent
and form to those we had seen yesterday and the day before. In
the course of the day crossed a large river and two smaller ones,
all running in a westerly direction, but no one could tell me their
names. The hills seen yesterday still on our left, and extending to
the horizon.

At 9 A.M. a dreadful thunder-storm came on, with lightning and
torrents of rain, which threatened to wash down our tent. The country
traversed to-day and yesterday, though level, is picturesque and
beautiful; all nature wears a gay and lively aspect: the soil rich,
and of a deep red colour.

4th.—At eight this morning, after drying the tent, proceeded;
and at eleven reached the foot of a high and craggy mountain, called
Almena, consisting of gigantic blocks of granite, fearfully piled on
each other, and seeming ready to fall to the ground below. They much
resemble the rocks near the Logan-stone, in Cornwall, but infinitely
larger. Mahomet, my servant, who is acquainted with the traditions
of the natives of every part of this country, and had travelled far
and near, gave me the following story:—“About 500 years ago
a queen of the Fantee nation, having quarrelled with her husband
about a golden stool, fled from her dominions with a great number of
her subjects, and built a large town at the foot of this mountain,
which she called Almena, from which it took its name.” The town
was surrounded with a stone wall, as the ruins which now remain
plainly attest. Crossed three small streams in the day, flowing in a
north-westerly direction. At 3 P.M. passed a small walled town called
Gowgee; and at four halted at Gatas, which it exactly resembled. Here
I met with some Kano merchants from Cuttup. The inhabitants of Gatas,
discovering by some means my being a Christian, came in crowds to
see me; but behaved in a quiet and orderly manner. I invited some
of the most respectable of the females into my tent, which they
greatly admired, and shortly afterwards presented me with milk and
foorah. The natives of this, as well as every other town I have seen
in this direction, are of Houssa, but tributary to the Fellatas.

5th.—At five in the morning were again on the road, and halted
at the south side of Damoy, a small walled town, at 2 P.M. The
inhabitants of this town informed me that the range of hills I
have mentioned extended to the salt water, and are inhabited by
the ferocious Yamyams, whom they all declare, as did every one I
had questioned on the road, to be cannibals. The Yamyams formerly
carried on an extensive traffic with the Houssa men, in red cloth,
beads, &c. which they took in exchange for elephant’s teeth: but
five years before they assassinated a gaffle of merchants, and had
afterwards eaten them; since which time the Houssa people have been
shy in dealing with them.

6th.—Started at eight in the morning, and traversing a hilly and
steril country, covered with small loose stones, reached the south
side of a large river called by the natives Accra, at 3 P.M., running
to the north-west. I was in hopes of getting into a town this day;
but having a burning fever on me, and the nearest village being at
some distance, we were obliged to fix the tent on the banks of the
river, and remain there till morning without food of any kind.

7th.—Left at six in the morning, and proceeding in a south-west
course, arrived at a walled town called Nammaleek, at twelve at
noon; the north-east part of which is defended by a mountain,
and the remaining parts by a high mud wall. The mountain is nearly
perpendicular, and thickly covered with wood. Thousands of hyenas,
tiger-cats, jackals, monkeys, &c. inhabit it; and the terrific noise
they made during the night prevented me from closing my eyes. These
animals are so rapacious, that the poor inhabitants cannot keep a
single bullock, sheep, or goat; in consequence of which no animal
food could be obtained in the place. The chief put us into a hut,
and gave us tuah, with a sauce made from the monkey’s bread-fruit
tree, which is most unpalatable stuff. I intended to stop a short
time here, and take medicine; but the people coming in scores to see
me, I had no opportunity of opening my box but in their presence,
which I did not choose to do. This day, two Fellatas, messengers
of the sultan of Zegzeg, unfortunately saw me, and asked where I
was going. On my acquainting them, they immediately rode off, and,
as I subsequently learnt, returned to Zegzeg, and informed the king
that I was on my way to Funda with two asses, loaded with riches,
and a beautiful horse, as presents to the king of that place.

8th.—At eight in the morning left Nammaleek, and keeping in a
south-west direction, at the foot of a range of mountains, perceived
an opening, and went through it at about twelve. Our course then
lay more easterly, and crossing one large and three small rivers,
whose names I could not learn, arrived at Fullindushie, the frontier
town in Catica. On our journey to-day, we met, on their way to Zegzeg,
as a tax to sultan Bello, from a neighbouring country, thirty slaves,
men, women, and children, all apparently ill with the small-pox. The
men were tied to each other by the neck with twisted bullocks’
hide; but the women and children were at liberty. The inhabitants
of Fullindushie were the first people I had seen in Africa who
disdained to make use of any kind of dress. They laughed immoderately
on seeing me; whilst I, on my part, made myself quite merry at their
expense. They were soon on the most familiar footing with me, and seem
an artless and good-humoured people; but disgusting in their manners,
and filthy in their persons: their sheep, goats, and poultry eat
and sleep in the same hut with them, and a most intolerable stench
is exhaled from all their dwellings. They do not appear to have the
least affection for their offspring: a parent will sell his child for
the merest trifle in the world, with no more remorse or repugnance
than he would a chicken. They invariably wear a large piece of blue
glass, in the shape of a semicircle, in their upper and lower lip;
and a piece of red wood, about the size of a man’s thumb, dangles
from their ears. They rub red clay, softened with an oil extracted
from the guinea-nut, over their heads and bodies, which by no means
improves their appearance. Their features do not resemble in any
way those of the Negro, but are fine and handsome, and bear great
similitude to the European. The inhabitants make fetishes, like the
natives of Yariba.

9th.—Leaving at seven in the morning, did not halt till we arrived
at La Zumee, a small town, with a good population, at three in
the afternoon. On my entering, perceived two men sitting under the
date-tree, one of whom having a tobe on, I saluted, thinking him
to be the chief; but was surprised at his telling me he was a Kano
merchant, and that the person by his side was that individual. The
chief is a mean and dirty looking old man, and had a sheep-skin
covered with filth tied round his waist. After showing me a hut,
and staying away two hours, he came back, and apologized for not
sending me provisions, saying his wives were at work in the gardens,
but that on their return I should have some: accordingly, about
three hours after, they brought me a couple of fowls, and some
tuah and rice; for which I gave them a pair of scissors and fifty
needles. Surrounding the town is a remarkably broad and deep ditch,
which appeared to have been formerly filled with water. The country
in the vicinity of the town is well cultivated. The Catica or Bowchee
people do not possess a single bullock.

10th.—Arose at six in the morning, and pursuing a S.W. direction,
over a fine and rich country, arrived at Coorokoo, a small walled
town, environed with hills, at twelve.

11th.—Started at half-past seven in the morning, and halted at
twelve at noon on the north-east side of the banks of a large river,
rolling to the north-west, called Coodoonia, which empties itself
into the Niger, near Funda. Finding it too deep to cross, we were
obliged to remain till next day without food.

12th.—Crossed the river at nine o’clock this morning, the water
reaching to our chins; and immediately proceeded towards Cuttup,
where we arrived after three hours’ travelling. Having heard, on my
route, so many different reports of Cuttup, its wealth, population,
and celebrated market, I was rather surprised on finding it to consist
of nearly five hundred small villages, almost adjoining each other;
nearly the whole of which occupy a vast and beautiful plain, adorned
with the finest trees. Here, for the first time since leaving the
coast, I saw plantain, palm, and cocoa-nut trees, in great abundance,
and in a flourishing condition; the country resembling, in a striking
manner, some parts of Yariba. A considerable traffic is carried
on here in slaves and bullocks; the latter are bred by Fellatas,
a great number of whom reside here for no other purpose. Slaves,
as well as bullocks and sheep, are exposed in the market, which is
held daily; and also red cloth, gum, salt, goora nuts, trona, beads,
tobacco, country cloth, rings, needles, cutlery articles, and honey,
rice, milk, &c. People from the most distant parts of the country
resort here in vast numbers, to purchase these various articles. The
sultan being a very great man, I thought it necessary to make him
a present worthy the representative (however humble) of the king of
England. I accordingly gave him four yards of blue damask, the same
quantity of scarlet ditto, a print of my own gracious sovereign,
and one of his royal highness the Duke of York, with several more
trifling articles. In return, I received from him a sheep, the humps
of two bullocks, and stewed rice sufficient for fifty men. Ten of the
king’s wives, on paying me a visit a day or two after my arrival,
took a fancy to the gilt buttons on my jacket, which I cut off and
presented to their sable majesties. Thinking them to be gold, they
immediately stuck them in their ears. In this belief I took care
not to undeceive them.

During my stay at Cuttup I was never in want of a bullock’s hump
(by far the best part of the animal, weighing from twelve to fifteen
pounds), for the king invariably receives, as a tax from the butchers,
the hump of every bullock they slaughtered; and one or two was sent
me by his wives each day. Being in want of money, I sent to the
market and informed the people I had needles and beads to sell; on
which several buyers came into my hut and purchased freely, giving
me fifteen or twenty cowries each for the needles, whilst the Arabs
could only get ten at most for theirs; but whether they conceived my
needles to be superior, or whether it was the desire of obtaining
something of a white man, I did not learn. Unlike the princes of
Houssa, Borgoo, Nyffé, Cuttumkora, and other places in the interior,
the sultan of Cuttup gives his wives unrestricted liberty.

An old woman came to me one afternoon, full of grief, informing me of
her having frequently been robbed of the little money she had saved
from her earnings, from holes in her hut, where she had hid it, by
some of her neighbours and acquaintances. She entreated me to let
her have a charm to prevent such dishonest acts in future. Being
ever willing to oblige the simple-hearted Africans, I gave her a
tea-spoonful of common sweet oil, in a small phial, telling her that
she must, on her return to her hut, pour it into the hole in which
she intended concealing her money; and that if any one but herself
touched the money while there, without her permission, he would not
long survive. I advised her by all means to give the virtues of this
charm as extensive a circulation as possible, and I had no doubt she
would not be robbed again. The poor old woman could not express the
gratitude she felt for my kindness; she dropped on her knees before
me, thanked me in the warmest terms, and pressed me to accept of
forty cowries, the only money she had then in the world. Of course
I refused to deprive the old woman of her substance, and sent her
away highly pleased with the treatment she had received.

16th.—Having paid my respects to the king and his wives last
evening, left Cuttup at six in the morning; and pursuing a south-west
direction till half-past one, when we proceeded due south, arrived at
Coogie, a small town, at half-past three in the afternoon. Owing to
the bites and stings of myriads of flies, the asses, for the whole of
the journey, were restive and unmanageable, frequently throwing off
their loads, and detaining us on the way by their wanton pranks. The
roads were of the very worst description; at one moment obliged to
carry the loads ourselves over dangerous precipices, and at the next
up to our waist in mud and water on the low grounds. Two Fellatas
came to see me this day, but made no observations.

17th.—Pursuing our journey at half-past five in the morning,
arrived at a town called Dungoora at two in the afternoon. It rained
heavily during this day’s journey, and consequently got wet to the
skin on halting. The water rushed in torrents through the valleys,
and in some places on the hills the beasts sank to their knees in
mud and dirt. Crossed a large river to-day, named Rary, flowing to
the south-east, our course being to the south-south-west. The country
traversed is hilly and thickly wooded; the soil rich and fertile. Not
being able to obtain provisions, and every article being wet through,
obliged to remain in our wet clothes all night, without fire or food.

18th.—At 6 A.M. proceeded on our journey, and arrived at Dunrora
at 6 P.M. Our route, some parts of the day, lay over steep and
craggy precipices, some of them being of a most awful height. On the
summit of one of these places the path was barely wide enough for
a single beast to pass. The horse that carried the portmanteaus, in
which were the journal, papers, watches, &c. struck himself against
a piece of rock projecting over the road, and was precipitated
a distance of eighty yards, the ropes which were bound round the
portmanteaus arresting his further progress. I was horror-struck
on observing the poor little animal tumbling head over heels down
the frightful declivity, and was much afraid he would be dashed
to pieces, the portmanteaus broken, and their contents destroyed;
but was most happy to see him entangled in some stunted trees which
fortunately grew on the side of the precipice, which is seven hundred
yards in height. This accident occasioned us two hours’ delay; but
the horse was not materially hurt. We had been travelling about half
an hour after leaving this spot, when we came to a place from which
there was an extensive and beautiful prospect of the surrounding
country; and eight days’ journey might plainly be seen before
us. I halted for a moment to gaze upon the fine and noble scene
around me. About half a day’s journey to the east stood a lofty
hill, at the foot of which lay the large city of Jacoba. Mahomet
affirmed that there is a river called Shar, or Sharry, about half a
mile from that place, which derives its source from the lake Tchad;
and that canoes can go from the lake to the Niger at any season
of the year. The Sharry empties itself into the Niger at Funda;
and the Niger, after leaving the towns of Cuttum Currijee, Gattoo,
and Jibboo, joins the salt water, but at what particular place
Mahomet could not rightly inform me, never having heard the word
“Benin” mentioned before. Funda lies due west of Dunrora. Not
being aware that the chief of Dunrora was so very great a man, I
this day sent him only a pair of scissors and fifty needles, which
were shortly afterwards returned to me with a request that I would
give them to a less exalted personage. On asking the reason of this
conduct, the people informed me I had insulted the dignity of their
chief by offering so trifling a present, he being a mighty man. Not
feeling disposed, however, to add any thing else to it, I sent back
the messenger empty-handed. Dunrora contains 4000 inhabitants.

FROM DUNRORA BACK TO ZEGZEG.

19th.—This morning as I was loading my beasts, and preparing
to depart, I perceived four armed men ride up at full gallop to
the residence of the chief, their horses covered with foam and
perspiration. The chief had no sooner been made acquainted with their
errand than he came to me, followed by an immense multitude of people,
and gave me to understand that I must immediately return with the
messengers, who had just arrived, to the king of Zegzeg, who much
wished to see me. I remonstrated with him on the injustice of the
command, telling him it was a hard case I should go back to Zegzeg,
having proceeded so far on my way unmolested: his only reply was,
that if he suffered me to depart he should lose his head. Finding
entreaty and persuasion useless, I consented, with a bad grace, to
return with the messengers. Thus, after seventeen days’ perilous
travelling from Kano, with a fair prospect of reaching Funda in twelve
or thirteen more, from whence four days’ sail would bring me to
the salt water, a new country opening before me, and filled with the
most lively anticipations of solving the geographical problem which
had for so long a time puzzled Europeans, of ascertaining whether
the Niger actually joins the sea in that direction, was I obliged to
abandon my fondest and long cherished hopes, and return to Zegzeg;
from thence to be transported the Lord knew whither. I felt depressed
and unhappy at this sudden turn in my affairs, and cared not much
whether I lived or died. We left the town in the course of the day,
and entered Cuttup by the same route I had taken on the 21st.

I was attacked with dysentery on my arrival, and remained at Cuttup
four days, much against the inclination of my guards; suffering during
that period, and indeed for several days after, more dreadfully than
I can describe.

25th.—Left Cuttup by another route at eight in the morning,
accompanied by two messengers on foot, in lieu of the horsemen, who,
on finding me very tractable, and too ill to make the least exertion,
had thought them strong enough to guard me. After proceeding in a
northerly direction till twelve, reached an insignificant village,
forming part of Cuttup. The country traversed level, but thickly
wooded, and fertile.

26th.—Arose at 6 A.M., and did not halt till ten at night, when
we fixed our tent on a clear space in the midst of a large wood;
vast quantities of bamboo, palm, and cocoa-nut trees growing in
every direction. The asses were very troublesome to-day, having been
annoyed by the forest flies; myriads of which swarm in the woods,
and alight in great numbers on men and animals. These insects bit
the asses so severely that the blood streamed copiously from their
sides and legs, and made them so restive that they frequently flung
off their loads, and rolled themselves on the ground. Being unable to
procure any better provisions, we contented ourselves with a little
boiled corn. Although still very ill, found myself greatly improved.

27th.—At seven in the morning proceeded, and after a fatiguing
journey, reached a Bowchee village, named Cokalo, at 2 P.M. The
inhabitants being very poor, could procure nothing but corn. The
chief of the village had made a fetish, and having roasted a dog,
stewed a large snake in oil and water, and boiled a good deal of
corn, invited his people to a feast, of which they partook freely. A
small bowl of boiled corn, enriched with a portion of the reptile,
and the liquid in which it had been dressed, was sent me from the
chief’s table. Supposing it to be fish on the boiled corn, I ate
a mouthful or two, but there being a peculiar, and not disagreeable
flavour with it, I cursorily asked a person, who stood by my side,
what kind of fish I was eating; but on his telling me it was part
of the snake, I could eat no more. Pascoe, however, was not quite so
fastidious, and consumed the remainder with great relish, declaring
that, in his opinion, it was much superior to dried ling.

28th.—Proceeding this morning at eight, arrived an hour after
on the banks of the Coodoonia; but here it was broader, deeper,
and more rapid than at Cuttup. In attempting to convey, on a small
bamboo raft, one of my portmanteaus to the opposite side, found it
would not bear its weight, and snatched it from the raft just in time
to save it from sinking. Finding it, therefore, dangerous to cross,
till the river became more shallow, I strenuously refused to accede
to the wishes of the messengers, who strongly urged the necessity
of my reaching Zegzeg as quickly as possible; observing, that I
would neither risk my property nor person on so weak and dangerous a
conveyance. They abused me in the most insolent terms, and threatened
to go immediately and inform their king of my refusal to proceed. I
desired them to give my best respects to his Zegzeg majesty, and told
them they were at liberty to go as soon as they pleased. They left
me in great anger, cursing me as they went; whilst I slowly proceeded
with my horses and asses to the village we had left in the morning.

Whether the messengers did or did not go to Zegzeg I cannot tell,
but they did not return till the 11th July following. I remained all
that time in the village, very ill, with nothing to eat but boiled
corn, not by any means relishing their roasted dogs. The inhabitants,
who came by hundreds each day to visit me, were destitute of apparel
of any kind, but, nevertheless, behaved in a modest and becoming
manner. The men did not appear to have any occupation or employment
whatever, and spent their time in loitering about the village. The
women were generally engaged most of the day in manufacturing an
oil from a small black seed and the guinea nut.

July 11th.—The messengers being returned, came to me, and, in a very
submissive tone, requested me to accompany them, as the king did not
think it proper to permit me to go any where until I had first seen
him. Accordingly I loaded my beasts, and followed them a second time
to the river, but found it still much too deep to walk through; and
one bamboo raft being too small to bear a heavy article, I caused two
to be lashed together, which answered the purpose extremely well. The
portmanteaus, &c. were first taken over; and I, laying myself flat
on my face, was next ferried across by the two messengers, who swam
behind, and dexterously propelled it forward with their hands. The
horses and asses were not quite so fortunate; the current being
strong and rapid, they were borne by it nearly a quarter of a mile
from the place at which they entered the water. Every thing being
at length safely landed on the opposite side, at 11 P.M. left the
banks of the river, and pursuing a north-east course till sunset,
pitched our tent on a rising ground near a small stream. The asses
have been again troublesome the whole of the way.

12th.—Leaving at half-past six in the morning, pitched our tent
outside a small walled town called Accoran, the first I had seen
since leaving Nammaleek, at two in the afternoon. The west end of
the town is defended by an immense naked rock, and the other parts
by a mud wall and a deep ditch. It is inhabited by Bowchee people,
miserably poor, who could not sell us even a single goat or fowl. A
thunder-storm came on this afternoon, with its usual violence,
accompanied with vivid lightning and floods of rain, which continued
the whole of the night.

13th.—Started at eight in the morning, and reached Cowroo at three
in the afternoon. The country traversed differed but little from that
previously mentioned. The palm and cocoa-nut trees, however, which
had been so plentiful since leaving Cuttup, suddenly disappeared,
and I saw no more of them till our arrival near the sea-coast in
Yariba. Crossed several streams in the day, and numerous steep and
craggy but low mountains lay on our left and right, on the very
summits of which small villages are built; the roads leading to them
must be extremely dangerous. Remained here three days, in order to
refresh my men and beasts. The chief is a fine looking man, and was
very neatly dressed in a plain white tobe and trousers, his feet bare,
and stained red. I gave him an old piece of carpeting, a scarlet cap,
white turban, and a gilt chain, in return for abundance of excellent
provisions, &c. The inhabitants of the town are principally Houssa
people.

17th.—Started at seven in the morning, and keeping a north-east
course, reached a large river called Makammee, running southerly,
which derives its name from a town at a short distance. Were
ferried across in a canoe, which cost one hundred needles and
sixty cowries. On landing on the opposite side, suddenly altered
our route to due east, and arrived at the town of Makammee, at two
in the afternoon. Sent the chief a paper of unwrought silk, fifty
needles, and a pair of scissors, which he was very grateful for,
and returned me two fish, weighing seven or eight pounds each,
and plenty of other provisions.

18th.—At six in the morning proceeded, and travelling north by east
till twelve at noon, halted at Wautorah, another walled town. The
chief sent me some _tuah_ and corn; but there being no poultry
to be had, shot a few pigeons, which surprised and terrified the
inhabitants to an alarming degree. Gave the chief a pair of scissors
and a hundred needles.

19th.—This morning, it being damp and foggy, Mahomet and the
two messengers refused to proceed, and told me I might go alone,
thinking to detain me in the town till it would be too late to leave
this day; but ordering Pascoe and his wife to assist me, loaded the
beasts, and went on without them. Unfortunately the path leading to
some gardens belonging to the inhabitants of Wautorah misled me. I
had gone some distance when, discovering my mistake, instead of
returning to the beaten track the way I came, crossed the country
in order to save time; but owing to the marshy nature of the ground,
and the swamps, which were numerous, did not get into the proper path
till four in the afternoon; when, after travelling two hours on it,
the beast became fatigued and exhausted, in consequence of which
fixed the tent by the road-side; and being much distressed for water,
luckily slaked my thirst from some which, oozing from the fissures
of a neighbouring rock, I was enabled to obtain in small quantities.

20th.—At six in the morning proceeded on the path, and crossing
a large river running to the south at one, entered a spacious town
named Eggebee at two in the afternoon; the chief of which is one
of the king of Zegzeg’s principal fighting men. Eggebee is an
extremely neat as well as large town, surrounded with a high wall, and
situated in the centre of a fine and highly-cultivated plain. Nothing
can be more beautiful than the appearance of the country for miles
round. Lofty trees, covered with the most beautiful foliage, casting
their welcome shade along the earth; plots of ground, planted with
corn, every here and there enriching the landscape, and vegetation
springing up at every step in the richest luxuriance, afforded a
gratifying and delightful relief to the sameness of African scenery,
which is welcomed with emotions of pleasure that a person who has
never wandered in these regions can never know. The town contains
six or seven thousand inhabitants, who are all dressed with peculiar
neatness; while the cleanliness they display, both in their huts
and persons, strongly reminded me of my own far-distant country.

21st.—Left Eggebee at six in the morning, and travelling till two
in the afternoon, were obliged to fix our tent in the midst of a
wood, the asses being completely exhausted. No village being near,
could obtain no provisions. Our course this day was northerly.

22d.—Started at five in the morning, and entered Zegzeg at twelve
at noon. The country the whole of the way from the “bush” is rich
and fertile, principally laid out in gardens. The king of Zegzeg did
not see me this day, but ordered me to lodge at the house of Abbel
Crême, in which my late master and myself stopped on our way to
Kano. In the evening plenty of provisions were sent by the king.

23d.—Visited the king this morning, taking with me four yards of
blue, and the same quantity of scarlet damask; four yards of blue
and scarlet silk, a gilt chain, six prints, among which is one of
his majesty, and another of the duke of York, two pair of scissors,
a quire of paper, a scarlet cap, six yards of white muslin, and a
blank drawing book. This present pleased him highly; and not long
after my return to my lodgings, he sent me two fine bullocks. The
chief subsequently told me that the reason for his ordering me to
be brought back to Zegzeg was on account of the war between Sultan
Bello and the king of Funda, who would murder me as soon as he had
me in his power, for having taken presents to his powerful enemy:
it was therefore doing me a great act of favour. Abbel Crême, my
host, thought it necessary for me to give something to the king’s
eldest son: I accordingly presented him, shortly afterwards, with
two yards of blue and scarlet damask, an unwritten journal-book,
half a canister of powder, a quire of paper, and a gilt chain. The
prince is a remarkably fine and handsome young man, about twenty-two
years of age, and was particularly kind to me. As an especial mark
of favour, he took me into his inner apartments to see his wives,
fifty in number, who, on my entrance, were all sitting in the shade
outside their huts, and industriously occupied in preparing cotton,
making thread, and weaving it into cloth. The prince said, “I have
brought the Christian to see you.” They no sooner looked up than
they all instantly dropped their work, and ran, or rather flew, into
their coozies, and I saw no more of them. Four of these ladies reside
together in one coozie. In the course of the day the prince offered
me a young female slave, named Aboudah, for a wife! I accepted of
her with gratitude, as I knew she would be serviceable to me on my
journey, and I should also have the satisfaction of giving her her
freedom on arriving at the sea-coast. Mahomet came to me to-day,
having just returned from Wantorah; but he had used me so ill that
I immediately discharged him. I had seen enough to convince me that
no dependence could be placed on the fidelity of hired domestics;
I therefore purchased a young slave named Jowdie for seven dollars,
to supply Mahomet’s place. The asses being nearly worn out with
our long and fatiguing journey, and wanting at least twenty days to
recruit their strength, I thought it better to exchange them for a
strong Yariba pony that remained in Zegzeg for so long a time. This
pony, with the pack bullock the king had given me, were fully equal
to supply the place of the asses. Presented Abbel Crême with an
unwrought journal-book, a turban, and a scarlet cloth cap. Both
the king and his son were at the wars when we passed through their
territories on our way to Kano; and it was in order to gratify their
curiosity, I verily believe, that I was so unfortunately stopped on
my journey to Funda. Asked and obtained permission of the king to
proceed to-morrow.

FROM ZEGZEG TO BADAGRY.

24th.—Left at 6 A.M., and halted at Wauree at 3 P.M., fixing the
tent within the walls.

25th.—Arose at the same hour, and entered Fatica at four in the
afternoon. The king of Zegzeg had sent a messenger to the chief of
this town, desiring him to provide us with an escort to conduct us
through a wood which was infested with robbers.

26th.—Rested at Fatica to-day, the chief supplying us with abundance
of provisions, &c. Gave him two yards of scarlet silk, a cloth cap
of the same colour, two pair of scissors, and a hundred needles.

27th.—Left at eight o’clock in the morning, escorted by eight
armed men on horseback and four on foot, passed unmolested through
the wood, and pitched our tent near Kazigee, at 7 P.M. Giving the
men fifty needles each for their trouble, I ordered them to return
to Fatica. We had now left the Houssa country, and entered Guarie.

28th.—Previous to leaving Kazigee, a tax of 600 cowries, or a
present was demanded, before we could go on: preferred paying the
money; and, travelling till three in the afternoon, halted near
Maccondie, a small walled town. Here I fell in with a gaffle of
merchants on their way to Coulfo. Purchased a small goat of them
for 1800 cowries.

29th.—Left the town at six in the morning, and at twelve at noon
fixed our tent outside the walls of the city of Guarie, the king
of which sent me a quantity of stewed beef, a calabash of honey,
and milk and tuah.

30th.—Unable to cross the river to-day.

31st.—Waited on the king this morning, and gave him three yards
of light blue damask, the same quantity of blue and scarlet silk,
an unwritten journal-book, and a red cap. To one of the chief men a
red cap and a hundred needles. The old king asked the reason of my
having been so long on the road from Kano, as merchants had told him
I had left a great while ago. I answered I had attempted the route
to Funda, it being much nearer to my country than any other. He
observed, in reply, that if I wished to go that way then, he would
send a messenger with me, and had no doubt of my reaching Funda
in safety, the king of that place being his particular friend. I
expressed much regret at not being able to embrace his kind offer,
telling him my presents were nearly exhausted, and I had nothing good
enough to give the king: on this account I felt no inclination to pass
through his dominions. The king of Guarie had a eunuch in his service
who was born not far from Funda. This man, at the instigation of his
sovereign, came to see me, and I had a long conversation with him,
in the course of which he stated his native place was Gibboo, on the
banks of the Niger, four or five days’ journey from Funda. He was
given as a slave to the king of the latter place, who had sent him
to his present master. He had gone by water from Gibboo to Funda in
eight days, the river running five knots an hour against him. The
voyage from Funda to Gibboo might easily be done in three or at most
four days. Fell in with a party of merchants in the town to-day,
so far on their journey to Coulfo, who begged me to accompany them,
observing that the road to that place was rendered dangerous by
banditti, who had lately committed many excesses. Fearing there
might be some truth in these reports, I waited for them three days;
but not having then paid the accustomed duty, and not seeming to have
the least inclination to depart, I preferred risking the dangers of
the route to remaining any longer in Guarie.

August 2d.—Paid my respects to the king this evening, who wished
me to take a messenger as far as Womba; but declined his generous
offer, observing I was not afraid to proceed with my own small party,
and would not put him to any trouble or inconvenience.

3d.—At half-past five in the morning left Guarie, and reached
Fullindushie at two in the afternoon.

4th.—Heavy rain the whole of the day, which disabled us from taking
down the tent.

5th.—Leaving Fullindushie at six in the morning, pitched our tent
outside the walled town of Kazzagebubba at four in the afternoon. The
chief sent tuah and corn to us; but not being market-day, apologized
for having nothing better. A red cap and a pair of scissors made
him quite proud.

6th.—Started at the same hour as yesterday, and crossing a large
river in a canoe at three in the afternoon, pitched our tent in the
midst of about fifty small uninhabited grass huts, erected by a party
of merchants, as a temporary abode, some months before. In the night,
the mosquitoes were so numerous and troublesome that we were obliged
to set fire to the huts to drive them away.

7th.—Took down our tent at six in the morning, and travelling till
six in the evening, arrived at Womba, a large town, surrounded by a
high wall. The chief sent us fowls, rice, milk, and a bowl of honey,
with corn, &c. for the horses. Being in want of money, sent needles to
the market to sell, which fetched fifteen cowries each, and brought
me in the whole 3,400 cowries. Presented the chief with two yards
of scarlet and blue silk, a scarlet cap, and a pair of scissors.

8th.—This day paid my respects to the king, who insisted on sending
a messenger with me, declaring the roads to be dangerous and unsafe
without a guide.

9th.—At six in the morning left Womba, accompanied by the messenger;
and at six in the evening, crossing a large river, halted on the
south side, and fixed our tent amidst a number of grass huts,
similar to those mentioned on the sixth. In the night burnt them
to the ground, in order to destroy the mosquitoes and vermin, which
annoyed us exceedingly.

10th.—Started at the same hour as yesterday, and halted in the town
of Beari at 2 P.M. Instead of journeying in a south-west direction to
Youri, took another road, and kept due south, having been informed
that a party of merchants had been plundered, and many of them
murdered, on the road I intended taking. The chief sent me a sheep,
a Muscovy duck, a quantity of yams, and some beer made from Indian
corn. Returned him one yard of scarlet and blue silk, a scarlet
cap, and four prints, which much delighted him. As soon as one of
the head men was aware of my approach to the king’s residence, he
blew a shrill and loud blast through a long brass trumpet, the noise
of which brought all the principal male inhabitants to the spot,
who entered the hut, and seated themselves in a circle round their
sovereign and myself. The chief is a fine looking man, apparently
about fifty years of age, with a noble expression of countenance,
and a commanding air. The coozie into which I was introduced is
the largest I had ever seen in Africa, being not less, I should
think, than eighty yards in circumference. A man stood by the side
of the chief while I remained, who repeated to him what I had to
say, and the answers were returned to me by the same individual:
this singular custom is, I believe, peculiar to Beari, as I never
observed it in any other town in Africa. The chief asked the usual
questions about my king and country. The town is surrounded by a high
wall and a deep ditch, and contains about four thousand inhabitants,
some of whom had seen us before at Womba.

11th.—At six in the morning continued our journey, and arrived at
Ragada at two in the afternoon. Remained outside the walls, in order
that the horses might feed on the rich grass which grew in abundance
on the spot. The chief wished me to lodge with him in the town;
but, for the reason above stated, did not accept his invitation. The
walls of the town are about three miles in circumference.

12th.—In passing through the town this morning, at 6 A.M., waited
on the chief, who was delighted to see me, and gave me a sheep,
some fowls, and a jar of gear (a beer made from Indian corn), and
offered me a messenger, which I declined. Journeyed onwards without
halting, till we pitched our tent a little to the west of Wittesa, at
three in the afternoon. It began to rain about an hour after leaving
Ragada, and continued with great violence till after sunset. Although
the portmanteaus were defended by a thick bullock’s hide, every
thing in them, with the exception of the papers, became completely
soaked. Here I met with a party of merchants going to Koulfa.

13th.—Remained here to-day to dry our tent, clothes, &c. Boussa
Jack, the horse which was presented to my late master by the king
of Boussa, became dangerously ill. I bled him profusely, and in the
evening he was much revived. Sold an unwritten journal-book and a
few needles for 2000 cowries.

A man from the town in a state of intoxication came to my tent this
evening, with a calabash of bum, and insisted, in an insolent tone,
that I should come out and drink with him. Being busily engaged in
packing up the articles that had been put out to dry, I did not choose
to oblige him so far. When he found I had no inclination to leave
the tent, he said he was determined to come in. Wishing to intimidate
the fellow, I took a loaded pistol, and went to him, threatening to
shoot him unless he immediately left the place; but this, instead
of having the desired effect, only exasperated him the more; and
flourishing a long spear he had with him over his head, as quick as
lightning he made a desperate thrust at me. Slipping a little on one
side, I caught the weapon in my hands, within an inch of my breast,
which saved my life. I was highly incensed at this violent act,
and told the people who stood by, and were spectators of the whole
affair, that if they did not that moment take him from the tent, I
would shoot him in earnest: half a dozen of them accordingly dragged
him away. Next morning the fellow returned, and throwing himself
at my feet, begged I would not inform Sultan Magie of his conduct;
for if it came to his ears he would lose his head. I forgave him,
on condition that he should never get tipsy again.

14th.—Struck our tent at six in the morning, and passing through the
ruins of a large town called Kabojie at twelve at noon, reached Dogo
at three in the afternoon; but stopping only to pay the accustomed
duty, halted a little to the westward of it. In the evening several
respectable females of the town came to the tent, with tuah and
stewed beef, for which I gave them a few beads.

15th.—At seven in the morning proceeded on our route, and arrived at
Coulfo at two in the afternoon. I was met at the gates by the female
in whose house we lodged on our way to Kano, accompanied by the most
respectable of her sex in the town. They expressed the most lively
joy at seeing me; but when I told them that my father was dead,
they were deeply affected, and made loud lamentations. Although
the town was full of merchants, and her own house occupied with
some of them, this kind old woman turned out her lodgers, and gave
me the best apartment in it. These merchants came from Cuttum Kora,
Youri, Kano, Soccatoo, Borgou, and Yariba, to purchase Nyffé cloth,
which is the best in central Africa, iron bits and stirrups, brass
ornaments for saddles and bridles, and brass ear and common rings:
this traffic is carried on to a considerable extent. The good old
chief sent me fowls, tuah, milk, and bum: my hostess gave me a sheep;
and during my stay, this excellent old lady sent me provisions daily.

Remained at Coulfo five days, and finding my Yariba pony, and the
bullock the king of Zegzeg had given me, unfit to bear the fatigues of
a journey to the sea-coast, exchanged the bullock and an old Turkish
jacket for a couple of asses; but could not dispose of the pony,
although I offered to sell him for a dollar. The morning before my
departure found poor little Boussa Jack dead outside my hut. It was
with the utmost reluctance my hostess would part with me; and I left
her with a promise of returning in two years. She gave me an order
to purchase looking-glasses, &c. for her on my arrival in England,
which I was to bring with me; all which I promised to do. Gave her a
dollar to make a ring, and half a yard of scarlet damask. I took to
the old chief a scarlet cap and one of my late master’s turbans,
and begged he would not compel me to visit Sultan Magie at Sanson,
as I had nothing to give him. He replied, if I did not wish to visit
the sultan, to leave as soon as possible, or he might send messengers
for me. Sold 5000 cowries worth of needles to assist me on my journey.

20th.—Having paid my respects to the king last evening, left Coulfo,
in high spirits and good health, at six in the morning, and halted
outside Makonja at five in the afternoon. Here I found a party of
merchants going to Gonja, near Ashantee, for gora nuts. Unable to
procure any kind of provisions in the town, I took my gun and shot
a heron; not being aware that this, being a fetish bird, is allowed
to be eaten only by the chiefs. On being made acquainted with the
circumstance, one of the principal inhabitants came with a loaded
gun, and threatened to shoot me, making use of the most abusive
language. I dared him to fire, and said I should complain to Sultan
Magie of his conduct.

21st.—Early this morning, the person who had threatened to shoot
me yesterday came to beg my pardon, excusing his conduct on the
plea of being intoxicated with drinking too much bum. At six in the
morning continued our route, and at twelve at noon halted at Dalho,
on the banks of the river Quontakora. At 3 P.M. every thing was
safely landed on the opposite side; and journeying till sunset,
reached the foot of a hill five miles to the east of the Niger,
and rested there for the night. The country traversed to-day was
one continued swamp, the mud and water frequently reaching up to
the asses’ side. Rained continually throughout the day.

22d.—At nine in the morning left the hill, and at eleven at noon
came to the river Niger, which was full one hundred yards wider
than we found it on our way to Soccatoo. After waiting an hour,
a canoe came to fetch us; but we did not get over till two in
the afternoon, the horses, &c. being obliged, by reason of the
rapidity of the current, to be ferried across in the canoe. My
poor slave Jowdie, never having in all his life seen so large a
body of water before, became greatly agitated, and was afraid to
cross. Getting him at length, after much persuasion, into the canoe,
he reached the other side, but fainted the moment he put his foot
on terra firma. We landed at Inguazhilligee, where the principal
inhabitants pressed us to remain; but having no presents to offer,
declined stopping. Expecting to reach a village in the evening, made
all possible haste to get out of the town; but at six o’clock,
P.M. the asses being quite spent, were obliged to fix our tent on
a marshy spot in the midst of a bush. The roads were horribly bad,
through swampy ground, and could only travel two miles an hour. This
evening, as well as the two former ones, went to rest without food.

23rd.—At six in the morning, proceeding on similar roads, and
having heavy rain, reached a small village at one, and were obliged
to remain there for the day to give the asses a little rest. The
poor animals had stuck in bogs seven times in the morning, each of
which times the loads were taken from their backs, and they themselves
dragged with much difficulty and loss of time out of their unpleasant
situation. None of the poor inhabitants of the village understanding
the Houssa language, I entered a hut, the door of which was open,
and giving the inmates a few beads, made signs with my hands that we
stood in need of provisions and rest. One small lean fowl, however,
was all that could be procured from them; but having the good fortune
to shoot a guinea-fowl, made a tolerable meal, and slept soundly.

24th.—At seven in the morning left the village, and journeying till
3 P.M., halted at the pleasant town of Wowow, one of the handsomest,
if not the handsomest, in the interior of Africa. It had taken us
two days and a half on the road from Inguazhilligee, while in the
dry season we did it with ease in one.

25th.—Took the old king a present, consisting of four yards of
scarlet and four yards of blue damask, four yards of scarlet silk,
a cap of the same colour, and a white turban. Though overjoyed to
see me at first, he was much distressed on mentioning the death of
Captain Clapperton at Soccatoo. He wondered at my being alive, after
visiting the Fellata country, the inhabitants of which he described as
the most barbarous in the world; said my preservation was miraculous,
and that I was certainly one of God’s favourites. I was obliged to
comply with his request, which was tantamount to a command, to remain
with him a few days to clean seven muskets and three pistols, which
he afterwards told me belonged to the white men who were drowned at
Boussa. They have the Tower mark on them.

26th.—Solicited and obtained permission to visit Boussa, to pay
my respects to its king.

27th.—At five in the morning, accompanied by Pascoe, proceeded on
the road to Boussa; but, after journeying till six in the evening,
had only got half way. The country is full of bogs and swamps, which
in some places took the horses up to their saddles in mud and wet; and
Pascoe being the worst rider I ever saw, was soused in them more than
a hundred times. The remaining part of the road appearing still more
difficult and dangerous, found it impossible to proceed any further.

28th.—Returned to Wowow.

29th.—The king sent me a goat, cut up into small pieces, and
a large bowl of tuah, to make a _sadacco_ for my poor master; a
ceremony common in many places in the interior, on the decease of any
person of consequence. The pieces of goat and the bowl of tuah are
sent to the mallam or priest, who repeats a short prayer over them:
it is however necessary, before this can be performed, to place a
gold or silver coin, or at least an article made of either of those
metals, on the top of the bowl. Having no coin I could part with,
I put a silver pencil-case in its stead, which was never returned
me. After the prayer has been pronounced over the tuah and goat’s
flesh, they are sent back to the person to whom they belong; and
any one who is disposed comes and eats; each person, before tasting,
repeating this pious ejaculation, “God send him safe to heaven!”
The goat’s flesh and tuah sent to me were soon consumed.

30th.—Having finished cleaning the muskets and pistols, asked the
chief permission to leave Wowow. The old man, smiling, told me not
half my business was done; he wanted six charms, which I alone could
write. These charms were to be worn on his person, and to possess the
following virtues: 1st charm. If his enemies thought of making war
on him, it would cause them to forget to put it in practice. 2d. If
they should be on their way to his city, for the purpose of warring,
it would turn them back. 3d. If they should discharge their arrows
at his people, when close to the city walls, it would cause them to
rebound in their own faces, and wound them. 4th. It was the province
of this charm to prevent his guns from bursting. 5th, was to preserve
the person who might hold the gun from receiving any injury, should
it unfortunately explode. The 6th and last charm was to make him
the happiest and most successful of men.

31st.—Carried the charms to the king, on which I had written
scraps of old English ballads, which made him in the best humour in
the world.

September 1st.—The king still wished to detain me longer, and
insisted on my selling or giving him my gun and pistols, the only
arms I had left. I endeavoured to soften him by every means in my
power; but finding him firm in his determination of having the gun,
and at least one of the pistols, and knowing resistance would be
ridiculous, I sent them to him, leaving it entirely to his generosity
to give what he thought proper. The liberal-minded chief shortly
afterwards returned 4,000 cowries (worth little more than a dollar),
as a sufficient remuneration for the gun and pistol, but made me a
present the next day of a beautiful little mare.

3d.—Early in the morning the old chief desired to see me before I
left, and obtained from me a promise to return to him after having
visited my own country. He showed me various patterns of silk for a
tobe I was to bring from England for him; and said, as I was going
out of the apartment, “Your countrymen may come here, and build a
town, and trade up and down the Niger: we know now that they are good
men, but we did not think so when the white men who were drowned
at Boussa were in the country.” He kept me with him till nine
o’clock in the morning, when, on going to my hut, I found a party
of merchants waiting for me, whom the kind old chief had detained
on purpose that they might accompany me to Khiama (which had been
concealed from me entirely), the roads to that city being infested
with bands of robbers. Crossed the river Auli at twelve at noon. The
current being very rapid, we had extreme difficulty in getting over;
but no accident occurred, and we fixed our tent on the south bank of
the river. In the evening the mallam, or priest of the merchants,
came to my tent, and gave me the following account of Mungo Park
and his unfortunate companions:

“You are not, Christian, the first white man I have seen. I knew
three of your countrymen very well. They arrived at Youri at the fast
of the Rhamadan (April). I went with two of them three times to the
sultan. The person that appeared to be the head of the party made
the sultan a valuable present on one of his visits, which consisted
of a handsome gun, a cutlass, a large piece of scarlet cloth, a great
quantity of beads, several knives, and a looking-glass. He was a very
tall and powerful man, with long arms and large hands, on which he
wore leather gloves reaching above the elbows. Wore a white straw
hat, long coat, full white trousers, and red leather boots. Had
black hair and eyes, with a bushy beard and mustachios of the same
colour. The sultan of Youri advised your countrymen to proceed the
remainder of the way on land, as the passage by water was rendered
dangerous by numerous sunken rocks in the Niger, and a cruel race of
people inhabiting the towns on its banks. They refused, however, to
accede to this, observing that they were bound to proceed down the
Niger to the Salt Water.” The old mallam further observed that,
“as soon as the sultan of Youri heard of their death, he was much
affected; but it was out of his power to punish the people who had
driven them into the water. A pestilence reaching Boussa at the time,
swept off the king and most of the inhabitants, particularly those
who were concerned in the transaction. The remainder, fancying it was
a judgment of the white man’s God, placed every thing belonging to
the Christians in a hut, and set it on fire.” It is not a little
remarkable that it is now a common saying, all through the interior
of Africa, “Do not hurt a Christian, for if you do, you will die
like the people of Boussa.” The old man left me shortly afterwards;
and I thanked him for his information thus voluntarily given.

4th.—At nine in the morning left the bank of the river, and
at two in the afternoon fixed our tent in a bush. Proceeded
this day by ourselves, the merchants not being ready to start in
time. Notwithstanding the account the king of Wowow had given me of
the dangers of the road, we were not molested in our journey.

5th.—At six in the morning were again in motion, and halted at
four in the afternoon in a small town called Gorkie. This day one
of the asses was taken suddenly ill on the road, and it was with the
utmost difficulty we could drag him to the halting place. The chief
of the town, at the instigation of the king of Wowow, supplied us
abundantly with fowls, rice, yams, &c. Gave him a pair of scissors
and a few needles.

6th.—Finding the ass that was taken ill yesterday unable to proceed
any farther, was obliged to leave him behind. On seeing his companion
going away, the poor animal brayed most piteously, and made many
ineffectual attempts to rise. At six in the morning left the town,
and after sunset came to a number of grass huts, similar to those
mentioned before; in the largest of which we rested for the night,
and did not fix the tent. On crossing a river, apparently very narrow,
to-day, my horse unexpectedly sunk several feet in mud and sand,
and his legs becoming entangled in the roots of some trees lying at
the bottom, fell on his side, and plunging violently, threw me off
his back; but not being able to get one of my feet from the stirrup,
lay several seconds under water, in a most perilous and distressed
state. Freeing myself at length from the stirrup, I got out much
exhausted, and succeeded in extricating the horse also from his
no less unpleasant situation. Some merchants told me afterwards at
Khiama, that I might think myself highly fortunate in escaping so
easily, the river being filled with large crocodiles.

7th.—Started at six in the morning, and arrived at Yaro after
sunset. The chief made us the usual presents of provisions, &c. A
dreadful hurricane came on about nine o’clock in the evening,
which lasted three hours, when it became awfully still and calm. The
storm was unusually violent, and tore up large trees by the roots;
the peals of thunder were fearfully loud, and shook the ground on
which our tent was fixed; while large masses of fire, falling from the
heavens, added not a little to this scene of devastation and terror.

8th.—Heavy rain all day; unable to proceed.

9th.—At half-past six in the morning continued our journey,
and at noon entered the city of Khiama. Went immediately to the
king’s residence, who, as soon as he saw me, asked how I dared to
come into his town without having previously sent him a messenger to
inform him of my approach. I answered I had sent one of his own men,
three or four days before, to acquaint him of it. “That is of no
consequence,” he continued; “you should have sent another this
morning. Get on horseback directly, and return an hour and a half’s
journey the way you came: on arriving there, send me a messenger,
and I will order a sufficient escort to conduct you into the city,
in a manner deserving your rank and respectability.” I was in
the act of obeying this odd mandate, when he bawled after me: “I
forgive you this time, Christian, but never be so remiss again.”
The chief is an eccentric but friendly kind of man, and regretted
very much my father’s death, which had been told him some days
before by a merchant. He had heard the Fellatas had behaved very
roughly to us, and had robbed us; but asked what business we had
at Soccatoo? I told him we were at Kano, on our road to Bornou,
when Sultan Bello sent for us, and we were obliged in consequence to
visit him. He offered to send me safely to Bornou, and said he was
tributary to the sheik. I replied, that Bello had taken the presents
intended for him, and that I had none left worthy so great a prince,
therefore could not accept his kind offer. My present to the chief
consisted of a silk sword-sash, three yards of scarlet and blue
damask, the same quantity of blue silk, a red cap, two pairs of
scissors, and a hundred needles. I likewise gave him my old tent,
which was full of holes, and quite useless.

Remained at Khiama five days, during which time the queen’s
treatment was kind and generous, supplying us every day with excellent
provisions in great abundance. The day before my departure the king
gave me a strong pony; and observed that, “if my king wished,
at any future period, to send any one to Bornou, he would conduct
him there by a safe route, without the necessity of going through
the Fellata country.” The king of Khiama is, without exception,
the finest and handsomest man we had seen in Africa (far superior
to Bello); and, with the exception of the king of Yariba, was most
respectably dressed.

14th.—At six in the morning left Khiama, and halted in Subia at
one at noon. The country traversed is full of bogs, which caused the
horses to fall repeatedly with their riders. The chief of this town
gave me a goat and some yams, by command of the king of Khiama’s
messenger.

15th.—Started at six in the morning, and travelled the whole of
the day, till ten at night, when we rested in a bush.

16th.—Crossing a creek at 6 A.M. arrived at Mossa, a town situated
on the banks of a river of the same name, which divides Yariba from
Borgoo. The river was overflown, and the current strong and rapid;
in consequence of which the people of the town were afraid to ferry
us over. No food of any kind this day.

17th.—Asked the king of Khiama’s messenger why he was so much
afraid of crossing the water, observing that I had myself swam across
many larger and more rapid rivers; and among others mentioned the
Niger. The man, in great trepidation, begged me, as I valued my life,
not to mention the names of rivers in the hearing of the Mossa,
who was a female river, and had many rivals in the affections of
the Niger, who was her husband. She had a capricious, jealous, and
cruel disposition; and if I ventured to place myself in her power,
she would certainly swallow me up, as I had spoken slightingly of
her. She was continually quarrelling with her husband, thinking
he was too familiar with other rivers; and where they met they
made the “devil’s own noise” with their disputes. I roared
with laughter when the man had done speaking, at the loves of the
Niger, which made him very angry, and I had much to do to pacify
him. Being unable to procure provisions of any kind in the village,
went to the chief, and wished to know whether he intended to starve
us. The old scoundrel had a garden in which he grew a quantity of
yams; but he refused to sell me any, asserting that he had none for
himself. I then asked leave for Pascoe to cut grass in his garden
for the horses, suspecting his yams might be hid in some part of it:
this he sulkily granted. In the evening Pascoe returned with a bundle
of grass, concealed in which were several yams he had had the good
fortune to discover. If this had not been the case, I really believe
we should all have died of hunger.

18th.—Went again to the chief in the morning, and demanded something
to eat. He solemnly declared he was himself starving, and could get
nothing to eat. I then pressed him to send his canoe to the opposite
side for provisions: after much intreaty he consented to do so,
but first made a charm that it might not be injured in its perilous
voyage. For this purpose he killed a fetish fowl, sprinkled its blood
in the river, placed some of the entrails in the bow of the canoe, and
in the stern put a broken egg: he then muttered several expressions
I did not understand; and a man was sent over with the boat, which
arrived there in safety; but in returning loaded with poultry and
yams, it ran foul of a tree which unluckily lay in the middle of the
stream, and sunk immediately, in consequence of which the whole cargo
was lost. The chief informed me of the accident, and said that the
river could not be crossed in safety for three or four days. Pascoe
returned in the evening with more of the chief’s yams and grass.

19th, 20th, and 21st.—Nothing to eat on these days but the yams
Pascoe stole from the king’s garden.

22d.—Attempted to cross the river at noon; but did not succeed in
getting every thing on the opposite side till five in the evening. The
horses and asses were borne a quarter of a mile down the stream, and
had nearly perished. Halted at Wantatah, the first town in Yariba,
about two hours after.

23d.—At seven in the morning pursued our journey, and at eleven
entered Hogie, where we remained for the day. The chief gave me a pig,
yams, corn, &c. A red cap and fifty needles fully satisfied him.

24th.—Rested at Hogie to-day.

25th.—Left at six in the morning, and arrived at Katunga, the
capital of Yariba, at seven in the evening. The low grounds were
rendered almost impassable by reason of the rain, which fell in
torrents. On our arrival I was put into the same house we occupied
on our journey into the interior.

26th.—The king would not let me wait on him, fearing it might wet
my feet; and accordingly he visited me with five hundred of his wives
(out of two thousand), and the principal inhabitants of the city. The
wives welcomed my return by singing a simple and plaintive air,
with much pathos and feeling: their voices were sweet and musical;
and the whole had a novel and pleasing effect. Nothing could be heard
but their strains, to which every one listened with the profoundest
attention until the conclusion of the performance. The king expressed
his sorrow for my master’s death; and questioned me very minutely
on the motives that induced us to go into the interior. On telling
him it was to see if there was any thing worth trading for in the
country, he appeared satisfied. He was richly dressed in a scarlet
damask tobe, and a pair of trowsers made of country cloth, scarlet
ground with a blue stripe; the former ornamented with coral beads;
his legs, as far as the knee, were stained red with hennah; and on
his feet he wore red leather sandals. A cap made of blue damask,
thickly studded with coral beads, was on his head; and silver rings
hung round his neck, arms, and legs. I offered him the horse I had
purchased at Kano, a fine animal, that had carried me the whole of
the way from that city: and regretted my inability to make him a more
valuable present; but promised, if he permitted two messengers to
accompany me to the sea-coast, I would send him something else. In the
evening I received a goat and a great quantity of yams from the king.

27th.—The king having desired me to call on some of his head men,
I waited on the master of the horse, and two others. The former
gave me a goat and a bottle of honey. I remarked I was very poor,
and could make him no return.

30th.—I informed the king I was short of money, on which he
generously sent me a duck and four thousand cowries (little more
than a dollar). The eunuch, the king’s head man, begged of me
my remaining pistol, two dollars, and a scarlet cap, which I was
necessitated to give him. He also wanted my ass to make a fetish,
but this I refused to let him have. This evening I sent for the ass
from a neighbouring pasture, when I found the poor animal had been
shot in the side with two poisoned arrows. I have no doubt but this
cruel action was performed at the instigation of the disappointed
eunuch. The beast became a complete skeleton, and after languishing
for six days in great agony, I desired Pascoe and Jowdie to take
him to a short distance, and cut his throat. When the king heard
of the circumstance, he immediately ordered the carcass to be cut
into quarters, and conveyed to his house. After which he ordered
the meat to be dressed, and having assembled his wives and head men,
they regaled themselves on it with peculiar satisfaction. Wishing to
pay for so delicious a treat, the king sent me a goat and a thousand
cowries for the dead ass.

The people of Yariba are not very delicate in the choice of their
food; they eat frogs, monkeys, dogs, cats, rats, mice, and various
other kinds of vermin. A fat dog will always fetch a better price
than a goat. Locusts and black ants, just as they are able to
take wing, are a great luxury. Caterpillars also are held in very
high estimation. The caterpillars are stewed, and eat with yams
and tuah. Ants and locusts are fried in butter, and are said to be
delicious. I could never make up my mind to taste any of these rich
insects; Pascoe, however, is particularly fond of them, and calls
them land-shrimps.

It is a custom in Katunga, when the king dies, for his eldest son,
first wife, and all the head men of the kingdom, to drink poison
over his grave, and are afterwards buried with him. None of the
king’s sons ever come to the throne. After the king’s death,
his successor is chosen from among the wisest persons of the country;
an elderly man is generally preferred.

Remained at Katunga till the 21st of October, when the king gave me
4,000 cowries, and some trona to sell on the road. He ordered his
head messengers to accompany me, with a desire they should command
the chiefs of every town through which we were to pass, to contribute,
according to their means, to our support.

On the 22d of October I left Katunga, and after a rapid and hasty
journey, during which nothing of consequence occurred, arrived at
Engwa on the 9th of November following. I found the railing which
had been placed round the grave of poor captain Pearce washed away
by the rains, and the piece of wood on which I had myself cut out
his name, age, &c. and the day on which he died, either taken off
by the natives, or also washed away by the rains. The only means by
which I recognized the spot was the appearance of the earth, on which
there was no vegetation, and its having sunk five or six inches. I
went to the chief, and giving him half a yard of blue damask, and
a pair of scissors, entreated him to build a house over the spot,
and have it thatched, promising to send him a present from England
in a short time, if he did it. He promised faithfully to erect a
house as soon as the rains were over.

Nov. 12th.—Arrived at Jennah this afternoon, and found the grave of
Dr. Morrison to be in a perfect condition. The king had had it kept
in excellent order, and was to have been rewarded by Mr. Houston,
who himself died shortly afterwards at Accra. In this city the horses
the kings of Wowwow and Khiama had given me, unfortunately died.

Remained two days at Jennah, when we proceeded, and on the 21st
entered Badagry; all the natives on the road from Kano having behaved
remarkably well to us. The country traversed was swampy, and full
of water the greatest part of the way, which rendered travelling
tedious and unpleasant.

The king was glad to see me, gave me his own house, constructed of
bamboo, whilst he himself, much against my inclination, resided in
a small miserable mud hut. Like every other prince on the road,
he was grieved to learn the decease of my master. I gave him my
little horse, which I had brought the whole of the way from Soccatoo,
and all the articles for presents that were left, consisting of two
yards of light blue damask, and the same quantity of scarlet ditto,
two yards of scarlet and blue silk, and two dozen pair of stockings.

On the 28th I waited on captain Morrison, a Portuguese slave-merchant,
and obtained from him goods amounting to ninety-four dollars; and
a barrel of gunpowder, which cost a doubloon, I paid for myself.

Three of the Portuguese slave-merchants residing at Badagry, went
to the king one day, and told him and his principal men that I was
a spy sent by the English government, and if suffered to leave,
would soon return with an army and conquer their country. This
the credulous people believed, and I was treated with coldness and
distrust by the king and his subjects, who seldom came to see me. All
the chief men at length assembled at the fetish hut, and having come
to a resolution that I was to drink a fetish, sent for me to appear
before them. On my way five or six hundred people gathered round me,
and I could proceed with difficulty. A great number of them were armed
with hatchets, bows and arrows, and spears; and waited outside the
hut till I came out. On entering one of the men presenting me with a
bowl, in which was about a quart of a liquid much resembling water,
commanded me to drink it, saying, “If you come to do bad, it will
kill you; but if not, it cannot hurt you.” There being no resource,
I immediately, and without hesitation, swallowed the contents of
the bowl, and walked hastily out of the hut, through the armed men,
to my own lodgings, took powerful medicine and plenty of warm water,
which instantly ejected the whole from my stomach, and I felt no
ill effects from the fetish. It had a bitter and disagreeable taste,
and I was told almost always proved fatal.

When the king and chief men found, after five days, that the fetish
had not hurt me, they became extremely kind, and sent me presents of
provisions, &c. daily, and frequently said I was protected by God,
and that it was out of the power of man to do me an injury.

I remained at Badagry two months, but was advised by the king never
to go out unarmed, as the Portuguese took no pains to conceal their
inveterate dislike to me; and would no doubt assassinate me the first
opportunity that might present itself. Several persons in canoes
passed repeatedly from Badagry to Cape Coast, but although I offered
to reward them, I could never get them to take a note for me to the
latter place, so active had been the exertions of the Portuguese to
debar me from every means of communicating with my countrymen.

There were five factories at Badagry, in which were upwards of one
thousand slaves of both sexes, chained by the neck to each other,
waiting for vessels to take them away.

Captain Morris, of the brig Maria, of London, hearing of my being
at Badagry, kindly came from Whydah to fetch me, and on the 20th
of January I went on board, and arrived at Cape Coast on the 31st
of the same month. Here I gave my faithful slaves, Aboudah, Jowdie,
and Pascoe’s wife their freedom, who testified their sorrow on my
departure by heaping sand on their heads, and other marks of grief
peculiar to the African race. Colonel Lumley generously promised to
give them pieces of ground and a small sum of money, and I have no
doubt they will do well.

Sailed from Cape Coast in the Esk sloop of war February 3d. and
arrived in England the 30th of April following.

THE END.

APPENDIX.

* * * * *

A LIST, OR SUMMARY ACCOUNT, OF THE LATE CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON’S ARABIC
PAPERS, TRANSLATED BY MR. A. V. SALAMÉ.

1. A GEOGRAPHICAL description of the course of the river Cówara,
the road from Soccatoo to Maséna, from Timbuctoo to Soccatoo,
and the countries thereabouts, with their inhabitants, produce,
&c. &c. as delineated in the chart annexed.

2. An account of an expedition of discovery, made some years ago,
by forty Christians, who had built a ship or vessel in the interior
of Africa, and proceeded down the river Cówara.

3. A geographical account of the country, rivers, lakes, &c. from
Bornou to Egypt, Nubia, Sennar, the Nile, its sources, &c. &c.

4. A traditional account of the people and country of Malí, &c. &c.

5. A traditional account of the origin of the Felan tribe, whom we
have hitherto erroneously called “Fellatahs.”

6. A traditional account of the people and country of Bargho, &c. &c.

7. An Itinerary, or the road from Sérá to Nubia, Sennar, and Egypt.

8. A traditional account of the people and country of Nefí, &c. &c.

9. A traditional account of the people and country of Noofy, &c. &c.

* * * * *

No. I.

The following is a translation of the Arabic which was written on the
original _chart_ (as Clapperton calls it), and of which the annexed
is a reduced copy, professing to describe the course of the Cówara
river, the road from Soccatoo to Maséna, and from Timbuctoo, with
the names and geographical description of the towns and countries
adjoining.

A. “Representation of the city of Soccatoo, metropolis of the
Prince of the Believers (Sultan Bello).”

B. “The island and town of Oodel or Goodel, together with the
branch of the river which surrounds them.”

C. “The town of Boory, two days’ journey from Bagrá-foogal.”

D. “The town of Bagrá-foogal, one day’s journey from Ghagró.”

E. “The town of Ghagró, three days’ journey from Toondebí.”

F. “The town of Toondebí, one day’s journey from Sharif.”

G. “The town of Sharif, three days’ journey from Kasbi, or Kasb.”

H. “The town of Kasbi, two days’ journey from Seegho, or Sheeghó.”

I. “The town of Seegho, or Sheeghó, one day’s journey from Kabará.”

J. “The town of Kabará, half a day’s journey from Timbuctoo.”

K. “The city of Timbuctoo, ten days’ journey from Jéri.”

L. “Representation of the city of Timbuctoo.”

M. “The island and town of Jéri, together with the branch of
the river that surrounds them. This island is in the middle of the
territory of Maséna, or Masera, and between it and Sego is seven
days’ journey.”

N. “This branch of the river is called, in the language of the
Felan people, Bálió, and in Arabic the Black Sea or River. It
extends from Jéri to Foota-Jaló.”

O. “This branch is called by the Felans Ranioo, and in Arabic the
White Sea or River. It extends from Maséna to Sego, Foota-toroo,
and to Darhoz (perhaps San Salvador), one of the towns of the French
Christians.”

P. “The road from Soccatoo to Maséna, which is frequented in these
days, across the river and the island of Oodel, with the names and
description of the towns and countries that are on it, between the
river and Maséna.

“On the west bank of the river the country of Biténkoobi lies. Its
inhabitants are of the tribe of Felan; it abounds with mountains,
rocks, plains, elephants, and buffaloes; and has along the bank of
the river many white hills. Some of the people drink their water
from the river, and others have shallow wells.

“Next to this, at one day’s journey through an inhabited country,
the territory of Maázo-moudi lies, whose inhabitants are of the
tribe of Tooroodi. It is a low mountainous country, and abounds with
thorny trees and wells. Its prince is a tall and extremely strong man,
and renowned for his courage and wars.”

Q. “Is the country of Yaghrá; between it and Maázo-moudi is
about three days’ journey, through desert and stony plains, with
a few trees and some mountains. In the midst of the plains, however,
there is a well-known river, called Sirba. Yaghra is now possessed by
a prince of the Felans, named Ibrahim (Abraham) Boonti. It contains
woods, small mountains, and a well-known deep river, called Yalí,
from which the people get their water.”

R. “Is the country of Lebtakó; between it and Yaghrá is two
days’ journey, through woody plains and low ground. Its inhabitants
are Felans, and its prince is named Saléh. They are a great warlike
people, possessing fine swift horses and many cattle. They subsist
upon the corn called dokhun (millet); and their country is hilly
and sandy, and has a large lake, called Dúry.”

S. “Is the country of Jelghooji; between it and Lebtakó is two
days’ journey, one of which is through villages, and the other
through desert plains, in the midst of which there is a large lake,
called Bookma. The king of this country is named Hamarkoli, and the
people are Felans, and well known as great warriors. They possess
abundance of swift horses, oxen, and other cattle. The country
is mountainous, woody, and has a well-known lake, called Jeboo,
besides a great many wells.”

T. “Is the territory of Hajrí, one day’s journey from Jelghooji. It is
extensive, but very rocky, stony, and mountainous; has a great many
sandy hills and a few vales; water in it is very scarce, and it has but
few wells, so much so, that its inhabitants are obliged to store their
water, during the rainy season, within the trunks of trees. The
inhabitants of the vales are the Felans, who originally conquered these
countries; but the mountains are inhabited by a people called
Benoo-Hami (the children of Ham), of the tribe of Sokai. They are great
warriors, subsist upon the dokhun, and have abundance of swift horses
and oxen. In the middle of this country there is a very great and lofty
mountain, equal to which is not known in those parts, and here is its
representation. [See ◬ in the chart.] Upon it there is a town called
Oonbori, whose king is named Noohoo-ghaloo-farma, of the tribe of
Sokai, and is renowned for his generosity and munificence.

“All these countries, except Oonbori, are subject to our Lord the
Prince of the Believers, Mohammed Bello, whom may God cause to be
ever victorious, for the glory of the faithful, and the annihilation
of the infidels.”

U. “Is the territory of Maséna, seven days’ journey from
Hajrí: it is very extensive, fertile, and abounds with rivers
and lakes. Its villages join both the old and modern ones of the
Felans. Its inhabitants are powerful warriors, since ancient times
possessing abundance of oxen and sheep, and are blessed with every
comfort of food and living; most of them subsist upon rice, butter,
fish, and meat. In the middle of the country there are two lofty
mountains, called Soroba and Goran, and its cattle feed, throughout
the four seasons of the year, upon grass; and as the lands are almost
continually covered with water, the shepherds and herdsmen gather the
grass, heap it up in large stacks, and, while the cattle are grazing,
live upon the tops thereof till the waters are dried up. Though this
may appear marvellous, it is the fact with these people.”

Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4. “Are four rivers (perhaps canals) belonging
to Maséna.”

“The present Sultan of Maséna is Ahmad Hamad Labo, who rules
over Timbuctoo, Jeri, and Oonbori, and indeed he may be called the
sovereign of the Gharb (West) in Soodan. He is now at war with Sego.

“From Soccatoo to Benji is one day’s journey through Sisilbi,
which is the metropolis of Ghalooji. This country is level and
fertile, and contains rivers, woods, gardens, and wells. On the east
side of it there are two rocky, rugged mountains; on the right there
is a river, and on the left there are plains and barren deserts. In
the environs of the capital of Benji there are, however, several
villages or towns belonging to the Mohammedans. Between the territory
of Benji and that of Mouri is three days’ and nights’ journey,
through barren and sandy deserts. Mouri contains small mountains,
woods, and has two roads on the left; on one of which there is a deep
stream, and on the other are two lakes, surrounded with flowering
and fruitful trees. This country originally belonged to the Sultan of
Kabi, and its inhabitants are infidels. Its present sultan is named
Ghagara, and has a city for his residence named Lukoo-you, which has
a great lake near it. The chief towns of this country are Dogordoosi,
Myzani, Toonsubi, and Tabada. There are many smaller ones, which
need not be mentioned for brevity’s sake. The lands are mostly
stony, sandy, and hilly. There are a great many deep wells, well
supplied with water; but the country altogether has but few trees,
though it abounds with reptiles.

“Next to it, at two days’ journey through dry deserts, with one
track of road only, though woody and hilly, the country of Emanoo
lies, the first town of which is Bakendoosi, which is of a moderate
size; and has, on the east, a lake surrounded with trees; and, on
the west, a well-known great and very tall tree. Between this town
and the metropolis of the sultan, whose name is Aghmarak, is half
a day’s journey. Emanoo is part of the countries of the Tuaricks,
and contains lakes, wells, mountains, hills, and sands. Its people
live upon the dokhun, and possess a great many cattle.

“Next to this, at one day’s journey, is the territory of
Taghzar, which also belongs to the Tuaricks, and contains hills,
wells, and natron lakes, which is called in our language káwa, or
salt. East and west of this country there are mountains well stocked
with cattle. The people are the worst and most ill-disposed of the
tribes of Tuarick; and their chief living is peas and dokhun. Their
sultan is named Hama-ráwadó, and also Hama-zanzamá, which means
in our language Dog.

“On the right of this country the territory of Jerma lies; it
is a narrow vale, between high hills and hillocks of sand; and on
the east it has a lofty mountain; it contains natron and other
deep lakes. It is inhabited by the tribe of Benoo-Hami, who are
great warriors, possessing swift and well-trained horses, and their
spears are extremely long and well-ironed with sharp blades. They
are ill-disposed people, and have no lawful sultan, but their chief
is one chosen out of the tribe. They subsist mostly upon dokhun,
and their country abuts on the great sea or river Cówara.

“On the left of the before-mentioned country (Taghzar) that of Azwa
lies, which is inhabited both by the Tuarick and by Benoo-Hami. It
contains plains, vales, mountains, hills, and sands; and has deep
streams. They possess abundance of cattle, and most of their living
is the dokhun.

“Between Taghzar and the river Cówara is three days’ journey,
through a barren desert, without any human being in it, inhabited
only by wild beasts; and it has a long and deep stream running through
sandy hills. From this stream the people of Taghzar provide themselves
with water when they go to the chase of the giraffe in the winter
season. The distance between their town and this stream is half a
day’s journey, through some woody plains, a few small mountains, and
sandy hills. On the road, however, there is a small lake, surrounded
with shrubs and trees, in which water is found only in the autumn.

“Near the river there are a great many white hills, without any
trees upon them; but on the banks there are very large tall trees
of tamarinds, under the shade of which travellers rest themselves.

W. “Now the great river Cówara comes, and here is its representation.
This great river is the largest in all the territories of Houssa; we
know not of its source, nor of any one who has seen it. It rushes and
precipitates itself through the country from left to right, and
contains many islands inhabited by fishermen, herdsmen, husbandmen, and
settlers. As to the variety of its animals, birds, and fish, it is only
known to the Lord Creator; it has rocks and mountains, which break and
shatter to pieces all vessels that are driven against them; and its
great roaring and noise, with the agitation of its waves, astonish the
hearer and terrify the beholder; and, at the same time, exhibit the
wonderful power of the Omnipotent Creator.

X. “Is an undescribed branch of the river.

Y. “The writing of this copy ended on Thursday afternoon, the
5th of Rajab, 1242, of Hegira—(January 31, 1827, A.D.), in the
city of Soccatoo, residence of the Prince of the Faithful Sultan
Mohammed Bello, by his special command to me, Mohammed, son of Ahmad
Masané—(_i.e._ native of Maséna)—for Abdálláh the English
Christian.”

A. V. SALAMÉ.

* * * * *

No. II.

_Translation of the Account of the “Expedition of Forty
Christians,” &c. &c._

“In past years a company of Christians came from the side of
Darwadar[2], a town belonging to the Christians, following the
river to Foota-tooro, and from thence they proceeded to Ségo. They
were forty men, and, on their arrival, the Sultan of Ségo received
them hospitably, gave them presents, and lodged them in one of his
towns called Sansaní (Sansanding of Park). They then acquainted
him that they wished to build a ship; to do which he gave them
leave. During their residence there, and the building of the ship,
most of them died, and by the time the ship was finished, five only
were alive. These five men embarked on board the vessel, and proceeded
eastwards till they arrived at Jeris, where they resided as long as
God was pleased. They thence went on to Maséna, following the river
till they came to one of our towns called Seebi[3], between Jeri
and Timbuctoo, that they might cross the way of the river[4]. They
sojourned there with the prince, who was one of the sons of the Sultan
of Timbuctoo, and whose name was Babal-kydiali. He entertained them,
and gave them leave to proceed to Timbuctoo. They continued their
voyage till they arrived in safety, five as they were, at the city
of Timbuctoo, where they resided as long as God was pleased. Thence
they went on towards the country of Sóghy till they came to one of
its towns called Gharwal-gáoo. There the Tuaricks met, and fought
them severely till three were killed, and two only of them escaped
with the vessel.

“They proceeded towards the east till they arrived at Boussa;
but the inhabitants fought and killed them, and their ship is to
this moment there. This is the substance and the truth of the case.”

OBSERVATION.—From the melancholy termination of this adventure,
and the place where the boat now exists, no one can doubt that this
account relates to Mungo Park and his party; and that it is the most
authentic and circumstantial that can be had. As to their number being
“forty Christians,” it is easily accounted for, when we know that
those people call any one who might be in the service of an European
“a Christian.” So that it is not improbable that all those who
were employed by Mungo Park were considered “Christians,” and
thus formed the number of forty.

A. V. S.

* * * * *

No. III.

_A Geographical Account of the Country, Rivers, Lakes, &c. from
Bornou to Egypt, &c._

“The territory of Bornou is very extensive, and contains mountains,
sands, and lakes: it has also two well known cities; one is called
Sira, the other Kataghoon, whose prince is named Dankawa. To the
name of Bornou that of Ghoodri is sometimes added.

“At twenty days’ journey from Bornou the territory of Adamawá lies,
which is mountainous, and contains vales, hills, and rivers. Two-thirds
of its inhabitants are infidels, and one-third Felan Mahomedans. The
metropolis of their sultan is called Ghórin. They possess plenty of
horses and oxen, and subsist upon the dura (Indian corn). To the name
of Adamawá the word Foobina is often added.

“Next to Adamawá, at two days’ journey through a mountainous
desert abounding with rivers, the country of Lúghwí (Loggun of
Denham) lies; it contains a great many rivers, lakes, forests,
and trees. Its inhabitants are Soodan Mahomedans; but the desert
between it and Adamawá is infested with infidel robbers, who ride
their horses without saddles, fight most desperately, often interrupt
traffic on the road, and kill any one who falls into their hands.

“From Lúghwí to the territory of Baghármy, which comes next
to it, is two days’ journey through a desert containing a great
and extensive fresh-water sea, called Asoor or Ashoo[5]. This
country is hilly, sandy, and has small mountains; its width is a
distance of ten days, and its length is much more. Its inhabitants
are Soodan, Kahlans, and Arabs, who are robbers, and a treacherous
set of people. Their sultan, whose name is Borkoomada, is as cruel
as themselves, and even slays sheiks and Mahomedans. They possess
abundance of horses and oxen, get their water from wells, and subsist
upon the dokhun.

“Next to Baghármy the country of Roogá lies, which is stony,
abounding with rivers, and inhabited by infidels.

“At three days’ journey through places inhabited by Arabs is the
territory of Wadaí; it is very extensive, hilly, sandy, mountainous,
and contains vales, lakes, and deep wells. Its sultan is named
Yousuf, and his capital, which is situated under high mountains,
is called Hoowara[6]; the inhabitants are a mixture of Arabs and
Persians; they are renowned for courage in war, swift horses, and
the abundance of their camels, oxen, and sheep. They have a great
many market places or towns, and their living is the dokhun and dura.

“Next to Wadaí the country of Foor (Dar-foor) lies, at two
days’ journey through mountains and woody deserts, in the midst of
which there is a vale containing dom trees. The territory of Foor
is very extensive, hilly, sandy, and droughty, so much so, that,
notwithstanding the great many deep wells they have, the people are
obliged to preserve their water within the trunks of trees. They
are a mixture of Felans, Arabs, and Kahlans; they possess plenty
of swift horses, camels, oxen, and sheep; they have all sorts of
warlike weapons, as shields, spears, armour, and so forth[7], and
are great warriors. Their sultan is named Mohammed Fadlú, who is a
genteel, handsome, black man, and renowned for his munificence and
generosity. His capital is called Nantalti, through which a river
runs during the rainy season; but in winter the people are obliged
to dig wells in the bed of that river for water. They live upon the
dokhun and dura, and have some date gardens.

“At ten days’ journey from Foor, through a mountainous, hilly,
sandy, and droughty desert, is the country of the Kordofal, which
extends seven days in length, and is inhabited by Arabs and Kahlans;
it is however possessed now by the Turks[8]. It is very fertile,
and has small mountains, hills, and sands; as also it contains fine
horses, and plenty of cattle and asses. The capital of its sultan
is called Loobi, and the living of the people is the dokhun.

“Next to Kordofal is Sonnar, which is a very extensive and fertile
country; and its inhabitants, who are Arabs, are blessed with every
sort of comfort by being able to cultivate the lands at all seasons
of the year. This fertility is owing to the situation of the country
being between two branches of the Nile; one of which, it is said,
runs from the eastward, and the other, which is called the White
river, runs from the westward; so that Sonnar is an island between
the two rivers. It is, however, now in possession of the Turks[9]. It
is a very cheap country, and its inhabitants possess plenty of oxen
and asses, and subsist upon the dokhun.

“The White river becomes very full of water during the rainy
season, which brings with it, from the Blue river, the animal called
Anghorotú[10]; but during the summer it becomes so shallow as to
be waded, the water not reaching above the thighs of people.

“Between Sonnar and Sawaken, which is on the Salt Sea coast (the
Red Sea), is a distance of forty days.”

A. S.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 2: It is perhaps Salvador.—A. S.]

[Footnote 3: It should here be observed that the writer, who is the
secretary of Sultan Bello, and wrote this by his order out of their
records, is a native of Maséna.—A. S.]

[Footnote 4: Whether this means the course, the current, or a reach
of the river, I cannot make out.—A. S.]

[Footnote 5: This must be another name for the great lake Shad or
Tchad.—A. S.—Perhaps rather the Asu river of Lander.—ED.]

[Footnote 6: The crown prince of Wadaí, if we can call him so, was
last year in Egypt; and, upon his authority, this country lies under,
or at the foot of, the Mountains of the Moon.—A. S.]

[Footnote 7: When the present Pasha of Egypt sent his army to these
countries, a few years ago, some of these pieces of armour and
helmets were brought over to Cairo; and it was surprising to see
them resembling, in every respect, those of the ancient Romans and
Greeks.—A. S.]

[Footnote 8: Mohammed Ali, the present Pasha of Egypt.—A. S.]

[Footnote 9: See last Note.]

[Footnote 10: Whether this name is meant for the crocodile or
hippopotamus I cannot say.—A. S.]

NOS. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. AND IX.

_Traditional Account of different Nations of Africa, &c._

4. “The territory of Malee is extensive, contains a gold mine,
and is inhabited by Soodans, whose origin is said to be from the
remnants of the Copts. Among its inhabitants are also Towroods,
Felans, Arabs, Jews, and Christians. These last are subject to two
Christian sovereigns, who send their ships to the harbour of this
place; and it is said that this country was formerly possessed by
a people called Sarankali, who, it is presumed, were Persians.

“The kingdom of Malee is an ancient and flourishing country, and
comprises two other provinces: one is Banbara, which contains rivers,
woods, sands, a gold mine, and is occupied by the Soodan, who are
still infidels, and possess great power; the other, on the west of it,
is Foota, which is inhabited by the Towrood, and the Sarankali, or
Persians. The Towrood people, it is said, were originally Jews, others
say Christians; that they came from the land between the two rivers,
the Nile[11] and the Euphrates, and established themselves next to
the Jews who inhabited the island; and that whenever they oppressed
or encroached upon the Jews, the latter had always recourse to the
protection of the officers of the Sehabat (the immediate friends
or companions of Mohammed), who then ruled over them; that they
(the Jews) used to say to them: ‘We came to live in these islands
to wait the coming of a prophet (after whom there will be no other);
after whose coming and death a relation of his, named Aboo-Bakr, will
succeed him; and Aboo-Bakr’s successor will be Amroo, whose troops
will come upon the surface of this water (by which they meant Termes),
protect us against you, and enable us to conquer your country[12].’

“This is what we found written in our books.”

N. B.—The above account, with the exception of the latter part,
and a few small variations, has been already given to us in Sultan
Bello’s Geographical Account. (See Appendix, p. 166, First Journey.)

A. S.

5. “The origin of the Felan tribe is stated to be as follows: When
the army of the Sehabat, during the reign of Omar Ben El-khattab,
penetrated into the Gharb, they arrived first at Termes; the Towrood
people having seen them, went immediately under their protection, and
became Mooslemeens, before the Jews who were waiting for them[13];
in consequence of which they were enabled to fight and subdue the
Jews and Sarankali (Persians). When the Sehabat wished their troops
to retire from the Gharb, the prince of the Towrood said to them:
‘You came to us with a faith of which we were ignorant, and you are
now going away without leaving any one to instruct us in it and its
laws.’ The Sehabat, hearing this appeal, left behind them, for their
instruction, Okbat Ben Aamer. He married a daughter of the prince,
named Gajmáa, and begot by her four sons, Dytá, Náser, Wáyá, and
Rerebi. He afterwards returned to Egypt, and left his four sons behind
with their mother. They grew up, and spoke a different language from
that of their father, which was the Arabic, as well as from that of
their mother, which was the old Towrood, called Wakoori. They married,
and had sons and daughters, from whom the Felans descended; so that
the father of the Felans was an Arabian, and their mother a Towrood.

“This we found recorded in our books[14].”

6 “The country of Barghoo is situated on the right side of the
river; it is woody and sandy, and inhabited by tribes of the Soodan,
who, it is said, are descended from the slaves of the Felans, who
were left behind when their masters crossed the river; and thus
they peopled those countries. They are insubordinate and stubborn,
as also very powerful in magic; and it is recorded that, when the
equitable Prince Hadgi Mohamed Allah-kaja ruled over this province,
he could gain no advantage over them.

“Next to Barghoo, the province of Ghoorma lies; it is extensive,
mountainous, woody, sandy, and has various rivers. Its sultan is named
Boojujú, and the inhabitants are almost of the same description as
those of Barghoo, robbers, and depraved.

“On the west of Ghoorma, the country of Mooshier, or Mooshee, is
situated. It is extensive, and contains a gold mine, rivers, woods,
and mountains. It is inhabited by tribes of the Soodan, who possess
plenty of swift horses, very tall asses, and are very powerful in
war. Their sultan is named Wagadoogo, and their asses are imported
to Ghoonja to carry the drums of the army.

“On the right of Mooshér the territory of Asantí lies, which is
very extensive.”

N. B.—The above account, with the exception of a few small
variations, has also been given to us in Sultan Bello’s geographical
account. (See Appendix, p. 165-6, First Journey.)

7. _Itinerary._

“From Sira to Boogho is a distance of twenty days; thence to
Mooshkoom-Foosh, to Sary, to Sarwa, to Indam or Indag, to Warshá,
to Booshrá, to the mountain called Kaghoom, to Mount Kinghá, to
Mount Dooziyat, to Mount Aboo-Talfan, to Mount Aboo-Zarafat; then to
Rooga, to Dygo, to Kájá, to Katoonú; then to the mountain of Nubia,
to the gold mine called Tagly, which has no less than ninety-nine
mountains, the name of each of which begins with F; but three only
of these mountains are known, whose names are as follow: Fazooglú,
Fafaklú, and Foondooflú. In two days from this place, you will
get to the Nile of Sonnar; but from Tagly to Egypt, or Cairo, which
lies northward on the left side of it, is a journey of forty days,
travelling continually by the bank of the Nile; while from Tagly to
Sawaken, which is on the sea coast (the Red Sea), is a distance of
thirty days only.”

N. B.—This is the last of the seven papers which, it appears,
were written in Captain Clapperton’s memorandum book, by order of
Sultan Bello, and are dated “the 5th of Sháában, 1242, A.H.;”
about the 3d of March, 1827, A. D.

A. V. S.

8. “The people of Nefé came originally from Kashná, and their
prince, Thoodyar, from Atághér. He first conquered the territory
of Beni, from the river called Bakoo to that which is named Kaduná;
then the territories of Booduor Boodi, and of Bassa or Boosa. He
thence embarked on the river Kowárá, and subdued the people on
its bank, called Abágha; after which he conquered the country of
Abbi (in which we now are[15]), and that of Kanbari, in conjunction
with the Prince of Yaouri. The river of these countries is called
Kantagoora. From Yaouri he proceeded to the great mountain, or
mountains, where Nefé, Beni, and Fatti-attu are: he then went to
the river Katha, or Kasha, and conquered the countries thereabouts;
which are, Ghoor-noofu, Koográ, Jemma, Doonfee, Taboo, and Aza,
or Azai. This prince was succeeded by Ithshab, whose successor was
Ithkootoo; and the whole number of princes who ruled over this kingdom
were thirteen. The rest of the eastern parts, as far as Katáná,
are in possession of a prince named Bakoo.

“About the right of Atághér the country called Nafry lies,
by the side of a river larger than that of Kowárá.

“The people of Beni are now extremely poor. They are submissive
to their princes, till and cultivate the lands of others, and pay
capitation tax. Sheep, goats, oxen, horses, and fowls, are scarce
in their country; and as to asses, there are none, except what
are imported from other countries. They have, however, plenty of
elephants.

“The river in the territory of Kowárá lies west, on the right
hand side; and that of Kaduná is in the centre; while the river
Bakoo, or Gakoo, is in the east.”

9. “The tribes who inhabit Noofee, it is said, were originally from
Beni; others say from Takra; and some assert that they came from the
middle of the river, perhaps an island. Their first town was Jemma;
but afterwards they inhabited Kafath or Kifath, Ayaki, Karkena,
and the eastern Kowárá, by a river called Matny. They had also
Kasoo or Kashoo, Zeer, the west of Malee or Moulee, Abyou, and Wádá.

“The river of Kowárá runs through mountains, and a great many
woods and forests; and has mountains on the north and the east. This
great river issues from the Mountain of the Moon; and what we know
of it is, that it comes from Sookan to Kiya, to Kabi, to Yaouri,
to Boossa, to Wá-wá, and to Noofee; but in that place there is
another river which springs from Zirmá, to Ghoober, to Zeffra,
to Kory or Koora, and then enters Noofee; its name is Kaduna. On
the north of it Kanbari lies; on the east is Kory; on the south are
Cankan and Kafath; and on the west is Bassoa, or Bashwa. About the
centre of it is the kingdom of Noofee, with that of Abyou.

“Noofee was once subject to the Felans; but when Edrees, a prince
of the Felans, ruled over it, and committed so many excesses as even
to violate its virgins, the people rose up against him, sword in
hand, and freed themselves; and thus they are now at war with the
Felans. Amongst them there are Mahomedans; but the greater part
are infidels, without either religion or law: they are drunkards
and oppressors; they neither pray, nor worship any god. They walk
with you during an hour as friends, while in the next they do not
hesitate to kill you. When one of them dies, they fasten the arms
across the chest, place the body in a sitting position in the grave,
and one of them lies by it, while another sits at the entrance. They
have a large and extensive cavern, in which they place their dead; but
those who guard this cavern, though they are something like priests,
are the most depraved persons. They sometimes send messengers to
call the relatives of the dead, enjoining them to bring with them
the best of every thing they have; and when these innocent people
arrive at the cavern, they are immediately plundered of what they
take there; and if they be females, their chastity is violated.

“This is the life and habits of these infidel Pagans; and
consequently the roads about Noofee are very dangerous and perilous.

“When their king dies, they enter his house, and live in it.”

N. B.—It is proper here to observe, that the above two papers,
Nos. 8 and 9, are written, or rather scrawled out, unorthographically
and ungrammatically, and their composition is no more than a sort
of _incoherent jargon_. The translation, therefore, I have given of
them is mostly made out by conjecture. There is no doubt, however,
that Clapperton, who made some residence among these people, has
given some further account of them.

A. S.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 11: This is a mistake: it should be the Tigris.—A. S.]

[Footnote 12: The inventor of this story had, there is no doubt,
meant it to be as a prophecy for the coming of Mahomed, and that
to show that _even_ the Christians themselves had foretold his
coming; for all these words which he puts into the mouth of these
Christians are the very result of Mahomed’s career, as recorded
by the Mahomedan historians.—A. S.]

[Footnote 13: See No. 4.]

[Footnote 14: Egypt was conquered by the Mahomedans in the 20th year
of Hegira, or the 10th after Mahomed’s death, under the Khalifat
of Omar Eben Elkattab, who, by the instigation of an intrepid officer
named Amrú Ben El-Aâss (who, under some very singular circumstances,
happened to visit Egypt and see its splendour a few years previous),
sent an army, consisting of no more than 4000 men, to subdue that
mighty and rich country. Amrú succeeded in his enterprise, and pushed
on his conquest to the Gharb; but Okbat Ben Amer’s name appears
only as a witness to the treaties concluded between the conqueror
and the people of Alexandria; though he was considered an officer
of rank and valour.—A. S.]

[Footnote 15: The writer of this account, it seems, was in Captain
Clapperton’s company, or attached to his service.—A. S.]

A VOCABULARY OF THE YOURRIBA TONGUE.

Fowl, Ade′a

Goat, Aoor′ey

Sheep, Agon′ta

Pig, Ale′day

Salt, Ee′yo

Corn, Agbad′doo

Millet, Ok′kablebba

Grass, Co′co

Beads, Le′key

Gold, Sic′ca

Coral, In′yoh

Silver, Patak′ka

Cloth, Atchio

Man, Okon′a

Woman, Obin′a

King, Ob′bah

Horse, Ep′pee

Saddle, Gar′ree

Bridle, Ja′noo

Pepper, Att′ah

Shallots, Allabous′sa

Yams, Ish′oo

Plantains, Ayid′dey

Fire, Jun′ah

Water, Om′mee

Wood, Ig′gie

A pot, Coc′co

A calabash, E′bah

Duck, Pap′ayeh

Soup, Ob′eh

House, Ill′eh

Mug, Tank′ara

Plate, A′wo

Knife, O′beh

Head, Or′ree

Eyes, Oj′oo

Nose, Em′oo

Mouth, En′oo

Teeth, E′hee

Ears, Eff′ee

Chin, Ebb′ee

Neck, Enaff′oo

Shoulders, Edgeookah

Arm, Epk′wa

Elbow, Ebah′wa

Wrist, Onawa′wa

Hand, A′wa

Thumb, Atang′pako

Fingers, Ama′wa

The body, Agwid′demoo′gu

Belly, Inn′oh

Thigh, E′tah

Knee, Okk′oo

Leg, Ajoo′goo

Ankle, Coco′sey

Foot, Atalis′sey

Toes, Amalis′sa

Boots, Sa′labattoo

Sandals, Battoo

Fan, Abab′bey

Cow, Mall′oo

Dog, Aj′ah

Cub, Aloghin′ne

Mouse, Acoo′fu

Tiger, Ek′ka

Hyena, Eco′co

Vulture, Awood′ec

Jacket, Kook′oomah

Trousers, Shock′ootoo

Turkey, Fu′lutu′loo

Elephant, Gen′acoo

Hippopotamus, En′emy

Cotton wool, O′woo

Palm oil, Ep′eh

Cocoa-nut, Ay′ba

Tornado, Oj′uma′ri

A mule, Barak′ka

A jackass, Kettékettéh

A mat, Enn′ee

A bag, Ok′key

A gun, E′bah

A cutlass, Jom′ma

Silk, Ce′dah

Damask Ala′ri

Scarlet cloth, Doh′do

Blue ditto, Iss′ado′doh

Green ditto, Alar′ooya′goo

Yellow ditto,

Tree, E′wajass′kway

Sun, O′noo

Moon, Ajoo′pa

Star, Era′wo

God, Ala′noo

Thunder, Ar′oo

Lightning, Mannumanu

Rain, Odigoo

Wind, Avoo′voo

Cap, Fill′ah

Hat, Atte′ Ebo

Hair, Olloo

Beard, Eg′bee

Skin, All′ah

Nail, Eff′eh

One, Ok′ka

Two, Ma′jee

Three, Mai′ta

Four, Me′ne

Five, Mall′oo

Six, Mai′ffa mai′fa

Seven, Ma′gee

Eight, Ma′jo

Nine, Mai′ssu

Ten, May′wah

Twenty, Ok′ko

Thirty, Agboug

Forty, Ogojee

Fifty, Adett′a

Sixty, Ogotta

Seventy, Ado′nee

Eighty, Ogonee

Ninety, Ado′noo

One hundred, Ogo′noo

Two hundred, Egbe′o

Three ditto, Oa′doo

Four ditto, In′ee

Five ditto, Edag′bett′a

Six ditto, Eg′bett′a

Seven ditto, Edag′be′ne

Eight ditto, Eg′be′ne

Nine ditto, Edegba′noo

One thousand Eggba′noo

Two ditto Ebah

Three ditto Egba′dagoo

Four ditto Egbagie

Five ditto Egbe′dogmoo

Six ditto Egbaa′ta

Seven ditto Edegbaa′nee

Eight ditto, Egba′nee

Nine ditto, Edegbaa′noo

Ten ditto, Ebaa′noo

FELLATAH.

One, Go

Two, Diddie

Three, Tattie

Four, Ni

Five, Jowie

Six, Jowego

Seven, Jowaddie

Eight, Jowatittie

Nine, Jowanie

Ten, Sapo

Eleven, Sapoago

Twelve, Sapodiddie

Thirteen, Sapoatittie

Fourteen, Sapoani

Fifteen, Sapoaji

Sixteen, Sapoajego

Seventeen, Sapoajaddide

Eighteen, Sapoajatittie

Nineteen, Sapoajanie

Twenty, Nogi

Twenty-one, Nogiago

Twenty-two, Nogiadiddie

Twenty-three, Nogiatittie

Twenty-four, Nogiani

Twenty-five, Nogiajowie

Twenty-six, Nogiajego

Twenty-seven, Nogiajadidde

Twenty-eight, Nogiajattitie

Twenty-nine, Nogiajanie

Thirty, Shapandatittie

Thirty-one, -------------- ago

Forty, Dabi

Fifty, Dabisapo

Sixty, Chapandijago

Seventy, Chapandajadidie

Eighty, Chapandagatittee

Ninety, Chapandajani

One hundred, Hemri

One hundred and one, Hemrigo

One hundred and two, Hemrididdie

One hundred and three, Hemritittie

One hundred and four, Hemrini

One hundred and five, Hemrijoie

Two hundred, Kamididdie

Three ditto, Kamitittie

Four ditto, Kamini

Five ditto, Kamijoie

One thousand, Koojuna

Two ditto, Koojunadiddie

Twenty ditto, Koojunaginogi

What is this? Konindadoom

Man, Gorko

Men, Worbaa

Woman, Debo

Women, Reuba

Boy, Beedo

Boys, Beepba

Girl, Surba

Girls, Surbaba

Horse, Putcha

Horses, Putche

Cow, Cows, Nagea.

METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.

+-------+-------+-----+--------+------------------------------------+
| Date. | Hours.|Faht.| Bar. | |
+-------+-------+-----+--------+------------------------------------+
| 1825. | | | | BADAGRY. |
| | | | | |
|Dec. 2| 6 A.M.| 80°.|29°.813 | Calm and hazy. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 91 | .705 | South-west winds. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 91½ | .653 | |
| | | | | |
| 3| 6 A.M.| 78 | .912 | Cloudy and calm. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 92 | .631 | South, fine breezes. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 91 | .515 | |
| | | | | |
| 4| 6 A.M.| 77 | .854 | Calm. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 90 | .568 | South, fine breeze. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 90 | .532 | Moderate. |
| | | | | |
| 5| 6 A.M.| 79 | .786 | Thin showers. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 89 | .623 | South-east, fine breezes. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 86 | .578 | Cloudy, thick weather. |
| | | | | |
| 6| 6 A.M.| 76 | .829 | } Thin rain, light breezes, |
| | | | | } and cloudy. |
| | Noon. | 90 | .524 | } |
| | | | | |
| 1826. | | | | CHIADO. |
| | | | | |
|Jan. 10| 3 P.M.| 89 | 28.700 |Hazy. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 85 | .700 |South south-west light air. |
| | | | | |
| 11| 6 A.M.| 75 | .750 |Calm and clear. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 82 | .750 |Same. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 90 | .695 |Light airs. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 94 | .675 |Ditto and clear. |
| | | | | |
| | 5 | 90 | .675 | |
| | | | | |
| | | | | Koosoo. |
| | | | | |
| 14| 6 P.M.| 89 | .800 |Calm. |
| | | | | |
| 15| 6 A.M.| 75 | |Strong breezes, east by north |
| | | | |Harmattan. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 89 | | |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 90 | .709 | |
| | | | | |
| | | | | ATEPA. |
| | | | | |
| 20| 1 P.M.| 91 | .696 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 2 | 91 | | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 3 | 93 | .646 | } North north-east strong |
| | | | | } Harmattan. |
| | 4 | 92 | | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 5 | 84 | | } |
| | | | | |
| | | | | KATUNGA OR EYEO. |
| | | | | |
| 25| 6 A.M.| 83 | 28.640 | North north-west, clear. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 89½ | .580 | Strong breeze, fine, north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 90 | .549 | East. |
| | | | | |
| 26| 6 A.M.| 70 | | Clear, light breezes, and cool. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 83 | .587 | Fresh breezes, north north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 89 | .524 | Light ditto. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 90 | .519 | Mild ditto. |
| | | | | |
| 27| Noon. | 81 | .552 | Tube broke. |
| | | | | |
|Feb. 3| 6 A.M.| 74 | .560 | Dull and hazy. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 82 | .516 | |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 88 | .606 | |
| | | | | |
| 4| 6 A.M.| 79 | .510 | |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 89 | .510 | |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 89 | .458 | |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 77 | .458 | Thunder storm. |
| | | | | |
| 5| 6 A.M.| 77 | .510 | Cloudy, and strong breeze. |
| | | | | |
| 6| 6 | 77 | .458 | Fresh breeze and clear. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 89 | .558 | |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 91 | .500 | Moderate breezes. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 91½ | .488 | Calm and clear. |
| | | | | |
| 7| 6 A.M.| 78 | .500 | Fresh breeze during the night. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 88 | .555 | Moderate, north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 94 | .517 | Calm. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 91 | .480 | Light airs. |
| | | | | |
| 8| 6 A.M.| 75 | .552 | Light airs and hazy. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 84 | .611 | Ditto and flying clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 89 | .568 | Mild, east-north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 90 | .484 | |
| | | | | |
| 9| 6 A.M.| 72 | .497 | Fresh breeze, clear and cool, |
| | | | | south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 87 | .521 | West-north-west. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 91 | | Light airs. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 89 | .449 | Calm. |
| | | | | |
| 10| 6 A.M.| 76 | .524 | Moderate and clear. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 82 | .568 | West-north-west, flying clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 92 | .515 | Light airs, east-north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 88 | .475 | |
| | | | | |
| 11| 6 A.M.| 75 | .535 | Light breezes and clear. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 85 | .543 | |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 90 | .472 | |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 93 | .455 | Calm. |
| | | | | |
| 12| 6 A.M.| 76 | .506 | Fresh breezes, north-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 86 | .544 | Light airs. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 92 | .509 | Squally, north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 94 | .420 | Fresh breeze. |
| | | | | |
| 13| 6 A.M.| 78 | .472 | Strong breeze and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 86 | .540 | Moderate and cloudy, north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 97 | .475 | Light airs and clear. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 94 | .435 | Ditto and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| 14| 6 A.M.| 80 | .505 | Strong breeze and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 84 | .550 | Moderate breeze. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 91 | .504 | Light airs. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 94½ | .440 | } Cloudy—midnight, fresh breeze |
| | | | | } and cloudy. |
| 15| 6 A.M.| 75 | .537 | } |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 84 | .591 | Clear and moderate. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 91 | .539 | |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 91½ | .420 | |
| | | | | |
| 16| 6 A.M.| 80 | .590 | } Harmattan from north-east |
| | | | | } all day. |
| | 3 P.M.| 91 | .537 | } |
| | | | | |
| 17| 6 A.M.| 74 | .612 | Strong ditto from north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 83 | .696 | |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 89 | .628 | |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 89¾ | .568 | |
| | | | | |
| 18| 6 A.M.| 75 | .600 | Harmattan from north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 84 | .708 | |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 89 | .635 | |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M.| 92 | .515 | } |
| | | | | } |
| 19| 6 A.M.| 70 | .500 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | Noon. | 84 | .534 | } Strong Harmattan from |
| | | | | } north-east, with thick fog. |
| | 3 P.M.| 88 | .426 | } |
| | | | | } |
| 20| 6 A.M.| 70 | .510 | } |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 82 | .580 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | Noon. | 88 | .530 | } Harmattan continued. |
| | | | | } |
| | 3 P.M.| 88 | .475 | } |
| | | | | |
| 21| 6 A.M.| 70 | .568 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | Noon. | 80 | .602 | } The same. |
| | | | | } |
| | 3 P.M.| 89 | .572 | } |
| | | | | |
| 22| 6 A.M.| 70 | .520 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 9 | 80 | .580 | } |
| | | | | } The same. |
| | Noon. | 85 | .534 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 3 P.M.| 86 | .460 | } |
| | | | | |
| 23| 6 A.M.| 70 | .535 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 9 | 79 | .552 | } |
| | | | | } The same. |
| | Noon. | 84 | .520 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 3 P.M.| 86 | .482 | } |
| | | | | |
| 24| 6 A.M.| 69 | .545 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 9 | 78 | .571 | } The same. |
| | | | | } |
| | Noon. | 88 | .500 | } |
| | | | | |
| 25| 6 A.M.| 72 | .442 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 9 | 80 | .571 | } |
| | | | | } The same. |
| | Noon. | 88 | .510 | } |
| | | | | } |
| | 3 P.M.| 89 | .430 | } |
+-------+-------+-----+--------+------------------------------------+

AT VARIOUS PLACES ON THE ROUTE.

+---------+------------+------+----------+--------------------------+
|Week, Mo.| Time of |Therm.|Barometer.| REMARKS, &c. |
| Days. |observation.|Faht. | | |
+---------+------------+------+----------+--------------------------+
| 1826. | | | | |
| | | | | |
|March 14| Noon. | 94° |28°.420 |{ City of Kiama in Borgoo.|
| | | | |{ Fresh breezes and clear,|
| | 3 P.M. | 94 | .529 |{ wind north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 91 | | |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 78 | .580 |Fresh breezes, wind |
| | | | |east-north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 88 | .634 |Fresh breezes, with light |
| | | | |flying clouds. |
| | | | | |
| 15| Noon. | 91 | .604 |The same. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 94 | .510 | |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 91 | .548 |Calm and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 74 | .586 |Calm, with light clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 85 | .651 |Light breezes from the |
| | | | |east-north-east. |
| | | | | |
| 16| Noon. | 91 | .610 |The same, with light |
| | | | |flying clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 93 | .550 |The same. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 91 | .540 |The same. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 74 | .595 |Light airs and clear, |
| | | | |wind-north-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 82 | .696 |Freshening breezes, with |
| | | | |a slight haze, wind |
| | | | |north-east. |
| | | | | |
| 17| Noon. | 89 | .625 |Moderate and hazy. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 91 | .575 |Hazy and sultry, with |
| | | | |little wind. |
| | | | | |
|April 7| 8 A.M. | 86 | .411 |Village of Comie, in |
| | | | |Wawaw province, and |
| | | | |kingdom of Borgoo, about |
| | | | |50 feet above the river |
| | | | |Quorra, on the west bank. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 89 | .377 |Fresh breezes from the |
| | | | |eastward, with a slight |
| | | | |haze. |
| | | | | |
| |10 | 89½ | .400 |Cloudy, with fresh |
| | | | |breezes. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 93 | .375 |The same. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 90 | |Strong breezes, and dark |
| | | | |cloudy weather. |
| | | | | |
| | 5 | 89 | .300 |Moderate breezes, with |
| | | | |dark cloudy weather. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 79 | 29.320 |Dull cloudy weather, with |
| | | | |little wind from the |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 82 | .368 |The same. |
| | | | | |
| 8| Noon. | 90 | .375 |The same. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 99 | .320 |Clear, with light airs |
| | | | |from the south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 93 | .280 |Calm and clear. |
| | | | | |
| |10 A.M. | 89 | 29.85 |Town of Tabra in Nyffé. |
| | | | |Cloudy, with moderate |
| | | | |breezes, wind south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 17| Noon. | 95 | .60 |The same, with light |
| | | | |flying clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 98 | .45 |Moderate breezes. |
| | | | | |
| | 5 | 91 | 28.992 |Calm, with light clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 74 | .967 |City of Tabra in Nyffé. |
| | | | |Calm with light clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 86 | 29.80 |Light breezes, flying |
| | | | |clouds, wind south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 18| Noon. | 96 | 28.920 |Moderate breezes, with |
| | | | |light clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 97½ | .866 |Light airs, wind |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 95 | |Light breezes and clear, |
| | | | |wind south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 80 | .943 |Dull and cloudy, with |
| | | | |fresh breezes. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 88 | 29.11 |Fresh breezes, wind |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 19| Noon. | | | |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 97 | 28.953 |Moderate and clear. |
| | | | | |
|July 5| 4 P.M. | 80 | 27.862 |Light airs and cloudy, |
| | | | |with thunder and |
| | | | |lightning. City of Guari. |
| | | | |During night a tornado. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 73 | .986 |Moderate breezes, with |
| | | | |dark cloudy weather, wind |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 78 | .942 |Light airs and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| 6| Noon. | 85 | .985 |The same, with light |
| | | | |flying clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 85 | .940 |Light breezes, with |
| | | | |thunder clouds to |
| | | | |eastward. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 84 | .952 |Light airs and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 75 | 28.011 |Dull and cloudy, with |
| | | | |light breezes from the |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 77 | .067 |A little rain, with light |
| | | | |airs from the south. |
| | | | | |
| 7| Noon. | 85 | .124 |Moderate, with thick |
| | | | |clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | | 28. |The same, wind south-west.|
| | | | | |
| |10 A.M. | 79 | 27.917 |City of Zaria, the |
| | | | |capital of the province |
| | | | |of Zegzeg. Dull and |
| | | | |cloudy, with light airs |
| | | | |from the south. |
| | | | | |
| 12| Noon. | 81 | .888 |Light airs, with dull |
| | | | |cloudy weather. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 83 | .858 |The same, wind south-west.|
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 81 | .785 |Cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 75 | 28.820 |Cloudy, with a fresh |
| | | | |breeze. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 77 | .820 |The same. |
| | | | | |
| 13| Noon. | 84 | .815 |Cloudy, with light dull |
| | | | |airs from the south. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 85 | .780 |Moderate breezes and |
| | | | |cloudy, thunder clouds to |
| | | | |the south-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 80 | .785 |Calm. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 75 | .805 |Fresh breezes and cloudy |
| | | | |from the east, with low |
| | | | |clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 77 | .842 |Fresh breezes, and dark |
| | | | |cloudy weather. |
| | | | | |
| 14| Noon. | 80 | .771 |Strong breezes and |
| | | | |squally, with thick |
| | | | |cloudy weather, wind west.|
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 82 | .751 |Thick cloudy weather. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 80 | .735 |Moderate breezes, with |
| | | | |dull cloudy weather, wind |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 17| 6 P.M. | 74 | 27.765 |A single observation |
| | | | |taken at the town of |
| | | | |Aushin, province of |
| | | | |Zegzeg. Dull cloudy |
| | | | |weather, with a fresh |
| | | | |breeze from the |
| | | | |west-south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 20|10 A.M. | 75 | .438 |Town of Baebaegie, |
| | | | |province of Kano. Calm |
| | | | |and cloudy, with a little |
| | | | |rain. |
| | | | | |
| | Noon. | 78 | .354 |Fresh breezes and cloudy, |
| | | | |wind south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 80 | .289 |Light airs and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 80 | .260 |Calm and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
|Aug. 9| 3 P.M. | 85½ | 28.252 |City of Kano. Fresh |
| | | | |breezes and cloudy, |
| | | | |threatening rain. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 81 | .237 |Moderate breezes and |
| | | | |cloudy, wind south-east. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 76 | .269 |Light breezes with rain. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 78½ | .269 |Fair; at 10 A.M. rain. |
| | | | | |
| 10| Noon. | 79 | .251 |Fresh breezes from the |
| | | | |south-west, with rain; at |
| | | | |1 P.M. fair. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 79 | .199 |Fresh gales and cloudy, |
| | | | |wind west-south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 78 | .191 |Moderate and cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 76 | .192 |Moderate and cloudy, wind |
| | | | |south; it had rained all |
| | | | |night. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 79½ | .234 |Fresh breezes and cloudy, |
| | | | |wind south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 11| Noon. | 81 | .212 |Fresh gales, with flying |
| | | | |clouds, and a few drops |
| | | | |of rain. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 84 | .202 |Fresh gales and cloudy, |
| | | | |rain, heavy thunder |
| | | | |clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 P.M. | 80 | .227 |Moderate breezes, with |
| | | | |light clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 76 | .320 |Light airs, with light |
| | | | |clouds; during the night, |
| | | | |cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 79 | .371 |Fresh breezes and cloudy, |
| | | | |wind west-south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 12| Noon. | 83 | .346 |Fresh breezes and cloudy, |
| | | | |thunder and rain, wind |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 82½ | .305 |Fresh breezes and cloudy, |
| | | | |with a light haze. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 81 | .280 |Light airs and light |
| | | | |clouds. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 78½ | .344 |Light breezes, cloudy, |
| | | | |wind south-south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 81 | .375 |Moderate and cloudy, with |
| | | | |slight rain at times; at |
| | | | |11 A.M. heavy rain. |
| | | | | |
| 13| Noon. | 76 | .318 |Heavy rain, thunder and |
| | | | |lightning. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 77 | .273 |Light winds and heavy |
| | | | |rain, wind south. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 79 | .240 |Moderate breezes and |
| | | | |cloudy. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 75 | .291 |Moderate and clear, with |
| | | | |light flying clouds; |
| | | | |during night, cloudy, |
| | | | |with a few drops of rain. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 79 | .368 |Fresh breezes and cloudy, |
| | | | |threatening rain. |
| | | | | |
| 14| Noon. | 82½ | .311 |Moderate breezes, with |
| | | | |clouds and sunshine. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 86½ | .220 |Moderate and fine, wind |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 84 | .270 |Variable, with dark |
| | | | |cloudy weather, thunder |
| | | | |and lightning. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 A.M. | 78 | .364 |Fresh breezes and cloudy, |
| | | | |wind south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 15| Noon. | 83 | .344 |Moderate breezes, with |
| | | | |light white clouds, wind |
| | | | |west-south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 85 | .270 |The same. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 86 | .246 |Light airs and fine. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 A.M. | 73 | .325 |Dull and cloudy, wind |
| | | | |south by south-west, with |
| | | | |thunder, lightning, and |
| | | | |rain; during the night a |
| | | | |tornado. |
| | | | | |
| | 9 | 79 | .337 |Moderate and cloudy, |
| | | | |with a light haze, wind |
| | | | |south-west. |
| | | | | |
| 16| Noon. | 83½ | .329 |Fresh breezes and cloudy |
| | | | |from the south-west. |
| | | | | |
| | 3 P.M. | 85 | .269 |Moderate, with a light |
| | | | |haze. |
| | | | | |
| | 6 | 83½ | .329 |Moderate breezes, with |
| | | | |light flying clouds. |
+---------+------------+------+----------+--------------------------+

HEIGHT OF THERMOMETER IN KANO, AS OBSERVED BY RICHARD LANDER,
AUGUST 25, 1826.

Aug. 6 A.M. Noon. 3 P.M.

25. Dull morning, 6 A.M.; 12 noon, clear; 3
P.M. clear 76° 84° 85°

26. A thunder storm and heavy rain; 12
noon, dull; 3 P.M. do. 75 79 79

27. 6 A.M. clear light air; 12 noon, clear;
3 P.M. clear 76 81 84

28. Clear at 6 A.M.; 12 noon, calm and
cloudy; 3 P.M. light airs 77 81 85

29. 6 A.M. heavy rain; 12 noon, clear and
calm; 3 P.M. clear and calm 73 82 83

30. 6 A.M. clear; 12 noon, a thunder storm
and heavy rain 72 79 79

31. Clear and cold; 12 noon, clear and cold 73 80 84

Sept.

1. Dull morning; 12 noon, dull; 3 P.M.
dull and cloudy 77 81 80

8. Dull morning; 12 noon, clear; 3 P.M.
clear 76 83 82

10. Dull morning; 12 noon, dull; 3 P.M.
heavy rain 77 80 79

11. Clear and calm 77 85 86

12. Clear and calm 80 85 86

13. Clear and light air 79 84 83

14. Clear and light air 77 86 85

15. Clear and light air 80 85 86

16. Clear and light air 75 85 86

17. Clear and light air 77 85 84

18. Clear until noon; 3 P.M. a thunder
storm and rain 79 86 83

19. Clear and calm 78 84 88

20. Clear and calm until 3 P.M. and light
air 78 84 87

21. Clear and calm 77 84 88

22. Clear and calm until 12 noon, light air 76 85 88

23. Clear, light air 79 90 90

24. Clear and calm; 12 noon, and light air 80 89 89

25. Clear and calm 79 86 88

26. Clear; 12 noon, light breezes 79 86 89

27. Clear, light air 79 86 89

28. Clear; 12 noon, light rain 80 86 90

29. Clear; 3 P.M. heavy rain 79 86 89

30. Dull and foggy; 3 P.M. heavy rain and
wind 79 85 87

Oct.

1. Heavy rain and a thunder storm 70 76 79

2. Clear and cold, light breezes 70 80 80

3. Clear and cold, light breezes 70 83 85

4. Clear, light air, and cold 71 84 84

5. Clear and light breezes 70 83 85

6. Clear and calm 80 88 88

7. Clear, light air 80 87 87

8. Clear and calm 75 89 89

9. Clear and light breezes 80 87 88

10. Clear and light breezes 75 88 88

11. Clear and calm 75 87 87

12. Clear and fine breezes 75 88 88

13. Clear, light air 76 89 89

14. Clear, light breezes 76 87 87

24. Clear and cold 75 86 86

25. Clear light breezes 75 83 87

26. Clear and cold, light air 75 84 83

27. Clear and cold, light air 75 87 86

28. Clear and cold, light breezes 75 85 85

29. Clear and light breezes 75 86 85

30. Clear; 12 at noon, light breeze from
east 75 84 85

31. Clear; 12 noon, light breeze 76 85 86

Nov.

1. Clear and calm 76 84 85

2. Clear; 12 noon, light air 76 88 88

3. Clear; 12 noon, light breeze 76 85 86

4. Dull and hazy 76 86 86

5. Clear; 12 noon, a light breeze 75 87 86

6. Clear; 12 noon, light breeze 75 85 86

7. Clear; 12 noon, light breeze 75 85 86

8. Clear at 8; 12 noon, hazy and light
breeze 75 85 86

9. Clear at 9; 12 noon, cloudy, and light
breeze 75 86 87

10. Clear at 8; 12, light breezes 75 88 88

11. Clear at 9; 12, light breezes 75 85 86

12. Clear at 8; 12, light breezes 77 86 87

13. Clear at 9; 12, light air 76 85 86

14. Clear; 12, light breezes 75 85 87

15. Clear; 12 at noon, a light breeze 75 86 86

16. Clear; 12, light breezes 76 84 85

17. Clear; 12 noon, a light breeze 77 85 87

18. Clear; 12 noon, a light air 76 86 86

19. Clear; 12 noon, a light breeze 76 85 85

20. Clear, strong breeze, wind east 75 85 85

21. Clear, light breezes 75 89 89

SOCKATOO, JANUARY 7, 1827.
Jan.

7. Strong breeze from east-north-east,
clear 70 90 92

8. Monday, 6 A.M. light breeze, hazy; 12
noon, wind east-north-east 70 90 92

9. 6 A.M. cold and clear, a strong wind
east-north-east; 12, clear, light air 65 89 90

10. 6 A.M. cold and hazy; 12, strong
breezes, clear, north-east wind; 3
P.M. clear 60 90 90

11. Cold and hazy; 12, a fine breeze, wind
north-east, clear, light breeze 60 89 90

12. 6 A.M. cold and hazy; 12, light breeze,
wind north-east, clear; 3 P.M. clear 64 86 85

13. Clear and cold, wind north-east; 12 at
noon, clear and cold; 3 P.M. clear 62 89 89

14. 6 A.M. hazy, calm; 12, strong breezes,
wind north-east; 3 P.M. clear 62 88 88

15. Clear, cold, wind north-east; 12,
strong breezes; 3 P.M. clear 62 86 86

16. Clear and cold, wind north-east, strong
breeze, clear; 3 P.M. clear 60 80 80

17. Hazy calm; 12 noon, strong breeze and
clear, wind north-east 62 80 80

18. Thursday, clear and cold, wind
north-east; 12 noon, clear, strong
breeze, wind north-east 62 81 83

19. Clear and cold, a strong breeze from
north-east 65 84 86

20. Clear; 12 at noon, strong breeze, wind
east, 3 P.M. clear 64 88 89

21. Sunday, clear and calm; 12 noon, light
breeze, wind east; 3 P.M. clear 64 88 89

22. Morning hazy, a light air; 12 noon,
clear, light breeze, wind east 62 89 90

23. Morning hazy; 12 noon, light breeze and
clear, wind north-east 65 90 93

24. Wednesday, morning hazy, calm; 12 noon,
clear, fine breeze, east; 3 P.M. clear 72 96 98

25. Morning hazy, calm; 12 noon, clear, a
light breeze, wind east; 3 P.M. clear 70 96 98

26. Hazy, calm; 12 noon, clear, a light
breeze, wind north-east; 3 P.M. clear 72 94 95

27. Morning hazy and calm; 12 noon, light
breezes, clear, wind north-east; 3
P.M. clear 62 83 90

28. Morning hazy and calm; 12 noon, light
breeze; 3 P.M. clear, wind east 65 93 96

29. Morning clear, a light air; 12 noon,
light breeze, clear, wind east; 3 P.M.
clear 75 99 100

30. Hazy and a light air; 12 noon, clear,
light breeze, wind north-east; 3 P.M.
clear 74 98 99

31. Wednesday, clear; 12 noon, clear, light
breeze, wind south-east; 3 P.M. clear 75 98 99

Feb.

1. Thursday, morning hazy and calm; 12
noon, light breeze, wind south-east,
clear; 3 P.M. clear 75 98 100

2. Morning hazy and calm; 12 noon, a light
breeze, wind north-east; 3 P.M. clear 75 99 100

3. Morning hazy and calm; 12 noon, light
breeze, wind north-east; 3 P.M. clear 75 97 99

4. Sunday, morning hazy and calm; 12 noon,
light breeze and clear, wind north-east 75 98 99

5. Morning hazy and calm; 12 noon, light
breeze, clear, wind north-east 75 100 104

20. Morning hazy and calm; 12 noon, light
breeze, clear, wind ditto 75 95 100

21. Morning hazy; 12 noon, light breeze and
clear, wind north-east 75 100 100

22. Thursday, morning hazy; 12 noon, light
breeze and clear, wind north-east 75 100 100

23. Morning hazy; 12 noon, light breeze and
clear, wind north-east 77 100 100

24. Saturday, morning hazy; 12 noon, light
breeze, clear, wind north-east 75 95 100

25. Morning hazy; 12 noon, a fine breeze,
wind north-east 75 100 100

26. Morning hazy, calm; 12 noon, light
breeze, wind north-east; 3 P.M. clear 75 100 100

27. Tuesday, morning hazy, calm; 12 noon,
light breeze, clear, north-east wind 65 85 85

28. Strong gales, hazy; 12 noon, strong
gales; 3 P.M. strong gales, north-east
wind 65 85 85

During a whirlwind at 2 P.M. the
thermometer fell from 100½ to 98, and
at 3 P.M. rose to 101.

March.

1. Strong gales during the day, and hazy,
north-east wind 85 85 100

2. Strong gales and hazy during the day,
north-east wind 65 85 85

3. Strong gales and cloudy during the day,
north-east wind 65 85 85

4. Sundry light breezes during the day,
north-east wind 74 89 90

5. Morning hazy; 12 noon, light breeze,
north-east 72 95 98

6. Calm and hazy; 12 noon, clear, east
wind; 3 P.M. hazy, light air 71 96 96

7. 6 A.M. hazy, calm; 12 noon, cloudy, a
light breeze, east wind; 3 P.M. cloudy 72 95 96

8. Hazy, calm; 12 noon, hazy, a light
breeze; 3 P.M. hazy, light air 70 96 95

9. Friday, 6 A.M. hazy, calm; 12 noon,
light breeze, clear, east wind 70 95 96

10. 6 A.M. hazy and calm; 12 noon, strong
breeze, clear; 3 P.M. clear 70 99 96

11. Hazy and calm; 12 noon, a light breeze,
clear; 3 P.M. clear, east wind 70 98 96

12. Hazy and calm; 12 noon, fine breeze and
clear, east wind 70 95 96

13. 6 A.M. strong breeze, south-by-east
wind; 12 noon, strong breezes,
south-by-east wind; 3 P.M. a fine
breeze 70 99 97

14. Hazy, light air; 12 noon, strong
breeze, south-by-east wind, clear 70 95 96

15. Hazy and calm; 12 noon, strong breezes,
south-by-east wind, clear; 3 P.M. clear 70 96 95

16. Light breeze and hazy; 12 noon, light
breeze and clear; 3 P.M. clear 70 100 98

17. Hazy and calm; 12 noon, a light breeze,
clear, east-north-east wind; 3 P.M.
clear 70 98 99

18. Sunday, calm and hazy; 12 noon, light
breeze and clear, east wind 70 100 100

19. 6 A.M. calm and clear; 12 noon, calm
and clear; 3 P.M. light wind 73 101 101

20. Calm and clear; 3 P.M. a light breeze,
west wind 71 102 102

21. Calm and clear until 3 P.M., a fine
breeze, west wind 75 102 103

22. 6 A.M. calm and clear; 12 noon, a
strong breeze, east wind 75 104 105

23. 6 A.M. calm and clear; 12 noon, light
breeze; 3 P.M. light breeze, clear 74 101 100

24. 6 A.M. calm and hazy; 12 noon, light
breeze, hazy; 3 P.M. light air, east
wind 74 100 100

25. Sunday, 6 A.M. calm and hazy; 12 noon,
hazy, light breeze, east wind 74 104 103

26. 6 A.M. a clear light breeze; 12 noon,
hazy, a light breeze, east wind; 3
P.M. a light breeze 74 101 100

27. 6 A.M. a light breeze; 12 noon, hazy, a
light breeze, east wind; 3 P.M. light
breeze 73 104 101

28. 6 A.M. light breeze; 12 noon, a light
breeze, clear, south-east wind; 3 P.M.
clear 72 100 100

29. 6 A.M. strong breeze, clear, south-east
wind; 12 noon, light air; 3 P.M. light
air 72 99 100

30. 6 A.M. hazy, a light air; 12 noon,
hazy, a light breeze, east wind; 3
P.M. a light air 72 101 100

31. 6 A.M. hazy, a light south-east wind;
12 noon, hazy, light south-east wind;
3 P.M. hazy, light air 57 106 105

April.

1. Sunday, sultry and hazy, calm; 12 noon,
sultry and hazy 74 101 102

2. Hazy during the day, light air 70 101 105

3. Hazy and calm; 12 noon, light breeze,
south-east wind, light air 74 103 107

4. Calm and hazy; 12 noon, light breeze,
south-west wind; 3 P.M. hazy, light
breeze 78 104 104

5. A dull hazy day, light breezes 78 110 108

6. Dull and hazy; 3 P.M. a light breeze
from west 77 100 100

7. Dull and hazy; 3 P.M. light breezes,
south-west wind 79 100 100

8. Sunday, dull and hazy, light air during
the day 77 102 103

9. Clear day and light breezes, south-west
wind 77 103 104

10. Tuesday, clear day and light breezes,
south-west wind 77 104 107

11. Clear, and light breezes from the
south-west 77 104 103

12. Clear morning, and light breezes 3 P.M. 77 104 104

14. Clear morning, calm; 12 noon, light
breezes, south-west wind 77 105 106

15. Clear morning, calm; 3 P.M. light
breezes, south-west wind, clear 80 105 106

16. 6 A.M. misty and calm; 12 noon, light
breezes, south-west wind; 3 P.M. light
breezes, south-west wind 79 106 106

17. 6 A.M. misty, west wind; 12 noon, light
air; 3 P.M. calm and misty 80 109 108

23. 6 A.M. clear morning, a fine breeze
from the west; 3 P.M. calm 76 105 106

24. Cloudy day, a fine breeze from the west 77 102 103

25. Cloudy and calm; 12 noon, a strong
breeze from the west; 3 P.M. calm and
clear; 6 P.M. a thunder storm 78 102 104

26. Clear and calm; 12 noon, light breeze
from the west, and clear; 3 P.M. calm
and misty 77 103 105

27. Clear and calm; 12 noon, light breeze
from the west; 3 P.M. clear 78 105 106

28. Clear morning, light air; 12 noon, a
fine breeze from the west; 3 P.M. fine
breeze 77 103 105

29. Sunday, morning clear and calm; 12
noon, cloudy, light breeze; 3 P.M. a
gale of wind, with thunder storm 76 100 90

30. Morning calm and clear; 12 noon, light
breeze from the west; 3 P.M. light
breezes and clear 78 100 100

May.

1. Tuesday, cloudy during the day, light
breeze from the west 77 100 102

THE END.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFRIARS.

Transcriber's note:

Moved table of Contents from: after Introduction to: after title-page

pg 10 Changed: yams, alavances to: calavances

pg 21 Changed: from W.N.W. to to E.S.E. to: W.N.W. to E.S.E.

pg 89 Changed: with th agreement to: the

pg 90 Changed: I mut go to Boussa to: must

pg 128 Changed: carrying my baggge to: baggage

pg 145 Changed: miradania, or butter tree to: micadania

pg 216 Changed: small millet or calavanees to: calavances

pg 222 Changed: Tauricks of the west to: Tuaricks

pg 235 Changed: old Ben Gusmo to: Gumso

pg 251 Changed: Taurick being hanged to: Tuarick

Minor changes in punctuation and fixes of typographical errors have
been done silently.

Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Journal of a second expedition into the interior of Africa, from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo : To which is added, the journal of Richard Lander from Kano to the sea-coast, partly by a more eastern route." ***

Home