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Title: The Mongols: A History
Author: Curtin, Jeremiah
Language: English
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THE MONGOLS
A HISTORY
BY
JEREMIAH CURTIN
AUTHOR OF “MYTHS AND FOLK-LORE OF IRELAND,” “HERO-TALES OF IRELAND,”
“MYTH AND FOLK-TALES OF THE RUSSIANS, WESTERN SLAVS, AND MAGYARS,”
“CREATION MYTHS OF PRIMITIVE AMERICA,” ETC.
With a Foreword by
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
BOSTON
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY
1908
Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, I
dedicate to you the present volume entitled “The Mongols, a History.” I
do this because on September 5th, 1901, in the city of Burlington where
you addressed Vermont veterans, I asked permission to make the
dedication and you gave it. You were Vice-President at that time.
I made this request because I have great respect and admiration for you
as a man, as a leader of men, and a scholar; and because of the way in
which I came first to know you.
In 1891 you, as Chairman of the Civil Service Commission, were in
Washington. I had just returned to that city from a work of two years
among Pacific Coast Indians. Of these, two tribes in California had
asked me to intercede for them with the President, who in those days
was Benjamin Harrison. These Indians were among the truly wretched and
suffering. One tribe of them had been almost exterminated through a
massacre inflicted by white men. The other reduced to a feeble remnant
through various man-killing processes. Still they were worthy of
earnest attention. Their myths have a beauty and a value which should
preserve them till literature perishes. These two tribes were the Wintu
and the Yana whose account of the world and its origin I published
later on in “Creation Myths of Primitive America.”
On reaching Washington I went to Frederick T. Greenhalge, my classmate,
who then represented a part of Massachusetts in Congress, but afterward
was one of that Commonwealth’s renowned governors. Greenhalge tried to
induce a strong man or two from the Senate or House to assist us to act
on the President, but, though promises were made, no man came with
support, and we went alone to the White House. The case had been stated
clearly on two pages which I held ready for delivery. When I had given
the reason of my coming the President answered: “I see no way to help
you. What can I do in this matter?” “You can give,” replied I, “the
executive impulse. Send this statement to the Secretary of the
Interior, and direct him to act on it.” “That will suffice,” added
Greenhalge. “I will do it,” said the President, after thinking a
moment. He took my paper, jotted down the directions I had suggested,
and sent them to the Secretary.
We came away greatly satisfied, and halted some moments at the head of
the staircase. The President’s chamber was on the second story. All at
once in the large room below us I saw a young man, alert in his bearing
and perfectly confident. He gazed at the ceiling and walls of the room,
and was thoroughly occupied. There was no one else in the apartment. I
asked Greenhalge to look at him. “That man,” said I, “looks precisely
as if he had examined this building, and finding it suitable has made
up his mind to inhabit it.” “He is a living picture of that purpose,”
replied Greenhalge. “But do you not know him? That is Theodore
Roosevelt, Chairman of the Civil Service Commission, I must make you
acquainted. But first listen to a prophecy: That man down there who
wants this house will get it. He will live here as President.”
On reaching the foot of the staircase Greenhalge met you and made us
acquainted. We conversed for some moments, and then you were called to
the President. You and I did not meet for some years after that day at
the White House. You were toiling at problems of government and
service, looking ahead always, looking to things over which you are
brooding and toiling this moment. Some of the problems have been
solved, others still demand solution.
My work led me to various parts of the earth, and around it. But at
home or abroad I watched your activity with care and deep interest. Not
very long after that prophecy I read for the first time this statement
concerning you: “We need just such a man to be President.” These words,
uttered casually at that juncture, were like the still small voice,
their might was in their quality.
When a few years of service, unique in many ways, had brought you to
the Navy you accomplished your task in that place and went farther
immediately. By this time your name and the office of President were
associated in the minds of many people. Next came the Cuban war with
experience and triumph. And then you were governor at Albany. While
still in that office you were named for Vice-President, and elected.
Later you were President. But only when elected by the people could you
act as seemed best to you and not as antecedents commanded.
I have watched and studied your career with deeper interest than that
of any man who has ever been President of the United States. There is
no case in our history of such concordance between the judgment of a
people and the acts of a man. “Thou hast been faithful over a few
things, I will make thee ruler over many.”
Jeremiah Curtin.
St. Hyacinthe, P. Q., September 6, 1906.
FOREWORD
The death of Jeremiah Curtin robbed America of one of her two or three
foremost scholars. Mr. Curtin, who was by birth a native of Wisconsin,
at one time was in the diplomatic service of the Government; but his
chief work was in literature. The extraordinary facility with which he
learned any language, his gift of style in his own language, his
industry, his restless activity and desire to see strange nations and
out of the way peoples, and his great gift of imagination which enabled
him to appreciate the epic sweep of vital historical events, all
combined to render his work of peculiar value. His extraordinary
translations of the Polish novels of Sienkiewicz, especially of those
dealing with medieval Poland and her struggles with the Tartar, the
Swede and the German, would in themselves have been enough to establish
a first class reputation for any man. In addition he did remarkable
work in connection with Indian, Celtic and other folk tales. But
nothing that he did was more important than his studies of the rise of
the mighty Mongol Empire and its decadence. In this particular field no
other American or English scholar has ever approached him.
Indeed, it is extraordinary to see how ignorant even the best scholars
of America and England are of the tremendous importance in world
history of the nation-shattering Mongol invasions. A noted Englishman
of letters not many years ago wrote a charming essay on the Thirteenth
Century—an essay showing his wide learning, his grasp of historical
events, and the length of time that he had devoted to the study of the
century. Yet the essayist not only never mentioned but was evidently
ignorant of the most stupendous fact of the century—the rise of Genghis
Khan and the spread of the Mongol power from the Yellow Sea to the
Adriatic and the Persian Gulf. Ignorance like this is partly due to the
natural tendency among men whose culture is that of Western Europe to
think of history as only European history and of European history as
only the history of Latin and Teutonic Europe. But this does not
entirely excuse ignorance of such an event as the Mongol-Tartar
invasion, which affected half of Europe far more profoundly than the
Crusades. It is this ignorance, of course accentuated among those who
are not scholars, which accounts for the possibility of such comically
absurd remarks as the one not infrequently made at the time of the
Japanese-Russian war, that for the first time since Salamis Asia had
conquered Europe. As a matter of fact the recent military supremacy of
the white or European races is a matter of only some three centuries.
For the four preceding centuries, that is, from the beginning of the
thirteenth to the seventeenth, the Mongol and Turkish armies generally
had the upper hand in any contest with European foes, appearing in
Europe always as invaders and often as conquerors; while no ruler of
Europe of their days had to his credit such mighty feats of arms, such
wide conquests, as Genghis Khan, as Timour the Limper, as Bajazet,
Selim and Amurath, as Baber and Akbar.
The rise of the Mongol power under Genghis Khan was unheralded and
unforeseen, and it took the world as completely by surprise as the rise
of the Arab power six centuries before. When the thirteenth century
opened Genghis Khan was merely one among a number of other obscure
Mongol chiefs and neither he nor his tribe had any reputation whatever
outside of the barren plains of Central Asia, where they and their
fellow-barbarians lived on horseback among their flocks and herds.
Neither in civilized nor semi-civilized Europe, nor in civilized nor
semi-civilized Asia, was he known or feared, any more, for instance,
than the civilized world of to-day knows or fears the Senoussi, or any
obscure black mahdi in the region south of the Sahara. At the moment,
Europe had lost fear of aggression from either Asia or Africa. In Spain
the power of the Moors had just been reduced to insignificance. The
crusading spirit, it is true, had been thoroughly discredited by the
wicked Fourth Crusade, when the Franks and Venetians took
Constantinople and destroyed the old bulwark of Europe against the
Infidel. But in the crusade in which he himself lost his life the
Emperor Barbarossa had completely broken the power of the Seljouk Turks
in Asia Minor, and tho Jerusalem had been lost it was about to be
regained by that strange and brilliant man, the Emperor Frederick II,
“the wonder of the world.” The Slavs of Russia were organized into a
kind of loose confederacy, and were slowly extending themselves
eastward, making settlements like Moscow in the midst of various
Finnish peoples. Hungary and Poland were great warrior kingdoms, tho a
couple of centuries were to pass before Poland would come to her full
power. The Caliphs still ruled at Bagdad. In India Mohammedan warred
with Rajput; and the Chinese Empire was probably superior in
civilization and in military strength to any nation of Europe.
Into this world burst the Mongol. All his early years Genghis Khan
spent in obtaining first the control of his own tribe, and then in
establishing the absolute supremacy of this tribe over all its
neighbors. In the first decade of the thirteenth century this work was
accomplished. His supremacy over the wild mounted herdsmen was absolute
and unquestioned. Every formidable competitor, every man who would not
bow with unquestioning obedience to his will, had been ruthlessly
slain, and he had developed a number of able men who were willing to be
his devoted slaves, and to carry out his every command with
unhesitating obedience and dreadful prowess. Out of the Mongol
horse-bowmen and horse-swordsmen he speedily made the most formidable
troops then in existence. East, west and south he sent his armies, and
under him and his immediate successors the area of conquest widened by
leaps and bounds; while two generations went by before any troops were
found in Asia or Europe who on any stricken field could hold their own
with the terrible Mongol horsemen, and their subject-allies and remote
kinsmen, the Turko-Tartars who served with and under them. Few
conquests have ever been so hideous and on the whole so noxious to
mankind. The Mongols were savages as cruel as they were brave and
hardy. There were Nestorian Christians among them, as in most parts of
Asia at that time, but the great bulk of them were Shamanists; that is,
their creed and ethical culture were about on a par with those of the
Comanches and Apaches of the nineteenth century. They differed from
Comanche and Apache in that capacity for military organization which
gave them such terrible efficiency; but otherwise they were not much
more advanced, and the civilized peoples who fell under their sway
experienced a fate as dreadful as would be the case if nowadays a
civilized people were suddenly conquered by a great horde of Apaches.
The ruthless cruelty of the Mongol was practised on a scale greater
than ever before or since. The Moslems feared them as much as the
Christians. They put to death the Caliph, and sacked Bagdad, just as
they sacked the cities of Russia and Hungary. They destroyed the
Turkish tribes which ventured to resist them with the merciless
thoroughness which they showed in dealing with any resistance in
Europe. They were inconceivably formidable in battle, tireless in
campaign and on the march, utterly indifferent to fatigue and hardship,
of extraordinary prowess with bow and sword. To the Europeans who
cowered in horror before them, the squat, slit-eyed, brawny horsemen,
“with faces like the snouts of dogs,” seemed as hideous and fearsome as
demons, and as irresistible by ordinary mortals. They conquered China
and set on the throne a Mongol dynasty. India also their descendants
conquered, and there likewise erected a great Mongol empire. Persia in
the same way fell into their hands. Their armies, every soldier on
horseback, marched incredible distances and overthrew whatever opposed
them. They struck down the Russians at a blow and trampled the land
into bloody mire beneath their horses’ feet. They crushed the Magyars
in a single battle and drew a broad red furrow straight across Hungary,
driving the Hungarian King in panic flight from his realm. They overran
Poland and destroyed the banded knighthood of North Germany in Silesia.
Western Europe could have made no adequate defense; but fortunately by
this time the Mongol attack had spent itself, simply because the
distance from the central point had become so great. It was no
Christian or European military power which first by force set bounds to
the Mongol conquests; but the Turkish Mamelukes of Egypt in the West,
and in the East, some two score years later, the armies of Japan.
In a couple of generations the Mongols as a whole became Buddhists in
the East and Moslems in the West; and in the West the true Mongols
gradually disappeared, being lost among the Turkish tribes whom they
had conquered and led to victory. It was these Turkish tribes, known as
Tartars, who for over two centuries kept Russia in a servitude so
terrible, so bloody, so abject, as to leave deep permanent marks on the
national character. The Russians did not finally throw off this squalid
yoke until thirty years after the conquest of Constantinople by the
Ottoman Turks, the power of the Tartars waning as that of the Ottomans
approached its zenith. Poland was now rising high. Its vast territory
extended from the Baltic to the Black Sea. It was far more important
than Muscovy. In the “Itinerary” of that widely travelled Elizabethan,
Fynes Morrison, we learn that the Turks dreaded the Polish armies more
than those of Germany, or of any other nation; this was after the
Hungarians had been conquered.
The scourge of the Mongol conquests was terrible beyond belief, so that
even where a land was flooded but for a moment, the memory long
remained. It is not long since in certain churches in Eastern Europe
the litany still contained the prayer, “From the fury of the Mongols,
good Lord deliver us.” The Mongol armies developed a certain ant-like
or bee-like power of joint action which enabled them to win without
much regard to the personality of the leader; a French writer has well
contrasted the great “anonymous victories” of the Mongols with the
purely personal triumphs of that grim Turkish conqueror whom we know
best as Timour the Tartar, or Tamerlane. The civil administration the
Mongols established in a conquered country was borrowed from China, and
where they settled as conquerors the conduct of the Chinese bureaucracy
maddened the subject peoples almost as much as the wild and lawless
brutality of the Mongol soldiers themselves. Gradually their empire,
after splitting up, passed away and left little direct influence in any
country; but it was at the time so prodigious a phenomenon, fraught
with such vast and dire possibilities, that a full knowledge of the
history of the Mongol people is imperatively necessary to all who would
understand the development of Asia and of Eastern Europe. No other
writer of English was so well fitted to tell this history as Jeremiah
Curtin.
Theodore Roosevelt.
Sagamore Hill, September 1, 1907.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I PAGE
Geographical spread of the word Mongol.—Beginning of the Mongol
career.—Mythical account of Temudjin’s origin.—Kaidu, ancestor of
the great historical Mongols.—Origin of the Urudai and Manhudai
tribes.—Family of Kaidu.—Origin of the Taidjuts.—Bartan,
grandfather of Temudjin.—Yessugai, father of Temudjin.—Kabul’s
visit to China.—Capture and escape of Kabul.—Shaman killed for the
death of a patient.—Death of Ambagai.—Death of Okin Barka.—March of
Kutula against China.—Kaidan, Tuda and Yessugai hold a
council.—Attack of the Durbans.—Bartan, the father of Yessugai,
dies.—Triumph of Yessugai 1
CHAPTER II
Rivalry between descendants of Kabul and Ambagai.—Kidnapping of
Hoelun by Yessugai.—Birth and naming of Temudjin.—Yessugai finds a
wife for Temudjin.—Death of Yessugai, 1175.—Neglect of
Hoelun.—Targutai draws away Yessugai’s people.—Temudjin begins his
career by the murder of his half-brother.—Capture of Temudjin by
the Taidjuts.—Temudjin’s escape from captivity.—Assistance rendered
by Sorgan Shira.—Marriage of Temudjin to Bortai.—Friendship of
Temudjin and Boörchu.—Alliance of Togrul and Temudjin.—Chelmai, son
of Charchiutai.—Capture of Bortai by the Merkits.—Pursuit of
Temudjin.—Origin of the worship of Mount Burham.—Assistance of
Togrul in recovering Bortai.—Ancestors of Jamuka.—Temudjin made
Khan.—Appointment of officers.—Temudjin’s first victory in
battle.—Temudjin’s brutal punishment of prisoners.—Juriats join
Temudjin’s forces.—Marriage of Temudjin’s sister to Podu.—Marriage
of Temudjin’s mother to Munlik.—Barins withdraw from
alliance.—Efforts of Temudjin to win the friendship of Jamuka 16
CHAPTER III
Attack of Temudjin and Togrul upon the Lake Buyur Tartars.—Togrul
is given the title of Wang Khan.—Attack of Temudjin upon the
Churkis.—Origin of the Churkis.—Death of Buri Buga.—Adopted sons of
Hoelun, mother of Temudjin.—Temudjin and Wang Khan attack the
Merkits, 1197.—Desertion of Wang Khan.—Wang Khan’s men routed by
Naimans.—Rescue of Wang Khan by Temudjin.—Second defeat of the
Naimans.—Temudjin and Wang Khan become as father and son to each
other.—Wang Khan and Temudjin march against the Taidjuts,
1200.—Taidjuts are joined by several neighboring tribes.—Offering
made by Taidjuts and their allies when taking oath.—Defeat of
Taidjuts and Merkits by Temudjin.—Jamuka is made Khan.—Effort of
Jamuka to surprise and kill Temudjin, 1201.—Shamans cause wind and
rain to strike Temudjin.—Defeat of Jamuka.—Punishment of Temudjin’s
brother, Belgutai, for exposing plans.—Temudjin marches against the
Tartars.—Marriage of Temudjin to Aisugan.—Defeat of Tukta Bijhi, a
Merkit chief.—Temudjin asks for Wang Khan’s granddaughter for
Juchi.—Efforts of Jamuka to rouse the jealousy of Sengun, son of
Wang Khan.—Sengun tries to break the alliance between his father
and Temudjin.—Discovery of a plot to kill Temudjin.—Attack of Wang
Khan and Sengun upon Temudjin.—Victory of Temudjin.—Death of
Huildar.—Message of Temudjin to Wang Khan.—Message of Temudjin to
Sengun.—Message of Temudjin to Jamuka.—Attack of Temudjin upon Wang
Khan.—Defeat of Wang Khan and Sengun.—Temudjin rewards his
warriors.—Temudjin takes as wife the daughter of Jaganbo, Wang
Khan’s brother.—Death of Wang Khan and Sengun, 1203 37
CHAPTER IV
Attack upon Temudjin by Baibuga, his father-in-law.—Council held by
Temudjin, 1204.—Battle with the Naimans, autumn of 1204.—Capture of
Kurbassu, the wife of Baibuga.—Surrender to Temudjin of tribes
allied to Jamuka.—Subjection of the Merkits.—Marriage of Temudjin
to the daughter of Dair Usun.—Revolt and pursuit of the
Merkits.—Death of Tohtoa.—Defeat and capture of Jamuka.—Death of
Jamuka.—Temudjin is made Grand Khan, takes the title
Jinghis.—Temudjin rewards his officers.—Temudjin gives his wife to
Churchadai.—Temudjin distrusts his brother, Kassar.—Defence of
Kassar by his mother, Hoelun.—Death of Hoelun.—Temudjin alarmed at
the power of Taibtengeri, a Shaman.—Murder of Taibtengeri.—Jinghis
Khan’s (Temudjin) campaign against Tanguts.—Jinghis Khan’s position
secured in Northeastern Asia.—Kara Kitai, geographically.—The
Uigurs.—Triumphs of Jinghis alarm China.—Mission of Jinghis’ envoys
to the Uigurs.—Indignation of the Uigurs.—Mongols invade Tangut,
1207.—Tangut King gives his daughter in marriage to Jinghis.—Return
of Jinghis.—Arslan Khan of the Karluks gives homage to
Jinghis.—Marriage of Arslan to Altun Bijhi, Jinghis’ daughter 62
CHAPTER V
China, 618 to 907, A.D.—Fall of Tang dynasty.—The Kitans.—Parin
proclaims himself Emperor, 916.—House of Sung unites nearly all
China, 960.—Tribute paid by the Sung Emperor to the Kitans,
1004.—Victory over the Kitans by Aguta in 1114.—Founding of a new
State, Kin kwe, by Aguta.—Death of Aguta.—Invasion of North China
by Kin Emperor, 1125.—Kin Emperor besieges Kai fong fu, 1126.—Sung
Emperor seized and sent to Manchuria.—Message of Jinghis Khan to
the sovereign of China.—Jinghis sets out to subdue the Chinese
Empire, 1211.—Sons of Jinghis.—Army equipment.—Advance of 1,200
miles to the Great Wall of China.—Friendship of the
Onguts.—Insurrection of the Kitans.—Chong tu invested.—Jinghis
sends Subotai against the Merkits.—Jinghis resumes activity in
China, 1213.—Attack of Tangut on China, 1213.—Mongols attack lands
bordering on the Hoang Ho, 1214.—Defence of Chong tu.—Mongols
attack Nan king.—Defeat of the Merkits.—Corea’s submission to
Jinghis, 1218.—Death of Boroul, 1217.—Origin of Mukuli, one of
Jinghis’ greatest generals.—Jinghis’ fourth attack on the Tanguts,
1218.—Origin of Kara Kitai.—Victory of Yeliu over Kashgar.—Invasion
of Kwaresm by Yeliu.—Treachery of Gutchluk.—Execution of Gutchluk
by Chepé.—Kara Kitai attacked by Shah Mohammed.—The World-Shaking
Limper (Tamerlane).—Attack of Kara Kitans by Mongols.—Death of the
Gurkhan of Kara Kitai, 1136 79
CHAPTER VI
Addition of Kara Kitai to Mongol domains.—End of Seljuk rule.—Kutb
ud din Mohammed made Kwaresmian Shah.—Mohammed seizes Balk and
Herat.—Invasion of the lands of the Gurkhan by Mohammed,
1208.—Defeat and capture of Shah Mohammed.—Mohammed and Osman make
an attack on the Gurkhan.—Success of the Kwaresmian Shah.—Mohammed
gives his daughter in marriage to Osman, ruler of
Samarkand.—Kwaresmians killed by Osman.—Storming of Samarkand by
Mohammed.—Death of Osman.—Seizure of a part of the Gur
Kingdom.—Assassination of Ali Shir by command of Mohammed, his
brother, 1213.—Winning of Ghazni by Mohammed, 1216.—Discovery of
letters from the Kalif warning the Gurs against Mohammed.—Efforts
of Nassir the Kalif to stop Kwaresmian growth.—Limited power of the
Kalif.—Envoy sent by Mohammed to the Kalif.—Ali ul Muluk is
recognized as Kalif.—Murder of Ogulmush by command of the
Kalif.—Annexation of Irak by Mohammed.—Mohammed advances on
Bagdad.—Retreat of Mohammed.—Mohammed alarmed by Mongol
movements.—Mohammed receives envoys from Jinghis Khan,
1216–17.—Sunnites and Shiites.—Determination of the Kalif to ask
Jinghis to defend the Sunnites.—Invitation to Jinghis branded on
the head of the envoy.—Message of Jinghis to Shah Mohammed.—Arrest
of Mongolian merchants.—Second message from Jinghis to
Mohammed.—Murder of Bajra, Jinghis Khan’s envoy.—Turkan Khatun, the
mother of Shah Mohammed.—Trouble caused by Turkan Khatun.—A Mongol
tempest.—Conspiracy of Bedr ud din.—Arrangement of the Mongol
army.—Investment of Otrar, November, 1218.—Capture of Otrar, April,
1219.—Slaughter of the Turk garrison at Benakit.—Escape of Melik
Timur.—Investment of Bokhara, June, 1219.—Surrender of
Bokhara.—Feeding of Mongol horses in the Grand Mosque.—Storming of
the fortress.—March of Jinghis on Samarkand.—Surrender of
Samarkand.—Pursuit of the Kwaresmian ruler 93
CHAPTER VII
Indecision of Shah Mohammed.—Escape of Mohammed to
Nishapur.—Submission of Balkh.—Proclamation of the Shah to
Nishapur.—Pursuit of Mohammed.—Withdrawal of Mohammed from
Nishapur.—Sack of Nishapur.—Flight of Mohammed to an island in the
Caspian.—Death of Shah Mohammed, January 10, 1221.—Escape of Turkan
Khatun to the mountains.—Succession of Jelal ud din.—Surrender of
Ilak and of Turkan Khatun.—Siege and capture of the Kwaresmian
capital.—Attack made on the Talekan district by Jinghis.—Siege of
Ghazni.—March of Tului against Khorassan, 1220.—Attack on
Nessa.—Attack and capture of Merv.—Revenge of Togachar’s
widow.—March of the Mongols against Herat.—Turkmans near Merv
escape and form the nucleus of the Ottoman Empire.—Jelal ud din at
Ghazni, 1221.—Death of a grandson of Jinghis.—Revenge of
Jinghis.—Retreat of Jelal from Ghazni.—Pursuit of Jelal by
Jinghis.—Battle at the Indus between Jelal and Jinghis.—Leap of
Jelal into the Indus.—Siege of Herat, 1222.—Mongol army marches on
Herat a second time 113
CHAPTER VIII
Jinghis passes the winter near the Indus, 1222–23.—Resolve of
Jinghis to return to Mongolia, 1223.—Myths regarding this
resolution.—Command of Jinghis to kill useless prisoners.—March of
Chepé Noyon to Tiflis.—Command of Jinghis to Chepé Noyon to
exterminate the Polovtsi.—March of Chepé to Tiflis.—Chepé’s
alliance with the Polovtsi.—Betrayal of the Polovtsi, their flight
to Russia.—Mystislav aids the Polovtsi against the Mongols.—Defeat
of the Russians on the Kalka, 1224.—Terror of Southern
Russia.—Jinghis at his home on the Kerulon, 1225.—Mukuli’s conquest
of lands belonging to the Kin dynasty, 1216.—Death of Mukuli,
1223.—Jinghis enters Tangut, 1226.—Siege of Ling chau.—Submission
of Ling chau.—Death of Jinghis Khan, 1227.—Burial of
Jinghis.—Jinghis Khan’s disposal of his Empire.—Kurultai of
election held on the Kerulon, 1229.—Accession of Ogotai. His plans
of expeditions.—Offerings made to the shade of Jinghis.—First work
of Ogotai 131
CHAPTER IX
Condition of Persian Irak at the time of Jinghis Khan’s
death.—Flight of Jelal ud din to Delhi.—Marriage of Jelal to the
daughter of Iletmish.—Effort of Jelal to take possession of his
inheritance.—Founding of the Kara Kitan dynasty of Kerman.—Marriage
of Jelal to the daughter of Borak.—Advance of Jelal into
Fars.—Marriage of Jelal to the daughter of the Atabeg of
Shiraz.—Effort of Jelal to overcome his brother, Ghiath.—Jelal
marches against Nassir, Kalif of Islam.—Capture of Dakuka by Jelal,
1225.—Possession of Tebriz by Jelal.—Expedition against Georgia,
1225.—Second march of Jelal to Tiflis, 1226.—Conquest of
Georgia.—Jelal attacks Kars.—Defeat of a Mongol division by
Jelal.—Attack of the Mongols on Jelal in Ispahan, 1227.—Murder of
Mohammed, a favorite of Jelal.—Ghiath ud din strangled by
Borak.—Jelal demands tribute from the Shirvan Shah.—Attack of Jelal
on the combined armies of Georgia and Armenia.—Second siege of
Khelat by Jelal.—Death of Nassir the Kalif, 1225.—Succession of
Zahir as Kalif and then of Mostansir.—Jelal invested with the title
of Shah in Shah.—Capture of Khelat by Jelal, 1230.—Defeat of Jelal
at Kharpert.—March of Jelal on Khelat.—March of Jelal on
Gandja.—Attack and defeat of Jelal by Mongols.—Death of Jelal,
1231.—End of Kwaresmian dynasty 145
CHAPTER X
Ravage of Amid and Mayafarkin by Mongols.—Devastation of
Azerbaidjan.—Capture of Erbil by Mongols.—Mongols in Arabian Irak,
1238.—Capture of Gandja by Mongols, 1235.—Capture of Tiflis by
Mongols, 1239.—Mongols advance to the Tigris.—Visit of Prince Avak
and his sister, Tamara, to Ogotai, 1240.—Mongols in Syria,
1244.—Capture of regions north of Lake Van.—Sheherzur sacked by
Mongols.—The Mongols driven off from Yakuba by Bagdad
troops.—Refusal of Queen Rusudan to leave Usaneth.—Death of
Rusudan.—Installation of Kuyuk, 1246.—Death of Kei Kosru,
1245.—Struggle of Rokn ud din for rule in Rūm.—Death of Alai ud
din.—Mangu Grand Khan of the Mongols, 1251.—Visit of Rokn ud din to
Sarai.—Entrance of Baidju into Rūm.—Great ruin effected by Mongols
in Asia Minor.—Appointment by Juchi of Chin Timur as Governor of
Kwaresm.—Ravaging by Kwaresmian bands in Khorassan.—Attack upon the
Kankalis by Chin Timur.—Visit of the Prince of Iran to
Ogotai.—Authority transferred from Chin Timur to Sari
Bahadur.—Reinstatement of Chin Timur.—Chin Timur’s choice of Kurguz
as chancellor.—Death of Chin Timur, 1235.—Visit of Kurguz to
Ogotai.—Kurguz appointed to collect taxes.—Residence of Kurguz at
Tus.—Command of Ogotai to raise up Khorassan, and repeople
Herat.—Struggle between Sherif and Kurguz.—Death of
Kurguz.—Succession of Sherif.—Sherif’s oppression of the people of
Tebriz.—Death of Sherif, 1244.—Visit of Argun to the Kurultai which
elected Kuyuk, 1251.—Election of Mangu, 1251.—Argun’s reception in
Merv.—Shems ud din’s reign in Herat.—Death of Rokn ud din.—Death of
Shems ud din, 1244.—Death of Kutb ud din, 1258.—Position of Persia
in 1254 172
CHAPTER XI
The Ismailian known in Europe as Assassins.—Death of Mohammed,
632.—Omar made Kalif, 634.—Murder of Aly, 661.—Election of Muavia
in Damascus.—Winning of Egypt by Muavia.—Yezid, son of Muavia,
named heir.—Death of Muavia. Succession of Yezid, 680.—Death of
Muslim.—Hussein camps on the plain of Kerbala.—Death of Hussein,
October, 680.—Babek, 816.—Seizure of Babek by Motassim,
835.—Execution of Babek.—Origin of Abdallah.—Spread of the peculiar
beliefs of Abdallah.—Amed, son of Abdallah.—Rise of Karmath.—Fights
in the East and West.—Obeidallah, first Fatimed Kalif, 909.—Winning
of Egypt and Southern Syria by descendants of Obeidallah,
967.—Addition of Aleppo to the Fatimed Empire, 991.—Founding of the
Eastern Ismailians, or Assassins, by Hassan Ben Sabah.—Omar Khayyam
and Nizam ul Mulk.—Death of Alp Arslan.—Seizure of the fortress of
Alamut by Hassan Sabah, 1090.—Rivalry of Hassan and Nizam ul
Mulk.—Death of Nizam ul Mulk and Melik Shah, 1092.—Peculiar belief
of Hassan Sabah.—Assassins in Syria.—Friendship of Risvan, Prince
of Aleppo, for the Order.—Assassination of the Prince of Mosul,
1113.—Death of Risvan.—Akhras attempts to exterminate the
Assassins.—Revenge of the Assassins.—Surrender of the fortress of
Sherif, 1120.—Death of Hassan Sabah, 1124.—Kia Busurgomid succeeds
Hassan Sabah.—Possession of Banias by Assassins.—Hugo De Payens,
Grand Master of the Templars in Jerusalem, 1129.—Death of
Togteghin.—Succession of his son, Tajulmuluk.—Efforts to murder
Tajulmuluk.—Execution of the Assassins 197
CHAPTER XII
Murder of Aksonkor Burshi, Prince of Mosul, 1126.—Murder of Busi,
Prince of Damascus.—Murder of Sindjar’s vizir by Assassins,
1127.—Vengeance of Assassins.—Death of a Fatimid Kalif by the
daggers of the Assassins, 1134.—Death of Kia Busurgomid,
1138.—Appointment of Mohammed to succeed his father.—Murder of
Mostershed.—Death of Rashid, his successor.—Assassin doctrine as
delivered to Sindjar.—Succession of Mohammed, 1138.—Nur ed din in
Syria.—Attack against Damascus, 1154.—Friendship of Nur ed din for
the Abbasids.—Triumph of Nur ed din in Haram.—Arrival of Shawer in
Damascus.—Shawer’s request for aid against the Crusaders.—Plot of
Shawer to destroy Shirkuh.—Death of Shirkuh, 1169.—Saladin’s
origin.—Saladin first vizir of the Kalif.—Exposure of the secrets
of the Assassins by Hassan II.—Efforts of Hassan to establish his
descent from Kalifs of Egypt.—Death of Hassan.—Death of Nur ed din,
1174.—Egypt governed by Saladin in the name of Salih.—Defeat of the
troops of Aleppo, by Saladin, 1175.—End of the Fatimid
Kalifat.—Saladin attacked by Assassins.—Attack of Massiat by
Saladin.—Compromise of Sinan.—Death of Mohammed II.—Succession of
Jelal ud din Hassan, son of Mohammed, 1213.—Jelal’s return to the
true faith.—Death of Jelal ud din, 1225.—Succession of his son,
Alai ed din.—Death of Alai ed din.—Succession of Rokn ud
din.—Attack of Hulagu upon the Assassins.—Surrender of Rokn ud
din.—Visit of Rokn ud din to the court of Mangu, 1257.—Death of
Rokn ud din 222
CHAPTER XIII
Message of Hulagu to Kalif of Bagdad, 1257.—Kalif rebukes
Hulagu.—Hulagu’s envoys insulted by the people.—Second message of
the Kalif to Hulagu to warn him against making war on the
Abbasids.—Attempted treason of Aké, commandant of
Daritang.—Possession of the Daritang road by Hulagu.—Prediction of
the astrologer.—Capture of Luristan by the Mongols.—Advance of Feth
ud din to meet the Mongol division.—Opening of canals from the
Tigris by the Mongols.—Triumph of Hulagu.—Submission of the Kalif
of Bagdad.—Bagdad sacked by the Mongols.—Death of Kalif of Bagdad,
1258.—Appointment of Ben Amran as prefect.—Alb Argun’s accession to
the throne of Luristan.—Summons of Hulagu to Bedr ud din, Prince of
Mosul.—Presents given by the Prince of Mosul to Hulagu.—Death of
Salih, 1249.—Death of Turan Shah, successor of Salih.—Accession of
Eibeg to the throne of Egypt.—Attempt of Nassir to drive Eibeg from
the throne.—Message of Hulagu to Nassir.—Advance of Hulagu’s army
into Syria.—Accusation of Hulagu against Kamil, the Eyubite
prince.—Summons sent by Hulagu to the Prince of Mardin.—Message of
Nassir to Mogith.—Succession of Mansur, son of Eibeg.—Kutuz becomes
Sultan.—Siege of El Biret.—Mongols camp near Aleppo.—Assault and
capture of Aleppo, January 25, 1260.—Damascus left defenceless by
Nassir 247
CHAPTER XIV
News of the death of Mangu, 1259.—Desire of Kutuz to take the field
against the Mongols.—Imprisonment of Hulagu’s envoy.—Meeting of the
two armies on the plain of Ain Jalut, 1260.—Defeat of the Mongols
by Kutuz.—Arrival of Kutuz in Damascus.—Pursuit of the Mongols by
Beibars.—Death of Kutuz, 1260.—Enthronement of Beibars.—Youth of
Beibars.—Yshmut, son of Hulagu, demands the surrender of
Mayafarkin.—Death of Kamil.—Attack of Yshmut on Mardin.—Kalif’s
investiture of Beibars with the sovereignty.—Departure from Cairo
of the Sultan and the Kalif, 1262.—Entrance of Mostansir into
Hitt.—Attack of Sanjar on the Mongols who were moving against
Mosul.—Death of Sanjar.—Siege of Mosul.—Slaughter of the
inhabitants of Mosul.—Death of Prince of Mosul.—Death of
Salih.—Visit of Salih, the Melik of Mosul, to Beibars in
Egypt.—Enthronement of Beibars.—Berkai’s criticism of
Hulagu.—Defeat of Hulagu by Nogai.—Return of Hulagu to
Tebriz.—Letter of Beibars to Berkai.—Detention of envoys by Michael
Palæologus.—Desire of Berkai for an alliance against Hulagu.—Attack
of Hayton, King of Cilicia, on Egyptian territory.—Death of Seif ud
din Bitikdji, 1263.—Troubles in Fars.—Reception of Seljuk Shah at
the Oxus, by Hulagu.—Death of Abu Bekr, 1260.—Accession of Mohammed
Shah to the throne of Fars, 1262.—Death of Seljuk Shah.—Uns Khatun
placed on the throne of Fars, 1264.—Sherif ud din claims to be the
Mahdi promised by the Shiites.—March of the Mongols against Sherif
ud din.—Siege of El Biret, 1264.—Death of Hulagu, 1265.—Death of
Hulagu’s wife Dokuz Khatun.—Berkai’s second campaign to the
Caucasus, 1264.—Death of Berkai, 1266.—Nogai’s army retreats on
Shirvan 267
CHAPTER XV
Kin Emperor sends offerings to the spirit of Jinghis Khan,
1229.—Mongols continue warfare in China.—Siege of Li ho chin by
Mongols, 1227.—King Yang attacked by Mongols, 1229.—Defeat of the
Mongols by Yra buka, 1230.—Advance of Ogotai and Tului on
China.—Ogotai anxious to seize Honan.—Surrender of Fong
tsiang.—Arrival of Yra buka, the Kin general at Teng chu,
1234.—Tului’s report to Ogotai of the situation in Honan.—Siege of
Yiu chin by Tului.—Capture and death of Yra buka.—Ogotai visits
Tului.—Ogotai asks the Kin Emperor to submit.—Advance of Mongols on
Shan chiu.—Fall of Honan.—Siege of Nan King.—Appearance of the
plague.—Flight of the Emperor from his capital.—Attack of the
capital by Subotai.—Defence of Pian king.—Surrender of Pian
king.—Execution of Baksan.—Appearance of Mongols near Tsai
chiu.—Attack of Tsai chiu by Tatchar, son of Boroul.—Nin kia su
yields the throne to Ching lin.—Death of Nin kia su.—Death of Ching
lin.—Death of Tului, October, 1232.—End of dominion of the Kins in
China, 1234 295
CHAPTER XVI
Kurultai summoned by Ogotai at Talantepe, 1234.—Kurultai summoned
by Ogotai at Kara Kurum, 1235.—Batu marches West.—An army sent to
Cashmir and India.—Expedition against China.—Assassination of Tsui
li.—Recall of Subotai.—Reoccupation of Ching tu by the Chinese,
1239.—Sack of Ching tu by Mongols.—Entrance into Hu kuang of
Kutchu, 1236.—Death of Kutchu.—Attack on Liu chiu by Chagan, a
Mongol general, 1238.—Withdrawal of Chagan.—Three victories of Meng
kong over Mongols, 1239.—Offers of peace by Wang tsie, a Mongol
envoy.—Death of Ogotai, 1241.—Influence of Abd ur Rahman over the
widow of Ogotai.—Delay of Batu in coming to the Kurultai.—Election
of Kuyuk as Emperor.—Death of Turakina, Ogotai’s widow.—Death of
Fatima, a favorite of Turakina.—Batu learns of the death of Kuyuk,
1248.—Kurultai called by Batu.—Mangu, son of Tului, saluted as
Emperor, 1251.—Refusal of Ogotai’s sons to recognize the legality
of the Kurultai which appointed Mangu.—Discovery of a plot to
assassinate Mangu.—Death of Siurkukteni, mother of Mangu,
1252.—Desire of Mangu to kill the partisans of Ogotai’s
sons.—Removal of all Uigurs favorable to Ogotai’s descendants by
Mangu.—Mangu gives Honan to Kubilai, 1252.—Tali the capital of Nan
chao under Mongol rule.—Return of Kubilai to Mongolia.—Journey of
Uriang Kadai to Mangu’s court to report on work done in the South,
beyond China.—Return of Uriang Kadai, 1254.—Summons of Uriang Kadai
to Chen chi kung, sovereign of Tung king (Gan nan), to own himself
tributary to Mangu.—Surrender of Kiao chi, the Gan nan capital, to
Uriang Kadai.—Chen chi kung resigns in favor of his son,
1253.—Popularity of Kubilai in China.—Jealousy of Mangu.—Recall of
Kubilai, 1257.—March of Mangu to the Sung Empire.—March of Mangu
against Ku chu yai, a fortress west of Pao ning.—Mangu’s conquest
of Western Su chuan.—Death of Mangu, 1259.—Kubilai at Ju in Honan,
1259.—Effort of Arik Buga, master at Kara Kurum, to usurp
power.—Treaty of Kia se tao and Kubilai.—Encampment of Kubilai
outside the walls of Pekin.—Election and enthronement of
Kubilai.—Battle between Kubilai and Arik Buga.—Defeat of
Arik Buga 310
CHAPTER XVII
March of Arik Buga to Kara Kurum.—Attack of Arik Buga on Kubilai
northeast of Shang tu.—Defeat of Arik Buga.—Reverses of Arik
Buga.—Appeal of Arik Buga to the mercy of his brother, 1264.—Death
of Arik Buga, 1266.—Claim of Kaidu, grandson of Ogotai, to headship
of the Mongols.—Decision of Kubilai to conquer all China.—Revolt of
Litan, one of Kubilai’s generals.—Death of Litan.—Kubilai moves
against Southern China, 1267.—Kubilai’s command to At chu to
besiege Siang yang, 1268.—Attack of Mongols on Fan ching, 1273.—The
Emperor’s discovery of the siege of Siang yang by the
Mongols.—Control of Fan ching by the Mongols.—Surrender of Siang
yang by Liu wen hwan.—Death of Tu tsong, the Emperor, August,
1274.—Surrender of many cities to Bayan.—Surrender of Su chuan,
1278.—Bayan advises Kubilai to continue operations in
China.—Arrival of the Emperor and Empress at Kubilai’s court.—March
of Bayan against Lin ngan.—Election of Y wang as governor of the
Empire.—Command obtained from the Emperor, by Bayan, ordering Sung
subjects to submit to the Mongols.—Chinese defections follow Mongol
successes.—Effort of Alihaiya to bribe Ma ki to surrender Kwe lin
fu, the capital of Kiang se.—Defeat and capture of Ma ki.—Death of
Toan tsong, 1278.—Kuang Wang is made Emperor under the name Ti
ping.—Destruction of the army of the Sung Emperor.—Blocking of
Chinese vessels by Mongol barges.—Capture of more than 800 Chinese
vessels.—Death of Chang shi kie.—Kubilai finds himself master of
China, January 31, 1279 336
CHAPTER XVIII
Struggle of Kubilai with Kaidu lasting from the death of Arik Buga
to the death of Kubilai.—End of the Sung dynasty.—Departure of
troops for Corea.—Mongol fleet encounters a storm.—Return of the
fleet.—Attack and defeat of the King of Burma.—Death of Sutu, a
distinguished Mongol general.—Kubilai plans a second Japanese
expedition.—Victory of Kubilai’s forces over the Tung king men in
seventeen engagements.—Visit of Yang ting pie to the islands south
of China, 1285.—Arrival of the ships of ten kingdoms in Tsinan
chiu.—Desire of Tok Timur to put Shireki, son of Mangu, on the
throne, 1277.—Tok Timur attacked by Bayan.—Flight of Tok Timur.—Tok
Timur asks aid of Shireki; failing to get it he sets up
Sarban.—Forming of a new league against Kubilai by Kaidan with
Nayan as leader.—Capture and death of Nayan.—Gift of Kara Kurum to
Bayan, as headquarters.—Kubilai’s departure from Shang tu for the
West.—Recall of Bayan.—Kubilai sends a thousand ships to attack
Java.—Effort of Wang chu to free the Chinese Empire.—Death of
Ahmed, Kubilai’s Minister of Finance.—Execution of Wang
chu.—Execution of Sanga.—Death of Kubilai, February, 1294.—Election
of Timur.—Death of Bayan at the age of fifty-nine.—Treaty of Timur
with the King of Tung king.—Spread of revolt.—Death of Kaidu,
1301.—Daughter of Kaidu.—Homage rendered Chabar as Kaidu’s
successor.—Timur acknowledged as overlord.—War between Chabar and
Dua, 1306.—Death of Dua.—Gebek, son of Dua, proclaimed
successor.—Attack of Chabar on Gebek.—Defeat of Chabar 361
CHAPTER XIX
Accession of Ananda, grandson of Kubilai.—Removal of
Ananda.—Succession of Khaishan, under the name of Kuluk.—Death of
Khaishan, 1311.—Batra is proclaimed under the name Bayantu.—Cause
and beginning of the ruin of Mongol power in China.—Appointment of
Shudi Bala as successor of Bayantu.—Death of Bayantu in
1320.—Assassination of Shudi Bala. The first death by assassination
in the Imperial family.—Succession of Yissun Timur.—Appointment of
Asukeba as heir.—Death of Yissun Timur.—The widow of Yissun Timur
proclaims Asukeba.—Effort of Tob Timur to secure the throne for his
brother, Kushala.—Defeat of the partisans of Asukeba.—Exile of the
Empress.—Sudden death of Kushala while feasting, 1329.—Tob Timur is
made Emperor.—Death of Tob Timur.—Death of the young son of
Kushala.—Accession of Togan Timur, Kushala’s eldest son.—Revolt in
Honan, Su chuan and Kwang tung.—Removal of Tob Timur’s tablet from
the hall of Imperial ancestors, 1340.—Completion of the annals of
the Liao, the Kin, and the Sung dynasties.—Insurrection in South
China, 1341.—Fang kwe chin, a pirate, harries the coast of Che
kiang.—Declaration of Han chan tong of the appearance of Buddha to
free China from the Mongol yoke.—Death of Han chan tong.—Departure
of Mongols from the Yang tse region.—Capture of Han yang and Wu
chang in Hu kwang by Siu chiu hwei.—Recapture of Hang chiu by the
Mongol general, Tong pu.—Appearance of Chang se ching in Kiang
nan.—Siu chiu hwei proclaims himself Emperor.—Defeat of a Mongol
general by Ni wen tsiun.—Appearance of Chu yuan chang, the man
destined to destroy Mongol rule, and found the Ming
dynasty.—Capture of Nan king, Yang chiu and Chin kiang by
Chu.—Defeat of adherents of Ming wang, the pseudo Sung Emperor, by
Chagan Timur, a Mongol general.—Control of Hu kwang and Kiang si by
Siu chiu hwei.—Chin proclaims himself Emperor.—Plans of Chagan
Timur to capture Nan king.—Aiyuchelitala named as heir by Togan
Timur.—Invitation of Ali hwei to Togan Timur to yield what is left
of Mongol power.—Defeat of Tukien Timur.—Assassination of Chagan
Timur by Wang se ching.—Appearance of Ming yu chin as
Emperor.—March of Chu, the coming Emperor of China, against Chin
yiu liang.—Defeat of Chin yiu liang.—Surrender of cities to
Chu.—Effort of Polo Timur to capture Tsin ki.—Defeat of Polo Timur
by Ku ku Timur.—The heir of the Mongol throne acts against the
Grand Khan, his father.—Polo Timur made commander-in-chief by Togan
Timur.—News of the capture of Shang tu.—Death of Ming yu chin,
1366.—Disappearance of Han lin ulh.—Efforts of Chu to liberate
China.—Surrender of all cities to Chu’s generals.—Terror of Togan
Timur caused by conquests of Chu.—Chu proclaimed Emperor, the name
Ming is given to his dynasty.—Entrance of Chu into Ta tu,
1368.—Death of Togan Timur.—Capture of Togan Timur’s grandson by
Ming forces.—Advance of Su tu, the Ming general, to the
Kerulon.—Death of the Mongol heir. Succession of his son Tukus
Timur, 1378.—Defeat of Tukus Timur by Chu forces.—Assassination of
Tukus Timur.—Civil war roused by Yissudar.—Invitation of the
Emperor of China to Buin Shara to declare himself vassal.—Invasion
of Mongolia by a Chinese army.—Yung lo’s advance to the
Kerulon.—Defeat of the Mongols.—Death of Buin Shara, 1412.—The
Manchu dynasty.—End of Mongol power 384
THE MONGOLS
CHAPTER I
CLASSIFICATION, MYTH AND REALITY
From an obscure and uncertain beginning the word Mongol has gone on
increasing in significance and spreading geographically during more
than ten centuries until it has filled the whole earth with its
presence. From the time when men used it at first until our day this
word has been known in three senses especially. In the first sense it
refers to some small groups of hunters and herdsmen living north of the
great Gobi desert; in the second it denotes certain peoples in Asia and
Eastern Europe; in the third and most recent, a worldwide extension has
been given it. In this third and the broad sense the word Mongol has
been made to include in one category all yellow skinned nations, or
peoples, including those too with a reddish-brown, or dark tinge in the
yellow, having also straight hair, always black, and dark eyes of
various degrees of intensity. In this sense the word Mongol
co-ordinates vast numbers of people, immense groups of men who are like
one another in some traits, and widely dissimilar in others. It
embraces the Chinese, the Coreans, the Japanese, the Manchus, the
original Mongols with their near relatives the Tartar, or Turkish
tribes which hold Central Asia, or most of it. Moving westward from
China this term covers the Tibetans and with them all the non-Aryan
nations and tribes until we reach India and Persia.
In India, whose most striking history in modern ages is Mongol, nearly
all populations save Aryans and Semites are classified with Mongols. In
Persia where the dynasty is Mongol that race is preponderant in places
and important throughout the whole kingdom, though in a minority. In
Asia Minor the Mongol is master, for the Turk is still sovereign, and
will be till a great rearrangement is effected.
Five groups of Mongols have made themselves famous in Europe: the Huns
with their mighty chief Attila, the Bulgars, the Magyars, the Turks or
Osmanli, and the Mongol invaders of Russia. All these five will have
their due places later on in this history.
In Africa there have been and are still Mongol people. The Mamelukes
and their forces at Cairo were in their time remarkable, and Turkish
dominion exists till the present, at least theoretically, in Egypt, and
west of it.
Not restricted to the Eastern hemisphere the word Mongol is still
further used to include aboriginal man in America.
Thus this great aggregation of people is found in each part of both
hemispheres, and we cannot consider the Mongols historically in a wide
sense unless we consider all mankind.
In the first, that is the original and narrowest sense of the word it
applies to those Mongols alone who during twelve centuries or longer
have inhabited the country just south of Lake Baikal, and north of the
great Gobi desert. It is from these Mongols proper that the name has at
last been extended to the whole yellow race in both hemispheres.
The word Mongol began, it is said, with the Chinese, but this is not
certain. It is certain, however, that the Chinese made it known to the
great world outside, and thus opened the way to that immense
application now given it. The Tang dynasty lasted from 618 to 907 and
left its own history. In that history the term Mongol appears as
Mong-ku, and in the annals of the Kitan dynasty which followed the Tang
Mong-ku-li is the form which is given us. The Kitans were succeeded by
the Golden Khans, or Kin Emperors, and in the annals of their line the
Mong-ku are mentioned very often.
The Mongols began their career somewhat south of Lake Baikal where six
rivers rise in a very remarkable mountain land. The Onon, the Ingoda
and the Kerulon are the main western sources of that immense stream the
Amoor, which enters the Sea of Okhotsk and thus finds the Pacific. The
second three rivers: the Tula, Orhon, and Selinga flow into Lake
Baikal, and thence, through the Lower Angara and Yenissei, are merged
in Arctic waters directly in front of Nova Zembla.
These two water systems begin in the Kentei Khan mountains which have
as their chief elevation Mount Burhan. The six rivers while flowing
toward the Amoor and Lake Baikal water the whole stretch of country
where the Mongols began their activity as known to us. There they moved
about with their large and small cattle, fought, robbed, and hunted,
ate and drank and slew one another during ages without reckoning. In
that region of forest and grass land, of mountains and valleys, of
great and small rivers the air is wholesome though piercingly cold
during winter, and exceedingly hot in the summer months. There was
subsistence enough for a primitive life in that country, but men had to
fight for it savagely. Flocks and herds when grown numerous need
immense spaces to feed in, and those spaces of land caused unending
struggle and bloodshed. The flocks and herds were also objects of
struggle, not flocks and herds only, but women. The desirable woman was
snatched away, kidnapped; the good herd of cattle was stolen, and
afterward fought for; the grass covered mountain or valley, or the
forest with grass or good branches, or shrubbery for browsing was
seized and then kept by the men who were able to hold it.
This stealing of cattle, this grabbing of pasture and forest, this
fighting, this killing, this capture of women continued for ages with
no apparent results except those which were personal, local, and
transient till Temudjin the great Mongol appeared in that harsh
mountain country. This man summed up in himself, and intensified to the
utmost the ideas, strength, temper and spirit of his race as presented
in action and life up to his day. He placed the Mongols on the stage of
the world with a skill and a power that were simply colossal and
all-conquering. The results which he won were immediate and terrifying.
No man born of woman has had thus far in history a success so peculiar,
so thorough and perfect, so completely acknowledged by mankind as the
success won by Temudjin. There is in his career an unconquerable
sequence, a finish, a oneness of character that sets it apart among all
the careers of those mighty ones in history who worked for this life
and no other, and strove for no object save that which is tangible,
material and present; success of such kind and success so enormous that
a common intelligence might yearn for it, but have no more chance of
winning than of reaching the stars, or of seeing the sun during night
hours.
The career of this Mongol is unique in the world, unapproachable, since
its object was unmixed and immediate and his success in attaining it
was so great that it seems, we might say, super-human.
The account which is given us of Temudjin’s origin is a myth tale,
excepting a few generations directly preceding him. Genealogy in the
form of a myth tale is no exception in the case of any people,—no
wonder. It is the rule and inevitable, the one method used by each
primitive folk to explain its own origin. All early men in their own
accounts are descended from gods who are either divine mythic animals,
or elements, or forces, or phenomena which become later on the
progenitors of nations, or their totems.
The first mythic parents or founders of Temudjin’s family were a blue
wolf and a gray doe. These two swam across a lake, reached the river
Onon near its sources and settled down permanently at the foot of Mount
Burhan, where a son called Batachi was born to them. Ninth in descent
from Batachi were Duva Sohor, and Doben. The former had only one eye
which was fixed in the middle of his forehead, but with that eye he saw
beyond three mountain ranges. Once these two brothers climbed up Mount
Burhan, and were gazing at the world from the top of it when Duva Sohor
beheld many people moving down the Tungeli. “There is the wife for my
brother, unless she is married,” thought Duva. “Go and see her,” said
he then to Doben. Doben went to the new people straightway and learned
that the woman was single and that her name was Alan Goa. The moving
people were dependents of one Horilartai.
In time before that Bargudai, who owned Bargudjin on Lake Baikal, had a
daughter whom he gave to Horilartai of Horntumadun. From this marriage
came Alan Goa, born at Alih Usun. They had left their old place since
the hunting of ermine and squirrels had been stopped there. Horilartai
removed to Mount Burhan, where game was abundant. He joined Shinchi
Boyan, the master of Mount Burhan, and began the clan Horilar. Thus
Doben found Alan Goa, who bore him two sons, Bugundai and Bailgun Etai.
Duva the one-eyed had four sons. The two brothers and their six sons
lived in one company till Duva’s death; after that Duva’s four sons
deserted their uncle, and founded the clan known as Dorbian.
One day while Doben was hunting he found in the forest a man roasting
venison and straightway asked meat of him. The man kept one flank and
the lungs, and gave the remainder to Doben who tied what he got to his
saddle, and started off homeward. He met on the road a poor man and a
small boy. “Who art thou?” inquired Doben. “I am of the Malish
Boyandai,” said the poor man, “I am in need, give me venison, I pray
thee, I will give thee my son in return for it.” Doben gave the man a
deer leg, took the boy home, and made him his attendant.
Some years passed, the boy grew, and Doben died. The boy, now a man,
served the widow. While a widow Alan Goa bore three sons; the eldest
was Buga Hatagi, the second Tusalchi, the third Boduanchar. The two
sons born of Doben said once to each other: “Our mother has no husband,
no brother of our father has ever been in this yurta, still she has
three sons. There is only one man in the house, he has lived with us
always; is he not their father?”
Alan Goa learned that the two elder brothers were curious concerning
the other three, so one day she called in her five sons and seating
them together gave each one an arrow and told him to break it. Each
broke his arrow. She then bound five arrows firmly together and
commanded to break them—not one of the brothers could break the five
arrows when tied in a bundle.
“Ye are in doubt,” said she then to her eldest and second son, “as to
who is the father of my third, fourth and fifth sons. Ye wonder, and
with reason, for ye know not that a golden hued man makes his way to
this yurta. He enters through the door by which light comes, he enters
in through the smoke hole like sunshine. The brightness which comes
from him fills me when I look at him. Going off on the rays of the sun
or the moon he runs like a swift yellow dog till he vanishes. Cease
talking idly. Your three youngest brothers are children of Heaven, and
no one may liken them to common men. When they are khans ye will know
this.”
Alan Goa instructed her sons then, and said to them: “Ye all are my
children, ye are all sons of mine. If ye stand apart like those five
broken arrows it will be very easy to break you, but if ye keep one
mind and one spirit no man on earth will be able to injure you, ye will
be like those five arrows in the bundle.”
Alan Goa died soon after this talk with her children. Four of the
brothers took what belonged to all five of them, counting the youngest
a weakling and simple they gave him no property whatever. He, seeing
that they would not treat him with justice, said in his own mind: “I
will go from this place, I will leave them.” Then mounting a sorry roan
horse with galled back and mangy tail he left his four brothers and
rode away up the Onon to live at some new spot in freedom. When he
reached Baljunala he built a small yurta, or hut at the place which
seemed best to him and lived in it. One day he saw a falcon swoop down
on a woodcock and seize it there near his yurta; he plucked hairs from
the mangy tail of his horse, made a snare, caught the falcon, and
trained it. When the wolves drove wild beasts toward the yurta in
hunting he killed them with arrows, or took for himself and the falcon
what the wolves left uneaten. Thus he lived the first winter. When
spring came the falcon caught ducks and geese in great numbers.
Beyond the ridge of Mount Duilyan, which was there near his yurta,
flowed the Tungeli, and at the river lived a new people. Boduanchar,
who went to hunt daily with his falcon, discovered this people and
drank in their yurtas, mare’s milk which they gave him. They knew not
whence he had come, and he asked not who they were, though they met
every day with good feeling.
At last Boduanchar’s eldest brother, Hatagi, set out to find him if
possible and reached the Tungeli, where he saw the new people with whom
Boduanchar was in friendship.
“Have ye seen a young man with a mangy tailed horse?” asked he. “On the
horse’s back are white spots which are marks of old gall sores.” “We
have seen the young man with that horse—he has also a falcon. He comes
here each day to drink mare’s milk, but we know not the place of his
yurta. Whenever wind blows from the northwest it drives hither as many
duck and goose feathers as there are flakes in a snowstorm. He must
live with his falcon northwest of us. But wait here a while and thou
wilt see him.” Soon they saw the young man coming. Boduanchar became
reconciled and went home with Hatagi.
“A man is complete who has a head on his body,” said Boduanchar to
himself. And aloud he said as they traveled, “A coat is complete when a
collar is sewed to it.” The brother said nothing on hearing these words
for the first time; Boduanchar repeated the saying. “What dost thou
mean?” asked Hatagi. “Those men on the river,” said Boduanchar, “have
no head in their company; great and small are all one to them. We might
take their ulus [1] very easily.” “Well,” replied Hatagi, “when we
reach home we will talk of this; if we agree we will take the place.”
The five brothers talked over the plan and were willing. Boduanchar led
them back to the village. The first person seized by him was a woman.
“Of what stock art thou?” asked Boduanchar. “I am of the Charchiuts,”
answered the woman. The five brothers led all the people to their own
place; after that they had cattle; they had also attendants to wait on
them, when eating. Boduanchar took his first captive as wife and she
bore him a son from whom the Balin clan was descended. Boduanchar took
another wife and by her begat Habichi, who in time had a son Mainyan
Todan who took as wife Monalun, from whom seven sons were born to him;
the eldest of these was Katchi Kyuluk, and the youngest, Nachin.
Monalun loved command; she was harsh in her household and severe to all
people. With her Mainyan Todan gained great wealth of all kinds, and
lived at Nush Argi. Though there was no forest land near his yurta he
had so many cattle when the herds were driven home, that not five ells
of ground within eyesight could be found with no beast on it.
Mainyan Todan departed from life while his seventh son was an infant.
At this time the Jelairs, that is, some descendants of Doben and Alan
Goa, who had settled on the Kerulon near the Golden Khan’s border,
warred with his people very often. On a time the Golden Khan sent his
forces against them; the Jelairs thinking the river impassable sneered
at the enemy, and taking their caps off fell to mocking and shouting:
“Would ye not like to come over and take all our horses and families?”
Roused by this ridicule and banter the enemy made rafts under cover,
and crossed the Kerulon quickly. They rushed forward and defeated the
Jelairs. They slew all whom they met or could find, not sparing even
children. Most of the Jelairs were slain, except some who had camped in
a place where the enemy did not reach them. These survivors found
refuge at Monalun’s settlement, where they fell to digging roots for
subsistence, and spoiled a large space used in training young horses.
The widow was enraged at this trespass. She was riding in a cart when
she saw it. Rushing in with attendants she trampled down some of the
people, and dispersed them. Soon after this those same Jelairs stole
from the sons of the widow a large herd of horses. When they heard of
this robbery those sons hurried off to recover the animals. In their
great haste they forgot to take armor. Monalun sent their wives on in
carts with the armor, and she herself followed. Her sons were lying
dead when their wives brought the armor. The Jelairs then slew the
women, and when she came up they killed Monalun also.
The descendants of Katchi Kyuluk were all dead now except the youngest
son, who was living apart from the others at Bargudjin on the eastern
shore of Lake Baikal, and Kaidu his eldest son’s only offspring, a
small boy who was saved by his nurse, who hid with the child under
firewood.
When news came to Nachin that his family had been slaughtered he
hurried on to Nush Argi and found there some wretched old women with
the little boy Kaidu, and the nurse who had saved him. Nachin was
anxious to examine the Jelair country, recover some part of his
brothers’ lost property, and take a stern vengeance on the Jelairs, but
he had no horse to ride on this journey. Just then a sorrel stallion
from the herd that had been stolen by the Jelairs wandered back to Nush
Argi. Nachin took this beast and set out alone to reconnoitre. The
first men to meet him were two hunters on horseback, a son and his
father, who were riding apart from each other. Each had a hawk on his
wrist, and Nachin saw that both birds had belonged to his brothers.
“Hast thou seen a brown stallion, with mares, going eastward?” asked he
of the younger man. “I have not,” said the stranger, “but hast thou
seen ducks or geese on thy journey?” “I have seen many;” replied
Nachin; “come, I will show them to thee.” The man followed Nachin, who
at his own time well selected turned on this Jelair and killed him. He
fettered the horse, tied the hawk to the saddle, turned and rode toward
the second man; upon reaching him he asked if he had seen a brown
stallion, and mares going eastward. “No,” said the man, “but hast thou
seen my son who is hawking here near us?” “I have seen him,” said
Nachin. “He is bleeding from the nose and that delays him.” Nachin then
killed the second man and rode along farther, taking with him the hawks
and the horses. He came at last to a valley where many horses were
grazing; some boys were herding the beasts, and throwing stones for
amusement. Nachin from a high place examined the country and since
there was no one in sight he went into the valley, killed the boys and
urged on the herd to Nush Argi, leading the two hunters’ horses and
bringing the hawks with him. Nachin then took his nephew, and the old
women with the nurse, and drove all the horses to Bargudjin. There he
lived for some years, and reared and trained his young nephew, who when
old enough was made chief over two groups of Mongols; later on other
groups were connected with these two. The Jelairs were crushed and
enslaved by Kaidu and Nachin, who returned at the right time to Nush
Argi. In that chief place of his family he acquired many cattle, and
laid the foundation of Mongol dominion.
Nachin, as Mongol story depicts him, is one of the few men in history
who were not self-seeking. He saved the small remnant of his family
which escaped from the Jelairs, and was for some time the real guardian
of the Mongols. He saved the boy Kaidu, and, seeking no power for
himself, turned every effort to strengthening his nephew.
From that nephew, Kaidu, are descended the greatest historical men of
his people, men without whom the name Mongol might not have risen from
obscurity to be known and renowned as it now is.
Nachin had two sons, Urudai and Manhudai, from whom are descended the
Uruts and Manhuts, two tribes which under Kuildar and Churchadai saved
the fortune of Temudjin in his most desperate battle at Kalanchin.
Kaidu had three sons; the eldest was Boshin Kordokshin, the second
Charaha Lingu, the third Chao Jinortaidji. Kaidu’s eldest son had one
son named Tumbinai, and died soon after the birth of that single
descendant. Kaidu’s second son had a son named Sengun Bilghe, who had a
son Ambagai, and from this strong son, Ambagai, were descended the
Taidjuts.
Kaidu’s second son took his eldest brother’s widow, and from her had a
son, Baisutai, from whom came the Baisuts. Kaidu’s third son had six
sons, who were the founders of six clans among Mongols. Tumbinai, son
of Boshin, Kaidu’s eldest son, had two sons, Kabul and Sinsaichilai.
Kabul had seven sons; the second of these, Bartan, had four sons; the
third of these four sons was Yessugai.
Kabul was made khan, and though he had seven sons he did not wish to
give rule to any one of them. So he gave it to Sengun Bilghe, the
father of Ambagai. Kabul the Khan, son of Tumbinai, was renouned for
great courage. His fame reached the Emperor of China, who had such
regard for this chief that he sent envoys inviting him to the court as
an evidence of friendship, and with the concealed hope of making a
treaty through which the Mongols might act with North China. Kabul made
the journey. The Emperor received him with honor, and entertained him
with the best food and drink in the country. But, since the Chinese
were given to deceit very greatly, as Kabul thought, and attacked each
opponent from an ambush, he feared wiles and most of all poison; hence
he avoided food and drink and withdrew from a feast under pretexts, but
returned later on when relieved of suspicion, and fell to eating and
drinking with very great relish. The Chinese were astounded at sight of
his thirst and his hunger. “High Heaven must have made him to rule,”
exclaimed they, “else how could he drink and eat so enormously, and
still have an appetite and be sober.” But after a time he seemed tipsy,
clapped his hands, reeled toward the Emperor, seized his beard and
stroked his ear, to the horror of ministers, who cried out at once, and
were ready to rush at the Mongol.
The Khan turned then to the Emperor and smiled very coolly. “If the
Golden Khan holds me guilty,” said he, “let him know that the will of
my hand is to blame, not my own will. My hand has done that which
displeases my own will and I condemn my hand’s action.”
The Emperor was calm and deliberate; at that time he wished above all
things to wheedle his visitor, so he reasoned in his mind as follows:
“If I punish this man his adherents, who are many, may rise and begin a
long war with me.” Hence he kept down his anger, and commanded to bring
from his treasure house silken robes, embroidered in gold, of right
size for the Mongol. A crown and a gold girdle were brought with them.
He put these on Kabul, and showing marks of high honor dismissed him
with friendship when the time came for parting.
When Kabul had set out for home the ministers insisted that it would
not be possible to leave the man’s conduct unnoticed. Roused at last by
these speeches the Emperor sent off an envoy requesting Kabul to return
to him. Kabul replied harshly, and kept on his journey. The Emperor was
enraged now in earnest and sent men a second time not to request but to
summon, and with them a good force of warriors to bring in the Mongol
by violence if need be. Kabul had gone far on his journey, and, since
the Golden Khan’s messengers took a new road by mere hazard, they
missed him. They went all the way to his yurta, and as he had not yet
returned his wives said on hearing the message: “He will follow the
Golden Khan’s wishes.” The messengers turned from the yurta and after a
while met Kabul hastening homeward; they seized him and led him off
quickly for delivery to their master. On the journey they halted at the
house of a Saljut, who was friendly to the captive.
“These men are taking thee to death O Kabul,” said the Saljut, “I must
save thee. I have a horse which outstrips every wind, and is swifter
than lightning. If thou sit on this beast thou canst save thyself—thou
wilt escape at the first chance.” Kabul mounted that horse, but his
foot was made fast to the chief envoy’s stirrup. In the night he
unbound it, however, and shot away in the darkness. They pursued and
hunted him with all speed, but only at Kabul’s own yurta were they able
to come up with him. There he received them with all hospitality, and
gave his enemies a splendid new tent which belonged to a wife whom he
had just taken; he gave also the best entertainment. Soon after, he
summoned his servants (his sons were not with him). “These people,”
said he, “wish to take me to the Golden Khan to be killed by him with
terrible torture. Ye must save me.”
The servants fell unawares on the Golden Khan’s messengers, and killed
every man of them. Kabul was saved that time, but soon after he fell
ill and died—very likely of poison—thus leaving the world to his seven
sons, who were very ambitious. These sons were so great through their
valor and courage that no combination of enemies could meet them
successfully. They were all of one mother, Kulku Goa, a Kunkurat woman,
whose younger brother, Saïn Tegin, was the cause of involving the
family in a terrible blood feud.
Saïn Tegin fell ill and they called in a shaman of the Taidjuts to cure
him. He died notwithstanding the art of this shaman, who was slain
either on his way home or soon after, by the relatives of the dead man.
This caused a great battle between the Taidjuts and Saïn Tegin’s
adherents and relatives, joined now by Kabul’s sons, who favored the
cause of their uncle. In this battle Kaidan met a Taidjut in single
encounter, split open his saddle, swept him down from his horse, and
wounded him dreadfully. The Taidjut, who recovered only after a twelve
month of suffering, began a new struggle as soon as strength came to
him. Kaidan brought horse and rider to the earth, each wounded
grievously; though ten mounted men rushed at the victor, he so used
spear and sword on them that he came out in triumph. Thus began the
great blood feud which later on Temudjin used with such deadly effect
on the Taidjuts and Tartars.
Between Lake Buyur and Lake Kulon is a river, on this river a large
group of Tartar tribes lived at that period. Ambagai, son of Sengun,
went to find a new wife at Lake Buyur but was seized by some Tartars
and sent to the Kin Emperor, who took his life very cruelly. Before his
captors had set out with Ambagai he sent home this message: “Tell
Kutula, fourth son of my cousin Kabul, who has seven sons, and Kaidan,
one of my ten sons, that I, who ruled men, am a prisoner and must die
in great suffering. And remember these words of mine, all of you:
Though ye were to wear every nail from the fingers of each hand, and
lose the ten fingers on both hands, ye must avenge me.”
The Golden Khan in return for offenses committed against him by
Ambagai’s relatives, had him nailed to a wooden ass, flayed alive, and
then chopped into small pieces slowly, beginning with his fingers and
toes, till his whole body was finished.
Okin Barka, Kabul’s eldest son and a brother of Kutula, had been
captured by the Tartars, sent to the Golden Khan, and put to death in
the same way as Ambagai. This was done because Kabul had killed the
Golden Khan’s messengers.
Before Ambagai was tortured he sent Bulgadji, his slave, to the Golden
Khan with this warning: “It is shameful to kill me. I was seized most
perfidiously, I am here without reason. If thou kill me all chiefs
among Mongols will rise and avenge the injustice.” The Golden Khan paid
no heed to the message, but after the hideous execution he sent
Bulgadji on courier horses to Mongolia with the command to tell all
there that Ambagai had been nailed to the wooden ass, his skin stripped
from him while living, and his body then chopped into pieces bit by
bit. On the way Bulgadji passed through the land of the Durbans, who
would not give horses, and no matter what he said they took no note of
him. When his horses were so weary that they could go no farther he
left them, went home on foot and told all to Kaidan, whose son, Tuda,
told the whole tale to Katula and Yessugai, his nephew. Kaidan, Tuda
and Yessugai held a council immediately and resolved with many Mongols
to avenge Okin Barka and Ambagai. Kutula was chosen khan then to lead
the expedition. They held a great feast when the election was over, and
all became grandly excited. They danced round a wide-spreading tree
with great energy, and stamped out a ditch of such depth that they were
hidden to their knees in it.
Kutula assembled all warriors who were willing to go, and marched
against China. The Golden Khan’s forces were defeated, and routed with
terrible slaughter. The Mongols took booty of unspeakable value, took
all that men could bear with them, or that horses could carry. They
came home filled with delight, bringing woven stuffs of all species,
every kind of rich furniture, weapons and implements, and driving
before them immense herds of horses, and large and small cattle.
While on the way home Kutula when passing through the land of the
Durbans went to hunt with a small force of followers. On seeing these
people the Durbans assembled a numerous party and attacked them; they
killed some, and scattered the others. Kutula left alone saved himself
by fleeing, and drove his swift horse through a swamp to the opposite
edge of the soft place. The beast stopped and stuck fast there; Kutula
stood on the saddle and sprang to firm ground from it. The Durbans
seeing him on foot, were well satisfied. “Oh let him go,” said they,
“of what use is a man when his horse is gone.” Then, while they stood
looking, he pulled his horse out of the quagmire, mounted and rode away
in their presence. The swamp extended so far on either hand that they
cared not to follow.
Kutula’s surviving attendants returned to the army, spread news of his
death, and declared that the Durbans had killed him. His warriors
reached home somewhat earlier than the Khan and since he had not
appeared on the road and his attendants said that he had been killed by
the Durbans Yessugai made a funeral feast for their leader and went to
Kutula’s wife to announce her husband’s death and with her drink the
cup to his memory. On appearing before her he began to lament, and weep
bitterly. “Why hast thou come?” asked she, “and why art thou weeping?”
He told the cause of his grief and his coming. “I believe not a word of
all thou hast told me,” said the woman. “Would Kutula let Durbans kill
him, Kutula whose voice is like thunder in the mountains, a voice which
reaches high heaven, would Kutula let common men kill him? He would
not, his delay has another cause. He is living. He has stopped for some
work of importance, he will come later on.”
But the warriors and Kutula’s attendants felt sure that the Khan had
been murdered.
When Kutula had pulled his horse out of the quagmire, and ridden away
safely, he was savagely angry. “How have those vile, wretched Durbans
brought me to such trouble,” raged he, “and driven off all my servants?
Must I go home empty-handed? No, I will not leave these places
unplundered.” Then he rode till he found a brown stallion, also a great
herd of mares and their colts with them. He mounted the stallion, let
out his own horse which ran forward, then drove the mares which
followed the saddle beast. Riding farther in the steppes he found nests
of wild geese; dismounting he took off his boots, filled the great legs
of them with goose eggs, remounted and rode away home on the stallion,
holding the boots and driving the mares and their colts to his yurta.
A vast crowd of people had assembled to lament and show honor to the
memory of Kutula, and now, astonished at his sudden arrival, they
rejoiced beyond measure, and turned all their sorrow and wailing into a
feast of triumph and gladness. “Ha!” said the wife then to Yessugai,
“did I not tell thee that no Durbans, or other men could bring down
Kutula?”
After his great success against China, Kutula moved on the Tartars and
punished them unsparingly for sending Okin Barka, his brother, to the
Golden Khan for destruction.
But now broke out afresh the great hatred of the ten sons of Ambagai
for Kutula and his brothers. Those ten Taidjut brothers fell on the six
surviving sons of Kabul and killed five of them, killed all except
Bartan, who burst his way out of the murderous encounter with three
serious wounds in his body, and fled with four attendants. His son
Yessugai, who had been hurled to the earth from his saddle, sprang up
quickly and, though only thirteen years of age, sent his spear through
the body of a Taidjut who was mounted, brought him down dying, sprang
to the empty saddle, rushed away and caught up with his father. Through
this wonderful promptness and skill he was able to save himself.
Bartan’s wife, Maral Kayak, fled on foot from her yurta with three
other sons, Mangutu, Naigun and Daritai, and reached her wounded
husband.
The Taidjut triumph was perfect for a season. Bartan’s power had
departed, he died soon and gave place to his son, a young hero. This
son was Yessugai, the name means number nine, his full name was
Yessugai Bahadur, the ninth hero. He was ninth too in descent from that
youngest son of Alan Goa, Boduanchar, who rode off alone from
injustice.
At this time the tendency had increased very greatly among chiefs of
Mongol clans to make other chiefs subordinates, or assistants. This was
true specially of men descended from Kabul and from Ambagai. If rival
or smaller chiefs would not accept the position a conflict resulted,
attacks were made by small parties or larger ones, or through war or
poison; the weaker men when ambitious were swept from existence. The
continual interference of China by intrigue or by arms, or by bribery
through titles or presents, through rewards to individuals, or dire
ghastly punishments where punishment seemed more effective, did
something also to strengthen and consolidate the loosely coherent
society of the Mongols, and thus helped unwittingly the work of strong
men seeking power north of China.
Yessugai, through activity and keenness succeeded in winning
co-operation sufficient to undo the great Taidjut triumph. Kabul’s sons
again got the primacy.
CHAPTER II
TEMUDJIN BEGINS HIS MIGHTY CAREER
This intense rivalry between the descendants of Kabul and Ambagai was
the great ruling fact among Mongols at this epoch. Kabul and Ambagai
were second cousins, both being third in descent from Kaidu, that
little boy saved by his nurse from the Jelairs; the Kaidu whose
descendants were the great ruling Mongols of history. Kabul and Ambagai
are remarkable themselves, and are notable also as fathers of men who
sought power by all means which they could imagine and bring into
practice.
Yessugai with his brothers was now triumphant and prosperous. He was
terribly hostile to the Buyur Lake Tartars; he was ever watching the
Taidjut opposition, which though resting at times never slumbered. Once
in the days of his power Yessugai while hawking along the Onon saw a
Merkit named Yeke Chilaidu taking home with him a wife from the
Olkonots. Seeing that the woman was a beauty Yessugai hurried back to
his yurta and returned with his eldest and youngest brothers to help
him. When Yeke saw the three brothers coming he grew frightened, struck
his horse and rushed away to find some good hiding place, but found
none and rode back to the cart where his wife was. “Those men are very
hostile,” said the woman. “Hurry off, or they will kill thee. If thou
survive find a wife such as I am, if thou remember me call her by my
name.” Then she drew off her shift and gave it to Yeke. He took it,
mounted quickly and, seeing Yessugai approaching with his brothers,
galloped up the river.
The three men rushed after Yeke, but did not overtake him, so they rode
back to the woman, whose name was Hoelun. She was weeping. Her screams
when they seized her “raised waves on the river, and shook trees in the
valley.”
“The husband has crossed many ridges already, and many waters,” said
Daritai, Yessugai’s youngest brother, “no matter how thou scream he
will not come to thee, if thou look for his trail thou wilt not find
it. Stop screaming!” Thus they took Hoelun, and she became a wife then
to Yessugai.
Some months after the capture of Hoelun, Yessugai made attacks on the
Tartars, and among other captives took Temudjin Uge, a chieftain.
Hoelun gave birth to a son at that period [2] near the hill Dailiun
Baldak. The boy was born grasping a lump of dark blood in his fist very
firmly, and since he was born when Temudjin Uge was taken they called
the child Temudjin. After that Hoelun had three other sons: Kassar,
Hochiun and Taimuge, and one daughter, Taimulun.
When this first son had passed his thirteenth year Yessugai set out
with the lad on a visit to Hoelun’s brothers to find among them a wife
for him. When between the two mountains Cihurga and Cheksar he met one
Desaichan, a man of the Ungirs. “Whither art thou going O Yessugai?”
asked Desaichan. “I am going with my son to his uncles to look out a
bride for him among them.” “Thy son has a clear face and bright eyes,”
said Desaichan. “Last night I dreamed that a white falcon holding the
sun and the moon in its talons flew down to my wrist, and perched on
it. ‘We only know the sun and the moon through our eyesight,’ said I to
some friends of mine, ‘but now a white falcon has brought them both
down to me in his talons, this must be an omen of greatness.’ At the
right time hast thou come hither Yessugai with thy son and shown what
my dream means. It presages high fortune undoubtedly. I have a daughter
at home, she is small yet but come and look at her.”
Then he conducted the father and son to his yurta. Yessugai rejoiced in
his heart very greatly at sight of the girl, who in truth was a beauty.
She was ten years of age, and named Bortai. Next day Yessugai asked
Bortai of Desaichan as a bride for young Temudjin. “Will it show more
importance if I give her only after much begging,” asked the father,
“or will it show slight esteem if I give her in answer to few words? We
know that a girl is not born to remain in the household forever. I
yield her to marry thy son, and do thou leave him here for a time with
me.”
The agreement was finished and Yessugai went away without Temudjin. On
the road home he stopped at Cheksar and met Tartars who arranged there
a feast for him. Being hungry and thirsty from traveling he halted. His
hosts, who knew well that he had captured and killed very many of their
people, Temudjin Uge with others, had poison made ready, and gave it in
drink to him. Yessugai rode away and reached home in three days, but
fell ill on the journey, and his trouble increased as he traveled.
“There is pain in my heart,” said he, “who is near me?” At that time
Munlik, a son of Charaha, happened in at the yurta, and Yessugai called
him. “My children are young,” said he, “I went to find a bride for my
son Temudjin, and have found her. On the way home I was poisoned by
enemies. My heart is very sore in me, so go thou to my brothers and see
them, see their wives also. I give thee this as a duty; tell them all
that has happened. But first bring me Temudjin very quickly.”
Yessugai died [3] shortly after without seeing Temudjin.
Munlik went with all haste to Desaichan. “Yessugai,” said he, “wants to
see Temudjin, he has sent me to bring the boy.” “If Yessugai is
grieving let Temudjin go, and return to me afterward.” Munlik took
Temudjin home as instructed. In the spring following when Ambagai’s
widows were preparing the offerings to ancestors before moving to the
summer place they refused to share sacrificed meats with Hoelun, and
thus shut her out from their ruling circle and relationship. “Better
leave this woman here with her children, she must not go with us,” said
the widows. Targutai Kurultuk, who was then in authority, went from the
winter place without turning to Hoelun, or speaking. He with Todoyan
Jirisha his brother had enticed away Yessugai’s people. Munlik’s
father, Charáha, an old man, strove to persuade Targutai and his
brother to take Hoelun, but they would not listen to him or to any man.
“The deep water is gone, the bright stone is broken,” said Todoyan, “we
cannot restore them, we have nothing to do with that woman, and her
children.” And when Targutai with his brother was starting, a warrior
of his thrust a spear into Charáha’s back and the old man fell down
mortally wounded.
Temudjin went to talk with Charáha and take advice from him. “Targutai
and his brother,” said the old man, “have led away all the people
assembled by thy father, and our relatives.” Temudjin wept then and
turned to his mother for assistance. Hoelun resolved quickly; she
mounted, and, directing her attendants to take lances, set out at the
head of them. She overtook the deserting people and stopped one half of
them, but even that half would not go back with her. So Targutai and
Todoyan had defeated Hoelun with her children, and taken one half of
Yessugai’s people; the second half joined other leaders. But Hoelun, a
strong, resolute woman, protected her family and found means to support
it. Her children lived in poor, harsh conditions, and grew up in the
midst of hostility and hatred. To assist and give help to their mother
they made hooks out of needles and fished in the river Onon which was
close to their dwelling. Once Temudjin and Kassar went to fish with
their half brothers, Baiktar and Belgutai, Yessugai’s children by
another wife. Temudjin caught a golden hued trout and his half brothers
took it from him. He went then with Kassar to Hoelun. “We caught a
golden hued fish,” said they, “but Baiktar and Belgutai took it.” “Why
do ye quarrel?” asked the mother, “we have no friends at present; all
have deserted us; nothing sticks to us now but our shadows. We have no
power yet to punish the Taidjuts. Why do ye act like the sons of Alan
Goa, and quarrel? Why not agree and gain strength against enemies?”
Temudjin was dissatisfied; he wished Hoelun to take his side and go
against Baiktar. “The other day,” said he, “I shot a bird and Baiktar
took this bird also. He and his brother to-day snatched my fish from
me. If they act always in this way how can I live with them?” And he
turned from his mother very quickly. Both brothers rushed out, slammed
the door flap behind them and vanished.
When they were out they saw Baiktar on a hill herding horses. Temudjin
stole up from behind, and Kassar in front; they had taken arrows and
were aiming when Baiktar turned and saw them. “Why treat me like a
splinter in the mouth, or a hair on the eyeball?” asked he. “Though ye
kill me spare my brother, do not kill Belgutai.” Then he bent his legs
under him, and waited.
Temudjin from behind and Kassar in front killed Baiktar with arrows.
When they went home Hoelun knew by their faces what had happened. “Thou
wert born,” said she to Temudjin, “grasping blood in thy fingers. Thou
and thy brother are like dogs when devouring a village, or serpents
which swallow alive what they spring upon, or wolves hunting prey in a
snow storm. The injuries done us by the Taidjuts are terrible, ye might
plan to grow strong and then punish the Taidjuts. But what are ye
doing?”
Well might she ask, for she did not know then her wonderful son
Temudjin, for whom it was as natural to remove a half brother, or even
a brother, by killing him as to set aside any other obstacle. He who
worked all his life till its end to eliminate opponents was that day
beginning his mighty career, and his first real work was the murder of
his half brother Baiktar, whose father was his own father, Yessugai.
No matter who Temudjin’s enemies were he removed them as coolly as a
teacher in his classroom rubs figures from a black board. He struck
down the Taidjuts as soon as he felt himself strong enough, but before
he could do that his task was to weed out and train his own family. The
first work before him was the empire of his household. Neither mother,
nor brother, nor anyone must stand between Temudjin and his object; in
that he showed his great singleness of purpose, his invincible will
power, his wisdom in winning the success which his mind saw. The wisdom
of Temudjin in building up empire was an unerring clear instinct like
the instinct of a bee in constructing its honeycomb, or the judgment
and skill of a bird in finding the proper material, and weaving the
round perfect nest for its eggs and its little ones.
Temudjin began his career in real practice by killing his half brother
mainly through the hand of his full brother Kassar, who was famed later
on as the unerring strong archer, and who in time tried unsuccessfully
to rival the invincible Temudjin.
Temudjin was now master in a very small region, but he was master. His
mother and brothers did not dominate, or interfere, they assisted him.
The family lived for a time in seclusion and uninjured till at last
Targutai roused up his followers to action. “Temudjin and his brothers
have grown,” said he, “they are stronger.” Taking with him some
comrades he rode away quickly to find Temudjin with his family. From
afar Hoelun and her children saw the men coming and were frightened.
Temudjin seized his horse quickly, and fled before others to the
mountain. Belgutai hid his half brothers and sister in a cliff, after
that he felled trees to stop the horsemen. Kassar sent arrows to hinder
the Taidjuts. “We want only Temudjin, we want no one else,” said they.
Temudjin had fled to Mount Targunai and hidden there in dense thickets
whither they could not follow. They surrounded Targunai and watched
closely.
He spent three days in secret places, and then led his horse out to
flee from the mountain. When near the edge of the forest the saddle
fell. He saw that breast strap and girth were both fixed securely. “A
saddle may fall,” thought he, “though the girth be well fastened, but
how can it fall when the breast strap is holding it? I see now that
Heaven is protecting me.”
He turned back and passed three other days hiding; then he tried to go
out a second time—a great rock fell in front of him, blocked the road
and stopped his passage. “Heaven wills that I stay here still longer,”
said Temudjin. He went back and spent three other days on the mountain,
nine days in all without eating. “Must I die here alone and unheard
of?” thought he despairingly. “Better go at all hazards.” He cut a way
near the rock and led his horse down the mountain side.
The Taidjuts, who were watching outside very carefully, seized Temudjin
and took him to Targutai, who commanded that a kang be put on him, and
also fetters, and that he live one day and night in each tent. So he
passed from one family to another in succession. During these changes
he gained the close friendship of one Sorgan Shira, and of an old
woman. The old woman was kind and put rags on the kang at the points
where his shoulders were galled by it.
Once the Taidjuts made a feast near the Onon and went home after
sunset, appointing a boy to watch over the captive. Temudjin had been
able to break his own fetters, and seeing that all had gone home felled
the boy with the kang in which his own head and both hands were
fastened. Then he ran to a forest along the Onon and lay down there,
but, fearing lest they might find him, he rose, hurried on to the river
and sank in it, leaving only his face above water.
The boy soon recovered and screamed that the captive had fled from him.
Some Taidjuts rushed quickly together on hearing him, and searched
around everywhere. There was moonlight that evening and Sorgan Shira of
the Sulduts, who was searching with others, and had gone quite a
distance ahead, found Temudjin, but did not call out. “The Taidjuts
hate thee because thou hast wisdom,” said he to the captive, “thou wilt
die if they find thee. Stay where thou art for the present, and be
careful, I will not betray thee to any one.”
The pursuers went some distance while searching. “This man escaped
during daylight,” said Sorgan Shira, when he overtook them. “It is
night now and difficult to find him. Better search nearer places, we
can hunt here to-morrow. He has not come thus far,—how could he run
such a distance with a kang on his shoulders?”
On the way back Sorgan Shira went to Temudjin a second time. “We shall
come hither to-morrow to search for thee,” said he. “Hurry off now to
thy mother and brothers. Shouldst thou meet any man tell him not that I
saw thee.” When Sorgan Shira had gone, Temudjin fell to thinking and
thought in this manner: “While stopping at each tent I passed a day
with Sorgan Shira; Chila and Chinbo his sons showed me pity. They took
off the kang in the dark from my shoulders and let me lie down then in
freedom. He saw me to-day, I cannot escape till this kang is taken off,
he will do that, I will go to him. He will save me.”
So Temudjin went and when he entered the yurta Sorgan Shira was
frightened. “Why come now to me?” inquired he. “I told thee to go to
thy mother and brothers.” “When a bird is pursued by a falcon,” said
Temudjin, “it hides in thick grass and thus saves itself.”
“We should be of less value than grass were we not to help this poor
youth, who thus begs us,” said to himself Sorgan Shira. The boys took
the kang from the captive and burned it, then they hid Temudjin in a
cart which they piled high with wool packs and told Kadan, their
sister, to guard the wool carefully, and not speak of Temudjin to any
living person.
The Taidjuts appeared on the third day. “Has no one here seen that
runaway?” asked they of Sorgan. “Search where ye will,” was the answer.
They searched the whole yurta, then they searched around the house in
all places, and threw out the wool till they came to the cart box. They
were going to empty this also when Sorgan laughed at them, saying, “How
could any man live in a cart load of wool this hot weather?” They
prodded the wool then with lances; one of these entered Temudjin’s leg,
but he was silent and moved not. The Taidjuts were satisfied, and went
away without emptying the cart box.
“Thou hast come very near killing me,” said Sorgan to Temudjin. “The
smoke of my house would have vanished, and my fire would have died out
forever had they found thee. Go now to thy mother and brothers.”
He gave Temudjin a white-nosed, sorrel mare without a saddle, gave him
a boiled lamb which was fat because reared by two mothers, gave him a
skin of mare’s milk, a bow and two arrows, but no flint lest he strike
fire on the way, and betray himself.
Temudjin went to the ruins of his first house and then higher up the
Onon till he reached the Kimurha. He saw tracks near that river and
followed them on to Mount Baitar. In front of that mountain is a
smaller one, Horchukin; there he found all his brothers and Hoelun his
mother. Temudjin moved now with them to Mount Burhan. Near Burhan is
the high land Gulyalgu, through this land runs the river Sangur, on the
bank of that river is a hill called Kara Jiruge and a green colored
lake near the foot of it. At this lake Temudjin fixed his yurta,
trapped marmots and field mice, and thus they lived on for a season. At
last some Taidjut thieves drove off eight horses from Temudjin, leaving
only the white-nosed sorrel mare which Sorgan had given him, and on
which Belgutai had gone to hunt marmots. He came back that evening with
a load of them.
“The horses have been stolen,” said Temudjin. “I will go for them,”
said Belgutai. “Thou couldst not find them,” answered Kassar, “I will
go.” “Ye could not find them, and if ye found them ye could not bring
them back,” called out Temudjin, “I will go.”
Temudjin set his brothers aside as useless at that juncture, their
authority and worth were to him as nothing. Temudjin’s is the only, the
genuine authority. He rode off on the white-nosed sorrel mare, and
followed the trail of the eight stolen horses. He traveled three days
and on the fourth morning early he saw near the road a young man who
had led up a mare and was milking her. “Hast thou seen eight gray
horses?” asked Temudjin. “Before sunrise eight horses went past me, I
will show thee the trail over which they were driven.” Temudjin’s weary
beast was let out then to pasture; a white horse with a black stripe on
its spine was led in to go farther. The youth hid his leather pail and
his bag in the grass very carefully. “Thou art tired,” said he to
Temudjin, “and art anxious. My name is Boörchu, I will go with thee for
thy horses. Nahu Boyan is my father, I am his one son and he loves me.”
So they set out together and traveled three days in company. On the
third day toward evening they came to a camp ground and saw the eight
horses. “Stay at this place O my comrade,” said Temudjin, “I will go
and drive off those horses.”
“If I have come hither to help thee why should I stay alone and do
nothing?” asked Boörchu. So they went on together and drove off the
horses. The thieves hurried after them promptly and one, who rode a
white stallion, had a lasso and was gaining on the comrades. “Give me
thy quiver and bow,” said Boörchu, “I will meet him with an arrow.”
“Let me use the bow,” answered Temudjin, “those enemies might wound
thee.” The man on the white horse was directing his lasso and ready to
hurl it when Temudjin’s arrow put an end to his action. That night
Temudjin and Boörchu made a journey which would have taken three days
for any other men, and saw the yurta of Nahu Boyan in the distance at
daybreak.
“Without thy help,” said Temudjin, “I could not have brought back these
horses. Without thee I could have done nothing, so let us divide now
these eight beasts between us.” “I decided to help thee,” answered
Boörchu, “because I saw thee weighed down and weary from sorrow and
loneliness, why should I take what is thine from thee? I am my father’s
one son, his wealth is enough for me, more is not needed. If I should
take thine how couldst thou call me thy comrade?”
When they entered the yurta of Nahu Boyan they found the old man
grieving bitterly for Boörchu. On seeing them he shed tears and
reproached his son sharply. “I know not,” said Boörchu in answer, “how
I thought of assisting this comrade, but when I saw him worn and
anxious I had to go with him. Things are now well again, for I am with
thee, my father.” Nahu Boyan became satisfied when he heard the whole
story. Boörchu rode off then and brought the leather milk pail, killed
a lamb, filled a bag with mare’s milk, and tying it to the horse like a
pack gave Temudjin all to sustain him. “Ye are young,” said Nahu Boyan,
“be ye friends, and be faithful.” Temudjin took farewell of Boörchu and
his father. Three days after that he had reached home with his horses.
No words could describe the delight of his mother and brothers when
they saw him.
Temudjin had passed his thirteenth year when he parted from Bortai. He
went down the Kerulon now with his half brother, Belgutai, to get her.
Several years had passed and he had a wish to marry. Bortai’s father
rejoiced at seeing Temudjin. “I grieved,” said he, “greatly and lost
hope of seeing thee when I heard of Taidjut hatred.”
Both parents escorted their daughter and her husband. Desaichan after
going some distance turned homeward, as was usual for fathers, but
Bortai’s mother, Sotan, went on to Temudjin’s yurta.
Temudjin wished now to have Boörchu, wished him as a comrade forever,
and sent Belgutai to bring him. Boörchu said nothing to his father or
to any one; he took simply a humpbacked sorrel horse, saddled him,
strapped a coat of black fur to the saddle and rode away quickly to
Temudjin’s yurta; after that he never left him.
Temudjin removed from the Sangur to the springs of the Kerulon and
fixed his yurta at the foot of the slope known as Burji. Bortai had
brought with her a black sable cloak as a present to Hoelun. “In former
days,” said Temudjin to his brothers, “our father, Yessugai, became a
sworn friend, an ‘anda,’ to Togrul of the Keraits, hence Togrul is to
me in the place of my father, we will go now and show Togrul honor.”
Temudjin and two of his brothers took the cloak to Togrul in the Black
Forest on the Tula. “In former days,” said Temudjin as he stood before
Togrul, “thou didst become anda to Yessugai, hence thou art to me in
the place of my father. I bring thee to-day, my father, a gift brought
by my wife to my mother.” With these words he gave the black sable to
Togrul, who was pleased very greatly with the offering.
“I will bring back to thee thy people who are scattered,” said Togrul
in answer, “and join them again to thee, I will keep this in mind very
firmly, and not forget it.”
When Temudjin returned home the old man Charchiutai came from Mount
Burhan with the bellows of a blacksmith on his shoulders, and brought
also Chelmai, his son, with him. “When thou wert born,” said
Charchiutai to Temudjin, “I gave thee a lined sable wrap, I gave thee
too my son Chelmai, but as he was very little at that time, I kept the
boy with me and trained him, but now when he is grown up and skilful I
bring him. Let him saddle thy horse and open doors to thee.” With that
he gave his son Chelmai to Temudjin.
Some short time after this, just before daybreak one morning, Hoakchin,
an old woman, Hoelun’s faithful servant, who slept on the ground,
sprang up quickly and called to her mistress: “O mother, rise, I hear
the earth tremble! O mother, the Taidjuts are coming, our terrible
destroyers! Hasten, O mother!” “Rouse up the children,” said Hoelun,
“wake them all quickly!” Hoelun rose to her feet as she was speaking.
Temudjin and his brothers sprang up and ran to their horses. Hoelun
carried her daughter Taimulun. Temudjin had only one saddle beast
ready. There was no horse for Bortai, so he galloped off with his
brothers. Thus showing that self-preservation was his one thought.
Hoakchin, the old woman, hid Bortai, she stowed her away in a small
black kibitka (cart), attached a pied cow to it and drove along the
river Tungela. As the night darkness cleared and light was approaching
some mounted men overtook the old woman. “Who art thou?” asked they,
riding up to her. “I go around and shear sheep for rich people, I am on
my way home now,” said Hoakchin. “Is Temudjin at his yurta?” asked a
horseman. “Where is it?” “His yurta is not far, but I know not where he
is at this moment,” answered Hoakchin.
When the men had ridden off the old woman urged on the cow, but just
then the axle broke. Hoakchin wished to hurry on foot to the mountain
with Bortai, but the horsemen had turned back already and came to her.
“Who is in there?” asked a man as he pointed at the kibitka. “I have
wool there,” replied the old woman. “Let us look at this wool,
brothers,” said one of the mounted men. They dragged Bortai out, and
then put her on horseback with Hoakchin. Next they followed on
Temudjin’s tracks to Mount Burhan, but could not come up with him.
Wishing to enter the mountain land straightway they tried one and
another place, but found no road of any kind open. In one part a sticky
morass, in another a dense growth of forest and thicket. They did not
find the secret road and could not break in at any point. These
horsemen were from three clans of Merkits. The first had been sent by
Tukta Bijhi of the Uduts; the second by Dair Usun of the Uasits; the
third by Haätai Darmala of the Haäts. They had come to wreak vengeance
on Temudjin because Yessugai, his father, had snatched away Hoelun from
Chilaidu, and this Hoelun was Temudjin’s mother. They now carried off
Bortai, Temudjin’s wife, who was thus taken in vengeance, as they said,
for the stealing of Hoelun.
Temudjin, fearing lest they might be in ambush, sent his half brother,
Belgutai, and Boörchu, with Chelmai to examine and discover. In three
days when these men were well satisfied that the Merkits had gone from
the mountain, Temudjin left his hiding place. He stood, struck his
breast and cried looking heavenward: “Thanks to the ears of a skunk,
and the eyes of an ermine in the head of old Hoakchin, I escaped
capture. Besides that Mount Burhan has saved me, and from this day I
will make offering to the mountain, and leave to my children and their
children this duty of sacrifice.” Then he turned toward the sun, put
his girdle on his back, took his cap in his hand, and striking his
breast bent his knees nine times in homage; he made next a libation of
tarasun, a liquor distilled out of mare’s milk.
After that Temudjin with Kassar and Belgutai went to Togrul on the Tula
and implored him, “O father and sovereign,” said Temudjin, “three clans
of Merkits fell on us suddenly, and stole my wife, Bortai. Is it not
possible to save her?”
“Last year,” said Togrul, “when the cloak of black sable was brought to
me, I promised to lead back thy people who deserted, and those who were
scattered. I remember this well, and because of my promise I will root
out the Merkits, I will rescue and return to thee Bortai. Inform Jamuka
that thy wife has been stolen. Two tumans [4] of warriors will go with
me, let Jamuka lead out the same number.”
Jamuka, chief of the Juriats at that time, was descended from a brother
of Kabul Khan, and was third cousin therefore to Temudjin. Temudjin
sent his brothers to Jamuka with this message: “The Merkits have stolen
my wife, thou and I have the same origin; can we not avenge this great
insult?” He sent Togrul’s statement also. “I have heard,” said Jamuka,
“that Temudjin’s wife has been stolen, I am grieved very greatly at his
trouble and will help him.” He told where the three clans were camping,
and promised to aid in bringing back Bortai.
“Tell Temudjin and Togrul,” said he, “that my army is ready. With me
are some people belonging to Temudjin; from them I will gather one
tuman of warriors and take the same number of my own folk with them, I
will go up to Butohan Borchi on the Onon where Togrul will meet me.”
They took back the answer to Temudjin, and went to Togrul with the
words from Jamuka.
Togrul set out with two tumans of warriors toward the Kerulon and met
Temudjin at the river Kimurha. One tuman of Togrul’s men was led by
Jaganbo, his brother. Jamuka waited three days at Butohan Borchi for
Togrul and Jaganbo; he was angry and full of reproaches when he met
them. “When conditions are made between allies,” said he, “though wind
and rain come to hinder, men should meet at the season appointed. The
time of our meeting was settled, a given word is the same as an oath,
if the word is not to be kept no ally should be invited.”
“I have come three days late,” said Togrul. “Blame, and punish me,
Jamuka, my brother, until thou art satisfied.”
The warriors went on now, crossed the Kilho to Buura where they seized
all the people and with them the wife of the Merkit, Tukta Bijhi. Tukta
Bijhi, who was sleeping, would have been captured had not his hunters
and fishermen hurried on in the night time and warned him. He and Dair
Usun, his brother, rushed away down the river to Bargudjin. When the
Merkits were fleeing at night down along the Selinga, Togrul’s men
hunted on fiercely and were seizing them. In that rushing crowd
Temudjin shouted: “Bortai! O Bortai!” She was with the fleeing people;
she knew Temudjin’s voice and sprang from a small covered cart with
Hoakchin, the old woman. Running up, she caught Temudjin’s horse by the
bridle. The moon broke through clouds that same moment, and each knew
the other.
Temudjin sent to Togrul without waiting. “I have found,” said he,
“those whom I was seeking; let us camp now and go on no farther
to-night.” They camped there. When the Merkits with three hundred men
attacked Temudjin to take vengeance for snatching off Chilaidu’s wife,
Hoelun, Tukta Bijhi, the brother of Chilaidu, with two other leaders
rode three times round Mount Burhan, but could not find Temudjin, and
only took Bortai. They gave her as wife to Chilger, a younger brother
of Chilaidu, the first husband of Hoelun, Temudjin’s mother. (This
Chilaidu was perhaps Temudjin’s father.) Now, when a great army was led
in by Togrul and Jamuka, Chilger was cruelly frightened. “I have been
doomed like a crow,” said he, “to eat wretched scraps of old skin, but
I should like greatly the taste of some wild goose. By my offenses
against Bortai I have brought evil suffering on the Merkits; the harm
which now has befallen them may crush me also. To save my life I must
hide in some small and dark corner.” Having said this he vanished.
Haätai Darmala was the only man captured; they put a kang on his neck
and went straight toward Mount Burhan.
Those three hundred Merkits who rode thrice round Mount Burhan were
slain every man of them. Their wives, who were fit to continue as
wives, were given to new husbands; those who should only be slaves were
delivered to slavery.
“Thou, O my father, and thou my anda,” said Temudjin to Togrul and
Jamuka, “Heaven through the aid which ye gave me has strengthened my
hands to avenge a great insult. The Merkits who attacked me are
extinguished, their wives are taken captive, the work is now ended.”
That same year Bortai gave birth to her first son, Juchi, and because
of her captivity the real father of Juchi was always a question in the
mind of Temudjin.
The Uduts had left in their camp a beautiful small boy, Kuichu. He had
splendid bright eyes, was dressed in river sable, and on his feet were
boots made of deer hoofs. When the warriors took the camp they seized
Kuichu and gave him to Hoelun. Temudjin, Togrul and Jamuka destroyed
all the dwellings of the Merkits and captured the women left in them.
Togrul returned then to the Tula. Temudjin and Jamuka went to Hórho
Nachúbur and fixed a camp there. The two men renewed former times and
the origin of their friendship; each promised now to love the other
more firmly than aforetime, if possible. Temudjin was in his boyhood,
eleven years of age, when they made themselves “andas” the first day;
both were guests of Togrul at that period. Now they swore friendship
again,—became andas a second time. They discussed friendship with each
other: “Old people,” said Temudjin, “declare that when men become andas
both have one life as it were; neither abandons the other, and each
guards the life of his anda. Now we strengthen our friendship anew, and
refresh it.” At these words Temudjin girded Jamuka, with a golden belt,
which he had taken from the Merkits, and Jamuka gave him a rich girdle,
and a splendid white stallion, which he had captured. They arranged a
feast under a broad spreading tree near the cliff known as Huldah, and
at night they slept under one blanket together.
Temudjin and Jamuka, from love, as it were, of each other, lived
eighteen months in glad, careless company, but really each of the two
men was studying and watching his anda and working against him with all
the power possible as was shown very clearly in the sequel. At last
during April, while moving, the two friends spurred on ahead of the
kibitkas and were talking as usual: “If we camp near that mountain in
front,” said Jamuka all at once, “the horseherds will get our yurtas.
If we camp near the river the shepherds will have food for their
gullets.” Temudjin made no answer to words which seemed dark and
fateful, so he halted to wait for his wife and his mother; Jamuka rode
farther and left him. When Hoelun had come up to him Temudjin told her
the words of Jamuka, and said, “I knew not what they could signify,
hence I gave him no answer. I have come to ask thy opinion, mother.”
Hoelun had not time to reply because Bortai was quicker. “People say,”
declared Bortai, “that thy friend seeks the new and despises the old; I
think that he is tired of us. Is there not some trick in these words
which he has given thee? Is there not some danger behind them? We ought
not to halt, let us go on all night by a new road, and not stop until
daybreak. It is better to part in good health from Jamuka.” “Bortai
talks wisdom,” said Temudjin. He went on then by his own road, aside
from Jamuka, and passed near one camp of the Taidjuts who were
frightened when they saw him; they rose up and hurried away that same
night to Jamuka. Those Taidjuts left in their camp a small boy,
Kokochu. Temudjin’s men found the lad and gave him as a present to
Hoelun.
After this swift, all night’s journey when day came Temudjin’s party
was joined by many Jelairs. Horchi of the Barin clan came then to
Temudjin after daybreak and spoke to him as follows: “I know through a
revelation of the spirit what will happen, and to thee I now tell it:
In a vision I saw a pied cow coming up to Jamuka; she stopped, looked
at him, dug the earth near his yurta and broke off one horn as she was
digging. Then she bellowed very loudly, and cried: ‘Give back my horn,
O Jamuka.’ After that a strong hornless bull came drawing the pins of a
great ruler’s tent behind Temudjin’s kibitka. This great bull lowed as
he traveled, and said: ‘Heaven appoints Temudjin to be lord of
dominion, I am taking his power to him.’ This is what the spirit
revealed in my vision. What delight wilt thou give me for this
revelation?” “When I become lord of dominion, I will make thee
commander of ten thousand,” said Temudjin. “I have told thee much of
high value,” said Horchi. “If thou make me merely commander of ten
thousand what great delight can I get from the office? Make me that,
and let me choose also as wives thirty beautiful maidens wherever I
find them, and give me besides what I ask of thee.” Temudjin nodded,
and Horchi was satisfied.
Next came a number of men from four other clans. These had all left
Jamuka for Temudjin, and joined him at the river Kimurha. And then was
completed a work of great moment: Altan, Huchar and Sachai Baiki took
counsel with all their own kinsmen, and when they had finished they
stood before Temudjin and spoke to him as follows: “We wish to proclaim
thee,” said they. “When thou art Khan we shall be in the front of every
battle against all thy enemies. When we capture beautiful women and
take splendid stallions and mares we will bring all to thee surely, and
when at the hunt thou art beating in wild beasts we will go in advance
of others and give thee the game taken by us. If in battles we
transgress thy commands, or in peace we work harm to thee in any way,
take from us everything, take wives and property and leave us out then
in wild, barren places to perish.” Having sworn thus they proclaimed
Temudjin, and made him Khan over all of them.
Temudjin, now Khan in the land of the four upper rivers, commanded his
comrade Boörchu, whom he called “youngest brother,” together with
Ogelayu, Hochiun, Chedai and Tokolku to carry his bows and his quiver.
Vanguru and Kadan Daldur to dispense food and drink, to be masters of
nourishment. Dagai was made master of shepherds, Guchugur was made
master of kibitkas. Dodai became master of servants. After that he
commanded Kubilai, Chilgutai and Karkaito Kuraun with Kassar his
brother to be swordbearers; his half brother Belgutai with Karal Daito
Kuraun to be masters of horse training. Daichu, Daihut, Morichi and
Muthalhu were to be masters of horseherds. Then he commanded Arkai
Kassar, Tagai and Sukagai Chaurhan to be like near and distant arrows,
that is, messengers to near and distant places. Subotai the Valiant
spoke up then and said: “I will be like an old mouse in snatching, I
will be like a jackdaw in speed, I will be like a saddlecloth to hide
things, I will ward off every enemy, as felt wards off wind, that is
what I shall be for thee.”
Temudjin turned then to Boörchu and Chelmai. “When I was alone,” said
he, “ye two before other men came to me as comrades. I have not
forgotten this. Be ye first in all this assembly.” Then he spoke
further, and said to other men: “To you who have gathered in here after
leaving Jamuka, and have joined me, I declare that if Heaven keeps and
upholds me as hitherto, ye will all be my fortunate helpers and stand
in high honor before me;” then he instructed them how to perform their
new duties.
Temudjin sent Tagai and Sukagai to announce his accession to Togrul of
the Keraits. “It is well,” said Togrul, “that Temudjin is made Khan;
how could ye live even to this time without a commander? Be not false
to the Khan whom ye have chosen.”
Temudjin sent Arkai Kassar and Belgutai with similar tidings to Jamuka
who answered: “Tell Altan and Huchar, Temudjin’s uncle and cousin, that
they by calumnies have parted me now from my anda, and ask them why
they did not proclaim Temudjin when he and I were one person in spirit?
Be ye all active assistants to Temudjin. Let his heart be at rest
through your faithfulness.”
This was the formal official reply, Jamuka’s real answer was given soon
after.
Taichar, a younger brother of Jamuka, was living not far from Mount
Chalma, and a slave of Temudjin, named Darmala, was stopping for a
season at Sari Keher—a slave was considered in the customs of that age
and people as a brother, hence was as a brother in considering a
vendetta and dealing with it—Taichar stole a herd of horses from
Darmala whose assistants feared to follow and restore them, Darmala
rushed alone in pursuit and came up with his herd in the night time;
bending forward to the neck of his horse he sent an arrow into Taichar;
the arrow struck his spine and killed the man straightway. Darmala then
drove back his horses. Jamuka to take vengeance for his brother put
himself at the head of his own and some other clans; with these he
allied himself straightway with Temudjin’s mortal enemies, the
Taidjuts. Three tumans of warriors (30,000) were assembled by Targutai
and Jamuka. They had planned to attack their opponent unexpectedly and
crossed the ridge Alaut Turhau for this purpose. Temudjin, in Gulyalgu
at that time, was informed of this movement by Mulketokah and by Boldai
who were both of them Ikirats. His warriors all told were thirteen
thousand in number and with these he marched forth to meet Targutai and
Jamuka. He was able to choose his own time and he struck the invaders
as suited him. He fought with these enemies at Dalan-baljut and gained
his first triumph, a bloody victory, and immense in its value as
results proved.
Targutai and Jamuka were repulsed with great loss. Their army was
broken and scattered, and many were taken prisoners. After this fierce
encounter Temudjin led his men to a forest not far from the
battleground where he ranged all his prisoners, and selected the main
ones for punishment. Beyond doubt there were many among them of those
who had enticed away people after the poisoning of Yessugai, Temudjin’s
father, men who had left the orphan and acted with Targutai his
bitterest enemy. In seventy, or, as some state, in eighty large
caldrons, he boiled alive those of them who were worthiest of
punishment. The boiling continued each day till he had tortured to
death the most powerful and vindictive among his opponents. This
execution spread terror on all sides, and since Temudjin showed the
greatest kindness to his friends not only during those days, but at all
times and rewarded them to the utmost, hope and fear brought him many
adherents.
The Uruts and Manhuts, the first led by Churchadai, and the second by
Kuyuldar, drew away from Jamuka and joined Temudjin, the new victor.
Munlik of the clan Kuanhotan came also, bringing with him his seven
mighty sons who were immensely great fighters, and venomous. This
Munlik, a son of that Charaha whom one of Targutai’s followers had
wounded to death with a spear thrust, was the man who had brought home
Temudjin from the house of Desaichan his father-in-law when his own
father, Yessugai, was dying.
Soon after the boiling to death of those captives in the forest a
division of the Juriats, that is Jamuka’s own clansmen, came and joined
Temudjin for the following reason: The Juriat lands touched those of
Temudjin’s people, and on a certain day men of both sides were hunting
and the parties met by pure chance in the evening. “Let us pass the
night here with Temudjin,” said some of the Juriats. Others would not
consent, and one half of the party, made up altogether of four hundred,
went home; the other two hundred remained in the forest. Temudjin gave
these men all the meat needed, and kettles in which they could boil it,
he treated them generously and with friendship.
These Juriats halted still longer and hunted with Temudjin’s party.
They received every evening somewhat more of the game than was due
them; at parting they were satisfied with Temudjin’s kindness and
thanked him sincerely. At heart they felt sad, for their position was
painful. They wished greatly to join Temudjin, but desired not to leave
their own people; and on the way home they said to one another as they
traveled: “The Taidjuts are gone, they will not think of us in future.
Temudjin cares for his people and does everything to defend them.” On
reaching home they talked with their elders. “Let us settle still
nearer to Temudjin,” said they, “and obey him, give him service.” “What
harm have the Taidjuts done you?” was the answer. “They are kinsfolk;
how could we become one with their enemy, and leave them?”
Notwithstanding this answer Ulug Bahadur and Tugai Talu with their
kinsmen and dependents went away in a body to Temudjin.
“We have come,” said they, “like a woman bereft of her husband, or a
herd without a master, or a flock without a shepherd. In friendship and
agreement we would live with thee, we would draw our swords to defend
thee, and cut down thy enemies.”
“I was like a sleeping man when ye came to me,” said Temudjin, “ye
pulled me by the forelock and roused me. I was sitting here in sadness,
and ye cheered me, I will do what I can now to satisfy your wishes.” He
made various rules and arrangements which pleased them, and they were
satisfied perfectly, at least for a season.
Temudjin wished to strengthen his position still further, and desired
to win to his alliance Podu who was chief of the Kurulats, whose lands
were adjacent to the Argun. This chief was renowned as an archer and a
warrior. Temudjin offered him his sister in marriage. The offer was
accepted with gladness. Podu was ready to give Temudjin half his
horses, and proffered them.
“Oh,” said Temudjin, “thou and I will not mention either taking or
giving; we two are brothers and allies, not traffickers or traders. Men
in the old time have said that one heart and one soul cannot be in two
bodies, but this is just what in our case I shall show to all people as
existing. I desire nothing of thee and thy people, but friendship. I
wish to extend my dominion and only ask faithful help from my sister’s
husband and his tribesmen.” The marriage took place and Podu was his
ally.
Soon after this first group of Juriats had joined Temudjin, some more
of their people discussed at a meeting as follows: “The Taidjuts
torment us unreasonably, they give us nothing whatever, while Temudjin
takes the coat from his back and presents it. He comes down from the
horse which he has mounted and gives that same horse to the needy. He
is a genuine leader, he is to all as a father. His is the best governed
country.” This fraction also joined Temudjin.
Another marriage to be mentioned was that of Temudjin’s mother to
Munlik, son of Charáha, and father of the seven brothers—the great
fighters. All these accessions of power, and his victory so
strengthened Temudjin and rejoiced him that he made for his mother and
step-mothers and kinsfolk, with all the new people, a feast near the
river Onon, in a forest. At this feast feminine jealousy touching
position, and the stealing of a bridle, brought about a dispute and an
outbreak. In spite of Temudjin’s power and authority an encounter took
place at the feast which caused one chief, Sidje Bijhi of the Barins,
to withdraw with his party. He withdrew not from the feast alone, but
from his alliance with Temudjin.
The quarrel began in this way: Temudjin sent a jar of mare’s milk first
of all to his mother, to Kassar and to Sachai Baiki. Thereupon Holichin
and Hurchin, his two step-mothers grew angry. “Why not give milk to us
before those people, why not give milk to us at the same time with
Temudjin’s mother?” asked they as they struck Shikiur who was master of
provisions. This striking brought on a disturbance. Thereupon Temudjin
commanded his half brother, Belgutai, to mount his horse and keep order
and take Buri Buga on the part of the Churkis to help him. A man of the
Hadjin clan and connected with the Churkis stole a bridle and was
discovered by Belgutai who stopped him. Buri Buga, feeling bound to
defend this man, cut through Belgutai’s shoulder piece, wounding him
badly.
Belgutai made no complaint when his blood flowed. Temudjin, who was
under a tree looking on, noted everything. “Why suffer such treatment?”
inquired he of Belgutai. “I am wounded,” said Belgutai, “but the wound
is not serious; cousins should not quarrel because of me.” Temudjin
broke a branch from the tree, seized a milk paddle, sprang himself at
the Churkis and beat them; then seizing his step-mothers he brought
them back to their places, and to reason.
The two Juriat parties which had joined Temudjin grew cool in
allegiance soon after that feast at the river. They were brought to
this state of mind beyond doubt by intrigues of Jamuka; next they
fought with each other, and finally deserted.
Jamuka was a man of immense power in plotting, and one who never ceased
to pursue his object. Temudjin tried to win some show of kindness from
Jamuka. In other words he made every effort to subdue him by deep
subtle cunning, but all efforts proved fruitless. These men were bound
to win power. Without power life was no life for either one of the two
master tricksters. Whatever his action or seeming at any time Jamuka
was Temudjin’s mortal enemy always. He kept undying hatred in his
heart, and was ever planning some blow at his rival. When the Juriats
were at their best he was plotting, when they were scattered and weak
and had in part gone to Temudjin he was none the less active and made
common cause with the enemies of his opponent wherever he could find
them. Temudjin cared for no man or woman, and for no thing on earth if
opposed to his plans of dominion.
CHAPTER III
WANG KHAN OF THE KERAITS
A fresh opportunity came now to Temudjin to beat down an enemy and
strengthen himself at the same time. The Kin Emperor sent Wang Kin, his
minister, with an army against the Lake Buyur Tartars since they would
neither do what he wished, nor pay tribute. Not having strength to
resist, they moved to new places, higher up on the Ulcha. Temudjin
acted now in a double manner; on the one hand he seemed as if helping
the Kin sovereign and represented his action to the Golden Khan’s
minister in that way. Meanwhile when assembling his intimates he said:
“Those Buyur men killed both my father and uncle; now is the time to
attack them, not to help the Kin sovereign, but to avenge our own
people.” To Togrul he sent in great haste this statement: “The Golden
Khan is pursuing the Lake Buyur Tartars; those men are thy enemies and
mine, so do thou help me, my father.”
Togrul came with aid quickly. Temudjin sent to Sachai Baiki and Daichu
of the Churkis and asked help of them also. He waited six days for
reinforcements, but no man appeared from the Churkis. Thereupon he with
Togrul marched down the Ulcha and fell on the Tartars. He was on one
bank, and Togrul on the other. The Tartars could not retreat since the
Golden Khan’s men were pursuing, so they raised a strong fortress
against them. Temudjin and Togrul broke into this fortress; many
Tartars were slain, and many captured, among them their leader.
Temudjin put this man to death in revenge for his father. Immense booty
was taken by Temudjin and his ally in captives, in cattle and property
of all sorts; among other things taken was a silver cradle and a cloth
of gold which lay over it. Temudjin received praise for his action.
Without striking a blow the Kin minister had accomplished his mission,
and later he took to himself, before his sovereign, the merit of making
Togrul and Temudjin do his work for him. He gave Temudjin the title
Chao Huri, and to Togrul the title of Wang Khan was given. “I am
thankful,” said the minister. “When I return I will report all to my
sovereign, and win for you a still higher title.” Then he departed.
Temudjin, and Togrul now Wang Khan, and thus we shall call him
hereafter, went to their own places also.
In the captured Tartar camp a boy was discovered; he had a gold ring in
his nose, around his waist was a belt edged with sable and it had
golden tassels. They took the lad straightway to Hoelun, who made him
her sixth son, and named him. He was known ever after as Shigi Kutuku.
Temudjin had left at Halil Lake many people; while he was absent the
Churkis stripped fifty of these men, tore their clothes off, and slew
ten of them. Temudjin was enraged at this action.
“Why endure deeds of this kind from the Churkis?” exclaimed he. “At our
feast in the forest they cut Belgutai in the shoulder. When I was
avenging my father and uncle they would not give aid to us, they went
to our enemies and helped them, now I will punish those people
befittingly.”
So he led out his men to ruin the Churkis. At Dolon Boldau on the
Kerulon he captured every Churki warrior except Sachai Baiki, and
Daichu who rushed away empty-handed. Temudjin hunted these two men
untiringly till he caught them. “We have not done what we promised,”
said they in reply to his questions. They stretched out their necks as
they said this, and Temudjin cut their heads off. He returned after
that to Dolon Boldau and led off into slavery what remained of the
Churkis.
The origin of the Churkis was as follows: Kabul Khan, Temudjin’s great
grandfather, had seven sons. Of these the eldest was Okin Barka. Kabul
chose strong, daring, skilled archers and gave them as attendants to
Okin Barka. No matter where they went those attendants vanquished all
who opposed them, and at last no man dared vie with such champions,
hence they received the name Churki.
Kabul Khan’s second son, Bartan, was father of Yessugai, Temudjin’s
supposed father. Kabul’s grandson, child of his third son Munlair, was
Buri Buga the comrade of the grandsons of Okin Barka. Buri Buga had
given his adhesion to the Khan much earlier than others, but he
remained independent in feeling, hence Temudjin did not trust him.
Though no man among Mongols could equal Buri Buga in strength or in
wrestling he did not escape a cruel death. Sometime after the reduction
of the Churkis Temudjin commanded Belgutai and Buri Buga to wrestle in
his presence. Whenever Belgutai wrestled with Buri Buga the latter was
able with one leg and one hand to hold him as still as if lifeless.
This time Buri Buga, who feigned to be beaten, fell with his face to
the earth under Belgutai, who having him down turned toward Temudjin
for direction. Temudjin bit his lower lip; Belgutai knew what this sign
meant, and putting his knee to the spine of Buri Buga seized his neck
with both hands, and broke the backbone of his opponent.
“I could not lose in this struggle,” said the dying Buri Buga, “but,
fearing the Khan, I feigned defeat, and then yielded, and now thou hast
taken my life from me.”
At this time Talaigutu, a man of the Jelairs who had three sons,
commanded the eldest, named Gunua with his two sons, Mukuli and Buga to
go to Temudjin and say to him: “These sons of mine will serve thee
forever. If they leave thy doors draw from their legs all the sinews
within them, after that cut their hearts out, and also their livers.”
Then Talaigutu commanded Chilaun, his second son, to present himself
with Tunge and Hashi his own two sons, and speak as follows: “Let these
my sons guard thy golden doors carefully. If they fail take their lives
from them.” After that Talaigutu gave Chebke his third son to
Temudjin’s brother, Kassar. Chebke had found in the camp of the Churki
a boy, Boroul, whom he gave to Hoelun. Hoelun having placed the four
boys: Kuichu, Kokochu, Shigi Kutuku, and Boroul with her own children,
watched over all with her eyes during daylight, and listened to them
with her ears in the night time; thus did she rear them.
Who was Togrul of the Keraits, known better as Wang Khan? This is a
question of deep interest in the history of the Mongols, for this man
had great transactions with Temudjin, he had much to do also with
Yessugai, Temudjin’s father. Markuz Buyuruk, Togrul’s grandfather, who
ruled in his day, was captured by Naur, a Tartar chieftain, and sent to
the Kin emperor who had him nailed to a wooden ass, and then chopped
into pieces. His widow resolved to take vengeance on Naur for this
dreadful death of her husband. She set out some time later on to give a
feigned homage to Naur and to marry him if possible, as was stated in
confidence by some of her servitors. She brought to Naur a hundred
sheep and ten mares, besides a hundred large cowskins holding, as was
said, distilled mare’s milk, but each skin held in fact a well armed
living warrior.
A feast was given straightway by Naur during which the hundred men were
set free from the cowskins, and, aided by attendants of the widow, they
slew the Khan and his household.
Markuz left four sons, the two most distinguished were Kurja Kuz and
Gurkhan. Kurja Kuz succeeded his father. Togrul succeeded Kurja Kuz his
own father by slaying two uncles, besides a number of cousins. Gurkhan,
his remaining uncle, fled and found asylum with Inanji, Taiyang of the
neighboring Naimans, whom he roused to assist him. Gurkhan then with
the Naiman troops drove out Togrul and made himself ruler. Togrul,
attended by a hundred men, went to Yessugai and implored aid of him.
Yessugai reinstated Togrul, and forced Gurkhan to flee to Tangut.
Togrul vowed endless friendship to his ally and became to him a sworn
friend or “anda.” When Yessugai was poisoned by Tartars, Temudjin his
son, a boy at that time, lost authority and suffered for years from the
Taidjuts. Togrul gave help and harbored him. After that, as has been
already related, when Temudjin had married and the Merkits stole his
wife, Togrul assisted in restoring her, and with her a part of
Temudjin’s people. In 1194 he was given the title Wang Khan. Later his
brother expelled him, and this time he fled to the Uigurs, but sought
aid in vain from the Idikut, or ruler, of that people. He led a
wretched life for some time without resource or property, and lived, as
is stated, on milk from a small herd of goats, his sole sustenance. He
learned at last that Temudjin had grown in power, hence he begged aid
from him, and got it.
Temudjin gave Wang Khan cattle and in the autumn of that year, 1196,
made a feast for this his old benefactor, and promised to consider him
thenceforth as a father, and to help him as an ally.
In 1197 the two allies defeated the Barins, seizing Sidje Bijhi and
Taidju their leader. That same year they fell upon the Merkits, a
nation of four tribes ruled then by Tukta Bijhi. One of these tribes
was defeated near the Selinga. Temudjin let Wang Khan keep all the
booty taken. Wang Khan in 1198, the year following, undertook
unassisted a war against the Merkits, captured Jilaun, the son of Tukta
Bijhi, and slew Tugun, another son. He took also Kutu, Tukta’s brother.
He seized all Jilaun’s herds and people, but gave no part of this booty
to Temudjin.
In 1199 the two allies marched to attack the Naimans, a people strong
and famous while under Buga Khan, an able ruler, but when this Khan
died his two sons, to gain a certain concubine left by their father,
began a murderous quarrel, which brought about the division of the
country. The elder man, Baibuga, called Taiyang, [5] by his subjects
and his neighbors, retained the level country, while Buiruk, his
brother, took mountain places. Each ruled alone, and each was an enemy
of the other. Wang Khan and Temudjin, remembering former robberies by
the Naimans, and wishing too to add wealth and power to what they
themselves had, attacked Buiruk at Kizil Bash near the Altai. They
seized many captives and much precious booty. Buiruk then moved
westward followed closely by the allies and fighting with great vigor.
One of his leaders, Edetukluk, who brought up the rear guard, fought
till his men were all slain, or made prisoners. He struggled alone then
till his saddle girth burst, and he was captured.
After this the allies came in contact with Gugsu Seirak, another of the
Naiman commanders, who had much greater forces and had chosen his
position. This man had plundered Wang Khan’s brother somewhat earlier
and a portion of his kinsfolk. The allies had met him already, and
hoped now to crush him. They would have attacked him immediately, but
since evening was near they chose to wait till next morning for battle.
Jamuka, ever ready to injure Temudjin, went to Wang Khan and made him
believe that he was on the eve of betrayal, and would be ruined by
Temudjin and the Naimans. Wang Khan set out for home that night.
Temudjin thus deserted was forced to withdraw which he did unobserved.
Gugsu Seirak followed Wang Khan in hot haste and overtook his two
brothers. He captured their families, as well as their property and
cattle. Then he entered Wang Khan’s land and found there rich booty of
all kinds. Wang Khan sent Sengun, his son, to meet Seirak; meanwhile he
hurried off messengers to Temudjin, and begged of him assistance.
Temudjin considering the plight of his ally, but still more his own
peril should Wang Khan’s men be routed and captured by the Naimans,
sent his four ablest chiefs to assist him. These were Boörchu, Mukuli,
Boroul and Jilaun. These four led their men by hurried marches, and had
just reached the battle-ground when Wang Khan’s force was broken, his
best leaders killed and Sengun, his son, on a lame wounded stallion,
was fleeing. All the Khan’s property had been taken by the Naimans.
Boörchu dashed up with all speed to Sengun, gave him the horse on which
he himself had ridden up to that moment and sat then on the gray steed
which Temudjin had given him as a mark of great favor. He was not to
strike this horse for any reason; he had merely to rub the whip along
his mane to make him rush with lightning speed during action.
Boörchu sent forward his fresh troops, chosen warriors, and next he
rallied Sengun’s scattered forces to help them against the Naimans. The
Naimans, drunk with victory and not thinking of defeat, were soon
brought to their senses. Temudjin’s heroes recovered everything
snatched from Wang Khan’s people, both horses and property. Wang Khan
on the field there thanked his firm ally and thanked the four splendid
leaders in the warmest words possible. He gave Boörchu ten golden
goblets and a mantle of honor; he rewarded others with very great
bounty, and said as they were leaving him: “Once I appeared as a
fugitive, naked and hungry; Temudjin received me, he nourished and
clothed me. How can I thank my magnificent son for his goodness? In
former days Yessugai brought back my people, and now Temudjin has sent
his four heroes; with Heaven’s help they have vanquished the Naimans,
and saved me; I will think of these benefits, and never forget them.”
When the old Khan had gone back to his yurta and all had grown quiet on
every side Temudjin went to visit his “father” and “anda.” At the Black
Forest the two men expressed to each other their feelings, and at last
Temudjin described with much truth, and very carefully, though with few
words, the real position:
“I cannot live on in safety without thy assistance, my father. The
Naimans on one side and my false, plotting relatives on the other,
afflict me. My relatives rouse up the Taidjuts and every enemy against
me, but seeing thy love for me they know that while thou art alive and
unchanged, and art ruling they cannot destroy me. Thou too, O my
father, canst not live on in safety without my firm friendship. Without
me thy false brothers and cousins, assisted by their allies, would
split up thy people and snatch thy dominion. They would kill thee
unless by swift flight thou wert able to save thyself from ruin.
Sengun, thy son, would gain nothing, he too would be swept both from
power and existence, though he does not see this at present. I am his
best stay, as well as thine, O my father. Thou art my greatest stay too
and support. Without thee all my enemies would rise up at once to
overwhelm me, but were I gone, and my power in their hands thy power
would pass soon to thy deadliest enemies, thy relatives. Our one way to
keep power and live on in safety is through a friendship which nothing
can shatter. That friendship exists now, and we need only proclaim it.
Were I thy elder son all would be quiet and settled for both of us.”
When Wang Khan was alone he spoke thus to himself and considered: “I am
old, to whom shall I leave the direction of my people? My younger
brothers are without lofty qualities; my brother Jaganbo is also unable
to stand against enemies. Sengun is the only man left me, but whatever
Sengun’s merits may be I will make Temudjin his elder brother. With
these two sons to help me I may live on securely.”
At the Black Forest Temudjin became elder son to Wang Khan. Up to that
time he had called the old chieftain his father through friendship,
because he and Yessugai had both been his “andas” and allies. Now Wang
Khan and Temudjin used the words “son” and “father” in conversing and
with their real value. This adoption of Temudjin excluded Sengun in
reality from the earliest inheritance, and Temudjin knew well, of
course, that immense opposition would come from Sengun and Jamuka.
“We shall fight side by side in war against enemies,” said Wang Khan to
his new elder son. “In going against wild beasts we are to hunt with
common forces. If men try to raise quarrels between us we will lend no
ear to anyone, and believe only when we have met and talked carefully
together over everything, and proved it.” Thus they decided, and their
friendship on that day was perfect.
The crushing defeat of the Naimans, which lowered them much,
immediately raised Temudjin above every rival. Jamuka’s plotting had
turned against himself most completely, and if he had planned to help
Temudjin he could not have helped better. Somewhat later Juchi Kassar
snatched another victory from the Naimans, and weakened them further.
Tukta Bijhi, the Merkit chief, sent Ordjank and Kutu, his brothers, to
rouse up the Taidjuts afresh against Temudjin. Ongku and Hakadju took
arms and made ready to help Targutai, the Taidjut chief, with Kudodar
and Kurul.
Temudjin and Wang Khan marched in the spring of 1200 and met those
opponents at the edge of the great Gobi desert, where they crushed them
completely. Targutai and Kudodar were both slain. Targutai was the man
who had acted so bitterly against Temudjin after his father was
poisoned. This Taidjut leader fell now at the hand of Jilaun, a son of
that same Sorhan Shira, who had rescued Temudjin from the river Onon,
taken the kang from his neck and hidden him under wool racks. Hakadju
and Ongku, who had helped on this war by enabling Tukta Bijhi to rouse
up the Taidjuts fled now to Bargudjin with Tukta Bijhi’s two brothers,
while Kurul found a refuge with the Naimans. Still this defeat did not
end Taidjut rancor. The Katkins and Saljuts shared also this hatred.
Temudjin strove however, to win them, and sent an envoy with this
message: “Each Mongol clan should support me, I then could protect all
without exception.” This envoy was insulted; some snatched entrails
from a pot and slapped his face with them; they struck him right and
left and drove him off amid jeers, and loud howling.
These people knew clearly, of course, that after insults of that kind
they were in great danger. The Taidjuts had been crushed, and still
earlier the Naimans. The blow which was sure to come soon would strike
them unsparingly, hence they formed a league quickly and met at
Arabulak with some of the Jelairs, the Durbans, the Kunkurats, and
Tartars. These five peoples killed with swords a stallion, a bull, a
dog, a ram and a he-goat. “O Heaven and earth hear our words and bear
witness,” cried they at the sacrifice: “We swear by the blood of these
victims, themselves chiefs of races, that we deserve death in this same
manner if we keep not the promise made here to-day.” They vowed then to
guard each secret faithfully, and attack the allies without warning or
mercy.
Temudjin was advised of the pact and the oath by Dayin Noyon a Kunkurat
chieftain, hence he had time to meet those confederates near Buyar
Lake, where he dispersed them after fighting a fierce, stubborn battle.
Somewhat later he met a detachment of Taidjuts and some Merkits near
the Timurha and crushed them also. Meanwhile the Kunkurats ceased their
resistance, and set out to join Temudjin, but Kassar, his brother, not
knowing their purpose, attacked and defeated them. They turned
thereupon to Jamuka and joined his forces.
In 1201 the Katkins and Saljuts with Kunkurats, Juriats, Ikirats,
Kurulats, Durbans and Tartars met at Alhuibula and chose Jamuka for
their Khan. They went after that to the Tula and took this oath in
assembly: “Should any man disclose these our plans may he fall as this
earth falls, and be cut off as these branches are cut off.” With that
they pushed down a part of the river bank, and hacked off with their
sabres the branches of a tree. They made plans then to surprise
Temudjin when unguarded, and slay him.
A certain man named Kuridai, who had been present at the oath taking,
slipped away home and told the whole tale to his brother-in-law,
Mergitai, a Kurulat, who happened in at the yurta. Mergitai insisted
that Kuridai should gallop off swiftly to Gulyalgu and explain the plot
to Temudjin since he, Kuridai, with his own ears had heard it. “Take my
gray horse with stumpy ears, he will bear thee in safety,” said
Mergitai. Kuridai mounted and rode away swiftly. On the road he was
captured by a sentry, but that sentry, a Kurulat also, was devoted soul
and body in secret to Temudjin, so not only did he free Kuridai when he
heard of his errand, but he gave him his own splendid stallion. “On
this horse,” said the Kurulat, “thou canst overtake any man, but no man
on another beast could overtake thee.”
Kuridai hurried off. On the way he saw warriors bearing a splendid
white tent for Jamuka. Some attendants of these men pursued him, but
soon he was swept out of sight by the stallion. In due time he found
Temudjin, who on hearing the tidings sprang quickly to action. He sent
men to Wang Khan who brought his army with promptness and the two
allies marched down the Kerulon against their opponent.
Jamuka who intended to fall unawares on his rival was caught himself at
a place called Edekurgan. While he was marshalling his forces Buiruk
and Kuduk, his two shamans, raised a wind and made rain fall to strike
in the face Temudjin and his allies, but the wind and rain turned on
Jamuka. The air became dark and the men tumbled into ravines, and over
rough places. “Heaven is not gracious to-day,” said Jamuka, “that is
why this misfortune is meeting us.” His army was scattered. The Naimans
and others then left him, and, taking those who had proclaimed him,
Jamuka withdrew down the river.
Wang Khan pursued Jamuka while Temudjin followed Autchu of the
Taidjuts, and those who went with him. Autchu escaped, hurried home,
rallied his people, crossed the Onon and began action. After many
encounters there was a fierce all day battle with Temudjin, then both
sides promised to hold their places that night on the battle-ground.
Temudjin had been wounded in the neck and had fainted from blood loss.
Chelmai, his attendant and comrade, sucked out the blood which was
stiffening, and likely to choke him. The chief regained consciousness
at midnight. Chelmai had stripped himself naked, to escape the more
easily if captured, and stolen into the enemy’s camp to find mare’s
milk, but found only cream which he took with such deftness that no one
noted him either while coming or going. He went then for water, mixed
the thick cream with it, and had a drink ready. Temudjin drank with
much eagerness, drawing three breaths very deeply, and stopped only
after the third one. “My eyes have gained sight,” said he, “my soul is
now clear again.”
With these words he rose to a sitting position. While he was sitting
there day dawned, and he saw a great patch of stiff blood there by his
bedside. “What is this?” asked he, “why is that blood so near me?” “I
did not think of far or near,” answered Chelmai, “I feared to go from
thee, even as matters were I both spat blood and swallowed it—. Not a
little of thy blood has gone into my stomach in spite of me.”
“When I was in those great straits,” asked Temudjin, who now understood
what had taken place, “how hadst thou courage to steal to the enemy all
naked? If they had caught thee wouldst thou not have said that I was
here wounded?” “If they had caught me I should have told them that I
had surrendered to them, but that thou hadst then seized me, and
learning that I had surrendered hadst stripped me and wert just ready
to cut off my head when I sprang away, and ran to them for refuge. They
would have believed every word, given me clothes, and sent me to labor.
I should have stolen a horse soon and ridden back to thee.” “When the
Merkits were seeking my life on Mount Burhan,” said Temudjin, “thou
didst defend it, now thou hast sucked stiffened blood from my neck and
saved me. When I was dying of thirst thou didst risk thy own life to
get drink and restore me, I shall not forget while I live these great
services.”
Temudjin saw next day that Jamuka’s men had scattered in the night
while his own men were still on the battle-ground. He hunted after the
enemy then for some distance; all at once on a hill a woman dressed in
red was heard shouting: “Temudjin! Temudjin!” very loudly. He sent to
learn who she was, and why she was shouting. “I am Kadan, the daughter
of Sorgan Shira,” said the woman. “The people have tried to cut down my
husband, and I was calling Temudjin to defend him.”
Temudjin sent quickly to save Kadan’s husband, but he was dead when
they found him. Temudjin then called Kadan to sit at his side, because
of the time when she guarded him under wood-packs at her father’s. One
day later Sorgan Shira himself came to Temudjin. “Why come so late?”
inquired Temudjin. “I have been always on thy side,” replied Sorgan,
“and anxious to join thee, but if I had come earlier the Taidjuts would
have killed all my relatives.”
Temudjin pursued farther, and when he had killed Autchu’s children and
grandchildren he passed with his warriors to Hubahai where he spent
that winter. In 1202 Temudjin moved in spring against those strong
Tartars east of him. That people inhabited the region surrounding Buyur
Lake and east of it, hence they were neighbors of the Juichis of that
day, known as Manchus in our time. Those Tartars had seventy thousand
yurtas and formed six divisions. Their conflicts with each other were
frequent, and each tribe plundered every other. Between these Buyur
Tartars and the Mongols bitter feuds raged at all times. Temudjin fell
on two tribes called Iltchi and Chagan. Before the encounter he
instructed his warriors very strictly: “Hunt down those people, when ye
conquer slay without pity, sparing no man. Touch no booty till the
action is over; after that all will be honestly divided.” He heard
later on that Kudjeir and Daritai his two uncles, with Altan his cousin
had disregarded this order and seized what they came upon. He deprived
these men straightway of all that they had taken, and when a division
was made at the end of the struggle no part was given them. Through
this strictness and punishment Temudjin lost the goodwill of those
chiefs who opposed him in secret and confirmed later on the great
rupture made between him and Wang Khan by Jamuka.
Temudjin had slain many Tartars in this conflict and captured most of
the survivors, now he counseled with his relatives as to what should be
done with those captives. “They deserve punishment,” said he; “they
killed our grand-uncle and our father. Let us slay every male who is
higher than the hub of a cart wheel. When that is done we must make
slaves of the others and divide them between us.” All who were present
accepted this method. The question being settled in that way Belgutai
went from the council.
“What have ye fixed on to-day?” inquired Aike Cheran, a Tartar captive
belonging to Belgutai. “To kill every male of you, who is higher than
the hub of a cart wheel,” said Belgutai. The other prisoners on
learning this broke out and fled, never stopping till they reached a
strong place in the mountains and seized it.
“Go and capture their stronghold,” commanded Temudjin. This was done
with much trouble and bloodshed. The Tartars fought with desperation
and were slain to the last one, but many of Temudjin’s choicest
warriors were lost in the slaughter. “Belgutai told the enemy our
secrets,” said Temudjin, “many good men have perished because of this.
Belgutai is excluded from council, hereafter let him stay out of doors
and guard against thefts, fights and quarrels. Belgutai and Daritai may
come to us only when counsels are ended.”
When Temudjin had killed all the male Tartars who were higher than the
hub of a cart wheel he took as wife Aisugan, a daughter of that same
Aike Cheran who had put the question to Belgutai. Aisugan gained
Temudjin’s confidence quickly; she pleased him and soon she said to
him: “I have an elder sister, Aisui, a beauty; she ought to be the
Khan’s consort. Though she is just married I cannot tell where she is
but we might find her.”
“If she is a beauty,” said Temudjin, “I will find her. Wilt thou give
then thy place to thy sister?” “I will give it as soon as I see her,”
said Aisugan. Temudjin sent men to search out Aisui. They found her in
a forest where she was hiding with her husband. The husband fled, and
Aisui was taken to Temudjin. Aisugan gave her place to her sister. One
day Temudjin was sitting near the door of his tent with these sisters,
and drinking. Noting that Aisui sighed deeply suspicion sprang up in
him. He commanded Mukuli, and others in attendance, to arrange the
people present according to the places which they occupied. When all
were reckoned one young man was found unconnected with any ulus, or
community. “What man art thou?” inquired Temudjin. “I am Aisui’s
husband,” replied the young stranger. “When they took her I fled, now
all is settled and ended, I came hither thinking that no man would note
me in a great throng of people.”
“Thou art a son of my enemy,” said Temudjin. “Thou hast come to spy out
and discover. I killed thy people and find no cause to spare thee more
than others.” Temudjin had the man’s head cut off.
The Merkit chief, Tukta Bijhi, came back from Lake Baikal and attacked
Temudjin, but was baffled. He turned then to Buiruk of the Naimans who
joined a confederacy of Katkins, Durbans, Saljuts and Uirats together
with Merkits and moved in 1202, near the autumn, with a strong force to
strike Temudjin who was supported by Wang Khan, his old ally. Because
of the season Temudjin retired to mountain lands near the Kitan (North
Chinese) border, his plan being to lure on the enemy to dangerous high
passes where attacks and bad weather might ruin them. The confederates
followed fast through the mountains and skirmished, but before they
could fight a real battle, wind and snow with dense fog, brought on, as
was said, by magicians, struck them all and stopped action. The
confederates were forced to retreat greatly weakened; they lost men and
horses killed by falling in the fog over precipices, while multitudes
perished in wild places from frost and bitter cold. Jamuka was moving
on to join the Naimans, but when he saw the sad plight of the
confederates he fell to plundering a part of them, and after he had
taken good booty from the Saljuts and the Katkins he encamped near
Temudjin and his ally, observed very closely what was happening, and
waited.
Temudjin and Wang Khan passed the winter on level land near the
mountains where snow served as water. While there he asked in marriage
Wang Khan’s granddaughter, Chaur Bijhi, for his own eldest son, Juchi,
and Wang Khan mentioned Temudjin’s daughter, Kutchin Bijhi, for
Sengun’s son Kush Buga. These two marriage contracts, agreed on at
first, were broken later for various not well explained reasons. Jamuka
was beyond doubt the great cause in this matter, and raised the whole
quarrel. This rupture was followed by wrangling and coolness between
the two allies, thus giving a still further chance to Jamuka. As he had
never been able to estrange Wang Khan thoroughly from Temudjin he
turned now in firm confidence to Sengun. He conquered Wang Khan’s son
and heir with the following statements: “Temudjin has grown strong, and
desires to be the greatest among men. He has determined to be the one
ruler, he cannot be this unless he destroys thy whole family, he has
resolved to destroy it, and he will do so unless thou prevent him.
Temudjin has made a firm pact with thy enemy Baibuga, Taiyang of the
Naimans; he is to get help from Baibuga, and is only waiting for the
moment to ruin thy father, that done he will seize and kill thee, he
will take thy whole country, and keep it.”
In this way Jamuka filled Sengun’s heart with great fear and keen
hatred, feelings strengthened immensely by Temudjin’s uncles, Daritai
and Kudjeir, who, with Altan, his cousin, were enraged at the loss of
their booty, and for other reasons. These men declared that every word
uttered by Jamuka was true. A great plot was formed, and directed by
Jamuka, to surprise Temudjin and kill him. Jamuka, who was watching
events and working keenly, took with him Altan and others, at the end
of 1202, and went again to Sengun, who was then living north of
Checheher, and while attacking Temudjin spoke as follows: “Envoys are
moving continually between Temudjin and the Naimans; those envoys are
fixing the conditions of thy ruin. All this time Temudjin is talking of
the ties between himself and thy father whom he calls his ‘father’
also. Thy father has made Temudjin his elder son. Thou art now
Temudjin’s younger brother, and hast lost thy inheritance, soon thou
wilt lose thy life also. Unless thou destroy this man, very quickly he
will kill thee. Dost thou not see this?”
When Jamuka had finished, Sengun went at once to his friends to explain
and take counsel. “If we are to end him, I myself will fall on his
flank. Say the word, I will do so immediately. For thee we will slay
Hoelun’s children to the last one,” said Altan and Kudjeir. “I will
destroy him hand and foot,” said Ebugechin. “No, take his people,” said
another, “what can he do without people? Whatever thy wish be, Sengun,
I will climb to the highest top with thee, and go to the lowest bottom
when needed.”
Sengun listened to his comrades and Jamuka. He sent Saihan Todai to
report their discourses to his father. “Why think thus of my elder son,
Temudjin?” asked Wang Khan as an answer. “We have trusted him thus far.
If we hold unjust, evil thoughts touching him, Heaven will turn from
us. Jamuka has been thousand-tongued always and is unworthy of credit.”
Thus Wang Khan rejected all the words sent him. Sengun again sent a
message: “Every man who has a mouth with a tongue in it speaks even as
I do, why not believe what is evident?”
Again Wang Khan answered that he could not agree with them. Sengun then
went himself to his father: “To-day thou art living,” said he, “but
still this Temudjin accounts thee as nothing. When thou art dead will
he let me rule the people assembled by thee and thy father with such
effort? Will he even leave life to me?” “My son,” said Wang Khan, “how
am I to renounce my own promise and counsel? We have trusted Temudjin
up to this time. If without cause we think evil now of him, how can
Heaven favor us?” Sengun turned in anger from his father. Wang Khan
called him back to remonstrate. “It is clear, O my son,” said he, “that
Heaven does not favor us. Thou wilt reject Temudjin no matter what I
tell thee, thou wilt act in thy own way, I see that, but victory, if
thou win it, must be thine through thy own work and fortune.”
Sengun turned to his father for the last time: “Think on this scourge
risen against us,” said he. “If thou stop not this Temudjin we are
lost, thou and I, without hope; if thou spare him, we shall both die
very soon. We must put an end to the man, or be ruined. He will kill
thee first of all, and then my turn will come very quickly.”
Wang Khan would hear nothing of this murder; he would at least have no
part in it. But strongly pressed by his son he said finally: “If ye do
such a deed ye must be alone in it. Keep away from me strictly.”
Temudjin’s death was the great object now for Sengun and Jamuka.
Temudjin’s uncles and one of his cousins were in the plot also. Sengun
himself formed the plan and described it in these words very clearly:
“Some time ago,” said he, “Temudjin asked our daughter for his eldest
son, Juchi; we did not give her at that time, but now we will send to
him saying that we accept his proposal. We will make a great feast of
betrothal and invite him. If he comes to it we will seize the vile
traitor and kill him.”
When they had settled on this plan Sengun sent envoys to Temudjin
accepting the marriage proposals, and inviting him to the feast of
betrothal. Temudjin accepted and set out with attendants. On the way he
stopped at the house of Munlik his stepfather, the husband of Hoelun.
Munlik became thoughtful and serious as he heard of the invitation.
“When we asked for their maiden,” said he, “they were haughty and
refused her; why invite now to a feast of betrothal? Better not go to
them; excuse thyself saying that thou hast no beast fit to travel, that
it is spring and thy horses are all out at pasture.”
Temudjin agreed with Munlik and instead of going himself sent Bugatai
with Kilatai to the festival, and returned home very quickly. When
Sengun saw the two men sent as substitutes he knew at once that
Temudjin had seen through his stratagem. He called a council
immediately. “We must act quickly now,” said he. “We will move with all
force against Temudjin to-morrow, but send, meanwhile, a strong party
to seize him while south of Mount Mao.” Aike Charan, who was Altan’s
youngest brother and one of Wang Khan’s chosen leaders, had been at the
council. He hastened home that same evening and told his wife, Alikai,
Sengun’s entire stratagem. “They have settled at last to capture the
Khan,” said he, “and to-morrow they will seize him. If some man
to-night would warn Temudjin his reward would be enormous.” “Speak not
idle words,” said the woman. “Our servants may hear thee, and think thy
talk serious.”
Badai, a horseherd who had just brought in mare’s milk, overheard Aike
Charan and the answer of Alikai. He turned at once and told Kishlik. “I
too will listen,” said Kishlik who was his comrade. Kishlik went in
then and saw Aike Charan’s son, Narinkeyan, whittling arrows and
looking at his parents. “Which of our servants,” asked he, “should lose
his tongue lest he tell what ye have said to each other?” Kishlik heard
these words, though Narinkeyan did not know it. “Oh Kishlik,” said
Narinkeyan, turning to the horseherd, “Bring me in the white horse and
the gray one, I will go riding to-morrow.”
Kishlik went out quickly. “Thou hast told the truth,” said he to Badai.
“We must ride now tremendously, thou and I, we must ride to-night to
Temudjin and save him, tell him everything.” They ran to the pasture,
caught both horses and rode off without seeing Narinkeyan. They
reported all to Temudjin, told him Aike Charan’s whole story and the
words of Narinkeyan.
Temudjin summoned his trustiest servants immediately and hurried off to
the northern side of Mount Mao. Chelmai he commanded to follow and
watch every movement of the on-marching enemy. At noon the next day
Temudjin halted briefly and two horseherds, Alchidai and Chidai,
brought in tidings that the enemy was advancing very swiftly. A great
dust cloud was rising up from them and was visible on the south of
Mount Mao. Temudjin hurried on till he reached Kalanchin, a place
selected by him for battle. There he stopped, disposed all his forces,
and assembled his leaders.
Meanwhile Sengun with Wang Khan, who had at last by much urging been
persuaded to join this expedition, were advancing at all the speed
possible, and soon men could see them. They halted at once for battle.
“Who are the best men among Temudjin’s warriors?” asked Wang Khan of
Jamuka. “The Uruts and Manhuts are best,” said Jamuka, “they are never
disordered; they have used swords and spears from their boyhood. When
they strike thou wilt see dreadful fighting.” “Well,” said Wang Khan,
“let our hero Hadakji fall on them first with his Jirkins; after him
will go Achik Shilun with the Omans, and Tunkaits, and Shilaimun, with
a strong force of our body guards. If these do not finish them our own
special warriors will give them the death blow.”
While Wang Khan was thus making dispositions, Temudjin on his side
spoke to the Urut commander: “Uncle Churchadai, I would give thee the
vanguard, what is thy own wish?” Churchadai was just ready to answer
when Huildar spoke up: “O Khan, my dear friend (he was Temudjin’s
anda), I will mount my strong steed and break, with my Manhuts, through
all who oppose us. I will plant thy tail standard on Gubtan, that hill
at the rear and left flank of the enemy. From that hill I will show
thee my firmness and valor. If I fall, thou wilt nourish my children,
thou wilt rear them. Relying on Heaven it is all one to me when my fate
comes.” “Go thou,” said Temudjin, “and take Gubtan.”
Huildar fixed the tail standard on Gubtan. Churchadai spoke when his
turn came, “I will fight,” said he, “in front of the Khan, I will be in
the vanguard with my Uruts.” And he arranged his strong warriors in
position. Barely were they ready when Hadakgi and the Jirkins made the
first onrush and opened the battle. They were met by the Uruts, who not
only received their attack with all firmness, but drove them back in
disorder. While the Uruts were following this broken vanguard Wang Khan
sent Achik Shilun and his Omans to strike on the Uruts. Huildar
attacked from Gubtan this new reinforcement and broke it, but being
thrown from his horse by a spear cast, the Omans rallied, and were sent
with the Tunkaits against Churchadai. Both forces were hurled back by
the Uruts, strengthened greatly by Temudjin. Shilaimun attacked next
with Wang Khan’s own body-guards. These also were broken by Churchadai
reinforced this time by Temudjin. Sengun now, without leave from his
father, rushed into the struggle taking with him Wang Khan’s special
warriors. The battle raged to the utmost and Sengun had some chance of
victory when an arrow from Churchadai’s bow pierced his cheek and he
fell badly wounded.
When the Keraits saw their chief down, and night already on them, they
stopped fighting. Sengun had not carried his point, and Temudjin held
the field, hence the victory was on his side although very slightly. It
was late in the evening and dark, so he brought together his men and
was careful to seek out and save Huildar. Temudjin during that night
withdrew from the battle-ground, and at daybreak discovered that
Ogotai, his son, with Boroul and Boörchu were all three of them
missing. “Those two faithful men,” said Temudjin, “have lived with my
son, and now they have died with him.” He grieved that day greatly. The
next night he feared an attack, and held all his people in readiness to
receive it. At daybreak he saw a man riding in from the battle-ground,
and recognized Boörchu; he turned his face heavenward, struck his
breast, and was grateful.
“My horse,” said Boörchu, when he had ridden up to Temudjin, “was
killed by the enemy; while escaping on foot I saw a pack horse that had
wandered far from the Keraits. He had a leaning burden. I cut the
straps, let the pack fall, then mounted the beast and rode hither.”
A second horseman appeared somewhat later. When he had drawn near it
was seen that besides his legs two others were hanging down near them.
Ogotai and Boroul were on that horse. Boroul’s mouth was all blood
besmeared; he had sucked stiffened blood from Ogotai’s neck wound;
Temudjin wept when he saw this. He burned the wound with fire
straightway, and gave Ogotai a drink to revive him.
“A great dust has risen near the enemy,” said Boroul, “they are moving
southward as it seems toward Mount Mao.”
Temudjin marched now to Dalan Naimurgas where Kadan Daldur brought him
tidings: “When Sengun was wounded,” said Kadan, “Wang Khan said to his
counsellor: ‘We have attacked a man with whom we should not have
quarreled. It is sad to see what a nail has been driven into Sengun,
but he is living and can make a new trial immediately.’ Achik Shilun
spoke up then: ‘When thou hadst no son,’ said he, ‘thou wert praying to
receive one, now when thou hast a son thou shouldst spare him.’ Wang
Khan yielded and gave up further thought of battle. ‘Carry my son back
with care,’ said he to his attendants, ‘do not shake him.’ Father and
son then turned homeward.”
Temudjin marched toward the East. Before starting he reviewed the
remnant of his army and found only five thousand men altogether. On the
way his men hunted. While beating in game Temudjin tried to restrain
Huildar whose wound had not healed, but he rushed quickly at a wild
boar, his wound opened, and he died shortly after. They buried him on
Ornéü, a hill near the Kalka. At the place where that river falls into
Lake Buyur lived the Ungirats; Temudjin sent Churchadai with the Uruts
and Manguts to talk with that people. “Remember our blood bond,” said
he to them in Temudjin’s name, “and submit to me; if not, be ye ready
immediately for battle.” After this declaration they submitted, hence
Temudjin did not harm them. When he had thus won the Ungirats he went
to the eastern bank of the Tugeli, and thence sent Arkai Kassar and
Siwege Chauni to Wang Khan with the following message: “We are now east
of the Tugeli, grass here is good, and our horses are satisfied. Why
wert thou angry with me, O my father, why didst thou bring such great
fear on me? If thou hadst the wish to blame, why not give the blame
reasonably, why destroy all my property? People divided us, but thou
knowest well our agreement, that if men should talk to either one of us
to the harm of the other we would not believe what was said till we,
thou and I, should explain questions personally. But my father, have we
had any personal explanation? Though small, I am worth many large men,
though ugly I am worth many men of much beauty. Moreover thou and I are
two shafts of a single kibitka, if one shaft is broken an ox cannot
draw the kibitka. We are like two wheels of that kibitka; if one wheel
is broken the kibitka cannot travel. May I not be likened to the shaft,
or the wheel of a kibitka? Thy father had forty sons; thou wert the
eldest, therefore thou wert made Khan. After that thou didst kill Tai
Timur and Buga Timur; these were two of thy uncles; thou hadst the wish
also to kill Erke Kara, thy brother, but he fled to the Naimans. A
third uncle, in avenging his brother, went against thee with an army,
and thou didst flee with one century of men to the Haraun defile. At
that time thy daughter was given by thee to Tukta Bijhi the Merkit, and
from him thou didst come to my father with a prayer for assistance. My
father drove out thy uncle who fled then to Kashin, and my father
brought back thy people. In the Black Forest of Tula thou didst make
thyself an anda to my father. And moved in those days by gratitude, thy
words to him were of this kind: ‘For thy benefactions to me I will make
return not only to thee, but thy children and grandchildren. I swear by
High Heaven that I will do so.’ After that thy brother Erke Kara got
troops from the Naimans, made war on thee a second time, and drove thee
to the lands of the Gurkhan. In less than a year thou didst weary of
the Gurkhan and leave him. Passing through the Uigur country thou wert
brought to such straits as to nourish thyself with the milk of five
sheep that went with thee, and with blood from the camel on which thou
wert riding. At last thou didst come to me on a gray, old, blind,
wretched horse. Because of thy friendship for my father I sent men to
meet thee and bring thee with honor to my camp ground. I collected what
I could from my people, and gave thee provisions. Later on, when thou
hadst conquered the Merkits I let thee keep all their property and
cattle. After that when thou and I were pursuing Buiruk of the Naimans,
and fighting with Gugsu Seirak, thou didst make fires in the night
time, deceitfully withdraw, and forsake me. As Gugsu Seirak missed
seeing my forces he followed after thee swiftly. He captured the wives
of thy brothers, and their warriors; he captured half thy people. Again
thou didst ask me for aid and I gave it. I sent my four heroes who
saved thee, and restored what the Naimans had taken. Thou didst thank
me at that time most heartily. Why attack now without cause, why attack
when I have not done any evil to thee or to Sengun, or harmed either
one of you?”
When the men gave these words to Wang Khan he sighed deeply and
answered: “I should not have quarreled with Temudjin, I should have
stayed with him.” Then he cut his middle finger and putting the blood
from it into a small horn, he said: “If I harm Temudjin may I be cut as
this finger is cut.” He gave the horn then to Temudjin’s messenger.
To Jamuka Temudjin sent this message: “Through envy and hatred thou
hast parted me from my father. In former days when we lived, thou and
I, at his yurta, that one of us two who rose earlier took mare’s milk
from the dark drinking cup kept by my father. I rose early always, and
thou didst conceive toward me hatred at that time. Drink now from my
father’s dark drinking cup, much loss there will not be to anyone from
thy drinking.” Temudjin then commanded to say to Altan and to Huchar:
“I know not why ye resolved to desert me, O Huchar. We wished first to
make thee khan since thou art the son of Naigun, but thou wert
unwilling. Thy father, O Altan, ruled as khan once, hence we wished to
choose thee to rule over us; thou wouldst not yield to our wishes.
Sachai Baiki and Taichu, sons of Bartan had still higher claims, but
both men rejected our offer. After that ye and with you the whole
people proclaimed me as khan, though, as ye know, I was unwilling. Ye
have withdrawn from me now and are helping Wang Khan. But ye have begun
what ye never can finish. I advise you to meet me with confidence for
without me ye are powerless. Work well with me to hold the headwaters
of our rivers; let no stranger come in to snatch them from our people.”
Temudjin commanded to say to a slave named Togrul: “I have called thee
my brother for the following reason: On a time Tumbinai and his brother
Charaha had a slave known as Okda. This slave had a son Subaigai and he
a son Kirsan Kokocho, and he a son Aiga Huantohar, this last man begat
thee. Why dost thou flatter Wang Khan and adhere to him? Altan and
Huchar would never let other men rule over my flock. Thou art my slave
by inheritance, hence I address thee as brother.”
To Sengun Temudjin sent this message: “I am a son of thy father born
with my clothes on; thou art his son born in nakedness. Once our father
showed equal kindness to both of us, but dark suspicion attacked thee,
and thou, fearing lest I might trick thee in some way, conceived a
great hatred and expelled me unjustly. Cease causing grief to thy
father, go to him now and drive out his sorrow. Unless thou expel from
thy heart that old envy against me it will be clear that thou hast the
wish to be Khan ere thy father dies naturally. Shouldst thou wish to
confer with me, and come to agreement send hither two men for that
purpose.” Arkai Kassar and Suge Gaichaun gave these words to Sengun,
and he answered:
“When Temudjin spoke of my father as Khan he called him old murderer
while he did so, and when he called me his sworn friend he jeered at me
touching the Merkits, and said that I came to this world to handle
rams’ tails and remnants. I know the hidden sense of his speeches, I
know what his plans are. Battle is my first and last answer to
Temudjin. Bilge Baiki and Todoyan raise ye the great standard; feed our
steeds carefully.”
When Arkai Kassar returned he told everything. Temudjin went to the
lake called Baljuna where many of the Kurulats came to him. Juchi
Kassar had disobeyed Temudjin his elder brother, he had in fact been
disloyal and had tampered with the enemy. Not present at the great
Kalanchin battle he had either favored Wang Khan, or been captured with
his children, his wife and his followers. After that he escaped with
two servants and searched in hardship and hunger for Temudjin till
finally he found him at Lake Tunga. Kassar turned now to his brother’s
side thoroughly, and the two men examined how best they might fall on
Wang Khan unexpectedly. They worked out their stratagem and sent
Haliutar and Chaurhan as if going to Wang Khan with this message from
Kassar: “I have seen not a shadow of my brother; I have gone over all
roads without finding him; I called him, but he heard me not. I sleep
at night with my face toward the stars and my head on a hillock. My
children and wife are with thee, O Khan, my father. If thou send a
trusty person I will go to thee. I will return and be faithful.” “Go,”
said Temudjin to the messengers, “we will leave this place straightway,
when ye return come to Arhalgougi on the Kerulon.” Temudjin then
commanded Churchadai and Arkai Kassar to lead the vanguard.
Kassar’s two servants appeared before Wang Khan and gave him the
message as if coming from their master. Wang Khan had set up a golden
tent and arranged a great feast in it. When he heard the words, he
said: “If that is true, let Kassar come to us.” He sent with the two
messengers Iturgyan, a trusted warrior. When not far from Arhalgougi
Iturgyan judged by various signs that a camp must be near them, so he
turned and rushed away. Haliutar, whose horse was far swifter, spurred
on ahead of him, but not venturing to seize the man, blocked the road
to his stallion. Chaurhan, who followed, struck Iturgyan’s horse in the
spine with an arrow, brought him down to his haunches, and stopped him.
They seized Iturgyan then and took him to Temudjin, who sent him to
Kassar, who killed him.
The two messengers then said: “Wang Khan has made a rich golden tent;
he is careless and is feasting. This is the time to attack him.” “Very
well,” said Temudjin, “let us hasten.” When they arrived at the place
they surrounded Wang Khan, and a fierce battle followed. On the third
day of this battle the Keraits had not strength to fight longer. Wang
Khan and Sengun had both vanished, no one knew by what road they had
saved themselves, or when they had fled from the battle-ground.
“I could not let you kill my sovereign,” said Hadak, the chief leader
to Temudjin, “and I fought long to give Wang Khan and Sengun time to
save themselves. If thou command I shall die, but if thou give life I
will serve thee.” “A man fighting as thou hast to rescue his lord is a
hero,” said Temudjin, “be one among mine and stay with me.” So he made
Hadak a commander of one hundred, and bestowed him on Huildar’s widow.
Since Huildar had planted the standard on Gubtan and fought with such
valor his descendants had received for all time rewards assigned widows
and orphans. Temudjin now divided the Keraits among his comrades, and
assistants.
Wang Khan’s brother, Jaganbo, had two daughters, the elder of these was
Ibaha. Temudjin himself took Ibaha, and Sorkaktani, the younger, he
gave to Tului, his son. Because of these daughters, Jaganbo’s
inheritance was not given to other men. To Kishlik and Badai, the two
horseherds who had warned him, he gave Wang Khan’s golden tent with all
the gold dishes set out in it, and the men who had served at the
tables. Kishlik and Badai with their children and grandchildren were to
keep everything won by them in battle, and all the game taken in
hunting.
“These two men,” said Temudjin, as he gave their rights to them, “saved
my life from Sengun and his father, and by Heaven’s help and protection
I have crushed all the Kerait forces and won my dominion. Let my
descendants remember the measure of this service. My enemies, not
knowing Heaven’s will, wished to kill me. Kishlik who brought warning
of their treachery, was in that hour Heaven’s envoy; hence I have given
him Wang Khan’s golden tent with utensils and music, as I might to a
prince of my family.”
Wang Khan and Sengun had fled almost unattended toward the land of the
Naimans. At Didik, a ford on the Naikun, Wang Khan, who was tortured
with thirst, stopped to drink from the river. A Naiman watch, guarding
the passage, seized the old Khan, and killed him (1203). Wang Khan told
who he was, but the guard would not credit his story. He cut his head
off immediately, and sent it to Baibuga. Sengun, being at some
distance, did not rush up to rescue his father, but went with Kokocha,
his attendant, and Kokocha’s wife, farther west past the Naimans. He
stopped to drink somewhat later and seeing a wild horse which flies
were tormenting, he stole up to kill him. Kokocha wished now to desert
and take Sengun’s saddle horse; he intended to tell Temudjin where
Sengun was, but his wife was indignant. “How leave thy master, who gave
thee food and good clothing, how desert him?” She refused to advance
and was very angry. “Thou wilt not go with me? Dost wish to be wife to
Sengun, perhaps?” asked Kokocha. “If thou go, O Kokocha, leave that
gold cup behind. Let Sengun have even something to drink from.” Kokocha
threw down the cup, and hurried off to find Temudjin.
“How receive service from any man of this kind?” asked Temudjin when he
heard how Kokocha had treated his master. The deserter told his tale,
and was put to death straightway. But his wife was rewarded for her
loyalty to Sengun.
When Wang Khan’s head was brought to Baibuga his mother, Gurbaisu, had
music before it with an offering. In the time of this ceremony the face
seemed to smile at the honor. Baibuga, who thought the smile mockery,
was offended and made the skull into a drinking cup rimmed and
ornamented with silver.
“In the East,” said Baibuga, “is that man Temudjin who drove out Wang
Khan and brought him to ruin. This man may be thinking to make himself
lord over all of us. There is only one sun in the heavens; how can two
real lords be on earth at the same time? I will go to the East and
seize this Temudjin, I will take all his people.”
Sengun when deserted by Kokocha fled toward the Tibetan border and
subsisted for a season by plundering, but was captured some time later
and slain by Kilidj Arslan, the ruler of that region, who sent Sengun’s
children and wives back to Temudjin, and submitted to his sovereignty.
Thus perished the Khan of the Keraits and his son, and with them the
separate existence of their people.
CHAPTER IV
TEMUDJIN TAKES THE TITLE OF JINGHIS AND REWARDS HIS EMPIRE BUILDERS
One more great struggle was in store now for Temudjin, that with
Baibuga, the Naiman, his father-in-law. Baibuga, alarmed at the rising
power of his own daughter’s husband, sent an envoy to Ala Kush Tegin,
the Ongut chief, to get aid. “Thou knowest,” said Baibuga, “that two
swords cannot be in one scabbard, or two souls in one body. Two eyes
cannot be in one socket, or two sovereigns in one region. Make haste
then to seize the horn of empire which this upstart is seeking.”
Ala Kush and the Onguts lived next the Great Wall of China, and guarded
it, at least, during intervals, for the emperor of China. This Ongut
chief was sagacious; he was near Temudjin and remote from Baibuga; he
judged that the former was rising and the latter declining; hence after
some thought he neglected Baibuga, left his message unanswered, and
sent an envoy to explain the whole matter to Temudjin. Baibuga found
other allies, however.
Knowing clearly his father-in-law’s intention, Temudjin did not fail to
be first on the battle-ground. As the spring of 1204 was beginning he
held a great council of his leaders. Some thought their horses too weak
after winter, but others preferred to move promptly. Action pleased
Temudjin, hence he set out immediately, but halted before he reached
the Naiman boundary. It was autumn when he entered the enemy’s country,
and found arrayed there against him men from the Merkits, the Keraits,
Uirats, Durbans, Katkins, Tartars, and Saljuts. In fact, forces from
each hostile people were ready before him in the hope of destroying, or
at least undermining his primacy. There was also Jamuka, his
irrepressible enemy. Temudjin ranged his army for action. To Juchi
Kassar, his brother, he confided the center. Overseeing himself the
entire army, he reserved a certain part for his own use.
When Jamuka saw this arrangement he said to his officers; “My friends,
Temudjin knows how to range men for battle much better than Baibuga.”
And foreseeing an evil end to Baibuga in that action Jamuka fled from
the field of battle quickly.
The two armies met and fought desperately from sunrise to sunset. Many
times the great issue seemed doubtful, but when all was wavering like
two even scales of a balance Temudjin came with new forces at the
perilous moment and gave greater weight to his own side. Just after
sunset the Naiman force broke and fled in confusion, sweeping with it
Baibuga, badly wounded. The Taiyang fled on foot, first to a
neighboring mountain where Kurbassu, his wife was. Later on he was
hurried to a place of more safety, where he died soon of wounds and of
blood loss. Temudjin, ever swift to pursue, hunted down his fleeing
father-in-law; his men captured Kurbassu, who was joined to his
household. They captured also Baibuka’s seal keeper, Tatungo, an Uigur
of learning. Brought before Temudjin he explained what a seal is.
“Remain with me,” said the conqueror, “use the seal in my name, and
teach my sons the language, and lore of the wise Uigurs.”
All allies of the Naimans submitted, except the Merkits and the
Tartars, who fled from the battlefield. Gutchluk, Baibuga’s son, sought
safety with Buiruk his uncle.
At this time the Chatalans, the Katkins, and all others who had
followed Jamuka, surrendered to Temudjin. Temudjin now hurried in
pursuit of Tukta Bijhi, the chief of the Merkits. He hunted him to Sari
Keher, and captured many of his people; but Tukta Bijhi fled farther
with Chilaun and Katu, and a few attendants.
At the beginning of the Merkit subjection, Dair Usun, chief of the
Uasit Merkits, gave Kulan Khatun, his daughter, to Temudjin. When he
was taking the girl to the conqueror the road was impassable through
disorder. He met on the way a man, Naya of the Barins. “I am giving my
daughter to Temudjin,” said Dair Usun to Naya. “Come with me,” answered
Naya. “If thou go alone, wandering warriors will kill thee and do what
they like with thy daughter.” So he and Dair Usun traveled three days
together, and after that Kulan was given to Temudjin, who on learning
that she had been three days in company with Naya, was angry.
“Torture this Naya,” said Temudjin, “learn all his secrets and kill
him.” When they set about torturing Naya, Kulan spoke up to save him.
“On the road Naya met us; he said that he was one of the Khan’s men,
and since on the way there were many disorderly warriors he offered to
help us. My father and I were three days in his company. Without Naya’s
help I know not what would have happened. Torture him not, but if the
Khan will be merciful examine my innocence.”
“I serve my lord faithfully,” said Naya. “I hold it my duty to bring to
him beautiful women, and the best of all horses. If there are thoughts
beyond this in me, I am ready to die at any moment.”
“Kulan speaks with wisdom,” said Temudjin. That same day the girl was
examined. Temudjin grew convinced that she was truthful and liked her
the more for her wisdom. He dismissed Naya, saying: “This man is not
false, we may trust him with tasks of importance.”
After the subjection of the Merkits Kuda, the wife of Tukta Bijhi was
given to Temudjin’s son, Ogotai. Later on one-half of the Merkits
revolted, retired and took Taikal a fortress in the mountains. The son
of Sorgan Shira was sent to attack them. Temudjin himself went to the
Altai, and there passed the winter. In the spring he crossed the
mountains in search of Tukta Bijhi. At that time Gutchluk joined Tukta
Bijhi; they drew up their army at the Irtish near its sources, and
there Temudjin found and attacked them. Tukta Bijhi was killed in a
very fierce battle, his sons were unable to bear off the body, so they
cut his head from the trunk and thus saved it. The Merkits fled from
the battlefield, and more than half of those warriors were drowned in
the Irtish, the rest scattered and saved their lives as best they
could. Gutchluk fled to the land of the Karluks, and still farther
westward to the Gurkhan. Kutu and Chilaun fled through Kanli and
Kincha.
While all this was happening Sorgan Shira’s son captured the fortress
at Taikal and killed or seized all the Merkits. Those who had not left
their own home land revolted as well as the others, but were captured
through men sent by Temudjin to quell them.
“If we let those people remain in one land,” declared Temudjin, “they
will rise again, surely.” And he had them conducted in small bands to
various new places. That same year Temudjin made an iron kibitka for
Subotai, and sent him to hunt down and seize all the other sons of
Tukta Bijhi. “Those men,” said Temudjin, “though defeated in battle,
tore away recently, like wounded wild deer, or like wanton young
stallions; and now thou must find them. If they fly on wings to the
sky, become thou a falcon and catch them; if like mice they bore into
the earth, be a strong iron spade and dig them out of it; if they hide
as fish in the sea, be a net and enclose them. To cross deep ravines
and high mountains choose the time when thy horses are not weary. Spare
thy warriors on the road, and hunt not at all save when need comes.
When thou must hunt, hunt very carefully. Let not thy warriors use
croupers, or breast straps, lest their horses rush feebly. Should any
man refuse thee obedience bring him hither, if I know him, if not do
thou kill him on the place of refusal. If with Heaven’s aid and
protection thou seize Tukta Bijhi’s sons, slay them straightway.” Then
he added: “When I was young three bands of Merkits pursued me, and
thrice did they ride round Mount Burhan. These men have fled now with
loud insolent speeches, but do thou hunt them down to the uttermost
limits if need be. I have made a kibitka of iron to convey and protect
thee. Though far away thou wilt ever be near me. Heaven will keep thee
most surely while traveling, and will give thee assistance.”
When the Naimans and Merkits were captured by Temudjin, Jamuka had lost
all his people, and was left in the land of the Naimans deprived of
property, and attended by only five servitors. He went then to the
mountain Tanlu and lived there by robbery and hunting. One day those
five servitors seized him and took him to his enemy. Jamuka sent these
words then to Temudjin. “Slaves had the insolence to seize their own
master, and betray him. Mistake not, O Khan, my friend, these words
which I send thee.”
“Is it possible to leave men unpunished who betray?” asked Temudjin.
“Give them to death with their children and grandchildren!” Then he
commanded to slay those five traitors before the eyes of Jamuka to whom
he sent at the same time this message: “Once I made thee a shaft of my
kibitka, but thou didst desert me. Thou hast joined me again, so now be
my comrade. Should one of us forget, the other will remind him. If one
falls asleep the other will rouse him. Though thou didst leave me, thou
wert still in reality my assistant. Though thou didst oppose I got no
harm in the end from that action. When thou and I had a battle thy
heart was regretful, apparently. When I warred with Wang Khan thou
didst send me his discourses. That was the earliest service. When I was
battling with the Naimans thy words made their hearts shake; that was
another good service.”
These words were taken to Jamuka and he answered: “When we became andas
in boyhood we ate food too strong for our stomachs; we gave words to
each other which nothing can take from our memory. People roused us to
quarrel and we parted. I blush when I think of my speeches uttered once
to my anda, and I dare not look now at thee. It is thy wish that I be
for the future thy comrade. I might call myself thy comrade, but I
could be no comrade to thee in reality. Thou hast joined peoples
together, thou hast built up dominion, no man on earth can now be thy
comrade. Unless thou kill me I shall be for thee henceforth like a
louse on thy collar outside, or a thorn in thy inner neck-band. Thou
wouldst not be at rest in the daytime, while at night thou wouldst
sleep with alarm in thy bosom were I to be near thee. Thy mother is
prudent, thou thyself art a hero, thy brothers are gifted, thy comrades
are champions, thou hast seventy-three leaders, but from childhood I
have had neither father nor mother, I have no brothers, my wife is a
babbler, my comrades are traitors, hence, O my anda, whom Heaven has
preferred, give me death the more quickly that thy heart may be quiet.
If thou let me die without blood loss I, after death and for ages, will
help thy descendants and protect them.”
On hearing this answer Temudjin said: “Jamuka, my anda, went his own
way in life, but his words have in fact never harmed me. He is a man
who might change even now, but he has not the wish to live longer. I
have tried divination to search out good reasons to kill him, but have
not discovered them thus far. What must I do? He is a man of
distinction, and we may not take his life without reasons. Ah, now I
have found the right reason! Say this to him: ‘Because of horse
stealing and quarrels between Taichar, my slave, and Darmala, thy
brother, thou didst attack me and fight at Baljuna; thou didst frighten
me dreadfully. I wish now to forgive thee, and make thee my comrade,
but thou art unwilling. I am sorry that thy life should be taken, but
thou wilt not permit me to save it; hence we must do what thou
wishest.’”
Temudjin then commanded to take life from Jamuka without blood loss,
and bury him with honor. Altan and Huchar were put to death also at
that time.
When Temudjin had subdued to his own undivided dominion the various
peoples opposed to him he raised on the Upper Onon, in 1206, his great
standard of nine white tails and took the title Jinghis (Mighty) to
distinguish him from all other Khans. After that he rewarded Munlik,
Boörchu, Mukuli and others who had helped him in building the Empire,
and those who had shown special service. “Thou hast been to me a
comrade,” said Jinghis (as we shall now call Temudjin), to Munlik his
step-father, “thou hast helped me very often, but above all when Wang
Khan and his son were enticing me to a false feast to kill me. If I had
not halted that day I should have dropped into hot fire and deep water.
I remember this service of thine, and will not let my descendants
forget it. Henceforth thou wilt sit first in thy order. As I reward
thee by the year, or the month, so will that reward be continued to all
thy descendants unbrokenly.”
“In my youth,” said Jinghis to Boörchu, “Taidjut thieves stole my eight
horses; I had chased three days and nights after them when I met thee;
thou didst become then my comrade and ride three days and nights with
me to find and restore those eight horses. Why did it happen that Nahu
Boyan, thy rich father, who had only one son, let that son be my
comrade? Because in thee traits of high justice were evident. After
that when I called thee to help me thou didst not refuse and wert
prompt in thy coming. When the three Merkit clans drove me into the
forests of Mount Burhan thou didst not desert me; thou didst share my
great suffering. When I spent a night before the enemy at Talan and a
great blinding rain came thou didst give me rest, and spread out thy
felt robe above me, and stand there and hold it, and not let that rain
touch me. Thou didst stand in that painful position until daybreak,
resting first on one leg and then on the other. This proves thy
unbounded devotion. It would not be possible to recount all the good
deeds which thou hast done since I saw thee the first day. Besides thou
and Mukuli advised me to that which was proper, and stopped me from
that which should be omitted. Through doing the right thing in every
great trial I have reached my high power and dominion. Sit thou now
with a few men above all others. I free thee from punishment for nine
death offenses. Be a commander of ten thousand, and rule the land
westward till thou touch the Golden Mountains.” [6]
Then he turned to Mukuli and said to him: “When we were at Hórho
Nachubur at the thick spreading tree under which Khan Kutula made merry
and was dancing, Heaven bestowed wisdom and tidings which became clear
to thee. I remember the words given then by thy keen father, Gunua, and
I make thee prince now because of those words, and thy conduct ever
after. Sit thou above other men in society, be a commander of ten
thousand on the left wing, and govern on the east to the Haraun
mountains. Thy descendants will inherit thy dignity.”
“In youth,” said Jinghis to Horchi, “thou didst prophesy touching me;
thou didst share with me toils after that and wert to me a true
comrade. Now when thy words of fore-knowledge are verified and proven,
I give thee what thou didst ask for at that time: I give thee the right
to choose for thyself thirty beautiful maidens and women among all
conquered nations. Bring together three thousand of the Bali, the
Adarki and other clans ruled by Achik and by Togai, and when thou hast
ten thousand assembled command them and govern those people. Put up thy
camps as may please thee among forest nations on the Irtish, and guard
well that region. Let all affairs there be under thy management, thou
hast now thy heart’s wish.”
Jinghis turned then to Churchadai: “Thy greatest service,” said he,
“was in that dreadful battle at Kalanchin against the strong Khan of
the Keraits. When Huildar declared that he would seize and hold Gubtan
thou didst take the vanguard. Success in that desperate encounter came
from thee beyond any man. Thou didst break and hurl back the Jirkins,
the strongest of the enemy, and after them came still others who broke
the line of my own chosen body-guard, who held the strong central
position. Thou didst wound with thy own hand Sengun in the cheek while
he was making the last fearful onrush. Hadst thou not struck him then,
it is unknown what would have followed. Later on, when we were moving
down the Kalka, I relied upon thee as I might on a lofty immovable
mountain. On arriving at Baljuna thou didst fight in the vanguard
again, and with Heaven’s great assistance we crushed the Keraits at
last, and because of that triumph the Naimans and the Merkits could not
resist us, and were scattered. When they were scattered, Jaganbo gave
me his daughters and thus saved his people, but later on he revolted;
then thou didst think out a plan to entrap him and capture his people.
That is thy second great service.”
With these words Jinghis gave Churchadai his own wife, Ibaha, the
daughter of Jaganbo, to whom he spoke then as follows: “Ibaha, I do
this not because I have ceased to love thee, not because thou hast an
evil temper of mind, or art lacking in beauty. I give thee to
Churchadai to reward him in the highest way possible. I give thee to
Churchadai because of his inestimable service, and I desire those of my
sons and descendants who shall receive the throne after me to honor the
dignity and fame of Ibaha. Now thou wilt grant me a favor: Thy father
gave with thee Ashi Timur, who is master of thy kitchen and two hundred
men to work under him. In going leave with me one hundred of those men,
and leave also Ashi.” Then Jinghis said to Churchadai: “I command thee
to govern four thousand of the Uruts. Thou didst tame the wild, and
bring down the rebellious, thou and Chelmai with Chepé and Subotai. Ye
have been like four raging watch-dogs in swiftness. If I sent you to
any place ye crushed hard immense stones into gravel, ye overturned
cliffs, and stopped the great rush of deep waters, hence I command you
to be in the battle front. The four heroes: Boörchu, Mukuli, Boroul and
Chilaun I command to be behind me. Churchadai to be in front, and thus
make my heart free to be fearless. Kubilai be the elder in all warlike
matters and decisions.” Then he added: “Because of disobedience I do
not make Baidun a commander apart and independent; I join him to thy
person, that is better. Let him act with thee, and see thou what will
come of it.”
After that Jinghis said to Boörchu and others: “Hunán is like a
fearless wolf in the night time, in the day he is like a black raven.
He joined me and never would act with bad people. In every affair take
ye counsel with Hunán and Kokosi. Let Hunán be commander of ten
thousand under my eldest son, Juchi. No matter what Hunán and Kokosi
and Daigai and Usun heard and saw they kept back no word, and never
distorted a word which they told me.”
“When I was born at the river Onon,” said Jinghis to Chelmai, “thy
father came from Mount Burhan with the bellows of a blacksmith on his
shoulders, and brought a sable wrap to put around me. Thou wert in
swaddling clothes that day, O Chelmai, and he gave thee to serve me for
life and inseparably. Thou hast grown up with me, and shown immense
service. Thou art my fortunate comrade. I release thee from nine death
penalties and reward thee.”
“In former times,” said Jinghis to Vanguru, the master of nourishment,
“thou with three yurtas of the Tokuruts, and five yurtas of Torguts,
and with the Chanshikits and the Baiyuts made one single camp with me.
In darkness and fog thou hast never lost thy way marching. In
scattering and disorder thou hast never lost thy head, thou hast
endured cold and wet with me always and nothing could shake or
discourage thee. What reward dost thou wish of me this day?”
“If thou in thy favor command me to choose,” said Vanguru, “I should
wish to collect all the Baiyuts who are scattered.”
Jinghis consented. “Collect them, be their commander and govern them,”
was his answer. And he continued: “Vanguru and Boroul while managing on
the right and the left as masters of nourishment, and dispensing food
justly, ye have pleased my heart well, so henceforth sit ye on
horseback when food and drink are dispensed to great gatherings in the
open. While feasting in tents take your places on the right and the
left at the door on the south side, and send food and drink to all
present.”
“My mother took you,” said Jinghis to Shigi Kutuku and Boroul and
Kuichu and Kokochu, “from camps where men left you, she made you her
sons, she reared and prepared you to be comrades to us, her own
children. Ye have paid her well for this benefaction. Boroul was my
comrade in the perils of battle, in nights of snow and of rain and of
tempest. When exposed to the enemy he never let me lack drink or food.
On a time when we had destroyed nearly all of the Tartars, one of them,
Hargil Shila, while fleeing for his life felt great hunger and turned
to get food from my mother. ‘If thou desire food,’ said she to the
Tartar, ‘sit on that side of the entrance.’ He sat at the west of the
door and there waited. Just then Tului, my son, who was five years of
age, came in and was going out soon after when the Tartar caught him,
thrust him under his arm and snatched a knife quickly. ‘He will kill
the child!’ screamed my mother. Altani, Boroul’s wife, who was sitting
east of the door, rushed at the Tartar, caught his hair with one hand
and pulled his knife with the other so vigorously that she and the
knife fell together. Now Chedai and Chelmai, who had just killed a cow
a little north of the yurta, heard Altani screaming. They ran, one with
a knife, the other with an axe and killed the stranger. Altani, Chedai
and Chelmai disputed then as to who had shown the greatest service. ‘If
we had not run up,’ said Chedai and Chelmai, ‘thou couldst not have
managed the Tartar, O woman, and he would have finished Tului.’ ‘If I
had not screamed,’ said Altani, ‘ye would not have run up, and if I had
not seized his hair and snatched the knife from him, Tului would have
perished ere ye could have saved him.’ Boroul’s wife won the word
battle. In the struggle with Wang Khan at Kalanchin, Ogotai was wounded
in the neck with an arrow. Boroul sucked the blood from the wound, and
thus saved him from stifling. He has repaid very richly the trouble of
rearing him by saving two sons of mine. In the most difficult places he
was never neglectful, hence nine times will I save him from suffering
the death penalty.”
Jinghis spoke next to Sorgan Shira: “When I was young,” said he,
“Targutai Kurultuk, with his brethren the Taidjuts, captured me. Thou,
with thy son, hid me at thy yurta and commanded Kadan, thy daughter, to
serve me, and ye then gave me freedom. Day and night I remember this
service, but ye came to me late and only now am I able to reward you.
What may your wish be?” “We should like,” answered they, “to make a
camp in the Merkit land, at Sailyange, and whatever other reward may be
possible, let the Khan give it.” “Let it be as ye wish; make your camp
in that country. Besides, let all your descendants bear arrows and
bows, and drink a cup of wine in the camp of the Khan when ye come to
it. Nine death offenses will be forgiven you.” To Chilaun and Chinbo,
sons of Sorgan Shira, he said: “How could I forget the words spoken
once on a time by you, and the deeds done when ye spoke thus. Now
should anything fail you come yourselves and inform me,” and he said
further: “Sorgan Shira, Badai and Kishlik, ye are free. Keep all the
booty which ye may take during warfare at any time, and whatever game
ye kill in hunting. Sorgan Shira, once thou wert Todayan’s servant.
Badai and Kishlik, ye were horseherds to Aike Cheran; live with me
henceforth and be happy.”
“When thou with thy father seized Targutai,” said Jinghis to Naya,
“thou didst say: ‘How could we yield up our master?’ Ye let him go then
and came to me as subjects. For that reason I said: ‘Those people
understand lofty duty, I will trust them.’ Boörchu is now commander of
ten thousand on the right hand. Mukuli is commander of ten thousand on
the left, be thou a commander in the center.”
Jinghis then directed Daigai, his shepherd, to collect homeless people
and command them. When all who had labored to build up the Empire had
received their rewards and offices Jinghis Khan’s step-father, Munlik,
brought his seven sons to the assembly and received for them good
recognition. The fourth man of these was a shaman, Kokochu, a man of
boundless ambition. Taibtengeri was his second name. No one could tell
who among these seven brothers was the most self-willed and bitter. One
day they attacked Juchi Kassar and beat him. Kassar complained to
Jinghis of this treatment; Jinghis became angry. “Thou hast boasted,”
said he, “that no man is thy equal in valor and skill. If that be true
why let those fellows beat thee?” Kassar shed tears from vexation, went
out, and for three days after that made no visit to his brother.
Meanwhile Taibtengeri went to Jinghis to incense him against Kassar.
“The spirit has given me a sacred command from High Heaven,” said the
shaman, “Jinghis will rule people at first, and then will come Kassar.
If thou set not Kassar aside thy rule will be short-lived.”
When Jinghis heard these words he went that same night to seize Kassar.
Kuichu and others informed Hoelun, who set out that night also in a
kibitka drawn by a swift going camel. She reached Kassar’s yurta at
sunrise, just as Jinghis, having tied Kassar’s sleeves, had taken cap
and girdle from him and was asking him questions. When Jinghis saw his
mother he was wonderfully astonished, and alarmed also. Hoelun was very
angry. Stepping out of her kibitka, she untied Kassar, gave him back
cap and girdle, then sitting down, she put her feet under her, bared
her bosom and addressed the two brothers: “See these breasts of mine
both of you? Ye two have drunk from them. What crime has Kassar
committed that thou, Temudjin, art destroying thy own kindred flesh in
this brother? When thou wert an infant thou didst drink from this
breast; neither thou, Temudjin nor Temugu could draw my breasts
thoroughly; only Kassar could empty both sides and relieve me.
Temudjin, thou hast gifts, but Kassar alone has the strength and the
art to shoot arrows. Whenever men have risen in rebellion he has
brought them down with his arrows, and tamed them. Every enemy now is
destroyed, and Kassar is needed no longer.”
Jinghis waited till Hoelun’s anger had subsided. Then he said: “I was
frightened when I acted. I am ashamed at this moment.” He went out
after these words, but later, unknown to his mother, he took away
Kassar’s people, for the most part, leaving only fourteen hundred
yurtas. At first he had given him four thousand. When Hoelun learned of
this action she grieved much, and died shortly after. Chebke was placed
then with Kassar to guard him.
After this many men gathered to the shaman, Taibtengeri, among others
people who belonged to Temugu, Jinghis’s youngest brother. Temugu sent
Sokor to lead back those people, but Taibtengeri beat him, put a saddle
on his back, and sent him to his mother. Next day Temugu went himself
to Taibtengeri. The seven brothers surrounded him. “How didst thou dare
to send men to take people from us?” roared the brothers, and they were
ready to beat him. “I ought not to have sent men to you,” said Temugu,
much frightened. “As thou art to blame, then beg pardon.” And they
forced him to kneel to them straightway.
The next day, very early, while Jinghis was in bed, Temugu fell on his
knees before him and told how Taibtengeri and his brothers had treated
him. He wept while relating the details. Jinghis had said no word yet,
when Bortai came from her bed with a blanket around her and, shedding
tears meanwhile, spoke as follows: “This man has beaten Kassar, and now
he has forced Temugu to his knees to beg pardon. What kind of order is
this in thy dominion? If while thou art living they ruin thy brothers,
majestic as cedars, when thou art dead the people, who are like grass
blown by wind, or a mere flock of birds, will not obey thy small,
helpless children.”
“Taibtengeri will come to-day,” said Jinghis to Temugu. “Deal with him
as thou pleasest.” Temugu went out and agreed with three very strong
wrestlers. Munlik came later with his seven sons, and when Taibtengeri
sat near the door on the west side, Temugu, as he passed, seized him
roughly by the collar. “Yesterday,” said he, “thou didst force me to my
knees; I will try strength to-day with thee.” While Temugu was
struggling with him the cap fell from the head of the shaman; Munlik
took the cap and put it under his arm. “Wrestle not here!” cried
Jinghis, “go outside.” When the two men stepped forth from the yurta
Taibtengeri was seized by the wrestlers who broke his spine and threw
him aside to the left where he fell near the wheel of a kibitka.
“Taibtengeri,” said Temugu to Jinghis, “forced me to my knees yesterday
to beg pardon; now when I wish to try strength with him, he lies down
and refuses to rise. It is clear that he is a coward.”
Munlik understood and began to weep bitterly. “O Khan,” said he, “I was
thy assistant before thou wert even at the beginning of thy greatness,
and I have continued to serve thee till this day.” While he was
speaking his six sons stood near the center of the yurta and watched
the door. They began to put up their sleeves as if for a struggle.
Jinghis rose. He was frightened, but shouted with sternness and
authority, “Aside, I wish to go out!” He went out, and his body-guard
of archers surrounded him. Seeing that Taibtengeri was dead, Jinghis
commanded to pitch his own tent above the shaman’s body, and then he
went to another place. In the tent put over the body the door and upper
aperture were fastened, and at first a guard was placed around it. On
the third day at dawn the upper aperture opened, and the body of the
wizard was lifted out through it. When inquiries were made, all learned
that the body had vanished through the upper aperture, or smoke hole.
“Taibtengeri calumniated my brothers and beat them,” said Jinghis,
“hence Heaven looked on him with anger, and snatched away both his life
and his body.” After that he reproached Munlik sharply: “Thou hast
failed,” said he, “to teach thy sons what was needed very greatly in
their case—obedience. This one tried to equal me, hence I extinguished
him. Had I known thee earlier I should have put an end to thee, as I
have to Jamuka, to Altan and Kudjeir. But if a man gives a word in the
morning and breaks it ere night comes, or gives it in the evening and
breaks it in the morning, the judgment of people will shame him. I have
promised to save thee from death, so let us now end this matter.”
After these words Jinghis Khan’s anger was diminished. When Taibtengeri
was dead the vanity of Munlik and his sons decreased greatly and soon
disappeared altogether.
In 1207 a new and victorious campaign was begun against Tangut which
had failed to pay tribute, but was brought down now, thoroughly, at
least, for a season. The subjection of the Kirghis and this new victory
over Tangut secured the position of Jinghis in Northeastern Asia. There
was not one man now to challenge his dominion. Groups of people, or
tribes, might rebel, but there was no power to stop him or modify his
policy. He was preparing to meet foreign nations. The first turn was
for China.
Kara Kitai (Black Cathay) was at that time a very large Empire composed
of many nations. The ruler of each of these nations acknowledged the
overlordship of the Gurkhan or sovereign. In length Kara Kitai extended
westward from Tangut to the Kwaresmian Empire, and in width from the
Upper Irtish to the Pamir highlands. Within its borders were the lakes
now known as Balkash, Issikkul and Lob Nor. Of cities now existing,
Kuldja would be close to the center, Kashgar and Yarkend a good
distance from its western border, while Khotan would be well removed
from its southernmost limit.
Nearly all Central Asia was included in this Empire, while vassal
states extended far beyond its western and southwestern borders. The
Uigurs, whose chief city was Bish Calik, lived in the northeast corner
of the Empire and touched on the Naimans. These Uigurs are famous, at
least among scholars, as having been the most devoted to learning of
all Turkish nations; from them it was that the Mongols received an
alphabet and their earliest instruction.
The Idikut, or ruler, of the Uigurs acknowledged the Gurkhan as
overlord, but the yearly tribute which he paid, and the daily tyranny
of the agent near his court, so annoyed him that he took this
official’s life at a place known as Kara Kodja. He resolved thereupon
to seek the protection of Jinghis, whose triumphs and whose power were
threatening even China, and filling all Asia with amazement and terror.
Bardjuk, the watchful Idikut, had appointed an embassy to the
conqueror, but events had delayed its departure.
When the three sons of Tukta Bijhi and their uncle fled taking their
father’s head, which they had cut with all haste from his body on the
battlefield, they despatched an envoy in advance to the Idikut to beg a
refuge for themselves, and protection. The Idikut, seeing danger in
their visit, slew the envoy, took the field against the brothers, and
scattered all their forces. But later on he was troubled greatly by
this act; for these new opponents might side with the Mongols, or they
might join the Gurkhan; they might rouse either party to move against
him. The Idikut’s delight was great, therefore, and genuine when Mongol
envoys appeared before him. Jinghis had heard of the Idikut’s resolve,
and, knowing well what good might rise from it, had taken action very
promptly, and despatched as envoys Alp Utug and Durbai to the ruler of
the Uigurs.
The Idikut showed the highest honor to these envoys, and dismissed them
with every mark of courtesy and friendship, associating two envoys of
his own to bear to Jinghis Khan the following message: “The fame of the
world-conquering sovereign has come to me. I have agreed till very
recently with the Gurkhan, and was just preparing to explain through an
embassy a change in my position, and to yield myself with upright heart
to thee, all conquering and mighty sovereign. While thinking over this
I saw thy envoys coming toward me, and then I beheld a blue heaven
through the clouds around me. I beheld a bright sun in the sky. I saw
besides a blue shining river where just before the ice had hidden
everything. I was filled with delight to my innermost being. I yield to
thee the land of the Uigurs. I myself am the servant and son of Jinghis
Khan the Immovable.”
At first sight it might seem that the Mongol Khan would be satisfied
with a statement of this kind, but he was far from satisfaction, for
just then came four envoys from the sons of Tukta Bijhi, declaring
their subjection,
The Uigur envoys were received with every honor, but since he doubted
the Idikut’s sincerity, Jinghis sent envoys a second time with this
message: “If the Idikut has the honest wish to subject himself let him
come to us in person, and present us with what there is of greatest
value in his treasure house.”
On hearing this message the Idikut went to his treasure house and took
from it the best of gold, silver, pearls, and other precious objects.
These were sent to Jinghis Khan that same summer, but the Idikut
excused himself from offering them in person, and added various reasons
to explain his own absence.
Fresh disorders broke out in Tangut, which caused new campaigning. The
Mongols invaded that country a third time, routed its warriors,
captured the city of Uiraka and the fortress of Imen. A second Tangut
army was scattered, and Chong sing, the chief capital, was invested.
During this siege peace was concluded and the Tangut king gave his
daughter to Jinghis in marriage.
During 1209 the Mongol sovereign returned home in triumph and found
Arslan Khan of the Karluks and the Idikut of the Uigurs waiting to
render him homage. Arslan Khan had till then ruled conjointly with an
agent of the Gurkhan, his suzerain. But, as the power of the Gurkhan
had diminished in recent days very sensibly, many princes, who had
recognized him up to that time, revolted. Among these was the Sultan of
Khotan, who marched against him with an army, and persuaded Arslan Khan
to drop allegiance. Arslan made haste to help the Sultan all the more,
since at that time he was advised of the Gurkhan’s plans by that
sovereign’s deceitful Emir, Tanigu. This traitor so represented Arslan
to his overlord, the Gurkhan, that the latter gave him the title “son,”
and appointed for him the agent whom Tanigu recommended. But when
Mongol victories sent panic throughout Northern Asia, Arslan acted
quickly. He slew the agent of the Gurkhan, joined Jinghis Khan very
promptly, and waited for his favor.
Arslan said that if he received a golden girdle, and a high position in
the Mongol service he would have one wish alone ungratified: to be the
fifth son of the great Khan. Jinghis, divining this wish of his, or
learning of it, had it gratified. He gave Arslan his daughter, Altun
Bighi, in marriage, and with her the title of fifth son was added.
Thus Jinghis Khan was intrenched in Kara Kitai very firmly. His next
move was on Kitai itself, the great North China Empire. He was now
master of mighty legions drawn from all tribes whose leaders and chiefs
he had driven from existence in that fierce fight for dominion, during
which no mercy had been manifest on either side, but in which greater
wisdom, with keenness and skill, also fortune to some extent, were with
Jinghis.
CHAPTER V
JINGHIS KHAN’S TRIUMPHANT ADVANCE BEYOND THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA
Many provinces of China had been subject to foreign rule for three
centuries. After the fall of the Tang dynasty, which had ruled the
whole country from 618 to 907, this immense Empire fell to commanders
of provinces and was cut up into ten states co-existent and separate.
Intestine wars, the result of this parceling, favored the rise of a new
power in Northern Asia.
The Kitans, who formed a part of the Manchu stock, held that country
from the Sungari southward as far as the present Shan hai kuan, and
from the Khingan range on the west to Corea. These people had for a
long time been vassals of Tartar Khans, and next of Chinese Emperors.
They were divided into eight tribes, each with its own chief or
manager. Abaki, the head of the Sheliyu tribe, which owned the district
known at the present as Parin, gained supreme power in 907, and used
the whole strength of the Kitans to subdue Northern Asia. In 916, he
proclaimed himself sovereign, and when he died, ten years later, his
dominion extended eastward to the ocean, and westward to the Golden
Mountains or to the Altai.
Tekoan, the son of this first Kitan ruler, by giving the aid of his
arms to a rebel chieftain in China, secured victory, and a throne for
him. In return for such service the newly made Emperor, who fixed his
residence or capital at the present Kai fong fu on the south bank of
the Hoang Ho, or Yellow River, ceded sixteen districts to Tekoan in
Pehche li, Shan si and Liao tung, engaging also to furnish three
hundred thousand pieces of silk as his annual tribute.
The new Chinese Emperor took the position of vassal to the Kitan, and
termed himself his grandson and subject. The successor to this Chinese
ruler sought to modify these conditions. Tekoan made war on him;
conquered all the provinces north of the Hoang Ho, seized Pien (Kai
fong fu), captured the Emperor and sent him to regions north of China.
Following Chinese usage the Kitan took a new name for his dynasty,
calling it Liao, that is Iron.
After the fall of the Tang dynasty five petty lines followed one
another on the throne of Kai fong fu in the course of five decades. On
the ruins of these dynasties in 960 the house of Sung united nearly all
China. This house made war on the Kitans, but failed to win back the
districts previously ceded to them, and in 1004, because of hostile
action by the Kitans, the Sung Emperor, to gain peace, engaged to pay
an annual tribute both in silk and silver.
The Kitan Empire lasted two centuries and assumed in its functions
Chinese forms, at least externally, but Chinese methods made it feeble.
After strong and warlike chiefs came weak and timid Emperors. At last a
great man named Aguta rose among the Jutchis, a nomad people living in
the lands between the Amoor, the Eastern Ocean and the Sungari River.
These formed part of the same Tungus stock as did the Kitans, but they
were untouched as yet by luxury.
In 1114 Aguta gained a victory over the Kitans, and the following year
proclaimed himself Emperor of the Jutchis. The new State he called
Aidjin Kurun (Kin kwe in Chinese), that is, Golden Kingdom. He would
not act, he said, like the Kitans, who had taken the name of a metal
that is eaten by rust very easily and ruined.
Aguta subdued the whole Kitan Empire, and died in 1123. Two years later
his successor seized Yeliu yen hi, the ninth and last Emperor of the
Kitan dynasty, which had endured nine years and two centuries.
The Sung Emperor had abetted Aguta, and even urged him towards victory,
hoping thus to regain the lands lying between the Yellow Sea and the
Yellow River. The Kitans were crushed in the conflict, but the new
power (the Kin dynasty) was more dangerous for him than the old, as he
learned to his cost very quickly. In 1125 the Kin Emperor invaded North
China; the year following he reached the Hoang Ho, or Yellow River, and
besieged Kai fong fu which lies south of it. The Sung Emperor, who
visited the camp of the invader to find peace there if possible, was
seized and sent to Manchuria with his family. One of his brothers,
living then in the South, was made sovereign by the Chinese. The Kins
advanced farther, reached the Yang tse and took Lin ngan in the Che
kiang province. They forced the Emperor to acknowledge their conquest
and promise a yearly payment of twenty-five thousand pieces of silk
with two hundred and fifty thousand ounces of silver, and to avow
himself a vassal in addition.
The rivers Hoai and Han formed the boundary between the two Empires,
and now the Kin Empire reached a line almost half way between the great
rivers Hoang Ho and Yang tse. The Sung Emperor moved his capital to Lin
ngan, known as Han chau somewhat later. The Kins took up arms to extend
their new Empire still farther southward, but were confronted by
failure. The war ended in 1165 by a treaty which retained former
boundaries, but decreased the Sung tribute. The southern Emperor,
moreover, instead of being a vassal to him of the north, acquired the
relation of a nephew to an uncle. But in 1206 the Sung Emperor began a
new war which brought defeat to him. To restore peace he was forced now
to pay the original tribute.
About the middle of the 12th century the Kins had chosen the present
Pekin as their residence; they called it Chong tu, or the middle
capital. Lords over one third of China, they had adopted the customs
and laws of that country. Their dominion extended on the north beyond
China proper to Lake Baikal and the great Amoor River. The Kitans, once
masters, had now become subjects to the Kin dynasty, but in 1162 they
revolted; after that they were by force brought down to obedience.
Some years before, the Kins had had a struggle with the Mongols which
for the Kins proved disastrous. They ended it by making concessions.
The Mongol chieftain then took the title of Khan, which he kept ever
after.
Jinghis, in beginning a war against China, was really attacking the
Northern, or Kin dynasty, which had driven out that of the Kitans,
hence, very naturally, he turned for co-operation to the Kitans.
Madaku, the Kin Emperor, died in November 1209, and in 1210 an envoy
informed Jinghis Khan that Chong hei, the eighth of the dynasty, had
succeeded Madaku. The envoy demanded that the vassal, as he claimed to
consider Jinghis, should receive the announcement while kneeling, in
accordance with the etiquette of China.
“Who is this new Emperor?” asked Jinghis of the envoy.
“Prince Chong hei.”
On hearing the name Jinghis spat toward the South, and then added: “I
thought that the Son of Heaven must be lofty and uncommon, but how is
this idiot Chong hei to sit on a throne, and why should I lower myself
in his presence?” Then he mounted his steed and rode away without
further word or explanation. He summoned his leaders at once, and said
to them: “My forefathers suffered very greatly, as ye know, from
Chinese monarchs; and still those same monarchs failed to conquer this
land of ours after centuries of effort. Heaven has granted me victory
over every opponent and permitted me to mount the highest round of
fortune. If ye act with me faithfully, that same Heaven will grant a
glorious triumph over China. Through this triumph the Mongols will win
the greatest wealth and magnificence; their fame will never cease among
nations.”
All were delighted, all praised their conquering ruler. They agreed
with him then to send an envoy to the Altyn Khan (Golden Khan) [7] with
the following message: “Of course it has come to thy knowledge that we,
by Heaven’s favor, have been chosen from among all the Mongols to hold
the reins of Empire and of guidance. The fame of our conquering host
has gone forth, and is spreading. We are planting our banners over all
the earth’s surface, and soon every people and all nations will submit
without delay or hesitation to our prosperous direction, and share in
its many benefactions. But should any rise and resist, their houses,
goods, property and dependents will be ruined without mercy. Praise and
honor to High Heaven, our dominion is so well ordered that we can visit
China. With us will go instruments of every sort, and crushing weapons.
With us will march an army which is like a roaring ocean. We can meet
enmity or friendship with the same tranquil feeling. If the Golden Khan
in wisdom selects the way of friendship and concord, and meets us in
congress, we will secure to him the management of China in proper form
and strong possession. If he cannot come himself, let him send his
honored sons to us as hostages with treasures. But should he resist,
which Heaven forbid, we must wait for warfare and for slaughter, which
will last till Heaven puts the diadem of victory and power on the head
of him whom it chooses, and puts the rags of misery and want on him
whom it desires to wear them.”
On receiving these words, such as no man had ever sent a sovereign in
China, Chong hei burst into a blazing rage and dismissed the envoy with
contempt and with injury. “If Jinghis has planned war and slaughter
against us,” replied he, “who can prevent him from tempting fortune?”
The last word had been uttered, and both sides made ready now for
warfare.
Directing Tuguchar to guard home lands from every possible disorder,
Jinghis moved from the Kerulon in March, 1211, to subdue the Chinese
Empire. But before he left his native place he visited a lofty
mountain. On the summit he loosed his kaftan, put his girdle round his
neck and called High Heaven to help him: “Boundless Heaven,” said he,
“I am going to avenge the blood of Berkai and Ambagai, my uncles whom
the Altyn Khans put to death with infamy and torture. If thou favor me
send aid from out the lofty places, but on earth send men to help me;
send also spirits good and evil.”
His four sons, Juchi, Jagatai, Ogotai and Tului, accompanied the Mongol
sovereign.
This army of invasion was held together by the sternest discipline and
made up of mounted men only. The units of this force were ten, one
hundred, one thousand and ten thousand warriors. The orders of the
sovereign were given to the chiefs of ten thousand, and by them to
subordinates. Each man had a strong rawhide armor and helmet; he
carried a lance and a sabre with an ax, a bow, and a quiver; he was
followed by a number of horses, which had no food save that which they
found as they traveled. Immense herds of cattle were driven in the rear
of the army. In time of forced marches each man carried with him some
milk and a small portion of flesh food.
To reach the Great Wall the Mongols crossed a space of about twelve
hundred miles consisting in part of the desert known as Sha mo in
Chinese and as the Gobi in Mongol. The first success of the invaders
was made easier by Ala Kush Tegin of the Onguts, whose duty it was to
guard the Great Wall for the Emperor, but who favored the Mongols. In
no long time Tai tong fu, called also Si king, an Imperial court
northwest of Yen king or Chong tu, the Pekin of the present, was
invested. The Chinese commander Kin kien sent Mingan, a trusted
officer, to reconnoitre the Mongols. Mingan deserted and gave all
needed information about places to the enemy, who attacked Kin kien and
routed his forces; their mounted men trampled his infantry and cut it
to pieces. The Mongols pressed on toward the chief Chinese army, which
did not wait to engage them.
The success of the invasion was enormous. Expeditions were made to the
walls of Chong tu the great northern capital. The terror stricken
Emperor prepared to flee southward, but was stopped by his guards, who
swore to fight to the death for their sovereign. During 1212 the
Mongols succeeded at all points, and cut up the Kin armies wherever
they met them. Still Jinghis could not capture Tai tong fu, though in
August, 1212, he besieged it in person. He was wounded in front of the
place by an arrow, and withdrew to the north for a period.
The Mongol invasion of China was aided now by an insurrection of
Kitans. At the outbreak of hostilities Lyuko, a prince of the
dispossessed Kitan dynasty, an officer serving in the Kin army, fled
and levied men on his own account. He was ready to add his strength to
Jinghis, when the latter sent Antchin Noyon to conclude an alliance
against the common enemy. The two men ascended Mount Yen to finish the
compact. On the summit they slew a white stallion and a black bull for
their sacrifice. Turning then to the north they both held an arrow and
broke it. Lyuko pledged his faith to Jinghis, and Antchin, in the name
of his master, swore to uphold the Kitan prince against the Kin
sovereign.
There was need of prompt help, since an army sixty thousand in number
was marching to annihilate Lyuko. Gold and high dignities were promised
to him who should bring the rebel’s head to the Emperor. Jinghis sent
three thousand warriors. With these, and his own troops, Lyuko defeated
the Emperor’s army, and took all its baggage, which he sent to Jinghis,
and received then a new reinforcement. Chepé Noyon was despatched to
give aid in winning the land of the Kitans, and he gave it
successfully. Master now among the Kitans, who rushed in great crowds
to him, Lyuko, with the consent of Jinghis, proclaimed himself King of
Liao.
In 1213 Jinghis resumed his activity in China, and again there was
slaughter on all sides. The Mongol armies swept on till they almost
touched the gates of Chong tu, where bloody scenes were enacted. The
year before, Hushaku, the Kin commander, had been stripped of his
office and exiled. He was placed in command now in spite of protests
from the governor, Tuktani, and others. Hushaku took command north of
Chong tu, and, though the Mongols were near him, he passed his time
mainly in hunting. Enraged because the Emperor cast blame on this
conduct, he took a revenge which he had planned since his own
reinstatement. He spread a report that Tuktani was rousing rebellion,
and feigned that he, Hushaku, had been summoned to the city to repress
it. Fearing military opposition he raised a false alarm to mask his
real object. Horsemen rushed in hot haste to the city declaring that
Mongols had come to the suburbs. Hushaku sent for Tuktani, the
governor, as if to take counsel, and then with his own hand he slew
him. Next he replaced the guard of the Emperor with his personal
followers, and transferred to another edifice the Emperor, who was
slain that same day by a eunuch.
Hushaku wished supreme power for himself, but saw soon that his plans
were impossible. The throne fell to Utubu, the late monarch’s brother.
Chepé Noyon had returned from the Kitans and was marching on the
capital at that time. Hushaku had a wound in the foot, so he sent Kaoki
to meet the Mongols, and threatened death should he come back defeated.
Kaoki was forced to retreat on Chong tu, after desperate fighting.
Fearing death from his chief he resolved to anticipate, and rushed to
seize his superior and slay him. Hushaku tried to escape, but fell from
his own garden wall while climbing it. Kaoki’s people seized the man
and then cut his head off. Kaoki grasped the head, bore it in hot haste
to the palace, and asked for judgment immediately. The Emperor not only
gave pardon, but made Kaoki chief commander.
While the Mongols were attacking the Kin Empire in the north, Tangut
was attacking on the west, and in 1213 took King chiu, a border city.
Tangut and China had passed eighty years in mutual good feeling and
friendship when the Tangut sovereign, attacked by Jinghis for the third
time, asked aid from the Kin sovereign, but having failed to receive
it, made an agreement (1210) with the Mongols, and severed relations
with China. The Empire was weakened by defections so numerous that
Jinghis Khan formed fifty-six brigades of men with officers and
generals who had passed from the Chinese to his service. These were
joined to his army, and now began an attack on all those lands bounded
on the west and south by the Hoang Ho or Yellow River and on the east
by the Hoang Hai or Yellow Sea, and forming the provinces of Shan si,
Pe che li and Shan tung.
The Mongols sacked ninety flourishing cities, and in all that rich and
great region there were only nine places which, through self-defence,
escaped ruin. The booty was immense in gold and silk stuffs, in
captives male and female, and in horses and cattle.
This great raid took place in the first months of 1214. All the Mongol
armies were assembled with their booty in April of that year, at a
place some leagues west of Chong tu. Jinghis would permit no attack on
that capital. To the Emperor he sent two officers with the following
message: “All places north of the Hoang Ho are mine, save Chong tu,
which is all that remains in thy service. Heaven has brought thee down
to this impotence; were I to harass thee still further I should dread
Heaven’s anger. Wilt thou treat my army well, and satisfy the
generals?”
Kaoki wished to attack, but the counsels of other men triumphed. Envoys
were sent to the invader, and peace was concluded. Jinghis received as
wife the daughter of Chong hei, the late Emperor, with immense gifts in
gold and precious objects. Five hundred youths, as many maidens, and
three thousand horses went forth with his bride to the conqueror.
Peace now concluded with Jinghis, Utubu proclaimed complete amnesty to
all, but not feeling safe, he left his heir in Chong tu, and set out
for Pien king, the present Kai fong fu, better known as Nan king, on
the southern bank of the Hoang Ho. On the way he attempted to deprive
the Kara Kitans in his escort of the horses and arrows which had been
given them. They revolted immediately, chose as leader one Choda and
turned then toward Chong tu. Two leagues from the capital Choda met
armed resistance, and though victorious, he sent envoys at once to
Jinghis. These envoys tendered submission, and asked for aid
straightway.
The Mongol Khan did not hesitate; he sent a division of Mongols under
Samuka, and a division of Jutchis under Mingan, with orders to join the
Kara Kitans and capture the capital. Mukuli, the best Mongol leader in
China, was sent at the same time to strengthen Lyuko, from whom a Kin
army had retaken the greater part of his kingdom.
When Utubu heard of this new Mongol inroad he summoned his son to Nan
king immediately. Chong tu, the capital, was poorly provisioned, the
Mongols were near it, their ferocity was famous; the besieged were in
terror. Utubu hurried forward a great transport of food under Li ing,
with a numerous army. The Mongols attacked this strong army. Li ing,
who was drunk when they fell on him, was killed. The battle was lost,
and the transport was seized and swept off by the victors. At news of
this dreadful disaster the troops of two other Kin generals dispersed
and the men went home to their families.
Connection with the city was broken. The investment was merciless; want
came, and next famine, with hunger so cruel that the dead were
devoured, and then living men killed to be eaten. Fu sing, the
governor, proposed to Chin chong, the commandant, to attack the Mongols
with every force in the city, and die arms in hand or else conquer.
Chin chong had not this view of duty. Fu sing, unwilling to witness the
loss of the city in which he was governor, made ready to die with
propriety. He gave all he had to his servitors, took poison, and ended
his earthly existence.
Chin chong hastened then to escape before the Mongols could enter. The
Imperial princesses implored him to take them from the city, and save
them, but, not wishing to hamper his flight, Chin chong asked some time
to prepare for their journey. Once beyond the city, however, he fled
and left those poor princesses to the Mongols. A great slaughter took
place in the capital. The palace was fired, and burned, as is said, a
whole month and even longer. Jinghis sent three officers to receive
Imperial plunder, and give due praise to Mingan for his siege work.
Mingan had hardly captured Chong tu when Jinghis sent Samuka with ten
thousand men to fall on Nan king and capture the Emperor. Samuka
marched up so close to the city that he was only two leagues from it,
but his troops being few, he was forced to retreat empty-handed. He
made a second attempt the year following and was nearer success without
reaching it.
Meanwhile the Kin dynasty was approaching its doom, and the day of
extinction.
In the spring of 1216 Jinghis, from his home on the Kerulon, again sent
Subotai against the brother and three sons of Tukta Bijhi, the last
Khan of the Merkits. Tuguchar was to help should the need come. Subotai
met the Merkits near the Jem River in the Altai and defeated them. Two
sons of Tukta Bijhi and Kutu, his brother, were slain in the action;
the third son, Kultuk Khan, a great archer, was captured and taken to
Juchi, eldest son of Jinghis. When Juchi asked for a proof of his
skill, the young man sent an arrow into a goal, and then split that
first arrow with a second one. Juchi begged his father to spare this
Kultuk, [8] but in vain. This great archer, the last son of Tukta
Bijhi, had to die like the others.
While the Mongol Khan was in China, Baitulu, who was chief of the
Tumats, withdrew from obedience. At command of Jinghis, Boroul marched
in 1217 against the Tumats and crushed them, but lost his own life in
the conflict, which was close and very bitter.
Jinghis had asked aid of the Kirghis. But they too rose against him,
and Juchi was sent to reduce this recalcitrant people. He did the work
thoroughly before leaving the upper waters of the Irtish and the
Yenissei.
In 1214 Mukuli had been sent, as we remember, to the Kitans, whose
country had been greatly overrun by Kin armies. During the two years
which followed, this best of all Mongol leaders won back that whole
region by excellent strategy, finesse, and grand fighting. This work
was indispensable in the conquest of China. During 1217 this great
general appeared before Jinghis encamped then on the Tula. Mukuli was
rewarded beyond all other generals up to that day, and after it.
Jinghis praised him in public, lauded his great mental gifts, and his
services, called him Kwe Wang, or prince in the Empire, and made this
title hereditary. He created him lieutenant commanding in China, and
gave him a seal made of gold as a sign of authority. “I have conquered
the North,” said Jinghis, “subdue thou the South for me.” And he
dismissed him with an army of Mongols and Kitans, with the Jutchis, or
Manchus, to help them.
In 1218 Jinghis marched on Tangut for the fourth time and brought it to
obedience. During that year he received the submission of Corea. Next
his activity was turned to a new side, and soon we shall see the
opening scenes in that mighty movement begun by Jinghis and continued
by his descendants, and still later resumed by his relative, the
tremendous Timur, that World Shaking Limper and father of the Mongol
rulers of India.
The first place which called the Grand Khan was Kara Kitai on the west,
then conterminous with his own growing Empire. Kara Kitai had the
following origin: When Kitan rule in North China was overthrown by the
Kins, Yeliu Tashi, a relative of the last Kitan Emperor, and also his
leading commander, took farewell of his sovereign in 1123, and with two
hundred men journeyed westward. Governors and chiefs of tribes in those
Chinese provinces through which he passed showed him homage as a
descendant of Apaki, and gave armed warriors to strengthen him. At the
head of these and his own men, he went farther. Bilik, prince of the
Uigurs, from whom he asked a passage, went out to receive him at the
boundary, with a large gift of sheep, horses, and camels. Bilik gave
also as hostages a number of his sons and grandsons, and recognized the
renowned man as overlord.
Yeliu conquered Kashgar, Yarkend, Khotan and Turkistan. Turkistan was
at that time under Nahmud Khan, the twentieth prince of his dynasty, a
ruler claiming descent from Afrasiab, so famous in Persian story.
Nahmud was reduced to the possession of Transoxiana, and, as this
region too was attacked somewhat later by Kara Kitans, he became
Yeliu’s vassal. Kwaresm met soon the same fate as Transoxiana; Yeliu’s
troops brought sword and flame to it, and Atsiz, the second prince of
the dynasty of the Kwaresmian Shahs, obtained peace by paying thirty
thousand gold coins for it yearly.
When Yeliu had brought under his dominion all regions between the
Yaxartes and the Gobi desert, and between the headwaters of the Irtish
and the Pamir highlands, he took the title of Gurkhan of Kara Kitai,
and fixed his chief residence at Bela Sagun on the next large stream
east of the Yaxartes River. In 1136, while preparing for war against
the Kin sovereigns to win back the Empire which they had snatched from
his family, he died, leaving only one son, then a minor. Till 1142 this
son was under the tutelage of his mother. Dying in 1155 he left a son,
Chiluku, for whom his aunt, Pussuen, was regent till 1167 when he came
to majority. When the son of the last Naiman ruler came in 1208 to seek
an asylum in Kara Kitai, Chiluku was still ruling. He showed the
fleeing Khan a kind welcome, and gave him his daughter in marriage.
Chiluku was occupied mainly in hunting wild beasts, and in seeking for
pleasure. This weakness caused the defection of great vassals: the
Idikut of the Uigurs; the Khan of Transoxiana; the Kwaresmian Shah, and
now it led his perfidious new son-in-law to dethrone him.
The Naiman Khan had attracted some of Chiluku’s commanders, and on
collecting the wreck of his late father’s army he saw himself at the
head of considerable forces. To begin his plot easily he begged leave
of the Gurkhan to assemble the scattered remnants of the Naiman army,
then wandering through northeastern lands of the Kara Kitan Empire.
These men might be employed, he said, in Chiluku’s service. The weak
and kindly old sovereign consented, gave his daughter’s husband rich
presents, and confirmed his title Gutchluk, or the Strong Man. The
false son-in-law went on his mission. From Iwil, Kayalik and Bishbalik,
crowds rushed to his standard. He was joined by the chief of the
Merkits, who had fled before the Mongols. These men began to win wealth
by incursions in every direction. Further hope of booty caused other
bands to follow quickly. Still Gutchluk could not seize the Empire
without an ally, and the Empire, or at least a large part of it, was
his object.
He turned to Shah Mohammed who had withdrawn from subjection to
Chiluku, and had received even the homage of Osman, the Khan ruling
then over Transoxiana and Samarkand. Gutchluk asked Shah Mohammed to
fall on the Empire, and seize the western part for this service. The
Shah gave a favorable answer. Meanwhile a Kara Kitan army was
despatched to Samarkand by Chiluku to bring Osman back to obedience.
Shah Mohammed hastened to render aid to his vassal, but before his
arrival the Kara Kitans were recalled to meet Gutchluk, who had now
opened war on his father-in-law, the Gurkhan.
While Chiluku’s army was absent in Samarkand, Gutchluk seized in Uzkend
the state treasures, and hurried then by forced marches to surprise
Bela Sagun. Chiluku, though old, took the field promptly in person, and
defeated his son-in-law, who retired in despair after losing a large
force of warriors who were killed or taken captive.
Meanwhile Shah Mohammed had crossed the western boundary accompanied by
Osman, and met the Kara Kitan forces commanded by Tanigu. He attacked
these and captured the commander. The defeated troops while marching
home robbed their own fellow subjects and plundered without
distinction; Bela Sagun, which preferred Mohammed, would not open its
gates to them. Besieged by the troops of their own sovereign they
fought for sixteen days, hoping daily to see the Shah’s army. The city
was taken by assault, and the people were slaughtered. Fifty-seven
thousand persons perished under the sword edge.
As Kara Kitan treasures had vanished, the state treasury was empty.
Mahmud Bai, an immensely rich general who feared for his own wealth and
substance, advised the Gurkhan to force a restoration of all that had
been seized by Gutchluk and his followers. The army chiefs, unwilling
to yield up their plunder, were furious on hearing this proposal.
Gutchluk appeared then on a sudden, and seized his father-in-law, the
Gurkhan. Once master of the sovereign’s person he used sovereign
authority, so Chiluku, without power himself, retained a vain title
till death took him off two years later.
In 1218 the Mongol Khan marched westward, but sent Chepé Noyon in
advance, with an army twenty-five thousand strong, against the Kara
Kitan usurper, his enemy. Gutchluk fled from Kashgar with a part of his
forces. On entering the city Chepé proclaimed freedom of religion to
all men. The inhabitants massacred Gutchluk’s warriors, who had been
quartered in their houses. Chepé hurried off in pursuit of the
fugitive, and never drew bridle till he had hunted him over the Pamir,
and caught him in the Badakshan mountains, where he cut his head off.
When Jinghis heard of this he commanded Chepé not to be proud of
success, for pride had undone Wang Khan of the Keraits and the Taiyang
of the Naimans, as well as Gutchluk, and brought ruin to every recent
ruler.
This victorious Chepé some years later carried Mongol arms to Armenia
across Georgia and a large part of Russia. He was of the Yissuts, a
Mongol tribe which had fought against Jinghis, known at that time as
Temudjin. On a day Temudjin wrought a crushing defeat on the Yissuts;
Chepé fled with some others to the mountains, and hid there from death,
which he looked on as certain in case he were captured. One day when
Temudjin was out hunting his beaters inclosed and caught Chepé. The
Khan wished to slay him, but Boörchu, his earliest comrade and one of
his four chosen leaders, begged for a combat with Chepé. Temudjin
agreed, and gave him a white muzzled horse for the trial. Boörchu shot
an arrow which failed to reach Chepé. Chepé, more adroit than his
enemy, sent a shaft which brought down the horse under him, and the
next instant he rushed away with lightning speed. Reduced to want some
time later Chepé offered his service to Temudjin, the strong victor.
Temudjin knew the man’s worth and accepted his offer. The Khan made
Chepé a chief of ten men to begin with, then of a hundred, later on of
a thousand, and at last of ten thousand warriors.
When Chepé brought back Gutchluk’s head he wished to give a recompense
for the white muzzled horse which he killed when Boörchu attacked him,
so in Kashgar he collected a thousand white muzzled horses and brought
them to Jinghis as a present.
CHAPTER VI
DESTRUCTION OF THE KWARESMIAN EMPIRE
That immense Kara Kitai, or Black Cathay, or Black China was added to
the Mongol dominions which now were conterminous with the Kwaresmian
Empire. This Empire, begun on Seljuk ruins, was increased soon by other
lands, and in 1219 it extended from the Syr Darya or Yaxartes to the
Indus, and from Kurdistan to the great roof of the world, those immense
Pamir highlands. The sovereign at the opening of the thirteenth century
was Alai ud din Mohammed, great-great-grandson of a Turk slave named
Nush Tegin. The master of this slave was a freedman of Melik Shah the
Seljuk Sultan, and this freedman transferred Nush Tegin to his
sovereign. The slave became cupbearer to Melik Shah, and prefect of
Khwaresm at the same time by virtue of his office. In Mohammedan
history cases of Turkish slaves seizing sovereignty are frequent.
Turkish captives in Persia were highly esteemed and appeared there in
multitudes. Throughout the vast regions north and east of the Caspian
various Turk tribes fought unceasingly; each seized the children of an
enemy whenever the chance came, and sold them in the slave marts. These
children, reared in the faith of Mohammed, were trained to arms for the
greater part, and became trusted body-guards of princes. They served
also as household officials, or managers. Those of them who earned
favor gained freedom most frequently, and next the highest places at
courts, and in armies. A lucky man might be made governor, and when
fortune helped well enough he made himself sovereign.
Turkish slaves grew all-powerful in Moslem lands, till those lands were
invaded at last by Turk warriors. Persia, lowered much by Arab
conquest, recovered under Bagdad rule in some slight degree, till the
eleventh century saw it conquered again by Turk nomads from those
immense steppes north and east of the Caspian. Under the descendants of
Seljuk these fierce sons of wild herdsmen pushed their way on to the
Propontis and to Palestine; camped in Persia, and in lands lying west
of it. These self-seeking, merciless adventurers brought torture,
oppression, and brigandage to all people equally, till at last
intestine wars and social chaos put an end to Seljuk rule toward the
close of the twelfth century.
Kutb ud din Mohammed, son of the manumitted slave, Nush Tejin, and also
his successor, won the title of Kwaresmian Shah, a title used before
the Arab conquest. Atsiz, son of Kutb ud din, raised arms repeatedly
against Sindjar, the son of Melik Shah, and was forced to render
tribute to the Gurkhan. When Sindjar died (1157) Il Arslan, son of
Atsiz, seized West Khorassan; his son, Tukush, took Persian Irak from
Togrul, who fell in battle. By the death of Togrul and Sindjar, both
Persian Seljuk lines became extinct.
Tukush obtained investiture at Bagdad from the Kalif, and Persia passed
from one line of Turkish tyrants to another. Mohammed, who succeeded
his father Tukush, in 1200, seized the provinces of Balkh and Herat and
made himself lord of Khorassan. Soon after this Mazanderan and Kerman
passed under his power and direction. Mohammed now planned to shake off
the authority of the Gurkhan of Kara Kitai, to whom he, and three of
his predecessors, had paid yearly tribute. Besides he was urged to this
step by Osman, Khan of Samarkand and Transoxiana, who, being also a
vassal of the Gurkhan, endured with vexation the insolence of agents
who took the tribute in his provinces. Osman promised to recognize
Mohammed as his suzerain, and pay the same tribute that he had paid to
the Gurkhan. The Shah accepted this offer with gladness; he merely
waited for a pretext, which appeared very quickly: An official came to
receive the yearly tribute, and seated himself at the Shah’s side, the
usual place in such cases, though it seemed now that he did so somewhat
boldly. Mohammed’s pride, increased much by recent victory over
Kipchaks living north of the Caspian, would endure this no longer, so
in rage he commanded to cut down the agent and hack him to pieces.
After this act Mohammed invaded the lands of the Gurkhan immediately
(1208), but was defeated in the ensuing battle, and captured with one
of his officers. The officer had the wit to declare that the Shah,
whose person was unknown in those regions, was a slave of his. In a
short time the amount of ransom for the officer was settled; he offered
to send his slave to get the sum needed. This offer was taken and an
escort sent with the slave to protect him. Thus did Mohammed return in
servile guise to his dominions, where reports of his death had preceded
him. In Taberistan his brother, Ali Shir, had proclaimed his own rule,
and his uncle, the governor of Herat, was taking sovereign power in
that region.
The following year Mohammed and Osman, the Samarkand ruler, made a
second attack on the Gurkhan. Crossing the Syr Darya at Tenakit, they
met their opponents, commanded by Tanigu, and won a victory.
They conquered a part of the country as far as Uzkend, and instated a
governor. The news of this sudden success caused immense joy in the
Kwaresmian Empire. Embassies were sent by neighboring princes to
congratulate the victor. After his name on the shield was added “Shadow
of God upon earth.” People wished to add also “Second Alexander,” but
he preferred the name Sindjar, since the Seljuk prince Sindjar had
reigned forty-one years successfully. After his return the Shah gave
his daughter in marriage to Osman, and the Gurkhan’s lieutenant in
Samarkand was replaced by a Kwaresmian agent. Soon, however, Osman was
so dissatisfied with this agent that he gave back his allegiance to the
Gurkhan, and killed the Kwaresmians in his capital.
Mohammed, enraged at this slaughter, marched to Samarkand, stormed the
city, and for three days and nights his troops did naught else but slay
people and plunder; then he laid siege to the fortress and captured it.
Osman came out dressed in a grave shroud; a naked sword hung from his
neck down in front of him. He fell before Mohammed and begged for life
abjectly. The Shah would have spared him, but Osman’s wife, the Shah’s
daughter, rushed in and demanded the death of her husband. He had
preferred an earlier wife, the daughter of the Gurkhan, and had forced
her, the Shah’s daughter, to serve at a feast that detested and
inferior woman. Osman had to die, and with him died his whole family,
including the daughter of the Gurkhan.
Mohammed joined all Osman’s lands to the Empire, and made Samarkand a
new capital. He further increased his Empire by a part of the kingdom
of Gur, which extended from Herat to the sacred river of India, the
Ganges.
After the death, in 1205, of Shihab ud din, fourth sovereign of the Gur
line, his provinces passed under officers placed there as prefects.
When Mohammed took Balkh and Herat, Mahmud, nephew of Shihab, kept
merely Gur the special domain of the family, and even for this he was
forced to give homage to the Kwaresmian monarch. Mahmud had reigned
seven years in that reduced state when he was killed in his own palace.
Public opinion in this case held the Shah to be a murderer, and beyond
doubt with full justice.
Ali Shir, the Shah’s brother, who had proclaimed himself sovereign so
hurriedly when Mohammed was returning, disguised as a slave, from his
war against the Gurkhan, was now at the Gur capital; he declared
himself Mahmud’s successor and begged the Shah to confirm him as
vassal. Mohammed sent an officer, as it seemed, for this ceremony, but
when Ali Shir was about to put on the robe of honor sent him the
officer swept off his head with a sword stroke, and produced thereupon
the command of his master to do so. After this revolting deed the Gur
principality was joined to Mohammed’s dominion (1213).
Three years later, 1216, Mohammed won Ghazni from a Turk general once a
subject of Shihab ud din. This Turk had seized the province at the
dissolution of Gur dominion. In the archives of Ghazni the Shah came on
letters from the Kalif Nassir at Bagdad to the Gur Khans, in which he
gave warning against the Kwaresmian Shahs, and incited to attack them,
advising a junction with the Kara Kitans for that purpose.
These letters roused the Shah’s wrath to the utmost. The Kalif, Nassir,
who ascended the throne in 1180, had labored without success, though
unceasingly, to stop Kwaresmian growth and aggression. He could not
employ his own forces to this end, since he had none. The temporal
power of the Prophet’s successors had shrunk to the narrow limits of
Kuzistan and Arabian Irak. The other parts of their once vast dominions
had passed to various dynasties whose sovereigns were supposed to
receive lands in fief from the Kalif. If these sovereigns asked for
investiture it was simply for religious, or perhaps more correctly, for
political reasons.
Outside the bounds of their own little state the Abbasid Kalifs had
only two emblems of sovereignty: their names were mentioned in public
prayer throughout Islam, and were stamped on the coins of all Moslem
Commonwealths. They were not masters even in their own capital always.
When the Seljuk Empire, composed at that time of Persian Irak alone,
was destroyed by disorder under Togrul its last Sultan, the Kalif, a
man of quick mind and adventurous instincts, did much to bring on the
dissolution of the tottering state, through his intrigues, and by
calling in Tukush, the Kwaresmian monarch. He had hoped to win Persian
Irak, but when Tukush had won that great province he would cede not a
foot of it to any man. The Kalif saw himself forced to invest a new
line with the sanction of sacredness, a line which threatened Bagdad
far more than that which he had helped so industriously to ruin.
When Mohammed succeeded Tukush, Nassir roused Ghiath ud din of Gur to
oppose him. This prince, lord already of Balkh and Herat, desired all
Khorassan, and began war to win it. His death followed soon after.
Shihab ud din, the next ruler, continued the struggle but lost his
whole army, which was slaughtered and crushed in the very first battle.
When at Ghazni, Mohammed found proof of the Kalif’s intrigues, he
despatched to Nassir an envoy; through this envoy he demanded the title
of Sultan for himself; a representative in Bagdad as governor; and also
that his name be mentioned in public prayers throughout Islam. Nassir
refused these demands and expressed great surprise that Mohammed, not
content with his own immense Empire, was coveting also the capital of
the Kalif.
On receiving this answer Mohammed resolved to strip the Abbasids of the
succession, or Kalifat. To do this he must obtain first a sanctioning
fetva from Mohammedan theologians (the Ulema). So he proposed to that
body the following questions: “May a monarch whose entire glory
consists in exalting God’s word and destroying the foes of true faith,
depose a recalcitrant Kalif, and replace him by one who is deserving,
if the Kalifat belongs by right to descendants of Ali, and if the
Abbasids have usurped it, and if besides they have always omitted one
among the first duties, the duty of protecting the boundaries of Islam,
and waging sacred wars to bring unbelievers to the true faith, or, if
they will not accept the true faith, to pay tribute?”
The Ulema declared that in such cases deposition was justified. Armed
with this decision the Shah recognized Ali ul Muluk of Termed, a
descendant of Ali, as Kalif, and ordered that in public prayers the
name of Nassir be omitted. The Shah assembled an army to carry out the
sentence against Nassir.
Ogulmush, a Turk general who had subdued Persian Irak and then rendered
fealty to Mohammed, was murdered at direction of the Kalif, under whose
control a number of Assassins had been placed by their chieftain at
Alamut. In Persian Irak the name of the Shah was dropped from public
prayers, after the slaying of Ogulmush. The princes of Fars and
Azerbaidjan hastened promptly to seize upon Irak, at the instance of
Nassir. Sád, prince of Fars, was taken captive, but secured freedom by
ceding two strongholds, and promising the third of his annual income as
tribute. Euzbek of Azerbaidjan fled after defeat, and the Shah would
not pursue, as the capture of two rulers in the space of one year was
unlucky. Euzbek, on reaching home, sent envoys with presents, and
proclaimed himself a vassal. Mohammed annexed Irak to the Empire, and
moved his troops on toward Bagdad.
Nassir sent words of peace to his enemy, but those words had no
influence, and the march continued. Nassir strove to strengthen Bagdad
and defend it, while Mohammed was writing diplomas, which turned
Arabian Irak, that whole land of which Bagdad was the capital, into
military fiefs and tax-paying districts.
The Shah’s vanguard, fifteen thousand strong, advanced toward Heulvan
by the way of the mountains, and was followed soon by a second division
of the same strength. Though the time was early autumn, snow fell for
twenty days in succession, the largest tents were buried under it; men
and horses died in great numbers, both when they were marching through
those mountains and when they halted. A retreat was commanded at last
when advance was impossible. Turks and Kurds then attacked the
retreating forces so savagely that the ruin of the army was well nigh
total. This was attributed by Sunnite belief to Divine anger for that
impious attack on the person of the Kalif.
The reports of Mongol movements alarmed the Shah greatly and he
hastened homeward, first to Nishapur, and later on to Bukhara, where he
received the first envoys from Jinghis Khan, his new neighbor.
It is well to go back to the time when the Shah chose a new Kalif from
among the descendants of Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of Mohammed. In
the Moslem world there are seventy-three or more sects, varying in size
and degree of importance, but the two great divisions of Islam are the
Sunnite and Shiite, which differ mainly on the succession. Among
Sunnites the succession was from Abbas, the uncle of Mohammed the
Prophet of Islam; that is the succession which took place in history.
Among Shiites the succession which, as they think, should have taken
place, but which did not, was that through Ali, the husband of Fatima,
the daughter of Mohammed.
The Shiites of Persia thought that the day of justice had come after
six centuries of abasement and waiting, and that the headship of Islam
would be theirs through the accession of Ali ul Muluk of Termed to the
Kalifat. In their eyes the Kwaresmian Shah had become an agent of
Allah, a sacred person. His act created an immense effect throughout
Persia, and certainly no less in the capital of Islam at Bagdad, where
the Kalif Nassir called a council at once to find means of defence
against so dreadful an enemy as Shah Mohammed. After long discussion,
one sage among those assembled declared that Jinghis Khan, whose fame
was sounding then throughout Western Asia, was the man to bring the
raging Shah to his senses.
The Kalif, greatly pleased with this statement, resolved to send an
envoy, but the journey was perilous, since every road to the Mongols
lay through Shah Mohammed’s dominions. Should the envoy be taken and
his message read, the Shah, roused by resentment and anger, would spare
no man involved in the plot, least of all Kalif Nassir and his
servants. To avoid this chance, they shaved the envoy’s head and wrote
out, or branded, his commission upon it. His skull was then covered
with paint, or a mixture of some kind. The entire message to Jinghis
was fixed well in the mind of the envoy, and he set out on his journey.
After four months of hard traveling he reached Mongol headquarters,
delivered his message in words, and was admitted soon after to the Khan
of the Mongols in secret. The envoy’s head was shorn a second time and
the credentials traced with fire on his crown became visible. There was
branded in also an invitation to invade the Kwaresmian Empire, and
destroy the reigning dynasty.
Jinghis meditated over this invitation. The thought of conquering a new
Empire did not leave him, but as he had spoken not long before with its
ruler in friendship, he waited till a reason to justify attack should
present itself.
In 1216–17 in Bukhara, as mentioned already, Shah Mohammed received
three envoys from Jinghis; these men brought ingots of silver, musk,
jade and costly white robes of camels’ hair, all creations and products
of Central Asia, sent as presents to the Kwaresmian sovereign. “The
great Khan has charged us,” said the envoys, “to give this message: ‘I
salute thee! I know thy power and the great extent of thy Empire. Thy
reign is over a large part of the earth’s surface. I have the greatest
wish to live in peace with thee; I look on thee as my most cherished
son. Thou art aware that I have subdued China, and brought all Turk
nations north of it to obedience. Thou knowest that my country is
swarming with warriors; that it is a mine of wealth, and that I have no
need to covet lands of other sovereigns. I and thou have an equal
interest in favoring commerce between our subjects.’”
This message was in fact a demand on Mohammed to declare himself a
vassal, since various degrees of relationship were used among rulers in
Asia to denote corresponding degrees of submission.
The Shah summoned one of the envoys in the night-time. “Has Jinghis
Khan really conquered China?” asked he. “There is no doubt of that,”
said the envoy. “Who is this who calls me his son? How many troops has
he?” The envoy, seeing Mohammed’s excitement, replied that Mongol
forces were not to be compared with his in any case. The Shah was
calmed, and when the time came he dismissed the envoys with apparent
good feeling and friendliness. When they reached the boundary of the
Shah’s land they were safe, for wherever Jinghis Khan became sovereign
there was safety for travelers immediately, even in places where
robbery had been the rule for many ages.
Since Kara Kitai had fallen, Mohammed’s possessions reached the heart
of Central Asia, and touched the land of the Uigurs, now tributary to
Jinghis, hence commercial relations were direct and of very great
value. Soon after the Khan’s envoys had made their visit, a party of
between four and five hundred merchants from Mongolian places arrived
at Otrar on the Syr Daryá. Inaldjuk, the governor of the city, tempted
by the rich stuffs and wares which those strangers had brought with
them, imprisoned the whole party, and declared to the Shah that the men
were spies of the Mongol sovereign. The Shah gave command to slay them
in that case immediately, and Inaldjuk obeyed without waiting. When
news of this terrible slaughter was borne to Jinghis he wept with
indignation as he heard it, and went straightway to a mountain top
where he bared his head, put his girdle about his neck, and fell
prostrate. He lay there imploring Heaven for vengeance, and spent three
days and nights, it is stated, imploring and prostrate. He rose and
went down then to hurl Mongol strength at the Kwaresmian Empire.
The request of the Kalif of Islam ran parallel now with the wish of the
Mongols. But before striking the Empire, Jinghis had resolved to
extinguish Gutchluk, his old enemy, the son of Baibuga, late Taiyang of
the Naimans. Meanwhile he sent three envoys to the Shah with this
message: “Thou didst give me assurance that thou wouldst not maltreat
any merchant from my land. Thou hast broken thy word! Word breaking in
a sovereign is hideous. If I am to believe that the merchants were not
slain at Otrar by thy order, send me thy governor for punishment; if
thou wilt not send him, make ready for conflict.”
Shah Mohammed, far from giving Jinghis Khan satisfaction, or offering
it, slew Bajra, the first envoy, and singed off the beards of the other
two. If Mohammed had wished to punish or yield up Inaldjuk he could not
have done so, for the governor was a kinsman of Turkan Khatun, the
Shah’s mother, and also of many great chiefs in the Kwaresmian army.
And now it is important to explain the position of Turkan Khatun, the
unbending, savage mother of Mohammed. This woman was a daughter of
Jinkeshi, Khan of the Baijut tribe of Kankali Turks; she married
Tukush, the Kwaresmian Shah, and became then the mother of Shah
Mohammed. A large number of Kankali chiefs who were related to Turkan
followed her with their tribesmen to serve in the Kwaresmian Empire.
The influence of this relentless, strong-willed woman, and the valor of
Turkish warriors raised those chiefs to the highest rank among military
leaders; their power was enormous, since commanders of troops governed
with very wide latitude. Amid this aristocracy of fighters the power of
the sovereign was uncertain; he was forced to satisfy the ambition of
men who saw in all things their own profit only. The troops controlled
by those governors were the scourge of peaceful people; they ruined
every region which they lived in or visited.
Turkan Khatun, the head of this military faction, not only equalled her
son in authority, but often surpassed him. When two orders of different
origin appeared in any part of the Empire, the date decided which had
authority; that order was always carried out on which the date was most
recent, and the order of recent date was the order of that watchful
woman. When Mohammed won a new province he always assigned a large part
to the appanage of his mother. She employed seven secretaries at all
times, men distinguished for ability. The inscription on her decrees
was “Protectress of the world and the faith, Turkan, queen of women.”
Her device was: “God alone is my refuge.” “Lord of the world” was her
title. The following example shows clearly the character of the Shah’s
mother: She had obtained from Mohammed the elevation of Nassir ud din,
a former slave of hers, to the position of vizir, or prime minister of
the Empire; soon the Shah came to hate the man, for personal and also
other reasons. His ability was small, and his greed without limit. At
Nishapur the Shah appointed a new judge, one Sadr ud din, and forbade
him to give the vizir any presents. Friends, however, warned the judge
not to neglect this prime dignitary, so he sent Nassir ud din a sealed
purse containing four thousand gold pieces. The Shah, who was watching
both judge and vizir, caused the latter to send the purse to him. It
was sent straightway, and the seal was intact on it. The judge was
summoned, and when he appeared the Shah asked before witnesses what
gift he had made the vizir; he denied having made any, persisted in
denial, and swore by the head of his sovereign that he had not given
one coin to the minister. The Shah had the purse brought; the judge was
deprived of his dignity. The vizir was sent home without office to his
patroness.
Nassir ud din went back to the Shah’s mother. On the way he decided
every case that men brought him. On the vizir’s approach Turkan Khatun
ordered people of all ranks and classes to go forth and meet him. The
vizir grew more insolent now than he had been. The Shah sent an officer
to bring the recalcitrant minister’s head to him. When the officer came
to her capital, Turkan Khatun sent him to the vizir, who was then in
the divan and presiding. She had given the officer this order: “Salute
the vizir in the Shah’s name, and say to him: ‘I have no vizir except
thee, continue in thy functions. No man in my Empire may destroy thee,
or fail in respect to thee.’”
The officer carried out the command of the woman. Nassir ud din
exercised his authority in defiance of Mohammed; he could do so since
Turkan Khatun upheld him, and she had behind her a legion of her
murderous kinsmen. The sovereign, who had destroyed so many rulers
unsparingly, had not the power or the means to manage one insolent
upstart who defied him.
The murder of the merchants in Otrar was followed soon by such a
tempest of ruin as had never been witnessed in Asia or elsewhere. Shah
Mohammed had mustered at Samarkand a large army to move against
Gutchluk, whom he wished to bring down to subjection or destroy
altogether, but hearing that a body of Merkits was advancing through
Kankali regions lying north of Lake Aral, he marched to Jend
straightway against them, and learned upon reaching that city, that
those Merkits, being allies of Gutchluk, were hunted by Jinghis, and
that Gutchluk himself had been slain by the Mongols.
He returned swiftly to Samarkand for additional forces, and following
the tracks of both armies, found a field strewn with corpses, among
which he saw a Merkit badly wounded; from this man the Shah learned
that Jinghis had gained a great victory, and gone forward.
One day later Mohammed came up with them and formed his force
straightway to attack them. The Mongol leader (perhaps Juchi) declared
that the two states were at peace, and that he had commands to treat
the Shah’s troops with friendliness; he even offered a part of his
booty and prisoners to Mohammed. The latter refused these and answered:
“If Jinghis has ordered thee not to meet me in battle, God commands me
to fall on thy forces. I wish to inflict sure destruction on infidels
and thus earn Divine favor.”
The Mongols, forced to give battle, came very near victory. They had
put Mohammed’s left wing to flight, pierced the center where the Shah
was, and would have dispersed it, but for timely aid brought by Jelal
ud din, the Shah’s son, who rushed from the right and restored the
battle, which lasted till evening and was left undecided.
The Mongols lighted vast numbers of camp fires, and retired in the dark
with such swiftness that at daybreak they had made two days’ journey.
After this encounter the Shah knew Mongol strength very clearly. He
told intimates that he had never seen men fight as they had.
Jinghis, having ended Gutchluk and his kingdom (1218), summoned his own
family and officers to a council where they discussed war with
Mohammed, and settled everything touching this enterprise and its
management. That same autumn the Mongol conqueror began his march
westward, leaving the care of home regions to his youngest brother. He
spent all the following summer near the Upper Irtish, arranging his
immense herds of horses and cattle. The march was resumed in the
autumn, when he was joined by the prince of Almalik, the Idikut of the
Uigurs, and by Arslan, Khan of the Karluks.
Shah Mohammed was alarmed by the oncoming of this immense host of
warriors, more correctly this great group of armies, though his own
force was large, since it numbered four hundred thousand. His troops
were in some ways superior to the Mongols, but they lacked iron
discipline and blind confidence in leaders; they lacked also that
experience of hardship, fatigue and privation, that skill in desperate
fighting, which made the Mongols not merely a terror, but, at that
time, invincible. The Kwaresmian armies were defending a population to
which they were indifferent, and which they were protecting, hence
victory gave scant rewards in the best case, while the Mongols, in
attacking rich, flourishing countries, were excited by all that can
rouse human greed, or tempt wild cupidity. The disparity in leaders was
still more apparent. On the Mongol side was a chief of incomparable
genius in all that he was doing; on the other side a vacillating
sovereign with warring and wavering counsels. The Shah had been
crushing and assassinating rulers all his reign, and now he feared to
meet a man whom he had provoked by his outrages. Instead of
concentrating forces and meeting the enemy, he scattered his men among
all the cities of Transoxiana, and then withdrew and kept far from the
fields of real struggle. Some ascribed this to the advice of his
generals, others to his faith in astrologers, who declared that the
stars were unfavorable, and that no battle should be risked till they
changed their positions. It is also reported that Jinghis duped the
Shah, and made him suspect his own leaders. The following is one of the
stories:
A certain Bedr ud din of Otrar, whose father, uncle and other kinsmen
had been slain by Mohammed, declared to Jinghis that he wished to take
vengeance on the Shah, even should he lose his own soul in so doing,
and advised the Grand Khan to make use of the quarrels kept up by
Mohammed with his mother. In view of this Bedr ud din wrote a letter,
as it were, from Mohammed’s generals to Jinghis, and composed it in
this style: “We came from Turkistan to Mohammed because of his mother.
We have given him victory over many other rulers whose states have
increased the Kwaresmian Empire. Now he pays his dear mother with
ingratitude. This princess desires us to avenge her. When thou art
here, we shall be at thy orders.”
Jinghis so arranged that this letter was intercepted. The tale is, that
the Shah was deceived by it and distrusted his generals, hence
separated them each from the others, and disposed them in various
strong cities. It is more likely by far, that he and they, after
testing Mongol strength, thought it better to fight behind walls than
in the open. They thought also, no doubt, that the Mongols, after
pillaging the country and seizing many captives, would retire with
their booty.
The Shah was light-minded and ignorant. He knew not with whom he was
dealing. He had not studied the Mongols, and could not have done so; he
had no idea whatever of Jinghis Khan and could not acquire it; he knew
not the immense power of his system, and the far reaching nature of his
wishes.
Jinghis arrived at the Syr Daryá with his army, and arranged all his
troops in four great divisions. The first he fixed near Otrar and
placed two of his sons, Ogotai and Jagatai, in command of it; the
second, commanded by his eldest son, Juchi, was to act against the
other cities, from Jend to Lake Aral; the third division he directed
against Benakit on the river, south of Jend. While the three divisions
were taking these cities on the Syr Daryá, Jinghis himself moved toward
Bokhara to bar Shah Mohammed from the Transoxiana, and prevent him from
reinforcing any garrison between the two rivers.
Otrar was invested late in November, 1218. The walls had been
strengthened, and the city, with its fortress, provisioned very
carefully. The strong garrison had been increased by ten thousand
horsemen. After a siege of five months the troops and the citizens were
discouraged, and the commander thought it best to surrender, but
Inaldjuk, the governor, could not hope for his life, since he was the
man who had slain the Mongol merchants; hence, he would not hear of
surrender. He would fight, as he said, to the death, for his sovereign.
The chief of the horsemen felt differently, and led out his best troops
in the night to escape, but was captured. He and they offered then to
serve the besiegers. The Mongols inquired about conditions in the city,
and, when the chief had told what he knew, they informed him that he
and his men, being unfaithful to their master, could not be true to
another. They thereupon slew him, and all who were with him.
The city was taken that day, April, 1219, and its inhabitants driven to
the country outside, so that the captors might pillage the place in
absolute freedom. Inaldjuk, the governor, withdrew with twenty thousand
men to the fortress, and fought for two months in that stronghold. When
the Mongols burst in he had only two men left; with these he retired to
a terrace. The two men at his side fell soon after. When his arrows
were gone he hurled brickbats. The besiegers had orders to seize the
man living. He struggled like a maniac, but they caught and bound him
at last, and bore him to the camp before Samarkand. Jinghis had molten
silver poured into his ears and eyes to avenge the slaughtered
merchants. The surviving inhabitants of Otrar were spared but the
fortress was levelled.
Juchi, before marching on Jend, went to Signak and asked that the gates
be thrown open. Scarcely had the message been given when the furious
inhabitants tore Hassan Hadji, Juchi’s envoy, to pieces and called on
God’s name as they did so.
Juchi gave the order at once to attack, and forbade his men to cease
fighting till the city was captured. Fresh troops relieved those who
were wearied. After seven days of storming the Mongols burst in and
slew every soul in that city.
Juchi made a son of Hassan Hadji commandant of the ruins; then he moved
up the river and sacked every place that he visited.
As the Mongols drew near to Jend, Katluk Khan, the commandant, fled in
the night time, crossed the Syr Daryá and took the desert road for
Urgendj beyond the southern shore of the Oxus. Juchi demanded surrender
through Chin Timur his envoy. Deserted by their chief, the people were
in doubt what to do, and when Chin Timur came they wished to kill him,
but he told them of Signak, and promised to turn aside Mongol vengeance
in case they were prudent. The people then freed him, but very soon saw
the enemy under the walls, which they thought proof against every
besieger. The Mongols scaled those walls quickly, and rushed in from
all sides. No hand was raised then against them. The inhabitants were
driven to the open country and left nine days and nights there, while
the pillage continued. Excepting those who had abused Chin Timur, the
people were spared, since they had made no resistance.
Meanwhile a detachment of the army had seized Yengikend, the last town
on the river, and Juchi’s work was done on the right bank with
thoroughness.
The third division of the army moved from Otrar to the left up the
river, and attacked Benakit which was garrisoned by Kankalis. At the
end of three days the officers wished to capitulate. Their lives were
promised them, and they surrendered. The inhabitants were driven from
the city. The Turks were taken out to one side, and cut down to the
last man, with swords and other weapons. Being warriors whom the
Mongols could not trust, they were slaughtered. The artisans were
spared and divided among the Mongol army. Unskilled, young, and strong
men were taken to assist in besieging; all other people were slain
immediately.
The march was continued to Khodjend, and soon the invaders were in
front of that city, and storming it. In Khodjend, Timur Melik, a man of
great valor, commanded. He took one thousand chosen warriors to a fort
on an island far enough from either bank to be safe from stones and
arrows. The besiegers were reinforced by twenty thousand Mongols for
conflict, and fifty thousand natives of the country to carry on siege
work. These natives were employed first of all at bearing stones from a
mountain three leagues distant, and building a road from the shore to
the fortress in the river. Timur Melik meanwhile built twelve covered
barges, protected from fire with glazed earth, which was first soaked
in vinegar. Every day six of these boats went to each shore and sent
arrows, through openings, at the Mongols. Night attacks were made
suddenly and wrought much harm on the invaders.
But despite every effort Timur saw that failure would come if he stayed
there. He was met by preponderant and crushing numbers at last. So he
put men and baggage in seventy strong boats and his chosen warriors in
the twelve covered barges; and they sped down the swift river at night
by the light of many torches fixed on the boats of his flotilla. The
boats snapped a chain stretched across from one bank to the other by
Mongols near Benakit, and passed along, hunted by the enemy on both
sides.
Timur learned now that Juchi had posted a large corps of men on the two
banks, close to Jend, captured recently; he learned also that balistas
were ready and that a bridge of boats had been made near the same
place. He debarked higher up, therefore, and took to horse to avoid
capture. Pursued by the enemy, he gave battle till his baggage was
brought near him. He repeated this day after day till forced at last to
abandon the baggage. Finally, having lost all his men, he was alone and
pursued by three Mongols. He had only three arrows left, one of these
had no metal point on it; he shot that and put out an eye of the
nearest pursuer. Then he cried to the other men: “There are two arrows
still in my quiver, ye would better go back with your eyesight.” They
did so. Timur Melik made his way to Urgendj, and joined Jelal ud din,
whom he followed till the death of that sovereign.
Meanwhile Jinghis moved against Bokhara with his main forces and
arrived at that city during June of 1219. On the way he seized Nur and
Charnuk, which he pillaged; then he took from those places all stalwart
men useful in siege work. Bokhara, the great city with a garrison of
twenty thousand, was invested on all sides, and attacked by relays of
fresh warriors, who gave neither respite nor rest to it.
After some days the defenders lost hope of success and resolved to
burst through in the night time, trusting in that way to save
themselves. They fell on the Mongols unexpectedly, and scattered them,
but instead of pursuing this advantage and fighting, those escaping
defenders hastened forward. The Mongol troops rallied, and hunted the
fugitives to the river, where they cut down nearly all of them.
Next morning early, the Ulema and notables came out to give homage to
the great Mongol Khan, and open the gates to him. Jinghis rode in, and
going to the main mosque of the city entered it on horseback.
Dismounting near the minbar, or pulpit, he ascended some steps of it
and said to the people who assembled there quickly before him: “The
fields now are stripped; feed our horses in this place!”
The boxes which had been used to hold copies of the Koran were taken to
the courtyard to hold grain for Mongol horses; the sacred volumes were
thrown under the hoofs of those animals and trampled. Skins of wine
were brought into the mosque with provisions; jesters and singers of
the city were summoned, and while wild warriors were revelling in
excesses of all sorts, and shouting songs of their own land and people,
the highest chiefs of religion and doctors of law served them as
slaves, held their horses and fed them. While thus employed one great
man whispered to his neighbor: “Why not implore the Almighty to save
us?” “Be silent,” said the other, “God’s wrath is moving near us; this
is no time for beseeching. I fear to pray to the Almighty lest it
become worse with us thereby. If life is dear to thee hold their beasts
now for the Mongols, and serve them.”
From the mosque Jinghis went to the place of public prayer beyond the
city, and summoned all people to meet there. He stood in the pulpit and
inquired: “Who are the richest men in this multitude?” Two hundred and
eighty persons were presented; ninety of these had come from other
cities. The Khan commanded all those wealthy persons to draw near, and
then he spoke to them. He described the Shah’s cruelties and injustice,
which had brought on the ruin of their city: “Know,” continued he,
“that ye have committed dreadful deeds, and the great people of this
country are the worst of its criminals. Should ye ask why I speak thus,
I answer: I am Heaven’s scourge, sent to punish. Had ye not been
desperate offenders I should not be standing here now against you.”
Then he said that he required no one to deliver wealth which was above
ground, his men could discover that very easily, but he asked for
hidden treasures. The wealthy men were then forced to name their
agents, and those agents had to yield up the treasures, or be tortured.
All strong men were set to filling the moats encircling the city; even
copies of the Koran and furniture of mosques were hurled in to fill
ditches. The fortress was stormed and not a man of its defenders found
mercy.
When the fortress was taken, all its inhabitants were driven from the
city with nothing but the clothes which they had on their bodies. Then
began the great pillage. The victors slew all whom they found in any
place of hiding. At last Mongol troops were sent out to surround the
inhabitants on the plain, and divide them into parties. Deeds were done
there which baffle description. Every possible outrage was enacted
before those to whom it was most dreadful to be present, and have
eyesight. Some had strength to choose death instead of looking at those
horrors; among spectators of this kind were the chief judge of the
city, and the first Imam, who seeing the dishonor of their women rushed
to save them, and perished.
Finally the city was fired; everything wooden was consumed, nothing was
left save the main mosque, and a few brick palaces.
Jinghis Khan left the smoking ruins of Bokhara the Noble, to march on
Samarkand, which was only five days distant. He passed along the
pleasant valley of Sogd, covered at that time with beautiful fields,
orchards and gardens and with houses here and there in good number. All
inhabitants of Bokhara taken to toil in the coming siege were driven on
behind the army. Whoso grew weak on the way or too weary for marching
was cut down at once without pity.
Samarkand was one of the great commercial cities of the world. It had a
garrison which numbered forty thousand. Both the city and the citadel
had been fortified with care, and all men considered that a siege of
that place would continue for months, nay, for years perhaps.
The three other army corps appeared now, for every place on the lower
river had been taken, and Northern Transoxiana was subjected. These
divisions brought with them all captives who were young, firm and
stalwart, men who might be of service in siege work; there was an
immense host of those people arranged in groups of ten, and each ten
had a banner. Jinghis, to impose on the doomed city, paraded his
legions before it; cavalry, infantry, and at last those unfortunate
captives who had the seeming of regular warriors.
Two days were spent in examining the city defenses and outworks; on the
third morning early the Mongol conqueror sounded the onset. A host of
brave citizens made a great sally, and at first swept all before them
but not being sustained by their own troops, who feared the besiegers,
they met a dreadful disaster. The Mongols retired before the onrushing
people, who pressed forward with vigor till they fell into ambush;
being on foot they were surrounded very quickly and slaughtered before
the eyes of the many thousands looking from the walls, and the
housetops. This great defeat crushed the hopes of the citizens.
The Kankali troops being Turks believed that the Mongols would treat
them most surely as kinsmen. In fact Jinghis had promised, as they
thought, to take them to his service. Hence this great multitude, the
real strength of the city, issued forth that same day with their
leaders, their families, and their baggage, in one word, with all that
belonged to them. On the fourth day, just as the storm was to be
sounded, the chief men of the city went to the Mongol camp, where they
received satisfactory answers concerning themselves with their families
and dependents; hence they opened the gates of Samarkand to the
conqueror; but they were driven from the city save fifty thousand who
had put themselves under the protection of the cadi and the mufti.
These fifty thousand were safe-guarded, the others were all
slaughtered.
The night following the surrender, Alb Khan, a Turk general, made a
sortie from the citadel and had the fortune to break through the
Mongols, thus saving himself and those under him. At daybreak the
citadel was attacked simultaneously on all sides. That struggle lasted
till the evening, when one storming party burst in, and the stronghold
was taken. One thousand defenders took refuge in a mosque and fought
with desperation. The mosque was fired then, and all were burned to
death in it. The Kankalis who had yielded on the third day, that is the
first day of fighting, were conducted to a place beyond the city and
kept apart from others. Their horses, arms, and outfits were taken from
them, and their hair was shaved in front, Mongol fashion, as if they
were to form a part of the army. This was a trick to deceive them till
the executioners were ready. In one night the Kankalis were murdered to
the very last man.
When vast numbers of the citizens had been slaughtered a census was
made of the remnant: Thirty thousand persons of various arts,
occupations and crafts were given by Jinghis to his sons, his wives,
and his officers; thirty thousand more were reserved for siege labor;
fifty thousand, after they had paid two hundred thousand gold pieces,
were permitted to return to the city, which received Mongol
commandants. Requisitions of men were made at later periods repeatedly,
and, since few of those persons returned to their homes, Samarkand
stood ruined and unoccupied for a long time.
Jinghis Khan so disposed his forces from the first, that Shah Mohammed
could not relieve any city between the two rivers; now all those cities
were taken, and the forces defending them were slaughtered. The next
great work was to seize Shah Mohammed himself, and then slay him, and
with him his family.
Thirty thousand chosen men were employed now in chasing the Kwaresmian
ruler. Never had a sovereign been hunted like this victim of the
Mongols. He fled like a fox, or a hare; he was hunted as if he had been
a dreadful wild beast, which had killed some high or holy person, or as
if he were some outcast, who had committed a deed which might make a
whole nation shudder. But here we must say a few words concerning the
hunted man, and explain his position.
CHAPTER VII
FLIGHT AND DEATH OF MOHAMMED
While the Mongols were ruining Northern Transoxiana Mohammed held aloof
from every action, and was discouraged so deeply that his weakness
affected all people of the Empire. While fortifying Samarkand he passed
by the moat one day, and made this remark: “The Mongols are so many
that they could fill this moat with their horsewhips.” When Jinghis had
captured the northern line beyond the Oxus, Mohammed moved southward by
way of Naksheb, telling all people to care for themselves, since his
troops could not protect them. The diversity of opinions among his
commanders and ministers increased his hesitation. The best warriors
declared that Transoxiana was lost, but that Khorassan and Irak must be
guarded; that troops must be concentrated, a general levy enforced, and
the Amu Darya be defended at all costs. Others advised to fall back
upon Ghazni, and there meet the Mongols; if beaten the Shah might
retire beyond the Indus. This being the most timid course Mohammed
favored and chose it; but, joined at Balkh by Amad ul mulk, the vizir,
he altered that plan at the instance of Amad, who was prime minister of
Rokn ud din, the Shah’s son who held Persian Irak as an appanage, and
had sent Amad to his father hoping thus to be rid of him.
The position of Amad was of this sort: He wished to be near Shah
Mohammed, his protector, and he was drawn toward his birthplace, the
home of his family; so he persuaded the Shah to change plans and go to
Persian Irak, where he would find men and means to force back the
Mongols. Jelal ud din, the best son of Mohammed, in fact the only brave
man in the family, was opposed to both projects; he would not talk of
retreat, he would stop the invasion at the Oxus. “If thou retire to
Irak,” said he, “give me thy forces. I will drive back the Mongols, and
liberate the Empire.” Every discussion, however, was fruitless; the
Shah treated all his son’s reasons as folly. “Success,” said Mohammed,
“is fixed from eternity, defeat is averted by a change in the stars,
and not otherwise.”
Before he left his position at Balkh Mohammed sent men to Pendjde, a
point north of Termed, to collect information of the enemy’s movements.
Tidings came quickly that Bokhara had been captured, that Samarkand had
surrendered. Delaying his journey no longer, the Shah started off in
hot haste through Khorassan. Most of the troops who went with him were
Turks whose chiefs were his mother’s adherents and kinsmen; these
formed a plot very quickly to kill him. Forewarned of their treachery,
Mohammed left his tent during night hours; next morning it was seen to
be riddled with arrows. His fears increased greatly, and he hastened on
till he reached Nishap, where he halted, thinking that the Mongols
would not cross the river Oxus in any case.
From Samarkand Jinghis despatched Chepé with ten thousand, Subotai with
a second ten thousand, and Tuguchar with a third corps of similar
numbers. The order given these was to ride with all speed to the camp
of the Shah. If they found him at the head of large forces to wait till
reinforcements came up to them; if he had few, to attack and secure
him; if fleeing, to pursue, and with Heaven’s help take and keep him;
to spare cities which yielded; to ruin utterly those which resisted.
The pursuing Mongols swept through Khorassan untiringly. This splendid
province had four famous cities: Balkh, Herat, Merv and Nishapur.
Besides these there were others of considerable, though minor,
importance. When the Mongols were near Balkh that city sent forth a
deputation with presents and submission. A Mongol governor was placed
in it. Zaveh closed its gates and refused all supplies; unwilling to
lose time there at siege work the Mongols pressed forward, but since
people mounted the walls then, and stood beating drums and abusing
them, they turned and attacked that foolish city which reviled them.
They stormed the place, put to the sword every man in it, and burned
what they had not the power to take with them.
On and on rode the Mongols. People met on the way to Nishapur were
seized and put to torture till they told what they knew of the fleeing
Mohammed. Cities were summoned to surrender; those that surrendered
were spared and received new commandants. If cities which resisted were
weak, they were stormed; if strong, they were left till a later
occasion, since the work then on hand was to capture Mohammed.
When the Shah learned that the enemy had entered Khorassan he left
Nishapur with a small escort under pretext of hunting. Consternation
filled that place when the truth grew apparent. After the Shah deserted
the city the vizir with the mufti and the cadi ruled, pending the
arrival of a governor, who was on the way from Urgendj, the Kwaresmian
capital. This man died when three days from the end of his journey; his
household officials kept his death secret lest the escort might seize
all his movable property. One of the regents went forth as if to meet
him, and brought in his treasure. The escort, one thousand in number,
would not stay in the city, but went in search of Mohammed. Next day
those men, when nine miles from Nishapur, were met by a new host of
Mongols who attacked very quickly and cut them to pieces.
The city was summoned to open its gates and the three regents gave
answer as follows: “When Shah Mohammed is captured, Nishapur will
surrender.” The first Mongol party that demanded provisions received
them and vanished. Day after day new bodies rushed up to the city,
received what they asked for and rode away swiftly. At last Chepé came
and commanded the vizir, the mufti and cadi to appear at headquarters.
Three supposititious men were sent out to meet him with gifts and
provisions. The general gave these men the Khan’s proclamation in Uigur
characters, and this was its import: “O commandants, officials and
people! Know ye that Heaven has given me the Empire of the earth, both
the east and the west of it. Those who submit will be spared; woe to
those who resist, they will be slaughtered with their children, and
wives and dependents. Give provisions to all troops that come, and
think not to meet water with fire, or to trust in your walls, or the
numbers of those who defend them. If ye try to escape utter ruin will
seize you.”
The three bodies of Mongols, ten thousand each which were speeding on
now in pursuit of Mohammed were rushing toward Irak. Subotai passed
through Damegan and Simnan, and crossed the Kumus River. Chepé Noyon,
who had gone by Mazanderan, rejoined Subotai at Rayi. This place they
took by surprise, and then sacked it.
From Nishapur Mohammed hastened on to Kazvin, where his son Rokn ud din
had an army; there he took counsel with the leaders of that army which
was thirty thousand in number, and sent for Hezerasp, prince of Lur,
who advised a retreat across the mountain chain lying between Fars and
Lur. The Shah wished to stay in Irak and increase his defense there; he
had just stated that wish when news came that Rayi had been taken and
plundered. Chiefs and princes fled straightway on hearing this. Each
went his own road, and the whole army vanished immediately, so great
was the terror inspired by the onrushing Mongols.
The Shah fled for safety to his sons in Karun. On the way Mongol forces
were in sight and almost caught him, unwittingly. They sent arrows at
the fleeing man though not knowing who he was and wounded the horse
which he was riding, but the beast held out and bore him safely to the
fortress. Next morning he fled farther along the road lying westward
toward Bagdad. Barely had he ridden away when the Mongols, who knew now
whose horse they had wounded, rushed in, thinking to seize the hunted
man surely. They attacked the fort furiously at first, but learning
soon that the Shah had escaped they hurried after him. On the way they
met men who professed to be guides dismissed by Mohammed; from these
men they heard that he was fleeing to Bagdad. They took the guides then
and rushed forward, but the Shah was on a new road at that time. The
Mongols soon saw that they had lost his trail, and were tricked, so
they cut down the guides and returned to Karun.
Mohammed had fled to Serdjihan, a strong place northeast of Kazvin on a
mountain. Seven days he remained there; he then fled to Gilan, and next
to Mazanderan, where he appeared stripped of property and almost
unattended. The Mongols had preceded him, having sacked two towns
already, Amol the capital, and Astrabad a place of much commerce.
“Where am I to find safety from Mongols? Is there no spot on earth
where I can be free of them?” Such was the cry of Mohammed. “Go to some
little island in the Caspian, that will be the safest place!” said some
of his friends. This advice pleased Shah Mohammed, so he stopped in a
village on the seashore, intending to follow it. He prayed five times
each day in the mosque, had the Koran read to him and promised God
tearfully that justice would reign in his Empire as never on earth up
to that day, should power ever come to him a second time.
While Mohammed was thus engaged in that village, Mongols appeared on a
sudden. They were guided by Rokn ud din, a small prince of that region.
This man’s uncle and cousin had been killed by Shah Mohammed, who
seized their lands in the days of his insolence and his greedy
ambition. Rokn ud din’s hatred had sent him as a guide to the Mongols,
and thus he recovered his family inheritance. The Shah had barely time
to spring into a boat and push out from shore when his enemies were
upon him. Enraged at the loss of their victim, many horsemen sprang
after the boat, but they failed to reach it and were drowned in the
Caspian.
Mohammed, who was suffering gravely from pleurisy and weakness,
declared as he sailed from the shore, that after reigning over many
kingdoms and lands he lacked even a few ells of earth for a resting
place. The fallen man reached a small island and was childishly joyous
at finding a safe place of refuge. His house was a tent with little in
it, but the people of the coast brought him food, and whatever else
might be pleasing to the monarch, as they thought. In return Mohammed
gave them brevets of office, or titles to land which they wrote
themselves frequently, since he had sent most of his small suite to
bring his sons to him. Later on, when Jelal ud din had regained some
part of his possessions he honored all gages of this kind.
The Shah’s illness increased, and he lost hope of recovery. His sons
came and then he withdrew from Oslag the inheritance. “Save Jelal ud
din there is none of you who can recover the Empire,” declared
Mohammed. The failing monarch took his own sabre which he girded on
Jelal ud din, and commanded the younger brothers to show him obedience.
Mohammed breathed his last some days later, January 10, 1221, and was
buried on that island. There was no cloth for a shroud, so he was
buried in another man’s shirt. His funeral was small and the ceremony
scant at his burial. Such was the end which Jinghis gave a great
sovereign who, till his attack on the Kalif of Islam, ruled over a vast
country and found success everywhere save in the struggles with his
mother.
Before crossing the Oxus, Mohammed directed Turkan Khatun, who governed
Urgendj, the modern Khiva, to retire to Mazanderan and live there in
the mountains, taking with her his harem. Jinghis, informed clearly of
the quarrels between the Shah and his mother, sent Danishmend, his
chancellor, to that relentless, harsh woman, and this was his message:
“Thy son is ungrateful, I know that. If thou agree with me I will not
touch Kwaresm, which thou art ruling. I will give thee, moreover,
Khorassan when I win it. Send a trusty man, he will hear this assurance
from my own lips directly.”
Turkan Khatun gave no answer, but left Kwaresm as soon as she heard
that her son had fled westward. Before going, however, she put to death
all the princes whom the Shah had despoiled and imprisoned; among these
were both sons of Togrul, the last Seljuk sultan of Irak; the Balkh
prince and his son, the sovereign of Termed; the prince of Bamian; the
Vakhsh prince, the two sons of the lord of Signak, and the two sons of
Mahmud, last prince of Gur. She had all these men thrown into the Oxus
and drowned, sparing only Omar, Khan of Yazer, who could be of use on
her journey, since he knew all the roads which led to his own land and
birthplace. In fact he served the woman well, till they were near
Yazer, when his head was cut off at her order, as she had no further
use for him.
When Mohammed had fled to Mazanderan he directed his mother, as we have
seen, to live in Ilak, the best stronghold in all that great region of
mountain. Later on Subotai, who was hunting Mohammed, left a body of
men to invest that strong fortress. As Ilak was in a rainy, damp
climate no reservoirs had been made for dry periods; while the place
was invested that happened which came to pass rarely, a dry season.
After a blockade of some months drought forced a surrender. But just
after the Mongols had taken possession, the sky was covered densely
with clouds which brought a great rainfall.
Turkan Khatun and the harem were taken to the camp of Jinghis, who was
before Talekan at that time and besieging it. She was held captive
there strictly. All the sons of Mohammed found in the harem were put to
death promptly. Two of his daughters were given to Jagatai, who made
one of them his concubine, and gave the other as a present to his
manager; a third was given as wife to the chancellor, Danishmend. The
widow of Osman, Khan of Samarkand, she who had insisted on the
execution of her husband, and was the daughter of the Gurkhan, was
given in marriage to a dyer, but by another account she was given to
Juchi, who had by her afterward several children. Turkan Khatun, the
strong, brutal woman, was taken to Kara Kurum, the Mongol capital,
where she died eight years later. Just before she was captured a eunuch
had urged her to find refuge with Jelal ud din, her own grandson, who
was near by, he declared, with a numerous army. Turkan replied that
captivity of any kind was sweeter to her than salvation at his hand.
Such was the hate which she felt toward her grandson. Nassir ud din,
the vizir who had defied Shah Mohammed, was put to death at Talekan
with a number of others.
Mohammed’s three elder sons made their way to Mangishlak by the Caspian
and thence to Urgendj, the Kwaresmian capital. Since the flight of
their grandmother the capital had been without rule; in her haste she
had left no governor there. Seventy thousand men gathered round the
three princes immediately. The commanders, being Kankali Turks, were
dissatisfied that Jelal ud din had succeeded his father; they feared
his strong will and plotted to kill him. The new Shah saw very clearly
that his one chance of safety was flight, and he seized that chance
quickly. With three hundred warriors under Timur Melik, that Khodjend
commandant who had escaped through the Mongol investment, he fled
across the desert to Nessa.
After the capture of Samarkand Jinghis stationed his troops between
that place and Naksheb where they spent the spring of 1221 and also the
summer. Toward autumn his forces were reorganized thoroughly. Having
rested they were strong and now ready for action. The return of
Mohammed’s sons at Urgendj and the gathering of forces there roused the
Khan’s vigilance, so he despatched thither an army at once under his
sons, Juchi, Jagatai and Ogotai. To cut off retreat toward the Indus he
formed a cordon on the southern rim of the desert; a part of this
cordon was already near Nessa when Jelal ud din and his party arrived
there. He attacked this line of men valiantly, forced it to flight and
pushed on without stopping. This was the first victory won over Mongols
in the Kwaresmian Empire. The two younger brothers, hearing of the
advance on Urgendj, set out three days later, but failed of such
fortune as their brother, and perished near Nessa. Their heads fixed on
lances were borne through Khorassan.
When the Mongol troops arrived before Urgendj, Juchi, who was in
command, sent to the capital a summons to surrender, informing the
people that his father had given him the city and that he did not wish
to injure it in any way. As no attention was paid to this summons the
siege was begun at once. The Mongols endeavored to divert the waters of
the Oxus above the town, but with no success, for the workmen were
killed by the garrison. Quarrels between Juchi and Jagatai impeded
siege work very greatly. Jinghis, angered by this delay, placed Ogotai
in command. Juchi was enraged at being thus superseded by a younger
brother, but he could not withdraw. The siege lasted seven months and
gained great renown through the desperate defense made by citizens.
After the general assault which decided the fate of the city the people
continued resistance with fury; driven from one street they fought in
the next. Women and even children took part in these struggles, which
continued seven days and nights without ceasing. At last the
inhabitants asked to capitulate. “We have felt thy wrath,” declared
they to the Mongol commander, “thy time has come now to show favor.”
“How!” exclaimed Ogotai. “They mention our wrath, they who have slain
so many of our army? We have felt their wrath very heavily and now we
will show them what ours is!”
He ordered all the inhabitants to go forth from the city and wait on
the plain; the artisans were to group themselves separately. These
artisans were spared, but were sent to Mongolia. Some of them fearing
such an exile, joined with the people and waited. Except artisans no
one was spared unless youthful women, and also children; all were cut
down by Ogotai, without mercy.
After this slaughter the Mongols plundered Urgendj of everything which
had value. Then they opened the sluices of the Oxus and flooded the
city; those who were hidden there perished. In other places some
persons saved themselves always, but here, those who escaped Mongol
fury and hid themselves were drowned by the water let in on them.
Jinghis camped that summer on the rich Naksheb steppes, where his vast
herds of horses found rest and good pasture. In the autumn a new and
great campaign was begun by the siege laid to Termed. This city, on the
north or right bank of the Oxus, refused to surrender and was taken by
storm on the tenth day of action. All the inhabitants were driven
beyond the suburbs and massacred; a certain old woman stopped the sword
above her head and promised a rare pearl if they spared her. When they
asked for the treasure, she answered, “I have swallowed it.” They
ripped her body open and found the costly pearl in her stomach.
Thinking that others might have swallowed jewels in like fashion,
Jinghis commanded to rip bodies open thenceforward.
The Mongol Khan passed the next winter between Balkh and the Badakshan
boundary, subduing, ravaging, destroying all cities of note, and every
place of distinction or value. Before the winter had ended that whole
region north of the Oxus was ruined, and was a horror to look upon. In
spring he crossed the river at a ford and was met by a Balkh deputation
with gifts and submission. Humility brought that rich famous place no
salvation. Jinghis, who knew that Jelal ud din, the new sovereign, was
at Ghazni with an army, would not leave a strong fortress behind him.
Under pretext of making a census he directed the people in Balkh to
assemble outside near the suburbs. They went forth and were slaughtered
most brutally; the city was pillaged, then burned, and all its defenses
demolished.
The time of terror came next to Nusrat i kuh in the Talekan district.
This place, strong by position, by its works, and its garrison,
defended itself for six months with immense strength, and successfully.
Prisoners in large numbers were forced to fight in the front lines of
investment. Those who turned back were cut down without mercy by the
Mongols behind them. A huge earth mound was reared and catapults placed
on it; with these the besiegers battered the interior of the fortress.
At last the brave garrison made a great sally on foot and on horseback;
the horsemen escaped to the mountains, but the foot forces were like
wild beasts at bay; they fought till the enemy had slain every man of
them. The Mongols then burst into the city; they spared no living soul
in it and left not one stone on another.
While the Khan’s army was destroying Nusrat i kuh, Tului returned to
his father after wasting Khorassan, the richest and most beautiful part
of the Empire. When Tului had set out for this work of destruction
Khorassan had been already ravaged by Subotai and by Chepé, who did the
work only in part as they rushed along hunting Mohammed. These two
chiefs left a commandant in each place which yielded. After they had
passed, and when news came of victories won, as men said, by Mohammed,
people hitherto terrified recovered their courage. For instance, the
chief of militia in Tus killed the Mongol commandant and sent his head
to Nishapur, the next city, as a trophy; but this chief suffered soon
after for his levity and rashness. A strange captain came with a
detachment to Tus, put nearly all native troops to the sword, and
forced the Tus citizens to destroy their defenses.
When Tului received the command in 1220 to march on Khorassan he sent
forward ten thousand men, under Togachar, as a vanguard. This body went
on toward Nessa and when approaching that city a part of it met with
resistance. Belgush, its commander, fell in the action which followed.
Togachar, to avenge the death of Belgush, besieged Nessa. Shah
Mohammed, when fleeing, had sent an official to advise Nessa people:
“The Mongols,” said he, “will abandon the Empire when they have
plundered it, so flee to the desert, or to mountainous regions, unless
ye wish to rebuild the old fortress, which was razed by my father.”
They rebuilt the old fortress.
Togachar attacked Nessa, using twenty catapults handled by captives,
who, whenever they fell back, were massacred by Mongols behind them. On
the sixteenth day at dawn a breach in the wall was effected; the
Mongols burst through and drove out the inhabitants. On the plain near
Nessa some were forced to bind others; when the hands of each man were
bound behind his back the Mongols slaughtered all who were there,
seventy thousand in number.
The ancient city of Meru, or Merv, renowned in Persian story, and still
more in Sanscrit poems, was the first place attacked by Tului with the
main army. It was one of the four ruling cities, and the one which
Melik Shah and Sindjar, the Seljuk Sultans, had favored. It stood on a
broad, fertile plain through which flowed the Murghab, or Bird, River.
When Mohammed fled from Jinghis he directed Merv troops and officials
to retire on Meraga, a neighboring fortress. “All people who remain
must receive Mongol troops with submission,” this was his order.
Mohammed’s fear, not his counsel, remained in that city. His governor,
Behai ul Mulk, did not think Meraga strong and found elsewhere a
refuge; some chiefs returned to Merv, others fled to distant places.
The new governor, a man of no value, declared for submission, and so
did the mufti, but the judge and descendants of the Prophet demanded
resistance. The governor lost his place soon and was followed in office
by a former incumbent named Mojir ul Mulk, who managed Merv matters
till Tului appeared with a force seventy thousand in number, made up in
some part of captives. Next day he surrounded the outworks and within a
week’s time his whole army had inclosed that doomed city, February,
1221.
The besieged made two sorties from different sides, but were hurled
back each time with great violence. The assailants then passed the
whole night near the ramparts, so that no living soul might escape
them. Mojir ul Mulk sent a venerable Imam next morning to visit
headquarters. This holy man brought back such mild words and fair
speeches, that the governor himself went to visit the camp, bearing
with him rich presents. Tului promised him the office of governor, and
the lives of all citizens. He gave him a rich robe of honor and spoke
of the governor’s friends and adherents: “I desire to attach them to my
person,” said he, “and confer on them fiefs and high office.” The
governor sent for his friends and adherents. When Tului had all these
men in his power he bound them. He bound Mojir ul Mulk also and forced
him to name the richest Merv citizens. A list was drawn up of two
hundred great merchants and men of much property, who were sent to the
Mongols with four hundred artisans. After this the troops entered the
city and drove out the people. The command had been given that each man
must go forth with his family and all he had of most value. The
multitude spent four whole days marching out of the city.
Tului mounted a gilded throne on a plain near the suburbs and had the
war chiefs brought first to his presence. That done he commanded to hew
off their heads in presence of the immense wailing multitude of people,
for whom no better lot was in waiting.
Men, women, and children were torn from one another never to meet in
this life after that day. The whole place was filled with groans,
shrieks and wild terror; the people were given in groups to divisions
of the army whose office it was to cut them down to the last without
pity or exception. Only four hundred artisans were set aside and some
boys and girls intended for servitude. Wealthy persons were tortured
unsparingly till they told where their treasures were hidden; when the
treasures were found these men were slaughtered as well as the others.
The city was plundered to the utmost; the tomb of the Sultan, Sindjar,
was pillaged; the walls of the ancient city and the fortress were made
level with the country about them.
Before he left that city of carnage and terror Tului appointed a
governor, one of the inhabitants whom he had spared for some reason,
and then he joined a Mongol commandant to that man. When the army had
marched away to destroy Nishapur, about five hundred persons crept
forth from underground places of hiding, but short was the breathing
space given them. Mongol troops following Tului wished also a share in
the bloodshed. Halting outside the dark ruins, they asked that these
ill-fated people bring wheat to their camp ground. The unfortunates
were sent and were slaughtered.
This corps cut down every man whom it met in the wake of Tului.
Nishapur stood twelve days’ journey distant from Merv and in attacking
it Tului was preparing to avenge Togachar, his sister’s husband, killed
at Nessa. The Nishapur people had done what they could to the harm of
the Mongols, and had prepared to defend themselves with all the
strength of their souls and their bodies. They had mounted three
thousand ballistas on the walls, and five hundred catapults.
The siege was begun by laying waste the whole province, of which
Nishapur was the capital. Three thousand ballistas, three hundred
catapults, seven hundred machines to throw pots of burning naphtha, and
four thousand ladders were among the siege implements. At sight of
these, and of the vast multitude of savage warriors surrounding their
city, the leaders felt courage go from them.
A deputation of notables, with the chief judge of Khorassan, went to
offer Tului submission, and an annual tribute.
Tului refused every offer and held the judge captive. Next morning he
rode round the walls and roused his troops to the greatest endeavor.
They attacked all sides at once, fighting that day and the night
following. In the morning the moats were full; in the walls were
seventy breaches; ten thousand Mongols had entered. New assailants
rushed in from every side, and there were desperate encounters at many
points. Before that day had ended the city was occupied. The assailants
took terrible vengeance. Togachar’s widow, one of Jinghis Khan’s
daughters, rushed in herself with ten thousand warriors who cut down
all before them. The slaughter continued four days without ceasing. The
Mongols destroyed every living thing; even the cats and dogs in the
city were killed by them (April, 1221).
Tului had heard that in the destruction of Merv many persons had saved
their lives by lying down among corpses, so now he ordained that all
heads be cut from the bodies; of these three pyramids were constructed,
one of men’s heads, a second from heads of women, and a third of
children’s heads. Fifteen days did destruction of the city continue;
the place disappeared altogether, and the Mongols sowed barley on the
site of it. Of the inhabitants only a few hundred men were left living;
these were skilled artisans. Lest some should find refuge in
underground places, troops were left near the ruins to slay all who
might creep out later on into daylight.
The Mongol army marched now against Herat, the last city left in
Khorassan. The governor, who had slain the envoy sent by Tului to
summon the place to surrender, exhorted all men to fight desperately,
to fight to the death. The struggle continued eight days, and Herat
fought with immense resolution and fury; on that day the governor fell,
and a small party sprang up which declared for submission. Tului
knowing this state of mind in the city, promised to spare the people,
if they would submit to him straightway. The offer was accepted. He
spared all the citizens, excepting twelve thousand devoted to Jelal ud
din, the new sovereign, and appointed a Mohammedan governor, with a
Mongol commandant to help him.
Eight days later Tului received from Talekan a command to go to his
father.
While Tului was ruining Khorassan, a small group of Turkmans,
Khankalis, who were living near Merv, fearing the Mongols, moved
westward, and after some wandering in Asia Minor, settled at last near
Angora under Ertogrul their tribe chieftain. They numbered in those
days four hundred and forty families. These Turkmans formed the nucleus
of the Ottoman Empire, so famous in history until our day.
After he had destroyed Talekan, Jinghis held his summer camp for a time
in the neighboring mountains. His sons, Jagatai and Ogotai, returned
from Urgendj and other ruined places on the Oxus. Juchi went north of
Lake Aral and in deep and unquenchable anger began to establish the
monarchy of Kipchak, known later as the Golden Horde, and never again
saw his father. Jinghis learning, toward the autumn of 1221, that Jelal
ud din had large forces in Ghazni, directed his march toward that city
to crush him.
The great Khan was detained a whole month at Kerduan, a firm fortress,
but he destroyed it at last, with all its defenders. He crossed the
Hindu Kush after that and besieged Bamian, where he lost one grandson
stricken dead by an arrow; this was Moatagan, son of Jagatai. To avenge
this death Bamian was stormed promptly, and taken. Jinghis would not
have it in another way. The command was given to leave nothing alive,
and take no booty of any kind. Every living creature had to die, and
every thing of value was broken or burned. Bamian was renamed Mobalig
(the city of woe), and the region about it was turned to a desert. A
hundred years later it contained no inhabitants.
Just after this destruction came the news of Jelal ud din’s victory
over a Mongol division, commanded by Kutuku, who had been protecting
the Khan’s operations and those of Tului on the south side. This
victory was gained at Peruan, not far from the Bamian boundary. It
brought more harm to the victor, however, than profit, for it caused a
sudden rupture between his commanders, some of whom deserted and led
away many warriors. With reduced ranks he was forced to fall back upon
Ghazni, and thence farther south when he heard that Jinghis was
advancing rapidly to avenge the defeat of Kutuku, his general.
The Mongol army reached Ghazni fifteen days after its opponent had
retreated. Jinghis left a governor in the city, and flew toward the
Indus with all the speed possible to horses when men are sitting on
them and urging them to the utmost. But this time the great Mongol had
to do with a man of more mettle than he had met in his warfaring thus
far. Jelal ud din had gathered in forces from all sides; he sent urgent
messages to the chiefs who had left him, but, though willing to return,
they had no chance to do so at that day. Jinghis was between them and
their leader.
The Mongols urged forward their horses with the energy of madmen. The
great task was to stop the young Shah from crossing the Indus with his
army and his harem—his wives and children were all with him. Time was
in this case preëminent in value. The Mongols pressed Jelal ud din
savagely, but he was, as ever, unterrified. Just before reaching the
Indus he fell at night on the rear of his enemy’s vanguard, and cut it
down to a man very nearly.
On reaching the river there was no time to cross, so the Shah ranged
his army for battle. The left wing was covered by a mountain, which
ended sheer in the river. The mountain could not be turned, and could
not be crossed, as the Shah thought; it protected the left from flank
attack also; the Indus protected the right from flank movements, and
Jelal ud din could be met straight in front only. His army was thirty
thousand, while that of his enemy was many times larger.
And now began the unequal and desperate encounter. The Shah’s right
wing, to which he sent reinforcements repeatedly, repulsed the left
wing of the Mongols, and he himself broke Jinghis Khan’s center. For a
time the Mongol conqueror was in personal peril, since a horse was
killed under him in the struggle. Jelal ud din would have held his own,
and perhaps won a victory, had not Bela Noyon been sent with ten
thousand picked men to pass the mountain at all costs. Over cliffs and
on the edge of abysses the Mongols crept carefully, pushing forward
till at last they were in the rear of the weakened left wing and the
center which, attacked from rear and front, were pierced through and
forced out of contact with each other.
Rallying seven thousand men around him Jelal ud din made a desperate
charge on the line of his enemy, which gave way for some distance, then
he turned quickly, sprang on a fresh horse, threw off his armor and
spurring to the Indus leaped from a bank given variously as from twenty
to sixty feet higher than the plain of the water. His shield was at his
shoulder, and his standard in his hand. Jinghis, who spurred to the
river bank swiftly and gazed at his fleeing opponent, cried: “How could
Shah Mohammed be the father of this man!”
The eldest son of Jelal ud din was a lad of eight years. He with his
brothers were tossed into the Indus and drowned like superfluous
puppies. Jinghis disposed of the harem and treasures as pleased him.
Jelal ud din vanished then for a time from the conflict to appear later
on in various struggles till weakness, treachery and death put an end
to him. Mongol generals crossed the river and pursued, but returned
after fruitless endeavors.
Jinghis marched up the right bank of the Indus in the spring of 1222,
and sent his son Ogotai to take Ghazni and destroy it. Here, as in most
other places, the inhabitants were sent from the city, as it were to be
counted, but were slaughtered most brutally; none were spared except
artisans. An army corps was sent also to ruin Herat, the one city left
in Khorassan. Herat had risen in revolt on hearing of the Peruan
triumph over Mongols; the people had had such action in view since the
time of surrender, and had stored away arms and supplies under pretext
that they were for Mongol use should the need come.
Not far from Herat was the Kaliun fortress, known later on as Nerretu.
To reach this strong place men had to pass single file on the high,
narrow ridge of a mountain which resembled the back of a colossal hog
of the razor-back species. The place was beyond reach of arrows, or of
stones sent by catapults. Though they had attacked Kaliun twice, the
Mongols had failed in their efforts to take it. The Kaliun men, fearing
lest they might come a third time, and impress Herat people, had
planned to involve that strong and wealthy city, which would then have
one cause with them. They sent letters to the Mongol governors ruling
in Herat stating: “We are ready to surrender, but fear Mongol rigor; we
beg for a written safe-conduct.”
The governors answered that they would give such a letter, and advised
the petitioners to visit the city and come to them. This was all that
the other men needed; so seventy strong warriors went down from Kaliun,
disguised as simple huxters; they had arms covered up in the packs
which they carried. They entered the city, each man by himself,
combined later on and slew both the governors. Herat rose immediately,
and killed every partisan of the Mongols.
In addition to his own men the Mongol commander led now fifty thousand
impressed from conquered places. A siege followed soon and a desperate
resistance. Six months and seventeen days did it last till the fall of
the city. The sword was turned then on all save the choice youth of
both sexes. For one week the Mongols slew, pillaged, burned, ruined. It
was said that one million six hundred thousand people perished in the
conflict and subsequent slaughter. Jinghis received the richest of the
plunder, and with it went several thousands of youthful captives.
When Herat was destroyed the commander went back to the main army;
somewhat later troops were sent to capture all who might have escaped
and appeared in the ruins; they found about two thousand. These they
slew, and then returned to those who had sent them.
Sixteen persons took refuge on a steep mountain peak, and when they saw
no Mongols coming back, they went down to Herat. A few others came also
and joined them. There was then a new population, forty persons in
number. Their only refuge was the chief mosque of the city.
After its terrible ruin, Merv had been repeopled to some extent, but
later five thousand Mongols were sent to that city and they slaughtered
all whom they found in it. When these five thousand had done their work
thoroughly a commandant, Ak Melik, was left with the order to kill all
who might reappear in the ruins. This man did his best to find people
and slay them. He sent muezzins to summon to prayer from the minarets.
Whenever a Moslem crept out of his hiding place and entered the mosque
he was seized and his life taken. Forty-one days did Ak Melik lurk
there and wait for more people. The survivors were few when he left the
ruins. Merv remained a sad desert till the days of Shah Ruk, son of
Tamerlane.
Jinghis cut down on the banks of the Indus all who had been faithful to
Jelal ud din, the new Shah, and now he destroyed all who had deserted
that sovereign and been foolishly treacherous. On deserting Jelal ud
din, Agrak had gone with Azam to Bekerhar. After a visit there he set
out for Peshawur, and from the first halting place sent back this
message: “Let not my mortal enemy remain in thy country.” This enemy
was Nuh Jaudar, the chief of five or six thousand Kolluj families. Azam
sent back this answer: “Never has there been among Moslems such need as
there now is not to quarrel.” And taking an escort of fifty, Azam
followed to make peace between Agrak and Jaudar. He could not move
Agrak or persuade him; they ate together and also drank wine; Agrak’s
brain grew excited, he mounted, took one hundred men and rode to the
camp of the Kollujes. Jaudar thinking that Agrak wished peace rode
forth with his son to greet him. On seeing his enemy Agrak drew his
sabre as if to strike, and was cut down by Jaudar’s men the next
moment. When Agrak’s adherents heard that their leader had been slain
they thought that Jaudar and Azam had plotted his ruin, and right away
they slew Azam. Then they attacked Jaudar’s camp, where they massacred
him and his children. Soon after this they encountered the Gur men and
killed a great number. As a close to this tragic insanity of action a
corps of mounted Mongols fell upon all and slew them indiscriminately;
a small remnant fled in various directions.
CHAPTER VIII
DEATH AND BURIAL OF THE CONQUEROR
Jinghis had passed the winter of 1222–3 near the Indus, and in the
spring of 1223 he resolved, rather suddenly as it seemed, to march up
the Indus and return through Tibet to Tangut and China. The reasons
given by historians for this move are various. There were troubles in
Tangut and there was no imperative reason for remaining in Kwaresm,
since that Empire was utterly helpless; it had been depopulated and
ruined in most parts.
Some people thought that Jinghis, if not horrified, was at least set to
thinking by the boundless slaughters committed at his direction. We
have two accounts touching this matter which are of interest, though
both bear the myth stamp, and are opinions of other men as to Jinghis,
not the great Khan’s own thoughts as expressed by his words or his
actions. In the Chinese history “Tung Kian Kang Mu,” the following
cause is given for his sudden decision: When Jinghis was at the Iron
Gate of North India his guards saw a creature which resembled a deer,
but its head was like that of a horse with one horn on its forehead,
and there was green hair on its body. This creature had power of
speech, for it said to the guards: “It is time for your master to
return to his own land.” Jinghis, troubled by this message, consulted
Ye liu chu tsai, who said: “That creature is Kotwan, it knows every
language. It appears as a sign that bloodshed is needless at present.
For four years the great army is warring in western regions. Heaven,
which has a horror of bloodshed, gives warning through Kotwan. Spare
the Empire for Heaven’s sake. Moderation will give boundless pleasure.”
The other account is quite different in character and import: “I was,”
says a Gurjistan cadi, “in Herat on a tower, which stood just in front
of Tului’s headquarters. Arrows came in such numbers that I went down
and was lost in the dust, among Mongols. They seized and took me then
to Tului. When he heard my adventure he wondered: ‘An angel, or it may
be a demon, is trifling with thee,’ said he. ‘Neither,’ replied I. ‘How
then art thou here?’ asked he. ‘I looked at all things with the eye of
a sovereign,’ was my answer, ‘hence no harm struck me.’ This answer so
pleased Tului that he showed me much favor. ‘Take this gift,’ added he,
‘for thou art a man of rare wisdom. Be true to Jinghis the great Khan,
for thou wilt now serve him.’ He sent me then to his father, who
received me in Talekan with high favor. Jinghis spoke to me of Turkish
sufferings repeatedly. ‘Dost thou think,’ asked he one day, ‘that the
blood which I have shed will be remembered against me by mankind?’ He
held a dart in his hand while he looked in my face and put questions.
‘I will answer,’ replied I, ‘if your majesty secures life to me.’
‘Speak,’ said the Khan, and I answered: ‘If your majesty slays as many
persons as you please, men will give you whatever fame pleases them.’
His face colored at these words, and he shouted in rage till the dart
dropped from his fingers. I felt death standing near me that moment,
but he soon recovered and said: ‘I have thought on the wisdom of sages,
and see that I have plundered and slain without the right knowledge in
that region where Mohammed’s horse lost his way; but what care I for
men?’ and he went from the chamber. I could remain in those places no
longer, such was my fear in that horde, and I fled from it.”
Before starting for home Jinghis gave command to kill all superfluous
prisoners, that is, all who had done the work because of which they had
been spared from death on the day when they were taken; only artisans
were left, men needed for their skill in Mongolia. This command was not
carried out, however, till the captives had hulled an immense store of
rice for the Mongols; that done they were slain in one night without
any exception.
The Mongols took the road toward Tibet, but after some days they turned
back from that difficult region and went to Peshawur, where were the
roads along which they had come in the first place. As he passed Balkh
on the Samarkand road Jinghis Khan issued orders to slay all who had
made their way back to that city.
After the death of Shah Mohammed, Chepé Noyon and Subotai, two of the
three who had hunted him down to extinction, plundered Persian, that is
Eastern, Irak and ruined it, and also the lands between that vast
province and the Caspian. On the west they went great distances inland,
including parts of Armenia, and also Georgia as far as Tiflis. In 1222
those commanders received from Jinghis reinforcements with a command to
conquer the Polovtsi, a people akin to the Mongols.
These Polovtsi led a nomad life in that region which stretches westward
from the Caspian to the Dnieper; they were neighbors of the Russians
whom they had harassed for centuries. The Mongols had obtained from the
Shirvan Shah ten guards to conduct them. The commanders began very
strangely. They cut off the head of one of these ten and declared that
the other nine would die by the same kind of death if they should
deceive them or use any treachery. Despite this cruel act the guides
led the army into ambush among northern foothills of the Caucasus, and
slipped away safely.
The Mongols, astray in mountains and woods, were attacked upon all
sides by various strong peoples; among these were the Polovtsi, to whom
they were bringing destruction. Pressed hard at all points they sent to
those Polovtsi this message: “Ye and we are one people, why war with
us? Make peace. We will give all the gold that ye need, and many rich
garments. Ye and we can work together with great profit.”
Seduced by these words and by presents the Polovtsi gave help and aid
to the Mongols, gave them victory first, and then led them out to the
open country. When towns in the Caucasus foothills and near them were
ruined the Mongols turned on the Polovtsi, slew their chief men and
numbers of others, took back the bribes to treachery, took every other
thing of value and cut down and slaughtered on all sides. The Polovtsi
fled and spread terror with their accounts of the Mongols. The whole
people left the best pastures and moved toward their northern and
western boundaries. Ten thousand families passed into Byzantine
regions. John Ducas, the Emperor, took those people then to his service
and gave them land in Macedonia and Thrace. Great numbers fled into
Russia, which for two centuries had been scourged with their raids and
their outrages. Among the fugitives was Kotyan, a Khan whose daughter
had married the Galitch prince Mystislav the Gallant. Kotyan implored
his son-in-law to help him: “To-day,” said he, “the Mongols have taken
our land, they will take yours to-morrow. Assist us; if not we shall be
beaten on one day and you the day following.”
Mystislav called the Russian princes to a council, at which they
resolved to give aid to the Polovtsi. “Unless we help them,” said
Mystislav, “they will go with the Mongols and strengthen them.” A
deputation went north to ask aid of the princes in Suzdal. Troops were
collected and the Russian princes moved against the enemy in
confidence. On the way they met Mongol envoys who delivered this
message: “We have heard that, convinced by the Polovtsi, ye are
marching against us, but we have not come to attack you. We have come
against our own horse boys and slaves, the vile Polovtsi; we are not at
war with you. If the Polovtsi flee to your country drive them out of
it, and seize all their property. They have harmed you, as men tell us;
they have harmed us also; that is why we attack them.” The Russian
princes gave answer by killing the envoys.
Some distance down that great river the Dnieper, a new Mongol embassy
met the Russian princes with these words: “If through obedience to the
Polovtsi ye have cut down our envoys, and are now bringing war on us,
Heaven will judge your action; we have not harmed you.” This time the
princes spared the envoys.
When the Russians and Polovtsi had assembled at the Dnieper Mystislav
crossed with one thousand men. He attacked the Mongol outposts and
scattered them. After some hesitation the Mongols retired. Moving
eastward, they lured on the Russians, who soon met a larger detachment
of warriors. These they attacked and defeated, driving them far into
the steppe land and seizing all their cattle. Encouraged by this
success, the Russians moved forward eight days in succession till they
neared the river Kalka. Then came an action with outposts and a third
Russian victory. Mystislav ordered Daniel of Galitch, son of Roman, to
cross the Kalka; after him went all the other princes and encamped on
the steppe beyond the river. The Polovtsi were posted in advance, some
of them serving as sentries. Mystislav rode forward to reconnoitre.
Being satisfied with what was revealed to him he returned hastily,
ordered out his own men and also Daniel, giving no command to other
princes who were left in their camp awaiting orders; there was keen
rivalry between him and them. Mystislav thought, as it seems, to win
victory without them and believed that he had power thus to win it. He
knew not that he was to meet Chepé Noyon who had hunted to death both
Gutchluk and Mohammed, the sovereigns of two Empires; he knew nothing
of the Mongols, their numbers, their power or their methods.
The battle was opened by Daniel who, in the forefront himself, attacked
with great valor and was wounded very early in the action, which was
obstinate. Observing the danger, Mystislav supported him, and the
Mongols were repulsed to some extent. At this point, for some unknown
cause, the whole force of the Polovtsi stampeded, turned, rushed back
in panic terror and filled the Russian camp with disorder. The Mongols
rallied quickly, brought up fresh forces, and swept all before them.
The Russians, not engaged for the greater part, were waiting near the
river. The Polovtsi not only left the field, but in fact helped the
enemy, hence victory was perfect for the Mongols. “Never in Russia,”
states the chronicler, “was there a defeat so disastrous as this one
(1224).”
Three Russian princes, who had not taken part in the battle, held their
ground firmly near the river, on a hill which they fortified with
palisades. They fought there with two divisions of Mongols, which
remained at the Kalka—the others followed Mystislav toward the Dnieper.
Three days did those brave men fight at the river, till assured that
they would be freed on surrender, if ransomed. They trusted the
plighted word of the Mongols and yielded.
The Mongol chiefs bound those three princes hand and foot, and laid
them side by side on the ground at some distance one from another. They
then placed a heavy platform upon them, sat on that platform and ate
and drank while the princes were lying beneath in desperate torture.
Thus the three Russians died while the Mongols were feasting above
them.
Six princes and a great number of their men perished while fleeing
toward the Dnieper. Mystislav, and those in his company, including
Daniel, reached the river and crossed it. The prince burned his boats
on the west bank, or had them cut into pieces lest the enemy might
follow him farther, but the Mongols turned back before reaching the
Dnieper. The northern contingent, commanded by the Rostoff prince,
Vassilko, heard at Chernigoff of the Kalka disaster and returned home,
being too weak, as they thought, to face such an enemy.
On their way eastward the Mongols used fire and sword without mercy
wherever they found men and property. They filled southern Russia with
terror; they swept through the Crimea and ravaged it; they captured
Bulgar on the Volga and ruined that opulent city. Sated with bloodshed
and laden with booty they returned that same year to headquarters east
of the Caspian. Thus one division of Jinghis Khan’s great army overran
an immense part of Europe without meeting effective resistance in any
place.
On leaving Samarkand for Mongolia Jinghis gave command to the mother,
the widows and the kinsfolk of Shah Mohammed to stand at the roadside
and take a farewell look at their native land. They did this and wailed
in loud voices as they saw it for the last time.
In February of 1225 the mighty manslayer had returned to his homeland
between the rivers, where we may leave him for a time and turn to
China:
After Jinghis left the Kin Empire in 1216 the Kins reoccupied the land
seized from them excepting Chong tu and the northern rim of Pe che li
and Shan si. Mukuli, the great Mongol general, reëntered China in 1217.
During that year and the five years which followed he conquered all the
lands of the Kin dynasty excepting one province, Honan, which lies
south of the Hoang Ho and extends from the bend of that river at Tung
kwan to its mouth at the Yellow Sea. Mukuli died in April, 1223,
leaving his title and command to his only son, Boru.
After the death of this renowned warrior both Chinese dynasties became
increasingly active and hostile. The king in Tangut followed also their
counsel and influence. Beyond doubt, it was to meet this new growth of
enmity that Jinghis had returned to Mongolia. The Kin Emperor had sent
an embassy to Jinghis in the west with the offer to yield up all places
north of the Hoang Ho, and to be a younger brother. This was refused.
Jinghis answered that the Kin Emperor must be content with the title of
Prince of Honan, and the position of a vassal. During the two years
following there rose great and very active resistance. Tangut favored
the Kins, and its monarch prepared for armed action against the
Mongols.
In view of this Jinghis toward the end of 1225 left his headquarters to
make war on Tangut. His formal complaint was that foes of the Mongol
Khan had been favored and taken into service by the King who had
refused also to send his son as a hostage.
Jinghis entered Tangut in 1226, during February. Between that time and
the autumn following he passed from north to south, harassing the
country most savagely. He laid siege to Ling chau, the capital. Li ti,
the king, died in August, leaving the throne to Li hien, his son and
successor. A new Tangut army was sent to strengthen Ling chau. Jinghis
returned northward, put that new army to flight, stormed Ling chau,
took the city, sacked it and slaughtered its inhabitants. Leaving a
corps there he advanced to the south; seized Si ning with Lin tao and
sacked both those cities. Establishing headquarters in Western Shen si
he captured places all around in that region till the hot summer came
when he retired to the Liu pan mountains and rested. The condition of
the country at that time as described by Chinese annalists is as
follows:
“Men strive in vain to hide in caverns and in mountains. As to the
Mongol sword, hardly two in a hundred escape it. The fields are covered
with the bones of slaughtered people.”
In the month of July, 1227, Li hien sent an embassy with submission. He
asked merely one month in which to surrender his capital. The favor was
granted, and Jinghis promised to regard him as his son in the future.
Soon after, the Mongol manslayer was taken ill and died eight days
later. He had time, however, to instruct his sons how to live, and his
generals how to capture Nan king, and destroy the Kin dynasty. He told
them also how to deal with Tangut and its sovereign.
They were to hide the death of Jinghis very carefully, and when Li hien
came out of his capital at the time fixed for surrender, they were to
slay him and put all people of that city to the sword, without
exception.
Jinghis died August 18, 1227, when sixty-six years of age. He had
reigned twenty-two years.
The order to slay the Tangut sovereign and the people of the city was
carried out strictly, and the kingdom of Tangut was added to the Mongol
Empire.
“Since the beginning of time,” writes the Chinese historian, “no
barbarous people have ever been so mighty as the Mongols are at
present. They destroy empires as a man plucks out herbs by the roots,
such is the power in their possession. Why does Heaven let them have
it?”
The remains of the great Khan were taken back to his birthplace. Lest
his death might be known the troops who conducted them slew every
person whom they met as they traveled. Only when they arrived at the
home of Jinghis was his death published to all men.
As the life of Jinghis was unique and original, so were the
circumstances of his death and the details of his funeral. A great
number of causes were given for his death. It was ascribed to an arrow,
to poison, to drowning, to lightning, to the witchery of Kurbeljin Goa
the Tangut queen, who had the fame of great beauty, and whom Jinghis
had taken as it seems from her husband and added to the number of his
many wives. It is stated by some historians that he had more than 400
wives and concubines. But Bortai, the mother of Juchi, Jagatai, Ogotai
and Tului always held the first place. Ssanang Setzen, the chronicler,
a descendant himself of Jinghis, describes the last days, death and
funeral of his ancestor. This account reads like one of those myth
tales which I found in Siberia. First we have the life and death
struggle between Jinghis and the King of Tangut whose name in the
chronicle is Shidurgo. Shidurgo opens the struggle by becoming a
serpent, Jinghis becomes king of all birds, and then Shidurgo turns
into a tiger, Jinghis changes at once to a lion; at last Shidurgo is a
boy and Jinghis appears as chief of the Tengeri or heavenly divinities,
and Shidurgo is at his mercy. “If thou kill me,” said Shidurgo, “the
act will be fatal to thee; if thou spare me it will be fatal to thy
children.” Jinghis struck, but the blow did not harm his opponent.
“There is only one weapon in the world that can kill me, a triple
dagger made of magnet which is now between my first and second boot
soles.” With that the Tangut king drew forth the blade and gave it to
his enemy. “Kill me; if milk comes from the wound it will foretoken ill
to thee, if blood ill to thy posterity. Before taking Kurbeljin Goa, my
wife, look to her previous life very carefully.”
Jinghis stabbed Shidurgo in the neck, blood flowed and he died. Next
the queen was brought in. All wondered when they saw her. “I had much
greater beauty before,” said she. “I am grimy from dust now, but when I
bathe in the river my beauty will come to me.” She went to the Kara
Muren (the Hoang Ho) and plunged into it. When she returned she had all
her former great beauty. The following night while Jinghis lay asleep
she bewitched him; he grew feeble and ill and never gained strength
again. She left him, went down to the Kara Muren and disappeared in
that river.
Jinghis lay helpless in bed and at last death was near him. He spoke
then to Kiluken, his old comrade, the gray hero: “Be thou a true friend
to my widow Bortai Fudjin, and to my sons Ogotai and Tului, be thou
true to them fearlessly. The precious jade has no crust, the polished
dagger no dirt on it; man born to life is not deathless, he must go
hence without home, without resting place. The glory of a deed is in
being finished. Firm and unbending is he who keeps a plighted word
faithfully. Follow not the will of another and thou wilt have the
good-will of many. To me it is clear that I must leave all and go hence
from you. The words of the boy Kubilai are very weighty; note what he
says, note it all of you. He will sit on my throne some day and will,
as I have done, secure high prosperity.”
Kiluken and many princes went to bear the corpse of their mighty leader
back to the Kentei Khan region, through the greater part of Tangut and
across the broad Gobi. A long, an immense train of people followed it.
As they marched they wailed and raised their voices together lamenting,
Kiluken leading, as follows:
“In times which are gone thou didst swoop like a falcon before us.
To-day a car bears thee on as it rumbles advancing.
O thou my Khan!
Hast thou left us indeed, hast thou left wife and children,
O thou my Khan?
Hast thou left us, hast thou left the Kurultai of thy nation,
O thou my Khan?
Sweeping forward in pride, as sweeps forward an eagle thou didst lead
us aforetime,
O thou my Khan,
But now thou hast stumbled, and art down, like a colt still unbroken,
O thou my Khan.
Thou didst bring peace and joy to thy people for sixty and six years,
but now thou art leaving them,
O thou my Khan.”
When the procession had reached the Mona Khan mountains the funeral car
stopped in blue miry clay and the best horses could not move it. All
were discouraged and grief stricken, when a new chant rose, led by
Kiluken the gray hero:
“O lion of the Tengeri, thou our lord, wilt thou leave us? Wilt thou
desert wife and nation in this quagmire? Thy firmly built state, with
its laws and its much devoted people; thy golden palace, thy state
raised on justice, the numerous clans of thy nation, all these are
awaiting thee off there.
“Thy birth land, the rivers in which thou didst bathe, all these are
awaiting thee off there.
“Thy subjects the Mongols devoted and fruitful are awaiting thee off
there.
“Thy chiefs, thy commanders, thy great kinsfolk are awaiting thee off
there.
“Thy birthplace, Deligun Bulak on the Onon, is awaiting thee off there.
“Thy standard of Yak tails, thy drums, fifes and trumpets, thy golden
house and all that is in it, are awaiting thee off there.
“The fields of the Kerulon, where first thou didst sit on thy throne as
Jinghis, are awaiting thee off there.
“Bortai Fudjin, the wife of thy youth, Boörchu and Mukuli thy faithful
friends, thy fortunate land and thy great golden mansion, that
wonderful building, are awaiting thee off there.
“Wilt thou leave us now here in this quagmire, because this land
pleases thee? because so many Tanguts are vanquished? because Kurbeljin
Goa was beautiful?
“We could not save thy noble life in this kingdom, so let us bear thy
remains to their last home and resting place. Let us bear thy remains
which are as fair as the jade stone. Let us give consolation to thy
people.”
After this chant the car moved from the blue clay, went forward, passed
over the mountain range easily and across the immense Gobi desert. It
moved on amid wailing and chanting, and at last reached the home of the
mighty and merciless manslayer.
The body was buried in a Kentei Khan forest near a majestic tree which
had pleased Jinghis Khan very greatly in his lifetime. There were many
smaller trees near this single large one, but soon after the burial all
trees in the forest had grown equal in size and appearance, so that no
man knew or could learn where the body of the conqueror was hidden.
Jinghis Khan is one of the great characters of history, perhaps the
greatest that has appeared in the world to the present day. A man who,
never hampered by conscience, advanced directly toward the one supreme
object of his life,—power. His executive ability was wonderful, as was
also his utter disregard for human life. Beginning with a few huts on
the Kerulon he drew in tribe after tribe, country after country, till
at his death he was master of more territory than had ever been ruled
by one sovereign. He stands forth also as the greatest manslayer the
world has ever known. From 1211 to 1223 in China and Tangut alone
Jinghis and his assistants killed more than eighteen million five
hundred thousand human beings. He demanded blind obedience from all
men, the slightest infringement was punished with death; even his most
distinguished generals submitted to the bastinado, or to execution.
In Jinghis Khan’s Code of Laws the homicide, the adulterer, the cattle
thief, and the person who for the third time lost a prisoner confided
to his care was put to death. Torture was used to force confession.
When an animal was to be slaughtered it must be thrown on its back, an
incision made in its breast and the heart torn out. This custom
prevails among the Mongols of the Baikal (the Buriats) to the present
day when killing animals for sacrifice.
Jinghis Khan left great possessions to each of his sons and heirs. To
Juchi, the eldest, he left that immense region north of Lake Aral and
westward to the uttermost spot on which the hoof of a horse had been
planted by Mongols at any time. The dominions of Jagatai extended from
Kayalik in the Uigur land to the Syr Daryá, or Yaxartes.
Ogotai received the country watered by the Imil, while Tului, the
youngest, inherited his father’s home places between Kara Kurum and the
Onon River region.
These dispositions, made somewhat earlier, agreed with Mongol custom
and usage, by which elder sons received portions as they came to
maturity; his father’s house and all that belonged to it fell to the
youngest son always.
When the last rites had been rendered, and the last honors paid to the
great conqueror, each of the four sons returned to his possessions, and
it was only after two years that the family held the Kurultai of
election. In the spring of 1229 all assembled again on the Kerulon.
They were met and received by Tului, acting as regent till they should
choose a new sovereign.
From the regions north and west of Lake Aral came the descendants of
Juchi, that eldest son who had dared to defy his own terrible father.
Jagatai brought his sons and grandsons from the Ili; and Ogotai came
from the Imil near which he had been living.
After three days of the Kurultai had been passed in feasting and
pleasure, the assembly proceeded to choose a Grand Khan, or sovereign.
Many were in favor of Tului, but Ye liu chu tsai, the great sage and
minister, begged them to settle on Ogotai, the choice of Jinghis, and
avoid all dissensions and discord. Tului did not hesitate in following
this counsel and read immediately the ordinance of his father in which
Ogotai was named as sovereign.
The princes turned then to Ogotai and declared him the ruler; Ogotai
answered that his brothers and uncles were far better fitted than he
for the sovereignty. He mentioned especially as the right man Tului who
had remained with his father, or near him at all times, and was trained
beyond any in the wisdom of the conqueror. “Jinghis himself has chosen
thee!” cried the others to Ogotai, “how act against his command and his
wishes?”
Ogotai still resisted, and forty days passed in feasting ere he
yielded. On the forty-first day, which was pointed out by magicians as
the time most propitious, he was conducted to the throne by Jagatai and
by Utchuken his uncle, Jinghis Khan’s youngest brother. Tului gave him
the goblet used on occasions of that kind, and then all who were in the
pavilion, and those outside, bared their heads, put their girdles on
their shoulders and fell prostrate. Nine times did they fall before
Ogotai, invoke on him prosperity, and salute him with his title Kha
Khan, or Khaan, the White Khan of the Mongols.
The newly made monarch, followed by the assembly, went out then and
bowed down three times to the sun in due homage. The immense throngs of
people there present gave the like homage also. When Ogotai reëntered
the tent a great feast was served straightway.
In choosing Ogotai the family swore to adhere to his descendants, and
the following strange words were used by them: “We swear not to seat on
the throne another branch of our family so long as there shall be of
thy descendants a morsel of flesh which, cast upon grass, might stop a
bullock from eating, or cast into fat might stop a dog from devouring.”
Jinghis Khan’s treasures were spoils from a great part of Asia, and
Ogotai commanded to bring them before him; that done he distributed
those precious objects to the princes, commanders, and warriors.
During three entire days they made offerings to the shade of Jinghis,
their great ancestor. Ogotai chose from the families of princes and
commanders forty most beautiful virgins; he had them attired in the
richest of garments, and adorned with rare jewels. These forty virgins
were slain, and thus sent to attend the mighty conqueror in that world
which he occupied. With the virgins were slain and sent also the best
and the costliest stallions of northern Asia.
The first work of Ogotai was to establish the code of Jinghis, and
pardon offences committed since the death of the conqueror. Ye liu chu
tsai, the sage who had exercised on Jinghis so much influence, and
whose power still continued, prevailed then on Ogotai to fix the rank
of each officer and official, and to define every difference between
princes of Jinghis Khan’s house and other subjects. He wished also to
restrain the boundless power of Mongol chiefs in conquered places.
Those men disposed of human life as each whim of theirs shaped itself;
whenever they chose to condemn a man he died, as did also his family.
At Chu tsai’s advice Ogotai refixed all forms of action in cases of
this kind. The amount of yearly tribute was settled for the first time
since the Mongol conquest. In the west it was a tax on every male
person of legal age. In China the system of the country was chosen and
the tribute was levied on houses. Lands taken from the Kin dynasty were
divided into ten provinces; in each of these was established a tribunal
for assessment and collection of tribute. Chu tsai even proposed to the
White Khan to use in governing his possessions the rules of Confucius.
“The Empire has been conquered on horseback,” said the sage, “but no
man can rule it from the saddle.”
The advice was listened to with benevolence, and scholars were placed
by degrees in public office.
Now that the Mongols again had a sovereign they gave more force to
their conquests along those vast lines of action which Jinghis had
explained on his deathbed. Three great expeditions were arranged at the
Kurultai of election: An army of thirty thousand was sent to destroy
the rising power of Jelal ud din, who had returned from lands south of
the Indus and regained some part of his father’s dominions. A second
army of similar numbers was sent under Kuyuk and Subotai to conquer the
Kipchaks and other peoples. This Juchi would have done had he followed
the advice of his father. On the third expedition Ogotai the Grand Khan
set out with Tului and other princes to end the Kin Empire. These
expeditions we will follow in the order mentioned.
CHAPTER IX
PERSIA AT THE TIME OF JINGHIS KHAN’S DEATH
When Jinghis had returned to his birthplace Persia was left as a desert
behind him. This was true of all Eastern parts of it, especially. “In
those lands which Jinghis Khan ruined,” exclaims the historian, “not
one in a thousand is left of the people. Where a hundred thousand had
lived before his invasion there are now scarce one hundred. Were
nothing to stop the increase of population from this hour till the day
of Judgment it would not reach one tenth of what it was before Jinghis
Khan’s coming.”
The ruin inflicted by that dreadful invasion spread terror on all
sides. People stunned by the awful atrocities committed in Persia,
believed that the Mongols were dog-headed and devoured human flesh as
their daily and usual nourishment.
Mohammed, the Shah of Persia, had three sons to whom portions had been
given. Jelal ud din, the eldest of these sons, had sought a refuge at
Delhi. At Sutun Avend Rokn ud din, the second son, had been slain by
the Mongols, while Ghiath ud din, the third son, had retired to Karun,
a Mazanderan stronghold, and saved himself.
When the Mongols had gone from the country Persian Irak was the cause
of a conflict between the two Turk leaders Edek Khan and Togan Taissi
the Atabeg. These rivals divided the province between them at last,
and, since Ispahan fell to the former, Ghiath ud din wished to win him
as a vassal. He therefore promised Edek his sister in marriage, but
while settling the terms of agreement Edek was slain by his rival, the
Atabeg, Togan.
Ghiath marched against Ispahan promptly, received Togan’s homage, and
gave him the sister just promised to Edek. In quick time he thus found
himself master of Irak, Mazanderan and Khorassan.
Jelal ud din when defeated at the Indus, which he swam with such
daring, had been pursued fiercely in India by Jinghis Khan’s warriors
until he was very near Delhi.
The sovereign at that capital was Shems ud din Iletmish, a Turkman and
once a slave of the Sultan of Gur, the last ruler of his line in that
country. When the Gur dynasty fell, Iletmish seized a good part of
north India and was ruling unchallenged. He feared now the coming of so
brave and incisive a man as Jelal ud din, hence he sent him rich gifts
and declared that the climate of Delhi was unwholesome. Jelal would
find, he felt certain, a far better residence in Multan and a much more
salubrious climate. Jelal withdrew, but he gathered much booty of value
as he traveled.
Meanwhile from Irak came many generals who were enraged at Ghiath ud
din, his brother. They brought with them warriors who were ready for
service since service meant plunder. Jelal could meet now the Scinde
prince, Karadja, whom he hated. He entered Karadja’s dominions, sacked
many cities and routed his army. Hearing that Iletmish was advancing to
strengthen Karadja he set out at once to encounter the Sultan of Delhi.
But Iletmish offered peace, and the hand of his daughter instead of
hostilities; Jelal took peace and the woman. Still Iletmish made a
league with Karadja and others to drive out the Kwaresmian if need be.
Jelal, who could not make head against all, took advice of his
generals. Those who had quitted his brother wished a return to home
regions. It would be easy, they told him, to snatch command from Ghiath
his brother, a weakling, and foolish. But Euzbeg, one of the generals,
declared that Jelal should remain where he was in full safety from
Mongols who were more to be feared than all the princes in India. Jelal
ud din, swept off by the hope of regaining his father’s dominion,
decided on going to Persia. He left Euzbeg to watch over his fortunes
in India and to Vefa Melik he gave the whole government of Gur and of
Ghazni.
While crossing the desert lying north of the Indus Jelal lost a part of
his army by disease, exhaustion and hunger, and when he reached Kerman,
his whole force had shrunk to four thousand. A Turk commander named
Borak, with the surname Hadjib, that is Chamberlain, had won that whole
region. Borak had served Shah Mohammed as chamberlain, hence the
surname Hadjib from his service. Later on Ghiath ud din gave him office
in Ispahan, making him governor, but, embroiled in the sequel with
Ghiath’s vizir, Borak got permission to go to Jelal then in India.
While crossing Kerman the Kevashir governor attacked him, incited to do
so by Ghiath, who wished at that juncture to seize all the baggage and
women belonging to Borak’s assistants.
The aggressor was beaten, put to flight and driven into a neighboring
fortress, where Borak killed him. Borak not satisfied yet with this
outcome had attacked Kevashir where the son of the recent, but then
defunct, governor was commanding. While thus engaged he heard all at
once that Jelal was in Kerman. Borak sent rich gifts to his visitor
straightway and hurried off to receive him. He offered one of his
daughters while greeting the Sultan, who took her in marriage without
hesitation. When Jelal stood before Kevashir the place yielded and
opened its gates to him.
The Sultan had passed a whole month in Kerman when he learned that his
father-in-law was pondering treason. Orkhan, a general, advised the
arrest of Borak and a seizure of all his possessions, but the vizir,
Khodja Jihan, declared that if haste were exhibited in punishing the
man who had been the first to acknowledge the Sultan many minds would
be shaken, since there was no chance to prove clearly the existence of
treason.
Jelal chose to feign ignorance, and continued his journey. Borak
remained master of Kerman. After him nine of his family during
eighty-six years succeeded in authority. These formed the Kara Kitan
dynasty of Kerman, so called because of this Borak, the Hadjib, its
founder.
Jelal advanced into Fars where for twenty-four years had been reigning
the Atabeg, Sád, son of Zengwi, a prince who claimed his descent from a
Turk chief named Salgar. Sankor, the grandson of Salgar, was
established in Fars, and when the Seljuks had fallen he made himself
master of that region, and princes descended from Salgar, that is the
Salgarids, thus gained dominion.
On nearing Shirez, Jelal announced his arrival to the Atabeg, who sent
his son with five hundred horsemen to welcome the Sultan, and excused
himself saying that he had once made a vow not to meet any person
whatever. Jelal accepted the statement. He knew that the Atabeg was
hostile to Ghiath, who had invaded his country a short time before and
had even retained certain parts of it. Jelal gave back those parts then
to Sád and to gain the man thoroughly married his daughter.
The Sultan made a brief stay in Shiraz, being eager to win back Irak
from his brother, for Ghiath could not restore peace to those countries
given up to disorder and anarchy since the return of Jinghis to
Mongolia. Each little district had its own cruel master and those petty
tyrants completed in great part the ruin begun with such terror by the
Mongols. Ghiath’s name was repeated at prayer in the mosques, but no
man gave him tribute. Having no money to pay his Turk troops he was
forced to permit them to take what they could from the people and thus
strip the country. When an officer of rank came for pay to the Sultan,
the man had to take the next higher title, an emir was made melik, and
a melik made khan. That was the reward for his service. He was forced
next to subsist by real robbery in some shape.
After Jelal had reached Ispahan he set out very quickly with a picked
band for Rayi near which his brother was recruiting an army. He had
given all his horsemen white banners like those used by the Mongols.
When Ghiath saw those white banners he thought that Mongols were
advancing to attack him, and he took to flight straightway, but
returned soon with a force thirty thousand in number. Jelal had
recourse now to a stratagem. He sent to his brother, through an
equerry, this message: “Having suffered cruel hardships I have come to
find rest here, but since you meet me with swords, I withdraw to other
places.”
Ghiath believing this message, and thinking besides that his brother
was powerless to harm him, came back to Rayi and dismissed his large
forces.
Jelal sent out an agent who gave immense promises to the generals of
his brother, and gave them rings also in proof of his favor. Many
yielded while others went promptly to Ghiath and showed the rings given
them. He had his brother’s agent arrested. But Jelal, feeling that most
of the warriors were with him, advanced with only three thousand picked
horsemen. This advance was successful; Ghiath fled to a fortress but
reassured by mild messages he left his asylum and went to his brother’s
headquarters.
The supremacy of Jelal was generally acknowledged; commanders came to
him each with a shroud on his shoulders, and fell at his feet to win
pardon. The Sultan treated these men with a kindness which scattered
their fears and attached them to his fortunes. Soon he saw also at his
court that entire horde of small tyrants who had sprung into power
during anarchy in all parts of Persia. These men, in great dread lest
they lose their sweet morsels, came of their own will to render him
homage. Those who were best, or at least those whom he thought best for
his own interests, got permission to return to their places.
Jelal’s first campaign after securing power was against Nassir, the
Kalif of Islam, and the enemy of his father. Marching to Kuzistan
quickly he laid siege to Shuster, the chief place of that province. His
army lacked all things and rushed through the country in various small
parties to find what they needed. They drove back great numbers of
horses and mules; they found what provisions were requisite, but at the
end of two months the siege was abandoned, and the Sultan moved upon
Bagdad directly. He halted at Yakuba, seven parasangs [9] distant from
the capital.
Kalif Nassir strengthened Bagdad. He gave one million dinars [10] to
his troops before sending them to battle; that done he waited.
Jelal begged by letter Moazzam, the Prince of Damascus and nephew of
Saladin, to aid him in this struggle with Nassir who had brought, as he
stated, savage people to Persia, and destroyed Shah Mohammed. Moazzam
replied that he would make common cause with the Sultan in everything
save only a struggle against the high chief of all Moslems.
Kush Timur led the forces of Bagdad which were twenty thousand in
number. A pigeon was sent to Mozaffar who was prince then in Erbil with
an order to attack the Sultan’s rear guard and bar retreat to him.
Since Jelal’s forces were small he sent a message to Kush Timur saying
that he had not come as an enemy; he desired the good-will of the Kalif
whose aid was to him indispensable in that great struggle with the
enemy who menaced all Islam. If the Kalif would act and agree with him
he, the Sultan, could be the safe-guard of Persia.
Kush Timur’s single answer was to range his men in order of battle.
Jelal, forced to fight with an enemy greatly superior, put a part of
his small army in ambush; he charged thrice after that with a troop of
five hundred and fled, as it were, in disorder. The enemy followed,
fell into the trap, and were attacked on both flanks with great fury.
Kush Timur was cut down in the struggle; his army was broken and then
pursued to the gates of the capital.
Jelal after winning this victory captured Dakuka (1225), and sacked it.
Next he moved against Takrit, and learning that Mozaffar, the Prince of
Erbil, was approaching with an army, and had gone ahead with a small
force to surprise and take him, he set out with a handful of heroes and
captured Mozaffar, whom he freed afterward on his promise to return to
his own lands and stay in them.
Jelal dropped all his plans against Bagdad; Azerbaidjan was the place
which now lured him. Marching first to Meraga he fell to clearing away
the ruins, but left that task quickly on hearing that Togan Taissi, his
uncle on the mother’s side, and also his brother-in-law, was moving
from Azerbaidjan to take Hamadan and the neighboring districts, the
investiture of which had been given him by the Kalif. Togan had spent
the whole winter in Arran and on his journey through Azerbaidjan he
pillaged that country a second time.
Jelal arrived about midnight near the camp ground of Togan, around
which were gathered vast numbers of sheep, mules, horses, asses, and
cattle.
When this Turk general, who thought that the Sultan was then in Dakuka,
saw his troops after daybreak, and knew by the regal umbrella that
Jelal himself was there with them, he was so disconcerted that he
forgot every idea save the single one of winning favor. He sent his
wife, Jelal’s sister, to make peace if possible. She made it and Togan
thereupon ranged his troops with the Sultan’s and under his banners;
after that they returned to Meraga.
Euzbeg, who was ruler in Azerbaidjan, had gone from Tebriz to Gandja
the capital of Arran. In spite of the dangers which threatened his
country he passed his time drinking, leaving all cares of State to his
consort, a daughter of Sultan Togrul, the last Seljuk ruler in Irak.
She had remained in Tebriz, and Jelal, who was eager to win that famed
city, laid siege to it. After five days of fighting and just as he was
ready to storm it, the inhabitants asked to surrender. The Sultan
reproached them with murdering, a year earlier, certain warriors of his
father, and sending their heads to the Mongols. They assured him that
not they but their ruler had to answer for that; they had been
powerless to stop him.
The Sultan accepted this statement and spared them. They begged him to
guarantee Euzbeg’s wife the possession of Khoï, and a few other places.
Jelal consented, and sent an escort to convey her to Khoï.
When Jelal had taken Tebriz he stayed for some days in that city.
Meanwhile his men seized the neighboring districts. Then he set out on
an expedition against Georgia (1226).
Since Euzbeg was neglectful and indolent the Georgians made raids into
Arran and Azerbaidjan; they ravaged Erzerum also, and later on Shirvan.
They had scourged the Moslems of these regions severely. Eager for
vengeance Jelal had no sooner made himself master at the Caspian than
he declared war on the Georgians, who sent back this answer: “We have
measured our strength with the Mongol, who took all his lands from thy
father and destroyed him. He was a man of more courage and power than
art thou. Those Mongols who killed him met us, and ended by fleeing.”
Jelal began by the capture of Tovin, which the Georgians had seized
some years earlier; next he marched against the main Georgian army,
seventy thousand in number, attacked it in the valley of Karni near
Tovin, and put it to flight with a loss of twenty thousand. Many
generals were captured, among others Shalové, the master of Tovin. The
chief commander, Ivane, escaped to the fortress of Keghe, which the
Sultan invested while the rest of his army spread out over Georgia,
bringing fire and the sword to all places. He would have begun a real
conquest had he not thought that he must go to Tebriz. When ready to
march into Georgia the Sultan got news from his vizir that a plot had
been formed in Tebriz to give back the country to Euzbeg. The Sultan
kept this knowledge secret and only when Georgia was crushed did he
tell the whole tale to his generals. He gave then command of his army
to Ghiath his brother, hastened back to Tebriz, put its mayor to death,
and arrested the ringleaders of the conspiracy. When he had
strengthened thus his authority he married Euzbeg’s wife, and while in
Tebriz urged forward troops who took Gandja, the capital of Arran,
whence Euzbeg made his way to Alandja.
Tebriz and Gandja being brought to obedience, Jelal returned quickly to
Georgia, whose people meanwhile had raised a new army in which were
found Alans, Lesgians, Kipchaks and others. This army struck now by
Jelal lost heavily and was scattered. After the victory Jelal marched
on Tiflis, which he captured through aid from Mohammedans who lived in
that city. All Georgians were put to the sword except those who
acknowledged the supremacy of the Sultan. Women and children fell to
the conquerors, the city was yielded to pillage. Jelal took full
vengeance on the Georgians for all that they had done to Mohammedans.
His troops were enriched by the property of Christians, he slew a vast
number of those “infidels,” as he thought them, and drove their
children and wives into slavery.
Leaving Georgia, a desert in great part he turned his face next to
Khelat on the north of Lake Van in Armenia. This city belonged to
Ashraf, an Eyubite prince, lord over Harran and Roha. His brother,
Moazzam, the prince of Damascus, who defended himself against Ashraf,
and Kamil, his eldest brother, who was Sultan of Egypt, had sent his
chief confidant, an officer, to Jelal then in Tiflis, and begged him to
make an attack upon Khelat, and give in this way assistance. Moazzam
admired the Kwaresmian Sultan immensely, and held it an honor to wear a
robe which had come from him, and ride on a steed which Jelal had
thought proper to send him. During night banquets Moazzam never swore
except by the head of the Sultan.
The Kwaresmian warriors laid siege to Khelat very willingly since the
place promised booty in abundance. But they had barely arrived at the
walls of the city when advice came to Jelal that Borak, the governor of
Kerman, had withdrawn from allegiance, and even sent men to the Mongols
to explain the increase and importance of Jelal’s new army.
The Sultan abandoned the siege and set out for Kerman. Borak, who had
learned that he was coming, withdrew to a stronghold and sent words of
feigned loyalty and obedience. It would have been difficult to capture
the stronghold, so Jelal thought it best to dissemble, to receive at
their literal value the words brought to him; hence he sent a rich robe
of honor from Ispahan to the faith-breaking Borak, and confirmed him in
office.
Meanwhile news came from Sherif ul Mulk, the vizir, of hostile action
by Ashraf against a corps of Kwaresmians which he had beaten.
The Sultan’s troops left in Georgia lacked almost everything. They made
an incursion toward Erzerum, drove away flocks and herds and took many
women. While on the way back from this forage they passed near Khelat;
the commandant rushed out from his fortress and seized all their booty.
The vizir in alarm begged the Sultan to hasten with assistance.
Jelal moved to Tiflis by swift marches, and thence farther to Ani; he
attacked this old city and Kars also with its very strong fortress.
Returning soon to Tiflis he made a long march to Abhasia, October,
1226, as it were to subdue it. This was merely a feint to rouse false
security in Khelat. Ten days only did he stay in Abhasia and turned
then with great speed toward Khelat, which he would have captured had
not the commandant been advised two days earlier by his confidants who
were serving in the suite of the Sultan.
Jelal hurled his force on the city the day that he reached it; a second
assault was made the day following. His troops took the outskirts which
they pillaged, but were forced to withdraw from them. After some days
of rest the assault was renewed, but resistance was so resolute that
this plan was abandoned. The people knowing well the ferocity of
Kwaresmians, and the deeds which they did in each captured city,
resisted with desperate valor. Ashraf went to Damascus, moreover, and
swore obedience to Moazzam, his brother, begging him meanwhile to stop
Jelal from ruining Khelat, but Jelal remained till the cold and deep
snow drove him from the place. Azerbaidjan also called him. A large
horde of Turkmans were pillaging the people, and plundering caravans.
The Sultan made a swift march and came on them suddenly, shutting off
their retreat to the mountains. Surrounding the robbers he cut them to
pieces. Their families and all the rich booty which they had taken fell
to the Sultan who retired to Tebriz with his captives. The Kwaresmians
had abandoned Tiflis for the winter, so the Georgians at Ani, Kars and
other places united. They moved on Tiflis in a body and put to death
all Mohammedans, and since they despaired of defending the city against
Jelal they fired it.
The Ismailians, that is, the Assassins of Persia, had just killed a
general to whom the Sultan had given Gandja and the lands which went
with it. To inflict vengeance for this act Jelal took fire and sword to
the land of those death dealing sectaries. A division of Mongols
meanwhile had moved westward toward Damegan. Against this force the
Sultan marched swiftly; he repulsed and then hunted it for many days in
succession.
While Jelal on the east was thus occupied Hussam ud din Ali, Ashraf’s
commander at Khelat, appeared in the west unexpectedly, invited to
Azerbaidjan by those of the people who liked not the Sultan’s strange
ways, and who were brought down to need by the greed of his warriors.
Euzbeg’s former wife too was active. She had had her own way with her
first husband. Fixed now to Jelal through marriage she could not endure
the effacement that came from this union. She remembered the past and
joining the people of Khoï took action. She invited Hussam to seize
that whole region. He consented and took many places; that done, he
marched back to Khelat, Jelal’s new, but dissatisfied, consort going
with him.
But there was need soon to face a more serious opponent. The Mongols
were moving in force toward Irak and soon appeared at its border. Jelal
sent four thousand horsemen toward Rayi and Damegan to watch them.
Pressed by the Mongols these four thousand fell back upon Ispahan,
where the Sultan had fixed his headquarters. The enemy following
stopped one day’s march from the city, and east of it. The Mongol
force, made up of five divisions, was commanded by Tadji Baku,
Anatogan, Taimaz and Tainal. Astrologers counseled the Sultan to wait
four days before fighting; he complied and showed confidence of a kind
to rouse courage in all who came near him.
At the first news of that Mongol approach his generals were alarmed and
repaired to the palace in a body. He received them in the courtyard,
and talked long of things which concerned not attack on the city, to
show that he was in no way uneasy. Then he seated them and discoursed
on the order of battle. Before the dismissal he made all take an oath
not to turn from the enemy or prefer life to the death of a hero. He
took the same oath himself, and appointed a day for the struggle.
Command was then given the chief judge and the Ispahan mayor to review
the armed citizens.
Since Jelal did not move from the city the Mongols supposed that he had
not strength or even courage to meet them, hence they prepared for a
siege and sent two thousand horse into Lur to collect provisions. The
Sultan hurried three thousand men after them. These took every defile
in the rear of the foragers, and barred retreat; many Mongols were
killed and four hundred were captured. Jelal gave some of these men to
the populace, by whom they were massacred in the streets of the city.
The Sultan cut off with his own hand the heads of others in the
courtyard of his palace; and their bodies were hurled out to be eaten
by vultures and dogs.
August 26, 1227, was the day fixed for battle—Jinghis had died in
Tangut eight days earlier. While the Sultan was ranging his men for the
conflict Ghiath, his own brother, betrayed him,—deserted. Jelal did not
seem to take note of the defection. Even when he saw the Mongols in
order of battle he thought that his men were more than sufficient to
conquer such an enemy, and ordered the Ispahan guards to reënter the
city. At the beginning of the conflict the two wings of the Sultan’s
forces were too far from each other for mutual assistance. During a
fierce onset his right wing pierced the left of the enemy, and pursued
it to Kashin. The left had not yet been in action. The sun was
declining and Jelal was resting at the edge of a defile. Just then Ilan
Buga, an officer, approached Jelal and said with animation: “We have
long implored Heaven for a day such as this to take vengeance on those
outcasts. Success is now with us, and still we neglect it. To-night
this vile enemy will make a long two days’ journey, and we shall repent
when too late that we let them escape us. Ought we not to make this
day’s victory perfect?”
Struck by these words the Sultan remounted, but hardly had he crossed
the ravine when a chosen corps of the enemy hidden by a height, rushed
on the left wing, rolled it back on the center and broke it. The
generals of that wing now kept their oath faithfully and died weapons
in hand, except three of them.
The Sultan remained in the center, which then was surrounded
completely. He had only fourteen of the guards near his person, and he
slew with his own hand his standard bearer who was fleeing; then he
himself cut a way through the enemy. Fugitives from the center and left
rushed in every direction. Some fled toward Fars, others toward Kerman,
while Azerbaidjan was a refuge for a third group. Those who had lost
their horses in the battle went back on foot to the city. At the end of
two days the right wing came from Kashan, believing the rest of the
army victorious. When they heard of its defeat they disbanded at once.
Though the Mongols won the battle, their sufferings and losses were
greater than those of the Moslems. Advancing to the gates of the city
they were repulsed and pursued with such speed that in three days of
flight they reached Rayi whence by the Nishapur road they fled farther.
On this retreat they lost many men both in killed and in prisoners.
No one knew whither the Sultan had vanished. Some sought for his corpse
on the battle-field, others thought that the enemy had captured him. At
Ispahan people talked of a new sovereign, while the mob wished to seize
the women and goods of the Kwaresmians. But the cadi prevailed upon all
to wait a few days till the Bairam feast opened. He agreed, however,
with the principal citizens that should the Sultan not come to the
prayer on that feast day they would choose as ruler Togan Taissi, who
through his virtues deserved supreme power before others.
When the people had assembled on the feast day Jelal came to the prayer
and caused great rejoicing. Fearing lest he might be besieged in the
city he had not returned to it when the battle was over, but had waited
on the Luristan side till the enemy had vanished. The Sultan now stayed
some days waiting for fugitives and rewarding chiefs of the right wing
by giving the title of khan to those who were meliks. He gave high rank
also to simple warriors who had deserved fame for their action in the
battle. Certain cowardly generals were led through the city with veils
on their faces in the manner of women.
Ghiath ud din, Jelal’s brother, had retired to the mountains and was
striving to win back dominion through assistance from the Kalif. Hatred
between the two brothers had been intensified by murder. Mohammed, son
of Karmil, of a family illustrious in Gur, was in very high favor with
Jelal who, charmed with his manners and speech, had admitted that youth
to his intimate reunions. Some days before the late battle Mohammed had
taken a few men to his service from the corps under Ghiath. These men
had left Jelal’s brother since no pay had been given them. One evening
when Ghiath and Mohammed were at a feast given by Jelal, Ghiath asked
Mohammed if he would send back his guardsmen. “They desire food,” was
the answer, “and serve him who will give it.” Ghiath was roused by this
statement, and the Sultan, who noted his anger, asked Mohammed to
withdraw from the table. The young man obeyed, but a few moments later
Ghiath went out also, entered the man’s dwelling and stabbed him.
Mohammed died some days later. The Sultan grieved greatly for his
favorite, and sent this message to Ghiath: “Thou hast sworn to be a
friend to every friend of mine, and an enemy of my enemies, but thou
hast killed my best friend without reason. Thou hast broken thy oath
and agreement. I am bound to thee no longer. I will let the law do its
work, if the brother of thy victim comes to me begging for justice.”
The Sultan commanded that the funeral procession move twice past the
gate of the assassin. Tortured by this public punishment Ghiath took
vengeance on the day of the battle by deserting. From his Kuzistan
place of retirement he sent his vizir to Bagdad to declare that he had
gone from his brother. He then proffered proofs that his reign had been
friendly to the Kalif, while Jelal had acted with enmity, and had
brought fire and sword to the suburbs of Bagdad. He begged aid of the
Kalif in recovering his dominions, and promised true obedience to the
heir of the Prophet.
The vizir was received with distinction, and a subsidy of thirty
thousand dinars was then given him, but after the retreat of the
Mongols Ghiath did not think himself safe from his brother. Jelal sent
a corps of mounted warriors to follow the Mongols to the Oxus, and
hurried himself to Tebriz for a season. He was playing ball with a
mallet on the square of the city when he heard that his brother was
returning to Ispahan. He set out at once for that city, but learning on
the road that Ghiath was on his way to the land of the Assassins he
changed his route quickly to follow, and ask the Alamut chief to
surrender the fugitive. “Your brother,” said the chief, “is here in
asylum; he is a Sultan himself and his father was a Sultan,—we cannot
surrender him, but he will not take your dominions, we guarantee that.
Should he commit any act of hostility you are free to treat us as may
please you.”
This statement seemed satisfactory to Jelal, and an oath added strength
to it. Jelal on his part swore to give the past to oblivion, and the
question was ended. But Ghiath himself went from Alamut to seek refuge
in Kerman. Some days after his arrival Borak showed a wish to marry
Ghiath’s mother, Beglu Aï, who had come with him. They were both in
Borak’s power and resistance would have been futile. Still the princess
yielded only after much resistance. Conducted to Kevashir the capital
of Kerman, the mother and son had hardly arrived when two relatives of
Borak proposed to assassinate that governor and install Ghiath. Ghiath
rejected the offer, but Borak, hearing that his relatives had made it,
tortured the two men so cruelly that they confessed to him. They were
then cut to pieces in the presence of Ghiath who, confined straightway
in the citadel, was strangled with a bowstring. His mother, who had
rushed in at his cries, met her death in the same way. The five hundred
followers who had come with him were cut down every man of them.
Borak sent the head of his victim to Ogotai Khan who received it with
gladness. This gift secured Mongol friendship and Borak was confirmed
in his Kerman possessions.
The Kankali Turks and the Kipchaks had been closely connected with the
reigning Kwaresmian family by marriages; because of this fact, Jinghis
Khan had attacked both those peoples inflexibly, and Jelal now sought
their friendship with growing endeavor. After his Ispahan failure the
Sultan sent to get men and aid from the Kankalis. They agreed, as it
seems, with much readiness to give them. Kur Khan, one of their
leaders, embarked with three hundred men on the Caspian and passed the
next winter with the Sultan on the plain of Mughan, a rich pasture land
in that season. It was decided that Jelal was to gain the strong fort
at Derbend with its one narrow pass and retain it. By this pass alone
could large armies go south of the Caucasus from Kipchak. A force of
fifty thousand from the north was to aid in securing this road near the
sea, while Jelal was to give the prince ruling Derbend other fiefs in
payment for it. The plan failed, however. Jelal secured now the
district Gushtasfi between the rivers Kur (Cyrus) and Araxes. This land
was a part of the Shirvan Shah’s kingdom, and he had given it to his
son Jelal ud din Sultan Shah and sent him to Georgia to marry the
daughter of Rusudan, the famous and beautiful queen of that country.
Detained there perforce he was freed when Jelal took Tiflis and laid
waste the country.
Jelal claimed tribute now from the Shirvan Shah for all his
possessions. This was done, since Jalal’s house had succeeded the
Seljuks, to whom when in power those Shirvan Shahs had paid tribute.
The unquiet ambition of Jelal had forced many people of the Caucasus to
a league with the Georgians against him. An army made up from nine
nations and forty thousand in number had gathered north of Arran. The
Sultan marched against this army and pitched his camp at Mendur. Since
his forces were greatly inferior in number to those of the enemy,
Sherif ul Mulk, his vizir, advised at a council to limit all action to
stopping provisions and meeting the enemy with advantage when want
came. This advice enraged Jelal so seriously that he struck his vizir
on the head with a writing case. “They are mere sheep; would a lion be
troubled by the number of such weak little animals?” cried he, and he
fined the vizir fifty thousand dinars for daring to offer such counsel.
Next day the armies were facing each other. The Sultan, to encourage
his men, gave them presents, and shared with some his best horses. From
the top of a hill he saw two tumans of Kipchaks who had come to give
aid to the Georgians. By an officer he sent bread and salt to those
Kipchaks and told them that he had saved the lives of many of their
people taken captive by his father. “Will you now raise the sword to
repay me with bloodshed?” asked he.
The Kipchaks withdrew on receiving this statement. The Georgians
advanced, but Jelal sent this message to their leader: “Your men must
be wearied by long marches; if they wish rest for to-day the best
warriors from both sides may amuse themselves by trying their strength
and address in the presence of the armies.” This proposition was
accepted.
One of the bravest of Georgia’s great veterans rode forth to the space
between the two forces. The Sultan rushed to meet this strong champion,
and pierced him through with one lance thrust. Three sons of the man
came forth then to avenge him and were killed in succession by Jelal.
Next came a fifth man, enormous in stature. The Sultan’s horse was
wearied, there was no time for a change, and had it not been for his
marvelous skill in escaping from blows and in parrying, Jelal would
have seen his last hour in that conflict. But when the Georgian was
rushing lance in rest at him, the Sultan sprang to the ground, disarmed
the oncoming giant, and killed him. He gave with his whip then a signal
for the onset, and, in spite of the truce, his whole army rushed at the
Georgians, surprised and defeated them.
Free of his enemies now Jelal marched in 1229 on Khelat to besiege it a
second time. He remained all the winter before it, but was forced by
keen cold and deep snow to lodge a great part of his troops in the
villages of that region. To his camp came the Erzerum prince, Rokn ud
din Jihan Shah, who belonged to a branch of the Seljuks of Rūm. This
prince, having had quarrels before that with Jelal, wished now to
arrange them, show homage, and give presents ten thousand dinars in
value.
The Sultan received him with every distinction, and in taking farewell
asked for siege engines. Rokn ud din sent a great catapult, shields and
many engines of value. The princes of Amid and Mardin sent their
submission through envoys. Next came an embassy from Bagdad. Nassir,
the Kalif, had died during 1225 in the forty-sixth year of his rule,
the longest rule of any man in the whole line of Abbasids. Zahir,
Nassir’s son and successor, had been only nine months in office when he
died. Mostansir, his son, then succeeded. Mostansir now sent an envoy
to make two demands upon Jelal; first that the Sultan would claim no
rights of a sovereign in Mosul, Erbil, Abuye and Jebal whose princes
were vassals of the Kalif; second that he would restore the name of the
Kalif in all public prayers throughout Persia. Shah Mohammed, his
father, had abolished this practice when he was marching on Bagdad, and
had not restored it. The Sultan granted both requests straightway and
commanded that in all his states every Moslem should pray for
Mostansir. When the envoy returned a chamberlain of the Sultan went
with him. This chamberlain came back with two officials, who brought
from the Kalif a robe of investiture to Jelal, and splendid presents to
him and his highest officials. Jelal asked earnestly for the title of
Sultan. Bagdad refused, having given thus far, as was stated, that
title to no ruler, but while investing him the Kalif gave the title
Shah in Shah (Shah of Shahs). In letters after that Jelal styled
himself servant of the Kalif whom he called lord and master.
While besieging Khelat the Sultan commanded to adorn Ispahan with a
college, and a domed mausoleum of rich structure. This building was to
hold the sarcophagus of his father which meanwhile would rest on the
Demavend mountain in Erdehan, a strong fortress three days’ journey
from Rayi toward the Caspian. He requested by letter his aunt, Shah
Khatun, a widow of the Mazanderan prince named Ardshir, to attend the
“great Sultan’s” remains to the fortress. The chief men of her country
and the Moslem Ulema were to go with her. Mohammed of Nessa, who
indited the letter with this request, declares that he sent it
unwillingly, since he knew well that Mohammed’s remains were far safer
on that island in the Caspian than they ever could be in the fortress;
for the Mongols burned the corpses of all kings whose graves they
found, believing them of the Kwaresmian dynasty. They dug up in Gur the
remains of Mahmud, son of Sebak Tegin, though this prince had been dead
two whole centuries. “The event failed not to justify my fears,” adds
Mohammed Nessavi. [11] “After Jelal had been slain the Mongols took the
Erdehan stronghold and sent the body of Mohammed to Ogotai who burned
it.”
Before beginning the siege of Khelat, Jelal sent an envoy from Meraga
to the Sultan of Rūm, Alai ed din Kei Kubad, with a letter expressing
his wish for relations of friendship, and showing the need of close
union, since they were one in the East and the other in the West, the
two bulwarks of Islam against raging infidels. Kei Kubad read this
letter with favor, and to strengthen an alliance proposed that Jelal
give a daughter in marriage to his, Kei Kubad’s, son, Kei Kosru. Two
envoys from Kei Kubad came bringing friendly expressions to Jelal while
he was in front of Khelat, and besieging it.
These envoys were forced to deliver their presents just as did subjects
when bringing gifts to their sovereign. They asked a daughter of Jelal
for Kei Kubad’s son, and received a refusal. They complained of
hostility shown Kei Kubad by his cousin and vassal, the Erzerum prince,
and asked that Jelal yield this prince up, and let Kei Kubad take his
country. This request roused Jelal, who answered with spirit: “Though I
have complaints against Jihan Shah, he has come to my court and now is
a guest in it. It would not be proper for me to deliver him to an
enemy.” Discontent in the envoys was heightened immensely by insolence
from Jelal’s vizir.
One day when Nessavi was visiting this minister he heard rude speech
and boasting: “If the Sultan permitted I would enter your country and
subject it with the troops at my order,” said Sherif. “When the envoy
had gone I asked the vizir,” says Nessavi, “for the cause of his
rudeness, since Kei Kubad had testified friendship. ‘The presents
brought by those envoys.’ replied the vizir, ‘are not equal to two
thousand dinars.’”
The envoys, accompanied by three others from Jelal, went home little
pleased with their mission. When they arrived at the boundary of Rūm
the two hurried on in advance to their sovereign. On hearing their
narrative Kei Kubad despatched one of them straightway to make an
alliance with Ashraf.
After six months of siege work Jelal stormed Khelat and took it April
2, 1230. He wished that his men should not pillage and ruin the city,
but his generals declared that the siege had been long, that the
warriors had lost many horses with cattle and property, that if he
forbade pillage no new campaign would be possible at any time; all
might desert in a body. The generals insisted so firmly that Jelal had
to yield to them.
Khelat was given up for a time to the army; for three days and nights
did wild, savage men work their will on it. A great many people expired
under torture inflicted to force them to tell where their treasures
were hidden. Women and children were saved for captivity. The Georgian
wife of Prince Ashraf was taken by Jelal, who made her his concubine.
Two younger brothers, Yakub and Abbas, fell into the power of the
conqueror also. The Sultan now had the walls of the city repaired, and
gave land in that region to his generals. Jelal was preparing to strike
Manazguerd when the Erzerum prince, who during the siege of Khelat had
given him provisions, and thus earned the hatred of Ashraf, came to
inform him that Ashraf and the Sultan of Rūm were concluding a treaty,
hence he advised with all earnestness to forestall the two princes by
attacking their forces before they could possibly unite them.
After the death of Moazzam of Damascus Ashraf had received from his
brother Kamil, who was Sultan of Egypt, Damascus in barter for Surud,
Harran, Roha and three other districts. When he heard of the fall of
Khelat and the capture of his consort, Ashraf rushed away to his
brother Kamil, who was at that time in Rakka. Ashraf met there that
envoy from the Sultan of Rūm who was charged with concluding a treaty
with him against Jelal. The Khelat Prince took advice from Kamil the
Sultan of Egypt, who favored the alliance, but Kamil himself hurried
back straightway to Cairo on learning that Salih, his son whom he had
left there, was plotting to dethrone him.
Ashraf set out with seven hundred horsemen for Harran. There he
demanded contingents from Aleppo, Mosul and the lands lying between the
Euphrates and Tigris. When those troops had appeared he went at the
head of them to join Kei Kubad at Sivas whence they would march with
combined armies on Khelat.
Jelal had resolved to advance on Kharpert, hoping to attack the first
of the armies which moved to join the other. He summoned his troops to
Kharpert and went thither himself in advance of them, but falling ill
at that place he was in such straits that the generals thought his life
lost and were ready the moment breath left him to rush off and seize
each man the province that pleased him. Jelal recovered, but meanwhile
his enemies had united their forces. His army was small if compared
with the troops ranged against it. He had not summoned in men from
Arran, Azerbaidjan, Irak or Mazanderan who had gone on leave somewhat
earlier. His vizir’s corps was at Manazguerd, another corps also was
attacking Berkeri, still he moved on and in Erzendjan met the enemy.
Kei Kubad’s force was twenty thousand, Ashraf’s only five, but all
chosen warriors. Jelal was defeated most cruelly, and lost many
warriors. Among prisoners was the Erzerum prince who had promised Jelal
a good part of Kei Kubad’s kingdom, but who was forced then to yield up
strong places and treasures of his own to his cousin. The victors
beheaded all the Kwaresmian officers whom they captured.
Jelal fled to Manazguerd, and taking the troops then besieging that
fortress marched on Khelat which he stripped of all that had value and
was movable; that done he burned the remainder. Then, taking with him
the Georgian wife of Prince Ashraf and Ashraf’s two brothers, Yakub and
Abbas, he moved into Azerbaidjan. The vizir with his troops was posted
in Sekman Abad to follow the movements of the enemy; he himself halted
near Khoï. His generals had deserted.
Jelal’s enemies did not pursue. On the contrary his vizir got a letter
from Ashraf, who had parted with Kei Kubad after the victory, and gone
to Khelat, which he found a sad ruin and deserted. “Your master,” wrote
he to Sherif, “is the Sultan of Moslems, the first rampart of Islam
against Mongol enemies. We know that to weaken him signifies ruin to
religion, that his losses will affect every Moslem. Why do you with
your wonderful experience not give him peace-loving counsels? I
guarantee to the Sultan true friendship with the strong aid of Kei
Kubad, and my brother, the Sultan of Egypt.”
These propositions were followed by discussion, and the two princes
made peace. The Sultan agreed to cease all attacks upon Khelat, but
despite every effort he would make no promise regarding Kei Kubad. He
could not forgive him the alliance with Ashraf. He knew only later how
his vizir had offended that prince’s envoys. But when he learned that
the Mongols were entering Irak he swore to respect all the lands of Kei
Kubad.
This Mongol army, thirty thousand in number, was taken from all the
troops under Ogotai. It was led by Chormagun, whom the Grand Khan had
deputed to finish the conquest of Persia and establish himself there
with his warriors. Chormagun, who wished first of all to hunt Jelal to
death, as Jinghis the great Khan had hunted Jelal’s father, moved
through Khorassan very swiftly by the Esferain road, and past Rayi.
Jelal, who had gone from Khoï to Tebriz, hoped that these Mongols would
winter in Irak; he needed delay of that length to gather in forces and
concentrate. He despatched a Pehlevan straightway to Irak to watch all
the movements of the Mongols. This man met a vanguard of the enemy
between Zendjan and Ebher. He fled with fourteen men, all he had, and
was the only survivor so fiercely did the Mongols rush after him. He
came alone to Tebriz with his tidings to the Sultan.
Jelal did not delay; he left the place at once for the steppes of Mugan
on the Caspian to gather in forces. Not having time to secure proper
safety for his harem, it remained at Tebriz. He spent that winter in
Mugan and in Shirvan. Two officers of distinction from Mazanderan and
Khorassan were sent forward to have a keen eye on the enemy, report to
Jelal, and keep relays of good horses at Firus Abad and at Ardebil.
While waiting for his warriors, summoned through heralds who presented
red arrows, Jelal with a body-guard of only one thousand amused himself
at hunts during daylight, and spent his evenings drinking with his
intimates. One night two officers of the vanguard whom he had trusted
to warn him let a Mongol division pass without challenge or notice.
They surprised Jelal on a hill close to Shirkebut and he barely escaped
from the peril by rushing on toward the river Araxes. The Mongols
thought that he had crossed it and they hurried on farther toward
Gandja, the capital of Arran, but Jelal had turned back toward
Azerbaidjan and sent Prince Yakub his prisoner to explain to Ashraf,
Yakub’s brother, the great need of sending men promptly to drive back
the Mongols, whose plan was to crush down and ruin the whole world of
Islam.
Yakub was conducted to Sherif ul Mulk, Jelal’s vizir, who had been
directed to send with him an envoy having proper instructions. Sherif
ul Mulk, who was now a full traitor, had a vizir of his own whom he
sent, but with orders entirely opposed to those given by the Sultan.
Jelal’s harem left in Tebriz unprotected was sent now to Arran by
Sherif and lodged in Sind Suruk, a strong fortress, while his treasures
were hidden in various castles which belonged to the chief of the
Turkmans of Arran. That done, Sherif went to Khizan and raised there
the banner of rebellion. He was angry since the Sultan, because of
Sherif’s immense outlays, had taken from him command of the taxes, and
income of all sorts. Thinking Jelal lost when he had fled in Mugan and
had been almost captured, he wrote to Kei Kubad and Ashraf declaring
that if they would leave Azerbaidjan to him coupled with Arran he would
render homage for both and have the two princes’ names mentioned at all
public worship. “Fallen Tyrant” was the name given the Sultan in this
letter. Many missives which were similar to this one in part went to
governors to corrupt them. One of these was sent to the Sultan who knew
now that Sherif stopped all Kwaresmian officers who came near his fort
and wrung their possessions from them by torture. He learned also that
Sherif had instructed the Turkman chief not to yield up the harem or
treasures of the Sultan to any one, not even to Jelal himself should he
come for them. In this letter also he styled him “Fallen Tyrant.” The
Sultan, knowing now the vizir and his treason, had orders sent to
disregard his authority.
Jelal, who remained all the winter (1231) in Mugan, went to Arran in
the spring upon hearing that the Mongols were moving from Odjan to find
him. When near Sherif’s castle he sent for the traitorous vizir and
feigned to know nothing of his treason. Sherif came with a shroud on
his neck. Jelal had wine brought to him, an act not agreeing with
etiquette, since the Kwaresmian sultans never admitted vizirs to their
banquets. Sherif thought himself then at the summit of favor, but soon
he had reason to think otherwise, for though he followed the Sultan the
latter assigned him no duties.
The bad condition of Jelal’s affairs affected the people of the two
Caspian provinces recently subjected. In Tebriz the population, roused
to anger by the men who commanded in the name of the Sultan, were ready
to massacre all the Kwaresmians and thus win good grace from the
Mongols. Revolts broke out in many places of Azerbaidjan and of Arran.
Men in the service of the Sultan were killed and their heads carried
off as presents to the enemy.
Jelal wishing to assemble the troops of Arran, and unable to trust any
Turkman in his service, prevailed on Mohammed of Nessa to accept this
most delicate mission, which he carried out with such thoroughness and
so deftly that Jelal soon had a strong force at his command. At report
of this exploit the Mongol division which had marched into Arran
withdrew to the main camp at Odjan. An envoy sent to the Bailecan
governor to effect his surrender was brought before Jelal immediately.
On being asked touching Chormagun’s army, and promised his life if he
told the truth sacredly (the man was a Moslem), he declared that the
army roll counted twenty thousand on the day of review near the Bokhará
suburbs. Jelal, lest his troops lose their courage and scatter, had the
man killed at once.
Then, fearing that the vizir might rush away on a sudden and rouse many
men to rebellion, the Sultan set out for Jaraper followed still by the
traitor. He ordered then the commandant of the Jaraper fortress, a
cruel old Turkman, to arrest the vizir and put him in irons the moment
that he, the Sultan, moved farther. This was done, and soon after, the
old Turkman sent six guards to take life from Sherif. The moment he saw
the men coming the vizir knew that his last hour was present. He begged
a short respite during which to implore the Almighty. He made his
ablutions, then prayed, read some lines in the Koran, and said that the
guards might enter. On reappearing they asked him which he preferred,
the cord or the sabre. “The sabre,” answered Sherif. “It is not the
usage that great people die by the sabre,” said the guard, “and death
by the cord is far easier.” “The task is yours,” replied Sherif. “Do
what seems best to you. I receive that which comes to him always who
trusts the ungrateful.” These were the last words of Sherif. He was
strangled.
Jelal’s next move was a quick march on Gandja, where the populace had
slain all Kwaresmians in the city. He pitched his camp at the wall and
strove to persuade the seditious to obedience by pleasant messages and
mildness; but the crowd grew more insolent and rushed forth to fall on
him. The Sultan charged fiercely. The populace fled, and returned
through the gate in disorder. The victors were eager for plunder, but
the Sultan restrained them. He wished above all to discover the leaders
of the outbreak. Thirty were named and Jelal cut their heads off.
The Sultan remained fifteen days in the city, thinking on action. At
last he resolved to ask aid a second time of Ashraf. He hated to do
this, but yielded to counsel.
Ashraf, on hearing that envoys were coming from Jelal, took a journey
to Egypt. The envoys were made to delay at Damascus, where the Syrian
prince forced them to loiter and amused them by letters declaring that
he would return soon from Cairo with troops for their master.
At last Jelal’s envoys sent word to him that Ashraf would stay in
Egypt, as they thought, till the whole Mongol question was settled
without him. Jelal sent his chancellor then to Mozaffer, who had
received Khelat from Ashraf his brother. He invited this prince to come
with his own troops and bring with him also the princes of Mardin and
Amid, with their forces. He said that then he could win without Ashraf.
His envoy was to explain to Mozaffer with all clearness possible that
if they, with God’s favor, should conquer the Mongols he would put
Mozaffer in a country compared with which Khelat and its lands were as
nothing. This was said by Jelal in the presence of his generals, but to
Mohammed of Nessa when alone with him his speech was as follows: “I
have no faith in the people to whom you are going, but these here,”
meaning his Turkman commanders, “are satisfied only with visions, and
their highest desire is to escape serious fighting. Thus have they
baffled every plan made by me. I send you now on this mission knowing
well that you will bring back an answer taking from them all hope of
aid.”
The Sultan had fixed on Ispahan the capital as his stronghold. At his
command six thousand men went to pillage in Rūm whence they drove back
immense herds of cattle.
When Mohammed of Nessa gave Mozaffer the message, that prince replied
in this fashion: “If I have given an oath to Jelal, I have given one
also to Kei Kubad; I know too that your sovereign has ravaged Kei
Kubad’s country, and that is not what he promised on the day of the
oath taking. Besides I am not my own master; I depend on my brothers,
the Sultan of Egypt, and the ruler of Syria, I could not help any man
unless those two permitted. Moreover what aid could my little army give
Jelal, or others? As to the princes of Mardin and Amid, they are not my
dependents. They are discussing with the Sultan touching aid. I know
that, I know too that he is trying them. He will find soon that they
are not truthful, while Ashraf is eager in the interest of the Sultan,
and is faithful to promises. His only object in going to Egypt is to
get troops and lead them back with him.”
At the end of some days Mohammed took leave of Mozaffer while declaring
that whatever the end was the latter would regret his decision. “If
Jelal triumphs,” said he, “you can never be reconciled; if he is
conquered the Mongols will bring bitter grief on you if not
destruction.” The Khelat prince answered that he doubted not the words
of the envoy, but added, “I am not my own master.”
A letter borne by a pigeon from Perkri announced that the Mongols were
searching for the Sultan, and had passed by that city. Jelal went to
Hany, but finding there only the women and baggage, he set out for
Jebal Jor without waiting. A Mongol escaping from punishment had come
to the Kwaresmians and declared that the Mongols were advancing. The
man was a commander of one thousand who would not endure reprimands
from superiors, hence had fled from them. Following the advice of this
runaway Jelal left his baggage at the wayside, and settled in ambush
near by to fall on the Mongols while they were pillaging it. Otuz Khan,
one of his generals, with four thousand horsemen, was to move on the
enemy, engage and then flee after fighting, thus luring them on into
ambush. Otuz Khan being neither keen nor courageous, came back and
declared that the Mongols had gone toward Manazguerd. On hearing this
false statement the Sultan came out of his ambush and went on to Hany
where he was met by Mohammed of Nessa whom he commanded to report in
the presence of all, on the outcome of his mission.
Convinced after listening to this report that no help would come from
any one, all resolved straightway to fall back on Ispahan, taking only
those of their children and wives who were dearest to them.
Two days later, came an envoy from Prince Massud of Amid. That prince
wished the Sultan to make himself master in Rūm, a conquest which he
declared would be easy. Master of Rūm and strong through the Kipchaks
who were firmly attached to him, Jelal could make himself terrible to
the Mongols. Massud promised to strengthen the Sultan with four
thousand horsemen and stay with him till Rūm should be conquered.
This entire plan of that Amid prince was caused by his rage at Kei
Kubad, who had snatched away some of his castles.
Jelal’s ambition was roused to activity. He abandoned the Ispahan
journey and started off toward Amid without waiting. Pitching his camp
near that city he passed the whole evening in drinking. At midnight a
Turkman rushed in with tidings that he had seen foreign troops at the
place where the Sultan had passed the night previous. Jelal declared
this a lie, and a trick of the Amid prince to force him from the
country at the earliest. But at daybreak the Mongols were present. They
surrounded the Sultan’s pavilion while he was still sleeping off his
carousal. One general, Orkhan, galloped up with his troops and drove
the enemy away. The officers of Jelal’s own household strove hard in
this trial; they had barely time to give Jelal a light colored tunic,
and put him on horseback. He thought at that moment of one of his wives
who was with him, a daughter of the Fars prince, and commanded two of
his principal officers to guard her while fleeing.
Seeing that the Mongols were terribly swift in pursuing, Jelal ordered
Orkhan to rush in another direction with his forces, and draw off the
enemy. He himself took the road to Amid with one hundred horsemen. The
gates of that city were closed to him. Persuasion was powerless to open
them, hence he fled on toward the Tigris, but soon turning aside he
rushed back, and thus followed the counsel of Otuz Khan, who declared
that the best way to flee from the Mongols was to double back and be
behind them. He reached a small village in the region of Mayafarkin and
stopped for the night at a granary. While he was sleeping Otuz Khan
slipped away, and deserted. At daybreak the Mongols caught up with the
Sultan, who had barely the time to mount and be off while his guards
fought the enemy.
Most of Jelal’s men were slain while defending their master that
morning. Fifteen of the Mongols, on learning that he who had fled was
the Sultan, rushed along after him madly. Two reached the swift rider,
but he slew both of them. The others could not come up with the
fugitive whose horse beyond doubt was superior.
Jelal hurried on alone now, and made his way into the mountains. There
he was captured by Kurds, whose work was to strip every wayfarer and
slay him. They stripped the Sultan at once and were going to kill him
when he told their chief secretly who he was, asking the man to conduct
him to the Erbil prince, Mozaffer, who would load him with benefits for
doing so; if not to conduct him to some place in the Sultan’s own
kingdom. The Kurd chose the latter and taking with him to his own
habitation the Sultan, whom he left in the care of his wife, he went
out to find horses. Meanwhile another Kurd came in, and inquired of the
woman who the Kwaresmian was, and why they had not killed him. She
replied that he was under her husband’s protection, and added, that he
was the Kwaresmian Sultan. “How know that he is telling you the truth?”
asked the Kurd. “But if he is the Sultan, he killed at the siege of
Khelat my own brother, a far better man than he is.” With that he
sprang at Jelal ud din, pierced him with his javelin, and killed him.
Aug. 15, 1231.
With Jelal ud din perished the Kwaresmian dynasty.
“Jelal ud din,” says Mohammed of Nessa, “was of medium stature. He had
a Turk face, his complexion was very dark, for his mother was from
India. He was brave to excess, calm, grave and silent, never laughing
except at the points of his lips. He spoke Turkish and Persian.” Jelal
ud din was no statesman, he had neither foresight nor wisdom; attached
to his whims he reconciled no man. Music and wine gave him most of his
pleasure. He always went to bed drunk, even at times when the Mongols
were hunting him like bloodhounds. He did not retain the affection of
his warriors, who receiving no pay had to live on the country and ruin
it. Reckless conduct estranged from him those who might have upheld
him. A wise and strong leader could have raised up and directed a
resistance which would have stopped Hulagu in his conquests. What might
have come afterwards is of course a new problem.
Soon after the death of this Sultan, Prince Mozaffer sent men to
collect his effects. They found his horse, saddle and sabre. These,
being shown to his generals, were recognized. Mozaffer then had his
corpse brought and put in a mausoleum.
In after years report ran that Jelal had been seen in various places of
Iran. A man at Ispidar gave himself out as the Sultan. The Mongol
commanders called in men who had seen Jelal ud din. The imposter was
discovered and put to death promptly. Twenty-two years after this death
of the Sultan a poor man dressed as a fakir while crossing the Oxus
spoke to the boatmen as follows: “I am Jelal ud din the Kwaresmian Shah
reported as killed by the Kurds in the mountains of Amid. It was not I
who was killed then, but my equerry. I have wandered about many years
without letting men know me.” Taken by the boatmen to an officer of the
Mongols close to that river he was tortured, but insisted till death
that he was Jelal ud din the Kwaresmian Sultan.
CHAPTER X
CONDITION OF PERSIA IN 1254, WHEN HULAGU CAME TO CONQUER AND TO
SLAUGHTER
Sad was the fate of the people in Rūm through disunion, stupidity and
thoughtlessness. After Jelal ud din lost his life in the mountains his
warriors dispersed and were finished by land tillers, by Kurds, and by
Beduins. The Mongols fell straightway to ravaging Amid, Erzerum and
Mayafarkin. After a siege of five days they captured Sarad, two days’
journey from Mardin, and east of it, and though the city had
surrendered they slaughtered its inhabitants to the number of fifteen
thousand, as is stated. Tanza met the same fate as also did Mardin,
whose sovereign took refuge in the fortress. The district of Nisibin
was changed to a desert, though the city itself was not taken by the
Mongols who, entering the country of Sinjar sacked El Khabur and
Araban. One division of them took the road to Mosul and hastened to
pillage El Munassa, on the road between Mosul and Nisibin. The people
of that place and the flat country around it took refuge in a building
near the middle of the city where all save desirable women were
massacred. A man of that region being hidden in a house looked out
through a cranny and saw what was happening and afterward told Ibn al
Athir, the historian. “Each time the Mongols slew some one they shouted
‘La illahi.’ This massacre finished, they pillaged the place and
departed leading away the women selected. I saw them,” said the hidden
man, “rejoicing on horseback. They laughed, sang songs in their
language and shouted while mocking the Moslems.”
Another Mongol division marched on Bitlis. Some of the people fled to
the mountains, others took refuge in the citadel. The Mongols set fire
to the city and burned it. They stormed Balri, a fortified place in the
region of Khelat, and slaughtered all the inhabitants. The large city
of Andjish met a similar destruction.
A third Mongol force now laid siege to Meraga. This city surrendered on
condition that the lives of all citizens be respected. The Mongols gave
a promise to spare them, but notwithstanding this promise they slew a
great number. They sacked Azerbaidjan, passed into Erbil, attacked
Kurds and Turkmans, slaying every one whom they could reach with a
weapon. They took fire and sword to all places, and committed
atrocities without parallel.
Mozaffer, prince of Erbil, assembled his troops with great speed and
got aid from Mosul. The Mongols withdrew then and marched on Dakuka.
The prince thought it best not to pursue them.
During those two months which followed the death of Jelal ud din and
the scattering of his army, the Mongols pillaged all lands between the
Euphrates and Tigris; Diarbekr, Khelat and Erbil, without finding a
single armed warrior to oppose them. The princes of those petty states
hid away carefully, and the people were stupefied so great was the
terror which had seized upon mankind. Deeds were done in that period
which beggar belief. For example a lone Mongol horseman rode into a
populous village and fell to cutting down people; no man had the
courage to defend himself.
Another time a Mongol without weapons wished to hew off the head of a
prisoner whom he had taken; he commanded the man to lie down and wait
for him. The Mongol went off for a sabre, came back and killed the
unfortunate, who was waiting obediently. Still a new tale from a third
man: “I was on the road with seventeen comrades when a Mongol on
horseback rode up to us, and commanded that each man tie the hands of
another. My comrades thought it best to obey. ‘This man,’ said I to
them, ‘is alone, let us kill him.’ ‘We are too much afraid,’ said they.
‘But he will kill us. Let us kill him, God may then save us.’ No man of
them had the courage to do this. I killed him then with a knife thrust,
and we fled and in that manner saved ourselves from other Mongols.”
These cases are but three out of thousands.
Three months after the death of Jelal ud din, people in general knew
not whether he had been killed, or was hiding, or had gone to another
country. Azerbaidjan was now seized by the Mongols. Their leader fixed
his camp near Tebriz and summoned that city to surrender. It offered a
large sum of money, many fabrics, wine and other products. The chief
judge and the mayor with the principal people went to the Mongol
commander, who ordered to send out to him weavers since he wished to
have certain stuffs made for his sovereign. They obeyed and the
citizens paid for those costly fabrics. He asked also a tent for his
master. One was made for him of a kind that had never been equalled in
that city. It was covered with silk embroidered in gold and ornamented
with sable and beaver. Tebriz agreed to an annual tribute in stuffs and
in silver.
The Mongols were sacking the lands of Erbil, a fief of the Kalif,
Mostansir, who had summoned to assist him Mohammedan sovereigns as well
as the Arabs. Kamil, Sultan of Egypt, whose dominions beyond the
Euphrates were also threatened, had set out from Cairo at the head of
an army and arrived at Damascus whence he moved eastward very promptly.
His army being numerous, took various roads in crossing the desert.
Since water was lacking, many horses died on that journey, and many men
also. On learning at Harran that the Mongols had gone out of Khelat,
Kamil besieged Amid. The capture of this place, which belonged to a
grandson of Ortok, was the real cause of his coming from Egypt. With
him was Ashraf, his brother, who had persuaded him to make the
expedition. The Eyubite princes and the Sultan of Rūm marched also with
Kamil.
The siege lasted five days altogether. Prince Massud, a weakling and a
man enamoured of pleasure, surrendered his capital to Kamil, who gave
it as an appanage (1232) to his faithless son Salih, who previously had
wished to dethrone him. Massud received certain lands lying in Egypt;
to those lands he went and settled down ignominiously as became him.
Master of Amid Kamil attacked Hóssn-Keifa, which yielded also. He had
now gained his object.
Mongol troops under Chormagun’s orders, and after that general’s death,
under Baidju, continued during two entire decades to slaughter, rob,
pillage and devastate lands west of Persia. They ruined whole regions,
and cut down the people in wantonness and by thousands. In 1236–7 they
made a second invasion of the districts near Erbil, and advanced to the
Tigris. Next they took Erbil and found there rich booty. They burned a
great number of houses, but could not take the fortress where the
inhabitants had rallied, and though perishing from thirst fought with a
marvelous valor. At the end of forty days the Mongols retired on
receipt of large sums in gold from the people.
They ravaged after that the north edge of Arabian Irak as far as Zenk
Abad and Sermenraï, which they pillaged. The Kalif made Bagdad
defensible and in 1237 in his wish to rouse every Moslem, he asked the
Ulema: “Which gives more merit, a pilgrimage to Mecca, or a war on the
infidel?” “The holy war,” answered all as one person. The war was
proclaimed then. Great persons, men of law, common people, all went out
daily to learn the art of wielding weapons. The Kalif himself wished to
march with the forces, but prudent advisers dissuaded him. His troops
met the enemy at Jebel Hamrin north of Tacrit, on the bank of the
Tigris, put them to flight, cut down many, and freed all the captives
seized at Dakuka and Erbil a short time before. In 1238 fifteen
thousand Mongols invaded the territory of Bagdad, and advanced to
Jaferiye, but retired at approach of the forces of the Kalif made up of
Turks and Arabs.
That same year, Arabian Irak was reëntered by Mongols from ten to
fifteen thousand in number. They advanced to Khanekin, a place some
leagues south of Heulvan. The Kalif sent seven thousand horsemen
against them under orders of Jemal ud din Beïlek. The Mongols,
employing their old stratagem successfully, lured on the forces of
Bagdad and attacked them from ambush. They put to the sword nearly all
the detachment. Beïlek, their leader, disappeared without tidings.
In 1235 the Mongols took Gandja the capital of Arran, giving the city
to flames and the people to slaughter. The year following, 1236,
Chormagun left Mugan and swept through Armenia, Albania and Georgia,
sacking all the best cities. Georgia had so recently been plundered by
Jelal ud din that unable to defend themselves against the Mongol
invaders, the princes and people sought refuge in the mountains. Queen
Rusudan, a woman famous for her beauty and her lack of virtue, chose as
asylum the impregnable fortress of Usaneth in Imeretia.
Chormagun seized the country between the Araxes and the Cyrus. One of
his generals, Gadagan, took Kedapagu and Varsanashod. Another one,
Mular, seized Shamkar and every stronghold around it. Chormagun’s
brother Jela took the fortress of Katchen. Jelal, the master of the
place, fled to Khok Castle near Kandzassar. When summoned to surrender
he gave the Grand Khan allegiance with tribute and military service.
Jagatai, another leader of Mongols, took Lori which belonged to Shah in
Shah, prince of Ani, sacked the city and slaughtered the people. Next
after this, and in 1239, the Mongols burst into Georgia and captured
Tiflis with many other places. When Jagatai had made all his circuits
through the country with terror in front of him and ruin behind, he
swept again through Armenia, besieging now the old capital Ani. When
the ancient city was summoned to yield, the authorities answered that
without Shah in Shah they could not surrender, since he was prince of
that region. The envoy was returning with this statement when the
populace grew furious and killed him. Chormagun laid siege immediately
to Ani. Not having supplies, the people learned soon the full meaning
of famine. To escape from it many went out and surrendered. Chormagun
met all those people with kindness, and gave them provisions; this
enticed others till more than one half had gone out of Ani. After that
those men, captured thus by their stomachs and Chormagun’s cunning,
were drawn up in companies and delivered to warriors, who cut them down
to the very last person. Ani could not defend itself longer, so pillage
and fire destroyed the old city.
On hearing of the dread destruction which had fallen upon Ani, and the
slaughter of all who had lived in it, the inhabitants of Kars fearing
the doom which, as they thought, would meet them unless they could
avert it, carried the keys of their city to the Mongol commander.
Notwithstanding this voluntary submission and surrender, a dreadful
massacre followed, for Chormagun gave direction to put all to the sword
except children, desirable women, and artisans of skill, who were
needed by the Mongols.
When Kars had been ruined the invaders returned to the plains of Mugan,
which abounded in rich winter pastures.
In 1240 Prince Avak of Tiflis and his sister Tamara went to give homage
at Ogotai’s court, and were met there with kindness. The Grand Khan
gave them an order commanding Chormagun to reinstate them and other
Georgian princes; a second command was sent also to take from them only
the tribute agreed on already. When people north of the Euphrates and
Tigris had been thinned out sufficiently and enlightened by slaughter,
the Mongols turned to take Rūm and subdue it.
Rūm had been ruled for a century and a half by a branch of the Seljuks.
Asia Minor was conquered about 1080 by Suleiman Shah, whom his cousin
Sultan Melik, Shah of Persia, had sent toward the west with eighty
thousand Turkman households to bring down the infidel. Suleiman seized
the central provinces of that region from the Byzantine Empire, and
made Konia the capital of his newly won kingdom, which was called Rūm
in the Orient, but in the west with another vowel, Rome. From that
period on, the Turkman swarms which followed the banners of the Seljuks
spread over those conquered lands widely. Most places were given them
as fiefs, and the Christians of that entire region passed under the
yoke of unsparing and insolent nomads.
The Sultan Ghiath ud din Kei Kosru, eighth successor of Suleiman the
first conqueror, had ruled over Rūm for five years when in 1243 the
Mongols set out to subject it. Chormagun was now dead and Baidju, who
succeeded him, had come with an army, in which were Armenian and
Georgian contingents, to invest Erzerum where Sinan ud din Yakut was
commandant. This Yakut was a freedman of Sultan Kei Kubad, the father
of Kei Kosru. At the end of two months the walls were destroyed by
twelve catapults; the city was taken by storm, and one day later the
citadel met with a similar misfortune. The commandant and also his
warriors were put to the sword without exception. Artisans, workmen,
desirable women and children were spared to be driven into slavery.
When the city had been plundered and ruined the Mongols withdrew to
their winter camp on the plain of Mugan.
Mongol warriors were sent in 1244 toward Syria. While they were
approaching Malattia, where news of the sack of Cesaraea had spread
dismay through every hamlet and corner, the prefect and other officials
of the Sultan took during night hours all the silver and gold of the
treasury, divided it among themselves and set out to find refuge in
Aleppo. At the same time the chief citizens, both Moslem and Christian,
tried to save themselves by flight, but these, after journeying one
day, were overtaken by Mongols who slaughtered the old men and women;
the young of both sexes were spared and driven on into slavery.
The Mongols waited not to lay siege to Malattia, they sped forward at
command of Noyon Yassaur to Aleppo, demanded a ransom, received it, and
vanished. On his way back, Yassaur made a halt at Malattia and feigned
an attack on it. The prefect collected much plate, also gold from
church pictures, besides other treasures taken from the Nestorian
cathedral; the value in all reached forty thousand gold pieces. After
receiving this ransom Yassaur continued his march toward the boundary
of Persia. Yassaur was the Mongol chief, probably, who in 1244, toward
the end of the summer, summoned Bohemond V., Prince of Antioch, to
level the walls of his cities, send in all the revenue of his
princedom, and give besides three thousand maidens. The prince refused,
the Mongol commander refrained from attacking, but later on the Antioch
prince furnished tribute to the Mongols.
The Grand Khan’s lieutenant had summoned all sovereigns in Western Asia
to obedience. Shihab ud din in 1241 got a letter from an envoy of the
Mongols. The letter sent to other princes as well as to him began in
this way: “The lieutenant on earth, of the Master of Heaven, commands
all the following princes to acknowledge his authority and level their
defences;” the names then were given. The prince answered that he was a
weak, petty ruler if compared with the sovereigns of Rūm, Syria and
Egypt. “Go to them first,” said he, “I will follow their example.”
Hayton, the king of Cilicia, had promised to bring to the Sultan of Rūm
a whole corps of Armenians; he delayed marching, however, and awaited
developments. The kingdom of Rūm was now subject to Mongols, and Hayton
thought it well to win Mongol favor if possible. On securing consent
from the chief men of his kingdom he sent envoys in 1244, during
spring, with rich presents to Baidju. The envoys turned to Jalal, an
Armenian prince then in Katchen, who presented them to Baidju, to
Chormagun’s widow, and to Mongol commanders. Baidju asked first that
Hayton deliver the wife, daughter and mother of Kei Kosru, who were
then in Cilicia. That request made, he took leave of the envoys, and
sent with them men of his own to their sovereign. The conditions were
grievous to Hayton, but he yielded the women to Baidju’s officials and
sent on new envoys. The Mongol commander was satisfied, and concluding
an alliance with Hayton, giving him a diploma which affirmed his
position as vassal to the Grand Khan. The Mongols during 1245 took
regions north of Lake Van, among others Khelat, which through an order
of Ogotai had been given to Tamara of Georgia. After this they marched
into regions between the Euphrates and Tigris, taking Roha, Nisibin and
other cities which the people abandoned at approach of the dread enemy.
But great summer heat brought down most of their horses, hence the
Mongols were forced to withdraw very speedily to save themselves.
Mongol dominion was extending continually. Bedr ud din Lulu the Prince
of Mosul declared in a letter to the Prince of Damascus that he had in
his own name concluded a treaty by which the inhabitants of Syria would
give the Mongols a fixed tribute according to wealth and ability. The
tax of the rich would amount to ten dirhems, medium men would pay five,
and poor people one dirhem. This letter was published at Damascus, and
officials began to collect the taxes decreed by it.
The same year, 1245, news came to Bagdad, by pigeons, that the Mongols
had entered Sheherzur, eight days’ travel northward from Bagdad, and
sacked the whole city, whose prince, Melik ud din Mohammed, had fled to
a stronghold.
The Mongols advancing in 1246 to Yakuba were attacked and driven off by
Bagdad troops, and some of them were captured. Baidju did not feel
himself master of Georgia while Queen Rusudan remained in Usaneth and
refused all submission. In vain did he send her rich presents, and ask
for an interview during which she and he might arrange, he declared, an
alliance with friendship. The queen would not go from her stronghold,
and gave no better answer to a message from Batu, who since Ogotai’s
death, in December, 1241, was the first among Jinghis Khan’s grandsons.
She sent her son David, however, to Batu as hostage, and placed him
under that strong Khan’s protection. Baidju, wrathful at Rusudan’s
stubbornness, resolved to give Georgia a ruler subservient to Mongols.
Rusudan’s brother, Lasha, had a son born outside wedlock whom the queen
had despatched into Rūm when her daughter went thither to marry Kei
Kosru. This son of Lasha, named David, was detained for ten years in
Cesaraea. Freed now for this special state trick, he was brought to the
camp of the Mongols where certain princes proclaimed him, and took the
oath of allegiance. Georgian troops and Armenians went with David to
Mtskhete the seat of the Patriarch, who anointed him.
David, the new king and tool of the Mongols, in 1246 attacked Rusudan
in her fortress where, reduced to extremities, she took poison and in
dying recommended her son to Batu the Khan of the Kipchaks and master
at that time in Russia.
The young King of Georgia set out to be present at the installation of
Kuyuk (1246). The names given of subject rulers present at this great
Kurultai show how far-reaching was the power of the Mongols: the Prince
of Fars; the ruler of Kerman; Bedr ud din Lulu, Prince of Mosul;
Yaroslav, Grand Prince of Russia; Ambassadors from the Kalif of Bagdad;
the Prince of the Assassin Kingdom; and many other noted rulers. There
were present also two monks who came from the Pope—one of whom, Du
Plano Carpino, has left us an account of the Kurultai—and Rusudan’s
son.
The rivalry of the King of Georgia and Rusudan’s son brought about a
division of their country. David got Georgia proper and Rusudan’s son,
Imeretia, Mingrelia and Abhasia. Both men were called kings, but David
was the Suzerain. The Cilician King Hayton who sent Sempad, his
brother, to be present at Kuyuk’s enthronement, received from the Grand
Khan more cities seized from Cilicia by the Sultans of Rūm.
In 1249 fresh alarm rose in Bagdad, for the Mongols advanced to Dakuka
and killed Bilban the prefect. In 1250–1 Nassir the Prince of Damascus
got a letter of safe-conduct from the Grand Khan and bore it in his
girdle. Splendid gifts were a proof of his gratitude and pleasure.
Lands between the Euphrates and Tigris were again visited by the
Mongols. The districts of Diarbekr and Mayafarkin with Reesain and
Sarudj were given over to pillage. The invaders cut down in this raid
more than ten thousand people. A caravan which had set out from Harran
for Bagdad was attacked by those Mongols, who massacred every man in
it. They took a large booty; among other objects they got six hundred
camel loads of sugar and cloth stuffs from Egypt, besides six hundred
thousand dinars in money. After such splendid robbery they went back to
Khelat for enjoyment.
A corps under Yassaur, who eight years before that had struck at
Malattia, attacked now this city’s environs and slew all the people
whom it could reach with a weapon. Kei Kosru had died in 1245. Yzz ud
din Kei Kavus with his two brothers, Rokn ud din Kelidj Arslan, and
Alai ud din Kei Kubad, had succeeded their father. The names of all
three appeared on the coinage, and were mentioned in mosques at public
service. Some great lords of Rūm wished Rokn ud din as chief sovereign.
Shems ud din of Ispahan, the grand vizir, put many of those partisans
to death. He married Yzz ud din’s mother and, wishing to eliminate Rokn
ud din, had him sent to the court of Kuyuk with the tribute and
presents agreed on in the treaty of submission made recently.
When Rokn ud din had appeared at the court of the Grand Khan he and an
officer of his suite, Behai ud din Terjuman, accused the vizir of doing
to death powerful people who favored Rokn ud din, of marrying the late
Sultan’s widow, and of raising a sovereign to the throne without
consent or command of the Grand Khan. On hearing this statement, Kuyuk
commanded that Rokn ud din take Yzz ud din’s place, and that Terjuman
take Shems ud din’s office. When the latter heard of this change he
despatched to Kuyuk, Rashid ud din, the prefect of Malattia, with much
gold and many jewels. The new order destroyed him and he hoped now that
the Grand Khan would revoke it. But when his envoy was nearing Erzerum
the newly made Sultan with his vizir were approaching that city.
Overcome by the greatness of his task the weak envoy placed his
treasures in the stronghold of Kemash and fled with all speed to
Aleppo. Terjuman appeared at Malattia very promptly with two thousand
Mongols, and proclaimed the new Sultan.
Shems ud din wished to take Yzz ud din to the seacoast from Konia, but
he was seized and held captive before he could do so. Terjuman then
sent Mongols to Konia to torture that active vizir and thus learn where
his treasures were hidden; by these men he was finally killed.
Meanwhile it was settled that Rūm must go to both brothers. All that
lay west of the Sivas was given to Yzz ud din, and everything east of
that river fell to Rokn ud din, but the officials of the latter wished
him to have all that Kuyuk had first given him. Yzz ud din’s partisans
declared that their sovereign was resigned to the will of the Grand
Khan, and would take whatever appanage his brother might give him. Rokn
ud din credited this statement and went to a meeting place. He was
seized with his vizir and taken to Konia. No harm was done him,
however. Yzz ud din joined in the sovereignty Alai ud din his third
brother.
Kuyuk died in 1248; Mangu his successor was inaugurated July, 1251. In
1254, three years after Mangu’s elevation, Yzz ud din was called to
Mongolia, but he feared to absent himself, knowing that Rokn ud din had
many partisans, hence he decided to send Alai ud din the third brother,
who set out, with many presents, traveling along the Black Sea and the
borders of Kipchak. Yzz ud din craved forgiveness from Mangu for
sending his own younger brother instead of appearing in person. This,
he said, he regretted most keenly, but he was forced to remain and
defend his possessions from Greeks and Armenians, his most implacable
enemies; he hoped soon, however, to offer homage in person.
Rokn ud din’s partisans now sought means to uphold the claims of their
master in the presence of the Grand Khan. They forged a letter from Yzz
ud din to Tarantai and his colleague, in which the Sultan commanded to
confide Alai ud din and the presents to the chancellor Shems ud din and
the Emir Seif ud din Jalish, the bearers of the letters, who would go
with the prince to Mongolia. Tarantai and his colleague were summoned
to Konia.
The Emir and the chancellor set out with this letter and overtook Alai
ud din at Sarai, Batu’s capital. Batu gave them an audience and to him
they explained how Yzz ud din had discovered Tarantai’s evil plotting
and also that of his colleague. On a time, as they said, Tarantai had
been stricken by lightning, hence should not stand in the presence of
Mangu. Shuja ed din, his associate, was a leech greatly skilled in all
magic, and had with him poison to use for the Grand Khan’s undoing;
hence the Sultan had sent them to replace those two envoys, who must go
back immediately to Konia.
Batu commanded to search the effects of the envoys; certain roots were
found in them, among other things scammony. They directed Shuja to
swallow the drugs in his baggage. He swallowed parts of each except
scammony. Batu thought this last to be poison, but his doctor declared
it a plant used in medicine. After that the Khan decided that Alai ud
din must go with the new envoys, while the two others must take with
them the presents.
Each party went its own way. Alai ud din died on the journey. When they
arrived at the court of Mangu, the opposing officials defended each two
of them their own cause. The Grand Khan decided that Rūm must be given
to both brothers, Yzz ud din getting everything west of the Sivas, and
Rokn ud din all that lay east of that river, as far as the Erzerum
border. The tribute was fixed, which each Sultan must send in annually.
After Alai ud din had set out for Mongolia, Rokn ud din’s partisans,
thinking that Yzz ud din wished to be rid of this brother, had him slip
away from the capital where agents were watching him. He went to
Cesaraea, gathered troops there and led them to Konia where, defeated
in battle, he was captured and imprisoned.
In 1255, one year later, Baidju being impatient at Yzz ud din’s
loitering with the tribute, entered Rūm, marched against Konia, and met
the Sultan’s forces between Ak Serai and the capital where he scattered
them. Yzz ud din fled and found refuge in the stronghold Anthalia.
Baidju then took Rokn ud din out of prison and installed him as Sultan
in all the Rūm provinces. Yzz ud din fled now a second time and found
refuge with the Byzantine Emperor who was visiting Sardis. This
emperor, Theodore Lascaris, fearing Rokn ud din’s partisans, as well as
the Mongols, advised the fleeing Sultan to return to his kingdom. Yzz
ud din took the advice, and offered submission to Hulagu, who upheld
the division of Rūm between the two brothers.
When Mangu became Grand Khan in 1251 the Cilician king, Hayton, begged
Batu to recommend him to the new Mongol sovereign. Batu counseled him
thus wise: “Go to Mangu and stop on the way to confer with me.” The
Armenian, alarmed by the length of the journey, and knowing that evils
might happen to the country in his absence, was fearful to leave it.
Meanwhile Argun, the collector, with a great horde of Moslem
assistants, appeared in Armenia. These men caused immense hardship to
Christians. “Whoso could not pay,” declares an Armenian historian,
“suffered torture. Owners of land were driven from their places, their
children and women were sold into slavery. Any man trying to emigrate
and caught in the act was stripped, beaten and torn to pieces by raging
dogs kept for that purpose.”
The King, learning of these savage deeds in Armenia, decided to go to
the Grand Khan and intercede for the people of his nation, but the
death of his queen, Isabella, detained him. He set out at last in 1254
and, traveling in disguise, crossed Asia Minor. He passed through
Derbend to the court of Batu, and to that of Sartak, Batu’s son, said
then to be a Christian. From Batu’s Horde he spent five months in
reaching Mangu, who received him with distinction. Letters patent were
given the King. These were to serve as a safeguard to him and his
country, and as a charter of freedom to the church in Armenia. He
remained fifty days at the court, and returned in 1255 to Cilicia
through Transoxiana and Persia. Hulagu had at this time arrived with
his army.
Great was the ruin effected by Mongols in Asia Minor between Jelal ud
din’s death and the coming of Hulagu. Great too were the ravages
wrought by Jelal through his various adventures. Though Chormagun’s
army and that under Baidju were vastly inferior to those of the princes
in Western Asia, the dissensions of those princes were so hopeless and
their wretched self-seeking so pitiful and paltry that the enemy
brought most of them down to death or submission, and thousands upon
thousands of people to destruction or torture.
After Jinghis Khan had returned from the west to Mongolia his eldest
son, Juchi, left Chin Timur in Kwaresm as its governor. When Chormagun
was sent out by Ogotai against Jelal ud din, Chin Timur was commanded
to march with the troops of Kwaresm, and keep guard in Khorassan while
Chormagun was destroying the Sultan. Chin Timur remained in Khorassan
as governor, having as colleagues four officers appointed by the heads
of the four groups in Jinghis Khan’s family, namely: Kelilat by the
Grand Khan; Nussal by Batu; Kul Toga by Jagatai, and Tunga by the widow
and sons of Tului. Those countries west of the Transoxiana, and south
of it, were the undivided inheritance of Jinghis Khan’s family. Despite
all the horrors committed in Khorassan there was something still left
there to pillage. Many districts had escaped through ready submission,
and at their first coming the Mongols knew not precisely the value of
treasures, but Chin Timur knew the value of jewels and gold, and was
eager to get them. People were tortured by him to disclose hidden
wealth, and on learning where it was he killed them very promptly. The
few who were spared had to buy back their homes. Besides there was
still another misery. Kwaresmian bands ravaged actively in Khorassan.
They killed all the prefects whom Chormagun the Mongol general sent to
various places, and searched out and slew Kwaresmians who were faithful
to Mongols. These bands were parts of a corps of Kankalis, ten thousand
in number, or thereabouts, who occupied chiefly the Tus and the
Nishapur mountains. Togan Sangur and Karadja, two of Jelal ud din’s
lieutenants, commanded them.
Chin Timur attacked thrice these Kankalis, but did not master or crush
them. At last, Kelilat, his lieutenant, succeeded at Sebzevar, after
three days of desperate fighting. In this struggle he lost two thousand
warriors. Karadja fled to the Sidjistan country to save himself, while
Sangur sought refuge in the Kuhistan mountains. Three thousand Kankalis
went to find safety in Herat. Kelilat sent four thousand horsemen to
end them. After three days of hard struggle those four thousand forced
the grand mosque where the three thousand had hoped to find safety, and
there every man died at the sword edge. Of course the attackers lost
heavily.
Sair Bahadur who commanded at Badghis had been commissioned by the
Grand Khan to march against Karadja and take fire and sword to all
rebels. He was on the road when he heard that Karadja, defeated by
Kelilat, had shut himself up in Arak Seistan. Sair invested the place,
but only after two years of hard toil did he take it.
This general now informed Chin Timur, that the Grand Khan had given him
Khorassan to govern, and that he, Chin Timur, had no further power in
that country.
Chin Timur reproached Kelilat with seeking those districts of Khorassan
which had been recovering from ruin, and whose people were innocent of
Karadja’s excesses, and forewarned Sair that he was sending a report to
the Grand Khan through an officer, and would wait for his orders.
Meanwhile Chin Timur and the others received from Chormagun a command
to march with their forces and join him, leaving Mazanderan and
Khorassan to Sair Bahadur. Chin Timur thereupon counseled with his
officers. It was settled at last that Kelilat should go to Ogotai, and
get Mazanderan and Khorassan for Chin Timur. As this officer served the
Grand Khan directly, he was chosen as the best man for the mission. To
secure a good hearing he took from those two great regions various
small princes who had given their submission.
Kara Kurum now beheld for the first time princes of Iran. When Ogotai
heard of their coming he was gratified greatly. He compared Chin
Timur’s methods with Chormagun’s action. Chormagun, master in rich and
broad countries, had never sent to his sovereign even one from among
vassal rulers. Chin Timur was made governor, and with him was
associated Kelilat; both were free of Chormagun and every other
commander. Ogotai gave feasts to honor the Persian princes, his
vassals. He showed them many marks of high favor, and when they were
going he confirmed each one of them in his own region.
Chin Timur made Sherif ud din of Kwaresm his sealkeeper, and Behai ud
din Juveini the minister of Finance. Commanders of troops belonging to
the three other branches of Jinghis Khan’s family had each one an agent
in the ministry of Finance.
Chin Timur dying in 1235 was succeeded by Nussal, a Mongol commander
who was nearly one hundred years old when he took up his office, and
soon he gave way to Kurguz, Chin Timur’s chancellor and favorite. It is
said that Kurguz had organized honestly and well the affairs of
Khorassan and had repressed a whole legion of fiscal extortioners. This
of course made him enemies among whom were Sherif ud din, the vizir,
and Kelilat, the commander, who were working at Ogotai’s court to
destroy him.
Kurguz was an Uigur and a Buddhist and had risen mainly through merit.
Born in a village not far from Bishbalik, the Uigur capital, he had
striven in early life to master Uigur letters and penmanship. That
done, he began service with an officer attached to Prince Juchi. One
day while the prince was out hunting a letter was brought him from his
father. None of his secretaries were present, so search was made for a
man to read Uigur. Kurguz was brought in and he read Jinghis Khan’s
letter to Juchi; he was the only man in that party who could read it.
Juchi took him then to his service. Since his penmanship was beautiful,
Kurguz was sent to teach letters and writing to the children of Juchi
which he did till Chin Timur was made governor of Khorassan. Kurguz was
then attached to him as secretary; he soon won his confidence and was
made minister. He kept his office under Nussal, but was summoned to
Mongolia to explain the affairs of Khorassan. Danishmend Hadjih, an
enemy of Chinkai, Ogotai’s minister and the special friend of Kurguz,
was toiling at that time to put Ongu Timur, Chin Timur’s son, in the
place held before by his father, while Chinkai was using every effort
to make Kurguz master, hence, choosing a moment when he was alone with
the Grand Khan, Chinkai explained that the chief men of Khorassan were
anxious that Kurguz should manage their country, and he obtained an
ordinance from Ogotai, by which Kurguz was sent to collect for a time
all the taxes and make a census of Mazanderan and Khorassan. While this
task was in progress no man was to trouble him for any cause. If Kurguz
did his work well he would be rewarded.
Kurguz came back to Khorassan with this patent and commenced work with
vigor. Nussal, set aside by this document, was old and quite powerless,
but Kelilat, his aid, being a man of capacity and keenly ambitious,
raised his voice in opposition. Kurguz showed his patent: “Here is the
order that no man may trouble me in my labor.” Kelilat found no answer
on that day. Kurguz reorganized Mazanderan and Khorassan, putting down
as he did so a whole army of extortioners and tyrants.
Meanwhile Sherif ud din, the vizir, and Kelilat, who were powerless
against Ogotai’s patent and Kurguz, with his strong will and purpose,
urged Ongu to ask with insistence for the place of his father. The
vizir, while feigning to be the fast friend of Kurguz, was rousing up
every power possible against him. Swept away by these efforts, Ongu
sent a nephew to Ogotai with false accusations, incriminating Kurguz.
These accusations were upheld with activity by all who were hostile to
Chinkai. Ogotai now sent Argun with two others to investigate and
report to him. Kurguz, on learning that Ongu had sent an agent to
Ogotai, set out himself to explain the position, leaving Behai ud din
to manage in his absence. At Tenakit he came on the members of Argun’s
commission, who declared that he must go back to Tus with them. He
refused. Thereupon there was violence and he lost one tooth in a
personal encounter. He returned, but before starting he sent a trusty
friend in the night time to Ogotai, bearing one of his garments which
was blood stained.
When the commission arrived at Khorassan the commanders of troops with
Kelilat, Ongu and Nussal, expelled from the residence of Kurguz his
secretaries and other assistants. Kurguz himself wanted simply to hold
the position till his messenger returned from Mongolia. This man came
at last with an order to the civil and military chiefs to state each
man his case before Ogotai, who had been incensed by the bloody
garment.
Kurguz communicated this order to his enemies, and set out at once
without waiting for their answers. Many persons of distinction went
with him. Kelilat, Ongu and others followed quickly and both parties
reached Bukhara simultaneously. In the time of a feast which was given
them by the governor, Kelilat was assassinated.
When the opponents reached Ogotai’s capital the Grand Khan wished to
dine in a beautiful tent which Ongu had just given him. After the meal
he went out for some minutes, intending to reënter, but as soon as he
had left the pavilion a blast of wind overturned it. The Grand Khan,
through annoyance and superstition, commanded to rend the tent in
pieces immediately.
Some days later a tent was erected which with its contents Kurguz had
given Ogotai. Inside were displayed curious things of many kinds and
much value; all these were gifts to the Grand Khan. Among other objects
was a girdle set with stones known as yarkan. When Ogotai put on this
girdle he was freed from a pain in the loins which had troubled him
somewhat. He drank that day freely and was in excellent humor. Kurguz
might consider his cause as triumphant. Chinkai, his protector, had
been appointed with other Uigurs to examine all statements of the
rivals. On one side was Kurguz, helped by persons of value, position
and substance; he himself had much keenness. On the other, since
Kelilat’s death, there were only that general’s sons, who were still
little children, and Ongu, a young man devoid of experience. But at the
end of some months the affair was still pending. Ogotai, wishing peace
between the two rivals, commanded Ongu and Kurguz to live in one tent
and drink from the same goblet. Care had been taken to remove every
weapon. This plan proved resultless, and Chinkai and his aids gave in
their report to the sovereign.
Ogotai summoned the two sides before him. When he had questioned each
one he condemned both Ongu and his partisans. “But,” said he to Ongu,
“since thou art under Batu I will refer the whole matter to him; he it
is who will punish thee.”
Chinkai, taking pity on Ongu, approached him, whispered, and then spoke
aloud to the Grand Khan: “Ongu Timur has said this to me. ‘The Grand
Khan is higher than Batu. Should a dog, such as I am, cause these two
sovereigns to deliberate? Let the Grand Khan fix my fate; he can fix it
in one moment.’”
“Thy words are wise,” replied Ogotai, “Batu would not pardon his own
son had he acted as thou hast.”
Ongu’s adherents were punished. Some were bastinadoed immediately while
others were given to Kurguz with the wish that he put the kang on each
man of them, and all had to go back with the victor. “Let them learn,”
said the Grand Khan, “that according to Jinghis Khan’s Yassa and
justice, calumny brings with it death for the sake of example, but
since their children and wives are awaiting them I bestow life on those
people, if they offend not a second time. But tell Kurguz too that he,
like those who are punished, is also my servitor, and should he cherish
hatred toward any he himself will be subject to punishment.” After that
he gave Kurguz rule over all the lands south and west of the Oxus.
Persian lords also begged patents, but Kurguz convinced Chinkai that if
others got patents of any kind they would assume independence of the
governor. It was settled then that no patent should be issued save the
one given Kurguz.
Sherif ud din continued double dealing; he feigned friendship for
Kurguz while working as an enemy in secret. On noting Ogotai’s action,
an adherent of Ongu gave Kurguz certain papers in Sherif’s own hand,
which proved the entire recent trouble to be the sole work of that
trickster. When he learned this, Ogotai did not wish the vizir to go
back to Persia lest he suffer from Kurguz. Sherif was rejoiced to
escape, but some friend warned Kurguz not to lose sight of an enemy who
would take the first chance to destroy him. Kurguz got permission to
take with him Sherif, whose presence, as he said, was important. The
taxes had not yet been brought to Khorassan and collectors might charge
some of these to Sherif in his absence.
Kurguz went back to Tus and there fixed his residence. He summoned
promptly the chief men in Khorassan and Irak, as well as the Mongol
commanders, and marked his accession to power by a festival which
lasted some days, during which the new ordinances were issued.
He sent his son with officials of finance to take from Chormagun’s
officers control over districts in Azerbaidjan and in Irak which they
were ruining by exactions. Every noyon, every officer acted with
absolute power in the region or city where he functioned, and seized
for himself the main income of the treasury. These petty despots lost
their places and were forced to restore even large sums of money.
Kurguz protected the lives and the property of Persians against Mongol
officers, who now could not bend people’s heads when they met them. The
warrior lost power to vex peaceful people along roads over which he was
marching. Kurguz was both feared and respected. He raised Tus again
from its ruins. On the eve of his coming there were only fifty
inhabited houses within its limits. When he had chosen it as a
residence Persian lords came to live in that capital and within a week
land rose a hundred-fold as to value.
Herat too reappeared out of ashes and fragments. After the ruin and
sack of that city in 1222 its site had been occupied by very few
persons, but in 1236, when Ogotai commanded to raise up Khorassan, it
was planned to repeople Herat, once so prosperous. An Emir, Yzz ud din,
whom with one thousand families Tului had transported to Bishbalik from
Herat, received now command to come back with one tenth of his
following. These people at first had much difficulty in finding
subsistence, through lack of draught cattle. Men of all ranks had to
draw ploughs in the manner of oxen. Earth tillers were forced to
irrigate land out of water pots, all canals being choked up and ruined.
When the first harvest was gathered, twenty strong men were chosen to
bear each twenty menns of cotton to the country of the Afghans, and
sell it. They did so and brought back implements for tillage.
In 1241 the chiefs of this settlement sent to the Grand Khan for more
people. At the end of five months two hundred new families were added
to Herat. A census taken the year following showed the city as having
six thousand nine hundred inhabitants. In following years the increase
became rapid.
On arriving at Tus Kurguz put a kang on his enemy Sherif. He drew from
him afterward confessions which were sent to the court in Mongolia. His
messenger learned on the road that the Grand Khan was dead. Kurguz
himself had set out to explain the whole system introduced by him
recently in Persia. While passing through Transoxiana he had a quarrel
with an officer of Jagatai’s household. Threatened with complaint
before that prince’s widow he replied that he cared not. This answer
when taken to the widow roused wrath and keen hatred. Alarmed by the
quarrel and hearing of Ogotai’s death with the loss of protection, he
judged best to turn back and he did so.
Meanwhile the wife of Sherif had sent people promptly to the Jinghis
Khan princes imploring protection for her husband. Those messengers had
been seized on the way save one among all of them. This man escaped and
reached Ulug Iff, the chief residence of Jagatai, whose wives and sons
sent Argun out with orders to bring them Kurguz of his own will or, if
need be, in spite of him. On hearing this order Kurguz, who had given
Sherif to the prefect of Sebzevar who was to kill him, sent command
straightway to stay the execution. When Argun was approaching, Kurguz
found retreat in a storehouse. Since the governor would not yield
himself willingly, Argun required aid of the district commanders and
got it. These men were all foes of Kurguz since he had fought their
abuses. When they were ready to burst in and take him, he threw the
gates open declaring that he was no enemy.
Kurguz was taken to Jagatai’s sons and examined. After that he was sent
to the court of Turakina, Ogotai’s widow, who was regent in Mongolia.
Chinkai, his protector, was gone. He had fled from the hatred of the
regent which intrigue had roused wrongfully against him. To crown his
misfortune, the governor of Persia was penniless, hence had no power to
establish his innocence. He was sent back at command of the regent to
Jagatai’s sons to be judged by them. He answered straightforwardly all
questions which they put to him, nevertheless, Kara Hulagu adjudged
death to the governor. His mouth was crammed then with earth and in
that way they strangled and killed him.
Kurguz being dead, Sherif had a chance now to prove himself, and he did
so; he engaged to collect four thousand balishes due, as he stated,
from Mazanderan and Khorassan. This Sherif, destined to death by Kurguz
very recently, was the son of a porter of Kwaresm. He became page to
the governor of the country, who chose him because of his personal
beauty. When Chin Timur was commanded to enter Khorassan and assist
Chormagun in that country he wanted a secretary. No man wished that
office because the incumbent must act against Moslems, and the issue of
the enterprise seemed doubtful. The governor of Kwaresm, whose feelings
had cooled toward Sherif, who by that time had lost youthful freshness
and was acting only as secretary, gave him to Chin Timur. Sherif had
learned the Mongol language already and, being the only man able to
interpret, all business passed through his hands and he became greatly
important.
When Argun went as governor to Khorassan many agents of Turakina, the
regent, went with him. These he left in the province to gather the
imposts and taxes, going himself into Azerbaidjan and to Irak to rescue
those countries from Mongol commanders, who acted as if the whole
conquest had been made by them only, and for their sole personal
profit. At Tebriz he received envoys from Rūm and from Syria, who
implored his protection. He sent men to those countries to gather
tribute.
All this time Sherif, who had received from Argun perfect liberty of
action, wrested taxes from people with unparalleled audacity and
harshness. Each collector was bound and instructed to spare no man. To
extort from the victims all that was humanly possible, armed warriors
of the garrison were quartered in houses; people were seized and
imprisoned, kept without food or even water, nay more, they were
tortured. Moslem ulemas, exempt from all tribute to Mongols and
hitherto treated respectfully, came to ask mercy for themselves and for
others. Widows and orphans, exempt by the laws of Jinghis and Mohammed,
came to implore simple justice. These people were treated with the
utmost contempt, and were flouted by Sherif’s assistants. Men pledged
at Tebriz their own children, and sometimes they sold them to find
means to pay taxes. One collector on entering a house where a dead man
was laid out for burial, and finding no other property to seize, had
the shroud stripped from the body, and took it.
Sherif’s agents assembled at Rayi after passing through Irak on their
great round of robbery. They brought the fruits of their merciless
activity and extortion to the chief mosque, and placed them in piles
there. Beasts of burden were driven into that edifice, which was sacred
for most of the people. Then the carpets of the mosque were taken and
cut into sizes that suited the robbers. In those pieces they wrapped
all the wealth which they had gathered and took it away on the backs of
pack animals. Happily for Persia, and for most people in it, Sherif ud
din met his death some months later (1244).
Argun did what he could, as it seems, to correct those abuses. He
remitted taxes not paid before Sherif’s death, and freed all who were
in prison for non-payment. Argun had been summoned to the Kurultai
which elected Kuyuk and there an important abuse became prominent.
Since Ogotai’s death the various princes of Jinghis Khan’s family had
given to some orders on the revenue of districts in Persia, and given
also orders of exemption to others. Argun collected these orders and
delivered them to the Grand Khan in person. Of all presents brought to
Kuyuk this was the one which gave him most pleasure. The orders were
delivered in the presence of the princes who had issued them. Kuyuk
continued Argun as the governor of Persia, and those whom Argun favored
obtained whatever offices he asked for them.
On returning to Persia, Argun was received in Merv splendidly. But he
saw very soon that powerful opponents at court were intriguing against
him, hence he set out again for Mongolia. While on the road he learned
of Kuyuk’s death and turned back to make barracks for troops sent by
that Grand Khan to reduce populations not subject as yet to the
Mongols. Now arrived also agents of various princes with orders on the
revenues for years in advance of collection. This abuse, which was
ruinous, endured till the interregnum was ended.
Argun reached the court only after the election of Mangu in July, 1251.
He complained of those orders on the income and he condemned the great
hordes of officials who went to collect them. These people lived on the
country, he said, and they ruined it. It was decided at last that each
man in Persia should pay in proportion to his property. This tax was
varied from one to ten dinars, and was to maintain the militia and post
routes; also envoys of the Grand Khan. Nothing more would be asked of
the people.
Argun retained his high office of governor. Persia was divided into
four parts; in each was a lieutenant under Argun. Evil doers were
punished, at least for a season, and here is a striking example of this
justice: Hindudjak, a general and chief of ten thousand, who had taken
life from a melik of Rūm without reason, was put to death, though a
Mongol, outside the Tus gate by direction of Mangu. His property,
family and slaves were divided among the four parts of the Jinghis Khan
family.
When he had fixed administration in Persia, Argun at command of the
Grand Khan went back to Mongolia to explain the position.
East Persia had been given by Mangu as a fief to Melik Shems ud din
Mohammed Kurt, lord of the castle of Khissar in Khorassan. Osman
Mergani, his grandfather, had been made governor of this stronghold by
his brother, Omar Mergani, the all-powerful vizir of Ghiath ud din of
the Gur line of princes. When Osman died Abu Bekr succeeded him. Abu
Bekr married a daughter of Ghiath ud din; from this union came Melik
Shems ud din Mohammed, who in 1245 lost his father and inherited the
Gur kingdom. He went to the Kurultai and arrived on the day of
election. He was presented by Mangu’s officials, who informed the Grand
Khan of the merits of the father and grandfather of the man then before
him, not forgetting, of course, Shems ud din’s own high qualities.
Mangu received Shems ud din with distinction and invested him with
Herat and its dependencies which extended from the Oxus to the Indus,
including Merv, Gur, Seistan, Kabul, and Afghanistan. Mangu commanded
besides, that Argun deliver to his agents fifty tumans as a present.
Next day at an intimate audience the Grand Khan gave the favorite a
robe from his own shoulders, three tablets, and objects of the value of
ten thousand dinars; a sabre from India, a club with the head of a bull
on it, a battle axe, a lance and a dagger. Shems ud din then set out
for Herat attended by one of the Grand Khan’s own officers. He turned
aside on arriving in Persia to go with a salutation to Argun, to whom
the commands of Mangu were exhibited. The governor treated him with
great respect, and had fifty tumans delivered to his agents.
Shems ud din reigned in Herat as a sovereign and took many strongholds
in Afghanistan, Guermsir, and other places.
Kerman was held at that time by the son of Borak Hadjib. After slaying
Ghiath ud din, the brother of Jelal ud din, the last Shah of Persia,
Borak asked the title of Sultan from the Kalif, and received it. Kutlug
Sultan was the name which he gave himself. When Sair Bahadur laid siege
to Seistan at the head of a Mongol division, he summoned Borak to show
the Grand Khan obedience and furnish troops also. Borak declared that
he could take the place with his own men, the Mongols might spare
themselves trouble. His great age, he added, hindered him from going to
the Grand Khan, but his son would go thither instead of him.
In fact he sent Rokn ud din Khodja. While on the road to Mongolia this
young prince heard of the death of his father, and the usurpation of
power by Kutb ud din his own cousin. He continued the journey, however,
and was received well by Ogotai, who, to reward him for coming so far
to look on the face of the Grand Khan, gave him Kerman which he was to
hold in his character of vassal with the title and name of his father,
Kutlug Sultan.
Kutb ud din now received a summons to appear at the court in Mongolia.
Shortly after his arrival he was sent to China under command of
Yelvadji. After Ogotai’s death Kutb ud din went to that Kurultai at
which Kuyuk was elected, and strove then to get Kerman, but met only
failure. Chinkai, the minister, was the firm friend of his rival, and
he himself was commanded to go back to Yelvadji. Soon after, he went
with this governor from China to the new Kurultai, which chose Mangu
from whom, and with the aid of Yelvadji, he obtained the throne of
Kerman. When Kutb ud din was approaching Kerman, Rokn ud din was
departing with treasures to Lur where he asked an asylum from the
Kalif. The Kalif, not wishing to anger the Mongols, refused it, and now
Rokn ud din resolved to repair to the court of Mangu to find justice.
The two rivals were summoned to the Grand Khan’s tribunal. Rokn ud din
lost his case and was given to his cousin, who struck him down with his
own hand, and killed him. Kutb ud din ruled in Kerman till his death in
1258. He was son of that Tanigu the treacherous prefect of Taraz under
the last sovereign of Kara Kitai. Tanigu was Borak Hadjib’s own
brother.
When Hulagu came with his army to Persia, Kutb ud din met him at Jend
to show homage and honor.
This was the position in Persia in 1254 when Hulagu went to that
country to conquer, to slaughter, and to regulate. His very first task
was to root out and destroy the Ismailians who had formed the famed
mountain Commonwealth of Assassins, and then he was to bring to
obedience or ruin the successor of Mohammed the Abbasid Kalif at
Bagdad.
That the importance of this expedition may be understood a brief sketch
of the origin and history of the Assassins must be given.
CHAPTER XI
THE ASSASSIN COMMONWEALTH AND ITS DESTRUCTION BY THE MONGOLS
The Ismailians, known later by their enemies as Molahids (lost ones),
and by all Europe in the sequel as Assassins, were an offshoot from one
of the two great divisions into which Islam ranged itself after the
death of the Prophet in 632. These divisions were caused by the problem
of finding a successor to Mohammed—a Kalif.
The founder of Islam had died without saying whom he wished to succeed
him. The first of the Kalifs, Abu Bekr, father-in-law of Mohammed, was
elected by Medina, only one voice opposing. Abu Bekr on his death bed
named Omar, who was confirmed by the people of Medina in 634. The
second Kalif, when mortally wounded by a murderer, named electors to
choose the third Kalif. Those electors chose Othman and when he was
slain by insurgents, Aly, the son-in-law and cousin of Mohammed, was
elected by Medina directly. A.D. 656.
Various and intricate causes brought about civil war, and deep hatred
followed quickly; after that came the election in Damascus of Muavia,
the governor of Syria, as a Kalif to overthrow Aly, whom many
Mohammedans would not acknowledge. The father of Muavia had been one of
the most bitter enemies of the Prophet. This hatred was shared fully by
the son, who left nothing undone to rouse Syria to the utmost against
Aly; he even had the blood-stained clothes of Othman exhibited in the
principal mosque of Damascus. A fierce but drawn battle at Siffin
between these two Kalifs was fruitless; an arbitration as to who should
be Kalif settled nothing and pacified no man.
Next came the winning of Egypt by Muavia as the first Ommayad Kalif.
There were two Kalifs now ruling de facto in Islam, Muavia at Damascus,
and Aly at Kufa. In 661 Aly fell by the hand of an assassin. Aly’s son,
Hassan, succeeded him, but resigned after six months of rule, and
retired to Medina where one of his many wives poisoned him, incited, as
partisans of Aly insisted, by Muavia. Muavia was now the sole Kalif of
Islam.
Election had been attended with peril; there was danger of outbreaks
and slaughter. In three cases the chance had been narrow, and the
fourth choice had brought bitter warfare. Three elections had been held
at Medina, and made by the men of that city; the fifth, that of Hassan,
at Kufa. Muavia had been chosen at Damascus. Since Medina was no longer
the capital really, it could not choose a Kalif or confirm him.
Election must be at the chief place of government, if anywhere.
Troubles such as those which had followed the election of Aly might
recur in the future and threaten, or even cut short the existence of
Islam. The system of election was unsafe in that turbulent society. To
avoid these great perils Muavia planned to choose a successor while he
himself was still ruling. His own son Yezid was the candidate. If he
could win for Yezid an oath of allegiance from most of the Moslems he
would secure power for his family and prevent a contested election.
After working a time with great industry and keenness Muavia succeeded.
Deputations from all the chief cities, also from each province,
appeared at Damascus to do the hidden will of Muavia.
These deputations all named Yezid as heir of the Kalif and chose him.
They gave then an oath of allegiance and homage. Arabian Irak and Syria
also joined in this oath.
Muavia went next to the two holy cities as it were on a pilgrimage, but
his great ruling purpose was to win or to force the consent of Medina
and Mecca to the recent election. The chief dissentients in Medina were
Hussein, son of Aly, Abd al Rahman, son of Abu Bekr and both Abdallahs,
sons of Omar and Zobeir. Muavia treated them so rudely that to avoid
offense they departed immediately for Mecca. The rest of the people
accepted Yezid and gave him the oath without waiting. Muavia went on
then to Mecca, where he bore himself mildly toward all men, but near
the end of his visit he spoke to the city concerning an heir to the
Kalifat. It was answered that the election of an heir was opposed to
precedent but Mecca men offered to accept any one of three methods:
first, that of the Prophet who left the election to Medina, or that of
Abu Bekr who chose a Kalif from the Koreish, or of Omar who appointed
electors to choose from among themselves a candidate; the Kalif
omitting, like Omar, his sons and the sons of his father.
“As for the earliest method,” said Muavia, “there is no man among us
who is like Abu Bekr to be chosen by the people. As to the other two
methods I fear the bloodshed and struggles which will follow if the
succession be not settled while a Kalif is living.”
Since all his reasons proved powerless, Muavia summoned his attendants
and forced Mecca men at the sword point to give the oath of allegiance
to Yezid.
The example of Syria, Irak and the two holy cities was followed
throughout the whole Empire, and this new method conquered in large
measure afterward.
The theory of a right of election residing in the people existed in
form, but the right was not real. In practice the oath of allegiance
was obtained by the sword against every refusal.
After the days of Muavia, the Kalif in power proclaimed as his heir or
successor the fittest among all his sons—that one of course who most
pleased him. To him as the heir an oath of allegiance was given. To
increase the assurance of safety two heirs were sometimes created, one
of whom was elected to follow the other. This method begun by the
Ommayed line was continued by the Abbasids.
Muavia died in 680. Yezid, who succeeded, made those first of all take
the oath to him who had refused it at Medina. The sons of Omar and
Abbas gave this oath straightway, but Hussein, son of Aly, and the son
of Zobeir went to Mecca asking time to consider. No one had dared to
attack that holy city since its capture by Mohammed, and there in full
safety every plotter could work out his plan against the Kalif or
others.
Ibn Zobeir, as Muavia had noted, was eager for dominion, but while
Hussein was living he feigned to work only for that grandson of the
Prophet. Offers of support went from Kufa to Hussein with advice to
appear there immediately. True friends of Hussein at Mecca distrusted
these offers and strove to dissuade him from going, but Ibn Zobeir, who
in secret burned to be rid of this rival, urged him on always. Hussein
yielded at last and set out for Kufa. Muslim, his cousin, had been sent
ahead to prepare for his coming. This move became known at Damascus, so
Yezid summoned hastily to Kufa Obeidallah, then governing in Bussorah
with unpitying severity. On arriving he sought and found Muslim, who
was lodging with Hani, an adherent of the Alyite family.
At first a majority of the people sided with Hussein and rose promptly
against Obeidallah. They attacked him in his castle and came very near
killing him, but their ardor cooled quickly. Obeidallah was triumphant,
Muslim was taken and killed with his co-worker Hani.
Toward the end of 680 Hussein rode out of Mecca with his family and a
small band of followers, all kinsmen. When the desert was crossed, and
he was advancing on Kufa, news came to him that Muslim’s life had been
taken. He might have turned back then to Mecca, but Muslim’s kinsmen
were clamorous for vengeance. Besides there remained the wild hope that
those who had invited him might rally at last; but each man whom he met
gave darker tidings.
Farazdak the poet, who had left Kufa recently, had only these words to
offer: “The heart of the city is on thy side, but its sword is against
thee.”
The Beduins, ever ready for warfare, had been coming to Hussein, but
when they saw his cause weakening they fell away quickly, and no one
was left except the original party. A chance chieftain passing
southward advised him to turn to the Selma hills and to Aja. “In ten
days,” said the man, “the Beni Tay and twenty thousand lances above
them will be with thee.”
“How could I take these children and women to the desert?” asked
Hussein, “I must move forward.”
And he rode northward till a large troop of horsemen from Kufa, under
an Arab named Horr, stood before him.
“Command has been given me,” said Horr, “to bring thee to the governor.
If thou come not, then go to the left, or the right, but return not to
Mecca.”
Leaving Kufa on his right, Hussein turned to the left and moved
westward. Obeidallah soon sent a second man, Amr, son of Sad, with four
thousand horse, and a summons. Hussein now fixed his camp on the plain
of Kerbala near the river, five and twenty miles above Kufa. There he
denied every thought of hostility and was ready to yield if he might
take one of three courses: “Let me go to the place whence I came, or
attend me to the Kalif of Damascus. Place my hand in the hand of Yezid,
let me speak face to face with him. If not, let me go far away to the
wars and fight against enemies of Islam.”
Obeidallah insisted on absolute surrender, and directed that Amr stop
every approach to the river, thus taking water from the party. Hussein,
fearing death less than the governor of Kufa, adhered to his
conditions. He even brought Amr to urge Obeidallah to lead him to the
Kalif. Instead of agreeing, Obeidallah sent a certain Shamir to urge
action. “Hussein,” said he, “we must have dead or living in Kufa
immediately; if Amr loiters, Shamir must depose him.”
Amr then encircled the camp very closely. Hussein was ready to fight to
the death, and the scenes represented as following swiftly are retained
in the minds of believers to this day with incredible vividness.
Hussein received a day’s respite to send off his family and kinsmen,
but not one person left him.
On October 10th of 680 the two sides faced each other, and opened a
parley. Hussein’s offer was repeated, Obeidallah rejected it. Hussein
slipped down from his camel, his kinsmen gathered round him, and the
whole party waited. From the Kufa attackers at last came an arrow which
opened that struggle of tens against thousands. One after another
Hussein’s brothers, sons, nephews, and cousins fell near him. No enemy
struck Hussein till tortured by thirst he turned toward the river, and
Shamir cut him off from his people; then, stricken down by an arrow, he
was trampled by horses. Hussein’s attendants were slain every man of
them. Two sons of his perished and when the action was over, six sons
of Aly were corpses, also two sons of Hassan and six descendants of Abu
Talib, Aly’s father. The camp was plundered, but no harm inflicted on
the living, mainly women and children, who with seventy heads of the
slain were taken to Obeidallah. A shudder ran through the multitude of
people as the bloody head of the Prophet’s grandson was dropped at the
feet of the governor. When he turned the head over roughly with his
staff an aged man cried to him: “Gently, that is the grandson of the
Prophet. By the Lord I have seen those lips kissed by the blessed mouth
of Mohammed.” Hussein’s sister, his two little sons, Aly Ashgar and
Amr, with two daughters, sole descendants of Hussein, were treated with
seeming respect by the governor, and sent with the head of their father
to the Kalif. Yezid disowned every share in the tragedy. Hussein’s
family were lodged in the Kalif’s own residence at Damascus for a time,
and then sent with honor to Medina, where their coming caused a great
outburst of grief and lamentation. Many objects in that city made the
day of Kerbala seem dreadful. The deserted houses in which had dwelt
those kinsmen of Mohammed who had fallen; the orphaned little children,
and the widows, gave great reality to every word uttered. The story was
told to weeping pilgrims in that city of the Prophet by women and by
children who with their own eyes had looked at the dead and the dying
and had lived through the day of Kerbala. The tale, repeated in many
places, was heightened by new horrors; retold by pilgrims in their
homes and on their journeys from Medina, it spread at last to every
village of Islam.
The right of Aly’s line to dominion had been little thought of till
that massacre, but compassion for Aly’s descendants, who were also the
great grandsons of Mohammed, sank into men’s minds very deeply after
that dreadful slaughter on the field of Kerbala. The woeful death of
the grandsons of the Prophet seized hold of the Arab mind mightily, and
fascinated millions of people. This tragic tale helped greatly to ruin
the Ommayed dynasty and when, through it and other causes, the Abbasids
rose to dominion and hunted to death or to exile the descendants and
kinsmen of Muavia, that same tale affected the Abbasids and made it
possible to raise up against them a nation in Persia and a dynasty in
Egypt. So strong were men’s feelings on this point in Islam and so many
the people who favored the descendants of Aly that Mamun, the son of
Harun al Rashid, made an effort to consolidate the Alyite and Abbasid
families. Moreover the teaching of Persian adherents of Aly had such
influence that they captured this Kalif intellectually.
In Mamun’s day the Moslem world became greatly imbued with ideas from
Persia and India, and with Greek theories and learning. The Koran was
treated as never before till that period. Opinions and systems of all
sorts were brought into Islam. A time of tremendous disturbance
succeeded as the fruit, or result, of these teachings and these were
all connected, both in life and in politics with views touching Aly.
One Babek, a man of great energy, appeared in 816 of our era as a
leader in religion, in practical life, and in management of people,
preaching indifference of action and community of property. Through
various mystic doctrines most cunningly compounded with incitements to
robbery and lust and dishonor, he rallied multitudes to his standard,
and during twenty whole years he visited many parts of the Empire with
ruin and slaughter. He had fixed himself firmly in those strong
mountain places west and south of the Caspian, and thence scattered
terror in various directions through sudden attacks which were ever
attended by terrible bloodshed, till at last his forces were defeated
in great part and driven westward.
In 835 Motassim, the Kalif, sent Afshin, one of the best among all his
Turk generals, to seize this arch enemy and destroyer at all costs.
Only after two years of most desperate fighting and many deceitful
devices, were Babek’s strong places all taken and his own person
captured. Thousands of women and children were taken with him, and
restored to their families; and all the treasures which during two
decades had been gathered by this murderous deceiver fell now to the
Turk general, Afshin.
Babek had defeated six famous generals of Islam and slain, as some
state, a million of people during twenty years of rebellion. One of his
ten executioners declared that he alone had taken the lives of twenty
thousand men; so merciless was the struggle between the partisans of
the Kalifat and the advocates of freedom and equality.
The prisoner was brought by his captor to Samira in chains and confined
there. Motassim went in disguise to the prison to look at this demon of
Khorassan, this “Shaitan” (Satan), as they called him. When the Kalif
had gazed at Babek sufficiently the captive was exhibited through the
city as a spectacle, and brought at last to the palace where Motassim,
surrounded by his warriors, commanded Babek’s own executioner to cut
off the arms and legs of his master, and then plunge a knife into his
body. The executioner obeyed, Babek meanwhile smiling as if to prove
his own character, and the correctness of his surname, “Khurremi” (The
Joyous). The severed head was exhibited in the cities of Khorassan, and
the body impaled near the palace of the Kalif.
In the ninth century, and contemporaneous with these horrors, there
lived in Southern Persia, at Ahwas, a certain Abdallah, whose father,
Maimun Kaddah, and grandfather, Daisan the Dualist, had taught him
Persian politics and religion. This Abdallah conceived a broad system,
and planned a great project to overturn Arab rule in his country and
reëstablish the ancient faith and Empire of Persia. This involved
complete change in the structure of Islam, and all its present ideals.
He could not declare open war against the accepted religion and
dynasty, since all the military power was at their command; hence he
decided to undermine them in secret.
From Ahwas he went to Bussorah and later to Syria where he settled at
Salemiya, whence his teachings were spread by Ahmed, his son, by two
sons of that Ahmed, and also by his Dayis, men who performed each of
them all the various duties of spy, secret agent, and apostle. The most
active of those Dayis was Hussein of Ahwas, who, in the province of
which Kufa was the capital, instructed many agents in the secrets of
revolt and in perversion of the teachings of Islam. Among these agents
the most noted was one famous later as Karmath. This man delayed not in
showing his character and principles “through torrents of blood, and
destruction of cities.” Crowds of men rallied to his war cry.
The Karmathites declared that nothing was forbidden, everything was a
matter of indifference, justified by the fact of its existence, hence
should receive neither punishment nor reward. The commands of Mohammed
were pronounced parables disguising political maxims and injunctions.
They differed from Abdallah’s disciples in that they began action
immediately, and, in most cases, openly, while the others were
preparing for a new throne in Islam to be occupied by a man of their
own, a true and zealous co-believer.
The Karmathite outbreak was more terrible, continuous, and enduring
than that begun twenty years earlier by Babek, and far more dangerous.
The Karmathites fought savage battles in the East and the West, in Irak
and Syria. They plundered caravans and destroyed what they found with
tiger-like fury unless it was valuable and they could bear it away with
them. They attacked the holy city of Mecca and captured it through
desperate fighting. More than thirty thousand true Moslems were slain
while defending the temple. The sacred well, Zemzem, was polluted by
corpses hurled into it by people to whom nothing whatever was sacred.
The temple was fired, and the black, holy stone of the Kaaba, which in
Abraham’s day had come down from heaven into Mecca, was borne off to be
ransomed for fifty thousand gold coins two and twenty years later.
This Karmathite madness, after raging at intervals for a century and
torturing most parts of Islam, was extinguished in bloodshed. The
career of the Karmathites proved the wickedness and folly of their
method. Its turn came now to the system of Abdallah.
Ismailian teaching had spread through the Empire of Mohammed and
reached even Southern Arabia. About 892 a certain Mohammed Alhabib, who
claimed his descent from Ismail, son of Jaffar es Sadik, sent one Abu
Abdallah to the north coast of Africa. Abu Abdallah impressed the
Berber tribes greatly, and his success was so enormous that they drove
out the Aglabid dynasty then ruling them. He roused expectations to the
highest degree by announcing a Mahdi, or infallible guide for
believers. He then summoned in Obeidallah, a son of that Mohammed
Alhabib, who had sent him to Africa.
Obeidallah, after many strange deeds and adventures, and finally an
imprisonment from which Abu Abdallah released him, was put on a throne
in 909 and made the first Fatimid [12] Kalif at Mahdiya, his new
capital near Tunis. Abu Abdallah, the successful assistant and
forerunner, was assassinated soon after at command of Obeidallah, who
owed him dominion, but who now had no wish for his presence. The new
Kalif, since this man knew, of course, many secrets, might well think
him safer in paradise. Obeidallah now proclaimed himself the only true
Kalif, a descendant of the Prophet through Fatima his daughter, and
became a dangerous rival of the Abbasids. By 967 his descendants had
won Egypt and Southern Syria. A fortified palace was built near the
Nile, and called Kahira. [13] Around this palace rose the city known
later as Cairo.
In 991 Aleppo was added to the Fatimid Empire which, beginning at the
river Orontes and the desert of Syria, extended to Morocco. In view of
this great success and its danger to the Abbasids the world was
informed now from Bagdad that the Fatimid dynasty was spurious; that
the first Kalif installed at Mahdiya was no descendant of the Prophet,
he was merely the son of that Ahmed who was a son of Abdallah, son of
Maimun Kaddah, son of Daisan the Dualist, his mother being a Jewess.
Hence he was son of that Ahmed whose emissary, Hussein of Ahwas, had
raised up and trained the detestable Karmath, whose crimes, and the
crimes of whose followers, had tortured all Islam for a century.
That society, or order, which met at the famed House of Science in
Cairo, was dreaming of power night and day and struggling always to win
it. Power it could reach by supplanting the Abbasids, but not in
another way, hence this order aimed at the overthrow of the Abbasids.
It also spread secret doctrines by its Dayis (political and religious
missionaries) continually. Through this activity the Fatimids were
rising. Meanwhile the Abbasids were failing till Emir Bessassiri, a
partisan of the Fatimids, seized and held for one year the two highest
marks of dominion in Islam, the mint and the pulpit at Bagdad in the
name of Mostansir the Kalif at Cairo, and would have held them much
longer had not his career been cut short in 1058 by Togrul the first
Seljuk Sultan, who hastened to the rescue of the Abbasids. Meanwhile
the Dayis from Cairo and their aids filled a great part of Asia with
their labors.
One of these Dayis, Hassan Ben Sabah, founded a sect, the Eastern
Ismailites, renowned later as the Assassins. This Hassan was son of
Ali, a Shiite of the old city Rayi, who claimed that his father, Sabah
Homairi, had gone from Kufa to Kum and later to Rayi. People from Tus
in Khorassan, and others insisted that his ancestors had passed all
their lives in Khorassan. Ali, suspected of heresy, made lying oaths
and confessions to clear himself; since his success was but partial he
strove to increase it by sending Hassan, his son, to the Nishapur
school of Movaffik, a sage of eighty years at that period, and the
first scholar among Sunnite believers.
This sage, it was said, brought happiness and good fortune to all whom
he instructed. His school was frequented by multitudes, and the success
of his pupils was proverbial. Among his last students were three
classmates, later on very famous: Omar Khayyam, the astronomer and
poet; Nizam ul Mulk, the first statesman of the period, and Hassan Ben
Sabah, who founded a sect upon sophisms, and a State upon murder.
Hassan’s ambition was active from the earliest; while in that Nishapur
school he bound both his classmates by a promise. Nizam ul Mulk himself
tells the story: “‘Men believe,’ remarked Hassan one day to us, ‘that
the pupils of our master are sure to be fortunate; let us promise that
should success visit one of us only, that favored one will share with
the other two.’ We promised.” Years later when Nizam ul Mulk was grand
vizir to Alp Arslan, Sultan of the Seljuks, he showed Omar Khayyam
sincere honor and friendship, and offered him the dignity of second
vizir, which the poet rejected, but at his request the vizir gave him
one thousand gold pieces each year instead of the office. Thenceforward
Omar Khayyam was enabled to follow his bent and do great work, as
astronomer and poet.
Hassan Ben Sabah lived on in obscurity till the death of Alp Arslan in
1072.
Nizam ul Mulk retained his high office with Melik Shah the new Sultan.
Hassan Sabah went now to his friend and quoting bitter words from the
Koran reproached him with forgetting sacred promises, and mentioned
their agreement of school days. The vizir, who was kind, took his
classmate to the sovereign and gained for him favor.
Hassan Sabah, who had reproached his old friend out of perfidy, soon
won great influence through cunning, feigned frankness and hypocrisy.
In no long time Melik Shah called him frequently to his presence,
advised with him, and followed his counsels. Soon Nizam ul Mulk was in
danger of losing his office. Hassan had resolved to ruin his benefactor
and classmate; in one word to supplant him. Each apparent omission of
the great man was reported by tortuous ways to the sovereign, whose
mind was brought to doubt the vizir, and to test him. The most painful
blow of all, according to Nizam ul Mulk’s own statement, was given when
Hassan promised to finish in forty days the whole budget of the Empire.
Nizam ul Mulk needed ten times that period for the labor.
Melik Shah gave all the men called for by Hassan, and with their aid
the work was accomplished. But to defeat the vizir was not easy; Nizam
ul Mulk had abstracted certain pages, hence Hassan’s budget was
imperfect. He could not explain why the pages were lacking, and he
could not restore them, so he went on a sudden to Rayi and to Ispahan
somewhat later. In the latter city he lived in concealment at the house
of Abu Fazl, the mayor, whom he converted, and who became his most
intimate adherent.
One day in 1078, when complaining of Nizam ul Mulk and the Sultan,
Hassan added: “Had I but two friends of unbending fidelity I would soon
end this rule of the Turk and the peasant (Sultan and vizir).” These
words describe Hassan’s forecast completely, and show the germ of the
Assassin creation, which was cold-blooded murder, carefully pondered,
thought out with slowness, but executed on a sudden. Abu Fazl could not
credit that statement, and thought Hassan demented. To restore his
mental balance he placed on the table before him meat and drink mixed
with saffron which was believed at that time in Persia to be a mind
strengthening herb. Hassan noted his meaning immediately, was angry,
and would not remain longer. Abu Fazl did what was possible to detain
the apostle of murder, but every effort on his part was fruitless;
Hassan left Ispahan quickly for Egypt.
The Ismailite mysteries of atheism and immorality had been taught to
Hassan Ben Sabah by a Fatimid apostle in Persia. He had also conversed
long and intimately with others. He knew all the secrets of Cairo, and
had been tried and found worthy to spread the beliefs of the great
House of Science. The fame of his learning and gifts, and the high
position which he had held at the court of Melik Shah, went before him.
Mostansir desired to show honor to a servant who might help him to
wider dominion. The chief of the new House of Science was therefore
sent to the boundary with greetings; a residence was assigned to the
visitor, while through ministers and dignitaries he was loaded with
favors until a great quarrel broke out on a sudden in Egypt.
Mostansir had declared his son, Nesar, as his successor, and heir to
the Kalifat; thereupon rose a faction. The commander-in-chief of the
war forces was at the head of it. He insisted that Mosteali, another
son of Mostansir, was the only one fitted for the dignity. Hassan was
in favor of Nesar, and this enraged the commander, who had Hassan
imprisoned in Damietta. The apostle was barely in prison when a great
tower fell in the city without evident reason. The amazed and terrified
people saw in this accident a miracle performed by Hassan, so his
enemies and admirers joined straightway in bearing him off to a vessel
just ready to sail for West Africa. Soon after starting a storm rose
and terrified every man on the ship except Hassan. When asked why he
was not alarmed he answered: “Our Lord has promised that no harm shall
meet me.” The sea became calm soon after. All on board turned then to
Hassan, accepted his teaching and became devoted and faithful
disciples. As the voyage continued a contrary wind drove the vessel to
Syria where the apostle debarked and went to Aleppo. Thence he traveled
farther, to Bagdad, Ispahan, Yezd, Kerman and many other places,
publishing his doctrines with the greatest industry.
In Damegan Hassan spent three years, and made numerous converts. Rayi
he could not visit since Nizam ul Mulk had instructed the governor to
seize him. Dayis converted by Hassan and attached to him personally had
gone to Kirdkuh and many other fortresses and cities in that marvelous
region. He passed now through Sari, Demavend, Kazvin and Dilem and
halted at last at Alamut.
Hussein Kaini, one of Hassan’s devoted and skilful Dayis, had been sent
some time before to Alamut to secure an oath of allegiance and fidelity
to Kalif Mostansir. Most of the inhabitants had already given the usual
oath, but the commandant, Ali Mehdi, who held the fortress in the name
of Melik Shah, refused, declaring that he would acknowledge the
spiritual dominion of no one save the Kalif of Bagdad of the family of
Abbas, and submit to no sovereign but Melik Shah of the family of the
Seljuks. Hassan then offered to pay him three thousand ducats for the
fortress, but Mehdi refused this bribe. Finding all persuasion useless
Hassan took possession by force and Mehdi was driven out. As if to show
his great influence and authority Hassan then gave Mehdi a letter to
Reis Mosaffer, commander of the fortress of Kirdkuh, instructing him to
pay Mehdi three thousand ducats. Mehdi, knowing well the confidence
placed in Mosaffer by the Seljuk Sultan, was amazed when the three
thousand ducats were paid to him. He learned then that Mosaffer was a
devoted follower of Hassan Ben Sabah, and one of his earliest
adherents.
Alamut [14] was the largest and strongest of fifty castles in that
country. It was built in 860 by Hassan Ben Seid Bakeri, and now in 1090
Hassan Sabah, who had hitherto sought in vain for a stronghold, was in
possession of it. He at once began to build walls and ramparts around
his fortress and had a canal dug which would ensure a water supply.
Gardens and orchards were planted in the surrounding country and the
inhabitants were soon engaged in agricultural pursuits. Men of power in
the Seljuk country Hassan won by secretly placing Assassins at their
service; whoso wished in those days to ruin any man had but to accuse
him of connivance with Hassan Ben Sabah. Informers increased, suspicion
was general. Melik Shah distrusted his most intimate associates and
servants whom ill-will or envy strove to ruin. But now an Emir to whom
Melik Shah had given Rudbar in fief, that is the whole region in which
Alamut was the main stronghold, stopped every road to the fortress and
cut off all supplies. The inhabitants were ready to abandon the place,
but Hassan assured them that fortune would soon show them favor, as in
fact it did, and the name “Abode of Good Fortune” was bestowed on the
castle. Melik Shah, who hitherto had treated Ismailians with contempt,
resolved now to crush them. He commanded Arslan Tash, his Emir, to
destroy Hassan Sabah with all his followers.
Though Hassan had only seventy men, and not much food to give them, he
defended the fortress with great courage till Abu Ali, his Dayi,
hastened up in the night time with three hundred men. These, with the
seventy of the garrison, attacked the besiegers and dispersed them.
Melik Shah who was greatly alarmed by this defeat sent troops from
Khorassan against Hussein Kaini, Hassan Sabah’s main agent, who was
spreading heresy in the Kuhistan province. Hussein retreated to a
castle in Mumin where soon he was besieged and in no less danger than
Hassan had been very recently in Alamut.
Up to this time Hassan had acted as a political agent and religious
nuncio in the name of Mostansir, but now he saw an opportunity for
securing power for himself and he did not hesitate. Knowing well that
lawlessness of the people brought destruction to the throne, he
established a system of religion and politics based upon atheism and
absolute freedom of action which became the tenet of the Assassins,
known, however, to but few and concealed under the veil of religion.
Hassan determined to deliver his first great blow at this juncture and
begin his career of surprises. He had resolved to rid himself of
opponents unsparingly, and to terrify those of his enemies whom he left
living. His first victim was Nizam ul Mulk, his classmate, friend and
benefactor, a statesman renowned throughout one half of Asia as chief
vizir under three Seljuk Sultans, the first of their dynasty, a man of
profound wisdom and keen foresight, whose Treatise on the Principles of
Government was written for Melik Shah and adopted as his code. In this
code the wise vizir explains in the clearest terms the duties of a
sovereign. Melik Shah, the most famous and best of the Seljuk Sultans,
died three weeks later (1092). The sudden deaths of these two great men
filled Western Asia with terror. The vizir was cut down by Hassan
Sabah’s Fedavi, or devoted assistants. Melik Shah died of poison. His
loss was greatly lamented for he had ruled with justice and made his
country prosperous. He was both a statesman and a warrior. To extend
commerce he had built bridges and canals; to ensure the safety of
merchants and all who traveled he had made each village and hamlet
responsible for the crimes committed within its precincts. In this way
the entire population assisted in the suppression of robbery, one of
the great evils of that time. Hassan had made a notable beginning—he
had alarmed all Asia.
What were the doctrines of the Ismailians, used by Hassan Ben Sabah?
The Ismailian apostles trained in the House of Science in Cairo, which
had been founded and developed in the Fatimid interest, taught their
secret doctrines to a few chosen followers. These doctrines were
communicated slowly and with many precautions. The chiefs or apostles
at Cairo, the prime masters of all sacred wisdom, initiated disciples.
There were nine degrees through which those of the faithful had to pass
to receive the great mystery. But before giving the first degree to any
novice whatever the Master took from him an oath devoting the applicant
to the greatest calamities of this life, and the keenest sufferings of
the next, if he kept not strict silence touching that which was
revealed to him, or if he ceased to be the friend of all friends of the
Ismailians, and the enemy of all their enemies. When the oath was
accepted the Master took a fee for that which he was going to
communicate, and he never advanced any novice from degree to degree,
till he saw that the man had assimilated to the utmost everything
taught him.
The first step in instruction was that God has at all times given the
task of establishing His worship, and preserving it, to Imams, his
chosen ones, who are the sole guides of the faithful. As God has
created the most beautiful of all things and the noblest, by sevens,
such as the heavens and the planets, he has fixed the number of Imams
at seven, namely: Aly, Hassan, Hussein, Ali Zayn al Abidin, Mohammed
Bakir, Jaffar es Sadik, and Ismail, or Mohammed, the son of Ismail, who
surpasses all other Imams in occult wisdom and in knowledge of the
mystic sense of things visible. He explains these mysteries to those of
the initiated who inquire, for he has been instructed by God himself,
and he communicates his marvelous gifts to the Dayis, or Ismailian
apostles, to the exclusion of all other sectaries of Ali.
Like the Imams, the word-endowed prophets sent to establish new
religions were seven in number. Each prophet had one vicar (siwes) as
aid who upheld true religion after the death of his principal, and six
other vicars, who appeared after him among men. In distinction to the
word-endowed prophets the vicars were called “the dumb,” because they
merely walked in the way which had been traced for them previously.
When these seven vicars pass from the earth, a new prophet comes who
sets aside the preceding religion and is followed by seven mute vicars.
These changes follow one another till the coming of the seventh
word-endowed prophet, who is the lord of the present, that is, lord of
the age in which he is manifest.
The first prophet was Adam, for whom his son Seth served as vicar;
after Adam his religion had seven successive vicars. Noah was the
second prophet, and his vicar was Sem; Abraham was the third prophet,
his son, Ismail, was his vicar; Moses, the fourth, had Aaron his
brother first as vicar, after Aaron’s death Joshua, son of Nun, was his
vicar. The last of his vicars was John, son of Zachary; Jesus, son of
Mary, the fifth prophet, had Simeon as vicar. With the sixth prophet,
Mohammed, was associated Aly. After Aly were six mute chiefs of Islam.
These are the Imams whom we have named from Hassan to Ismail. Ismail is
the seventh and most recent prophet. When he appeared preceding
religions were abolished. Endowed with an all-knowing wisdom he alone
can explain sacred teaching. All people owe him obedience, and it is
only through his guidance that man can advance in salvation.
These were the doctrines taught in the first four degrees. In the fifth
degree the disciple learned that the Imam, as supreme priest, should
have apostles to visit all places. The number of these was fixed by
Divine wisdom at twelve like the months of the year, the tribes of
Israel, the companions of Mohammed, for God in all he does has views of
deep wisdom.
In the sixth degree the Master commenced by explaining the mystic
significance of the precepts of Islam touching prayer, alms,
pilgrimages, and all other practices which were, as he showed, to turn
men from vice to perfection. He recommended the study of Aristotle,
Pythagoras, and Plato; he warned against blind belief in tradition,
against yielding credit to simple allegations, and against taking
accepted proof unless it be rational.
In the seventh and the eighth degree the Master taught that the founder
of every religion requires an associate, a vicar to hand down his
precepts; the latter is the image of the world here below enveloped by
that which is above it; one precedes the other as cause does effect.
The first principle has neither attribute nor name; one may not say
that it exists, or does not exist, that it is ignorant, or knowing. And
thus farther on with all its attributes, for every affirmation
regarding it implies a comparison with things that are created, every
negation tends to deprive it of an attribute; it is neither eternal nor
temporal, but its commandment, its word is that which exists from
eternity. The disciple—that is, he who follows—aspires to the height of
the one who precedes him, and he who is endowed with the word on earth
aspires to be one with him who is master of the word in heaven.
In the ninth degree, which is the last, the teacher restates all that
he has taught up to that time, and on seeing that the disciple
understands he removes the last veil, and says to him in substance: All
that is said of creation and of a beginning, describes in a simile the
origin and changes of matter. An apostle delivers to mankind that which
heaven has revealed to him. For the sake of justice and order, he
adapts his religion to the needs of the race. When this religion is
needed for the general welfare it is binding, but the philosopher is
not bound to put it into practice. The philosopher is free, is bound to
nothing; knowledge for him is sufficient, since it contains the truth,
that towards which he is striving. He should know its whole meaning,
all that it binds men to execute, but he need not be subject to
vexations, which are not intended for sages. Finally it is explained to
the disciple that if word endowed apostles have the mission to uphold
order among mankind in general, sages are charged to teach wisdom to
individuals.
From all that has been preserved by the chroniclers of those days
regarding the Assassin kingdom, it is clear that in great part these
teachings were borrowed from Greece, Palestine, and Persia.
The Fatimid Kalifs of Egypt had many secret agents in Persia and Syria.
The Assassins went to Syria about the same time as the Crusaders. In
the first year of the XIIth century Jenah-ed-devlet, then Prince of
Emesa, died by their daggers while he was hastening to the castle of
the Kurds, Hosn Ak Kurd, which the Count of St. Gilles was besieging.
He had been attacked four years earlier in his palace by three Persian
Assassins, but had succeeded in saving his life. Risvan, the Prince of
Aleppo, was suspected of causing this attack. There was reason to
suspect him, since he was a bitter enemy of Jenah-ed-devlet, and a
friend of the Assassins.
Risvan had been won to the Order by one of its agents who was very
persuasive; an astrologer and a physician, who had the power to attract
by methods of his own, which were separate from those of the Order.
Four and twenty days after this unsuccessful attempt, the astrologer
died, but his place was soon filled by a goldsmith from Persia named
Abu Tahir Essaigh, who roused Risvan to still greater activity. This
Prince of Aleppo was hostile to every Crusader, and to his own brother,
Dokah, the Prince of Damascus. He was anxious for a new influx of
Assassins, since their acts favored his policy.
Abul Fettah, the nephew of Hassan Sabah, was at that time Grand Prior
in Syria; his chief residence was Sarmin, a fortified place one day’s
journey from Aleppo.
Some years later, when the people of Apaméa implored aid of Abu Tahir
Essaigh, the goldsmith, now the commandant in Sarmin, against Khalaf,
their governor from Egypt, he had Khalaf slain by Assassins under Abul
Fettah, and took Apaméa for Risvan, but he could not hold it against
Tancred, who seized the place and took Abu Tahir to Antioch where he
kept him till ransomed. Abul Fettah expired under torture. Other
captives were given to Khalaf’s sons. Tancred took from the Assassins
the strong castle of Kefrlana.
Abu Tahir on returning to the Prince of Aleppo used all his influence
to kill Abu Harb Issa, a great Khojend merchant, who had come to Aleppo
with five hundred camels bearing much merchandise. This man had done
what he could to cause harm to the Order. A man named Ahmed, who was
secretly an Assassin, had been present in the caravan from the boundary
of Khorassan, and was watching to avenge his brother slain by the
people of that merchant. On reaching Aleppo he went to Abu Tahir and
Risvan, whom he won through accounts of Abu Harb’s immense wealth, and
his hatred of the Assassins. On a day, while the merchant was counting
his camels, the murderers fell upon him, but his slaves, who were near,
showed their courage and slew the attackers before they could injure
Abu Harb. The merchant complained to Syrian princes and they reproached
Risvan bitterly, but he denied every share in that action. No one
believed him, however. Abu Tahir, to save himself from punishment, fled
to North Persia and remained there for a season.
Hassan’s policy swept through the country, selecting its victims from
the powerful and the rich. In 1113 Mevdud, then Prince of Mosul, fell,
stabbed to death while walking with Togteghin of Damascus through the
forecourt of the great mosque in that prince’s capital. The Assassin
who killed him was decapitated straightway. That same year died Risvan,
Prince of Aleppo, who had long protected the murderous Order most
carefully, and had used it effectually in extending his own dominions.
Risvan’s son, Akhras, succeeded him. This youth of sixteen was assisted
in governing by Lulu, a eunuch. He began rule by condemning to death
all people belonging to the Assassin Order. By this sentence more than
three hundred men, women and children were slain, and two hundred were
thrown into prison. Abul Fettah, a son of Abu Tahir the goldsmith, and
his successor as head of the Assassin Order in Syria, met with a death
no less terrible than that of his namesake, the nephew of Hassan Ben
Sabah. The trunk of his body was hacked into pieces at the gate looking
eastward toward Irak, his legs and arms were burned, and his head was
borne through Syria as a spectacle. Ismail, a brother of that
astrologer who had brought the Order into friendship with Risvan, died
with the others. Many Assassins were hurled into the moat from the top
of the fortress. Hossam ed din, son of Dimlatsh, a Dayi who had just
come from Persia, fled from the rage of the people to Rakka where death
found him promptly. Many saved themselves by flight, and were scattered
in towns throughout Syria; others, to avoid all suspicion of belonging
to the Order, denounced their own brothers, and killed them. The
treasures of the Order were searched out and taken. Thus did Akhras,
Prince of Aleppo, take vengeance on the Assassins for their evil
influence over his father.
Later on the Order avenged this “persecution” in various ways, and most
cruelly. In an audience given by the Kalif of Bagdad to Togteghin, the
Atabeg of Damascus, three murderers attacked and killed the Emir, Ahmed
Bal, then governor of Khorassan, whom they mistook, as it seems, for
the Atabeg. The Emir was their enemy, but not the enemy whom they had
come to destroy with their daggers,—though of this they were ignorant.
In 1120 Ilghazi received a command from Abu Mohammed, the chief of the
Assassins in Aleppo, to surrender the castle of Sherif. Ilghazi, who
feared the Order, feigned to yield up the castle, but ere the envoy
could return with this answer the people had pulled down the walls,
filled the moats, and joined the castle to Aleppo. Khashab, who had
thought out this exploit and saved a fortress from the Assassins, paid
with his life for the service. Bedü the governor of Aleppo became their
victim, as did also one of his sons. His other sons cut down the
murderers, but a third slayer sprang forward and gave one of them,
wounded already, his death blow. When seized and taken to Togteghin the
surviving Assassin was punished with simple imprisonment, for Togteghin
did not dare to mete out justice.
A few years later Nur ed din, the famous Prince of Damascus, received
from the Assassins a command to surrender the castle of Beitlala. He
yielded apparently and then roused up the people in secret to prevent
the Order from gaining the fortress. They did this by destroying it
hastily. So greatly did the princes fear the Assassins that they dared
not refuse to obey their commands; they would promise obedience, and
then rouse the people to pull down their own strongholds.
Governors of provinces both in Persia and Syria were the chief agents
in keeping peace and good order, hence were opposed to the Assassins,
and were exposed to their daggers more than all other men.
In Persia as in Syria the Assassins murdered many of the most
distinguished men, men whom the Order feared or whom they removed to
win favor or money. Sindjar, Sultan of the Seljuks, sent troops to
retake Kuhistan castles which the Ismailians had seized. Hassan Sabah
sought peace more than once with this Sultan through envoys. When all
efforts proved futile, he won over officers of Sindjar’s own household
who spoke in his favor, and even prevailed on a servant of that prince
to thrust a dagger into the floor before his bedside while he was
sleeping. When Sindjar woke and saw the dire weapon he resolved to say
nothing, but soon he received from Hassan Sabah a note with the
following contents: “Were I not well inclined toward Sindjar, the man
who planted that dagger in the floor would have fixed it in the
Sultan’s bosom. Let him know that I, from this rock, guide the hands of
the men who surround him.”
This letter made such an impression on Sindjar that he ceased to
disturb Ismailians. His reign thereafter was the period of their
greatest prosperity.
Hassan Ben Sabah died thirty-four years after his entrance into Alamut,
and during that time he never came down from the castle, nay more, he
never left, except twice, his own dwelling. He passed his life studying
and writing on the dogmas of his system, and in governing that
murderous Commonwealth which began in his brain, and was of his own
invention.
He showed the truth of his doctrine by concise, captious arguments. “As
to the knowledge of God,” said he, “one of two courses must be
followed: Claim to know God by the sole light of reason, or admit that
one cannot know him by reason, but that men need instructors. Now he
who rejects the first statement may not reject another man’s reason
without admitting thereby the necessity of guidance.” Hassan combated
in this way the claims of Greek sages. “The need of a guide being
admitted we must know if every teacher is good, or if we must have
infallible instruction. Now he who maintains that every teacher is good
may not reject his opponent’s instructor without acknowledging the need
of a teacher deserving the obedience and confidence of all men. It is
shown,” added he, “that mankind has need of a true and infallible
teacher. This teacher must be known so that men may accept his
instruction with safety. He must have been designated and chosen; he
must be installed; his truth must be proven. It would be folly to go on
a journey without a skilled guide and director. This guide must be
found before starting on the journey.
“Variety of opinion is a real proof of error, accord in opinion shows
truth, and unity is the sign of it. Diversity is a clear sign of error;
unity comes from teaching obedience, diversity from freedom of thought;
unity indicates submission to an Imam, freedom of thought goes with
schism, and many leaders.”
Apparently austere in his morals and respecting the Koran, Hassan Sabah
forced all his subjects to live just as he did. The sternness of his
methods may be known from these examples. He had one son clubbed to
death for mere suspicion of being connected with the slaying of the
Kuhistan governor without orders; the other for wine drinking and
dissolute conduct. In the execution of his elder son he gave to his
subjects an example of the penalty paid for interfering with the
prerogative of the Grand Prior. The execution of the younger showed
them the result of disobedience to principles—the principles ruling at
Alamut.
Just before his death in 1124 Hassan Sabah made his old comrade Kia
Busurgomid his successor. Under this second chief murder increased very
greatly; not merely enemies of the sect fell now by the dagger, but any
prince or man who had an enemy could hire one of the Order to murder
him. Rather than expose themselves to death, sovereigns and men of
authority lived in apparent accord with the Assassins and obtained from
the chief as a price of good-will a number of his devotees as aids in
carrying out their own evil schemes for aggrandizement. Those men slew
all pointed out to them, frequently, however, whole populations were
punished for these crimes of their co-religionists. Kia Busurgomid was
a man of great activity who followed the methods of Hassan, destroying
the most illustrious leaders of the enemy.
Mahmud, the successor of Sindjar, at first met the Assassins with their
own tactics of murder and deceit; but, for an unknown reason, after
being in open war with Kia Busurgomid for some time, he asked that an
envoy be sent to discuss terms of peace. The envoy from the Assassins
was received courteously by the Sultan, but upon leaving the presence
of Mahmud he was seized and murdered by the enraged populace. The
Sultan sent an envoy to Alamut immediately to assure Kia Busurgomid
that this unfortunate incident was due wholly to the hostility of the
citizens, and that he himself was in no way to blame.
Kia Busurgomid replied that he had believed in the assurances of safety
which the Sultan had given. If the Sultan would deliver the murderers
of the man to the Assassins there would be no difficulty, otherwise he
would take revenge for the death of his envoy. Mahmud fearing the rage
of the people gave no reply, and was shortly after attacked by a large
number of Assassins who killed four hundred men and carried off many
horses and camels.
In 1129 the Sultan got possession of the Alamut fortress, but was soon
forced to relinquish it. Not long after Mahmud died, probably by poison
administered by a member of the Order.
In Risvan’s time, as already stated, the Assassins enjoyed immense
influence at Aleppo, but under his son they were hunted down and
slaughtered. A somewhat similar fate struck them in Damascus where
during Busi’s time, Behram, an Assassin from Astrabad, won over to his
side the vizir who gave him in 1128 the castle of Banias, which
immediately became the center of influence in Syria, and so remained
until twelve years later when the Assassins made Massiat their capital.
On gaining a firm foothold in Syria by possession of Banias, the
Assassins flocked to their new capital from all sides. No prince now
had courage to give any man protection against them. But the career of
Behram the shrewd Assassin was of short duration.
Dohak, the chief man in Taim, a part of the district of Baalbek,
determined to avenge the death of his brother who had been murdered at
command of Behram, hence he summoned the warriors of Taim with
assistance from Damascus and places around it. Behram planned to
surprise Dohak and his army and crush them, but he fell into their
power unwarily, and they killed him. His head and hands were taken to
Egypt, where the Kalif had them borne in triumph to Cairo, and gave a
rich gold embroidered robe to the man who brought them. Those Assassins
who escaped fled from Taim to Banias, where before the expedition
Behram had given chief command to Ismail, an Assassin from Persia.
Tahir, the vizir, was as ready to negotiate with Ismail as he had been
with Behram. Ismail had as aid Abul Wefa, a man without faith or
principle, but adroit and successful. The Crusaders, whose power was
then rising in Syria, seemed to Abul Wefa the best allies possible for
Assassins. Enemies of Mohammedanism, they were friends to its
opponents. Attacked from without by Crusaders and corrupted from within
by Ismailian teachings, Abbasid Mohammedanism seemed nearing its
downfall. Abul Wefa now made a treaty with the King of Jerusalem,
through which he engaged to give him Damascus on a certain Friday.
While Busi, the Emir, and his great men, were assembled in the mosque
at devotion all approaches were to be opened to the king and his
forces. In return for this service the king was to give Abul Wefa the
city of Tyre on the seacoast. The Templars’ earliest Grand Master, Hugo
De Payens, appears as main agent, it is stated, in urging the king to
this arrangement.
During a decade of years after its organization, the Order of Templars
remained in obscurity, observing vows of poverty, chastity, and
obedience, and performing the labor of protecting all pilgrims. It was,
however, merely a private society at that time without distinguishing
habit or statutes. Rules given by St. Bernard and confirmed by the Pope
raised it to be a great Order created to defend the Holy Sepulchre and
pilgrims.
During this year, 1129, Hugo arrived in Jerusalem with a numerous
escort of pilgrims and knights, who through his influence had taken the
cross and raised arms in defence of Christ’s sepulchre.
The winning of Damascus was now decided upon, but marvelous events
happened meanwhile to prevent the carrying out of this plan. Tahir Ben
Saad, the vizir, who, as we have seen, exercised supreme power at
direction of Tajul Muluk Busi, Prince of Damascus had arranged with
Abul Wefa, the surrender of Damascus in secret. Tajul Muluk Busi,
discovering the treachery of his vizir and the plot of the Assassins to
get possession of Damascus, had Tahir Ben Saad put to death
immediately, and then commanded a slaughter of all the Assassins in the
city. It is stated that “six thousand fell by the sword which thus
avenged many victims of the dagger.”
While this was taking place a strong Christian army was rapidly
approaching Damascus to take possession of the city. Of this army a
large number, while marching, went with knights to plunder villages and
obtain provisions, permitting, as was customary, a considerable force
of pilgrims to accompany them. They advanced without order and were in
great part cut down by a picked corps of warriors from Damascus. On
hearing of this disaster the rest of the Christian army hurried forward
to attack those men of Damascus. While they were thus hastening
dreadful darkness appeared on a sudden, darkness broken only by flashes
of lightning; then came a tempest with the roaring of thunder and a
downrush of rain which overspread everything. When the roads were all
flooded and the whole country covered with water, a great cold set in
quickly; frost of amazing severity turned flood and rain into ice and
snowflakes. When light came again it disclosed winter scenery. The
disaster, storm, change and frost were considered by the Christians as
manifestations of Heaven’s terrible anger because of their great sin in
making a compact with murderers.
The only advantage obtained from this league with criminals was the
restoration of the castle of Banias. Ismail remembering the fate of
Damascus Assassins restored Banias, but three years later, in 1132, he
retook it, and the Christians in the end gained nothing whatever.
CHAPTER XII
HULAGU DESTROYS THE ASSASSIN COMMONWEALTH
The valiant and powerful Prince of Mosul, Aksonkor Burshi, was one of
the first victims of the second Grand Prior. He was just and daring, a
man greatly feared not only by the Assassins but also by the Crusaders
with whom he had recently fought a battle. Shortly after his return
from this encounter he was attacked by eight Assassins who, disguised
as dervishes, fell upon him in the chief mosque of Mosul while he was
taking his place on the throne. Protected by armor he defended himself
with immense courage. Three of the Assassins he killed, but before his
assistants could come to his aid he received a wound which soon proved
fatal. All the other Assassins were slain save one who fled and escaped
from the wrath of the people. When the mother of this man learned of
Aksonkor’s death she adorned herself immediately through pride in the
success of the onset for which, as she supposed, her son had given his
life. But when he came home uninjured she cut off her hair and
blackened her face in deep sorrow, since he had not died with his
comrades in honor—such was her view of honor.
Busi the Prince of Damascus was marked for destruction. Tahir the
friend of the Assassins had been executed and six thousand of the Order
had been massacred in 1129 at that prince’s command; therefore there
was no escape for Busi. Within two years of that massacre he was
attacked by a band of Assassins and escaped with difficulty; the year
following, however, brought death to him from the effects of wounds
received in that encounter.
The vengeance of the Assassins continued for years; it waited for time,
opportunity, and place, nay more, it passed from one generation to
another. They never forgot and never forgave. Shems ul Muluk, son of
Busi, as well as many other people of renown fell under the daggers of
the Order. The mufti of Kasvin and the mayors of Ispahan and Tebriz
were among those who perished. Besides rulers and great men a multitude
of merchants and ordinary men were murdered by the tools of Hassan Ben
Sabah and his successors the so-called apostles of Islam.
But in spite of the bitter enmity between the Abbasids and the Fatimids
and the fact that the Assassins, an offshoot of the Fatimids, had
worked long and industriously to overthrow their opponents, the throne
of the Kalif of Bagdad had not been stained with the blood of its
occupants thus far. But the time had now come when the Order dared to
murder even the successor of the Prophet. Through a strange
retribution, however, Kalif Abu Ali Mansur the tenth of the Fatimid
dynasty was the first to die by the hand of an Assassin, but whether
this death was effected by the policy of the Order or by private
revenge is unknown. It was thought by many that the murderer was
employed by the family of Efdhal, the grand vizir.
Efdhal had been as dangerous for the Kalif at Cairo through the immense
power which he wielded in Egypt as for the Crusaders because of his
hatred for them and the great energy with which he warred against them.
He was cut down by two men who belonged to the Order. No one knew who
had employed those two persons, whether the murderers were the tools of
the Crusaders, or of the Kalif. At first suspicion fell on the Kalif.
The son of Efdhal, Abu Ali, who was imprisoned immediately upon the
death of his father, was set free after the assassination of the Kalif
and given the office and titles of the vizir. But Assassins soon
attacked and killed Abu Ali. It may be that all three murders were
caused by the machinations of unknown enemies.
Egypt from this time on presents scenes of turmoil and disorder
produced by great struggles between partisans of the Kalifs of Bagdad
and Cairo, or in other words between the Abbasids and the Fatimids.
Mostershed the twenty-ninth Abbasid Kalif held power from 1118 to 1135,
but his power was limited and his throne most insecure. When they made
themselves guardians of the Kalifs at Bagdad the Seljuk Sultans took
from them all marks of temporal power except the Friday prayers from
the pulpit, and the coinage of money. When Massud became Sultan he
immediately took this last evidence of authority from the Kalif and
appointed Friday prayers in his own name. This encroachment was
tolerated by Mostershed but he did not accept it. Some time later a
number of officers with the men under them left Massud and joined the
Kalif’s army. These officers assured the Kalif that it would not be
difficult to conquer Massud. Deceived by their statements Mostershed
marched against the Sultan, but, deserted by his warriors in the first
onset, he was captured by Massud and taken to Meragha. He was freed
however on his promise to remain thereafter in Bagdad and pay a yearly
tribute to the Sultan.
The Ismailians had hoped that this war would end the Abbasids; hence
they were bitterly disappointed, and determined to take the work into
their own hands at once and at all costs. When Massud left Mostershed
in his camp near Meragha, the Assassins cut down the Kalif and his
attendants. Then not satisfied with the murder, they mutilated the
corpses by cutting off their ears and noses.
People had scarcely recovered from the terror caused by this slaughter
of Mostershed when they learned that his successor Rashid had been
killed. The Assassins had thought that by the murder of Mostershed they
would bring about the ruin of the Kalifat. But hope deceived them.
Rashid on taking the throne planned his own policy and determined to
begin his rule by avenging the death of his father. He went first,
however, on a journey to Ispahan, intending when he returned to deal
with the Assassins. The Order ever alert and watchful discovered his
purpose. Four active adherents followed Rashid, and at last when the
chance came they stole into his tent and stabbed him. He was buried in
Ispahan, and the warriors whom he had assembled to march against the
Order scattered at once.
When news of the Kalif’s death came to the Grand Prior there was great
joy in Alamut. For seven days and nights kettledrums sounded to
announce the happy event to that whole mountain region. This murder
brought alarm and terror to the Abbasid world. It is said that after
the death of Rashid Abbasid Kalifs very rarely, if ever, showed
themselves in public. Agents of the Order now went in crowds through
Asia. Fortresses already held by them were strengthened while new ones
were built or else purchased. In Syria they obtained Kadmos in 1134,
Kahaf four years later, and Massiat in 1140. The first and the second
they bought, the third they took by the strong hand, with violence, and
made it the center of their activity in Syria.
Kei Busurgomid had ruled the Assassin kingdom for fourteen years when,
realizing that his last hour was near, he made his eldest son, Kia
Mohammed, Grand Prior. The ruler at Alamut while increasing the power
of the Order and extending its influence in every direction did not
call himself sovereign or claim sovereign power. He ruled in the name
of an invisible Imam of whom he called himself an apostle, an Imam who
was to appear in the future and establish his rule over mankind. The
real tenets of the Order were known only to the Grand Prior and to his
chosen and tested associates who were bound to secrecy by the most
dreadful oaths. The vast majority of people who were under the control
of the chief of Alamut thought themselves devout followers of Mohammed
the Prophet whose teachings they observed with the utmost fidelity.
They looked upon the Grand Prior as an apostle whose wisdom was beyond
question and obeyed his commands with willingness and the most implicit
confidence. Those of his his disciples whom he employed as tools to
carry out political schemes or private revenge requiring the removal of
men by the use of the dagger thought they were working for a holy cause
and removing enemies of their faith and their country. As the books and
manuscripts of Hassan Ben Sabah and of those Alamut chiefs who
succeeded him were destroyed at the coming of the Mongols it is
difficult to obtain at this time much information regarding the
internal government of the Assassin kingdom. Their real doctrine was
carefully concealed and its supporters appeared only as upholders of
Islam. This is shown by answers given the Sultan Sindjar who sent an
envoy to Alamut to gain information concerning the doctrine of the
Order.
“The Ismailian doctrine is as follows,” replied the Prior. “We believe
in one God and recognize that alone as true wisdom which accords with
His holy word and the commands of His Prophet, Mohammed. We obey these
as given in the sacred Koran; we believe in all that the Prophet taught
touching creation and the last day, rewards, punishments, the judgment
and the resurrection. To believe thus is needful for salvation, and no
man may give an opinion on God’s commands, or alter one letter in them.
These are the rules on which rests our religion, and if they please not
the Sultan let him send a theologian to talk with us.”
In 1138 began the rule of Kia Mohammed, a man not only lacking in wit
and ability but wholly untrained in the art of governing. The power of
the Order had now reached its height. Its authority and influence were
apparent in many countries of Asia. There was need of a strong man at
Alamut. Nearly fifty years had passed since Hassan Ben Sabah began his
career of murder; years during which all the teachings of Islam were
observed with the greatest strictness by the common people who believed
in their rulers and yielded ready obedience. But Kai Mohammed did not
win the confidence of his subjects; they greatly disliked him. Hassan,
his son, was a man of unlimited ambition, and early in life gained the
love of the people and the reputation of having keen insight and much
learning, a reputation which he used for the attainment of his own
objects and not for the advancement of the Order. He knew and did not
contradict the report which his partisans spread very carefully that he
was the Imam whom Hassan Ben Sabah had promised. But the Prior of
Alamut heard of his son’s action; of the opinions of the people and the
report that Hassan was the long looked for Imam, and he declared his
displeasure at once. “Hassan is my son,” said he. “I am not the Imam
but one of his precursors; whoever thinks differently is an infidel!”
and he ordered the immediate execution of two hundred and fifty of
Hassan’s associates and partisans; others were banished. Hassan through
fear for his own safety wrote against his adherents and supported his
father. He avoided punishment thus by removing suspicion. Since he
drank wine in secret, however, and practised many things which were
forbidden, his adherents thought him surely the promised Imam whose
coming was to end prohibition of all kinds.
But now appear the men destined to destroy the Fatimid dynasty of
Egypt,—Nur ed din Mahmud Ben Amed Es Zenky, son of Zenky, son of Ak
Sunkur, and Saladin, son of Eyub the friend of Zenky. Ak Sunkur, a
slave whom Melik Shah made his court chamberlain and later the governor
of the Province of Aleppo, died in 1094 leaving a son, Zenky, ten years
of age. Not long after his father’s death Zenky was summoned to the
court of Kur Buga then Prince of Mosul. He soon became a favorite and
companion of the prince and accompanied him on his campaigns. In 1122
the prince gave him Wasit and Basra in fief. When in March of the
following year the Arabs, led by Dubeg a renowned Emir of the Asad
tribe, marched against Bagdad, Mostershed the Kalif crossed the river
with his army and was received on the bank by his vassals the Prince of
Mosul, Zenky of Basra, and others. The combined armies then attacked
Hilla the enemy’s stronghold, and though Dubeg’s army was much larger
than that of the Kalif’s the Arabs were defeated owing chiefly to the
skilful movements of Zenky. Somewhat later Zenky went to Hamadan to the
court of the Seljuk Sultan, Mahmud, and soon married the widow of
Kundughly, the richest noble of the court. In 1124 he returned to Basra
and Wasit where he ruled with great severity. In a battle between the
Sultan and the Kalif, Zenky took the part of the Sultan and sent him
reinforcements, thus obliging the Kalif to make peace. When after this
victory the Sultan took up his abode in Bagdad Zenky received a high
office. In 1127 he was made governor of Mosul and Jezira and took upon
himself the task of defending the country against the Crusaders. Not
long after this he became master of Aleppo. In 1131 the Seljuk Sultan
died and there was a bitter conflict over the succession. Zenky now
determined to get possession of Damascus but his attempt, made four
years after the death of the Sultan, brought him no success. In 1144 he
besieged and captured Edessa held at that time by the Crusaders. Two
years after this great victory he died by the hand of one of his own
attendants, leaving a son, Nur ed din, to finish his work by becoming
master of Damascus.
In 1132 when fleeing from Karaja by whom he had been defeated in
battle, Zenky was saved by Eyub commandant of the castle of Tenkrit on
the bank of the Tigris. This service was never forgotten. In 1138 on a
night when Eyub, who had been driven from the castle of Tenkrit, was
seeking an asylum with Zenky at Mosul a son was born to him. This son
he named Yessuf Salal ed din (Saladin). A year later Zenky took
possession of Baalbek and Eyub was made governor there. Saladin was
nine years old when Zenky was murdered. Zenky’s possessions were shared
by his two sons, Seif ud din who received Mosul, and Nur ed din who
ruled the Syrian province.
Nur ed din was a wise and just ruler, as well as a brave and fearless
warrior, and a resolute defender of Islam. Being master of Mosul and
Aleppo he was also master of North Syria, but in the south he lacked
power through not having Damascus. Mejr ed din Abak the last of the
Seljuks of Damascus ruled there, or more correctly, his vizir ruled at
his commission. After Zenky’s death Damascus sent troops to retake
Baalbek. Eyub made terms and surrendered the city receiving in return
ten villages in that region. A few years later he became
commander-in-chief of the Damascus army, a position which he held when
Nur ed din marched against Damascus in 1154. Shirkuh, brother of Eyub,
had meanwhile taken service with Nur ed din. When the Syrian army
appeared before the city Shirkuh opened negotiations with his brother
and Eyub surrendered the place to the son of his old friend. Thus
Damascus abandoned its hereditary sovereign and Mejr ed din withdrew
from the city. He received in exchange Emesa, then Balis, and went
finally to Bagdad.
An earthquake had nearly ruined Damascus, but Nur ed din restored the
city and made it his capital. During his reign of twenty-eight years he
captured fifty castles or more and established mosques and schools in
every city of his dominion. Policy as well as religion caused Nur ed
din to favor the Abbasid line instead of the Fatimids of Cairo. The
time seemed to him ripe then to end Cairo helplessness, a genuine
helplessness since civil war raged there between Dargham a commander
and Shawer the vizir who under the Kalif were struggling for mastery.
Early in 1163, the year following that in which Nur ed din had
conquered Haram and taken possession of many Syrian fortresses, Shawer
who had been driven from Cairo came to Damascus and promised not only
to pay the cost of an invasion but afterward to yield up one third of
the income of Egypt if Nur ed din would give him certain aid against
Dargham. Nur ed din was not opposed to obtaining a foothold in the
country, still he withheld assistance till April of the following year,
when he sent his able and ambitious governor of Emesa, Essed ed din
Shirkuh, with an army into Egypt. Dargham was slain and Shawer was
restored to his former position. Freed from his enemy and safe, as he
thought, he refused to fulfil the conditions he had made. Shirkuh
enraged by his treachery seized the eastern province, Sherkiya, and the
chief town, Belbeis.
Shawer, who was an artful unprincipled man, false to his friends, to
his warriors and to his own interests, then called in Amalric, Count of
Askalon and king of Jerusalem, to act with the Crusaders against
Shirkuh. The friend of the Egyptian vizir was now his foe, and the
Crusaders had become the ally of their erstwhile enemy. Between Amalric
and Nur ed din there was keen rivalry, for neither man would permit the
other to become master in Egypt.
Shirkuh fortified Belbeis and for three months resisted all attacks
from his opponent. Nur ed din now made an expedition to Palestine and
Amalric had need to hasten home to protect his own kingdom. An
armistice was arranged and both armies left Egypt.
But in 1167 Amalric again advanced at the head of a large army. Rumors
of this advance having reached Nur ed din he at once sent Shirkuh to
Egypt with a force of two thousand horsemen. He had barely crossed the
Nile when Amalric appeared on the opposite bank. Shirkuh halted at
Giza, and Amalric took up his position at Fustat. Shawer allied himself
with Amalric, who dictated his own terms and insisted that the Kalif
should ratify the treaty.
Shirkuh, alarmed by the strength of the combined armies, retreated to
Upper Egypt. Pursued by his opponent, he turned and gave battle, April
18, 1167, at a place a few miles south of Minya. The Egyptians were
defeated, but Shirkuh, not having troops sufficient for a march on
Cairo, withdrew to Alexandria, where he left Saladin in command with
one-half of the army, and moved toward the South to collect
contributions. Alexandria was soon besieged and blockaded. Provisions
were lacking in the city and there was talk of surrender when news came
that Shirkuh was advancing rapidly to their relief. He halted before
Cairo and invested that city. Amalric then raised the siege of
Alexandria and a peace was made by which Shirkuh and the king promised
to withdraw their troops from Egypt. It is stated that Shirkuh received
fifty thousand ducats, and the king twice that amount from the revenues
of Egypt. There remained at Cairo, moreover, a general of Crusaders
with a large number of men as a guard against Nur ed din.
But peace was of short duration; the advantage which came to the King
of Jerusalem by the terms of the treaty induced him to violate his
promise in the hope of eventually getting control of the country.
Incited by the Hospitalers, whose chief wished to keep his Order in
Belbeis which he had charged with a debt of more than one hundred
thousand ducats, Amalric advanced early in the winter of 1168 but this
time he entered Egypt as an enemy.
He arrived at Belbeis in November, captured that city and slaughtered
its inhabitants. He then besieged Cairo. A wall at which women and
children were toiling both by day and by night had been raised around
the city. November 12th Fustat the most ancient part, called usually
Old Cairo, was by command of Shawer set on fire to hamper the enemy,
and it continued to burn for fifty-four days and nights. Adhad, the
Kalif, despatched courier after courier with letters to Syria imploring
Nur ed din to help him, and to picture the greatness of his need he
inclosed locks of hair from the heads of his wives, as if saying: “The
enemy are dragging our women by the hair. Come and rescue!”
Nur ed din was in Aleppo and Shirkuh at Emesa. Nur ed din, however, at
no time indifferent to the importance of gaining influence and power,
gave two hundred thousand gold ducats to Shirkuh and sent him to Egypt
immediately (December, 1168). Six thousand chosen Syrians marched with
him and two thousand picked Turkman warriors from Damascus. Saladin,
urged by his uncle, accompanied the expedition.
Meanwhile Shawer and Amalric were negotiating—the former to liberate,
the latter to win Cairo. Shawer promised a million of ducats in the
name of the Kalif, and the King of Jerusalem was glad to receive fifty
thousand in ready money. The Crusaders withdrew when the Syrians under
Shirkuh appeared before Cairo in January, 1169. The Kalif went to the
camp on a visit immediately, and complained very bitterly of Shawer who
had brought the Crusaders into Egypt, burned Fustat, and ruined the
country. He begged Shirkuh to obtain for him the head of the vizir, he
himself being unable to get it.
Shawer felt now his own danger, and, while feigning friendship for the
Syrians, resolved to destroy, under cover of a banquet, both Shirkuh,
and Saladin, his nephew, with the princes of their suite. The plot
became known in good season, however, and when Shawer was approaching
on a visit to Shirkuh, he was seized and killed, and his head was sent
to the Kalif.
Shirkuh took Shawer’s place as vizir and the Kalif gave him the title
of Al Melik Al Mansur (The Victorious King).
Shirkuh died two months later, March 26, and his nephew Yussuf Salah ed
din, now thirty-one years of age, was invested with the same dignities
of office and received the same title.
Saladin was now the vizir of the Kalif, and Nur ed din’s commander,
thus his position was peculiar; he was the vizir of a Shiite Kalif and
the commander of a Sunnite king. He therefore caused the name of Nur ed
din to be mentioned in public prayers every Friday after that of the
Kalif,
Nur ed din thought that the time had come to abolish the Fatimid Kalif
at, but Saladin delayed since the people clung to Adhad, the last
representative of the dynasty. Adhad fell ill, however, and died
opportunely. Saladin transferred the prerogative of prayer then from
the Fatimid line to that of the Abbasid September 10, 1171. In this way
Saladin delivered the blow which destroyed the main branch of the
Western Ismailites. The Abbasid Kalif at now prevailed over that of the
family of Ali for which the Ismailites had taught and conspired and in
whose name they had deceived the people for nearly three centuries.
This was an event of vast importance in the history of the East, as
well as in that of the Assassin Order before whom Saladin, now a famous
warrior and an ardent champion of the Abbasids, stood forth as a
powerful and dangerous enemy.
Eight years before the fall of the Fatimid dynasty Mohammed the Grand
Prior of the Assassins died, and Hassan II assumed power. As we have
seen, Hassan began his career during his father’s life, by winning
partisans and spreading the belief that he was the promised Imam. In
his youth he had spent many years in acquiring a thorough knowledge of
philosophy and history, and in receiving instruction regarding the
mysteries of the Order. Unprincipled and profligate he now determined
not only to indulge without limit in every vice but to favor a like
indulgence in others. To cast aside all concealment and give the
secrets of the Ismailians to the world. To announce the same license to
the leaders of the Order and favor impunity of vice not merely by
example but by preaching from the pulpit that crime is permissible and
innocent. In Ramadan of the 559th year of the Hegira—1163—the
inhabitants of Rudbar were assembled at Alamut by his command. A pulpit
was placed at the foot of the castle and looking toward Mecca to which
all professors of Islam turn when praying.
Hassan ascended the pulpit and made known to his hearers the maxims of
a renewed and strengthened religion. He announced to them that they
were freed from all obligations of the law, for they had come to an era
in which they were to know God by intuition; they were released from
the burden of every command and brought to the day of Resurrection,
that is to the manifestation of the Imam before whom they were now
standing. They were no longer to pray five times each day, or observe
other rites of religion. Then, after he had explained that an
allegorical sense should be given to the dogmas of Resurrection, Hell,
and Paradise, he descended from the pulpit and the people held a great
banquet, yielding themselves to pleasures of all kinds, to dancing, to
music, to wine and to sport in celebration of the day of Resurrection,
the day when the Imam was made manifest.
From that hour when all things were lawful according to Hassan the name
Molahids, or the Lost Ones, which previously had been given to the
Karmathites and other great criminal disturbers, was given not only to
the disciples of Hassan but to all the Ismailians. Through their Grand
Prior the Order after concealing its true doctrine from mankind for
years had revealed it on a sudden and exposed to the world a society
founded on atheism, assassination and immorality. Thenceforth the Order
was doomed to rapid internal destruction.
The Ismailians had adopted the view that the universe had never begun
and would never end. The end in their eyes meant merely a phase, the
close of an epoch in existence which would be followed by another whose
length would depend upon the movements and position of the heavenly
bodies. By Resurrection was meant the presence of men before God at the
close of an epoch, and when that term came every practice of religion
was included, since man’s one concern is the estimate of his actions.
The 17th Ramadan was celebrated with banquets and games, not only as
the feast of the manifestation, but as the true date of publishing
their doctrine. As the followers of Islam reckon their time from the
flight of the Prophet, so did the Molahids from the manifestation of
the Imam, the 17th of Ramadan in the 559th year of Hegira. As
Mohammed’s name was never mentioned without adding “The Blessed,” so
after that day the words “Blessed be his memory” were added to Hassan’s
name. The Grand Priors had called themselves simply missionaries or
precursors of the Imam, but Hassan insisted that he was the Imam; in
him lay all power to remove the restrictions of the law. By this claim
he appeared before the people as a lawgiver. In this spirit he wrote to
the different princes. His letter concerning Reis Mossafer, the Grand
Prior of Kuhistan, a namesake of whom had been Grand Prior in Irak
under Hassan Ben Sabah, was as follows:
“I, Hassan, declare to you that on earth I am God’s vice-gerent. Reis
Mossafer is my vice-gerent in Kuhistan. The men of that province will
obey him; they must listen to his words as to mine.”
Reis had a pulpit erected in the Mumin Abad castle, his residence. From
the pulpit he read this epistle to the people, most of whom listened to
it with pleasure. There was a great festival with music and sports;
they fell to dancing, they drank wine at the foot of the pulpit, and in
every way possible made known their joy at liberation from the bonds of
the law. A few who remained faithful to Islam withdrew from the Order;
others who did not believe but could not decide to take this step
remained and shared the reputation of the “Lost Ones.”
Profligacy, atheism, infidelity and freedom from all restraint now
ruled supreme, and Hassan’s name was heard from every pulpit of the
Order as that of the real successor of the Prophet, the long waited for
Imam.
But it was much easier for Hassan to make himself a teacher of atheism
and immorality than to assume the character of Imam.
To convince the people that he was the Imam Hassan was driven to prove
himself descended from the Fatimid Kalifs. He was declared to be a son
of Nesar and a grandson of the Kalif Mostansir during whose reign
Hassan Ben Sabah had been in Cairo, and in the political disputes of
the day had taken the side of Mostansir’s elder son Nesar. For this he
had been ordered by Bedr Jimali, the commander-in-chief, to leave
Egypt. A certain Abul Hassan Seid, a favorite of the Kalif, had come to
Alamut a year after the death of Mostansir, and had brought with him a
son of Nesar whom he confided to Hassan Ben Sabah. Hassan treated the
envoy with great respect and gave the young man, also called Nesar, a
village near the castle as a residence. Nesar married and had a son to
whom the name “Blessed be his Memory” was given. When Nesar’s wife was
delivered of her child the wife of Mohammed, the Grand Prior of Alamut,
also had a child. A nurse carried “Blessed be his Memory” into the
castle and substituted him for the son of Mohammed.
This tale instead of satisfying the people was received with ridicule
and declared to be untrue. Then as, according to new Ismailite
teaching, all was indifferent and nothing forbidden, the builders of
Hassan’s genealogy found it best to maintain that Nesar had met
Mohammed’s wife in secret, the result being Hassan, the Grand Prior,
Imam, and Kalif, “Blessed be his Memory.”
Ismailites who in this way tried to prove that Hassan was a descendant
of Nesar were called by their opponents “the Nesari,” a title which
involved extreme obloquy.
Crime and immorality now reigned wherever the Order had power or
influence. Men who had hitherto been Assassins through obedience to
those in power and in the belief that they were fulfilling a religious
duty by removing persons who were harmful to Islam, now murdered people
wantonly.
Hassan II died in the fourth year of his reign by the dagger of his
brother-in-law at the castle of Lamsir.
Disorders caused through the revelation by Hassan were not stopped by
his murder. Crimes of every kind increased greatly during the reign of
his son and successor, Mohammed II, whose first act was to avenge the
murder of his father. Nanver, the late Prior’s brother-in-law and
assassin, died by the axe of the executioner, and with him died all his
kindred, male and female.
Mohammed II preached and taught with even more insistence than had
Hassan, his father, the doctrine of license, crime, and vice, and like
him claimed to be the Imam. Deeply read in philosophy he thought
himself unequalled in this and other forms of knowledge. He was a man
devoted to evil, and though he reigned for forty-six years there is but
little information to be obtained regarding the Order during that
period.
In the eyes of the Orthodox the Assassins were a band of vile heretics,
an assemblage of outcasts; but that Order was still defiant and mighty.
Fakhr ul Islam of Ruyan was the first doctor of the law to pronounce it
impious. This he did in Kazvin by a fetva. On his return from Kazvin to
Ruyan he fell by an Assassin. A doctor of greater reputation was
treated more tenderly: Fakhr ud din Rasi, a professor of theology at
Rayi, never failed in his lectures to refute all their doctrines,
adding as he did so: “May God curse and destroy them.” The Ismailian
Prior sent an agent to Rayi. This man appeared as a student, heard
lectures and bided his time. At last, finding that Fakhr ud din was
alone in his cabinet, he walked in, shut the door, placed the point of
a dagger at the breast of his master and waited. “What is this?” cried
the latter in terror. “Why do you curse the Ismailians and their
doctrines unceasingly?” asked the Assassin. “I will speak of them no
more,” said the teacher, “I swear this to you most solemnly.” “Will you
keep this oath?” After strong assurance the agent was satisfied, drew
back his dagger, and continued: “I had no command to kill you; if I had
nothing could have turned me from duty. My master salutes you and says
that he cares not for common men’s words, but he regards your
discourses, since they will live in the memory of people. He invites
you to visit him at Alamut, for he wishes to prove his high esteem to
you in person.”
Fakhr ud din would not go, but promised silence. The agent then put
down a purse of three hundred miskals, and said: “You will receive
every year a purse such as this. I have brought you two tunics of Yeman
besides; they are now in my lodgings.” That said the man disappeared.
Some time after this a disciple of the teacher asked why he did not
curse the Ismailians. “How can I curse them?” replied Fakhr ud din,
“their arguments are so trenchant.”
In Arslan Kushad, the Ismailians surprised in the night a castle two
leagues from Kazvin on the top of a high mountain. The people of that
place were in despair at having such neighbors, and implored various
princes to free them but in vain, till a certain Sheikh, Ali, persuaded
the Kwaresmian Sultan, Tagash, to assist him. The Sultan laid siege to
the castle, took it, allowed the Ismailians to withdraw, and placed a
small garrison on the mountain. Barely had the investing troops gone
when the Ismailians reëntered the stronghold at night through an
underground passage known to them only and slew the whole garrison. The
Sheikh Ali implored Tagash again and he came now in person. The people
of Kazvin joined his forces and after a siege of two months the
Ismailians yielded the castle on condition that they should be allowed
to retire unmolested. They promised to leave in two divisions. If the
first passed in safety the second would follow, if not it would keep up
the struggle. The first party descended, rendered homage to the Sultan
and vanished. The besiegers waited for the second division, waited long
and discovered at last that the garrison had gone in one party. The
castle was then razed at command of the Sultan. But the Ismailians took
vengeance on Sheikh Ali. While returning from a pilgrimage to Mecca he
was slain by one of their Assassins in a mosque at Damascus.
Syria and Egypt at this time demand attention since it was there that
the enemies of Saladin were acting.
In Cairo was the Sultan’s great palace where for two hundred years the
Fatimids had been collecting the wealth not only of Egypt, but of Syria
and Arabia. When after the death of the Sultan, Saladin took possession
of this palace, he found there jewels of a value beyond estimate. There
were magnificent pearls; an emerald “a span long and as thick as a
finger,” there was furniture of ebony and ivory, there were coffers
inlaid with gold and ornamented with precious stones. There was wealth
of every kind. There was also a splendid library containing, as some
historians state, 2,600,000 volumes, others mention a much smaller
number but it was, in any case, at that time the largest library in
Europe.
Some of those treasures Saladin gave to the officers of his army, some
he sent to Nur ed din and others were disposed of to obtain sums needed
for campaigns against the Crusaders and for erecting fortifications,
mosques and schools.
Though there was a strong party in Cairo hostile to Saladin, a party
composed of officers in the Egyptian army, palace dependents and even
some of the Syrian officers who were embittered by the rapid advance of
so young a man, still his adherents were increasing. Nur ed din saw
with alarm the influence and power of his lieutenant but he knew well
that embroiled with the Crusaders and the Sultan of Rūm he could not
recall the master of Cairo. Hence though alert and watchful he remained
in apparent friendship, and Saladin was prudent enough to render him
homage as ruler of Syria and Egypt. Meanwhile to secure his own
position he gathered his family around him, made his brothers, his
nephews, and his relatives commanders in the army; and strengthened the
fortifications of Cairo.
In June, 1173, by the Atabeg’s command he laid siege to Karak, but
scarcely were his troops in position when news came that Nur ed din was
approaching with his Syrian army. Saladin withdrew hastily and returned
to Cairo, giving his father’s illness as a reason for the withdrawal.
In 1174 he sent his elder brother, Turan Shah, with an army against
Yemen, a place which he thought would be convenient for defence in case
he were attacked by the Atabeg of Syria.
Abdennebi, a follower of the impious Karmath, was master of that region
and had done much to oppress and demoralize his people. Turan Shah soon
conquered the Yemens and for more than fifty years the province
remained in the possession of the Abbasids.
Nur ed din died May 6, 1174, and was succeeded by his son Salih, a boy
eleven years of age. The young prince, incapable of governing, was
under control of guardians among whom was the eunuch Gumushtegin, a man
greatly disliked by the Syrians of Aleppo. Master of Egypt and with a
large army at his command Saladin could have seized power had he so
wished, but he remained true to the interests of Salih and at once
ordered that the name “es Salih, son of Nur ed din” should be mentioned
in the Friday prayers and engraved on the money.
But trouble began immediately. The Prince of Mosul seizing the
opportunity threw off allegiance, and annexed Edessa. The Crusaders
ever anxious to get possession of Damascus threatened the city and
withdrew only when the governor, Ibn al Mokadden, gave them a large sum
of money. In August Gumushtegin took Salih to Aleppo where the
commander of the army assumed the guardianship of the young prince. The
people of Damascus alarmed by the proximity of the Crusaders, and in
dread of an attack from Aleppo, now begged aid of the Prince of Mosul.
When he refused they turned to Saladin, who moved by quick marches
across the desert and entered the city on the 27th of November. Making
his brother Governor of Damascus he set out for Aleppo.
Upon his arrival at that place he sent to assure the prince that he was
in Syria to defend cities threatened by Crusaders and by Seif ed din of
Mosul. When the governor and Gumushtegin closed the gates and refused
him entrance Saladin laid siege to the city, declaring that he did so
to rescue his sovereign.
The eunuch now had recourse to the Assassins. Rashid ed din Sinan, the
Grand Prior in Syria lived in those days at Massiat, the strongest of
the fortresses belonging to the Ismailians of that country.
He was the most politic and learned as well as one of the worst of the
rulers of the Assassin Kingdom and was at this moment all-powerful in
the mountains of North Syria. Saladin as a strong champion of the
Abbasid Kalifs and a man who seemed likely to become sovereign was the
natural enemy of the Order, hence Sinan was willing to assist
Gumushtegin especially as his request that Saladin should die at the
earliest was accompanied by a large sum of money. Three Assassins were
sent at once who although they reached Saladin’s tent and even his
presence failed of their purpose and were cut down by his attendants.
At this critical moment the Christians made an attack upon Emesa where
a part of the Egyptian troops were stationed. Saladin was obliged to
raise the siege of Aleppo and march to Emesa where he soon had
possession both of the town and the citadel. A few days later he
occupied Baalbek.
The Prince of Mosul and his brother alarmed by the success of Saladin
now joined their forces to those of Aleppo and advanced against him.
The armies met April 13, 1175, near Hamath. The troops of Aleppo and
Monsul were routed most thoroughly and pursued even to the gates of
Aleppo.
Saladin, now the greatest power in Egypt and Syria, waited no longer;
he at once proclaimed himself King and named the dynasty which he
founded “The Eyubite dynasty” in honor of his father. Twelve months
later the Prince of Mosul, who had brought together a numerous army,
met Saladin near Aleppo where a fierce battle was fought April 22,
1176. Seif ed din was defeated and lost his camp and his army.
Very soon after this victory Saladin took three important fortresses:
Bosaa, Manbidj, and Azaz, the latter only after a siege lasting nearly
a month. During this siege the king was again attacked by Assassins;
the first struck at his head with a knife but Saladin seized the man’s
hand and an attendant rushed forward and killed him. A second and even
a third murderer sprang forth but met with no better success.
Saladin, greatly alarmed by these repeated attacks, determined to
destroy the Assassins, or at least drive them out of Syria. In 1177,
after peace was established with Mosul and Aleppo, he advanced with a
large force and blockaded Massiat which was built on an almost
inaccessible peak commanding a deep ravine. Moslem historians assure us
that he would have captured this all-important fortress and thus ended
the Order in Syria had not his uncle, Shihab ed din, Lord of Hamath,
begged him to make peace on the assurance of Sinan that the king would
thereafter be protected from Assassins. Other historians assert that he
was terrified by the threats of Sinan and relate how on a night Saladin
awoke and found by his bed some hot scones of a size and shape peculiar
to the Assassins. Near them, pinned down by a dagger, was a paper
containing a threat and a warning. Whatever the cause may have been
Saladin withdrew to Damascus without capturing the Assassin stronghold.
Then leaving Turan Shah in command of Syria he returned to Cairo after
an absence of two years.
Thereafter Saladin campaigned both in Egypt and Syria, took possession
of the principal cities held by the Crusaders, and won the Holy Land
for Mohammedans, but was never again attacked by Assassins.
Mohammed II died at Alamut in 1213 from poison, as is stated, leaving a
son, Jelal ud din Hassan, who was twenty-five years of age at that
time. From boyhood he had been opposed to the practices of the
Assassins. As years passed this opposition became so intense that
father and son feared each other and when Mohammed died suddenly
suspicion rested on Jelal. As soon as the new Grand Prior assumed
command he announced his return to the true tenets of Islam, and gave
notice to the Kalif at Bagdad, the Kwaresmian Shah and the Governor of
Irak of this change in the teachings at Alamut, undertaking at the same
time to bring all Ismailians to follow his example. Belief seems to
have been given to these assurances, for when his wife and mother went
on a pilgrimage to Mecca they were received with distinction at Bagdad
and the party of pilgrims who marched under the banner of the Alamut
ruler preceded all others. He lived only twelve years after coming to
the throne but during those years he built mosques, established schools
and called in learned men to teach his people the true faith. Some
historians consider Jelal ud din a shrewd politician rather than a
reformer and assert that he remained an apostle of atheism. Be this as
it may he did for a short time suppress assassination but it reinstated
itself quickly when poison removed him and his son, Alai ed din
Mohammed, a boy nine years of age, reached the throne. During Alai ed
din’s reign women of the harem ruled at Alamut. Every law established
by Jelal ud din, his father, was abolished and atheism and the dagger
held sway as in the days of Hassan Ben Sabah. When nearing manhood Alai
ed din showed symptoms of mental disorder but no man had the courage to
say that the chief was in need of assistance. Had a physician dared to
tell the truth on that subject he would have been torn limb from limb
by the rabble at Alamut. As his illness increased his conduct became
almost beyond sufferance, though his associates declared that what he
said and did was divine in its origin. When Alai ed din was eighteen
years of age a son was born to him. This son he named Rokn ud din
Kurshah and made him his successor.
From childhood the Ismailians looked upon Rokn ud din as their future
Grand Prior and showed him honor equal to that given his father. This
roused anger in Alai ed din and he resolved to depose his son and
appoint another successor. When his advisors declared that the
nomination was final he was enraged and from that time on annoyed and
tormented his son, till at last Rokn ud din disclosed his whole mind to
those courtiers who were as much dissatisfied with his father as he
was. He declared that Alai ed din was ruining the Commonwealth, and
that Mongol arms would destroy it because of his conduct. “I will
withdraw from my father,” said he, “send envoys to the Grand Khan and
make terms with him.”
The greater number of the chief men agreed with Rokn ud din and
promised to defend him to the utmost, but in case of attack by his
father the person of the chief, as they said, must be sacred. A short
time after this pact and agreement, Alai ed din when drunk fell asleep
in a thatched wooden building near one of his sheep pens, a place which
he visited whenever he indulged in his favorite amusement of acting as
shepherd. He was found dead in that house about midnight, his head cut
from the body. A Turkman and a native of India were found wounded near
him.
At the end of eight days, after many had been tortured on suspicion,
they discovered the murderer. He was a certain Hassan of Masanderan,
the late chief’s nearest intimate, his inseparable companion, a man
whom he loved till his death though tormenting him in every way
possible.
Rokn ud din instead of bringing this Hassan to trial had him slain
quickly, an act which confirmed the suspicions which rested on the
youthful chief, who gave an additional example of savagery by burning
with the body of Hassan two sons and one daughter of the Assassin. Of
course they were innocent, though not only is it possible but probable,
that they possessed knowledge which Rokn ud din would suppress at all
hazards. Thus Alai ed din was murdered by an Assassin hired by his own
son.
The first act of this new ruler was to order his subjects to observe
every practice of Islam, and next he took measures to suppress robbery
and murder. But only one year had passed when the Mongol tempest came.
Though Rokn ud din and the Ismailians could not foresee it the doom of
Alamut and all who belonged to it had been settled. The Grand Khan had
instructed Hulagu to destroy them, and the master of Persia was
advancing to the execution.
Rokn ud din sent an officer to Yassaur, at Hamadan to assure him of his
submission to the Mongol Empire. This general advised him to visit
Prince Hulagu, who had just come to Persia. Rokn ud din, alarmed for
his own safety, answered that he would send his brother, Shahinshah, in
advance. Yassaur consented to this and charged his own son to go with
Shahinshah. But meanwhile he entered the Alamut region with an army
corps of Persians and Turks, and attacked that great fortress June,
1256. After a sharp struggle his men were forced back, and out of
revenge he destroyed all the harvest, and ravaged the country.
Hulagu had commissioned Guga Ilga and Kita Buga to finish the conquest
of Kuhistan which the latter had begun two years earlier. He had made
rather slow progress alone, but aided by Guga Ilga he captured Tun and
slew all the people, excepting young women and children. This done both
commanders joined Hulagu.
After Hulagu had received Shahinshah at headquarters he sent Rokn ud
din this message: “Since thou hast sent thy brother with expressions of
submission we will forgive the crimes committed by thy father. Raze thy
castles and come to our camp. No harm will be done to the country.”
When Rokn ud din had demolished several castles and dismounted the
Alamut gates with those of Meimundiz and Lemsher, Yassaur left
Ismailian territory. But Rokn ud din, while giving assurances of
obedience, and receiving a Mongol governor, asked the term of one year
in which to do homage to Hulagu.
Hulagu sent envoys a second time to induce the Alamut ruler, through
promises and threats, to visit him. When these envoys were returning
Rokn ud din sent with them a cousin of his father, and his own vizir
Shems ud din Kileki, who were to present his excuses and obtain the
delay which he asked for. He begged also to retain the three castles,
Alamut, Lemsher and Lal, engaging in this case to surrender all others.
He hoped by this yielding to win the delay which he needed. He was
merely waiting for winter, which would stop every action in that entire
mountain region.
The only answer given by Hulagu, who had just captured the castle of
Shahdiz, was a summons to his camp pitched at that time near Demavend.
He added that if Rokn ud din needed a few days to bring his affairs
into order he might have them, but he must send his son straightway.
Rokn ud din, in great dread on receiving this message, replied that he
was sending his son, and also a contingent of three hundred warriors.
He declared that he would demolish castles if the land were not
invaded. But instead of his son he sent his half brother, a boy of
seven years, the son of his father and a Kurdistan woman. Hulagu saw
the trick, but dissembled, was kind to the boy and sent him back saying
that the child was too young. He required of Rokn ud din now his second
brother, Shahinshah. The Alamut chief sent this brother, hoping that
his own presence would not be demanded. Later on winter would come, as
he thought, and confine him to his castle; it would also ward off every
enemy.
At this juncture Hulagu sent Shaninshah to Rokn ud din with the
following message: “Thou must destroy Meimundiz, and come quickly. If
thou come thou wilt find here good treatment, if not God knows and He
alone what will happen.”
Rokn ud din repeated his worn out excuses. Hulagu would not receive
them, and commanded his troops to march into Rudbar from various points
simultaneously. The right wing moved from Mazanderan, the left by the
Khar route and over Lemnan, while the center went by the Talekan
highway. By order of Hulagu, who advanced with the center, the three
hundred men sent by Rokn ud din were cut down near Kazvin, slain in
secret. Reaching Meimundiz he made a tour of the fortress and summoned
a council. Five days were given Rokn ud din for surrender. If he
yielded in that time no harm would be done him or his subjects, but
after that term an assault would be ordered.
It was answered that Rokn ud din was then absent, that without his
command no man could surrender. The Mongols prepared for immediate
action. Trees were cut down and shaped into beams of right size, borne
by men to the neighboring summits and made into catapults. Hulagu fixed
his tent on the highest position. On the morrow the conflict had
already begun when Rokn ud din sent a message declaring that since he
knew now where the prince was he asked that all action be suspended,
and on that day, or the morrow, he would visit headquarters. Next day
he desired to surrender in writing. The vizir Ata ul Mulk Juveini was
deputed to frame the surrender. The paper was sent to Rokn ud din and
he promised to yield up the stronghold, but when his brother was
leaving the fortress such a tumult arose that he was stopped, and every
man threatened with death who declared for surrender.
Rokn ud din informed Hulagu of this trouble, and the peril in which he
then found himself. In answer Hulagu begged him not to expose his life
needlessly. Meanwhile the catapults were mounted and the following
morning an attack was begun from all points. The combat lasted till
evening and was strenuous on both sides. At a season when tempests and
snow had till that year made all mountain places impassable the weather
was favorable for siege work and a new attack. The fourth day was
opening when Rokn ud din thought it best to abandon the fortress. He
sent his chief men with his son to the camp of the Mongols, and went
himself the next morning to fall prostrate in presence of Hulagu. With
him went his minister, the famous astronomer, Nassir ud din, and two
great physicians, who had always advised a surrender.
Next day the Mongols marched into Meimundiz. Hulagu treated Rokn ud din
kindly, but Mongol officers watched him and he was forced to direct
Ismailian commandants to surrender their fortresses. He himself had to
go with Hulagu’s agents to effect every transfer. More than forty
strong castles surrendered; all were destroyed when their garrisons had
withdrawn. Alamut and Lemsher were the last strongholds left standing
and their commandants declared that they would yield only when Hulagu
came in person, and Rokn ud din ordered the transfer.
Hulagu set out for Alamut and halted nine days at Sheherek, the ancient
residence of the Dilem rulers, where he celebrated the happy end of his
enterprise. After that he appeared before Alamut and sent Rokn ud din
to summon his people to surrender. The commandant refused. Hulagu sent
now a large corps of men to lay siege to the fortress. At this the
garrison offered to yield, and sent deputations repeatedly to Rokn ud
din to intercede in their favor, and save them.
Three days were given to remove what belonged to the garrison
personally. On the fourth day the Mongols and Persians marched in,
seized what was left and set fire to the buildings. Hulagu, it is said,
himself visited the fortress and was amazed at the height of the
mountains around it.
The library of Alamut was renowned in those regions, but the vizir and
historian, Ata ul Melik Juveini, who asked and obtained Hulagu’s
permission destroyed every manuscript which related to Ismailian
opinions and teaching.
The foundations of this famed fortress were laid in 860, and the
castle, enormously strong through its works and position, was richly
provisioned. This was the true head and capital of that kingdom of
murder. Connected with the castle were great apartments cut into the
rock, for storage of provisions both solid and liquid; of the latter
there was wine, honey and vinegar. It was said that those stores had
been put there one hundred and seventy years earlier, in the days of
Hassan Ben Sabah, and were preserved perfectly owing to the cleanliness
of the place, and the pure mountain air of that region. The waters of
the river Bahir, conducted to the foot of the fortress, filled a moat
which inclosed half the stronghold.
A Mongol officer of Persian and Mongol militia now received the command
to raze Alamut. Much time and great labor were needed to do this.
Hulagu then went to Lemsher, but as that fortress would not yield he
left Tair Buga with a strong corps to take it, and returned to
headquarters where he gave a great feast, eight days in duration.
Rokn ud din followed Hulagu to Hamadan whence he sent officers with
those of Hulagu to Syria to order the commandants of Ismailian castles
in that country to surrender to the Mongols. While in Hamadan the late
master of Alamut became enamored of a Mongol maiden of low origin.
Hulagu gave the girl to him and he married her. Thus far the fallen
chief had been useful to the Mongol who had treated him with kindness
while commanding him to deliver up strongholds which might have stood
the siege for years had the Ismailians resisted. When he had no further
use for the man he wished to be rid of him, but he had given such a
promise of safety that he did not like to break his word openly. Rokn
ud din saved him from embarrassment by expressing a wish to visit the
court of Mangu, the Grand Khan. Hulagu beyond doubt suggested this idea
very deftly through others. He sent the fallen chief with nine
attendants of his own people under an escort of Mongols (1257).
When Rokn ud din reached the Mongol court Mangu would not see him, and
said that the authorities in Persia should not have permitted the
journey, which wearied post horses for nothing. Rokn ud din turned
homeward, but when near the mountain Tungat, the escort cut him down
with his attendants. According to Rashid, Mangu had him killed on the
way to Mongolia, not while returning.
Since the Grand Khan had given orders to exterminate the Ismailians,
Rokn ud din’s subjects had been distributed among Mongol legions. When
the Assassin chief had set out on this journey, which was ignominious
and doleful, command was given Mongol officers to slay the Assassins,
and spare no man, woman or child; hence all were massacred. Infants at
the breast were not spared any more than their mothers. Not a child or
a relative of Rokn ud din was left living.
This last ruler of the Assassins was among the most loathsome of
characters in history—a pitiless coward who had caused the death of his
own father, killed the murderer of that father without trial lest he
tell what he knew of his master’s evil doing, and burned the children
of the murderer with the corpse of their father lest they too might
expose him. He gave away power without an effort to save it, and lost
his own life with indignity.
CHAPTER XIII
DESTRUCTION OF THE KALIFAT
Hulagu had destroyed the Assassins: he was now to extinguish the line
of the Abbasids. In August, 1257, this Mongol master of Persia sent his
envoys to Bagdad, with a letter to Mostassim, the Kalif then in office,
who was a grandson of Nassir, that successor of the Prophet who had
invited Jinghis Khan to destroy Shah Mohammed.
After certain introductions and complaints in the letter, Hulagu warned
against resistance substantially as follows: “Strike not the point of
an awl with thy fist, mistake not the sun for the glowing wick of a
flameless taper. Level the walls of Bagdad at once, fill its moats;
leave government to thy son, for a season, and come to us or, if thou
come not, send thy vizir with Suleiman Shah and the chancellor. They
will take to thee our counsels with precision; thus wilt thou use them
correctly and we shall not be forced then to anger. If we march against
Bagdad thou wilt not escape us, even shouldst thou hide in the deepest
earth, or rise to highest heaven.
“If thou love thy own life and the safety of thy house give ear to
these counsels; if not the world will behold Heaven’s anger without
waiting.”
The answer to this letter showed no sign of fear or humility. “Young
man,” replied the Kalif, “seduced by ten days of favoring fortune thou
art in thy own eyes High Lord of the universe, and thinkest thy
commands the decisions of destiny. Thou requirest of me that which will
never be given.
“Knowest not that from the West to the East all who worship God and
hold the true faith are my servitors? Had I the wish I could make
myself master of Iran. With what is left of its people I could go
beyond Iran and put every man in his real position. But I have no wish
to rouse war, that scourge of all nations. I desire not that troops
should at my command wring curses from my subjects, especially as I am
a friend to the Grand Khan, as well as to Hulagu. If thou sow seeds of
friendship how canst thou be concerned with the moats and ramparts of
Bagdad? Walk in the ways of peace and return to Khorassan.”
Three officers carried this answer; they went with Hulagu’s envoys, who
were met outside Bagdad by an immense mass of people who covered them
with insults, tore their clothes, spat in their faces, and would have
slain them all had not guards rushed out and saved the men promptly.
“The Kalif is as crooked as a bow,” said Hulagu on receiving
Mostassim’s sharp answer, “but I will make him as straight as an arrow.
Heaven has given the Empire of the earth to Jinghis Khan and his
descendants. Since your master refuses submission to this power,” added
he to the envoys at parting, “war is all that remains to him.”
Mostassim in doubt what to do turned to his vizir who advised him to
send precious gifts to the Mongols. “There is no better use for
wealth,” said he, “than to spend it in defending the Kalifat.”
The chancellor accused the vizir of high treason, and added: “We hold
every road touching Bagdad; if gifts are sent out to the enemy we will
seize them.” The Kalif told the vizir that his fears were unfounded,
that the Mongols would merely threaten; that should they make bold to
move on the Abbasids they would rush to their own certain ruin.
Suleiman Shah, the chief general, and others hastened to the vizir and
stormed against the Kalif, saying: “Given over to buffoons and to
dancers he has no mind left for warriors or seriousness. If measures be
not taken immediately we shall see the foe at our gates, and Bagdad
will suffer the fate of all cities taken by Mongols; neither high nor
low, rich nor poor will escape death by massacre. We are able to
collect a large army; we hold all approaches; we may fall on the enemy
and triumph, or if fortune should fail us we can at least die with
honor.”
These words were brought to the Kalif and roused him. He charged the
vizir to make levies, strengthen Suleiman, and guard with all power the
safety of Bagdad. The vizir made the levies, but made them very slowly.
The troops were ready only at the end of five months. Even then the
neglectful Mostassim would not give the coin needed. Mongol spies knew
what was happening at all points. There was no chance at that day to
stop Hulagu’s armies, or surprise them.
The Kalif sent envoys a second time to warn Hulagu against war on the
Abbasids whose house would endure, as he said, till the end of all
ages. Cases were cited of those who had touched that sacred house to
their own ghastly ruin, the last being Shah Mohammed, who died in dire
misery on an island of the Caspian. “Keep their fate in mind if thou
hast their plans in thy counsel.” This was the Kalif’s sharp warning.
Hulagu paid small attention to warnings of that kind. He was preparing
troops to besiege a great city which might have many defenders. His
chief camp was at Hamadan, and Bagdad must be taken, hence his first
point was to seize all the roads between those two cities. One road,
that over which the left wing of his army must travel, lay among
mountains and over high passes, snow-covered almost at all times. In
these difficult districts was the fortress Daritang which commanded a
defile and guarded Arabian Irak at its boundary. In Daritang the
commandant Aké was a man who had griefs of his own brought about by the
Kalif. Hulagu sent for this person, seduced him with favors, engaged
him to yield his own fortress, and win over other commandants if
possible.
Once at home Aké felt his heart change; he repented. Through a friend
he made known at Bagdad the plans of the enemy, and declared that if
the Kalif would send him one corps of trained horsemen he would furnish
a hundred thousand good warriors, Turkmans and Kurds; with these he
would stop every Mongol advance against Bagdad. This offer was laid
before the vizir, but the Kalif refused it. Hulagu knew all these
details soon after and sent a strong mounted force to settle with the
Daritang commandant. The Mongol on nearing the fortress called out the
commandant to consult with him, as he said. Aké appeared and was seized
that same moment. “If thou wish to save life for thyself, and save also
thy office, call out all thy people; we are taking a census.” Aké was
submissive and called out the people. “If faithful, thou wilt tear down
the fortress.” The commandant saw that he had been discovered, still he
obeyed calmly and had the fortress demolished. Then he was slain with
all the men under him, and also his household. Emir Saïd, Aké’s son,
fled quickly and wandered about in the mountains, but he sought safety
in Bagdad at last where they killed him.
The Daritang road once secured, Hulagu called in the astrologer whom
the Grand Khan, his brother, had given him, to choose days propitious
for action of all sorts. This man, a religious adherent of the Kalif,
and bribed perhaps also, predicted six great calamities should Mongols
lay siege to the capital of Islam. Nassir ud din, the astrologer of
Alamut, a Shiite, was summoned. Hulagu asked him: “Will these six
things predicted come true?” “Surely not one of them.” “What then will
happen?” “The city of the Kalif will be taken by Hulagu,” replied the
adherent of Ali. Nassir then met the other astrologer and overcame him
by naming the Kalifs who had been killed without causing calamity to
mankind.
Command was now given the Mongols to converge upon Bagdad. Those in Rūm
and the West were to march through Mosul, halt somewhat west of the
capital and encamp there. These men would form the right wing of
Hulagu’s army. The left wing would march on the road by Daritang to
camp northeast of the capital. Hulagu himself was to be in the center,
hence he took the road through Heulvan by which Mohammed Shah had
advanced when he met his disaster. From Essed Abad new envoys were sent
to the Kalif inviting him to visit headquarters. Mostassim refused
this, but promised an annual tribute if Hulagu would lead away all his
warriors. The prince answered that being so near he could not go back
without seeing the Kalif. But before going farther Hulagu despatched a
third embassy asking to send the vizir, with the chancellor.
Meanwhile Luristan in greater part had been taken by the Mongols. When
the right wing was drawing near on the southern bank of the Tigris a
real panic seized all people who were living in that region and immense
crowds sought refuge in Bagdad. Such was the panic that men and women
rushed into the water in their great anxiety to cross the river. Rich
bracelets, or all the gold coins which a hand could grasp, were given
gladly to boatmen for a passage to the city.
Now the chancellor who with the general, Feth ud din, had an army
disposed on the Heulvan roadway, moved to meet this strong Mongol
division. He attacked the vanguard which was beaten, and then pursued
till it reached the main army. There the Mongols faced the pursuers and
a second battle began which continued till nightfall. The two armies
camped face to face until daybreak. During the night the Mongols opened
canals from the Tigris and submerged a great plain in the rear of their
opponents, thus making retreat very difficult, and in places
impossible. At daybreak a fresh battle followed in which most of the
Bagdad men perished. The chancellor fled to the city with a very small
party. Only then did the Kalif’s advisers set about strengthening the
walls and defending the capital. Some days later the right Mongol wing
touched the suburbs along the west bank of the Tigris. Hulagu himself
attacked the eastern side of the city. Just after the chancellor had
fled from the field to the city defences the Kalif sent his vizir to
headquarters; with him went the Nestorian patriarch. The vizir took
this message: “I have yielded to Hulagu’s wishes, and hope that the
prince will remember his promise.” Hulagu gave this answer: “I made my
demand when in Hamadan. I desired then to see the vizir and the
chancellor. I am now at the gates of the capital, and my wish may be
different.”
Next day the vizir, the home minister, and many among the chief
citizens went in a body to Hulagu. He would not receive them. The
attack was renewed then and lasted six days in succession. At the end
of that period the whole eastern wall had been seized by the Mongols.
The investment was absolute, escape by the river was impossible either
down with the current, or upward against it. The chancellor tried to
escape but was met by a tempest of stones, burning naphtha and arrows.
He was driven back after three of his boats had been captured and the
men in them slaughtered.
The Kalif saw now that he must bend to the Mongols, and he bent in his
own foolish fashion: He sent two officials with presents, not too rich
or too many lest the Mongols might think him over timid, and become too
exacting. Hulagu refused these envoys an audience. Next the youngest
son of the Kalif and the Sahib Divan went to the camp of the enemy
bearing this time rich presents, but they gained no sight of the great
Mongol. The eldest son of the Kalif took the vizir and with him made a
new trial, but these two had no more success than the others. On the
following day Hulagu sent two messengers into the city with this order:
“Bring to me Suleiman Shah with the Chancellor. The Kalif may come, or
not come, as he chooses.” These two men were brought, and then sent
back to the city to say to all people with whom they had contact that
they would be taken to Syria, and were to issue forth through the gates
without hindrance. In the hope of finding safety in some place many
persons left Bagdad. These people were all parceled out among Mongol
divisions, and died by the sword every man of them. The Chancellor was
put to death first, then Suleiman was led with bound hands into
Hulagu’s presence. “Since thou hast knowledge of the stars, why not see
the fatal day coming, and give to thy sovereign due notice?” asked the
Mongol. “The Kalif was bound by his destiny, and would not hear
faithful servants,” replied the commander. Suleiman was put to death,
and his whole household died with him, seven hundred persons all
counted. The son of the Chancellor died with the others.
It was the Kalif’s turn then; he went forth with his three sons from
Bagdad, three thousand persons went with him, high dignitaries and
officials. When he appeared before Hulagu the prince asked about his
health very affably, and then said that he must proclaim to the city
that all men were to lay down their arms, and come out to be counted.
Mostassim returned and proclaimed to the people of Bagdad that whoso
wished for his life had to lay down his arms and repair to the camp of
the Mongols. Then all people, both warriors and civilians, pressed in
crowds toward the gates of the city. When outside they were
slaughtered, slain every one of them, save the Kalif and his sons who
were taken to the army on the left wing, and guarded there strictly.
From that moment the high priest of Islam could see his own fate very
plainly.
Three days later on began the sack and the pillage of Bagdad. The
Mongols rushed in from all sides simultaneously; they spared only
houses of Christians and those of a few foreigners. On the second day
of the city’s undoing Hulagu went to the palace in Bagdad and gave a
great feast to his commanders; toward the end of that feast the Kalif
was brought in to stand before Hulagu. “Thou art master of this house,”
said the conqueror, “I am the guest in it. Let us see what thou hast
which might be a good and proper gift to me.”
The Kalif had two thousand rich robes and ten thousand gold dinars
brought and many rich jewels also. Hulagu would not look at them. “Our
men,” remarked he, “will find all wealth of that kind, which is for my
servitors. Show hidden treasures.” The Kalif described then a place in
the courtyard. Men went to work straightway and dug till they came to
two cisterns filled with gold pieces, each piece a hundred miskals. In
various parts of the palace the Mongols found gold and silver vessels;
of these they made no more account than if they had been tin or copper.
Hulagu desired then that all persons in the harem be counted. Seven
hundred women and slave girls were found there, and one thousand
eunuchs. The Kalif begged to have those women given him who had never
been under sunlight or moonlight directly. The conqueror gave him one
hundred. Mostassim chose relatives and they were led forth from the
palace. All the Kalif’s best treasures were taken to Hulagu’s camp
ground. Around the immense tent of Jinghis Khan’s grandson were piled
up great masses of wealth, being a portion of that which the Abbasids
had taken from men during half a millennium.
The sack of the city continued seven days and nights in succession;
most of the mosques were burned during that time. A deputation came
then to beg pity of the conqueror. Seeing that the place if he spared
it might yield him some profit he relented after eight hundred thousand
human beings had been slaughtered. Those who had hidden from death came
forth now into daylight with safety; few were they in number and
pitiful to look at. Many Christians had assembled in a church strongly
guarded and were saved from death and every evil by the Mongols. The
Nestorian Patriarch had power to effect this. A few wealthy Moslems had
entrusted the best of their treasures to the Patriarch to keep for
them; they had hoped to survive, but all perished.
Hulagu withdrew to the village of Vakaf, some distance from Bagdad,
because the air of the city had grown pestilential and loathsome. He
summoned Mostassim. The trembling Kalif asked Ibn Alkamiya if there was
no way of salvation. “My beard is long,” replied the vizir, referring
to a taunt of the chancellor. [15] The Kalif and his eldest son were
placed each in a felt sack, and trampled to death under horse hoofs.
Mostassim’s attendants were cut down, and slaughtered by various
methods. Next day the youngest son of the Kalif died, and all of the
Abbasids whose names were on the list of that ruling family were then
put to death.
The Kalif, whose mother was an Ethiopian slave, was the thirty-seventh
of his line. He was forty-six years of age when he died, February 21,
1258, after a reign of fifteen years. Hulagu appointed new dignitaries
for Bagdad. The old vizir, Ibn Alkamiya, was continued in office. Among
new men was one quite deserving of notice; this was Ben Amran, prefect
of a place east of Bagdad and touching it. This man had been a servant
to the governor of Yakuba. One day when stroking the soles of that
governor’s feet to bring sleep to him Ben Amran himself began to
slumber. Roused by his master he said that he had just had a marvelous
vision. “What was it like?” asked the governor. “I thought that
Mostassim and the Kalifat were gone, and that I was the governor of
Bagdad.” His master gave him in answer a kick of such force that he
fell over backward. Being in Bagdad during the siege days Ben Amran
heard that provisions were scarce in the camp of the Mongols. He tied a
letter to an arrow and shot it over the wall with this message: “If
Hulagu would learn something of value let him send for Ben Amran.” The
letter was taken to the Mongol, and he sent for Ben Amran. The Kalif,
who was foolish in all things, permitted the man to go from the city.
When brought to the chief of the Mongols he declared that he could
obtain a great stock of provisions. Hulagu, though not greatly
believing his phrases, sent him off with an officer; Ben Amran took the
man to large underground granaries near Yakuba where there was wheat
enough to supply all the Mongols for a fortnight, and thus he enabled
Hulagu to continue the siege without trouble. Ben Amran received the
reward of his treachery, and now was made prefect.
Ibn Alkamiya, the vizir, was accused of treason both before the fall of
the city, and afterward. For a long time the books used in schools bore
this sentence: “Cursed of God be he who curses not Ibn Alkamiya.” On
the Friday next after the death of the Kalif these words were
pronounced in place of the usual invocation: “Praise to God who has
destroyed high existences, and condemned to nonentity dwellers in this
abode (of humanity). O God, assist us in woes such as Islam has never
experienced: but we belong to God and return to Him.”
Hulagu was now master of Bagdad, and he proposed to the Ulema this
question: “Which man is better as sovereign, an unbeliever who is just,
or a Moslem unjust in his dealings?” The assembled Ulema gave no answer
till Razi ud din Ali, a sage esteemed greatly, wrote as follows: “The
unbeliever who is just should be preferred to the unjust believer.” All
the Ulema subscribed to this answer.
Every place from the Persian Gulf to Bagdad was subjected. And it is of
great interest to note the conduct of some and the fate that befell
them. The story of Ben Amran, the prefect, is in strong contrast with
that of Teghele, son of Hezerasp, who had given good advice in his day
to Shah Mohammed. Teghele had joined the Mongol forces, but expressed
regret at the ruin of Bagdad, and the death of the Kalif. Hulagu heard
of this and grew angry, Teghele, informed of his peril, left the camp
without permission and withdrew to his mountains. A force was
despatched to Luristan to bring back the fugitive, whose brother, Shems
ud din Alb Argun, set out to appease Hulagu and gain pardon. Argun was
met on the Luristan border by Mongols who put him in chains, and slew
his whole escort. The Mongols went on then and summoned Teghele to
yield himself. At first he refused through distrust of their promises,
but he made no active resistance. When at last they gave him Hulagu’s
ring as a token of favor he believed, and they took him to Tebriz where
Hulagu had him tried, and put to death on the market place.
The throne of Luristan was then given to Alb Argun the brother of the
dead man. About this time appeared at headquarters the rival Sultans of
Rūm, Rokn ud din Kelidj Arslan, and Yzz ud din Kei Kavus; the latter
had come with some fear since he had roused Hulagu by resistance. When
admitted to audience he offered the Mongol a pair of splendid boots
with his own portrait painted inside on the soles of them. “I hope,”
added he, “that the monarch will deign to show honor with his august
foot to the head of his servitor.” These words, and the intercession of
Dokuz Khatun, Hulagu’s wife, obtained the grace which he needed and was
seeking. The brothers were reconciled and Rūm was divided between them.
Hulagu now summoned Bedr ud din Lulu of Mosul to his presence. This
prince was then more than eighty years old and very crafty. He had been
a slave of Nur ud din Arslam, Shah of Diarbekr, who at death left him
as guardian to his son Massud. Lulu governed Mosul for this Massud who
died in 1218 leaving two sons of tender years. These boys followed
their father to that other existence before two years had passed, and
the former slave became sovereign. He had reigned in Mosul forty years
lacking one, before coming to Hulagu’s presence with splendid gifts and
apparently unlimited obedience. When leaving Mosul, Lulu’s friends were
in dread for his safety, but he calmed them, and gave this assurance:
“I will make the Khan mild, and even pull his ears while I speak to
him.”
Lulu was received by Hulagu very graciously and when the official gifts
had all been delivered he added: “I have something for the Khan’s
person specially,” and he drew forth a pair of gold earrings in which
were set two pearls of rare beauty. When Hulagu had admired them Lulu
continued: “If the Khan would but grant me the honor to put these two
jewels in their places I should be exalted immediately in the eyes of
all rulers, and in those of my subjects.” Permission was granted, so he
took the Khan’s ears and put the two rings in them very deliberately.
Then he glanced at his own suite, thus telling them that he had kept
his strange promise.
The fate of both Christians and Jews had been painful and bitter under
Abbasid dominion. Favor and solace now came from the Mongols. The
invaders cared no more at that time for Christians than for the
followers of Mohammed, but when attacking new lands it was to their
interest to win populations which were hostile to the dominant nation.
The protection of the conquerors, and the shattered condition of Islam,
weakened by such dire devastation, had roused hopes among Christians to
dominate those who had trampled them for centuries. Upon the choice
which the conqueror would make between the religions their fate was
depending, and the issue of that struggle to win the Mongols was for
some time uncertain, but surely momentous. Christians of the Orient, as
well as Crusaders, were rejoiced to see Hulagu making ready to march
upon Syria, and to them it seemed sure that they saw in advance the
destruction of Islam in regions where Christian blood had been shed so
abundantly.
On the eve of this Mongol invasion Syria was ruled by Salih, a
descendant of Saladin, but Saladin’s grand-nephews had lost Egypt a
little before that. While the army of Saint Louis was in Damietta the
Sultan, Salih, died (1249). His death was kept secret till his son
Moazzam Turan Shah should arrive from his appanage between the two
rivers, that is the Euphrates and Tigris. The French army was ruined,
and Saint Louis was captured. Three weeks later on Turan Shah fell by
the daggers of men who had been Mameluk chiefs in the reign of his
father. He had wished to replace these by friends of his own, so they
slew him. After this deed the chiefs gave allegiance to Shejer ud dur,
the late Sultan’s slave girl and concubine. She had enjoyed his full
confidence, and was governing till Turan Shah might reach Cairo.
Eibeg, a Mameluk chief, was elected commander. Shejer ud dur now
married Eibeg and when three months had passed she resigned in his
favor. In mounting the throne the new Sultan took the title Moizz, and
chose as associate El Ashraf, an Eyubite prince six years old, the
great-grandson of Kamil the Sultan. This revolution, which placed a
Mameluk chief on the throne of the Eyubites, shows how powerful these
warriors had become then in Egypt. Saladin, on gaining power in 1169,
had disbanded the troops of the Fatimid Kalifs. Those troops were negro
slaves, Egyptians, and Arabs, and he put Kurds and Turks in their
places. This new force was formed of twelve thousand horsemen. Saladin,
and the Sultans who followed him, were fond of buying young Turks, whom
they reared very carefully to military service, but Salih, ruling sixth
after Saladin, preferred Mameluks to others. Before coming to power
this prince had tested the Mameluks and esteemed them; when Sultan he
increased the number of them greatly, by purchase. These new men were
brought from regions north of the Caucasus and the Caspian, from those
tribes known in the Orient as Kipchak, and as Polovtsi by the Russians.
At first it was difficult to obtain them, but after the Mongol invasion
of Russia young prisoners were sold in large numbers into Egypt and
Syria. Salih had a thousand, whom he lodged in the fortress of Randhat,
on an island in front of Cairo; he called them the Bahriye, or men of
the river. These young slaves were brought up in the practice of arms,
and in the religion of Islam. The guard of the Sultan was composed
wholly of Mameluks. Salih chose from their chiefs the great officers of
his household, and his most trusted advisers. They attained the highest
military offices, enjoyed the richest fiefs, and received the best
revenues; they saved Egypt at Mansura, and did most to destroy the
French army; their power lay in esprit de corps and ambition. Their
chiefs rose to dominion in Egypt, and then put a check on the Mongols.
Syria belonged now to Nassir Salah ud din Yusseif, who from his father,
Aziz, a grandson of Saladin, inherited the principality of Aleppo in
1236, and took in 1250, after the slaying of Turan Shah, the
principality of Damascus, which belonged to the Sultan of Egypt. Master
now of the best part of Syria, Nassir Salih undertook to drive from the
throne of Egypt the Turkish freedman, who had recently usurped it, but
he was beaten by Eibeg, and an envoy of the Kalif proposed mediation;
peace was made, and Nassir 1251 ceded to the Sultan Jerusalem, Gaza and
the coast up to Nablus. Faris ud din Aktai, a great chief among
Mameluks, was assassinated at command of Eibeg, whom he had offended.
Seven hundred troopers of this chief and some Bahriye officers fled,
among others Beibars and Kelavun, both of whom occupied the Egyptian
throne later on. They left Cairo in the night, went to Syria, and
obtained of Prince Nassir permission to appear at his court. They
received money, robes of honor, and then they advised him to march on
Cairo. Nassir was distrustful of these men, against whom Eibeg had
roused his suspicions by letter, but he made use of the incident to
demand back the lands which he had ceded to Egypt, because the Mameluks
who had received them as fiefs were now in his service.
Eibeg gave back the lands, and Nassir confirmed the Mameluks in the use
of them. But those river Mameluks did not remain faithful to Nassir,
since they thought him too feeble for their projects. They went to
another Eyubite, Mogith Omar, Prince of Karak, and asked him to aid in
the attack upon Eibeg, alleging falsely that they had been called to
that action by generals in Cairo.
Mogith, a son of the Sultan Adil, had been confined by Turan Shah in
the castle of Shubek, when Turan had been slain Mogith was set free by
the castle commandant. In 1251 this same Mogith became sovereign of
Karak and also of Shubek. Circumstances seemed to favor a descent upon
Egypt. The Prince of Karak marched against Egypt, but was beaten by
Kutuz, Eibeg’s general, who seized many Bahriye chiefs captive and cut
their heads off immediately.
Some years before his defeat by Eibeg Prince Nassir had sent to Hulagu
his vizir, Zein ud din el Hafizzi, who brought back with him letters of
safety to his master. The immense progress of Hulagu’s arms and his
menacing plans disturbed Nassir, who grieved now that he had not sent
homage earlier to the conquering Mongol. In 1258 he despatched his son,
Aziz, still a boy, with his vizir, a general, and some officers, giving
also a letter to Bedr ud din Lulu, the aged and crafty Mosul prince,
whom we know as having pulled Hulagu’s ears at an audience.
When Nassir’s envoys were received by Hulagu, he inquired why their
master had not come with them. “The Prince of Syria fears,” said they,
“that should he absent himself his neighbors, the Franks, who are also
his enemies, would invade his possessions, hence he has sent his own
son to represent him.” Hulagu feigned to accept this false answer. The
envoys, it is said, requested Mongol aid to save Egypt from the
Mameluks. Hulagu detained Aziz some months, and when at last he
permitted the boy to take leave and return to his father, the vizir
received a message for Nassir, which was in substance as follows: “Know
thou, Prince Nassir, and know all commanders and warriors in Syria,
that we are God’s army on earth. He has taken from our hearts every
pity. Woe to those who oppose us, they must flee, we must hunt them. By
what road can they save themselves, what land will protect them? Our
steeds rush like lightning, our swords cut like thunderbolts, our
warriors in number are like sands on the seashore. Whoso resists us
meets terror; he who implores us finds safety. Receive our law, yours
and ours will then be in common. If ye resist, blame yourselves for the
things which will follow. Choose the safe way. Answer quickly, or your
country will be changed to a desert. Ye yourselves will find no refuge.
The angel of death may then say of you: ‘Is there one among them who
shows the least sign of life, or whose voice gives out the slightest of
murmurs?’ We are honest, hence give you this warning.”
Since Nassir had no hope of aid to fight Hulagu he chose to make common
cause with every Mohammedan, and sent back a brave answer. These are
some words of it: “Ye say that God has removed from your hearts every
pity. That is the condition of devils, not sovereigns. But is it not
strange to threaten lions with bruises, tigers with hyenas, and heroes
with clodhoppers? Resistance to you is obedience to the Highest. If we
slay you our prayers have been answered; if ye slay us we go into
paradise. We will not flee from death to exist in opprobrium. If we
survive we are happy; if we die we are martyrs. Ye demand that
obedience which we render the vicar of the Prophet, ye shall not have
it; we would rather go to the place in which he is. Tell the man [16]
who indited your message that we care no more for his words than for
the buzz of a fly or the squeak of a Persian fiddle.”
Hulagu gave command to his army to march into Syria. He summoned Bedr
ud din Lulu, who, excused because of great age, had to send his son,
Melik Salih Ismail, with the troops of Mosul. When this young man
arrived at the camp of the Mongols Hulagu made him marry a daughter of
Jelal ud din, the last Shah of Kwaresm. Kita Buga went with the
vanguard, Sinkur, a descendant of Kassar, and Baidju led the right
wing, the left was commanded by Sunjak. Hulagu set out with the center,
September 12, 1259. He passed Hakkar, where all Kurds whom they met
were cut down by the sword, not one man being spared. On entering
Diarbekr Hulagu took Jeziret on the Tigris, and sent his son Yshmut
with Montai Noyon to take Mayafarkin, an old and famous town northeast
of Diarbekr, whose Eyubite prince, Kamil Nasir ud din Mohammed, he
wished to punish for hostility to the Mongols. He was all the more
angry since this man had been received well years before that by Mangu
the Grand Khan, and given letters which put his lands under that
sovereign’s protection. Hulagu accused Kamil now of crucifying a Syrian
priest, who had come to his court with the Grand Khan’s safe-conduct;
with having expelled Mongol prefects, and with having sent a corps of
troops to help Bagdad at demand of the Kalif—these troops when they had
gone half the distance turned back on learning that the capital had
fallen. To finish all, Kamil had been in Damascus asking Prince Nassir
to march on the Mongols. It was at this time that Hulagu sent his son
to punish Prince Kamil, who had barely returned with vain promises when
he found himself sealed in at Mayafarkin securely.
Hulagu summoned next to obedience Saïd Nedjmud din el Gazi, Prince of
Mardin. That prince sent his son, Mozaffer Kar Arslan, his chief judge,
and an emir with presents, and a letter in which he alleged severe
illness as his excuse for not giving personal homage. Hulagu sent the
following answer, making the judge go alone with it to his master: “The
prince says that he is ill, he says this because he fears Nassir of
Syria, and thinks that if I should triumph he must be friendly with me
hence he feigns this illness, and if I fail he will be on good terms
with Nassir.”
The son of Bedr ud din Lulu was sent against Amid. Hulagu himself took
Nisibin. He had encamped close to Harran, and received the submission
of its people, who were spared, as were also the inhabitants of Koha,
who followed the example of Harran; but the people of Sarudj, who sent
no deputation to beg for their lives, were cut down with the sword
every man of them.
Hulagu’s march spread dismay throughout Syria. Prince Nassir had spent
his time thus far in discussing with Mogith. The year before a corps of
three thousand horsemen came to Syria; these were deserters from
Hulagu’s army, so called Sheherzurians, doubtless Kurds of Sheherzur.
Nassir took these men to his service, and gave them good treatment; on
hearing that they wished to desert him for Mogith he doubled his
bounty, but still they passed over to Mogith. With these men and the
Mameluks Prince Mogith considered that he could master Damascus. Nassir
went out to meet him and camped near Lake Ziza. He staid there six
months discussing conditions with Mogith, through envoys. It was agreed
at last that the latter would yield up his Mameluks to Nassir, and
discharge the Bahriyes.
This treaty concluded, Nassir went back to Damascus. On learning that
Hulagu was at Harran, he consulted his generals and resolved on
resistance. Nassir fixed his camp at Berze, a short distance north of
Damascus, but he could not confide in his army; volunteers, Turks and
Arabs, he knew that his generals and soldiers greatly feared Hulagu’s
victors. He himself was a man of weak character who roused no respect
in his army.
Seeing Nassir’s alarm, Zein ud din el Hafizzi, the vizir, extolled
Hulagu’s greatness and counseled submission. Indignant at this an emir,
Beibars Bundukdar, sprang up one day, rushed at the vizir, struck the
man, cursed him, and said that he was a traitor seeking the destruction
of Islam. Zein ud din complained to Nassir of these insults. Nassir
himself was assailed that same night in a garden, by Mameluks, who had
determined to cut him down immediately, and choose a new Sultan; he
barely succeeded in fleeing to the citadel, but returned later on to
the camp at the prayer of his officers. Beibars left for Gaza whence he
sent an officer named Taibars to Mansur the new sovereign of Egypt with
his oath of fidelity.
At a council, held to discuss coming perils, it was settled without any
dissent, that the prince, his officers, and his warriors should send
their families to Egypt. Nassir sent thither his wife, a daughter of
Kei Kobad, the Seljuk Sultan, he sent also his son, and his treasures.
Next followed the wives, sons and daughters of officers, and a great
throng of people. The fears of individuals were communicated to the
army, officers went, as if to take farewell of their families, but many
of those officers never returned to their places. Thus Nassir’s army
was disbanded.
Nassir now asked assistance of Mogith, and besides sent Sahib Kemal ud
din Omar to Cairo to obtain aid from the Sultan. Eibeg had just been
slain by the hands of Shejer ud dur, his wife, who, convinced that he
was ready to slay her, had been too quick for him. Prompt punishment
was inflicted: Shejer was given to the widow of Sultan Aziz, who,
assisted by eunuchs and females, beat her to death, stripped her body
and hurled it over the wall to the moat of the fortress, where it lay
several days without clothing or burial.
Eibeg’s son, Mansur, a boy fifteen years of age, was raised to the
throne, with Aktai, a former comrade of his father, as guardian, or
Atabeg, to be followed soon by Kutuz, who had once been a slave of his.
When Nassir’s envoy arrived the Egyptian general held council in
presence of the Sultan. At the council this question was put to the
chief judge and the elders: “Is it possible to levy a legal war tax on
the nation?” The answer was that after needless objects of value had
been taken from people, and sold, a tax might be levied. This was
accepted by the council. The Sultan was a boy who had been spoiled by
his mother, hence was unfitted for rule at that terrible period. Kutuz
desired supreme power and was ready to seize it as soon as the generals
would start for Upper Egypt. When they had gone he imprisoned the
Sultan with his brother and mother, and was then proclaimed sovereign.
Captured by Mongols in boyhood, Kutuz had been sold in Damascus, and
later in Cairo. He declared himself a nephew of the Kwaresmian ruler,
Shah Mohammed. Manumitted by Moizz ud din Eibeg he added El Moizzi to
his name, thus following the Mameluk custom.
When generals condemned Kutuz for taking the dignity from Mansur he
referred to Hulagu, and the fear caused by Prince Nassir of Syria. “All
I wish is to drive out the Mongols. Can we do that without a leader?
When we have driven out this enemy, choose whom you please as the
Sultan.” Thus he pacified his rivals and, feeling sure in his power,
removed Mansur with his mother and brother to Damietta. In the
following reign they were sent to Stambul, the Turkish capital, and
remained there.
The new Sultan imprisoned eight generals, then, receiving the oath of
the army, he prepared his campaign against the Mongols. First he sent
an assuring epistle to Nassir, swearing that he would lay no claim to
that prince’s possessions; that he looked on himself as Nassir’s
lieutenant in Egypt, that he would put him on the throne if he would
come at that juncture to Cairo. If the prince wished his services he
would march to his rescue, but if his presence was disquieting the army
would go with the chief whom Prince Nassir might indicate.
This letter, borne to the prince by an officer from Egypt, who went
with the envoy whom the prince had sent to Egypt asking for aid,
allayed the suspicions of Nassir. Danger was imminent, Hulagu had just
marched into Syria. Master of all lands between the Euphrates and
Tigris, Hulagu laid siege to El Biret on the first of these rivers, and
took it. In that citadel Saïd, the Eyubite prince, who had been nine
years in prison, was freed by Hulagu and put in possession of Sebaibet
and Banias. The Mongol then crossed the Euphrates by bridges of boats
at Malattia, Kelat ur Rūm, El Biret, and Kirkissia; he sacked the city
Mahuj, and left garrisons in El Biret, Nedjram, Joaber, Kallomkos, and
Lash, having put to the sword their inhabitants. After that he marched
with all his armed strength on Aleppo.
The terror which preceded the Mongols drove multitudes of people from
the city to seek shelter in Damascus, while still greater numbers were
fleeing from Damascus to Egypt. The season was winter, many perished
from cold on the journey, the majority had been robbed of their
property, and to complete their distress and great wretchedness the
plague was then raging throughout Syria and worst of all in Damascus.
One Mongol division came now and camped near Aleppo, a part of it
marched on the city from which the garrison sallied forth followed by
volunteers from among the lowest people. These, finding the enemy
superior in numbers, and resolute, returned through the gates very
quickly. Next day the bulk of the Mongol division approached the walls
closely. The chiefs of the garrison went out to the square where they
counseled. Though Prince Moazzam Turan Shah, the governor, had
forbidden attacks on an enemy so evidently superior, a part of the
troops, and with them a crowd of common people, marched out to the
mountain Bankussa which they occupied. Seeing Mongols advancing, some
of those on the mountain hurried down to attack them. The Mongols
turned to flee, the others pursued for the space of an hour and fell
into an ambush. Those who escaped from the trap fled back toward
Aleppo, pursued by the enemy. When abreast of Bankussa the people who
had remained on the mountain rushed down toward the gates of the city,
and a great number perished. That same day the Mongols appeared at
Azay, a town somewhat north of Aleppo, and took it.
In a few days Hulagu came and summoned Prince Moazzam, its governor, to
surrender: “Thou canst not resist us,” said Hulagu. “Receive a
commandant from us in the city, and one in the citadel. We are marching
now to meet Nassir; should he be defeated the country will be ours, and
Moslem blood will be spared by thee. If we are beaten thou canst expel
our commandants, or kill them.” The Prince of Erzen ur Rūm bore this
summons to which Moazzam answered: “There is nothing between thee and
me but the sabre.”
The walls of Aleppo were strong, and inside was a good stock of
weapons. The besiegers made in one night a firm counter wall; twenty
catapults were trained on the city, which was taken by assault on the
seventh day of investment January 25, 1260. When Aleppo had been sacked
during five days and nights, and most of the inhabitants had been cut
down, Hulagu proclaimed an end to the massacre. The streets were
blocked up with corpses. Only those men escaped who found refuge in
four houses of dignitaries, in a Mohammedan school, and a synagogue,
all these were safe-guarded. One hundred thousand women and children
were sold into slavery. The walls of Aleppo were leveled, its mosques
were demolished, its gardens uprooted and ruined. One month later on
the citadel yielded. The victors found immense booty in the stronghold
and also many artisans whom they spared for captivity.
Prince Nassir was in his camp at Berze near Damascus, when he received
news of the sack of Aleppo. His general advised to retreat upon Gaza
and implore the Sultan Kutuz for assistance. Nassir left Damascus
defenseless and set out for Gaza with the Hamat Prince, Mansur, and a
few others who had clung to him. By Nassir’s command all who could go
to Egypt were to start immediately. Terror reigned in Damascus;
property was sold for a song, while the value of camels was fabulous.
Nassir halted a short time at Nablus, and when on the way from that
city to Gaza two officers whom he had left there with troops were
captured by Mongols and slaughtered. This swift approach of the enemy
made him retire to El Arish, whence he sent an envoy to Sultan Kutuz,
imploring him to send succor quickly.
After Nassir had gone Zein ud din el Hafizzi, the vizir, closed the
gates of Damascus, and decided with the notables to surrender to the
envoys who had been sent by Hulagu to see Nassir at Berze. Hence a
deputation of the most distinguished men went with rich presents and
the keys of the city to Hulagu’s camp near Aleppo. Hulagu put a mantle
of honor on the chief of these men, and made him grand judge in Syria.
This cadi returned to Damascus immediately and called an assembly.
Appearing in the mantle, he read his diploma, and an edict which
guaranteed safety to all men. But in spite of grand words of this kind
consternation and dread were universal.
Two commandants came now, one a Mongol, the other a Persian, who gave
orders to follow the wishes of Zein ud din el Hafizzi, and treat the
inhabitants with justice. Soon after this Kita Buga arrived with a body
of Mongols, safety was proclaimed at his coming, and respect for life
and property. The citadel refused to surrender but was taken after
sixteen days of siege labor. The commandant and his aid were beheaded
at Hulagu’s direction. Ashraf, the Eyubite prince and grandson of
Shirkuh, who after the departure of Nassir for Egypt went to give
homage to Hulagu near Aleppo, had been reinstated in the sovereignty of
Hims, which Nassir had taken from him twelve years before, giving
Telbashir in exchange for it. Hulagu now made Ashraf his chief
lieutenant in Syria. Ashraf arrived at Merj-Bargut and Kita Buga
commanded Zein ud din el Hafizzi and the other authorities of Damascus
to yield up their power to him.
After reducing Aleppo Hulagu moved against Harem, a fortress two days’
journey toward Antioch. The garrison was summoned to surrender with a
promise under oath that no man would be injured. The defenders replied,
that the religion which Hulagu held was unknown to them, hence they
knew not how to consider his promise, but if a Moslem would swear on
the Koran that their lives would be spared, they would surrender the
castle. Hulagu asked whom they wished as the man to give oath to them;
they replied Fakhr ud din Saki, last commandant in the citadel of
Aleppo. Hulagu sent this man with directions to swear to everything
asked of him. On the faith of his oath the place was delivered. All
then were ordered to go forth from Harem. Hulagu, angry that his word
had been questioned, put Fakhr ud din to death straightway, and
slaughtered the whole population, not pitying even infants. He spared
one person only, an Armenian, a jeweller of skill, whom he needed.
CHAPTER XIV
VICTORY OF KUTUZ, SULTAN OF EGYPT
Hulagu received news now of the death of Mangu, the Grand Khan, and
deciding at once to return to Mongolia, he made Kita Buga commander of
the armies in Syria, and when departing ordered him to level the walls
of Aleppo and its citadel. A deputation of Crusaders came at this time
to Kita Buga.
It is said by historians, that Hulagu had resolved to take Palestine
from the Moslems, and give it to Christians, and that he was about to
do this when news came of Mangu’s demise in Mongolia. He turned
homeward immediately, intending to strive for his own elevation, but he
learned in Tebriz that his brother, Kubilai, was elected, and this
stopped his journey.
From El Arish Nassir had hastened on toward Kathia, but Kutuz, now in
Salahiyet, not desiring an Eyubite prince as a ruler for Egypt, wished
to render him harmless. He wrote to the chiefs under Nassir’s command,
among others the false Sheherzurians, and requested them to enter his
service, offering high places, and money as he did so. Seduced by these
offers the Turks and Kurds deserted Nassir. There remained with the
prince, but his brother and a very few other men. On reaching Kathia he
dared not go farther toward Egypt, so changing his road he went on by
the desert toward Shubek; when he arrived there, he and the men with
him had naught but their horses and two or three servants. He held on
farther toward Karak; the sovereign of that place sent horses, tents,
and all needed articles to Nassir with the statement that he might stay
with him or go to Shubek. Nassir would do neither; he continued his
journey to Balka, but, betrayed by two Kurd attendants who informed
Kita Buga of his whereabouts, he was seized near Lake Ziza by Mongols
and taken to their general, who was laying siege then to Ajalon. The
general forced Nassir to order the commandant to surrender that
fortress to the Mongols. The commandant obeyed after certain resistance
and Ajalon, that stronghold built by Iziz ud din, one of Saladin’s
emirs, was leveled to the ground. The Mongols had a short time before
taken possession of Baalbek and ruined that city and its citadel. Kita
Buga now sent Nassir to Tebriz with his brother and Salih, son of the
Hims prince. Mogith, Prince of Karak, sent his son Aziz, a boy six
years of age, with him. When they passed through Damascus Nassir was
greatly affected and when he saw the ruins of Aleppo he wept, unable to
restrain his grief.
Hulagu received Nassir well and promised to reinstate him in Syria when
he should subdue Egypt.
Egypt, up to that time a refuge for those who were fleeing from
Mongols, now felt the terror of a threatened invasion. The Mongols had
conquered all lands invaded by them thus far, hence most men felt
certain that they would take Egypt. The Africans living in Cairo
returned to their distant homes because of this conviction. Soon after
Hulagu’s departure for Persia envoys announced themselves in Cairo, and
summoned the Sultan to obedience; war was threatened in case of
refusal. Kutuz called a great council immediately to decide upon final
action. Nassir ud din Kaimeri, a Kwaresmian general who had just left
the service of Nassir, favored war and declared for it. “No one,” he
said, “could believe Hulagu who has broken faith with the Alamut chief,
with the Kalif, with Aké, commandant of Daritang, and with the Prince
of Erbil.” Beibars, the emir from Damascus, called for war also. After
some debate every chief present agreed with the Sultan. “It is well,”
said Kutuz. “We take the field. Victors or vanquished we shall do our
whole duty, and Moslems hereafter will never make mention of us as of
cowards.”
It was then decided that Hulagu’s envoys must die, hence they were
thrown into prison to await execution. The Sultan made immense efforts;
he levied tribute, illegal in Islam; he taxed revenues, he taxed heads,
but that was still insufficient; then he seized the goods of all who
had deserted Nassir for his sake. Nassir’s wife had to yield up a part
of her jewels; other women were forced to make similar sacrifices.
Those who did not part with their jewels willingly were ill-treated.
When ready for marching Kutuz took an oath of fidelity from his
generals, and set out from his castle called the Castle of the Mountain
July 26, 1260. His forces of a hundred and twenty thousand strong were
composed of the army of Egypt, of Syrians who had passed to his
service, of Arabs, and also of Turkmans. On the day of departure he had
the chief Mongol envoy and the three next in dignity beheaded, one in
each quarter of Cairo. The four heads were exposed at the gate of
Zavila; of the twenty-six envoys remaining he spared only one, a young
man whom he placed in a company of Mameluks. A summons was issued
throughout Egypt for every warrior to march in that struggle for Islam.
All had to go, if any man tried to hide himself the bastinado was used
on him without mercy.
Kutuz sent an envoy to demand aid of Ashraf of Hims, the chief governor
of Syria under Hulagu’s orders, and Saïd, who had been liberated from
prison in El Biret and had received Sebaibet and Banias as his portion.
Saïd abused the envoy, but Ashraf received him, and in private
prostrated himself in his presence through respect for Kutuz, who had
sent him, and added in answer to the message: “I kiss the earth before
the Sultan, and say to him, that I am his servant, and subject to his
orders. I am thankful that God has raised up Kutuz, for the succor of
Islam. If he combats the Mongols our triumph is certain.”
At Salahiyet Kutuz held a council; the greater part of the leaders
refused to go farther; they wished to wait at Salahiyet. “O chiefs of
Islam,” said the Sultan, “I march to this holy war, the man who is
willing to fight in it will follow me; he who is unwilling may return,
but God will not take his eye off that recreant. On his head will be
counted the dishonor of our women and the ruin of our country.” From
every leader who liked him he took an oath then to follow and next
morning he sounded the signal to march against the Mongols. The chiefs
who had wished not to go were borne away now by the example of others;
the whole army moved forward and entered the desert. Beibars, who
commanded the vanguard, had, with other Bahriyan chiefs, quitted Nassir
and joined Kutuz, who gave him the district of Kaliub as an income.
Beibars found the Mongols at Gaza, but they left the place straightway,
and he entered it unopposed. The Sultan made only a brief halt at Gaza,
and moved along near the coast line. Kita Buga, who heard at Baalbek of
this hostile advance, sent his family and baggage to Damascus,
collected his troops, and set out to encounter the forces of Egypt.
The two armies saw each other first on the plain of Ain Jalut (Fountain
of Goliah), between Baissan and Nablus. Before the battle Kutuz spoke
with great feeling to his generals, and strengthened them for the
conflict. He mentioned the peoples whom the Mongols had ruined, and he
threatened his hearers with the same lot unless they won victory. He
roused them to liberate Syria, and vindicate Islam; if not they would
earn Heaven’s wrath and dire punishment. Moved by his words they shed
tears, and swore to do all that was in them to hurl back the enemy.
The two armies met September 3, 1260. The Egyptians entered the battle
without confidence. At first they were timid and confusion appeared in
the left wing which turned to flee; at that moment the Sultan cried
out: “O God, give Thou victory to thy servant Kutuz.” He charged then
in person, cut into the thick of the enemy, and performed miracles of
valor. He charged again and again, encouraging others to meet death,
and fear nothing.
Meanwhile the left wing had rallied, re-formed, and reappeared on the
battlefield. These warriors fought now with invincible fury, and
stopped not till they had broken the ranks of the Mongols, who fled
after having lost most of their officers. Kita Buga was killed in the
action. A Mongol division entrenched on a neighboring height was
attacked, and cut to pieces. The emir, Beibars, surrounded the
fugitives, of whom only a very small number escaped. Some hid among
reeds near the battle-ground; Kutuz set fire to the reeds and all those
men perished. When the great battle was over the Sultan came down from
his horse, and returned thanks to God in a prayer of two verses. Prince
Saïd, who had fought on the side of the Mongols, came now to surrender.
On dismounting he went to the Sultan to kiss his hand, but Kutuz kicked
his mouth, and commanded an equerry to cut his head off immediately.
In the rage of that terrible battle the young Mongol placed by Kutuz
among Mameluks found a chance, as he thought, to avenge his father; but
one of those near him seized his hand in time to turn aside the missile
which, missing Kutuz, killed the horse on which he was riding.
The camp of the Mongols, their women, and children, and baggage fell
into the hands of the conquerors. Hulagu’s commandants were slaughtered
wherever the Moslems could seize them. Those in Damascus were able to
save themselves. News of the Mongol defeat arrived there September 8 in
the night between Saturday and Sunday. The commandants rushed off
immediately. Seven months and ten days had they occupied Damascus.
September 9 the Sultan sent from Tiberias a rescript to Damascus,
announcing the victory which God had given Islam. This news caused a
joy all the greater since Moslems had despaired of deliverance from the
Mongols, deemed until that day invincible. Their delight was unbounded,
hence they rushed straightway to the houses of Christians where they
pillaged and slew all unhindered. The churches of Saint James and Saint
Mary were burned. Jew shops were plundered most thoroughly, and the
houses of that people with their synagogues were saved only by armed
forces. Next the turn came to Moslems who had been partisans and agents
of the Mongols; these too were massacred without pity.
Kutuz arrived at Damascus with his army, and entered the city two days
later. He hanged a number of Moslems, who had favored the Mongols,
among others the Kurd who had betrayed Nassir; he hanged also thirty
Christians and forced the remainder to contribute one hundred and fifty
thousand drachmas.
Beibars, who was sent to pursue the fleeing Mongols, hurried forward to
Hamath. The fugitives, when almost overtaken, abandoned their baggage,
let their prisoners go free, and rushed toward the seacoast, where they
were captured, or slain by the Moslem inhabitants. Noyon, who was
powerless to resist the Egyptians, withdrew to Rūm with the remnant of
his warriors.
Kutuz, who had saved Egypt and become master of Syria as far as the
Euphrates, was the only man of that period who could have turned back
the tide of Mongol conquest. He now gave fiefs and rewards to whomever
his good-will selected. He gave the government of Damascus to Sindjar;
and of Aleppo to Mozaffer, a son of Bedr ud din Lulu; Prince Mansur was
confirmed in possession of Hamat; Ashraf, Prince of Hims, Hulagu’s
chief lieutenant in Syria, asked grace of the Sultan and got it. When
he had named all his lieutenants in Syria Kutuz left Damascus for Egypt
Oct. 5th. Beibars, who had shown immense valor in battle, asked for the
government of Aleppo, and failing to get it, conceived such resentment
that with six other malcontents he formed a plot to assassinate the
Sultan.
Between Koissem and Salahiyet the Sultan left his road for a short
hunting trip; the conspirators followed till they found him unattended.
Beibars then approached Kutuz and begged for a favor which was granted;
he took the Sultan’s hand to kiss it; that moment one of the six struck
Kutuz on the back of the neck with a sabre, a second man pushed him
down from the horse, a third pierced his body with an arrow, and
Beibars with a last blow took life from the Sultan, October 25, 1260,
The assassins left the body of Kutuz where he died and hastened on to
his camp at Salahiyet. They entered the Sultan’s pavilion and
immediately set about enthroning Bilban, an emir, the most considerable
person among them. Fari ud din Aktai, the Atabeg, ran in and asked what
they were doing. “Taking this man for Sultan,” said they as they
pointed at Bilban. “What is the Turk usage in cases of this kind?”
inquired Aktai. “The slayer succeeds,” was the answer. “Who slew the
Sultan?” “That man,” said they pointing to Beibars. The Atabeg took
Beibars by the hand and led him to the throne of the Sultan. “I seat
myself here in the name of the Highest,” said Beibars, “now give your
oath to me.” “It is for thee to swear first,” said the Atabeg, “to
treat them with loyalty and give them advancement.” The new Sultan made
promises in that sense and swore to them, the others then gave their
oath of allegiance.
After this unexpected enthronement Beibars started for Cairo where he
arrived just at midnight. The city had been adorned at all points for
Kutuz, the deliverer of Islam. The people were waiting and expecting to
see their famed ruler, and rejoice at the victory of the faithful. What
was their wonder and amazement when heralds at daybreak passed through
all Cairo and shouted: “O people, implore divine favor for the soul of
El Mozaffer Kutuz, and pray for Ez Zahir Beibars your new Sultan.”
All were in great consternation for they feared the Bahriyans and their
tyranny. Beibars, a man of the Kipchak, or Polovtsi Turks, had been
sold at Damascus for eight hundred drachmas, but the purchaser found a
white spot on his eye and broke the bargain. He was bought then by Emir
Eidikin Bundukdar; following Mameluk usage he called himself Beibars el
Bundukdari. In 1246 the Eyubite Sultan, Salih, disgraced Eidikin, took
his Mameluk, and advanced Beibars until he became one among the highest
Bahriyans.
Beibars now made his old owner a general, and gave him the government
of Damascus. Hulagu had given Damascus and its province to Prince
Nassir, and had sent him from Hamadan, with an escort of three hundred
Syrians, on the eve of the day when news came that the Mongols were
crushed at Ain Jalut. It was suggested to Hulagu then by a Syrian that
Nassir on getting Damascus would join Kutuz surely. Thereupon Hulagu
sent three hundred Mongols on horseback to follow Nassir. They came up
with the prince in the mountains of Salmas where they killed him, and
spared no man of his suite except the astrologer, who gave the
historian Bar Hebraeus the details of this slaughter. Hulagu was
impatient to avenge the defeat of Ain Jalut, but, occupied greatly by
the death of Mangu, he could not begin an expedition at that time.
As we have stated, Mayafarkin had been summoned to surrender and then
besieged by Yshmut while his father, Hulagu, was advancing on Aleppo.
Prince Kamil of Mayafarkin gave this answer to the summons: “I have
learned from the fate of other sovereigns to put no trust whatever in
Mongols and will fight to the utmost.” Inflaming the courage of his
people, he opened all his supplies and every treasure, not wishing, as
he said, to act like the Kalif of Bagdad who lost life and an Empire
through avarice. He began by a sortie, in which he slew many besiegers.
He had in his service a man of rare skill in hurling great stones with
catapults. This man did immense harm to the assailants; they too had a
man of much art in this matter whom they got from Bedr ud din Lulu,
late prince of Mosul. It is said that once the two men discharged their
engines at the very same instant and the two stones from their
catapults met in the air and shivered each other to fragments. Two
champions of wonderful strength came out of Mayafarkin each time with a
sortie, and never retired till they had left on the plain many Mongols.
The siege turned in time to a blockade, and with the blockade appeared
famine. The besieged were forced to eat dogs, cats, shoes, and at last
they ate people. After the blockade had continued a full year and
resistance was exhausted, the inhabitants sent to Yshmut declaring that
there were no more defenders in Mayafarkin. He sent Oroktu Noyon, who
found only seventy half famished people. The Mongols rushed in to
pillage. The two champions went to a house top whence they killed men
as they passed them; surrounded at last they refused to surrender and
died fighting desperately. In the spring of 1260 the famous old town of
Mayafarkin was in the possession of Mongols. Prince Kamil and nine
Mameluks were captured, taken to Telbashir, and led into the presence
of Hulagu, who put Kamil to death in a horrible manner: bits of flesh
were torn from his body and thrust down his throat until life left him.
His head, cut off and fixed on a lance, was borne from Aleppo to
Hamath, and taken finally to Damascus. There it was carried through the
streets and tambourines and singers moved before it. At last it was
tied to the wall next the gate El Feradis (Paradise) where it hung till
Kutuz made his entry after the victory of Ain Jalut. The Sultan had
this head placed in the mausoleum of Hussein, son of Ali.
Of the nine Mameluks in Mayafarkin eight were put to death. The last
man was spared because he had been chief hunter for the Prince of
Mayafarkin, and Hulagu took him into his service.
Yshmut now attacked Mardin at command of his father. Hulagu had invited
Saïd of Mardin to come to him, but Saïd was distrustful, and sent his
son Mozaffer, to render homage at Aleppo; Hulagu sent him back to
Mardin and said: “Tell thy father to come; prevent his revolt and thus
save him.” The father would not listen and imprisoned Mozaffer; then
Hulagu sent troops against Mardin. The place was on a height beyond
reach of projectiles, and the attackers were forced to blockade it. At
the end of eight months an epidemic and famine had produced fearful
ravages; Prince Saïd died of the malady or, as some historians state,
of poison administered by his son. Mozaffer was set free then and
surrendered; Hulagu gave him Mardin which he kept till his death in
1296.
After the capture of Bagdad and the destruction of the Kalifat Abul
Kassin Ahmed, an uncle of the Kalif Mostassim, had succeeded in
escaping and had found a refuge among Beduins in Irak till 1261, when
he went to Damascus attended by Arabs. Beibars sent orders at once to
treat this descendant of Abbas with distinction, and conduct him to
Egypt. When Kassin Ahmed approached Cairo, June 19, 1261, the Sultan
went out to meet him with a great suite of military leaders, also
cadis, ulema and an immense throng of people, followed by Jewish Rabbis
bearing their Scriptures, and Christian priests bearing with them the
Gospels.
Four days later the chief functionaries and the ulema assembled in the
palace, and Ahmed’s genealogy was established. Taj ud din the chief
justice gave him the oath of allegiance, next the Sultan pledged his
homage and faith in case the new Kalif acted always according to the
Divine law of Islam, and all traditions of the Prophet, commanded what
the law commands, forbade what the law forbids, and walked in the ways
of the Almighty. Also that he received legally in the name of God the
contributions of the faithful and gave them to those who had the right
to receive them. The Kalif then invested Beibars with the sovereignty
of countries submitted to Islam, and those which God might permit him
to free from unbelievers. This act of investiture was fixed in a
diploma, which was given to the Sultan. Then every man present pledged
faith to the Kalif, now called Al Mostansir Billahi, and gave him
homage. The Sultan sent an order to every prefect in the provinces to
have the new Kalif recognized, his name mentioned in public prayers and
stamped on new coinage. The Kalif gave the Sultan a mantle of the House
of Abbas. Some days later this successor of Mohammed rode forth in
public on a white steed with black trappings. He wore a black turban, a
violet mantle, a collar of gold, and the sabre of a Beduin. On the day
of installation the Kalif invested the Sultan with robes of office, and
put a gold chain on his neck. After that the vizir read the diploma
conferring sovereign power upon Beibars. The Sultan now mounted and
rode through the city with great pomp and the utmost solemnity,
preceded by the vizir and the grand marshal, who carried alternately
above their heads the diploma given by the Kalif. All houses were
decorated, and the Sultan’s horse walked on the richest of stuffs which
had been spread on the streets of his passage.
The following Friday the Kalif preached in the mosque of the citadel;
the Sultan, uncertain of the effect which he might produce, and to be
sure of results in every case, so arranged as to shower gold and silver
coins from above on his person, and thus interrupt the discourse which
he was giving.
Beibars now formed for the Kalif a household with all the officers,
horsemen and servants which were requisite. He added one hundred
Mameluks, each having three dromedaries and three horses; he gave also
two thousand mounted warriors, and a body of Beduins.
The Sultan and the Kalif left Cairo for Damascus September 4th, 1262.
On the 10th of October the Kalif took the road for Bagdad, attended by
the generals Seïf ud din Bilban and Sonkor of Rūm who had been deputed
to go with him to the Euphrates, and to hold themselves ready to follow
into Irak at the first signal from the Kalif.
The three sons of Bedr ud din Lulu, then princes of Mosul, Jeziret and
Sindjar, set out with the Kalif, but halted at Rahbah despite his
entreaties, leaving with him, however, sixty Mameluks. Mostansir was
joined at that place by Yezid, an emir who was chief of the Al Fazl,
and had with him four hundred Beduins, and by Eidikin, an emir who
brought with him thirty horsemen from Hamath.
Advancing by the western bank of the Euphrates they met at Ana the
Abbasid Iman, Al Hakim, attended by seven hundred Turkmen; Al Burunli,
the Mameluk chief who had seized command of Aleppo in spite of the
Sultan, had made Al Hakim set out with these horsemen. The Kalif
overtook Hakim and his party at the river where the seven hundred
Turkmen deserted.
Thereupon Hakim adhered to Mostansir, and was ready to assist in
installing him at Bagdad. The people of Ana had refused to receive
Hakim. The Sultan of Egypt, they said, had recognized a Kalif who was
coming; to him alone would they open the gates of their city.
When Mostansir appeared he was met with due homage. Haditse acted like
Ana, but Hitt refused sternly to open its gates and was taken by
violence. The Kalif entered the city November 24 with his warriors, who
plundered both Christians and Jews without mercy.
Kara Buga, the commander of those Mongols who guarded Arabian Irak,
hearing of Mostansir’s approach marched against Anbar with five
thousand cavalry. Anbar was friendly to the Kalif and might give him
aid. Kara Buga entered the city on a sudden and cut down the people on
all sides. Bahadur Ali, governor of Bagdad, went hither also with the
troops in his garrison. These two commanders after joining their forces
near Anbar encountered the new Kalif who, ranging the Turkmans on his
right, the Arabs on his left, charged himself in the center. Bahadur’s
troops took to flight and the greater part threw themselves into the
river. Kara Buga put some of his forces in ambush and waited. When the
Turkmen and Arabs met the Mongols they fought very little, and rushed
off in panic. The center, now left unsupported, was surrounded and
overpowered, crushed into disorder and cut to pieces. The Kalif was
lost in that chaos, and was never seen again. According to some he was
killed, others said that he escaped to Arabs and died of his wounds
while among them.
Mostansir was, as is said, a man of great strength and good courage,
with a loftiness of bearing very different indeed from Mostassim, the
last Kalif of the Kalifat, who was trampled to death under horsehoofs
at Hulagu’s camp ground. But whatever his merits this adventure reached
the acme of folly. It is difficult to explain how the Sultan of Egypt
with all his shrewd management could have spent so much treasure on a
journey foredoomed beyond doubt to disaster, unless he had a sinister
motive in the enterprise, and wished it to end in the destruction of
that Kalif whom he had perhaps inaugurated through diplomacy and for
his own aggrandizement. One historian declares that Beibars was sending
ten thousand warriors to set up the Kalif in Bagdad, and giving him as
aids the Prince of Mosul and his brothers, when one of these warned the
Sultan that the Kalif if settled in Bagdad might take Egypt from him.
We may well suppose that Beibars wished simply to establish his own
power with firmness, and give himself freedom in Islam, and that he
wished to be rid of the new Kalif so as to put in his place a man who
could not be strong, and who would be obedient. Hakim, who met the late
Kalif at Anbar, claimed to be fourth in descent from Mostershed who was
slain in 1135 by the Assassins. This Hakim now fled to Egypt, where
Beibars received him with distinction and gave him a residence in the
palace called Munasir al Kebesh. His duties were simply to legitimize
with the holiness of Islam the Sultan of Egypt, and ward off all
Fatimid pretensions. His power beyond that was as nothing. He was
styled “Shadow of God upon Earth, Ruler by command of God.” He lived
this life for forty years and was first in that line of Egyptian Kalifs
who were puppets of the Mameluke sovereigns. An end was put to that
line only when Egypt was conquered by Selim I. and the Turkish Sultans
took to themselves the Kalifat, and became the successors of Mohammed.
Salih, the eldest son of Bedr ud din of Mosul, met a worse fate by far
than the Kalif. Soon after the accession of Beibars Salih’s brother
Saïd, who had been driven from Aleppo by the Mamelukes, went to Egypt,
whence he wrote to his brother advising a visit to Beibars, who when he
had conquered the Mongols could make Salih ruler not of some petty
place in the West but of great Eastern regions. This letter was kept
very carefully by Salih, who took it to bed with him. Ibn Yunus, an
official who had been a great personage in Bedr ud din’s day, stole it
from under the coverlet while Salih was sleeping. He set out
immediately for Baashika his birthplace in the province of Nineveh.
On missing the letter Salih sent two slaves to Baashika. Ibn Yunus,
fearing dire punishment if caught, turned toward Erbil and at Bakteli,
on the way, he advised one Abad Ullah to flee with all his people
without waiting, for Salih would destroy every Christian and escape
straightway to Egypt. He fled then to Erbil.
Meanwhile Salih, fearing lest Ibn Yunus might give the letter to the
Mongols, withdrew with his son, Alai ul Mulk, toward Syria. Turkan
Khatun, his wife, would not go with him. She remained in Mosul with
Yasan, the Mongol prefect. She and Yasan shut the gates and prepared a
defence for the city. One of Salih’s officers, Alam ud din Sanjar, left
him while journeying and returned to occupy Mosul. He found the gates
closed and began to attack them. This attack lasted several days
unsuccessfully. At last a number of citizens threw the gates open and
he entered. The prefect and Salih’s wife fled to the citadel.
Sanjar killed all the Christians who would not accept Islam, hence many
renounced their religion to save themselves.
Meanwhile the Kurds attacked places in the surrounding country, and
slew a great number of Christians. They took the Kudida convent by
storm and put to death many of its inmates. The monastery of Mar
Matthew they besieged during four months with warriors on foot and one
thousand on horseback. They attempted to storm it, but the monks
repelled every effort, and burned all scaling ladders with naphtha. The
Kurds now let down two immense rocks from a neighboring mountain top.
One of these remained fast in the wall and was fixed there like a stone
in its setting; the other passed through and left a wide breach behind
it. When the Kurds tried to rush through the opening the monks met them
with a desperate valor, using stones, darts, and every weapon in the
monastery. They kept the Kurds out and filled up the great breach. The
Abbot, Abunser, fought with the foremost and lost one eye in that
venomous struggle. But in time the defenders were failing and would
have been forced to surrender had the attacks been continued. But the
Kurds too had their weakness. They greatly feared an attack from the
Mongols, though this they concealed very cleverly, and even extorted a
ransom. The monks gave the silver and gold of the churches, and all the
treasure which they could get from the people, after which the Kurds
left them.
At Erbil the Mongol emir, Kutleg Beg, cut down men and women without
mercy. Salih’s officer, Sanjar, having heard that the Mongols were
moving on Mosul, marched out and engaged them; he was killed and his
forces defeated. Salih, the Melik of Mosul, and his son had gone
meanwhile to Beibars who was then at Damascus with the new Kalif. He
was received with great pomp by the Sultan, as were also his brothers.
Horses and banners and robes of honor were presented to them, also
diplomas confirming their titles. These diplomas were strengthened
further by the Kalif. The three brothers then escorted the Kalif to
Rahbah, as has been already stated, where they left him, each going
back to his own place.
Salih returned to Mosul which was at that time invested by Mongols.
Samdagu, the commander, having learned from a spy that Salih was
coming, withdrew to a point not remote from the city where he waited.
When Salih had passed the gate, Samdagu reinvested it with two tumans
of warriors and twenty-five catapults. He then began siege work which
lasted from December till summer.
Salih gave good gifts to his garrison, and promised that the Sultan
would send reinforcements. The defence was a brave one and effective.
One day eighty Mongols succeeded in scaling the bulwarks, but were
killed every man of them and their heads shot out from catapults to
their comrades.
Samdagu felt need of reinforcements which came to him promptly from
Hulagu. At last the Sultan commanded Akkush, who was governing Aleppo,
to march on Mosul and relieve it. He set out, and sent a pigeon with
news of his coming. This bird settled down, by a wonderful chance, on a
catapult in Samdagu’s army, was caught, and through the letter attached
to it gave notice not to the Prince of Mosul but to Samdagu.
Samdagu sent straightway a strong corps of warriors to beat Akkush back
and destroy him if possible. The Mongols were placed in three ambushes
where they waited. The Egyptians suffered partly from these ambushes
and partly from a fierce wind which blew in their faces, and hurled
clouds of sand at them. The Sultan’s army was slaughtered except a mere
remnant. The Mongols attacked then the people of Sinjar, killed nearly
all the men and seized captive the women and children. Next they put on
the clothing of Akkush’s dead warriors and moved toward Mosul. When
nearing that city they were seen from the watch-towers by the people,
who mistook them for forces sent by the Sultan, and went out in large
numbers to meet them. These citizens were surrounded immediately by the
Mongols and slain to the very last person.
When the siege had continued six months the fierce heat of summer was
raging and each side ceased its action. The Mongol commander made a
promise to spare all and send Salih to Hulagu with a request for full
pardon. Thereupon Salih yielded and sent to Samdagu a letter containing
the terms of surrender.
He went to the Mongol camp from the city June 25, 1262, with presents
and dainties, preceded by dancers, musicians and harlequins. The Mongol
commander, forgetting all promises, would not receive Salih, or look at
him, nay more, he put the prince under a strong guard immediately.
But Samdagu reassured the people; they were to be of good cheer he
declared and fear nothing. Meanwhile they must tear down the walls and
remove them. They did this work straightway, and when all was cleared,
and the whole place was laid open, a massacre began in that woebegone
city. Nine days did that terrible slaughter continue, till the sword
had finished every one. Mosul was deserted, not a soul now remained
there. It was only when the Mongols had moved far away that eight or
ten hundred people who had hidden in the hills and in caverns crept out
and came back to inhabit the city.
The first governor of this spectral and death-stricken Mosul was that
Ibn Yunus who had stolen the letter from Salih and betrayed him.
Salih was sent to Hulagu for a judgment. The sentence was revolting and
hideous. The late Prince of Mosul was deprived of his clothing and
wrapped in a sheepskin just stripped from the animal. This skin was
fastened firmly round Salih who, exposed to the sun of July in that
climate, suffered terribly. The skin was soon covered with a life most
repulsive and the all conquering worm now lived with Salih. The Prince
had passed a whole month in that horrible sheepskin when death came to
him.
His son, Alai ud din, a boy of three years, was sent back to Mosul and
put to death there. They made the child drunk, tied cords around his
middle very tightly in such fashion as to force upward his entrails;
they then cut his body across into two pieces and hung one on each bank
of the Tigris, on a gibbet. Mohai, son of Zeblak, who with others had
opened the gates to Salih, was beheaded.
Samdagu after his triumph at Mosul marched on to Jeziret to which he
laid siege all the following winter and spring and a part of the summer
of 1263. This place was saved from destruction by the bishop, Hanan
Yeshua (Grace of Jesus), a Nestorian, who through his knowledge of
alchemy was a favorite of Hulagu, to whom he went straightway and
obtained a yarlyk, or decree securing their lives to the people. The
gates were thrown open to Samdagu, who had the walls leveled at once.
Gulbeg, an officer of the Jeziret prince, was made governor, but
Samdagu on learning soon after that Gulbeg had given the late prince’s
messenger gold which that prince himself had secreted, put Gulbeg to
death promptly.
About this time Salar of Bagdad, a deserting emir, went from Irak to
Egypt. This man was a native of Kipchak and had once been a Mameluk of
Dhahir, the Kalif, and from him received rule over Vassit, Kufat and
Hillet; this he retained under Mostassim and Mostansir. After the ruin
of Bagdad by Hulagu, Salar joined his forces with others in resisting
the Mongols, but finding that they had not strength to do anything
effective he went to the desert of Hidjaz and was six months in it when
a message from Hulagu bestowed former rule on him. He went and took it.
When Beibars became Sultan he wrote to Salar repeatedly inviting him to
Cairo. Salar was inclined to the visit but deferred it; he wished to
secure all his treasures.
Meanwhile the Sultan said one day to Kilidj of Bagdad: “Salar thy
friend is coming to see me.” “I do not think he will come,” said the
other, “he is ruling in Irak, why leave what he has which is certain
for something in Egypt?” “Very well,” said the Sultan, “unless he comes
of himself I will force him.” Beibars then sent a messenger to Salar
with letters, as it were in reply to some others; he sent a second man
also to kill the first as soon as he crossed Salar’s boundary, and
leave the man where he fell with the letters upon him. All this was
done as Beibars had commanded. Mongol outposts discovered the body and
searched it. The letters were sent to the court for perusal. In
Hulagu’s service there were sons of former Mameluks of the Kalif. These
men told Salar directly what had happened and he knew straightway that
Beibars had tricked him. He received soon an order to appear at the
Mongol court, but fearing death there from Hulagu he fled to the Sultan
of Egypt, leaving behind both his family and property.
Beibars received him with distinction and bestowed on the fugitive a
military command with a fief of good value.
Hulagu was stopped now very seriously in his plans against Syria and
Egypt by the Golden Horde Khan, Berkai, his cousin, son of Juchi. The
death of Batu, 1255, was followed quickly by that of Sartak his son and
successor. Next after Sartak came Sartak’s infant son, Ulakchi, under
the care of his mother. The child died some months later and Berkai,
the third son of Juchi, was put on the throne in 1256. Berkai had been
converted to Islam and was spreading its doctrines effectively. Strong
through support of Mangu, the Grand Khan, whom he had helped to the
Empire, Berkai now reproached Hulagu with needless cruelties, with
slaughter of both friends and enemies; with the ruin of many cities;
with the death of the Kalif, brought about without sanction of the
Jinghis Khan family. There were still other causes of complaint. Three
descendants of Juchi had marched into Persia with Hulagu: Balakan and
Tumar, a grandson and great grandson of Juchi. These two at the head of
Batu’s contingent, and Kuli, also a grandson of Juchi. Kuli led the
contingent of Urda’s, his father. Tumar was accused before Hulagu of
attempting to harm him, through witchcraft. He confessed guilt when
examined while in torture. Hulagu out of respect for Berkai sent Tumar
to him attended by Sugundjak, a commander. Berkai, thinking that
Tumar’s offence had been proven, sent him back to Hulagu, who had the
prince put to death without waiting. Balakan died soon after as did
also Kuli. Berkai supposed these deaths caused by poison and was
enraged. The families of those princes escaped then from Persia. Policy
may have played a large part in these murders, for Berkai and the
descendants of Juchi desired the election of Arik Buga, while Hulagu
favored Kubilai in the contest for Grand Khanship. Hulagu, tired of
excessive reproaches from Berkai, was ready for warfare. On hearing
this, Berkai declared his intention of avenging the blood of his
relatives and many thousands of others. He sent southward an army of
thirty thousand commanded by Nogai, a cousin of Tumar, who marched on
and camped near Shirvan beyond the Caucasus. When the troops of the
princes descended from Juchi saw war breaking out between their own
sovereign and Hulagu they left Persia quickly. One part went home
through Derbend, another, pursued by Hulagu’s warriors, passed through
Khorassan to seize upon Gazni and lands touching India.
Hulagu left Alatag, his summer camp ground, and marched at the head of
an army gathered in from all Persia. On November 11, 1262, his vanguard
commanded by Shiramun was thoroughly defeated near Shemaki, but some
days later Abatai repaired this reverse by a victory near Shirvan.
Hulagu advanced to continue this victory and met the enemy north of
Derbend near the Caspian. Nogai was put to flight and pursued by a
large force of warriors who seized a camp left by him north of the
Terek in which were vast numbers of cattle and of women and children.
Hulagu’s army remained at that camp and for three days continued to
drink, and to yield themselves up to every indulgence accessible.
All on a sudden Nogai reappeared with his army. Hulagu’s men were
surprised near the river and thoroughly defeated (January 13, 1263).
The only escape for survivors was to cross the frozen river. They tried
this, the ice broke and immense numbers sank in the Terek. Hulagu
returned to Tebriz greatly grieved and cast down by the overthrow, but
he summoned at once a new army and avenged his wrath on those merchants
of Kipchak whom he found in Tebriz at his coming. He put them to death,
and then seized their property. Berkai answered straightway by killing
all traders within his reach who were subjects of Hulagu, and living in
Kipchak. Hulagu next killed Bokhara people. Population had grown in
that city, though not greatly, since its ruin. It reached seventeen
thousand according to a census. Of these five thousand were subjects of
Kipchak, three thousand belonged to Siurkukteni, the mother of Hulagu,
and the rest to the Grand Khan. Hulagu commanded that those five
thousand subjects of Berkai be driven to the plains near the city;
there the men were slaughtered with swords; the women and children were
reduced to captivity.
In 1264, the year following, report ran that Nogai was to lead an
attack on lands south of the Caucasus. While Hulagu was preparing to
meet this, Jelal ud din, son of the second chancellor to the late
Kalif, told Hulagu that there were thousands of Kipchaks then living in
Persia who would serve in the vanguard with readiness. They knew
northern methods of warfare, and would be, as he said, of use beyond
others in the campaign against Berkai. Hulagu sent this man to summon
those warriors, and commanded that supplies, arms, and money be given
him in sufficiency, and that no one should thwart him.
When Jelal had assembled those people of Kipchak he declared that
Hulagu would put them in the vanguard to be slain there. “I do not wish
this,” said he. “Follow me and we will free ourselves from Mongols.” He
gave the men money and arms from the treasury and arsenals of Bagdad;
then, he told the commandant of the city that to gather provisions he
was making a raid against Kafadje Arabs, at war with Hulagu; that done,
he would march toward Shirvan. He crossed the Euphrates, all his men
following, taking with them their families and baggage. Then he
declared to them that he was going to Syria and Egypt. Hulagu was
beside himself with anger when he learned of Jelal’s treachery.
Beibars, the shrewd Sultan of Egypt, noting Hulagu’s alertness, and the
movements of Berkai, which might mean, as he thought, an invasion of
Syria, sent mounted men toward the boundary of Persia to reconnoitre.
Later on he commanded the people of Damascus to move to Egypt with
their families for safety, and thus leave more food for his warriors.
He instructed the governor of Aleppo to burn all the grass in the
regions toward Amid. This was done to the width of ten days’ journey.
Information came next to the Sultan that a Kipchak detachment had
appeared in his territory. These men, people told him, were subjects of
Berkai and were from the contingent given Hulagu on his coming to
Persia. Berkai had recalled them, if stopped they were to take refuge
in Egypt.
The Sultan commanded his officials to treat these men well, to give
them provisions and clothing. They came to Cairo about two hundred
strong and under four captains. Each captain received the land given to
commanders of a hundred. Beibars gave also clothing, horses and money.
All became Moslems. This generous treatment induced others to seek an
asylum in Egypt.
When he had talked with these strangers concerning their sovereign and
country the Sultan resolved to send envoys to Berkai. He chose for this
office Seïf ud din Keshrik, a man who had once served Jelal ud din the
Kwaresmian Sultan; he knew the country to which he was sent and its
language. Madjd ud din, a juris-consult, went with him. Two men of the
Kipchaks who had received hospitality from Beibars were attached to the
party. The envoys bore a letter from Beibars assuring Berkai of the
Sultan’s good feeling and urging him to act against Hulagu.
The Sultan’s troops made up of many nations were lauded; his vassals,
Mohammedan and Christian, were mentioned; the letter ended by stating
that a body of warriors had visited Cairo and declaring themselves
subjects of Berkai, had been received gladly because of him. To this
letter the pedigree of the new Kalif, Hakim, was added.
The envoy and his associates set out for the Volga, but were stopped in
Greek regions by the Emperor Michael [17] who had complaints against
Berkai whose troops had been raiding his possessions. Michael had sent
some time before a Greek document in which he had sworn peace and amity
to the Sultan.
Beibars summoned straightway the Patriarch and bishop to get their
decision on oath breaking. They declared that by breaking an oath a
sovereign abjures his religion. Beibars sent to the Emperor this
document signed by the Patriarch and bishops; he sent also a letter to
Berkai, in which he implored him to stop all attacks on the Empire.
Michael now freed the envoys, who sailed over the Black Sea and landed
at Sudak whence they crossed the Crimea and went to Sarai situated
somewhat east of the Volga. They were twenty days making that journey.
Berkai’s vizir, Al Furussi, went out to meet them. When instructed in
Sarai ceremonial they were taken to Berkai, who was in a tent large
enough for five hundred persons. They left behind every weapon and were
careful not to touch the threshold while entering. Presented on the
left of the throne they were taken with the suite to the right of it,
after the letter from Beibars had been read before Berkai. At the right
of the Khan sat his principal wife. Fifty or sixty high officers
occupied stools near him.
The Khan addressed several questions to the envoys. He did not detain
them at Sarai without need and sent with them envoys to the Sultan at
Cairo where Seïf ud din arrived after an absence of two years.
About six months after the Sultan’s men had started from Cairo two
envoys from Berkai arrived in that city; both men were Mussulmans and
had passed through the Byzantine capital. One was an officer, Jelal ud
din el Kadi, the other a Sheik, Nur ud din Ali. Beibars, who had just
come from Syria after the taking of Karak, gave them an audience in the
Castle of the Mountain in presence of his commanders and a numerous
assembly.
Berkai announced in a letter that he with his four brothers had
received Islam. He proposed an alliance against Hulagu, asking to send
a corps of Egyptians toward the Euphrates. He expressed also interest
in one of the Rūm Sultans, Yzz ud din, and asked Beibars to aid him.
The Sultan gave these envoys from Berkai many proofs of munificence,
and when they were going he added his envoys to the company. These
envoys took with them an answer on seventy pages half margin. Rich
presents went also to Berkai, a copy of the Koran, made, as was stated,
by Osman the Kalif, with Osman’s pulpit and prayer carpet; tunics,
candelabras and torches from Barbary; all kinds of linen from Egypt;
cotton stuffs, morocco, tapestry, sabres, bows, arms, helmets, breast
pieces, saddles, bridles, boxes filled with arrow heads, vases of dried
grapes, gilded lamps, black eunuchs, women who could prepare delicate
dishes, Arab horses, dromedaries, white camels, wild asses, a giraffe,
and some balsam. A turban which had been in Mecca was added also, for
Beibars had sent an officer in Berkai’s name on a pilgrimage to the
holy city, and messengers to Medina and Mecca to put the Khan’s name
next his own in the public prayer of each Friday; this was done also in
Jerusalem and Cairo. He sent to Berkai the first Friday sermon of the
new Kalif.
Beibars sent back with the Berkai envoys the two hundred warriors from
Kipchak.
Three months after the envoys had gone thirteen hundred Kipchaks set
out for Cairo. Beibars commanded to treat them well on the way, and he
went out to meet them. They dismounted and bowed to the earth when they
saw him. Soon after a second and a third party came. Among these were
ten officers of distinction with the title of Aga. All were treated
most liberally. Beibars asked them to accept Islam. This they did,
accepting the faith in his presence.
The Sultan received also in Cairo a number of high officers from Fars,
chiefs of the Arab tribe, Kafadje, and the emir of Arabian Irak. These
came to seek an asylum in Egypt, and he gave them fiefs. The next year
he sent Shuja ud din, one of his chamberlains, to Berkai, begging him
to stop his people from raiding the lands of the Byzantine Emperor, who
had asked his good offices. He sent at the same time three turbans to
Berkai which he had worn while making the pilgrimage to Mecca, two
marble vases and other presents.
While Hulagu was defending his northern frontier against Berkai’s
armies Hayton, the King of Cilicia, attacked Egyptian regions. Hayton
when returning from Hulagu’s court saw at Heraclea Rokn ud din, the Rūm
Sultan, with whom he formed a close friendship. On reaching home he
summoned troops and marched against Aintab.
Beibars, informed always with accuracy of what was happening near his
borders, had already commanded troops in Hamat and Hims to march on
Aleppo. Egyptian troops followed quickly. The Armenians were surprised,
and put to flight with some loss. Hayton summoned in seven hundred
Mongols, who were in Rūm at that juncture, and advancing, was joined by
one hundred and fifty from Antioch. This little army encamped on the
steppes of Harem where it suffered from rain, snow and scant food and
was at last forced to retreat, losing meanwhile many warriors.
Hayton had a thousand Mongol coats and caps which he put on his men to
make it seem that Mongol troops had come to him. This trick merely
brought more Egyptians against him. They attacked Hayton in force and
dispersed his small army; after that the Sultan’s men rushed into
Antioch lands, and committed great havoc.
Beibars was informed now by secret servants in Irak that Hulagu had
sent two agents to corrupt leading officers of Egypt, and that these
men would visit Siss as they traveled. This news was confirmed by his
agents in that capital of Armenia. The Sultan learned afterward from
Acre that those two agents had gone to Damascus; he commanded to arrest
them directly. Brought to Cairo they could not deny the accusation, so
Beibars hanged them promptly.
The Egyptians intercepted this same year a letter from Hulagu to
Mogith, Prince of Karak; this seemed an answer to some communication,
from which it might be inferred that the prince had been asking the
Mongols to take Egypt, and also Syria to Gaza. Beibars set out
straightway for Gaza, and feigning great friendship for Mogith invited
him to Gaza. Mogith made the visit, but the moment he entered the camp
he was seized.
Beibars next summoned the chief judge of Damascus, the princes,
feudatories, commanders and notable persons, also European ambassadors,
and had Hulagu’s letters to Mogith read in their presence. He declared
thereupon that this letter was the cause of the prince’s detention.
After that he seized Karak and returned to Cairo where he took Mogith’s
life without waiting.
Hulagu was interested greatly during the last year of his rule in
building a palace at Alatag, and in finishing the observatory at
Meraga. Though not a scholar himself he liked to converse with learned
men, especially astronomers and alchemists, but beyond all the latter,
who had known how to captivate his fancy, and on whom he expended large
sums of money.
Administration had now, (1264), become greatly important. Hulagu’s rule
extended from the Oxus to Syria and the Byzantine Empire. He gave his
eldest son, Abaka, Mazanderan, Irak and Khorassan; to Yshmut his third
son, Azerbaidjan and Arran; to Tudan, one of his commanders, Diarbekr
and Diarrabiat up to the Euphrates; Rūm he gave to Moyin ud din
Pervane; to the Melik Sadr ud din, the province of Tebriz, and Fars to
an emir, Ikiatu. According to Rashid he gave Kerman to Turkan Khatun,
but this is questioned by some historians. In 1263 he had put to death
his vizir Seïf ud din Bitikdji while on the march from Shemaki to
Derbend, and put in his place Shems ud din Juveini, whose brother, Alai
ud din, Ata ul Mulk, was made governor of Bagdad. This same year Hulagu
condemned to death Zein ud din Muyyed Suleiman, son of the emir El
Akarbani, better known as El Hafizzi, a name which he had taken from
his former master, Prince Hafizzi. He was accused of having turned to
his own profit a part of the income from the province of Damascus.
Hulagu reproached him for his perfidy. “Thou hast betrayed me,” said
he, “thou didst betray also Prince Nassir, and before him Prince
Hafizzi, and earlier than all the Baalbek prince.”
The death sentence which struck down El Hafizzi included his family,
his brothers, his relatives and clients, fifty persons in all. Only two
escaped, one was his son, and the other his nephew.
The troubles in Fars at this time roused Hulagu’s attention very
keenly. The princes of that region were subject to Mongol dominion from
the first. After the death, in 1231, of the Atabeg of Fars, Saïd Abu
Bekr, his son and successor, sent his brother Tehemten with his homage
to Ogotai and also rich presents. The Grand Khan gave a patent of
investiture with the title Kutlug Khan. Fars had been saved by prompt
submission from every Mongol hostility. Its sovereign paid the Grand
Khan each year thirty thousand gold dinars, a small sum if the wealth
of that region be considered; presents also were given.
When Hulagu came to the Transoxiana Abu Bekr’s nephew, Seljuk Shah,
came with rich presents to greet him. Seljuk Shah was befittingly
received at the Oxus by Hulagu; but was afterward imprisoned.
Abu Bekr died in 1260, after a reign of thirty years. His son Saïd
succeeded him but died twelve days after reaching the throne, leaving a
son of tender years in the care of his mother, Turkan Khatun. This
child, named Mohammed, died in 1262, and the Fars throne fell to
Mohammed Shah, one of his uncles, a son of Salgar Shah and grandson of
Saïd, son of Zengwi. This prince had commanded the contingent of Fars
in Hulagu’s great campaign against Bagdad. Brave, but unsparing and
dissolute, his tyranny had roused great complaints upon all sides.
Called to the camp by Hulagu, who feigned a desire to consult him
concerning Fars matters, the prince delayed him under various excuses
till Turkan Khatun, now his wife, who was displeased with his conduct,
but especially with his treatment of herself, had the man seized as he
was passing the harem and taken to Hulagu, whom she informed that
Mohammed Shah was unfitted to govern. This decision of the princess
found favor with Hulagu, so she had her husband’s brother, Seljuk Shah,
freed from prison, and though his temper was untamed and fiery, she
married him soon after.
One night when flushed with wine at a banquet Seljuk Shah was taunted
with having risen through the favor of his wife, and not through any
other cause, and when besides her conduct was described, a fit of fury
seized the man. He commanded a eunuch to cut her head off immediately
and bring it to him. When the black man brought the head of the
princess, Seljuk Shah tore two splendid pearls from the ears, and threw
them to musicians who were playing at the banquet.
When this raging man heard that Hulagu’s prefects in Shiraz, Ogul Beg
and Kutluk Bitikdji, disapproved of this horrible action, instead of
trying to appease them he killed one with his own hand, and cut down
the other through his servants; he murdered also the people attached to
them. At news of these horrors Hulagu commanded to execute Mohammed
Shah, to whom he had just given permission to return to his country,
and ordered his generals, Altadju and Timur, to march against Seljuk
Shah. Their two divisions were to be strengthened by troops from
Ispahan, Yezd, Itch and Kerman.
Altadju sent Seljuk a message from Ispahan, stating that if he repented
he might yet obtain pardon, and that he would act in his favor. The
raging prince maltreated the messenger cruelly. Altadju marched after
that into Fars with the forces of the sovereign of Kerman, the Atabeg
of Yezd, Seljuk’s brother-in-law, and other forces. Seljuk Shah retired
to the Persian Gulf border. The magistrates and notables bearing flags,
food and copies of the Koran went forth to meet Altadju. He reassured
them, and commanded his troops, who were eager for pillage, not to harm
them in any way. He marched with speed after Seljuk, who met him at
Kazerun and displayed wondrous valor, but yielded to necessity at last
and fled to the tomb of the holy Sheik Morshed, which the Mongols
surrounded.
At bay and in his last refuge Seljuk rushed to the sepulchre of the
saint and broke with one blow of his club the flat covering of stone
which was over the body. “O Sheik, give thy aid!” cried the fugitive.
It was known in that region that the saint had declared, “When peril
threatens, give notice on my tomb and I will save you.”
The Mongols burst in the door and killed many of Seljuk’s people who
had sought refuge there also. They then seized the fleeing Seljuk whom
they killed at the tomb. No Salgarid was left save two daughters of the
Atabeg Saïd, son of Abu Bekr. One of these, Uns Khatun, whose mother
Seljuk Shah had beheaded, was placed on the Fars throne by Hulagu
(1264).
When Seljuk Shah’s life was ended Timur wished to put all Shiraz men to
death, and thus give a warning to people such as Seljuk and his
partisans, but Altadju insisted that the citizens were innocent, and
that punishment like that might be given only at Hulagu’s order. The
army was dismissed, and Altadju taking the most notable people of Fars
went to Hulagu’s court with them.
In 1265 another storm made its appearance in Fars: Sherif ud din, the
Grand Kadi, a chief man among the descendants of the Prophet, who had
lived many years in Khorassan and won signal fame by his piety, tried
now to use this reputation to further his ambition. He had the people
show him homage, and many joined him in each town and village which he
visited. Multitudes believed him to be that Madhi expected in the
fulness of time by the Shiites, and thought that he had the power to
work wonders. Assuming the insignia of royalty he advanced from
Shebankiare towards Shiraz with his followers who already formed a
small army.
The Mongol commander at Shiraz and Uns Kahtun’s chief minister took
proper measures and marched against this descendant of Mohammed. They
met near Guvar. Many thought that the “Madhi” was assisted by spirits,
and that whoso attacked him would be paralyzed. For some time no man in
the army of Shiraz would raise a hand against Sherif. At last two
warriors ventured to discharge arrows at him, others followed this
example. The Mongols then charged the insurgents, who fled; Sherif was
killed in the mêlée with most of his followers.
At the first news of this uprising Hulagu commanded to bastinado
Altadju for sparing the people of Shiraz, and he ordered a tuman of
warriors to punish them. When he learned, however, that Sherif ud din
had been slain, and that the people of Shiraz were innocent, for the
greater part, he recalled his first order.
When Uns Khatun had ruled for one year she was sent to the Ordu to
marry Mangu Timur, son of Hulagu, to whom she brought a rich dowry.
Fars was managed thenceforth by the Divan, though in the name of Uns,
who died during 1287 in Tebriz. With her died the Salgarid dynasty.
At the end of 1264 the Mongols laid siege to El Biret. This place was
considered the master stronghold of Syria. Akkush commanded for the
Sultan of Egypt. The Mongols filled up the fosse of the fortress with
wood. The besieged made a tunnel to that fosse and burned all the wood
which then filled it. The Mongols worked with seventeen catapults, but
they met firm and active resistance, women showing more courage than
men in that struggle.
News had reached Beibars earlier that Franks were advising the Mongols,
by letter, to march into Syria during spring when the troops were at
home, and their horses were out grazing. As soon as he heard that the
Mongols were attacking El Biret, the Sultan sent a corps of four
thousand to oppose them. He sent four days later another four thousand,
who were to reach El Biret by forced marches. The Sultan himself set
out January 27, 1265, and by February 3 was at Gaza, where he learned
that the enemy had raised the siege and retreated.
The Mongols at approach of their opponents had removed all their
catapults, sunk their boats, and fled quickly. Beibars gave command to
bring in arms and supplies for a siege that might last a whole decade.
Three hundred robes of honor and a hundred thousand drachmas in money
were sent out by him to reward those who had fought in El Biret.
Hulagu died suddenly February 8, 1265, at the age of forty-eight. He
was buried on the summit of that mountainous island called Tala in the
lake of Urumia where a fortress had been built to contain his chief
treasures. According to the custom of Mongols much gold and many gems
were placed in the grave with him. Youthful maidens of rare beauty,
richly dressed and adorned to the utmost, were buried alive to go with
him. Four months and eleven days later died Dokuz Khatun, his chief
wife, who was a Christian. She was the granddaughter of Wang Khan and
so wise a woman that Mangu had in 1253 enjoined on Hulagu to take no
step without consulting her. Rashid ud din states that through her
influence Hulagu had favored the Christians and permitted them to build
churches in many parts of the Empire.
The death of Hulagu and his consort was deplored by the Christians, to
whom both had shown great respect. Near the entrance of Dokuz Khatun’s
palace was a church with its bell which tolled at all seasons. Hulagu
had five wives; from these, not counting other women, he had thirteen
sons and seven daughters.
Accounts have come down to us of interesting judgments connected with
Hulagu. On a time certain people came to him for justice; a file-maker
had killed a near relative of theirs, and they asked that the criminal
be given them for punishment. “Are file-makers numerous in the
country?” asked Hulagu. “They are few,” was the answer. Hulagu thought
a moment and answered: “I will give you a maker of pack saddles; since
there are many of these we can spare one more easily than a
file-maker.” The friends of the dead man declared that they wanted the
murderer. Hulagu would not yield, and gave them a cow as an equivalent.
A man lost his eye in a quarrel with a weaver, and came to get justice:
The prince put out the eye of a maker of arrows in satisfaction. Some
one asked why he did this. “A weaver,” said he, “needs both his eyes,
while one is enough for the arrowsmith; he always closes the other when
he tests the straightness of an arrow.”
A letter without signature or date was sent to Hulagu from a Pope,
supposed to be Alexander IV, though assigned to 1261. In this letter
the Pope declared his delight on hearing that Hulagu wished to be a
Catholic. “Think,” continued he, “how your power to subjugate Saracens
will be increased if Christian warriors assist you openly and with
force, as with God’s grace they would, sustained by Divine power under
the shield of Christianity. In shaping your actions by Catholic
teaching you will heighten your power and acquire endless glory.”
Hulagu is credited not only with favoring Christians, but learned men
of all creeds.
In the spring of 1266 Berkai began a second campaign in lands south of
the Caucasus. Abaka, who was Hulagu’s eldest son and successor, held
the right bank of the Kur with his forces. Abaka sent forward Yshmut,
his brother, who met Berkai’s first army commanded by Nogai. A stubborn
engagement took place near the Aksu. Nogai’s army was forced to retreat
on Shirvan in disorder, Nogai himself being wounded. Abaka now crossed
the Kur, but hearing of Berkai’s advance with a numerous army, he
recrossed and destroyed all the bridges.
Berkai came up with his forces and the two armies camped on opposite
sides of the river. They remained fifteen days in their places
discharging arrows at each other, and sending words of defiance and
ridicule. Neither could cross, hence no battle was possible. At last
Berkai marched up the river intending to cross at some point east of
Tiflis, but he died on the road, and that ended hostilities. His body
was taken to Sarai, and there it was buried, 1266. His army disbanded.
We must now return to the Kin Empire.
CHAPTER XV
DESTRUCTION OF THE KIN EMPIRE
Nin Kia Su, the Kin Emperor (his Chinese name was Shu siu), had sent to
Ogotai in 1229 his ambassador Ajuta with offerings to Jinghis Khan’s
spirit, but the new sovereign would accept naught from a ruler who had
refused to acknowledge Jinghis as his overlord.
The Mongols, not regarding the death of Jinghis, had continued their
warfare in China and pushed on through Shen si to the edge of the Sung
Empire. At the end of 1227 they besieged Si ho chin, a city southeast
of Kong chang and thirty leagues distant. The commandant defended the
place with great valor, but, seeing that the Mongols would conquer at
last, and then seize him, he invited Li shi, his wife, to think on her
destiny. “We have enjoyed the good will of our sovereign,” said the
woman, “we should die for the dynasty;” thereupon she took poison. Two
of his sons and their wives followed her example. When he had burned
the five bodies the commandant stabbed himself. Twenty-eight of his
dependents died with him.
In 1228 the Mongols pushed still farther south and Wanien Khada, the
Kin general, sent to oppose them a mounted force under Cheng ho shang,
who crushed a detachment eight thousand in number. This was the first
triumph won by the Chinese in three decades, and roused the desire of
resistance very greatly.
In 1228 the Mongol general Tukulku invested King yang fu, when a second
Kin envoy was sent to Mongolia with presents, which were not accepted.
Ogotai now gave command over all Chinese troops in his service to three
generals of that race, and made two of them governors.
In 1230 the Mongols were beaten a second time by Yra buka, a Kin
general, who stopped the siege of King yang by a victory. Elated by
success, Yra buka freed from confinement an envoy whom during his
regency Tului had sent with peace messages. While dismissing him the
Kin general boasted unwisely in the following phrases: “We have had
time to make ready. If ye wish battle now ye have only to come to us.”
This challenge was taken to Ogotai who acted at once and set out with
his brother Tului for China. They crossed the Hoang Ho and pushed on
toward the southern part of Shen si, where they took sixty forts and
laid siege to Fong tsiang, a large city.
The Kin government now saw the error in their treatment of the envoy,
and sent new terms of peace to the Mongols. The Grand Khan tried to
persuade this envoy to visit Fong tsiang and obtain its surrender, but
though threatened with death the man was immovable. Ogotai had the
beard of the envoy cut off and then he imprisoned him. The siege of
Fong tsiang was continued with vigor.
The Kin emperor, seeing that his generals were slow in sending aid,
hurried off Bai kua, his assistant, to urge them. They replied that
their troops were too few to challenge the great Mongol army. The
Emperor commanded to take men from Tung kwan, the strong fortress, give
battle at once to the enemy, and force the relief of Fong tsiang which
was sorely beleaguered.
An attack was made soon, but the battle was indecisive. The Kin forces
fell back the night following, however, and left the place to its own
strength and fortune. Antchar, who commanded the Mongols, blockaded
that city, captured places around it, kept out all provisions, and when
food and supplies were exhausted Fong tsiang had no choice save
surrender.
Master of Shen si, Ogotai was eager now for Honan, the last land of the
Kin Emperor, but this region was difficult to capture. On the north it
was bounded by the Hoang Ho, on the west it was guarded by high rugged
mountains, and the strong Tung kwan fortress. The Mongol officers were
seeking for means to overcome or elude these great obstacles when Li
chang go, a Kin officer, who had joined Ogotai’s service only after
Fong tsiang had surrendered, proposed to enter Honan from the south,
and traced out a route for the conquest. Tului saw that the plan was
the same as that traced by Jinghis on his death bed, and commended it
to Ogotai, his brother, immediately. Ogotai consulted his generals,
accepted the plan, and commissioned Tului to follow it.
It was agreed that the armies of the north and the south should meet at
Nan king in the following February. Ogotai sent Chubugan to the Sung
Emperor for permission to pass through a part of his country, but the
envoy was killed after crossing the boundary. The deed astounded the
Mongols, since the Sung court had requested their alliance somewhat
earlier. This killing gave a good pretext later on, however, for
attacking the Empire.
Tului marched straightway on Pao ki where he assembled thirty thousand
mounted warriors. First he captured the fortress Ta san kuan, destroyed
the city Fong chin and opened a way through the Hwa mountains, though
with immense labor. This mountain chain divides the Hoai water system
from the Han and formed for some distance the boundary between the two
Empires in China. Tului crossed this chain and thus entered Kin
regions. When he had taken one hundred and forty towns and strong
places, slain people in vast numbers, and driven others to barren
regions where they perished, he fixed his camp near the Han and there
he rested.
On seeing the enemy at the southern border the Kin Empire was
terrified. At the council called by the Emperor to find means of
defence the majority were in favor of placing the army in towns near
Nan king, where great stores must be gathered in quickly. The Mongols,
worn out by long marching, could not attack in the open and would be
forced back by sure famine. This plan did not please the Kin Emperor.
He declared that his subjects had made every sacrifice for the army, he
would not leave them then in that peril. He must defend Honan on the
north and the south at its boundaries; that was his final decision.
In view of the Emperor’s wishes an army corps was formed north of the
Hoang Ho, and another at Teng chu on the southern border. This second
army was composed of the forces of Wanien Khada and Yra buka who
arrived at Teng chu in 1232 during January, and were joined by Yang wu
yan, Cheng ho shang, and Wu shan, three Kin generals. While these
generals were discussing whether they were to fall on Tului at the
crossing of the Han, or after he had crossed it, they learned that he
was on their side already. They marched immediately and discovered the
enemy at the foot of Mount Yui in a chosen position. The Kin forces
attacked and a sharp struggle followed. The Mongols were inferior in
numbers and withdrew, but withdrew unmolested.
After some days the Kin generals were informed that the enemy had
retired to a forest. They resolved to return to Teng chu, subsist on
the provisions of the city, and spare their own rations. They passed by
mere chance near the forest; the Mongols sallied forth and attacked,
but only feigned serious fighting. Meanwhile the Kin cavalry seized the
Mongol baggage.
On reaching Teng chu the Kin generals reported that they had won a
great victory. Rejoicings at the court were sincere, but very short in
duration.
While Tului was advancing Ogotai was besieging Ho chung, or Pu chiu, a
strong city on the Hoang Ho, in Shan si near its southwestern corner. A
pyramidal tower two hundred feet high, immense earth mounds, and
tunnels were among the works used in attacking. Soon the towers and
wooden works on the walls of the city were ruined. Besieged and
besiegers had fought hand to hand fifteen days when the city was taken.
Thirty-five days had the place been invested. The governor Tsao ho was
captured arms in hand and put to death at direction of Ogotai. Bau tse,
the commandant, escaped by the river with three thousand men, and went
to Nan king, where the Kin Emperor killed him.
Ogotai received now, through a courier, an account from Tului of the
Honan situation and crossed the Hoang Ho without waiting. He ordered
Tului to meet him. On hearing of this movement by Ogotai, the Kin
Emperor gave orders to cut dikes near the capital, flood the country
about it, and thus stop the enemy. Thirty thousand men were sent to
guard the great river, but when Kia ku saho, the commander, learned
that Ogotai was already on the south side he retreated. In their march
forward the Mongols came on the men cutting dikes, attacked them,
stopped their work, and slew many thousands.
Tului divided his army into numerous detachments. With these he covered
a great stretch of country, and watched the Kin army as it moved
northward slowly. Harassed on their march, retarded by wind, rain, and
snow, exhausted by marching and hunger, the Kin troops were met finally
by a eunuch of the Emperor with an order to move to the capital
speedily and succor it. They had hardly touched food for three days,
and were mortally weary. While preparing to encamp, they were
surrounded on a sudden by Ogotai and Tului, who had just brought their
forces together.
The Kin generals charged on the Mongols and strove to cut through them.
Many chiefs fell while leading their warriors. Wanien Khada forced his
way to Yiu chiu. Tului laid siege to that city immediately; dug a moat
round the walls, took the place, and found Wanien Khada. When captured
Wanien asked to be brought before Subotai. “Thou hast but a moment to
live,” remarked Subotai, “why wish to see me?” “Heaven, not chance,
gives us heroes. Now that I have seen thee, I close my eyes without
sorrow,” replied the Kin general.
When Subotai’s fury had calmed somewhat Cheng ho shang, who was also in
the city, came out of his hiding and asked to be taken to the chief of
the Mongols. “If I had perished in the rush of defeat,” said he to
Tului, “some men might declare me a traitor; now all will see how I
die, and must know that I am honest.” He would not submit, though the
Mongols tried long to induce him to do so. To make the man kneel they
chopped both his feet off, and split his mouth to the ears to force
silence; but he ceased not to say in his keen ghastly torment that he
would not befoul himself by treason. Struck by his fortitude and elated
by kumis (their liquor distilled from mare’s milk) the Mongols called
out to him: “If thou art ever recalled to this life, splendid warrior,
be born in our company!”
Yra buka was seized on the road to the capital while fleeing. They took
him to Ogotai: “Submit and be saved,” said the Emperor. To every
proposal the answer was: “I am a lord of the Kin Empire, I must be true
to my sovereign.” Yra buka suffered death like the others. Thus
perished the Kin generals, nobly, but without any profit. The best of
the army had already perished.
Some days after the capture of Yiu chiu Ogotai visited Tului at his
camp ground and listened with delight to his narrative of the march
from Fong tsiang, during which immense difficulties had been overcome,
especially lack of food, which was such that his men had been forced to
eat grass, and the flesh of human beings.
The Grand Khan applauded his brother for skill in that perilous
enterprise. Tului replied, that success was due mainly to the valor and
endurance of his warriors, and the fortune attendant on the sovereign
of the Mongols.
When he heard of Tului’s achievement, the Kin Emperor summoned to his
capital all troops entrusted with defending Honan on its western
border; hence the two generals commanding on that side, and the
governors of Tung kwan, the great fortress, united their forces, which
amounted to one hundred and ten thousand foot with five thousand
horsemen, and moved toward Shan chiu, a city south of the Hoang Ho. Two
hundred barges were to bear supplies eastward, but the Mongols seized
those supplies before they were laden, and when their forces appeared
at Tung kwan the man left in command there delivered that mighty
defence of Honan to them, and betrayed all the movements about to be
made by his Emperor’s army.
The Mongols advanced on Shan chiu, without obstacle. The Kins retired
toward the mountains of Thie ling followed by vast crowds of people of
every age and both sexes, who had hoped for a shelter in the mountains.
As they advanced melting snow made the roads very difficult and
sometimes impassable. Pursued by the victors, their aged people and
children who lagged behind were cut down without mercy. One Kin general
surrendered, but still the captors beheaded him; the others were
overtaken and slain as was also the chief Tung kwan governor.
Defence in the west of Honan collapsed utterly. Fourteen cities fell;
only two held out bravely. One of these, Ho yang, or Ho nan fu, became
famous. This place was defended by three thousand men who remained from
the western army. After a furious bombardment, continuing some days,
the Mongols made a breach in the walls of Ho yang. The governor deemed
the place lost, and, since he would not survive the disgrace of
surrender, he sprang into the moat and thus drowned himself. The
defenders then chose Kiang chin, a real hero, to lead them. Under him a
most desperate resistance was organized. The place held out for three
months, till the Mongols, still thirty thousand in number, grown sick
and weary of attacking, left that brave city after one hundred and
fifty assaults had been made on it.
Ogotai, now master of nearly all places around the Kin capital, fixed
his camp fourteen leagues to the west of it, and sent Subotai to finish
the struggle.
Nan king (Southern capital) at that time was twelve leagues in
circumference. Inside the walls a hundred thousand men were assembled
to defend it. Desiring to rouse public feeling to the highest the
Emperor gave out a stirring appeal to the people written by Chao wun
ping, a great scholar. The siege had begun when Ogotai sent an envoy to
persuade the Kin Emperor to submit himself. Ogotai asked that the
following people be sent first of all to him as hostages: Chao wun
ping, a sage of distinction; Kung yuan tse, a descendant of Confucius,
with some other great scholars, and twenty-seven families among the
most noted; all families of men who had submitted to the Mongols; the
wife and children of Yra buka, the heroic Kin general; young women
skilled in embroidery, and also men trained well as falconers. The Kin
Emperor accepted every condition and offered Uko, his nephew, besides,
as a hostage while Egudeh, his procurator, was discussing final peace
with the Khan of the Mongols.
In spite of these marks of submission Subotai continued the siege with
great vigor. The command had been given him, he said, to capture the
capital and he was obeying it. He had planted long lines of catapults;
captive women, young girls, old men, and children were carrying
fascines and bundles of straw to fill moats and ditches. Fearing to
stop negotiations, the Kin general commanding forbade to reply to
attacks of the Mongols. This order roused indignation. The Kin Emperor
showed himself in the city to the people, attended by a few horsemen
only. A body of officers came to him complaining that they were not
allowed to defend themselves, though the moat was already half filled
by the enemy: “I am ready to be a mere tributary and a vassal to
safeguard my subjects,” said the Emperor. “I send my one son this day
as a hostage, so be patient till he has gone from me. If the enemy does
not retire there will be time then for a life and death struggle.”
The young prince set out that same day with Li tsi, a state minister,
but as the attack was continued, the Kin ruler indignant at Mongol
duplicity gave the signal for action.
Subotai had set up an immense line of catapults and hurled large,
jagged millstones with dreadful impetus. At the end of some days of
ceaseless hurling, stones were piled up at points almost to the top of
the ramparts; the towers, though built of strong timber from old
palaces, were broken. To deaden the effect of these millstones the
towers were backed with huge bags filled with wheat-straw, and horse
dung, covered with felt and tied with cords very firmly, also planks
faced with untanned hides of buffaloes. The Mongols hurled fire with
ballistas to burn the defences. No projectile, however, could injure
those strange massive walls of the fortress, which were mainly of clay
grown as solid as iron.
The besieged made use of inflammable projectiles, that is, iron pots
filled with powder of some kind. These pots hurled out by ballistas or
let down by strong chains burst with great noise, maiming men or
destroying them a hundred feet from the place of explosion. Attack and
defence were original and vigorous. Some of the Mongols, well shielded
by raw hides of buffalo, approached, dug holes in the walls and
remained there at work safe from all missiles. The besieged hurled
spears carrying fireworks which exploding burned everything within
thirty feet of them. These two kinds of projectiles were greatly feared
by the Mongols.
After assaults which continued sixteen days, almost without interval,
during which time it was said, though of course incorrectly, that a
million of men fell, Subotai sent a message declaring that as
discussions for peace were in progress hostilities would cease
altogether, and he prepared to withdraw to some distance.
The Emperor in answer sent rich parting presents to the Mongol general
and his officers. One month after this truce a plague broke out in the
capital, and during fifty days coffins to the number of nine hundred
thousand, as the account runs, were borne from the city; besides there
were corpses of indigent people which were put in the earth without
coffins or boxes.
During discussions for peace, a Mongol envoy, Tang tsing, with a suite
of thirty persons, was slain in Pien king by the populace. This deed
went unpunished and unnoted by the Chinese, hence command was given
Subotai to attack the Kin capital a second time. Ogotai had also
another complaint against the Kin sovereign: Nin kia su had taken into
his service, and even rewarded, a general of the Mongols who, not
enduring his chief, had passed to the Kin side and yielded up cities
which were under his control.
When his capital was invested a second time the Kin Emperor summoned Wu
shan, a commander who, after defeat, had retired on Nan yang, where he
had formed a new army. Two governors were summoned in also by the
Emperor, one from the south, the other from the west. Wu shan advanced
to a place twenty leagues from the capital. He saw Mongol forces at
that point and sent to the governor who was nearest to join him, but
the governor would not come and marched on alone till he also met
Mongols. Then his troops broke and fled without fighting. On receiving
news of this flight Wu shan and his forces fell back on Nan yang very
speedily. Chiga Katrika was sent with a corps to give aid to Wu shan,
but when he learned what had happened he left all his baggage and fled
to Nan king in the night time.
These defeats destroyed in the Emperor every hope of resistance. Want
increased daily, communications were cut for the greater part, and at
last Nin kia su resolved to abandon his capital, leaving behind the two
Empresses and the whole reigning family. Before going he intrusted
command to San ya pu and gave precious gifts both to officers and
soldiers to rouse them to the utmost.
That day the Kong chang commandant marched into the capital with his
army corps, and declared that the country was ruined for thirty leagues
westward, so the Emperor went to the east,—he could not go elsewhere.
When twenty leagues from Nan king he crossed the Hoang Ho near Tsao
hien with the hope of exciting Shan tung to assist him in saving the
capital.
Barely was the Emperor on the northern bank with a part of his army
when such a wind rose that the troops on the south could not follow. On
the southern bank of the river appeared now a Mongol division sent out
by Subotai, and a fierce conflict followed in which the Kins lost two
generals; one was taken captive, the other surrendered. One thousand
men perished, drowned for the greater part.
When he heard of his lieutenant’s victory, Subotai invested the capital
with every possible severity. The Emperor now despatched Baksan, a
prince of the blood, and a descendant of Ho li pu, to secure the city
Wei chiu. Baksan let his men pillage all that they came on while
marching. This enraged the inhabitants who, instead of assisting the
Emperor, fled to Wei chiu and closed its gates to his warriors. After
some days Baksan heard of a hostile advance and withdrew, but was
followed by She tian tse, a Mongol commander. He himself carried news
of his failure to the Emperor, whom he urged to recross the Hoang Ho,
retreat to Kwe te fu and be safe there. The Emperor crossed in the
night with seven officers, and found refuge in the place pointed out to
him. The troops heard of their Emperor’s flight the day following, and
scattered immediately.
The people of Pien king lost courage greatly, but still they resisted.
The Mongols closed in on them; food soon rose to fabulous prices,
people perished of hunger, officials of the Empire begged on the
streets; there were even men who ate their own wives and children.
Houses were torn down for fuel. The Emperor sent an official to conduct
out his consort and the dowager Empress in secret, but he failed in the
effort. This attempt roused the populace: “He has left us to our fate,”
said they, in despair.
At this evil juncture Tsui li, who commanded the eastern side of the
capital, made himself master of the city in all parts. He had the
governor of the palace, the minister of state and ten other high
dignitaries killed in his presence. Immediately afterward he proclaimed
them as worthy of death for their failure in duty. He entered the
palace with armed hand, held a council and proclaimed Prince Wa nien
tsung ko as regent. He sent men in the name of the Emperor’s mother to
bring that prince to the city. He came without delay and was now
regent. Tsui li made himself first minister, chief commander and head
of the Imperial Council. One of his brothers was made city governor,
and another one prefect of the palace. All his dependents had places.
He judged now that he needed the Mongols to protect him in office, and
he sent his submission to Subotai. That commander approached the main
gate of the city. Tsui li, arrayed in royal fashion, went out with a
brilliant attendance to the Mongol, as he might to a father. On
returning Tsui li, to prove his submission to Subotai, burned the
outlooks and the wooden towers on the walls of the city. A little later
he had the regent, the Empresses, and all members of the reigning
family assemble in a palace which was guarded by his confidants. He
went himself then to live in the Emperor’s palace. He sent jewels and
other precious objects to Subotai from the treasury; he sent even the
state robes of the Emperor and Empress as gifts to the Mongol
commander.
Tsui li summoned now to his palace the daughters and wives of all those
great lords who had gone with the Emperor, and detained those of them
who pleased him. Next came an edict compelling the people to bring
their silver and gold to the palace. After this came domiciliary
visits, and many men perished under torture while striving to save even
some of their wealth from Tsui li’s endless rapacity. During a visit
made by this man and his wife to the Empresses, who recompensed him for
services alleged but never rendered, the two helpless women gave Tsui
li the most precious effects in their possession. He brought the
dowager to write to her son, the Emperor, urging him to submit to the
Mongols. This letter was taken to Nin kia su by his nurse, an old
woman. Tsui li now seized the two Empresses, the regent, all members of
the reigning family, male and female, to the number of five hundred,
and sent them to Subotai’s camp ground in chariots; he sent Kung yuan
tse, a very wise person, a descendant of Confucius; he sent men learned
in law and philosophy, and in the Taoist religion; he sent also
physicians, artists, actors and embroiderers.
All men of the reigning family were put to death straightway by
Subotai. The two Empresses and the princesses were sent to Mongolia;
while traveling to Kara Kurum they suffered want and privations of
every kind.
Foreseeing the fall of the capital Subotai made a statement to Ogotai,
the Grand Khan, substantially as follows: “The city has made such
resistance, so many warriors and officers of the Mongols have fallen,
that, by the law of Jinghis, we should pillage it.” Ye liu chu tsai
hurried to the Khan and explained that those people would be his
subjects, that among them were many men of great skill and value, that
by killing them he would ruin the profit of his conquest. Ogotai
hearkened to the wise counsel of Ye liu, and ordered that none should
suffer death except members of the Kin family. Thus the kind minister
saved many people. He also had the law canceled which ordained death to
inhabitants of cities taken by storm, or by siege operations.
And now let us find the Kin sovereign. Soon after his arrival at Kwe te
fu the fleeing Emperor, to satisfy his troops, who declared that Baksan
had caused the defeats in Shan tung, had the man tried by a council of
war and then executed.
Fucha kuan nu, a certain general, seized control of Kwe te fu after
killing Li tsi with three hundred mandarins, and also the governor.
Kuan nu’s mother had been captured after Baksan’s defeat. Temutai, a
Mongol commander, was besieging a town twenty leagues south of Kwe te
fu; the Emperor charged Kuan nu to insinuate to Temutai that if his
(Kuan nu’s) mother were restored he would bring the Emperor to accept
peace conditions. Temutai sent back the woman, and began to negotiate.
Kwan nu and Temutai had held many meetings. Meanwhile Kwan nu prepared
a secret attack, and surprised the Mongol camp during night hours;
arrows with fireworks increased the confusion. Temutai’s forces fled,
and he lost more than three thousand men in crossing a river. Kwan nu,
made chief commander because of this victory, now obtained complete
control, and left not a trace of authority to the Emperor.
At this juncture Uku lun hao, governor of districts in Southern Honan,
proposed that the Emperor make Tsai chiu his capital. Nin kia su was
quite willing, but Kuan nu would not hear of a change which would cost
him control of the Emperor’s person. There was no outcome now for the
Emperor but to be rid of the minister, so one day Kuan nu was killed
while entering his sovereign’s chamber. The falling monarch had still
one hope left in connection with Tsai chiu: Wu shan, a general in the
south of Honan, had a force seventy thousand in number. Ogotai the year
previous had made a treaty with Li tsong, the Sung Emperor, and the
latter, thinking it time to destroy the ancient foe of his dynasty, had
agreed to send troops to Honan on condition that after the fall of the
Kins that whole region be restored to his Empire. Meng kong, who led
the Sung army, now attacked and defeated Wu shan in the Ma teng group
of mountains. He captured, moreover, nine forts which that general had
held there, receiving besides the surrender of all that was left of his
army.
The Kin Emperor had set out for Tsai chiu before this disaster. His
escort was nearly three hundred men; of these only fifty were mounted.
On arriving he placed at the head of affairs Hu sha hu, a member of his
family, a general of skill and a statesman. This minister made every
possible effort to form a new army; soon he had ten thousand mounted
men, as the nucleus of his forces. It was his plan to convey the
Emperor to Kong chang, a safe place in Shen si, and act then with
vigor, but the sovereign’s intimates were opposed to this journey, and
prevailed on him to stay in Tsai chiu to the ruin of himself, and his
dynasty.
The apparent remoteness of the Mongols gave confidence for the moment,
but the Mongols soon made their appearance. Small parties came from the
army of Tatchar, who was only waiting for the capture of Lo yang to
surround the Kin sovereign’s last refuge. Lo yang had sustained a long
siege, and had forced the Mongols to raise it. Tsi yang shen, who had
rendered great service in regions north of the river, was still in
command. His forces, however, were few, and long resistance was this
time impossible; hence he put himself now at the head of a chosen party
and strove to break through the enemy, but was seized arms in hand
fighting valiantly. Tatchar tried to win over so splendid a warrior,
and implored him most earnestly to show homage to Ogotai, to prostrate
himself with face looking northward, but he bowed toward the south,
saluting in this way Nin kia su, his own Emperor, and suffered death
for his action.
Tatchar was the son of Boroul, one of Jinghis Khan’s four great heroes,
and now being free he moved on Tsai chiu to end the Kin dynasty. His
army was reinforced by twenty thousand good warriors under Meng kong
and Kiang hai, whom the Sung Emperor had sent because of his alliance
with Ogotai. The two commanders brought with them three hundred
thousand sacks of rice for the Mongols. After two months’ blockade
provisions were so scarce in the city that human flesh was used as food
and disease ravaged terribly. The defenders armed every man who could
labor. All young women who had strength enough dressed in men’s
clothes, and carried fagots and stones to defend the last refuge of the
Emperor. After many attacks the Sung forces and the Mongols made a
fierce assault, and seized a small part of the bulwarks. To their
astonishment they found a new wall in the rear of the first one, and a
broad moat between them.
Nin kia su, when he saw hostile flags on the outer wall, lost courage,
and said as he turned to the friends who were near him, “I have ruled
for ten years and shown no great crimes or failings, still the fate of
wicked princes is ready to strike me. Death has no terror for me, but
to be the last sovereign of a line which has flourished for more than a
century, and to think that history may confound me with rulers who have
ruined their dynasties by wickedness,—this is the one thing which
tortures me. Sovereigns who survive loss of power are kept in
confinement, or despised by men generally; I would not survive to be
treated in either way. Heaven knows my decision.”
Nin kia su, however, made one more attempt to save himself. He gave all
his goods to men of the garrison, took a few followers, and sallied
forth in disguise during night hours, but he could not elude the keen
watch of the enemy, and was forced to return to the city. He yielded to
fate then and had his horses all killed to be food for the garrison. On
the day of the new year the besieged heard songs and sounds of music;
the Mongols were celebrating their festival. In distress and dire need
the besieged had boiled and eaten all the hides and leather in the
city, also old drums, boots and saddles, and they had left to them a
meal of grass and weeds with the pounded bones of dead men and
animals—they had eaten already the old and decrepit inhabitants, the
captives and the wounded, and now they would eat the crushed bones of
those people when the flesh was all stripped from them.
Meng kong, the Sung general, informed by deserters of this terrible
hunger, resolved to surprise the failing city. His men with their
mouths gagged moved to the storm in safe silence. With ladders they
entered through live breaches made in the western walls of the city,
and fought with desperation till sunset when they were forced out
decisively, but the besieged had lost their first chiefs and best
warriors. During the night Nin kia su yielded the throne to Ching lin,
brother of Baksan who was put to death for the Shan tung disaster. This
prince, descended directly from the Emperor Ho li pu, was charged with
defending the Eastern side of the city. Ching lin had no wish to accept
the sad gift, and fell prostrate with weeping. “I give thee the throne
during terrible need and disaster,” said the Emperor. “The size of my
body prevents me from fleeing on horseback, but thou mayest save
thyself, thou art courageous and swift; thou mayst rescue the dynasty
and bring back dominion; this is the real position.”
Ching lin took the seal, and was raised to the throne on the morrow.
But even while this ceremony was in progress the western gate was
broken down and Meng kong rushed into the city. Kiang hai and Tatchar
rushed in with him. Hu sha hu fought in the streets at the head of a
chosen thousand of warriors. Nin kia su, seeing no escape possible on
any side, announced to his intimates that he was ready to die and
charged them to burn his dead body. After that he hanged himself.
Hu sha hu now told his officers that further resistance was useless,
and, lest some ignoble hand might take life from him, he sprang into
the river and drowned himself. Five officers with five hundred men
followed his example, and died in that river. The palace officials
burned the Emperor’s body immediately. Ching lin, when he learned what
had happened, hurried to pay the last tribute to the body; he had
barely finished all needful libations when the city was taken.
Meng kong shared with Tatchar everything belonging to the Emperor,
besides all the jewels which they could find in the palace. Ching lin
was slain that same day by his own warriors. In this way the Kins were
deprived of dominion in China May, 1234. Their dynasty of nine
sovereigns reigned one century and eighteen years. Excepting Kong chang
fu all places which belonged to that dynasty surrendered. The Sung
Emperor rejoiced much and gave many festivals while thus rejoicing at
the fall of an enemy. He offered the ashes and bones of the last of the
Kins to his ancestors. Foolish man, he had given aid to a much greater
and more terrible enemy than the one who had vanished, and had assured
the near destruction of his own house and dynasty.
Ogotai, the Grand Khan, and Tului, his brother, returned to Kara Kurum
two years before the Kin downfall. After Ogotai had crossed the Hoang
Ho, and Tului had passed through Honan, the completion of the work was
left to the competent Subotai. Tului died in October, 1232, soon after
his return to Mongolia. He was forty years of age. Juveini states that
his life was shortened by excessive drinking. He was the favorite son
of Jinghis under whom he had learned war in all its phases and details.
His campaign in Honan was admired with much reason. When still a boy
his father had him married to Siur Kukteni, a niece of Wang Khan, and
daughter of Jagambu his brother, a woman noted for wisdom. From this
princess Tului had four sons: Mangu, Kubilai, Hulagu and Arik Buga.
CHAPTER XVI
EXPEDITION AGAINST CHINA AND DEATH OF OGOTAI
In 1234 a great Kurultai was summoned by Ogotai at Talantepe, and one
at Kara Kurum, his new capital, the year following. At the second
Kurultai it was decided to make three great expeditions: One against
the Sung Empire; another to bring down Corea, which had shaken off
Mongol rule; a third to countries north of the Caspian, the Caucasus
and the Black Sea, and westward indefinitely. The Grand Khan wished to
march himself with this last expedition, but at the instance of princes
of his family he yielded, and appointed Batu, second son of Juchi, to
chief command in those regions.
An army under Hukatu was sent to the borders of Cashmir and India.
Persia had been reconquered by Chormagun. Jelal ud din had perished in
1231, there was no male descendant of the Kwaresmian Shah, and Iran was
governed by Mongol officials.
The attack on Corea was of easy execution, but the expedition against
China was difficult, and to it we will turn in advance of the others.
After the destruction of the Kin dynasty the Mongols disregarded their
agreement with the Sung sovereign and yielded up merely a small part of
Honan, a southeastern bit of that province, joining all the rest to
their own immense Empire. Chao fan and Chao kwe, two Imperial princes,
were indignant at this perfidy, and explained to their Emperor, that
the Hoang Ho was the true northern boundary of the Empire, to which
southern Shen si should be added; they urged the need of using force to
win that which had been refused them, that which was theirs, both by
right and agreement. They must regain their ancient capitals: Pien
king, Lo yang, and Si ngan fu. Members of the council declared that
this policy would bring back the Mongols, that it would be disastrous
to send warriors from afar to hold ruined cities which they would have
to provision, moreover the Empire lacked money, trained troops, and
good generals. The Emperor Li tsong was deaf to these arguments, and
gave command promptly to march on Pien king with a corps of ten
thousand.
Meanwhile Tsui li, who had given Pien king to the Mongols, was made
master in that capital. The three chiefs, who served under him, were so
incensed at his arrogance, that they swore to destroy the vile traitor.
The moment these men heard that a Sung general was advancing with an
army they declared to him their submission by letter, feigning
meanwhile to work in accord with Tsui li the deceiver and tyrant. To
carry out their plot better Li po yuan, one of the three, had fire set
to a gate of the city, Tsui li hurried to the place and when he arrived
there Li po yuan, who had gone with him, plunged a dagger blade into
his body so deftly that Tsui li fell from his horse and died near the
feet of the animal. Soldiers posted at the gate for the purpose
attacked the attendants of the dead man and finished them promptly.
Tsui li’s body was tied to the tail of a horse and dragged to the
palace, where Li po yuan spoke to the people in these words: “Tsui li
was a murderer, a robber, a tyrant, a debauchee, and an infamous
traitor. No man so evil as he has lived in old times, or in our day.
Did he merit death?” “To chop such a man into bits while alive would be
very small punishment!” shouted out thousands. His head was exposed to
the people and his body was made a burnt offering to the spirit of Nin
kia su, the late Emperor. Tsuan tse tsai, the Sung general, occupied
Pien king, and his force was strengthened soon by another of fifty
thousand. From these two armies reinforcements were sent to Lo yang
without waiting.
On hearing that Li tsong had invaded Honan Ogotai began action
immediately. His troops surprised, near Lo yang, a second Sung corps
fifteen thousand in number, which marching from Pien king to Lo yang
had pitched its camp at the Ho on the bank of that river. The Mongols
scattered this corps and camped near the walls of the city. The Chinese
issued forth and engaged them. Neither side won, but the Sung troops
were forced to abandon Lo yang through a dearth of provisions. Through
lack of food also the Sung generals left Pien king and turned
southward. The cities of Northern Honan were nearly deserted, and all
of them suffered from hunger.
Ogotai recalled Subotai, whom he destined for Europe, and sent to the
Sung court an envoy to reproach it with oath breaking. Li tsong sent
his envoy to Kara Kurum to allay the coming tempest, but the journey
was useless, war had been fixed at the Kurultai. Three army corps were
now to attack the Sung Empire, one under command of Prince Kutan,
Ogotai’s second son, aided by Tagai, a general who was to invade Su
chuan, that great western province; a second, under Prince Kutchu, the
third son of Ogotai, while the generals Temutai and Chauju were to
march on Hu kuang and subject it. In Kiang nan a third army was to act
under Chagan and Prince Khon Buga.
Kutan marched through Shen si and, while passing Chung changan,
received from the governor the submission of that city, the only one in
all the Kin Empire which had not yielded to the Mongols. Kutan left the
governor in office, but commanded him to march with his warriors who
were placed in the vanguard. Kutan passed through Han chong
southwestward, took Mian chiu, whose commandant Gao kia was killed
during battle. Chao yan na, the governor of Han chung, hastened to
occupy Tsing yen, the key of Su chuan, and was besieged there by
Mongols, but Tsao yuan, the commandant of Lu chiu, hurried forward to
help him, and drove the Mongol chief northward. Next Tsao threw himself
on Ta an, besieged by Wang shi hien, saved that city, at least for a
season, and retired, after defeating a large Mongol force in the
neighborhood.
These successes were gained over Kutan’s advance guard. When his main
forces appeared the Chinese, who were greatly inferior in numbers, met
them between Su chuan and Shen si, in wild mountain defiles, but had to
flee near Yang ping and cease their resistance. After this victory the
Mongols entered Su chuan without serious effort. In one month they took
many cities, seized the best parts of the province, and massacred
multitudes of people. The governor of Wen chau, unable to defend the
place, poisoned his family, cremated their bodies, burned up what
belonged to the treasury, burned his own property, his diploma of
office, and then stabbed himself as the Mongols were bursting into the
city. His lieutenant was chopped into bits by the victors, who put to
the sword every soul that remained, both of troops and inhabitants.
When he had ruined Su chuan in the west Prince Kutan went back to Shen
si, and the Chinese returned to their ruins. In 1237 Ching tu was
reoccupied by the Chinese, but in 1239 Tagai, Kutan’s assistant,
reëntered Su chuan, captured many places, took Ching tu and sacked it a
second time. He wished now to enter Hu kuang, the next province, by
Kwei chiu, a city on the north bank of the river Yang tse, but Meng
kong, the Sung general, had put western Hu kuang into such a good state
of defence, that this plan was a failure; he even took Kwei chiu from
the Mongols.
Meanwhile Prince Kutchu, whose chief camp was at Teng chu in Honan,
entered Hu kuang in 1236. To him the commandants of Siang yang fu
surrendered the city with immense stores in it. Kutchu took Tsao yang,
he took also Li ngan, but died shortly after.
Prince Kutchu was beloved greatly by Ogotai, and to him he had destined
the Empire.
Temutai laid siege now to King chiu, but Meng kong, who was sent by the
governor of the province, defeated him at the walls of the city and
freed twenty thousand Chinese who were captives.
At the end of 1237 Khon Buga, the Mongol prince, captured three cities
abandoned by their commandants, and advanced to Hoang chiu on the river
Yang tse and besieged the place, but was forced later on to withdraw
from it. He laid siege to another large city the year following but
failed to take it.
In 1238 the Mongol general, Chagan, invested Liu chiu, a city of Kiang
nan; a sudden and vigorous sortie forced his withdrawal, and he lost
some part of his force while retreating. In 1239 Meng kong gained three
victories over the Mongols and captured four cities. In February, 1240,
Wang tsie, the Mongol envoy, appeared at the Sung court for the fifth
time, with offers of peace which were rejected. Wang tsie died before
his mission was ended, and the Sung governor delivered his body to the
Mongols. In the beginning of 1240 also a number of Mongol army corps
marched by various roads into China. No further mention, however, of
fighting is made till after Ogotai’s death the year following.
While Mongol armies were attacking Corea, ravaging China, devastating
Russia, Hungary, and Poland, and spreading dismay throughout Western
Europe, Ogotai was passing his time in delights, enjoying the chase,
and his own taste for drinking. At Kara Kurum, where he had built a
magnificent palace called the Ordu Balik and by thirty-seven relays of
posts connected the city with China, he passed only one month of the
springtime, the rest of that season he lived a day’s journey from the
capital, in a palace called Kertchagan built by Persians, who strove to
outdo or to rival those architects from China who at Kara Kurum had
shown what their skill was. From Kertchagan he went back to Kara Kurum
for some days and then passed the summer at Ormektua where he held
court in a white Chinese tent, lined with silk embroidered with gold
very deftly. In this tent, known as the Sarai Ordu, or Golden Horde,
there was room for one thousand persons. The Grand Khan spent forty
days at Lake Kosa. From there he went to Ongki near the Great Gobi
desert where he lived all the winter; that was the time of grand
hunting and field sports. In this region Ogotai had an enormous corral,
or inclosure of earth and stakes called chehik. It was six miles in
circuit, and had many doors to it. Troops stationed at long distances
on all sides had orders to advance on this central inclosure and urge
forward beasts, driving them through the doors into this immense
roofless prison. Game was killed first by the Grand Khan and then by
his family, permission going down by degrees till common men had their
chance finally.
Ogotai drank to excess, for which Jinghis had reprimanded him
frequently. Jagatai, to whom he deferred very notably, charged an
official to see that he drank only a given number of cups each evening.
Ogotai dared not disobey his elder brother, but he eluded the order by
using larger cups, and the officer was silent.
One day Ye liu chu tsai brought in an iron ring greatly rusted by wine.
“If wine acts on iron in this way, how must it injure the stomach?”
said Chu tsai. This example struck Ogotai greatly, but he could not
shake off the habit. One day in March, 1241, he fell ill after hunting.
Turakina, his wife, alarmed very seriously, turned to Chu tsai hoping
that he might bring Heaven to restore the Grand Khan to her. Chu tsai
counseled just deeds and benevolence. “Power has been given by the
Khan,” said he, “to men who sell places, and traffic in justice.
Innocent people are groaning in prison because they have revolted
against the wrongs done them. Let an amnesty be issued.” Turakina
wished to have the amnesty published immediately, but the minister told
her that this could be done only at Ogotai’s order.
When the Khan came again to his senses all men imprisoned, or exiled,
were pardoned. He regained his health that time, but a new attack came
some months later. Against Chu tsai’s advice he had hunted five days in
succession. On the way from the field he sat drinking till midnight.
The sixth morning his body was lifeless. This Grand Khan had reigned
nearly thirteen years, and was fifty-six years of age at his death
hour, December 11, 1241. He was mild for a Mongol of that time, fond of
luxury and generous in gift giving. He was tolerant of the various
religions, and in general very amiable considering his position. He was
fond of hunting and wrestling, often sending to Persia for renowned
wrestlers. He was a statesman as well as conqueror, and framed laws
which held the Mongol Empire together for a long period.
After Ogotai’s death all the roads to his residence were guarded
immediately, so that no man might leave the place and couriers were
sent off in every direction to stop travelers wherever they might find
them, till the members of the Grand Khan’s family had officially
received the tidings of his death.
Ogotai had appointed Kutchu, his third son, to be his successor, but
this young prince died in Hu kuang five years earlier, 1236. Shiramun,
son of Kutchu, had been at the court, and Ogotai destined him also to
Empire. But Turakina, a self-willed and determined woman, wished Kuyuk,
her own eldest son, to be chief of all Mongols. Kuyuk, born in 1206,
had served against the Kin Empire; later he had gone to the west with
Batu. Ogotai had ordered him back very recently, and he was on the way
home when he heard of the death of his father.
Princes of the blood and chiefs of the army received invitations from
Ogotai’s widow to assemble for the Kurultai; meanwhile at the instance
of Jagatai and others the regency was given to Turakina. The regency
began by ejecting Ching kai the grand chancellor, an Uigur. A
Mohammedan, Abd ur Rahman, who had come some time earlier to Mongolia
with merchandise, had won the good-will of Turakina completely; a short
time before Ogotai’s death he had offered to farm all the revenues of
China. Chu tsai had fixed the income of parts lying north of the Hoang
Ho at five hundred thousand ounces of silver. After Honan had been
conquered the receipts rose to one million one hundred thousand. Abd ur
Rahman offered two million two hundred thousand; Chu tsai replied that
five millions might be collected, but that sum, he said, would be
grievous to tax payers. Turakina, putting aside the advice of Chu tsai,
now gave Abd ur Rahman control of the finances of the Empire. It is
stated that Chu tsai, foreseeing the destruction of all that he had
labored for, grew despondent and died of grief. In any case this
remarkable man died June, 1244, at the age of fifty-five years. By his
influence over Ogotai he had saved many lives. He had also founded two
colleges, one at Yan King, the other at Pin Yan in Shan si, and
published a work on astronomy.
Soon after Ogotai’s death Temugu, his uncle, who was Jinghis Khan’s
youngest brother, approached the Khan’s residence with his army, and
made a faint move toward a seizure of the Empire. Turakina sent to ask
why he came to “his daughter” so numerously attended, and sent him his
son, who had been living at Ogotai’s residence. On hearing that Kuyuk
had arrived from the west and had reached the Imil where his yurta was
established Temugu dropped his plan, and replied that he wished to
condole with his daughter on the loss of her husband; after that he
withdrew to his own place.
The assembly to elect a new sovereign was to be at Talantepe, but did
not meet till 1246, because of Batu’s endless loitering. Batu liked
neither Kuyuk, nor the regent, his mother, and feigned to have a sore
leg which prevented his traveling. As he was the eldest prince of the
family the other members were loath to elect a new sovereign in his
absence.
At the prayer of the regent Batu at last gave his word to be present at
the Kurultai, but he came not, so the Kurultai was assembled without
him, and Kuyuk was elected.
Turakina died two months after Kuyuk was made Grand Khan, thereupon the
many enemies of Fatima, a Persian woman, the adviser and intimate of
Turakina, conspired to destroy her. She was accused by a Samarkand
Moslem, named Shira, of having brought on Prince Kutan, Kuyuk’s
brother, the disease from which he was suffering at that time. Kutan
sent an officer to Kuyuk to complain of Fatima, and demand that she be
punished should his illness prove fatal. Kutan died, hence Kuyuk
commanded the trial of Fatima. She was bastinadoed and tortured till
she declared herself guilty. Every opening of her body save her nose
was sewed up and closed tightly; after suffering dreadful anguish for a
time she was wrapped in felt blankets firmly and thrown into a river;
her friends were put to death also. The turn came soon to Shira himself
who, accused of bewitching a son of Kuyuk, was put to death with his
wife and whole family.
Kuyuk, suffering from gout, the result of drink and dissipation, set
out in 1248, during spring, for his own domains to find a more favoring
climate. Siur Kukteni, Tului’s widow, fearing lest Kuyuk might be
hostile to her nephew Batu, who had not come to do homage, warned the
latter to be on his guard at all seasons. There was no reason, however,
for this caution, since Kuyuk died on the road, being seven days’
journey from Bish Balik, the Uigur capital.
After Kuyuk’s death, which took place in his forty-third year, the
usual precautions were taken to keep back the news till the principal
chiefs of the family were informed of it. All ways were stopped and
information was sent to Siur Kukteni, and to Batu.
Batu had set out at last from the banks of the Volga to give the new
sovereign due homage, and had come to Alaktak when news of Kuyuk’s
sudden death reached him. He halted at once under pretext of resting
his horses and, observing the national usage, gave his consent to the
regency to Ogul Gaimish, who held the first place among Kuyuk’s
consorts. She was the daughter of Kutuk, chief of the Uirats. Meanwhile
Batu called a Kurultai at Alaktak. The descendants of Ogotai refused to
attend, since the Kurultai should be held, as they said, in the land of
the Mongols. They sent, however, Timur Noyon, governor of Kara Kurum,
with full powers to act for them, and to confirm the decisions of Batu,
and the majority of princes.
At this Kurultai, composed mainly of Juchi’s descendants and those of
Tului, that is descendants of Jinghis Khan’s youngest and eldest sons,
Ilchi Kidai of the Jelairs declared that they had engaged to choose no
man as sovereign unless a descendant of Ogotai so long as that branch
remained living. “Yes,” answered Kubilai, son of Tului, “but ye were
the first to infringe Jinghis Khan’s laws, and disregard Ogotai’s will.
Ye put Altalun, Jinghis’ daughter, to death without reference to
Jinghis Khan’s statute that no descendant of his may suffer death until
judged by an assembly of his or her equals. Ye put Kuyuk on the throne
in defiance of Ogotai, who had appointed Shiramun to succeed him.”
These two complaints were brought up by those who had determined to
take the throne from descendants of Ogotai. Batu, who was also their
enemy, had agreed with Siur Kukteni, to elect her eldest son, Mangu.
This widow of Tului had an all powerful support in the army. The
arrangements by which Jinghis had given the greater part of his troops
to Tului assured preponderance to this branch. When the throne held an
Emperor the combined army was under the sovereign, but in time of
interregnum each part of it recognized the authority of that prince to
whom it belonged, and who was its only commander. After the death of
Tului his army of one hundred and one thousand out of a total of one
hundred and thirty passed to his four sons by his chief wife Siur
Kukteni: Mangu, Kubilai, Arik Buga and Hulagu. During the minority of
these princes their mother, sure of the commander whom she had bound to
her, governed with rare judgment the numerous tribes which were subject
to her children. Honored by Batu and many other princes it was easy for
her to place one of her sons on the throne, since the candidates among
Ogotai’s descendants were too young in years yet to be personally
considered.
Mangusar, a general, was the first in the assembly to propose Prince
Mangu, whose courage and wit he extolled, giving instance of his
brilliant career, under Kuyuk, in China, and in western lands under
Batu.
But princes offered the throne first of all to Batu, as the eldest of
his family. When he refused they begged him to point out a candidate
and promised in writing to choose him. Batu refused to do this, but,
changing his mind in the night, he deferred the next day to their
wishes, and said in the meeting, that to govern the Empire a prince of
ability was needed, and one who knew Jinghis Khan’s yassa in all
points. In view of this he proposed to them Mangu as his candidate.
This prince refused the great honor, and resisted the prayers of the
Kurultai for many days in succession, till his brother rose, and said:
“We have all promised to follow Prince Batu’s decision. If it be
permitted Mangu to break his word now, other princes may follow his
example in future.” Batu applauded these words, and Mangu ceased
resistance. The moment he accepted, the whole assembly saluted him. A
new Kurultai was appointed for the following spring to be held in
Jinghis Khan’s home land near the sources of the Onon and the Kerulon
when Mangu was to be recognized by all princes, and by the chiefs of
the army.
Ogul Gaimish, Kuyuk’s widow, was to be regent in the meanwhile assisted
by her two sons: Khodja and Nagu. The only, or at least the main care
of this regency was to dispose of tribute by giving orders in advance
on the provinces. Ogul Gaimish was given greatly to sorcery and spent
much of her time with magicians. The Mongol Empire was thus left to
many evil influences.
Khodja and Nagu disavowed the agents who in their names had voted for
Mangu. They informed Batu, that they could not hold to decisions of a
Kurultai assembled far from the land of Jinghis, and moreover
imperfect. Batu enjoined on them to visit the coming Kurultai, and
added that the princes had chosen the man whom they held the best
fitted to govern the Empire, and that their choice was now made and
irrevocable.
The rest of the year passed in fruitless discussions between Mangu’s
partisans, who strove to bring the malcontents to their way of
thinking, and the competitors of Mangu who protested against the
election. Batu sent his two brothers, Berkai and Togha Timur, with a
strong corps of troops to escort the new Grand Khan to the Kurultai,
and seat him on Jinghis Khan’s throne. The descendants of Ogotai, and
the son and successor of Jagatai refused to appear there, declaring
that the election of Mangu was illegal, and that the throne belonged by
right to a descendant of Ogotai. Agents sent time after time by Batu
and Siur Kukteni implored them not to rend the Empire through
factiousness. Batu informed them that children were incompetent to
manage Jinghis Khan’s great possessions.
The princes persisted, however, in refusing. Berkai, after waiting a
year, asked for orders from Batu, who commanded to install Mangu
without further discussion, declaring that those who made trouble would
pay with their lives for so doing. The princes descended from Juchi and
Tului, with the nephews of Jinghis, met at Koitun Ola, the place
designated, and made a last effort to bring the heads of the houses of
Ogotai and Jagatai to share in the meeting. An officer sent to Ogul
Gaimish, and another to Yissu, son of Jagatai, announced that the other
princes had assembled, and were waiting. Khodja and Nagu, seeing that
opposition was fruitless, gave a promise to come, and fixed the date of
arrival. The term passed, but they came not. An order was given to
astrologers to name the day and the hour for installation. The
installation took place July, 1251, with the ceremonies which were
usual and proper. When the princes inside the Imperial pavilion put
their girdles on their shoulders and prostrated themselves nine times
before Mangu, their example was followed by ten thousand warriors
ranged round the tent on the outside.
The Grand Khan commanded that no man should work on that day, that all
should forget every quarrel and yield themselves up to rejoicing. He
wished to make Nature participate in the festival, and enjoined that no
man was to sit on a horse, or put a burden on anything living. No
person was to kill an animal, hunt, fish, wound the earth by digging,
or otherwise, or trouble the calm of the waters, or their purity.
On the morrow a rich feast was given by Mangu in a tent of rare stuffs
and great splendor. At his right sat the princes descended from
Jinghis, at his left the princesses. A similar feast was given each day
for seven days in succession. Each day every guest wore a dress of new
color; each day three hundred horses and bullocks with five thousand
sheep were eaten, while two thousand cart loads of wine and kumis were
drunk to drive away thirst and console the great company.
In the midst of this feasting and pleasure a man, known as Kishk, made
his way to the Grand Khan’s pavilion with the statement that he had
discovered a plot against Mangu and the princes assembled. He declared
that while looking for a mule which had strayed from him he fell in
with a body of men going forward with carts, which at first he had
thought to be filled with supplies for the Kurultai. He came on a lad
and walked for a time with him. The lad mistook Kishk for one of the
party, and asked the mule owner to help him in fixing his cart which
was injured. Kishk turned to assist; and seeing the cart filled with
arms asked the lad why he was taking them. “I have the same as the
others,” replied he. Kishk was astonished at this, and after some
cautious inquiries discovered that the princes Shiramun, Nagu and
Khodja were going to the Kurultai to make use of the moment when all
would be drunk to finish Mangu and his followers. Kishk declared that
through eagerness to tell what he knew at the earliest he had made in
one day three days’ journey.
The story was received with astonishment at first, and seemed
altogether unreal. Kishk was asked to repeat it, so he told all the
details again and in such fashion this time that every doubt vanished.
Each prince wished to go himself and look into the matter. It was
decided to send Mangusar, the chief general, and the first person who
in the Kurultai proposed that Mangu should be raised to the throne;
with him went two or three thousand men. The princes were not more than
two days from the Ordu.
Mangusar reached their camp very early in the morning and, having
surrounded it, approached the tent of the princes with one hundred
horsemen. He called to them that it had been reported to Mangu that
they were coming with evil intentions. If that were false they could
clear themselves quickly by going to the Ordu at once. If they would
not go, he had orders to take them. The princes came out of their tent,
and, seeing that their camp was surrounded, said that they were on the
way to give homage to Mangu, and were about to continue their journey.
They were forced, however, to follow Mangusar, and were permitted to
take only twenty men with them as an escort.
Arriving at the Ordu they offered their presents by nines according to
Mongol custom. The first two days they took part in the festival
unquestioned, but on the third day the three princes were arrested when
ready to enter the Grand Khan’s pavilion. Next day Mangu himself
questioned them. He began by saying that, though the charges might seem
improbable, he was bound to convince himself and thus destroy all
suspicions against them, and punish their accusers.
The princes denied the whole story with firmness. Mangu questioned
Shiramun’s governor, who was forced by the bastinado to avow the
conspiracy, but it was made, he declared, by him and his officers
without knowledge of the princes; after these words he drew his own
sabre and killed himself. A commission of generals under Mangusar was
formed to report on the confessions of the officers of the three
princes from whom the avowal of a plot was at last forced.
Mangu wished to pardon these officers, but his generals and relatives
declared that he should not let slip that chance to be rid of his
enemies. Yielding to this advice he had the officers put in irons;
still he wavered and again asked advice of his chief men. They advised
him one after another, but even then he continued irresolute. At last
seeing Mahmud Yelvadje, the one man who till then had kept silence, he
summoned him and asked why he said nothing. Yelvadje cited Alexander,
who sent a confidant to ask Aristotle how to treat a detected
conspiracy. Aristotle took the man to a garden; while they were walking
he ordered to pull up some well rooted trees and plant feeble saplings
instead of them. No other answer was given. The man went back and told
Alexander, who understood; he had all the conspirators slain, and sent
their young sons to replace them.
Mangu, struck by the story, put to death seventy officers. Among them
were two sons of Ilchi Kidai then in Persia. Stones were forced into
the mouths of these sons who were stifled in that way; the father was
arrested in Khorassan and conveyed to Batu who took life from him. The
three princes were pardoned through the intercession of Mangu’s mother.
In February, 1252, Mangu lost his mother, Siur Kukteni. She was a niece
of Wang Khan and a Christian; they buried her next to her husband,
Tului. In August, 1252, Mangu went to Kara Kurum to judge hostile
princes and princesses. With Ogul Gaimish, he was especially angry,
since she, when summoned to render him homage, had answered that Mangu
and the other princes had sworn not to choose a Grand Khan unless from
among the descendants of Ogotai. Both hands and arms of Ogul Gaimish
were sewed up in a leather bag, and she with Shiramun’s mother was
taken to the residence of Siur Kukteni. Mangusar stripped her there of
all clothing and then proceeded to interrogate. She reproached him
indignantly with exposing her body, which had never been seen by any
man save a sovereign. Both women were declared guilty of trying to kill
Mangu by magic. They were rolled up in felt rugs and drowned
immediately. The sons of these two women confessed that their mothers
had incited them not to recognize Mangu. Kadak and Chinkai, the chief
counsellors of Ogul Gaimish, were put to death also. Buri, the grandson
of Jagatai, was delivered to Batu, who had him killed in revenge for
words used when in liquor.
The three princes were spared by Mangu in view of their kinship: Khodja
was sent to Suligai, east of Kara Kurum; Nagu and Shiramun were ordered
to the army. When Kubilai was going, some time later, to China, Mangu
as a favor let him take Shiramun on that journey, but when Mangu
himself went to China he had Shiramun drowned, through mistrust of this
young man, who had been destined to the throne by his grandfather. The
greater part of Ogotai’s descendants were sent to various places and
deprived of the troops which were theirs by inheritance. Mangu gave
those troops to other princes devoted to his person. He spared only
Kadan Melik and the sons of Prince Kutan, who had come with good grace
to give homage. He not only left them their troops, but gave each man
one of Ogotai’s ordus, and one of his widows.
Not content with punishing the highest, Mangu wished to strike down
throughout the empire all who had signified attachment to Ogotai. He
had the power to act thus, for his armies formed one immense chain from
Eastern Mongolia to Otrar. Belu, a judge, was despatched to discover
offenders, and punish them with death, in the countries of Jagatai,
while a second inquisitor was sent to the armies in China. Two corps
were sent at the same time to the Kirghis and the Kemjuts.
Strong now on his throne through destruction of enemies, Mangu
dismissed all the princes and generals who had come to the Kurultai.
Berkai and Togha Timur received splendid gifts for themselves, and for
Batu, their brother. Kara Hulagu received the inheritance of Jagatai,
his grandfather, and was charged to put to death Yissu, his uncle,
placed on the throne by Kuyuk, the late sovereign. Kara Hulagu died on
the way to his possessions, but Organa, his widow, carried out the
sentence on Yissu, and took the inheritance.
Mangu, to reward the mule driver Kishk, made him a Terkhan, and gave
him much treasure.
The fate of the Uigur sovereign shows how Mongol Khans treated their
vassals. We remember Bardjuk, the Idikut, very well in connection with
Jinghis, whom he followed most faithfully. As recompense Jinghis gave
the Idikut his daughter Altun Bighi in marriage. This marriage was
deferred by the death of the conqueror. Ogotai wished to carry out the
desire of his father, but before he could do so Altun Bighi herself
died, and Bardjuk died soon after. Bardjuk’s son Kishmain went to
Ogotai’s court and received his father’s title of Idikut, or sovereign
among the Uigurs. He too died soon after, and Turakina, the regent,
appointed her brother Salendi to the Uigur dynasty.
This new Idikut, who was a Buddhist, made haste to give homage to Mangu
at the time of his accession, but just after he had started a slave
accused him of planning to slay all Mohammedans, not only in the
capital, but throughout the whole Uigur kingdom, when assembled in
their mosques on a Friday. One of Mangu’s officials received the
accusation and sent a messenger straightway for the Idikut. Salendi
returned without delay to Bish Balik and was confronted with the slave,
who told the whole plan minutely. Salendi denied every point with great
firmness. The slave demanded to take the affair to Mangu to be judged
by him. Seif ud din, the official, sent him to the Grand Khan, and soon
after the Idikut was summoned for trial. Questioned and put to torture,
he ended by confessing that he was guilty. The Grand Khan sent him back
to Bish Balik for execution. On a Friday his head was cut off by his
own brother, Okendji. Two of his higher officials, condemned as
accomplices, met death by having their bodies cut in four pieces
crosswise. A third man, named Bela, was condemned to death also, but
Mangu, wishing to win from High Heaven the cure of his mother,
reprieved all who were sentenced to death upon that day. Bela was
already at the place of execution and stripped of his garments when
grace came, but his children and wives and his possessions were taken
and he was sent on a mission to Syria and Egypt.
When Mongol princes granted life to a criminal he was either sent to
the army, where he might die with some profit to his sovereign, or he
was employed on a perilous mission, or was sent to some country with a
death-dealing climate.
The slave who had accused Salendi got his recompense and became a
Mohammedan. When he returned to Bish Balik after the death of the
Idikut, he roused so much terror in the Uigurs who would be endangered
by his ill-will that they hastened to pay court to him and offer rich
presents.
After Mangu had rid himself of all the Uigurs who might favor Ogotai’s
descendants he gave the kingdom to Okendji, who had been his own
brother’s executioner.
After Ogotai’s death the Mongol forces, disposed on the southern border
of what had been once the Kin Empire, made attacks from time to time on
Su chuan, Kiang nan and Hu kuang; they merely ravaged, took cities, and
retired then with booty. It might be said that in Mangu’s reign the
only thing favorable to Mongols was the death of Meng kong, the
greatest general of China, the man who had frequently stopped them, and
often defeated their forces.
In 1252 Mangu gave Honan to Kubilai, his brother, as an appanage, and a
part of Shen si with it also. In the same year, having previously
consulted Chinese sages as to all needful and proper details, he made a
great sacrifice to Heaven from a mountain top. The year following he
directed that a census be taken of the people in Russia. Yun nan was
made up at that time of several small kingdoms, independent for the
greater part. Toward the end of 1252 Wang te chen, a commander of
Mongols, made some advance in Su chuan. He pillaged Ching tu, and took
Kia ting fu, thirty leagues to the south of it, thus opening Kubilai’s
way to him. Kubilai in October, 1253, marched from Lin taow, where he
had assembled an army. Under him was Uriang Kadai whose father,
Subotai, had done most toward Mangu’s elevation. Uriang Kadai was
charged by the Grand Khan with the real command of this expedition.
Kubilai traversed all Su chuan, and after a march of great trials, over
mountains which seemed quite impassable for an army, he crossed on
rafts the Kin sha (Golden Sand), a large river. The king of the Mussu
man, the first people beyond the Kin sha, submitted. The sovereign of
the next people, the Pe man, made no resistance, but his nephew
defended the capital. Kubilai took the city, and put the nephew to
death, but he spared the inhabitants.
Tali, the capital of Nan chao, received Mongol rule without fighting.
Yao shu, his adviser, told Kubilai how Tsao pin, sent by a Sung Emperor
to seize Nan shan, did the work without killing a person, and even
without stopping any traffic in the city. Kubilai declared that he
would show a like wonder. Shortly after this he mounted his stallion,
and arriving at the walls of Tali, he unfurled silk banners, on which
it was written in large characters that to kill man or woman was
forbidden under penalty of death. In virtue of this statement on the
flags, and possibly for some other cause also, Tali opened its gates,
and this conquest cost only five lives, those of the city’s two
commandants, who slew the three officers sent to ask for surrender.
Kubilai did not go beyond Tali; he returned to Mongolia and left Uriang
Kadai to master those southern regions. After Nan chao, the Mongol
chief attacked and subjected the Tupo or Tibetans, a war-loving people,
between one and two millions in number. Many of these entered his army,
which was thereby strengthened greatly. Some even served in the
vanguard and acted as scouts in attacking.
Towards the end of 1254 Uriang Kadai left his armies in the field, and
returned to Mongolia to report to Mangu the work done in the south
beyond China. Sent back the next year, he entered through Lower Tibet,
and continued his conquests. The kingdom of Ava as well as two others,
was either subjected or terrified into yielding. Two years later, in
1257, the Mongol general appeared on the edge of Tung king (Gan nan)
and summoned its sovereign, Chen chi kung, a vassal of the Sung
Emperor, to own himself tributary to Mangu. Since his envoys did not
return to him the general entered Gan nan and marched to the Tha River,
which runs through the whole kingdom lengthwise. On the opposite bank
he saw the enemy’s army with an immense force of elephants in order of
battle. The Mongols, disposed in three parts, crossed and routed the
enemy. The king hurried into a boat, sailed with the current and fled
to an island; a part of his army escaped in boats also.
Uriang Kadai ordered Che she tu to lead a division to the other bank of
the river, but not to give battle till the rest of the army had crossed
over. Che she tu was to seize all the boats, or take a stand between
them and the enemy. Instead of obeying he put the enemy to flight
before the other divisions could cross and prevented thereby the
capture of the army. Uriang Kadai in his rage gave a biting reproof and
threatened a trial, whereupon Che she tu immediately took poison and
died.
Kiao chi, the Gan nan capital, surrendered, and now Uriang Kadai found
his envoys in prison. They had been bound with bamboo cords so firmly
that the bonds had entered their flesh, and one of the men died the
same hour in which he was liberated. Uriang Kadai was so enraged at
this spectacle, that he gave up the city to be sacked by his warriors.
After his troops had taken nine days of rest, he turned northward for a
time to escape the great heat of the region. In 1258 the Gan nan king,
Chen chi kung, resigned in favor of his eldest son, Chen kuang ping.
The latter now sent his son-in-law and many great lords on an embassy
to Mangu, who at that time was marching against the Sung empire.
In 1256 Mangu had assembled a Kurultai at a place called Orbolgetu.
During two months he treated the princes of his house with
magnificence. All other guests summoned thither he met in the same way,
and gave them rich presents. At this time came the submission of Corea,
which, since 1247, had ceased to pay tribute. The success of Mongol
arms in that country forced the king to render homage in person.
Kubilai’s kindness and justice made him very popular in China. Because
of this, and of calumny, Mangu became jealous, thinking that his
brother wished empire. Hence in 1257 Kubilai was recalled, and replaced
straightway by Alemdar. Alemdar arrested a number of Kubilai’s fiscal
agents and put them to death, saving two, touching whom he was waiting
for the Grand Khan’s decision. Kubilai suffered keenly, his life was in
danger, and he hesitated seriously in action. The sage Yao shu, his
adviser, declared that since he was the first subject of his sovereign,
he should give an example of obedience. This Chinese sage advised a
return to Mongolia with his family as the best way to soften the
suspicions of his brother and remove every danger. This advice was
regarded and followed. When they met the two brothers could not
restrain tears. No reference was made to Chinese matters. Alemdar was
recalled, and his commission was ended.
Mongol conquests in the south encircled the Sung Empire; the one
question now was to completely subdue that country. There was an old
pretext for attacking the Empire: In 1241 Turakina, the regent, had
sent an envoy, Yuli massa, to make peace proposals and discuss them.
This envoy was arrested as soon as he touched Sung territory, and
imprisoned in a fortress with his suite of seventy persons. The envoy
died shortly after, but the members of his suite were detained in the
fortress until 1254. That year the Mongols besieged Ho chiu, before
which they were defeated by Wang kian, the city governor. The Chinese,
to show how much peace was desired by them, freed the suite of the late
envoy, or at least those who were still living.
In October, 1257, Mangu set out for the Sung Empire, leaving government
at home to Arik Buga, his brother, with Alemdar as an assistant. In May
of the following year he marched to Shen si and fixed his camp near the
Liu pan mountains, made famous by the death of his grandfather. In
August, three months later, he advanced to Su chuan, his first field of
action.
Mangu had adopted an elaborate plan by which Su chuan, Hu kuang and
Kiang nan would be attacked simultaneously. He would march against Su
chuan with an army in three divisions; a second army, under Kubilai,
would lay siege to Wu chang, where Uriang Kadai was to join him after
marching directly from Gan nan (Tung king) through the provinces of
Kuang si and Kwei chiu. Togachar, son of the Utchugen, was to strike
King shan in the province of Kiang nan with a third army.
Niuli with a strong force, preceding the Emperor, moved on Ching tu,
where Adaku, a Mongol commander, was besieged by Liu ching, a Sung
general, whom Niuli defeated, thus relieving the city. After that he
marched forward, but no sooner had he gone than the place was attacked
by Pu ko chi, the Su chuan governor. Adaku was killed in the action
which followed, and the city was taken by the governor. Niuli turned
back then and thrust in his forces between Ching tu and the Sung army
outside it. Through lack of provisions the city surrendered a second
time, but now to the Mongols, and the Sung army then retreated. Niuli
received the submission of many places in that region and the rank of
general-in-chief was conferred on him as reward.
Meanwhile the Grand Khan arrived at Han chung and wished greatly to
capture Ku chu yai, a fortress twenty leagues west of Pao ning and
commanding the road through the mountains. Niuli left at Ching tu a
strong garrison and marched to take this mountain stronghold. Chang
shi, a Sung general captured recently, was sent in advance to persuade
the commandant of Ku chu yai to surrender. Chang shi entered the city,
but, instead of persuading the commandant to surrender, or trying to
persuade him and then returning to Niuli, he remained in the
stronghold.
Mangu himself now marched against the place and, overcoming all
obstacles, brought his army up to it. After ten days of siege work one
gate of the city was surrendered by Chao chung, a traitorous officer of
the garrison. The Mongols entered in secret, but there was soon a
fierce and keen struggle in the streets, during which Yang li, the
commandant, was killed and the garrison scattered. The house of Chao
chung, the traitor, was spared in the looting and destruction which
followed; he himself was rewarded with a rich robe of honor, and the
command of a city. Chang shi, the Sung general who did not, or would
not persuade the city to surrender, was captured a second time, and
next day the Grand Khan had him quartered, that is, his body was cut
lengthwise and crosswise. After this, much of Western Su chuan was
subjected. The struggle was stubborn and desperate in some parts; in
others there was only indifference, or treason. On February 18, 1259,
the Mongol New Year, a great feast was given by Mangu, near the
mountain Chung kwe. At this feast Togan, a chief of the Jelairs,
declared that South China was dangerous through its climate, and that
the Grand Khan should go northward for safety. Baritchi of the Erlats
called this advice cowardly, and advised the Grand Khan to remain with
his army. These words pleased Mangu, who remained, wishing greatly to
capture Ho chiu. Tsin ko pao was sent to the city with a summons, but
Wang kian had him slain as a traitor immediately.
Now began the siege of Ho chiu, very famous for stubbornness on both
sides. Yang ta yuan, the investing commander of the Mongols, began the
action, but Mangu himself arrived soon with the bulk of his forces and
took his position in front of this city, which stood between the Kia
ling and Fiu Rivers. During March and April a number of assaults were
delivered. In May there was a dreadful tempest and rain poured down for
three weeks without ceasing. Each side tried to cut off supplies from
the other and harass it. After desperate struggles a division of the
Sung forces destroyed a bridge of boats built on the Fiu by the
Emperor. Over this bridge the besiegers were bearing provisions. A Sung
corps, ascending the Kia ling on a thousand barges, was attacked from
both banks by the Mongols, a hundred barges were sunk and the rest
driven back to Chung king, whence they started.
In June assaults were very frequent, but with no profit to either side.
One night in July a Mongol general scaled the ramparts with picked
warriors and held his position till daybreak. Then, seeing Wang kian,
the Sung commander, who was about to begin action again, he shouted:
“Wang kian, life is granted to warriors, as well as to citizens; it is
better to surrender in season.” Barely had he uttered the words when a
stone from a catapult killed him. His men on the ramparts were now left
unsupported and fled. This was the last attack made on Ho chiu by the
Mongols at that time. Their assaults had been many and resolute, and
they had lost thousands of men in them; dysentery was raging, Mangu
himself had fallen ill of it, and he resolved now to defer all attacks
and blockade the position. Leaving three thousand picked men, he led
the rest of his troops to Chung king, which he intended to capture, but
twelve days later he died (Aug., 1259) at Tiao yu, a mountain one
league from Ho chiu, and to the east of it. The chiefs of the army
decided to raise the siege and retire toward the north, taking with
them the body of their sovereign. Mangu’s son Assutai conducted the
corpse to Mongolia, where it was buried, near the graves of Jinghis and
Tului.
Mangu was generous but stern by nature. He often distributed largess
freely among his troops, but insisted that they should be held under
severe discipline at all times. In the Su chuan campaign he strictly
forbade his men to plunder. On learning that Assutai, while out
hunting, had destroyed a wheatfield, he reproved him sternly and had
several of his companions punished. He carried discipline so far that
once, when a soldier disobeyed orders and forcibly took an onion from a
peasant, he was put to death immediately. Though tolerant of all
religions he was superstitious, and under the influence of shamans, an
influence apparently baneful. A story is told of one of Mangu’s wives,
who, having given birth to a son, summoned a shaman to read the boy’s
horoscope. The man predicted long life, but the child died in a few
days. Severely censured by the mother, the shaman for self-protection
accused a nurse, recently executed for causing by sorcery the death of
a princess. The mother, to avenge the death of her child, had the son
and daughter of that nurse killed, the first by a man, the latter by a
woman. This so angered Mangu that he imprisoned his wife for seven
days, and banished her from his presence for a month. He commanded that
the man who killed the boy of the nurse should be decapitated and his
head hung around the neck of the woman who had killed the girl, then
that she should be beaten with blazing firebrands, and put to death.
When Mangu died so unexpectedly, his brothers were far apart. Hulagu
was in Syria, Arik Buga was at Kara Kurum, the Mongol capital, and
Kubilai, the successor according to the Mongol system, was in China.
Wu chang fu, built along the south bank of the Yang tse directly in
front of the Han, must be taken by Kubilai, such was the order which
Mangu had given him. In 1258 Kubilai set out for this work from Shang
tu, a city which he had founded recently, and which was famed later on
as his capital in summer. He advanced slowly, and only in August, 1259,
did he halt at the Ju in Honan. He moved thence toward Wu chang fu, and
captured strong places near the line of his marching. It was while on
this march that he heard of the death of his brother. He made no delay
for that reason, however, but crossed the Yang tse in the face of a
numerous and active flotilla.
He laid siege at once to Wu chang fu and sent a division of troops to
Kiang si, where they captured two cities. These brilliant actions
roused fear in Lin ngan (Hang chau), the Sung residence. The Emperor up
to this time had not known of the Mongol invasion; for his minister had
deceived him systematically, and now he received a vast number of
petitions from all sides, declaring the minister a traitor and
demanding that death be inflicted for his treason. The Emperor removed
the man promptly and replaced him by Kia se tao. Command was given Kia
se tao to advance on Wu chang at the head of an army and succor that
city. Immense levies were ordered and the Emperor distributed silver
and silk to those who took part in making them. The new minister, a man
given only to letters, knew nothing of war, or the problem of
governing. Moreover, he was desperately reckless, without conscience,
and remarkably cunning. His one object was to keep power by all means
which his mind could invent. The time favored him greatly, since the
Emperor was weak and the court had small honor. The army had no respect
for Kia se tao, but he had no thought to save the Sung Empire by
fighting, hence disregarded the army. He made offers in secret to
Kubilai, who was attacking Wu chang with much vigor. Kia se tao engaged
that the Sung Emperor would own himself a vassal of the Grand Khan, the
sovereign of the Mongols. Kubilai had received an official account of
the death of Mangu, still he rejected the minister’s proposal. But when
letters came from his partisans, who urged him to hasten and prevent
the attempts to be made by Arik Buga, he consulted his generals, and
Hao king, one of them, explained very clearly that Arik Buga, master at
Kara Kurum, the home capital, and Duredji, governor of Yen king (now
Pekin), the capital of China, would act as one man to exclude him, who
as first prince of the blood should be regent and preside at the
Kurultai; hence the urgent need that he go to Mongolia immediately.
Arik Buga wished supreme rule and Kubilai knew that Alemdar and Duredji
would help him to win it in every way possible. Because of all this
Kubilai decided to accept the conditions just offered by Kia se tao,
which, moreover, were favorable. It was agreed then that the Sung
Emperor was to own himself a vassal of the Grand Khan, and give two
hundred thousand ounces of silver, with two hundred thousand rolls of
silk yearly as tribute. The Yang tse was to be the boundary of his
lands.
These conditions concluded, Kubilai marched northward with the best of
the cavalry, leaving orders with his generals to await Uriang Kadai.
Uriang Kadai had been commanded by Mangu to join Kubilai’s army at Wu
chang, bringing with him the thirteen thousand men furnished by subject
nations on the south, beyond China. After he had defeated, on the
border, armies more numerous by far than his own, he laid siege to Kwei
tiu, the capital of Kiang si, defeated a second Chinese army, and
reached Southern Hu kuang, where he laid siege to Chang shi. The treaty
now made by Kubilai forced him to desist and cross the Yang tse with
his forces.
The two southern generals in command of auxiliaries, reduced now from
thirteen to five thousand, led the rear guard of the army, and were
crossing the river on a bridge built of boats when Kia se tao broke
this bridge by sending barges in full sail against it. One hundred and
seventy men left on the southern bank were cut down by the minister.
Kia se tao kept the Sung Emperor in ignorance of the treaty, and
attributed the Mongol retreat to his own splendid valor and management.
The massacre of Uriang Kadai’s rear party was exhibited as a triumph
and Kia se tao was summoned to the court to be honored by a brilliant
reception.
Kubilai encamped outside the walls of Yen king, and complained to Arik
Buga of the levies of men, beasts and money which the latter was
making. Arik Buga gave quieting answers; he wished to attract Kubilai
and his partisans to the Kurultai which had been summoned. Beyond doubt
he either had taken means to assure a majority on his side, or he
wished to get Kubilai into his clutches and kill him.
Duredji, who was then at Pekin, urged that Kubilai and the princes in
his army proceed to the Kurultai. It was answered, that Kubilai must
post his troops first on their cantonments. Duredji sent this answer to
Arik Buga, and remained with Kubilai, who went to Shang tu, the place
fixed by his adherents for a special election.
Kubilai’s party met, and since the position was so serious as to brook
no delay, it was impossible for them to wait for Juchi’s and Jagatai’s
descendants or for Hulagu, who was then in Persia. Kubilai was elected
immediately and without opposition and placed on the throne with the
usual formalities, 1260.—This election was the beginning of a contest
which in the sequel destroyed the Mongol Empire.—A deputation of one
hundred was now sent to inform Arik Buga of Kubilai’s election and
enthronement. Duredji tried to flee, but was arrested and forced to
reveal the intrigues of Arik Buga; he was then put in prison. Kubilai
appointed Apishga, son of Buri, as successor to Jagatai, and sent him
home with his brother, but both these princes were seized in Shen si
and taken to Arik Buga, who kept them in prison.
Meanwhile at Kara Kurum Arik Buga was not idle. He sent Alemdar to levy
troops among tribes in the north, and distribute silk and silver among
them; he sent two other men to Shen si, and these two were able to
induce certain governors and generals in China to declare for Arik
Buga, who, supported in this way, did not hesitate to take the
sovereign title. At the head of his party was Kutuktai, once the chief
wife of Mangu. With her were associated Mangu’s sons: Assutai,
Yurungtash and Shireki, also several of Jagatai’s grandsons.
The two claimants continued to send envoys to each other all that
season without reaching an agreement. In the autumn Arik Buga sent out
an army commanded by Karadjar, and by Chumukur, a son of Hulagu. This
force was defeated by Kubilai’s vanguard. Discouraged by this check,
Arik Buga’s troops scattered, and he himself sought Kirghis regions for
protection after he had put to death Apishga and his brother—those two
Jagatai princes friendly to Kubilai—and the deputation of one hundred
sent with news of that emperor’s election.
In Shen si Arik Buga made no better progress: Straightway after his
election Kubilai sent to that province and to Su chuan as governor Lien
hi hien, an Uigur by birth, one among the best of his generals. This
new governor hastened to Si ngan fu and made Kubilai’s authority
triumphant very quickly. Arik Buga’s agents had arrived two days
earlier, and were striving to win all that region for their master. The
new governor seized those two men and cast them into prison. Learning
meanwhile that Kubilai had issued an amnesty which would arrive very
soon, he had the two put to death while in prison, and published the
edict after its arrival. Three corps of troops led by Prince Kadan were
now sent by the governor against Kundukai, Arik Buga’s commander, who,
unable to take Si ngan fu and needing reinforcements, withdrew
northward to meet Alemdar, who was bringing fresh troops from Mongolia.
After these two generals had joined forces, they turned toward the
south and were met by Kubilai’s army in Middle Shen si, somewhat east
of Kin chau. The battle which followed was stubborn to the utmost, and
for some time the issue was doubtful, but at last Arik Buga was
surrounded and suffered so bloody and crushing a defeat that the
campaign was ended. Kundukai and Alemdar were both killed in this
battle, and China was secured to Kubilai, who now moved north and,
entering Mongolia, established his camp at the river Ungki for that
winter. Kara Kurum lacked supplies and, since it received them from
China, Kubilai determined to stop every movement to Mongolia and had
means to enforce this decision. Want soon appeared in the capital. Arik
Buga was in need of arms and provisions; still he persisted, and
transferring to Algu, who was with him, the inheritance of Jagatai, he
directed the new Khan to send arms and supplies, and to guard the west
strictly, so that no aid might reach Kubilai from Hulagu, or from
Berkai. Arik Buga was still in the Kem Kemdjut region, and fearing to
make an attack in his weakness, he sent a message to Kubilai saying
that he repented and acknowledged him as the sovereign, that he would
stand before him at once were his horses in condition to travel, though
he would prefer to await the arrival of Berkai and Hulagu, whom he had
asked with other princes to arrange the affairs of the Empire.
Kubilai answered that he would be glad to see Arik Buga even earlier
than other princes. Then, leaving his cousin, Yessugka, in command of
the capital to await the arrival of Arik Buga and escort him to the
main camp, Kubilai went to Kai ping fu, and sent his army to its
cantonments.
CHAPTER XVII
KUBILAI KHAN DESTROYS THE SUNG DYNASTY
The summer and autumn of 1261 were passed very quietly. Arik Buga’s
horses recovered; he assembled large forces and set out for Kara Kurum,
the chief capital of Mongolia. To put Yessugka off his guard and lull
all suspicions, he sent a message announcing his visit and with it
submission. After that he appeared on a sudden and fell upon Yessugka’s
men, whom he crushed. Hurrying southward at once to strike Kubilai, he
met him at some distance northeast of Shang tu, on the eastern rim of
the great Gobi desert. Arik Buga was beaten and fled northward.
Kubilai, thinking his brother defeated most thoroughly, forbade to
pursue him, and turning, marched southward. Arik Buga on hearing of
this changed his course, followed quickly, and made a second and more
desperate trial. The battle was envenomed and lasted till night put an
end to it. Both parties withdrew from the field, and Arik Buga fought
no more that year, for just after this battle he learned of Algu’s
defection.
Algu, made Khan of Jagatai’s Horde by Arik Buga, took the government
from Organa, Kara Hulagu’s widow. His sway then extended from Almalik
to the Syr Darya, and soon he had an army of one hundred and fifty
thousand. Arik Buga, poor and weak after such numerous reverses, sent
three agents to Algu to levy a contribution in cattle, arms, and money.
The abundant proceeds of this levy tempted Algu. He seized Arik Buga’s
men, since, as he stated, they had made offensive discourses against
him. After that Algu met his advisers, who hinted that it would have
been better to counsel ere he moved against Arik Buga so actively, but
since it was late to retrieve the error, he must acknowledge Kubilai as
sovereign and take his side openly.
Algu put the three agents to death, seized all the wealth which they
had gathered, and gave the greater part of it to his army. Astonished
at this act, Arik Buga resolved to march against Algu at the earliest.
He went back to Kara Kurum, gave permission to the heads of the various
religions to accept Kubilai should the need come, and then he moved
westward very quickly.
Kubilai appeared soon after his brothers’ departure, received the
submission of people, and was about to pursue Arik Buga when couriers
brought tidings of trouble in China, hence he turned and marched back
to that Empire. Kara Buga, who commanded Arik Buga’s advance, met Algu
near the city of Pulad, and lost his life in the battle which followed.
Algu thought himself safe through this victory. He returned to his home
on the Ili and very foolishly dismissed his forces. But Assutai, at the
head of a second division, passed the Iron Gate, crossed the Ili,
captured Almalik, and seized even the private lands of Algu, who
retired toward Khodjend and Kashgar with his right wing, which thus far
had been idle. At this time appeared Arik Buga and took up winter
quarters on the Ili near Almalik while Algu was retreating toward
Samarkand. Arik Buga plundered ruthlessly all winter, and killed every
warrior of Algu’s whom he captured. When spring came vast numbers
perished from hunger. Arik Buga’s own officers were furious at his
treatment of prisoners and most of them joined Yurungtash. Yurungtash,
son of Mangu, the late Emperor, was leading at that time Kubilai’s
forces in the Altai. Only a handful of men were left Arik Buga, who,
knowing that Algu was ready to attack him, tried to make terms with
this enemy.
When Arik Buga arrived the year previous, Kara Hulagu’s widow, Organa,
came to his camp and declared that she had been dispossessed at his
order, and was then waiting for recompense. Thereupon Arik Buga sent
Organa with Massud Bey to effect an agreement with Algu. When Organa
appeared before Algu and told him the cause of her coming he married
her; Massud Bey he placed at the head of his finances. This minister
levied large contributions on Bokhara and Samarkand. Algu had great
need of money at that juncture, since Kaidu, the grandson of Ogotai,
aided by Berkai, the successor of Batu, was advancing to seize his
possessions. He now had the strength to repel him.
Arik Buga, left without friends, troops or resources, decided in 1264
to appeal to the mercy of his brother, and went to him. On appearing at
Kubilai’s tent men threw the curtain of the entrance around him; thus
covered he made his prostrations. Such was the usage in cases of that
kind. Admitted to the interior, he stood in the place given usually to
secretaries. Kubilai looked at him long, and, seeing that he wept,
could not repress his own tears and emotion. “Ah, my brother,” said he
at last, “who was right, thou or I?” “I at first, but to-day the right
is on thy side,” replied Arik Buga.
At this moment Atchigai, brother of Apishga, approached Assutai and
asked: “Is it thou who killed my brother?” “I killed him at command of
Arik Buga, at that time my sovereign. He did not wish that a prince of
our house should die by the hand of some common man. Kubilai is my
sovereign now; should he command, I would kill even thee in like
manner.”
Kubilai imposed silence, and added: “This is not the time for such
speeches.”
Togachar, a nephew of Jinghis, rose then and said: “The Khan desires no
mention to-day of the past. He wishes you to feel nothing but
pleasantness.” Turning to Kubilai then, he added: “Arik Buga is
standing; what place dost thou give him?” He was seated with Kubilai’s
sons and they passed that day in company. On the morrow, however, Arik
Buga’s officers were all put in irons, and Kubilai appointed a
commission of four princes and three generals to interrogate Arik Buga
and his partisans. Arik Buga declared that he alone was responsible,
that his officers were not guilty in any way. “How not guilty?” asked
Kubilai. “The generals opposed to Mangu drew no bow against him; still
it is known to thee how they were punished, simply for intentions. Ye
who have begun civil war and slain so many princes and warriors, what
are your deserts?” The officers made no reply. “My friends,” said Tuman
Noyon, the most aged among them, “do ye not remember, that in raising
Arik Buga to the throne we swore to die for his cause should the need
come? The moment has come to make good that promise.”
Kubilai praised this fidelity and asked Arik Buga again, who had roused
him to the enterprise. He declared at last that Alemdar and Bolga had
said to him: “Hulagu and Kubilai are on distant expeditions, and our
late sovereign has left you at the head of the principal ulus of the
Mongols. Why hesitate? Make yourself Grand Khan immediately.” He had
consulted with the other officers; all held that opinion together. The
officers present confirmed what Arik Buga had stated, and ten of them
were sentenced to pay the death penalty. But to judge Arik Buga himself
Kubilai wished the presence of Hulagu, Berkai, and Algu. After waiting
a long time for them, princes of the blood and generals then present in
Mongolia met to determine the fate of Assutai and Arik Buga. Through
regard for Kubilai they decided with one mind to grant life to both
princes. This decision was taken to Hulagu, Berkai and Algu for their
approval. Algu replied, that, since he held power and office with
Kubilai’s consent, he would give no opinion; the other two confirmed
the decision.
Arik Buga and Assutai were set at liberty to render homage to the Khan
and move about freely. One month later Arik Buga died of illness and
was buried near Jinghis and Tului (1266).
The death of Arik Buga, his brother, did not save the great Emperor
from civil war, and a long and terrible contest: Kaidu, a grandson of
Ogotai, had his claim to the headship of the Mongols. He brought that
claim forward and pushed it with such power, skill and resource that
Kubilai had not strength enough to suppress him.
This struggle between the descendants of Ogotai and Tului was the
greatest and by far the most striking event in the history of Jinghis
Khan’s family. Though Kubilai was able to conquer all China and Burma
he could not conquer Kaidu. He met him and held him in check,—he had
power to do that, and to found at the same time a dynasty in China, but
he could not crush him.
We will consider first the subjection of China, and then turn to Kaidu
and his exploits.
Kubilai, now Grand Khan, had decided to conquer all China and he began
that great work with seriousness. During 1260 he had sent an envoy
named Hao king to inform the Sung Emperor of his election. This envoy
was to see in addition that the treaty concluded at Wu chang fu with
Kia se tao was respected. As soon as the envoy set foot on Sung
territory he was cast into prison with all his attendants. This was
done at direction of Kia se tao, the real author of the treaty by which
the Sung Emperor was made a vassal of Kubilai. Kia se tao had removed
from this world every person who knew of that treaty and its various
provisions. He was the only man living at that time in China who knew
of it. The great point for Kia se tao was that the Sung Emperor must
continue in ignorance of his thraldom. This man, whose sacred duty it
was to explain the position, used his best power to conceal it, and
adhered to his own direful policy at all costs. No one knew the great
tragedy of China’s position save Kia se tao, first minister of the
Empire.
The arrest of his envoy called forth from Kubilai a statement in 1261:
“Since my coming to the throne,” declared he, “I have striven to secure
peace to my subjects, hence I sent an envoy to the court of the Sung
Emperor to make a firm agreement of amity. That court, little mindful
of the future, has become more incursive and insolent. There is no day
in which some of its warriors do not harass our borders. I commanded my
generals last spring to be ready, but, remembering the sad fruits of
warfare, and trusting that Hao king, my new envoy, would return with
the results which I hoped for, I waited. I found myself duped very
sorely. My envoy was arrested, against all the rules which exist
between sovereigns, and during six months I looked in vain for his
coming. Hostilities continue, and thus it is clear, that the Sung
government wishes no longer for peace with us. Ought a nation, which
for so many years has vaunted its wisdom and observance of the rules of
good government, to treat us in this way? Its conduct is little in
accord with the laws which it boasts of, and resembles that shade in a
picture which, giving contrast, brings out the light with more
brilliancy, and causes the shade to seem darker. Thus the beauty of
China’s laws is in contrast with its government; hence we see the bad
faith of the latter more clearly.” Then he notified all to prepare
horses and weapons for action, and added: “The truth of my intentions,
and the justice of my cause assure victory.”
But the war which the Grand Khan had to wage with his brother, forced
him to loiter in action against the Sung sovereign. Barely had he come
to Yen king after those two stubborn battles with Arik Buga on the
eastern edge of the desert when he heard that one of his commanders, Li
tan, had revolted. This general in Shan tung, seizing Se tian che and
Itu, slew Mongol garrisons in these and other cities, and declared for
the Sung Emperor. Kubilai sent Prince Apiche and General Se tian che
against Li tan. They invested him closely in Tsi nan, where the defence
grew most stubborn. When provisions were exhausted the besieged ate the
flesh of the citizens. After four months of bitter struggle Li tan
killed his wife and his concubines and then sprang into Ta ning, a
shallow lake, from which he was rescued, and immediately Se tian che
cut his head off. As was known, this revolt was upheld by the Sungs,
although timidly. Notwithstanding Sung action Kubilai delayed serious
war for a time.
When he had reigned forty years and lived sixty-two Li tsong, the Sung
Emperor, died, November, 1264. Having no son, he left the throne to his
nephew, Chao ki, who took the name Tu tsong when made Emperor.
It was only in 1267 that Kubilai moved against Southern China. In
planning the campaign he made use of the knowledge of Liu ching, one of
China’s best officers, who had left the Sung cause and gone over to the
Mongols. Liu ching had been governor of Lu chiu in Su chuan some time
previous and had been calumniated before Kia se tao, the chief
minister, by the Su chuan governor. Fearing for his life, he took
service with the Mongols. In 1261 he appeared before Kubilai, who made
him governor of Kwei chiu, a city on the Hu kuang and the Su chuan
border. War being decided, through his advice it was planned to begin
by the siege of Siang yang on the northern bank of the Han; the
possession of this city would facilitate the conquest of the great Yang
tse region.
Kia se tao, either wishing to win back Liu ching, or to discredit this
dignitary with the Mongols, made him prince of Yen, and sent him a gold
seal with the diploma and insignia of this office. Liu ching arrested
the official who brought the emblems, and went with him to the
residence of Kubilai, before whom he renewed his expressions of
fidelity. The Emperor treated him with honor and cut off the head of
the Chinese official.
At command of Kubilai, Liu ching and At chu, son of Uriang Kadai, went
with seventy thousand good men to besiege Siang yang in October, 1268.
She tian tse was made commander-in-chief of all forces directed against
the Sung Empire, and many men of distinction from various lands of the
great Mongol Empire, such as Uigurs, Persians, Arabs, Kipchaks and
others, offered their services to this renowned general.
It was decided that the city could sustain a long siege, and that they
must reduce it by famine. All communication by land was cut off, but
the Chinese had a numerous flotilla and could receive arms and
reinforcements by the river. The besiegers constructed fifty great
barges on which warriors were exercised daily at warfare on the water;
still they could not prevent a well manned flotilla which was laden
with arms and provisions from reaching the city in the following autumn
(1269) during very high water. At chu punished the Chinese while they
were nearing Siang yang, and on their way back he seized five hundred
boats from them.
After a blockade of one year the Mongols saw the need of investing Fan
ching, on the opposite side of the river. The cities were connected by
bridges of boats; both sides of the river were dotted with posts and
intrenchments, while the river was barred with strong chains and armed
barges. Siang yang seemed abandoned to its fate, for Kia se tao did
nothing to succor it, but he took immense pains all this time to hide
from his sovereign what was happening in the Empire. Despite his
precautions the Emperor heard in 1271 that the Mongols were besieging
Siang yang, that being the third year of the investment. He demanded
information; the chief minister declared that the siege had been
raised, and the enemy was retreating. The minister at first was unable
to learn who had enlightened the Emperor, but later on he discovered
the man and had him put to death for some other cause. Still the
Emperor’s questions roused the minister from torpor, and he sent an
army under Fan wen hu to relieve the two cities.
On his part Kubilai assembled troops to strengthen the besiegers. He
opened the prisons of North China, and thus obtained twenty thousand
new warriors. These men gave good service and some of them reached high
positions. They marched in three corps and by different routes, and met
on the bank of the Han below the point where the flotilla of the Sungs
had been stationed. These new troops joined both banks by a boat
bridge, and captured nearly all the flotilla. At chu came upon the army
of a hundred thousand led by Fan wen hu and sent by the minister. The
two vanguards met, and that of the Chinese was cut to pieces, or
scattered.
This check spread such a terror among the Sung warriors that the whole
army fled, leaving standards and baggage behind it. Still the besieged,
whose chiefs were not cast down by reverses, stood firm, and at the end
of four years the city was still well supplied with provisions, though
salt and a few other articles were needed. The commandant of Ngan lo, a
town twenty leagues lower down on the river, undertook to supply what
was lacking. He had boats built in a side stream of the Han and he held
forth high rewards to all men who would handle them. Three thousand
came forward to enter the city of Siang yang, or perish in trying. The
boats went in threes; one boat was laden, and a second and a third tied
firmly to each side of the laden one. These two were filled with armed
warriors, who shot blazing arrows, and with small engines hurled stones
and burning coals. They passed both divisions in this manner, breaking
through every obstacle by fighting, and entered Siang yang amid endless
shouts of delight from the people.
This new flotilla was commanded by Chan shun and Chang kwe, two very
brave warriors. Chan shun was killed before reaching the city. Chang
kwe in returning to Ngan lo was met by the Mongols, and a desperate
hand to hand conflict resulted; every man near Chang kwe was killed,
and he was seized. All wounded and blood-covered, he would not
acknowledge the Mongols. They slew him immediately and sent four
prisoners back to Siang yang with his body. Engineers of great skill in
constructing ballistas appeared now in action. These men had been
summoned from Persia by Kubilai, and in 1273 they raised engines which
breached the walls quickly. The Mongols took the suburbs after terrible
slaughter, and then burned the bridge which connected the cities; that
done, they turned on Fan ching and stormed it. Fan tien chun, the
commander, killed himself, saying that he would die a Sung subject. His
colleague, Niu fu, took a company of desperate followers, and fought in
the streets against terrible odds, setting fire to the houses, while
driven gradually back; the time came when covered with wounds, he threw
himself into the flames which his own hands had kindled. The men who
fought with him died as he died.
The Mongols master Fedan ching during February, 1273. Kia se tao now
offered to lead men himself and give aid to the cities, but, through
the Emperor, he commanded himself to remain, declaring his presence at
court indispensable. Kao ta, a great enemy of Liu wen hoan, was
appointed to lead instead of the wonderfully adroit minister.
The catapults were turned on Siang yang, but the attack began only in
November. The machines made a terrible noise; the enormous stone
missiles crushed all that they fell upon. The besieged rushed away from
exposed spots in terror. Fear spread through the city. Liu ching, who
knew Liu wen hoan, the commandant, asked now for parley, and got it,
but the two men had barely begun to converse when Chinese warriors sent
arrows from the fortress and Liu ching was saved only by the goodness
of his armor.
The Mongols, indignant at this action, wished to storm the place
straightway, but were stopped by the generals, who informed the
besieged that a message had just come to them from Kubilai. It was read
in a loud voice and its import was as follows: “A splendid defence, of
five years, covers you with great glory. Each faithful subject should
serve his own sovereign with his life blood, but to sacrifice thousands
of people through stubbornness, only think, is that reasonable or
proper, especially for you who are exhausted, without aid, or even hope
of it? Submit and no harm will meet any one. We promise to give each of
you honorable employment. Ye will be satisfied. We pledge our true word
of an Emperor that ye will be satisfied.”
Liu wen hoan accepted these promises, and surrendered the city. He went
with Alihaiya then to Kubilai, who showed him clear marks of esteem and
named him commandant of troops in Siang yang. The officers under him
were given good places in the armies of Kubilai.
The defection of Liu wen hoan produced a colossal sensation. His family
was one of the best in the Empire, and many of his relatives sent in
their resignations since they had the evil fate to be connected by
blood with that traitor. Kia se tao, who was a friend of the family,
did not present even one resignation to the Emperor.
Kubilai, exercised by the war in his own family, was inclined to cease
action on the Yang tse for the present, but his generals explained the
great value of the capture of Siang yang in continuing the struggle and
urged that he strike his enemies while the advantage was on his side.
The Emperor, Tu tsong, had just died, August, 1274, and had left all
affairs to Kia se tao, and others as indifferent as that minister to
the interests of China. The chief men wished to put on the throne Chao
she, eldest son of Tu tsong, but Kia se tao considered that he himself
would hold power more completely, and longer, by choosing the second
son, Chao hien, a child of four years. This boy was chosen. The new
Emperor received the name Kong tsong, and the Empress Siei shi, a widow
of Tu tsong’s father, was raised to the regency.
While preparing to continue the conquest of China most effectively,
Kubilai, to explain and to justify his action, issued a rescript
declaring that Jinghis, Ogotai and Mangu had striven to establish firm
peace with the Sung Empire, and that he himself when only a prince and
commander of armies had made a treaty with the Sung court, but that the
court broke every promise as soon as he had withdrawn his forces. On
ascending the throne he had sent an envoy to reinforce peace and good
feeling, but the envoy had been seized and imprisoned with all his
attendants, and was held in confinement till that day.
After this declaration had been made, Kubilai appointed She tian tse
and Bayan to command all the armies invading Hu kwang and he gave them
as lieutenants At chu, Alihaiya, and Liu wen hoan. Another army was to
act in Kiang nan under Polo hwan and four other commanders. These two
great groups of warriors reached perhaps two hundred thousand. She tian
tse died soon after his appointment and the whole command of that first
group was given to Bayan, the best leader among all the Mongols.
Bayan was of the Barin tribe. He had passed his youth in Persian
regions, and had come on an embassy from Abaka the Ilkhan. Kubilai was
so pleased with Bayan’s speech and bearing that in 1265 he took the man
into his service, and made him Minister of State very quickly.
From Siang yang, Bayan sailed down the Han toward Ngan lo with a
numerous flotilla, but the river was blocked firmly with chains, with
piles lashed together, and with barges on which were large forces of
warriors well armed and using ballistas. Moreover Ngan lo itself was
protected by walls of stone strong and massive in structure. Bayan
judged that he could not take such a place without losing much time and
many warriors, hence he pondered well over the problem. A Chinese
prisoner showed a way out of the trouble, and Bayan took the city. The
Mongols made track of strong beams from the river to Lake Teng into
which they dragged all their vessels and barges. From this lake they
sailed to the Han by an outlet, thus passing Ngan lo without battle.
Having taken Sin hing chau and Sha yang, two cities on the right bank
of the Han, they sailed down to its mouth, where in command of Hia kwe
a strong flotilla was posted to guard the great river. Bayan attacked
this line of boats and feigned to force on the left flank a way at all
costs through it, but while the battle was raging on that side he
seized Sha fu kwe on the other flank, took one hundred war barges, and
reached the Yang tse on its north bank, taking nearly all his boats
with him. He sent at once a strong fleet across the Yang tse under At
chu. Hia kwe, the Chinese general, fearing lest he might be cut off,
sailed down with all his flotilla, thus leaving Bayan perfect freedom
of action.
Yang lo on the north bank was captured. Han yang surrendered. Bayan
crossed the great river with his army, and was preparing a siege for Wu
chang fu when Chang yen kien and Ching pong, the commandants of that
city, surrendered and passed with their men to the service of Kubilai.
Bayan left a strong garrison under Alihaiya and moved toward the east
with the rest of his forces.
Ching pong had been charged by Bayan with effecting the submission of
Chin y, the Hoang chiu commandant. Chin y demanded a good office. Bayan
promised to make him chief inspector of lands along the Yang tse. Chin
y then opened the gates of Hoang chiu to the Mongols; he induced the
governor of Ki chiu to join also and surrender his city. Many
commandants along the Yang tse had served under Liu wen hoan, or men of
his family, and these surrendered without waiting for a summons. Chin
yen, a commandant in Kiang nan, and son of Chin y, followed the example
of his father. The governor of Kiu kiang opened his gates to Bayan, who
received in this city the surrender of Nan king, Te ngan fu, and Lu
ngan. The kindly reception given by Bayan to all Chinese facilitated
his conquests immensely.
Kia se tao, now master of the Sung Emperor, had collected meanwhile a
great army, and brought to Wu hu, or to a point near it, a great river
fleet which was joined by Hia kwe’s large flotilla. The first minister
sent now to Bayan a Mongol captive as envoy, bearing presents of
beautiful fruits and proposals of peace on the basis of his first
treaty with Kubilai at Wu chang in 1260. Bayan answered by letter that
Kia se tao should have spoken before he (Bayan) had crossed the Yang
tse, that if he wished peace with sincerity he should seek it in
person. This letter was left without answer.
Chi chiu on the Yang tse had also surrendered to the Mongols, and Kia
se tao commissioned Sun hu chin to occupy with large forces an island
lower down than that city, and give two thousand five hundred boats to
Hia kwe to bar the Yang tse to the Mongols. He chose for himself, and
the bulk of his army, a position still nearer the sea.
Bayan moved down both banks of the river with infantry and cavalry, but
when he was opposite Sun hu chin’s island he opened on the Chinese with
ballistas, and ordered an attack by some of his warriors. The Chinese
fled in great haste to their vessels, but storms of missiles from both
banks sank many of their barges and killed such a large number of men
that their blood reddened the river.
This triumph gave immense booty to the Mongols. Kia se tao, informed of
the issue by Hia kwe, sailed down the river with all his flotilla. He
stopped at the island Kin sha, where he counseled with Sun hu chin and
Hai kwe. Nothing could be done, they declared, with warriors who
trembled at sight of the Mongols. Kia se tao retired down the river
still farther to gather new forces, but in vain; all had lost courage
and no man would serve the vile minister. As a result of this last
defeat many cities in Kiang nan, whose governors had fled from them,
were seized by the Mongols; others were surrendered by the commandants.
At the approach of Bayan, Wan li sin, who was governor then of Nan
king, despaired of his country, and wishing to die still a Sung
subject, invited his relatives and friends to a banquet at which he
took poison; the city then fell to the Mongols.
As the time of great heat was approaching, Kubilai wished to spare
Mongol forces and instructed Bayan to desist till the autumn. But Bayan
expressed his conviction that when one has an enemy by the throat it is
not the time to give him a breathing spell. Hao king, Kubilai’s envoy,
was still in confinement, and the man’s brother had been sent to obtain
his release from Kia se tao. The mission succeeded; Hao king and his
suite were set free, but he fell ill on the road, and died after
reaching Yen king (Pekin), the capital of the Empire.
Kubilai sent an embassy soon after this to make new peace proposals.
Lien hi kien, the chief of this embassy, stopped at Nan king, Bayan’s
headquarters, and obtained five hundred men as an escort. Bayan forbade
hostile acts on the part of his army, and thus avoided all pretexts for
violence to the embassy. In spite of this, Lien hi kien was attacked on
the way by Chinese troops, who wounded him and killed his colleague.
They took him to Lin ngan, where he died of his injuries. The Sung
court sent an officer to Nan king in all haste with a letter declaring
that the attack had been made without its knowledge; that the authors
of the violence would be discovered and punished; that the Emperor was
ready to declare himself Kubilai’s vassal.
Bayan was distrustful, and received all these statements very coolly.
He sent to Lin ngan with the bearer of this letter Chang yu, his own
officer, to treat for peace formally, but really to see the condition
of the capital. Chang yu was assassinated on the journey. Bayan,
indignant at such treachery, demanded permission of Kubilai to continue
hostilities. The Grand Khan, in answer, recalled him at once to the
North to take command against Kaidu, who at that time was pressing him
sorely.
Kao shi kie, governor of Yu chau in Hu kwang, planned an attack on Wu
chang fu. He manned several thousand large boats and seized the straits
of King kiang. Alihaiya, the Wu chang commandant, advanced with a fleet
against Kao shi kie, who, fearing the risk of a battle, raised anchor
and retired to the great Tong ting lake, where he made his boats ready
for action. Alihaiya formed his fleet into several squadrons, which put
the Chinese to flight with great promptness. They seized Kao shi kie’s
boat, took him prisoner and then cut his head off. The head was fixed
on a lance point and shown beneath the walls of Yu chau, which
surrendered when summoned.
Alihaiya now attacked Kiang ling. The governor of this city, Kao ta,
was among the best officers in China. Dissatisfied with the court which
had put other men above him irregularly, he surrendered his city. After
some days he wrote to commandants within his jurisdiction advising
surrender, and soon fifteen of them yielded. Alihaiya left all who
surrendered in command of their cities. Alihaiya was a favorite of
Kubilai, who now sent this general a letter of thanks for his action,
and gave Kao ta that same office which the Sung government had refused
him.
Southern Su chuan was still unconquered, but now Wang liang chin, the
Mongol governor, defeated Tsan wan chiu, the Sung general commanding,
and besieged him in Kia ting, his capital. Tsan wan chiu surrendered,
giving also an account of every place in his province. He was retained
then in office. Still Su chuan did not submit altogether till 1278. The
great question now for the government was to be rid of Kia se tao, who
had grown odious to all men, and in 1274 the regent deprived him of
office. This did not sate public hatred, however. Ten accusations were
leveled against this vile minister, but the regent whom he had created
could not make up her mind to destroy the man, so she confiscated his
property, and assigned Fu kien to him as a place of life exile. An
official whose father the minister had banished was given the task of
conducting the condemned man. This official made it his pleasure to
torment the fallen minister as he traveled, and finished by killing him
near the end of the journey. For this act he was put to death
straightway.
At chu resolved now to attack Chang shi kie, who had a vast fleet of
boats on the river. In front of his own fleet he arranged his largest
boats and placed upon them one thousand crossbowmen who discharged
blazing arrows to fire the opposing flotilla. He followed closely
behind to sustain them.
The Mongol fleet bore down with all force on the Chinese. The thousand
bowmen sent burning arrows in every direction, and soon the great river
was covered with blazing barges and boats. To avoid being burned or
taken captive by Mongols many Chinese hurled themselves into the river
and perished. Chang she kie fled, leaving more than seven hundred boats
in the hands of the Mongols.
Bayan saw the Grand Elan at Shang tu, and convinced him that harm alone
could result from stopping operations in China for even a short time.
Bayan was sent back to his office and the plan of campaign was fixed
promptly. Bayan was to march straightway (1275), and take the Sung
capital. His assistants were to operate on the right and the left in
the Hoai nan and Kiang si provinces. His own army was divided into
three parts and its action repeated in some sense the movements of the
combined Mongol forces. The part of this army in which Bayan, the great
chief, was present marched through Chang chan; Liu wen hoan led its
vanguard.
The Sung court sent corps after corps to succor the city. Bayan crushed
all that he met in the field, and then summoned Chang chau to
surrender. When both threats and promises proved useless he destroyed
the suburbs, and raising a rampart to the height of the walls, he then
captured the city. Of the four chiefs who commanded three fell, while
the fourth fled and saved himself. The inhabitants were put to the
sword without pity. Bayan’s generals, Argan and Tong wen ping, carried
everything before them; people were fleeing to Lin ngan in thousands;
there was panic in all parts, and terror in the capital. Chin y chong
the first minister forced to the ranks every male above fifteen years
of age. The Empress sent an envoy to Bayan to explain that the evil
done had been done by Kia se tao, whom she had punished, that the
sovereign was still in tender years, and that all would be remedied.
Bayan answered that Kia se tao had not murdered Lien hi hien, and bade
her remember that when the Sung dynasty won its dominion, the last of
the Cheu line, from which the Sungs had snatched Empire, was also an
infant. “Think it not strange if your infant is treated as you treated
that one.”
Bayan advanced farther. The same envoy appeared from Chin y chong and
the Empress to declare that the young Emperor would agree to call
himself the nephew of Kubilai, and pay tribute. This too was rejected.
Now the Empress sent to say that the Emperor would own himself a
subject of Kubilai, and pay yearly tribute. This offer was made without
the knowledge of Chin y chong, who wished the court to remove to
southern regions and fight to the end there with valor. The Empress
would not hear of this project. Bayan was approaching the capital
irresistibly; nothing could stop him. The Sung princes advised now to
send Ki wang and Sin wang, the Emperor’s half-brothers, to more remote
regions, and preserve in this manner the dynasty. The Empress consented
and, changing the title of Ki wang to Y wang, and Sin wang to Kwang
wang, sent them both to Fu kien, but to different places in the
province.
Bayan was met near Lin ngan by the two other parts of his army. In sign
that she submitted the Empress now sent him the grand seal of Empire,
which he transmitted to Kubilai immediately. Next he summoned Chin y
chong to discuss terms of settlement, but this minister, who was
opposed to the Empress, hurried off southward. Chang shi kie retired
also with his troops to Ting hai, and when Bayan sent an officer of
distinction to invite him to surrender Chang shi kie cut the man’s
tongue out, and hacked him to pieces. The Empress now made Wen tien
siang her first minister, gave him U kien as a colleague, and sent the
two men to Bayan on a mission.
The minister told the great general that if the Northern Empire wished
China to be on the footing of other kingdoms subdued by the Mongols, he
would ask him to retire, at least to Kia hing, where they would settle
on the tribute in silver and silk to be paid every year, and on the
places to be occupied. “But if your plans,” added he, “are farther
reaching, and you think to destroy the Sung dynasty, be assured that
the road to your object is long, and you will fight many battles ere
you reach it. The south is not in your power yet. We shall defend
ourselves; the issue of arms is ever changing. Who knows that the whole
position will not be reversed utterly?”
Bayan dismissed U kien and detained Wen tien siang under pretext of
arranging a peace with him; the minister protested against this. Seeing
Chinese officers who had gone over to the Mongols, he reproached them
for their infamy very sharply, not sparing even Liu wen hoan among
others. Bayan sent him to Kubilai, but the minister escaped from his
guards on the way.
To govern Lin ngan Bayan now appointed a council of Mongols and
Chinese, under presidence of Man hu tai and Fan wen hu; he charged also
Ching pong to obtain from the Empress an order to all governors of
provinces to submit to the Mongols, and, to render this more emphatic,
the great functionaries signed it at his instance. All obeyed except
one, Kai hiuen hong, whom no threats could intimidate.
Four Mongol officers, at command of Bayan, took the seals of
departments, and seized every register book, historical memoir, and map
in each archive; these were all carefully placed under seal. Troops
were stationed in every part of the capital and exact order continued.
Bayan, whom the Emperor and Empress demanded to see, excused himself
under pretext that he knew not the right ceremonial on such an
occasion, and next day he left the city. Two Chinese dignitaries were
charged with watching the palace, for no reason whatever were they to
lose sight of the Empress. This was done under guise of showing
boundless respect for her.
Very soon after, Atahai, a general, with a large suite of officers,
appeared at the palace. His first act was to abolish all etiquette
observed with the Emperor and Empress. Meanwhile he invited the Emperor
and his mother to set out for Kubilai’s court in Shang tu, without
waiting. After this notice had been given, the Empress with streaming
eyes embraced her little boy, lately heir to the Empire: “The son of
Heaven spares thy life,” said she. “It is proper to thank him.” This
heir of seven years, a creation of the dead Kia se tao, fell on his
knees at the side of his mother; their faces were turned toward the
north, toward Shang tu; nine times did they strike the floor with their
foreheads in saluting Kubilai the Grand Mongol.
The son and mother were then placed in an equipage and left Lin ngan
and their Empire forever. With them went a great company containing all
the princes and princesses of the Sung family who were in the capital
at that time, besides ministers, high functionaries, men of letters of
great note and marked influence. All these took the road northward, and
surely a mournful procession followed the Emperor.
The regent, the Emperor’s grandmother, fell ill and was left in Lin
ngan for recovery. A number of Chinamen, desperate at seeing their
Emperor led captive with the chief men of the government and some of
the best minds of China, made efforts to save them. Twice did they rush
at the escort of Mongols which was led by Atahai and Li ting, but the
escort was too strong to be broken; the Mongols repelled the Chinese
after a desperate encounter in each case.
When the young Emperor was reaching Shang tu, Kubilai sent his first
minister to meet him. Orders had been given to treat all captives
properly. The Emperor was reduced to be a kong, or prince of the third
order; Hiao Kong was the title accorded him. The Empress mother and the
regent were stripped of their titles. Jambui Khatun, the Grand Khan’s
chief wife, tried to soften the lot of the mother by delicate
attention.
Lin ngan, the capital of the Emperor, is said to have been very large
and magnificent. It was built amid lagoons and had twelve hundred
bridges, some having piers of such great height that vessels of two
hundred tons could sail under the bridge. In the city was a beautiful
lake surrounded with palaces and mansions. On the islands of this lake
were pleasure houses where marriage feasts were held and great banquets
given. There were three thousand baths in Lin ngan, each large enough
to accommodate one hundred persons at a time. Marco Polo states that
the Emperor’s palace was the largest in the world. It contained twenty
halls, the most capacious of which was used as a state banquet room;
aside from these there were one thousand chambers richly decorated in
gold and colors. The city contained ten large markets; 1,600,000 houses
and seven hundred temples. The inhabitants dressed richly, all, except
the lowest class of laborers and coolies, wearing silk.
The Grand Khan had received the gold, silver and other precious objects
taken in Lin ngan from the palace. The princes and princesses of
Kubilai’s court gazed with delight on these spoils of a mighty dynasty,
but Jambui Khatun could not keep back her tears as she turned to the
Grand Khan and said to him: “It has come to my mind at this moment that
the Empire of the Mongols also will finish in this way.”
South China remained still unconquered. While Bayan was moving on Lin
ngan invincibly, Alihaiya was advancing through Hu kuang and had laid
siege to Chang cha. He attacked with such vigor that after some days
the city suffered excessively. The Mongols delivered a general assault,
won the rampart, and the fate of the place was decided; a part was on
fire, and the fall of the whole was a question of hours at the utmost.
At this juncture an official from a city of importance, who chanced to
be there with two sons who had just come of age, made those sons put
hats on their heads (the hat being a symbol of manhood). That done, he
cast himself into the flames with them and his household; Li fu, the
governor of Chang cha, honored greatly the memory of this visitor, and
feeling sure that every official would be true to the dynasty, he
summoned a certain Chin tsong and said to him: “I will not dishonor my
blood by surrender; I ask you to despatch all my family, and then show
to me the same service.” In vain did Chin tsong strike the earth with
his forehead, in vain did he beg of the governor to relieve him from
such a terrible service. Li fu was unbending, and as he insisted, Chin
tsong, weeping bitterly, agreed to obey him. Wine was given all who
were ready to die, and while under its influence death touched them
easily. When Li fu presented his head it was swept from him with one
blow of a sabre. Chin tsong set fire to the palace immediately; then he
ran to his house, where he slew his own wife and children; that done,
he killed himself. All the officials, save two, and a great number of
officers and people followed the governor; some sprang into wells,
others hanged themselves, or took poison. On entering Chang cha the
Mongols were astonished to find the place almost deserted.
Alihaiya then summoned the other cities of Southern Hu kuang; nearly
all of them surrendered without raising a weapon to defend themselves.
At the same time in Kiang si Sung tu kai made great progress. Eleven
cities of this province submitted, and Fu chau also was taken. Bayan
had been summoned to appear at Shang tu immediately. Sung tu kai told
him at parting, that the Sung princes had assembled many troops in Fu
kien and Kuang tung, and that they intended to enter Kiang si. Bayan
enjoined on Argan and Tong wen ping, whom he left in command near Lin
ngan, to leave those princes no time to strengthen their armies.
When the Sung princes, brothers of the Emperor, came to Wen chau from
Lin ngan, the officers who followed or joined them, made Y wang, the
elder, chief governor of the Empire, and associated with him his
brother Kwang wang. These brothers entered Fu kien, where the two
leading cities were on the point of submitting to Hoang wan tau, whom
Bay an had made governor of that province very recently. The new
governor had guaranteed to reduce the whole province. The Sung
partisans seized arms immediately. The Mongol governor was defeated and
driven out of the province; his troops deserted and joined the Sung
forces.
The two princes arrived at Fu chau, the capital, and Y wang, who was
nine years of age, was made Emperor with all needful ceremony. The
sovereign had a numerous army divided into four corps, which were to
operate in the south and along the Yang tse, on both sides of that
river. At this juncture appeared Wen tien siang, who had escaped from
the Mongols during the second attack on the men who were taking the
young Emperor to Shang tu. To him was now given the conduct of the
struggle, and he strove to rally the Chinese, and rouse their love of
country. A proclamation of the young Emperor stirred up the nation, and
great levies were made, which disquieted the Mongols.
When Bayan obtained a command from the Empress, the Emperor’s mother,
requiring every Sung subject to submit to the Mongols, At chu sent a
copy to Li ting shi, who had tried to rescue the Emperor and who was
defending Yang chiu with great stubbornness. Li ting shi answered from
the ramparts, that he knew no command save that to defend the place
assigned him by the Empress through a document from her own hand. At
chu obtained a new command in still stronger language, and addressed to
Li ting shi directly. Li ting shi discharged arrows at the man bringing
this document.
At chu redoubled his efforts to cut off supplies from his opponent. In
despair that he could not conquer one city, while Bayan had reduced a
whole province so quickly, and with it the capital of the Empire, he
tried other methods. He sent Li ting shi a letter in which Kubilai
promised to grant every wish of his. Li ting shi burned this letter,
and cut off the head of the man who had brought it. All other cities
besieged in those regions had fallen by famine, if not conquered
otherwise; hunger was reaching Yang chiu, but how closely was not known
to the Mongols at that time.
At At chu’s request Kubilai wrote to Li ting shi as follows: “If you
will obey even at this hour, I am willing to carry out former promises,
and pardon the murder of my envoy.” Li ting shi would not receive this
new letter, and learning that Y wang was Sung Emperor, he left the
defence of Yang chiu to Chu hwan and set out with his colleague, Kiang
tsai, and seven thousand men to join his new sovereign. Barely had he
gone from the city when Chu hwan surrendered.
At chu sent a strong corps of cavalry to hunt down the two fleeing
commanders. One thousand Chinese were slain in this labor, and Li ting
shi was forced into Tai chiu, where he was surrounded immediately. Two
leading officers in that city betrayed it to the Mongols. Li ting shi,
seeing that his last hour was near, sprang into a pond which proved to
be very shallow. He was dragged out of it promptly and with Kiang tsai
hurried back to Yang chiu. At chu left nothing undone to win these two
men to Kubilai, but since both were unbending he killed them.
Tong wen ping and Argan made progress in Che kiang. They won a victory
over the Sung army in Chu chiu, and in Fu kien took a fortress, called
Sha u. These Mongol successes were followed by Chinese defections and
the surrender of cities. This constrained the Sung court to think of
its safety. Chin y chong and Chang shi kie assembled a very large
fleet, and a considerable army. The Emperor embarked with his court and
the army and sailed away southward to Tsuen chiu (the Zaitun of Marco
Polo). This port was the seat of much commerce; the harbor was crowded
with vessels at all times. The commanders now seized certain ships
which they needed. These, as it seemed, belonged mainly to the
governor, a very rich merchant. The governor was so greatly enraged at
this action that he attacked all who landed, and even forced the fleet
to sail out of the harbor; that done, he delivered his city to the
Mongols.
Alihaiya had laid siege for three months, with great vigor, to Kwe lin
fu, the capital of Kuang si, but failing to conquer the desperate
resistance of the governor Ma ki, he tried softer methods. He obtained
from Kubilai a diploma appointing Ma ki commander-in-chief of Kuang si,
and sent him the document by an officer. Ma ki burned the diploma, and
cut down the officer. Kwe lin fu, built at the meeting of two rivers,
was exposed at one side alone, where the whole garrison could face any
enemy. The Mongol general dug out new beds for the rivers and turned
them; the city was assailable now upon every side and he stormed it.
His army swept over the walls like a torrent, but Ma ki met the foe
worthily. He fought from street to street, from one square to another,
till at last, when covered with wounds, and bleeding his life out, that
brave man was captured, but died shortly afterward. All the inhabitants
were put to the sword without pity.
The capital taken, Alihaiya divided his army into various detachments,
which he sent to seize the chief cities of that province.
Ki wang, or Y wang, the young Emperor, sailed to Hweï chiu, not far
from the present Hong Kong, and sent one of his officers to Sutu, the
Mongol commander, with a letter for Kubilai, in which he offered
submission. Sutu sent his son to Shang tu with the bearer of this
letter. Meanwhile operations continued, and soon the whole province of
Kuang tung, attacked the year previous, had submitted.
At this juncture Kubilai summoned Bayan from South China, directing him
to leave there only those who were needed to guard conquered places. Li
heng would command troops of that kind. All others were to strike in
the North at his enemy Kaidu. After Bayan’s departure the Sung party
attacked and retook many cities in the four southern provinces. Chang
shi kie made great levies in Fu kien, equipped a large fleet and laid
siege to Tsuen chiu, but Sutu forced him afterward to raise it. Sutu
declared that the Chinese were not to be trusted, and fell back on the
old Mongol method of slaughter. City after city was put to the sword
without mercy or favor. Since many southern cities had been retaken by
Sung forces Kubilai in 1278 sent fresh troops to that part of the
Empire, and ordered Ta chu, Li heng, and Liu se kwe to cross the Ta yn
ling mountains, while the fleet, under Sutu and others, would attack
the Sung squadron.
Sutu now swept all things before him till he reached Chao chiu, where
he met firm resistance. Not wishing to delay, lest he be late in the
south, he sailed on, and joined the land forces near Canton, which
surrendered. After this success he returned to Chao chiu and laid siege
to it regularly. The place was built strongly, and Ma fa, the
commandant, was so active and resolute that after battering it for
twenty days and storming it repeatedly Sutu could show only small
progress. Then the commandant made a sortie in which he burned the
battering engines of the Mongols, but surrounded at last by greater
forces, he perished in a murderous struggle. His men broke and fled to
the city; the enemy ran with them, rushed in throngs to the gates,
swept through them after the Chinese, took the place, and put all to
the sword without exception.
The young Emperor had no port in which to anchor his vessels with
safety. Hence he wandered about on the sea without a resting-place,
till in May, 1278, at the age of eleven, he died, on Kang chuen, a
desert island. Most of the officials and high personages who followed
him were averse to this wandering existence, and were ready to submit
to Kubilai, but Liu sin fu opposed them with the uttermost vigor. “We
have,” said he, “a son of Tu tsong with us yet and we must make him the
Emperor. We shall find warriors and officers in plenty. If Heaven has
not decreed ruin to the Sungs, do ye doubt that it can raise their
throne to its former magnificence?”
These words roused the chiefs; they placed Kuang wang on an earth
mound, knelt, and rendered homage. Ti ping was the name given the new
Emperor. Liu sin fu and Chang shi kie were his ministers. The Chinese
headquarters were mainly on water, their fleet was very great, and
carried large forces. This fleet retired to straits in the Gulf of
Canton which lay between the mountain Kiche and the island of Ya i. The
position, as it seems, was a good one. In every case it was the last
refuge and stronghold of the Sung dynasty. Chang shi kie had built on
the summit of the island a modern palace for the Emperor, and barracks
for the warriors. He worked with great zeal to revictual the vessels
and provide all that was needful for every one. Provisions came from
Canton and other places, from cities which were subject to the Mongols,
as well as the Chinese. Wen tien siang, in spite of his losses,
recaptured Canton, and held it, at least for a season.
At this time Chang hong fan explained to Kubilai in a letter that to
end the great struggle successfully Kuang wang must be mastered.
Kubilai sent him a sword set with jewels, and made him
commander-in-chief of the armies appointed to subdue the new Emperor.
The first act of the general was to crush the land forces; as these
were mainly new levies and the Mongols were veterans, they fled at the
earliest onset and their officers were taken captive. Among them were
Wen tien siang, chief commander, with Liu tse tsiun and Tsiu fong. The
last of these killed himself and the second was burned to death over a
slow fire. Wen tien siang begged for death earnestly, but Chang hong
fan would not grant it. After asking him in vain to give homage by
bowing northward, Chang hong fan sent him to Kubilai, and freed all his
friends and relatives who were captive.
The armies of the Sung Emperor were destroyed. The last blow remained,
that against the sea forces. Chang hong fan put his army in ships and
sailed in past the island called Ya i. The Chinese land troops were
intrenched on the island very firmly, and the Chinese fleet seemed
secure from attack on the north side, since the water in that part was
too shallow, as they thought, for the large Mongol vessels.
Chang hong fan reconnoitred his opponents, and saw that their vessels
were unwieldy, so he took a number of his light boats, filled them with
straw soaked in oil and ignited them. Favored by a strong southern
wind, he sent these burning boats forward to strike on the Chinese. But
Chang shi kie had covered all his front barks and their rigging with
mud, hence they were not fired and the attack proved fruitless.
Canton had been taken by the Mongols a second time and occupied. Chang
hong fan now received thence a reinforcement of men, and also of
vessels. These latter he posted north of Ya i, and prepared to attack
the Sung fleet, which was west of the island, between it and the
mountain. Attacks were made on the north and the south simultaneously.
The battle continued all day. The Chinese were unbroken in the evening,
but in the fleet there was something approaching a panic; the
commanders had lost control for the greater part. Chang shi kie and his
colleague determined to reach the open sea under cover of a mist which
was present in every place. The Chinese emerged from the straits with
sixteen bulky vessels and there formed the front of the squadron. Liu
sin fu boarded the Emperor’s vessel to save him; that ship was larger
than others and more difficult to manage. They sailed on, however, till
they came to the mouth of the channel, which was blocked by Mongol
barges lashed one to another securely. There was no chance to move
forward and to return was impossible.
Liu sin fu, seeing this, had his children and wife hurled into the
water. Then, telling Ti ping that a Sung sovereign should prefer death
to captivity, he put the boy Emperor on his shoulders and sprang into
the sea with him. Most of the dignitaries followed this example, and
drowned themselves.
More than eight hundred ships fell into the power of the Mongols. Later
on Chinese corpses in thousands were floating on those waters. Among
them was that of Ti ping, and on it was found the seal of the Empire.
When Chang shi kie heard that his sovereign was dead he went to the
ship of the Empress and tried to induce her to aid him in choosing some
relative of the Sung family and making him Emperor. But when she
learned of the death of her young son she sprang into the sea without
further discussion, and was followed by the ladies of her service.
Chang shi kie found her body and buried it on the mainland. He then
sailed away for Tung king, where he had faithful allies with whom he
intended to return and install a new Emperor if possible. But in
crossing the Gulf of Tung king, Chang shi kie was met by a terrible
tempest, and perished.
Meanwhile Su liu i, his colleague, fell, slain by his own men. When he
was dead all people in China submitted, and Kubilai Khan found himself
master of an Empire, for which the Mongols had been fighting for more
than five decades. Thus the Sung family vanished after ruling three and
one-fifth centuries over China.
CHAPTER XVIII
KUBILAI’S ACTIVITY IN CHINA AND WAR WITH KAIDU
The struggle of Kubilai Khan against Arik Buga, his brother, has been
described in some detail already, as well as the downfall and death of
the latter. Next came Kaidu, a more dangerous opponent, who claimed
Mongol sovereignty through descent from his grandfather Ogotai. Ogotai
had been designated by Jinghis to the khanship of the Mongols, and when
this choice was confirmed at the first Kurultai of election the dignity
was fixed among Ogotai’s descendants. By the election of Mangu, a son
of Tului, this pact was rejected and broken. Long and stubborn
struggles and ruin were entailed on the Mongols by that change.
The war with Kaidu lasted from the death of Arik Buga to the end of
Kubilai’s life and somewhat beyond it. Before touching on this bloody
conflict it will be perhaps better to show what Kubilai Khan did after
conquering China (January 31, 1279).
No sooner had the Grand Khan ended the Sung dynasty than he turned to
Japan, which had paid tribute formerly to China. In 1270 he had invited
the Japanese monarch, through an envoy, to acknowledge as his suzerain
the master of the earth, who was also the son of Heaven, but the envoy
was given no audience. Other envoys, sent later, were put to death
promptly by the Japanese. Kubilai resolved now to conquer those eastern
islands, though his best counsellors tried to dissuade him. They saw
the perils of the enterprise and did not believe that success would in
any case pay for the outlay, but Kubilai was inflexible, and the order
was given to send an army one hundred thousand strong to conquer the
islands. The troops embarked at Lin ngan and Tsuen chiu fu toward the
end of 1280; the fleet bearing them sailed for Corea to be joined by a
contingent of that country composed of nine hundred ships, which
carried ten thousand warriors. This immense fleet with its forces was
struck near the Japanese coast by a tempest; the ships went ashore for
the greater part, and the men were taken prisoners. Sixty thousand
Chinese were seized and of Mongols thirty thousand were slain by the
Japanese. In the autumn of 1281 a feeble remnant and wreck of this
great army made its way back to China.
When the Sung family had fallen the King of Cochin China rendered
homage to Kubilai and sent him tribute. Not content with the tribute
thus brought him, Kubilai sent to that country a ruling council
composed of his own officers. After two years the heir of Cochin China,
indignant at the sight of foreign men ruling his country, moved his
father to arrest them. To punish this rebellion, as he called it,
Kubilai sent a fleet from South China with an army under General Sutu,
who landed in 1281 at the capital, which he captured. The king’s son
retired toward the mountains, and occupied Sutu with phrases of
submission. Meanwhile he was preparing to defeat him if possible. Sutu
learned shortly after that men were advancing from many directions to
cut him off from his vessels. He found it well for this reason to
return to Canton.
Western Yun nan was formed of two princedoms, Laï liu and Yung chang,
which must be brought to obedience, such was the order of the Emperor.
The King of Mien tien, the Burma of our day, to whom, as it seems, the
two princedoms paid tribute, set out in 1277 to drive back the Mongols.
He advanced with a force sixty thousand in number formed of horsemen
and infantry. His first line was of elephants bearing towers which held
archers.
At approach of this Burmese army, the Mongols, whose flank was
protected by a forest, rode out from behind their intrenchments to
charge on the enemy then advancing, but their horses ran in terror from
the elephants, and for some minutes no man could check the beast under
him. When the panic was over Nassir ud din commanded his men to
dismount, put their beasts in the forest, and, advancing on foot,
attack the first line of elephants with arrows. The elephants,
unprotected by armor of any kind, were covered with wounds very
quickly. Maddened by pain, they turned and rushed through the ranks
just behind them. Many fled to the forest, where they broke the towers
on their backs and hurled down the men who were in them.
Free of the elephants, the Mongols remounted, attacked the Burmese with
arrows, and next with their swords at close quarters. The unarmored
Burmese were put to flight promptly. Two hundred elephants were seized
by the Mongols, who pursued the enemy until intense heat drove them
back. After this brief and striking campaign Kubilai retained elephants
in his army. In 1283 Kubilai sent a large army under command of Sian
kur to force the king of Mien tien to submission, that is to become
tributary and permit Mongol officials to reside in the country. After a
short siege Tai Kung, the capital, was taken and the whole kingdom
agreed to pay tribute to Kubilai. The Kin shi, a people of Yun nan, who
till that time had been kept by the king from submission to the
Mongols, declared obedience.
The great Emperor planned now a second attack on the Japanese islands,
to repair the disaster which happened to the first one. Atagai was
named chief of the expedition. The Corean king was to give five hundred
ships to it. In Kiang nan, Che kiang and Fu kien, ships were built, and
new levies made, to the great harm of commerce in those places. Workmen
in the docks, and also sailors, forcibly levied, deserted in crowds,
and robbed on the highway, or became pirates along the coast regions.
The army was dissatisfied and most men in the Emperor’s own council
opposed the expedition, but Kubilai’s attention was soon drawn
elsewhere. The King of Cochin China after the withdrawal of Sutu in
1281 had sent ambassadors to appease Kubilai, but the Emperor refused
them an audience, and commanded Togan, his son, then governing Yun nan
of the East, to march through Tung king, and attack Cochin China; Sutu
was to aid in planning this action. Tung king had submitted to Kubilai
on his advent to power, and Ching koan ping, its ruler, had engaged to
pay once in three years a given quantity of gold, silver, precious
stones, and drugs useful in medicine, also horns of rhinoceros, and
ivory. At the same time an agent from Kubilai came to reside at the
capital. Ching koan ping had for successor in 1277 his son, Chin ge
suan, who hated the Mongols and was waiting to attack them. When Togan
on his way to Cochin China demanded provisions, Chin ge suan raised
false objections, and Togan, seeing his active hostility, knew that he
must first of all bring Tung king down to obedience. He entered the
country in 1285 during January and on rafts crossed the Fu liang River.
At the other bank stood the enemy in order of battle, but they fled,
and their hostile King vanished. Togan thought the war ended, but the
enemy rallied and harassed his marches. The great heat of summer and
the rains brought disease to his northern warriors. The army was forced
to fall back on Yun nan and was harassed continually while retreating.
Li heng, who commanded under Togan’s direction, was wounded with an
arrow, and died very soon, for the arrow had been poisoned.
Sutu, who was twenty leagues distant from this army and had no account
of its trouble, was cut off by Tung king men, and perished in a battle
at the Kien moan River. Kubilai grieved much for the loss of so gifted
a general. To this loss was added the death of Chingkin, that son whom
he had declared his successor, a man of great wisdom, instructed in all
Chinese learning, esteemed for his probity and his love of justice.
Chingkin was forty-three years of age when he died. He left three sons:
Kamala, Dharma Bala, and Timur of whom we shall hear much hereafter.
In 1286 the Japanese expedition was still pending. All forces were
ready, however, and the ships were to meet in September at Hupu, the
great rendezvous. Meanwhile the president of the tribunal of mandarins
dissuaded the Emperor from so hazardous a project. He left Japan in
peace, but a new expedition was sent to Cochin China. Alihaiya was to
take troops from South China garrisons, and fall on Tung king with the
uttermost vigor. Prince Togan, who had command of this army, entered
Tung king in 1287 during February; he had under him the generals Ching
pong fei and Fan tsie. Meanwhile a fleet from Kuang tung bore a second
good army under Situr, a great Kipchak leader who brought with him
officers and warriors of his people.
Kubilai’s forces beat the Tung king men in seventeen engagements,
ravaged a part of the country, pillaged the capital, seized immense
wealth, and retired on Yun nan with rejoicing. The King, Chin ge suan,
had sailed away, no one knew whither, but now, when the Mongols had
gone, he appeared with large forces a second time.
Togan reëntered the country in 1288, and found the inhabitants armed
and ready for action. The campaign was continued till summer, which
brought much disease, and forced Togan to fallback on Kuang si for a
period. Chin ge suan now attacked him and strove to stop his retreat
altogether. Togan lost many men in various battles, among others the
generals Fan tsie and Apatchi, and was saved only by the valor of
Situr, who put himself at the head of the vanguard and opened a way for
the army.
Notwithstanding his victory the king thought it wise now to offer
submission; he begged Kubilai to forget past events and with his
prayers sent a gold statue. Kubilai, in punishment for defeat, took Yun
nan rule from Prince Togan, forbade him the palace, and assigned him
Yang chiu as a residence.
In 1285 Kubilai had charged Yang ting pie to visit the islands south of
China and inform himself secretly of the forces and the wealth on them.
The mission was successful, for in October of 1286 the ships of ten
kingdoms sailed into Tsuen chiu, a port of the Fu kien province,
bearing tribute, as was stated. It is quite likely, however, that these
ships brought simply presents.
The chief and perhaps the one reason why Kubilai dropped his campaign
against the Japanese islands was the menacing action of Kaidu, who had
struggled two decades to win headship in the Empire. Kaidu, the
grandson of Ogotai, claimed the Mongol throne as a right which no man
might question, or venture to take from him, since it came from the
will of Jinghis, and also from the solemn decision of the first Mongol
Kurultai. For many years, and under varying pretexts, Kaidu had avoided
appearing at Kubilai’s court and now he declared himself openly
hostile. The Emperor reckoned on the support of Borak, whom he had made
Khan of Jagatai, and whose dominions touched those of Kaidu on the
western border.
These two rulers did, in fact, begin war by a battle on the Syr Darya
or Yaxartes. Borak gained the victory through an ambush. He made many
prisoners, and took rich booty. Later on Kaidu got assistance from
Mangu Timur of the Golden Horde, a descendant of Juchi, who sent an
army commanded by Bergatchar, his uncle. With his own and these forces
Kaidu met Borak and defeated him in a murderous battle. The defeated
man then withdrew to Transoxiana and recruited his army, which he
welded together again through treasures obtained from Bokhara and
Samarkand, those famous old cities between the two rivers. He was
preparing for a second struggle when peace proposals were brought him
from Kaidu by Kipchak Ogul, a grandson of Ogotai, and friendly to both
these opponents. The proposals were agreeable to Borak, who immediately
accepted them. He formed an alliance then with Kaidu and each man
became to the other a sworn friend or “anda.”
This union gave control to Kaidu of the Jagatai country made up of
Turkistan and Transoxiana. Borak died in 1270, and his successor,
Nikbey, son of Sarban, and grandson of Jagatai, having taken arms
against Kaidu was attacked in 1272, and killed in a battle. Next came
Toga Timur; after his death Kaidu put on the throne Dua, son of Borak,
his own “anda.” In 1275 Kaidu and Dua invaded the country of the Uigurs
with an army a hundred thousand in number and laid siege to the
capital. These allies wished to force the Idikut to join in the war
against Kubilai, but at this juncture the Idikut received aid from the
Emperor’s troops, which appeared in that region.
That same year Kubilai sent westward a numerous army commanded by his
son Numugan, who had under him as general Hantum, a minister of State,
and a descendant of Mukuli, Jinghis Khan’s most beloved and perhaps his
most gifted commander. Guekji, Numugan’s brother, and Shireki, son of
Mangu, went also with his army, as well as Tok Timur and other princes
with their warriors. Numugan was appointed chief governor of Almalik at
the outset.
In 1277 Tok Timur, dissatisfied with Kubilai, proposed to put Shireki,
son of Mangu, on the throne of the Mongols. Shireki accepted the offer;
Kubilai’s two sons and the general, Hantum, were seized in the night
time. Both princes were delivered to Mangu Timur, the sovereign of
Kipchak; Hantum was given to Kaidu. Sarban, son of Jagatai, was won for
the cause somewhat later, and other princes of this branch as well as
that of Ogotai. At this juncture Kubilai summoned Bayan from South
China and put him at the head of an army to crush the above
combination. Bayan found his foes well entrenched on the Orgun. He cut
off their supplies and they, dreading hunger, accepted the wager of
battle. The conflict on which such great interests depended was
stubborn to the utmost. For hours it raged with equal chances, till
Bayan’s skill turned the scale finally. Shireki was defeated and
withdrew toward the Irtish. Tok Timur fled to the land of the Kirghis,
where Kubilai’s forces surprised him and seized all his camp goods. He
sent to Shireki for succor, but Shireki failed to give it. Tok Timur
took revenge for this by offering the throne of the Mongols to Sarban.
Shireki tried to conciliate him, but Tok Timur gave answer as follows:
“Thou hast not the courage for this dignity, Sarban is more worthy.”
Shireki was forced to give way, and had even to send his own envoys
with those of other princes to Mangu Timur and to Kaidu to declare that
Sarban had been chosen.
Tok Timur now wished to force Yubukur to acknowledge the sovereign just
created. Yubukur assembled his forces to oppose, but before he had a
chance to begin battle Tok Timur’s warriors deserted to his enemy. Tok
Timur, thus abandoned, took to flight, but was seized and given to
Shireki, who had him killed at Yubukur’s order. Tok Timur was renowned
for splendid bravery and for skill as a bowman; he always rode a white
horse during battle, and said that men choose dark horses lest blood
from wounds might be apparent on their bodies, but to his mind the
blood of the horse and the rider ornamented the latter, as rouge does
the cheeks of a woman.
Sarban, who was now without effective aid, went to Shireki, and begged
to be forgiven for letting Tok Timur wheedle him. Shireki took Sarban’s
troops and soon after sent the man under an escort of fifty warriors to
Kotchi Ogul, a grandson of Juchi, but while passing the district of
Jend and Ozkend he was rescued by his own men, who were quartered just
then in those places. Putting himself at the head of them, he advanced
on Shireki. When the two forces met Shireki’s men deserted to Sarban,
who captured him. Yubukur, who had come to give aid to Shireki, was
also abandoned by his own troops and captured by Sarban, who, giving
each of these princes to a guard of five hundred, set out on a visit to
Kubilai. Yubukur, while passing near the Utchugen’s land, sent gifts of
silver and jewels to the prince who was ruling at that time and begged
for deliverance. Sarban was attacked on a sudden by the Utchugen’s
descendants and his force taken captive. He himself escaped unattended,
and made his way to the Emperor, who gave him both lands and warriors
in sufficience, but Shireki, when taken to Kubilai, was sent to an
island where the climate was pestiferous and he died in due season.
Yubukur, after serving a time with Kaidu, made his peace with the
Emperor and later on Kubilai’s son, Numugan, who had been seized by
Shireki was set free.
Ten years after these struggles Kaidu formed a new league against the
Emperor. This time he drew to his side men descended from Jinghis
Khan’s brothers, namely: Nayan, fifth in descent from the Utchugen,
youngest brother of Jinghis Khan; Singtur, descended from Juchi Kassar;
and Kadan, who was fourth in descent from Kadjiun, also a brother of
Jinghis. These princes were all in the present Manchuria. Nayan had
forty thousand men under him and was waiting for Kaidu, who had
promised to bring one hundred thousand picked warriors. To prevent the
meeting of these forces the Emperor sent Bayan to the west, where he
was to hold Kaidu in check while Kubilai himself was crushing Nayan and
the others.
Kubilai, who had sent forward provisions by sea to the mouth of the
river Liao, moved on Nayan by forced marches, and found him near that
same river, at some distance south of Mukden in Manchuria. The Emperor
had sent scouts far ahead of his forces so that no knowledge of his
movements might reach the man against whom he was marching. Kubilai
divided his army into two parts, one composed of Chinese, under Li
ting, a Manchu, the other of Mongols, under Yissu Timur, a grandson of
Boörchu, one of Jinghis Khan’s four great heroes.
After consulting his astrologers, who promised a victory, the Emperor
gave the signal for action. He had thirty regiments of cavalry, in
three divisions. Before each regiment were five hundred infantry with
pikes and sabres. These foot-soldiers were trained to mount behind
horsemen and thus advance swiftly; when near the enemy they slipped
down, used their pikes and next their sabres. If the cavalry retreated,
or moved to another part those footmen sprang up behind them. Kubilai’s
place was in a wooden tower borne by four elephants; these beasts were
covered with cloth of gold put on above strong leather armor. The
Imperial standard with the sun and the moon on it waved over this
tower, which was manned and surrounded by crossbowmen and archers.
When the two armies were drawn up in order of battle the whole space
which they occupied, and a broad belt around it, was filled with a
great blare of trumpets and the music of many wind-instruments. This
was followed by songs from the warriors on both sides, and then the
great kettledrum sounded the onset. The air was filled with clouds of
arrows; when the opponents drew nearer spears were used deftly, and
they closed finally with sabres and hand to hand weapons. Nayan’s army
showed great resolution, fighting from dawn until midday, but at last
numbers triumphed. Nayan, when almost surrounded, strove to escape, but
was captured. Kubilai had him killed on the field without waiting; he
was wrapped in a pair of felt blankets and beaten to death without
bloodshed. It is said that he was a Christian and bore on his standard
a cross in contrast to the sun and moon of the standards of Kubilai.
The Emperor returned to Shang tu after this great encounter and
triumph. The princes Singtur and Kadan were still in arms, hence
Kubilai sent his grandson, Timur, against both with the generals Polo
khwan, Tutuka, Yissu Timur and Li ting shi. After a toilsome campaign,
which took place in the following summer, Timur defeated Singtur and
Kadan, and received the submission of Southern Manchuria.
The chief enemy who had raised the whole conflict remained in the West,
and against him the Emperor now turned his efforts. To guard western
frontiers most surely, Kubilai gave Kara Kurum to Bayan as
headquarters. This great commander received power without limit, since
he was to watch all home regions and hold them securely. Before Bayan
had arrived at the army Kamala, a son of Chingkin, led a corps in
advance and tried to stop Kaidu from crossing the mountains of Kang
kai. Kamala, Kubilai’s favorite grandson, was defeated and surrounded
near the river Selinga. He was barely rescued by Tutuka and his Kipchak
warriors.
Affairs now seemed so serious that the Emperor, despite advanced age,
thought it best to march forward in person. He sent for Tutuka to act
with him, and praised the recent exploit of that general. Kubilai left
Shang tu for the West July, 1289, but returned without meeting Kaidu,
or coming near him.
For four years now Bayan held Kaidu in check, till at length being
accused of inaction, and even of connivance with the Emperor’s rival,
Kubilai recalled the great general, and gave command to Timur, his own
grandson. But before Timur came to take over the office Bayan had gone
forth to meet Kaidu and had defeated his army. On returning to
headquarters he yielded command and gave Timur a banquet at which he
made him rich presents. Bayan then departed for Tai tung fu, assigned
him already as a residence. On arriving he found there an order to
stand before Kubilai. The Emperor, who had shaken off all his prejudice
in the meanwhile, received the famed leader with every distinction,
praised him in public, exalted his zeal and his services, made him
first minister and commander of the guards and other troops in both
capitals (Shang tu and Ta tu).
Kubilai liked to send envoys to various countries south of China whence
ships came in large numbers bearing rare objects as presents. He sent
once a Chinese minister to visit the sovereign of a land called Kuava
(Java). This ruler for some unknown reason had the minister branded on
the face, and sent him home with great insult. Kubilai felt the
outrage, and all his officers demanded sharp vengeance. In 1293 a
thousand ships with thirty thousand men on them and provisions for a
twelvemonth set sail for Kuava. Chepi, a Chinese, who knew the language
of Java, commanded this squadron. The King of Kuava gave pretended
submission and persuaded Chepi to conquer Kolang, a near kingdom at war
then with Kuava. Chepi won a great victory over the King of Kolang whom
he seized and killed straightway. The King of Kuava tried now to get
rid of the Chinese, and strove to cut them off from their vessels.
Chepi reached the fleet, thirty leagues distant, with difficulty, after
some serious encounters in which he lost three thousand warriors,
though he brought away much gold and many jewels. On arriving at court
he gave these to the Emperor, but Kubilai, enraged because Chepi had
not conquered the kingdom of Kuava, condemned him to seventy blows of a
stick, and took one third of his property.
On coming to the throne Kubilai had confided his finances to Seyid
Edjell, a Bukhariote, and an adherent of Islam, a man who had a great
reputation for probity. This minister died in 1270. Next came Ahmed, a
native of Fenaket, a city on the Syr Darya. Ahmed’s good fortune came
from his intimacy with Jambui Khatun, the first and favorite wife of
the Emperor; this intimacy began when Jumbui was still in the house of
her father, Iltchi Noyon, a chief of the Kunkurats. Ahmed became
attached to the court of the Empress, and adroit, insinuating, rich in
expedients, he had the chance of winning favor from Kubilai, who after
the death of Seyid Edjell put the wealth of the Empire into his
keeping.
Kubilai needed money at all times, he needed much of it, and Ahmed
found means to get money. Invincible through the Emperor’s favor, he
exercised power without limit; at his will he disposed of the highest
offices in the Empire. He brought down to death whomsoever he accounted
an enemy, and no man, whatever his rank or position, had the courage to
brave Ahmed’s hatred. He amassed boundless wealth by abuses of all
sorts; no man obtained any office without giving great presents to this
minister. He had twenty-five sons, all holding high places. No woman of
beauty was safe from his passion; he left no means unused to satisfy
his greed and ambition and lust.
For twelve years this man proved invincible, though his secret enemies
were an army in number, and he was hated by the people for his endless
abuses. Those learned Chinese who were intimate with the Emperor strove
in vain to open his eyes to the real character of Ahmed. At last they
were able to expose him to Chingkin well and clearly and Chingkin
became Ahmed’s most resolute enemy. This son of Kubilai was so angry
one day at the minister, that he struck him on the face with his bow,
and laid his cheek open. Kubilai, seeing the minister wounded, inquired
what the cause was. “I have been kicked by a horse,” replied Ahmed.
“Art thou ashamed to tell who struck thee?” asked Chingkin, who was
present. Another time Chingkin pummeled him with his fists before the
eyes of the Emperor.
At last, in 1282, appeared Wang chu, a Chinese, a man of high office in
the ministry. Wang chu resolved to deliver the Empire from this
greatest of miscreants. To carry out his plan he chose the time when
Kubilai and Chingkin were at Shang tu, their residence in summer. As
Ahmed had remained in the capital for business of his ministry Wang chu
brought in one day the false news that Chingkin was coming. All the
great functionaries hastened to the palace to greet him. Ahmed went at
the head of the mandarins; just as he was passing the gate Wang chu
struck him down with a club and thus killed him. At news of this deed
Kubilai was terribly enraged. He had Wang chu and his associates
seized, judged, and executed. A large sum of money was assigned for a
funeral of great splendor, and Kubilai commanded all his most
distinguished officers to be present. But grief at the tragic death of
his favorite was followed soon by furious anger. Seeking to find a
large diamond for his own use, as an ornament, he discovered that some
time before two merchants had brought him a stone of rare size and
quality which they had left for delivery with Ahmed. This same stone
was now found in possession of the principal wife of the late minister.
The Emperor’s wrath was so excited by this and by other disclosures,
and intensified by Chingkin’s strong speeches, that he ordered that
Ahmed’s body be dug up immediately, and the head cut from it and
exposed as a spectacle. When all this was done the body was hurled to
the dogs to be eaten. That one of Ahmed’s widows who had worn the
diamond was put to death with her two sons; his forty other wives and
four hundred concubines were distributed as gifts to various people.
Ahmed’s property was confiscated, and his clients to the number of
seven hundred suffered variously in proportion as they had shared in
his abuses, and assisted him in deceiving the Emperor.
The ministry of finance was given now to an Uigur named Sanga, whose
brother was the principal Lama. Sanga had occupied his dignity eight
years, following closely the example of Ahmed, when one of Kubilai’s
officers undertook to expose the evil deeds of the minister. In time of
a hunt he spoke with the Emperor about Sanga. Kubilai thought him a
vilifier and had the man beaten. Later on the Emperor tried to force
from this officer a confession that he was serving the hatred of men
who were envious of Sanga. The officer declared that he was in no way
opposed to the minister and was only trying to render service to his
sovereign, and benefit the country. Kubilai found on inquiry that the
officer had spoken the truth, and if no one before him had reported the
evil doings of Sanga, it was because people dreaded the merciless
revenge of that minister. At last Sanga was destroyed in the mind of
the Emperor.
One day Kubilai asked pearls of the minister; the latter declared that
he had none. A Persian who was favored by Kubilai, and who detested the
minister, made haste to declare that he had seen a great quantity of
pearls and precious stones in possession of Sanga, and if the Emperor
would deign to occupy Sanga some moments he would bring those same
pearls from that minister’s mansion. The Emperor agreed, and in a short
time the Persian returned, bringing with him two caskets filled with
pearls of great value. “How is this?” cried the Emperor to Sanga; “thou
hast all these pearls and art unwilling to give me even a few of them?
Where didst thou find such great riches?” The minister answered that he
got them from various Mohammedans who were governors of provinces in
China. “Why have these men brought me nothing?” asked Kubilai. “Thou
bringest me trifles and for thyself keepest all that is most precious.”
“They were given me,” said the minister. “If it is thy wish I will
return them to the donors.”
Kubilai in his rage had Sanga’s mouth filled with excrement and
condemned him to death without waiting for further inquiry. His immense
fortune was seized and the Emperor, incensed at those functionaries
whose duty it had been to expose the excesses of the minister, demanded
of the censors of the Empire what punishment they had merited. By
decision of the censors they were stripped of office. Two Mohammedan
governors lost their lives, as did many others involved in the recent
abuses.
Thus after the death of Seyid Edjell, for about one fifth of a century
the chiefs of finance in China were men from other countries, as were
most of their agents. These persons kept themselves in power by
revolting exactions. Kubilai, ever greedy of money since he needed
endless sums of it, chose as agents in finance men who were ready to
increase the state income if physically possible, and gave power to
persons who stopped before nothing. Extortion, false witness,
confiscation, and even murder were means used by them frequently.
Oldjai followed Sanga as minister.
Kubilai died in 1294 during February, in Ta tu, the Pekin of the
present day. He was eighty years old at the time of his death and
sovereign over the largest domain ever ruled by one person.
Besides building his beautiful city Kubilai did much to improve the
general condition of China. Among other great public works which he
carried out was the building of the Grand Canal which joined his
capital with the more fertile districts of the country. He also
extended an excellent post system. According to Marco Polo all the
principal roads met at Ta tu. Along those roads at intervals of
twenty-five or thirty miles were well equipped post houses, at some of
which four hundred horses were kept, two hundred for immediate use and
two hundred at pasture. Three hundred thousand horses were engaged in
this service, and there were ten thousand post stations.
Two systems of carriers were maintained by the government. The foot
messengers wore belts with bells attached and were stationed at
intervals of three miles apart. When the bells announced the approach
of a runner a fresh man prepared to take his place at once. Each man
ran at his greatest speed. The mounted couriers by a similar system of
relief could travel four hundred miles in twenty-four hours, the
distance covered at night being much less than that during day, for at
night footmen with torches accompanied the mounted courier.
Kubilai built his capital near the ancient capital of the Kin Emperors.
Marco Polo states that it was twenty-four miles in circuit. Its
ramparts were fifty feet in width and fifty feet high; at each corner
was an immense bastion and on each side were three gates, each gate
garrisoned by one thousand men. The palace itself was surrounded by two
walls, the outer one being a mile square and ornamented with battle
scenes painted in bright colors. Between the two walls were parks and
pleasure grounds through which were paved roads raised two cubits above
the level of the ground. In the center of the enclosure rose the
magnificent palace.
His summer palace was at Shang tu and was similar to the one in Ta tu.
In a grove not far from the palace was a beautiful bamboo dwelling
supported by gilt and lacquered columns, a resort for the Emperor
during the warmer days. This bamboo palace was stayed by two hundred
silk ropes and could very easily be put up and taken down.
Kubilai enjoyed hunting. In March of each year a great hunt was
organized. Marco Polo says that there were two masters of the hunt,
each having under him ten thousand men, five thousand dressed in red
and five thousand in blue. These men surrounded an immense space and
drove in the animals. When everything was ready the Khan set out with
his ten thousand falconers. He traveled in a palanquin carried by four
elephants. This palanquin was lined with gold and covered with lion
skins. Ten thousand tents were erected near the hunting ground. The
Emperor’s great tent where receptions were held accommodated one
thousand persons. Near by was his private tent and the tent in which he
slept. Each one of these Imperial tents was covered with lion skins and
lined with ermine and sable. There were many ropes to these tents and
all were of silk.
The magnificence and luxury of the Mongol court would be remarkable
even in our time. On his name-day Kubilai held a reception and received
many presents. On New Year’s Day also was held a festival when gifts
were presented to the Grand Khan. If possible a multiple of nine, the
sacred number, was chosen for the number of the articles given. On one
of these great feast days Kubilai was presented with a hundred thousand
horses with rich coverings. During the day his five thousand elephants
were exhibited in their housings of bright colored cloth on which birds
and beasts were represented. These elephants bore caskets containing
the Imperial plate and furniture and were followed by camels laden with
things needful for the feast.
Only the princes and higher officers assembled in the hall, other
people remained outside. When every one was seated an official rose and
cried: “Bow and pay homage!” All then touched the ground with their
foreheads. This was repeated four times. A similar obeisance was made
before an altar on which was a tablet bearing the great Khan’s name.
At the banquet the table of the Khan was raised above the others and so
placed that he sat facing the south. At his left hand sat his chief
wife and on his right princes of the Imperial family, but lower down,
so that their heads would not be above the level of the Emperor’s feet.
Lower still sat the chief officers. Ordinary guests and warriors seated
themselves on the carpet. Two large men stood at the entrance of the
hall to punish those who were so unfortunate as to step on the
threshold, such offenders were immediately stripped and beaten severely
with rods. Various household officials moved about to see that the
guests were properly served. Near the Khan’s table was a magnificently
carved stand in which was inserted a golden vessel holding an enormous
quantity of spiced wine. Besides this there were many golden vessels,
each holding wine for ten persons. There were large wine bowls on the
tables with handled cups from which to drink. One of these bowls was
placed between every two persons. The men who served the Khan had their
mouths and noses covered with delicate napkins of silk and gold, that
their breath might not offend him. Whenever he raised the wine cup to
his lips the musicians began to play, and princes and officials went
down on one knee.
Kubilai had five principal wives the chief of whom was Jambui Khatun.
Each wife had her own court and was attended by not fewer than three
hundred damsels as well as by many pages and eunuchs. The Kunkurats
were celebrated for the beauty of their women and supplied most of the
wives and concubines of the Khan. Officials were often sent to select
several hundred girls and pay their parents for them, estimating their
value according to their beauty. The girls were sent to the court and
examined by a number of matrons. Polo states: “These women make the
girls sleep with them in turn to ascertain that they have a sweet
breath and are strong of limb.” The few who passed this examination
attended the Khan, the rejected married officers or became palace
employees.
It is stated by chroniclers of that time that Kubilai became, through
the influence of Jambui Khatun, a Lamaist. Still, to secure good
fortune, he prayed to Christ, Mohammed, Moses and Buddha, whom he
revered as the four great prophets of the world.
Kubilai was a man of medium stature. He had a fair complexion and keen
black eyes, and was of a kindly disposition. He had designated as heir
his fourth son, Numugan, but while that prince was a prisoner in the
war with Kaidu he chose Chingkin, his second son, as successor. Some
time after this Numugan was set free, and as he criticized the
appointment of his brother he incurred Kubilai’s wrath, and was
banished. He died soon after. Chingkin died also before his father.
In 1293, eight years after the death of Chingkin, his widow, Guekjin,
urged the great general, Bayan, to remark to the Emperor that he had
not named a successor. Thereupon Kubilai appointed his grandson, Timur,
whom he had sent to Kara Kurum as its governor, and charged Bayan to
announce to that prince his appointment, and install him as heir with
due festivals and ceremonies.
After Kubilai’s death, February, 1294, a Kurultai of election was held
at Shang tu, the summer capital. Timur went to that city from his army
and, though he was formally heir, his elder brother, Kamala, aspired to
the Empire. The princes of the family wavered for a time, but the
generals and the Chinese officials gave Timur their adherence. At last
Bayan, who by character and office had the greatest influence in that
meeting, took his sabre and declared that he would suffer no man on the
throne save him whom Kubilai had selected. This ended debate, and
Kamala knelt to his brother; the other princes followed his example,
and Timur was proclaimed then Grand Khan of the Mongols.
The first work of Timur was to give Imperial rank to his parents, and
next to rear a monument to Kubilai, Jambui, the late Empress, and
Chingkin, his own father. Kamala was made the chief governor of
Mongolia with Kara Kurum as his residence. Guekdju and Kurguez, Timur’s
brothers-in-law, received command over troops opposed to Kaidu and Dua
on the northwestern border. Timur’s cousin, Prince Ananda, was made
governor of Tangut, that region west of the Yellow River. Bayan
Fentchan kept the ministry.
Bayan, the chief commander and greatest general of Kubilai’s reign,
died early in 1295, at the age of fifty-nine years. He and Ye liu chu
tsai, Ogotai’s faithful adviser, were renowned for lofty character and
justice beyond all men in the history of Mongols. Both tried to spare
human blood, and both were endowed with rare modesty.
Only two events of note came to pass in Timur’s time: a war in the
regions which lie between China and India, and a war in the west
against Kaidu.
Once on the throne, Timur made peace with the King of Ngan nan and
opened communication with India, which had been stopped by the war and
operations against Java. For several years Titiya, King of Mien tien
(Burma), had failed to send tribute, and Timur was preparing large
forces against him when Titiya’s son, Sinhobati, came with both homage
and tribute in the name of his father. Through a patent Timur then
declared Titiya king, with his son Sinhobati as successor, and gave to
the prince a square seal with the figure of a tiger. Mongol generals on
the borders of Burma received the command to respect that vassal State
and protect commerce between it and the Empire.
Three years later on Titiya was dethroned, and then killed by Asankoye,
his brother. His son went to beg the assistance of China. Timur sent
this command to Seitchaur, then governing in Yun nan for the Empire:
“March into Mien tien; seize and bring me Asankoye.” Seitchaur met many
checks and returned to Yun nan, spreading meanwhile the statement that
he had quelled all rebellion, but a number of his officers were
punished with death because they had been bribed by the rebels; this
had been proven. The Emperor degraded Seitchaur and seized all his
property.
While the war in Mien tien was progressing Timur learned that Pape si
fu, which lies west of Yun nan, had refused China’s calendar, and would
not obey that great Empire. He took the advice of Li yu chin, whom he
sent with a force of thirty thousand to bring all to obedience. This
army was reduced very soon to one third of its numbers by difficult
marches and the tropical climate. Demands in Yun nan for provisions and
horses roused revolt among hill tribes, whom the Chinese called
barbarous. Song long tsi, a chief among these people, put himself at
the head of their forces, surrounded Li yu chin, the Imperial
commander, and would have cut his whole army to pieces had not the
viceroy Hugatchi, Timur’s uncle, marched very quickly from Yun nan and
saved him.
The Emperor at this juncture commanded his generals Liu kwe kie and
Yang sai yu pwa to assemble all troops available in Su chuan, Yun nan
and Hu kuang and advance to support Li yu chin, who, pressed by Song
long tsi most unsparingly, was retreating, or rather, fleeing to a
place of protection. He had abandoned his baggage and lost many
warriors.
The revolt spread now on all sides, and many new tribes joined it.
Detached bands plundered towns, and ravaged loyal places. Liu kwe kie
held his own till fresh men came by swift marches to strengthen him;
with these new forces and his own he pushed into the country of the
rebels, and defeated them. Large numbers were captured, and among them
Che tsi we, a woman who had led mountain men from the first in that
struggle. She was killed without hesitation or pity.
In the North the long war continued. The Imperial troops led by
Chohaugur, who in 1297 succeeded his father Tutuka, won advantages over
Kaidu and Dua, who in their turn gained a victory, thanks to neglect on
the other side. A division of Dua’s army attacked the cordon which
stood against him and his ally. This cordon was of cavalry placed on a
line from southwest stretching northeastward; contact between the
groups was kept up by couriers. When an enemy was sighted mounted men
dashed away to notify the next group. One night the commanders of three
posts met for a drinking feast. News came at midnight that the enemy
was approaching, but they were too drunk to mount, rush away, and give
notice. Kurguez, the general in charge, did not know of this and
marshalled his warriors, six thousand in number. The attack was a
fierce one, Kurguez fought as best he was able, but waited in vain for
assistance; he fled at last, was pursued and taken captive. “I am the
Emperor’s brother-in-law,” said he. With these words he saved his life,
for they spared him. Timur had the three men, who had failed through
their drinking, put in irons, but the loss caused by their feasting
soon found a recompense. Wishing, as they said, to serve the Emperor,
two princes, Yubukur and Ulus Buga, with one general, Durduka, taking
twelve hundred men with them, abandoned Dua. These same three had
deserted the Empire in Kubilai’s day, hence Timur, distrusting such
persons, sent troops, who arrested them.
Ulus Buga from Kara Kurum sent his men out to pillage and was seized
for such action. Friends saved him, however, from punishment, but Timur
would not give him employment. Yubukur, on the contrary, was treated
with kindness by the Emperor. Durduka, who had deserted twice before,
received this time a death sentence. He wept while defending his
action, and declared in reply to this sentence, that fear had forced
him to go from the service of Kubilai, that he had never raised arms
against that sovereign, that seeing Timur on the throne he had
persuaded the two others who were with him to rally to the Emperor,
that he had brought back more troops than he had taken, and had brought
them to march against Timur’s opponents.
Timur pardoned Durduka and sent him with an army against Dua. Yubukur
was permitted to go with him. These two men, who knew Dua’s strength
well, wished to win distinction by crushing it. After his recent
triumph Dua was marching home by slow stages. He intended to fall on
the troops of Ananda, Achiki and Chobai when he came to them, disposed
as they were along Tangut on the border as far as Kara Kodja toward
Uigur regions. But while Dua’s troops were preparing to pass a certain
river, Durduka, coming up on a sudden, defeated them and slew or
drowned a great number.
In 1301 Kaidu was leading the largest army that he had ever assembled.
With him went Dua and forty princes descended from his grandfather and
from his grand-uncle Jagatai. Khaishan, Timur’s nephew, who had come a
short time before to learn war under Yuetchar and Chohaugur, summoned
promptly the five army corps stationed in that region and gave battle
between Kara Kurum and the Tamir River. The historian Vassaf describes
the battle as resulting in victory for Kaidu, who died while his troops
were marching homeward, but this westward march seems to prove that the
victory, if there was one, could not have been on his side decisively.
Kaidu had assumed the title Grand Khan, thus claiming the headship of
the Mongols, which belonged to him by the will of Jinghis, and the
solemn oath of the earliest Kurultai. Could he have lived some years
longer he might have obtained the great primacy, since after Timur the
Mongol sovereigns of China deteriorated and became not merely paltry
but pitiful and wretched, while Kaidu was a genius and also a hero. He
was loved in the West very greatly, and his veterans were renowned even
among Mongols. Kaidu was exalted by his people for magnanimity and
kindness. His boundless bravery and strength of body roused admiration
and wonder. He had forty sons and one daughter, named Aiyaruk (Shining
Moon), whom Marco Polo states was famous for beauty and still more
famous for the strength of her body; she surpassed every warrior of
that day, not only among Mongols, but all surrounding nations. This
young princess declared that she would marry no man save him who could
conquer her in wrestling. When the time came notice was given to every
one that Kaidu’s only daughter would marry the man who could throw her
in wrestling, but if he were thrown by the princess he would lose a
hundred horses. Man after man came till the princess had thrown a
hundred suitors and won ten thousand horses. After this hundred came
the best man of all, a young hero from a rich remote kingdom, a man who
had never met an equal in any land. He felt sure of victory, and
brought with him a forfeit of not one hundred, but one thousand horses.
Kaidu and the young lady’s mother were charmed with this suitor when
they saw him, and, being the son of a great and famous sovereign,
begged their daughter to yield in case she were winning in the
struggle, but she answered: “I will not yield unless he can throw me.
If he throws me, I will marry him.” A day was appointed for the
meeting, and an immense audience came to witness the trial. When all
the great company was ready the strong maid and the young man came into
the courtyard and closed in the struggle. They wrestled with great
skill and energy and it seemed for a long time that neither could
conquer the other, but at last the damsel threw the young hero. Immense
was the suitor’s confusion as he lay in the courtyard, but he rose and
hurried off with all his attendants, leaving the one thousand horses
behind him as forfeit.
Kaidu’s warriors mourned the death of their ruler with loud intense
wailing. Dua, to whom he had told his last wishes, proposed to the
princes who stood round the bier of the sovereign to choose as
successor the eldest among the dead man’s forty sons, namely, Chabar,
who was then absent. Dua on his part owed much to Chabar. When, after
the death of Borak, the members of his family repaired to the court of
Kaidu, as custom commanded, Dua, though not the eldest of Jagatai’s
descendants, obtained his succession through the influence of Chabar.
All present agreed with Dua, and each of the princes sent officers to
attend Kaidu’s body to its resting-place.
Chabar arrived very soon, and the princes, with Dua at the head of
them, rendered him homage as Kaidu’s successor. When Chabar was
installed in Ogotai’s dominion, Dua proposed to acknowledge
overlordship of Timur, grandson of Kubilai, and thus end the strife
which had raged for three decades in Jinghis Khan’s family. This advice
was accepted by Chabar and all other princes, and they sent envoys
immediately to offer submission. This pledge of peace was received with
great gladness by Timur, who now saw his authority recognized by every
member of his family.
But this agreement was short-lived. In the year following, disputes
burst forth between Chabar and Dua which involved the two sides of
Jinghis Khan’s family. In 1306, at Dua’s persuasion, Timur, who was
watchful, of course, and suspicious, attacked Chabar, the son of Kaidu
his recent opponent. Chabar was deserted immediately by most of his
adherents. He turned in distress then to Dua to support him. Dua
treated his guest with distinction, but took that guest’s states from
him, and joined Turkistan to Transoxiana. He thus reëstablished
well-nigh in completeness the dominions of Jagatai, which Kaidu had
dismembered.
So Chabar, the successor of Kaidu of Kuyuk and of Ogotai, was the last
real sovereign descended from Ogotai, son of Jinghis; that Ogotai to
whom the great conqueror had given supreme rule in the world of the
Mongols; Ogotai, whose descendants, despoiled by Batu, son of Juchi,
had won for themselves immense regions through the fruitful activity
and genius of Kaidu.
Dua, son of Borak, died in 1306; his son, Gundjuk, who succeeded him,
held power one year and a half only. After Gundjuk’s death supreme
power was next captured by Taliku, who through Moatagan was descended
from Jagatai. Taliku had grown old in combats; a Mohammedan by
religion, he strove to spread his belief among Mongols.
Meanwhile two princes, descended from Jagatai, insisted, weapons in
hand, that the throne belonged by right to a son of Dua; these two were
vanquished. Many others were preparing to avenge the defeat which these
men had suffered when Taliku was killed at a banquet by officers who
wished to raise a son of their former sovereign, Dua, to dominion. The
conspirators then proclaimed Dua’s youngest son, Gebek (1308). This
prince was barely installed when Chabar, leagued with other princes
descended from Kaidu, attacked him. Chabar being vanquished in this
struggle, crossed the Ili. Only a few followers went with him, and he
and they found a refuge in the lands of the Emperor. After this victory
over Chabar, which destroyed every hope among Ogotai’s descendants, the
Jagatai branch held a Kurultai at which they chose Issen Buga, a
brother of Gebek, as their ruler. This prince, who was then in the
territory of the Grand Khan, came for the sovereignty, which Gebek gave
him with willingness. After Issen Buga’s death,—we know not when it
happened,—Gebek received power and used it.
Bloody quarrels of this kind brought ruin to Turkistan regions and to
Transoxiana. Prosperity could not exist long with such sovereigns. When
the fruit of any labor grew evident it was pounced upon straightway.
The whole life of that land was passed in confusion, bloodshed and
anarchy.
Timur, the Grand Khan at Ta tu, was forty-two years of age when he died
in 1307, after a reign of thirteen years. During his last illness a
decree was issued forbidding the killing of any animal for forty-two
days; still he died. He was a sovereign well liked by the Chinese, who
praised his humanity and prudence. Humane he seems to have been to some
extent. Princes and princesses of the Jinghis Khan line had held
boundless power over vassals and people who served them till Timur
declared that no prince whatever should put to death any one without
his confirmation. He founded an Imperial College at Ta tu and built a
magnificent palace in honor of Confucius.
Before he mounted the throne Timur, like so many men of his family and
race, had been an unrestrained, boundless drinker; his grandfather,
Kubilai, reprimanded him frequently and bastinadoed him thrice for his
conduct. At last physicians were sent to see that he ate and drank
within reason, but an alchemist, whose duty it was to attend him in the
bathing house, filled his bath tub with wine or other liquor instead of
water. Kubilai heard of this trick, and when Timur clung to his
favorite, Kubilai had the man exiled and then killed on the journey.
But Timur, when made Emperor, forsook his intemperance and became as
abstemious as he had been irrestrainable aforetime.
CHAPTER XIX
EXPULSION OF THE MONGOLS FROM CHINA
The late Emperor was childless. His widow, Bulagan, who toward the end
of her husband’s reign had great influence, wished to put on the throne
Ananda, a son of Mangkala and grandson of Kubilai. He was living at
that time in Tangut as its viceroy. Tangut in those days included Shen
si, with Tibet and Su chuan also in some part. While Timur lay on his
death-bed Bulagan warned Ananda in secret to hasten to the capital. She
wished to keep the throne from Khaishan and Ayurbali Batra, the two
sons of Chingkin’s son Tarmabala; she had had the mother of these two
princes sent to Corea as an exile. Khaishan was on the northwestern
border at that time, commanding an army of observation, and had won
high repute through discretion and bravery in the struggle with Kaidu.
Batra was with his mother in exile.
Bulagan, now the regent, was sustained in supporting Ananda by Agutai,
the first minister, and by others. She disposed troops along the roads
of Mongolia to hinder Khaishan in reaching Ta tu. There was, however, a
party which favored the sons of Tarmabala. Karakhass, who was chief of
this party, sent secretly to hurry Khaishan on his journey and
mentioned the route by which he should travel to avoid meeting enemies.
He urged Batra also to be in Ta tu, and Batra did not fail to come
promptly with his mother. Meanwhile Ananda’s adherents had settled the
day on which to install him.
Khaishan’s party saw that there was no time for loitering. They could
not wait for their candidate; he was too far from the capital. So
Prince Tulu brought in a large army corps which he was commanding, and
acted. Melik Timur, a son of Arik Buga, was one of Ananda’s chief
partisans. He had served in the army of Chabar, had revolted, and then
fled to China; this Melik Timur was put in chains, conveyed to Shang
tu, and immured there securely. Agutai and other partisans of Ananda
were arrested and condemned to die for endeavoring to dispose of the
throne arbitrarily, but the execution was deferred till Khaishan’s
arrival. Bulagan and Ananda were guarded in the palace. The princes of
the blood asked Batra to proclaim himself Emperor, but he refused,
saying that the throne belonged to his elder brother. Batra now sent
the seal of the Empire to that brother, and took the title of regent
till Khaishan’s arrival, holding down meanwhile the partisans of the
Empress.
Khaishan hurried to Kara Kurum, where he took counsel with princes and
generals. The army, in which he was a great favorite, desired to
proclaim him in the homeland. Khaishan refused and started for Shang tu
with a picked force thirty thousand in number. He sent a message to his
mother and brother inviting them to assist at his installation. Batra
set out at once for Shang tu, where Khaishan was saluted as sovereign
by the princes and generals assembled in a Kurultai. He took the name
Kuluk Khan, raised his mother to be Empress and gave his dead father
the title of Emperor. He acknowledged at the same time the services of
his brother by making him heir, though he had heirs in his own sons.
Khaishan’s first act was to give homage to his ancestors in the temple
devoted to their service. Next he carried out the judgment passed by
Batra against the adherents of Ananda. Ananda himself, with Melik
Timur, his close intimate, and Bulagan, the Empress had to die
according to sentence. They had broken the laws of the Yassa by their
efforts to dispose of the throne without winning consent from Jinghis
Khan’s family.
Khaishan’s acts as a ruler were not merely paltry, they were harmful,
except this, that he had one work of Confucius translated into Mongol,
and also many sacred texts of the Buddhists. He angered the Chinese by
favoring Lamas beyond measure. A law was passed that whosoever struck a
Lama his hand should be cut off, and whoso spoke against a Lama should
have his tongue cut out. Given to women and wine, Khaishan died at the
age of thirty-one, in the year 1311. His brother Batra was then
proclaimed Emperor, but with the condition that a son of Khaishan
should be his heir. The feast of installation lasted for a week. At an
hour designated by astrologers he ascended the throne and was saluted
under the name Bayantu. The first act of this sovereign was to punish
those ministers who, taking advantage of Khaishan’s incompetence, had
acquired wealth for themselves through injustice; he put to death some
of these, and sent others to exile.
Notwithstanding an ordinance made by Kubilai, examinations of scholars
had not been reëstablished. Bayantu brought them now into use, thus
winning good will from the learned. He prohibited the employment of
eunuchs in every office, though he infringed his own law the year
following (1315), by making a eunuch Grand Mandarin. Bayantu was
himself a scholar and encouraged learned men. Among many who are
mentioned as being guests at his court is Chahan, one of the most
celebrated scholars of his time.
Now comes the great cause, and beginning of ruin for the ruling line of
the Mongols in China: the struggle among members of that line for
dominion. Though Bayantu was made heir on condition that he appoint to
that dignity one of his nephews, he removed his nephew, Kushala, the
eldest son of Kuluk Khan (Kaishan) the late Emperor, and sent him to
live in Yun nan as its governor. The officers of Kushala’s household
looked upon this as exile, and in crossing Shen si they persuaded many
Mongol commanders in those parts to take arms in Kushala’s favor. But
when Kushala saw himself abandoned soon after by those very officers,
he fled to the Altai for refuge among the Khans of Jagatai. Thereupon
the Emperor appointed as heir his own son Shudi Bala.
Bayantu died in February, 1320, his age being somewhat beyond thirty
years.
His first minister was a Mongol named Temudar, who made himself odious
by countless deeds of injustice. Accused by the censors of the Empire,
he was driven from office, and given a death sentence, but the Empress
delayed the execution. While the case was still pending Bayantu died,
and the Empress reinstated her favorite in all former dignities. Shudi
Bala, or Gheghen Khan, the new Emperor, mourned sincerely for his
father, fasted long and gave large sums in charity. Through regard for
his mother he did not act against Temudar, but he gave his confidence
to Baidju, a descendant of Mukuli, Jinghis Khan’s great commander.
Temudar took revenge on many of his enemies, but after his death which
took place in 1322 a host of accusers attacked this oppressor. Fear
restrained them no longer, hence they called loudly for justice and
obtained it as far as was possible at that time. The Emperor degraded
the dead minister by cancelling his titles, destroying his tomb, and
seizing his property. Those who had shared in Temudar’s crimes, among
others his adopted son Tekchi, formed a plan to assassinate Shudi Bala
and Baidju, his first minister, and give the throne then to Yissun
Timur, a son of Kamala, brother of Kuluk Khan.
Tekchi, being military inspector, had immense power in the army, and he
sent off in secret to Yissun Timur, who was then at the Tula, an
officer named Walus. This man bore a letter with sixteen names affixed
to it. In this letter the plan was explained, and Yissun invited to be
Emperor. The prince had Walus arrested and sent at once an account to
the Emperor of the plot against his person. The couriers were late in
arriving. The conspirators, fearing lest the plot be discovered,
resolved to finish all without waiting for an answer. Shudi Bala had
set out from Shang tu, his summer residence, for Ta tu, the chief
capital, and while he was spending the night at Nanpo, the conspirators
killed Baidju in his tent to begin with, and then forced the guard of
the Emperor’s pavilion. Tekchi himself slew his sovereign. Shudi Bala
was only twenty-one years of age when his death came. This was the
first death by assassination that there had ever been in the Imperial
family of the Mongols. Two princes, Antai Buga and Yesien Timur, seized
the great seal, with other insignia of dominion, and bore them to
Yissun Timur, son of Kamala, who proclaimed himself Emperor at the
Kerulon River, and granted a pardon to all men.
At first he intended to place at the head of affairs those who had
brought him dominion through their murders; but when experienced
advisers explained to the new sovereign clearly that if this were done
the whole nation might suspect him of complicity, he had Yesien Timur
with two other conspirators arrested and executed in the place where
the Emperor and his minister had been murdered. He then sent two
officers bearing an order to put to death Tekchi with his accomplices,
also their families, and then to confiscate their property.
Sonan, son of Temudar, had been condemned simply to exile, but when the
ministers remarked that he had cut off Baidju’s shoulder with a sabre
stroke, Sonan suffered death with the others. Those princes of the
blood who had joined the conspiracy were sent to various places of
exile.
Yissun Timur entered Ta tu in December, 1323, and early the following
year he appointed as heir his son Asukeba. This paltry monarch did
nothing of note while in power, and died when thirty-six years of age.
Though Asukeba, who was eldest among the four sons of the Emperor, was
heir by appointment, his right to the Empire was challenged. It will be
remembered that when Bayantu had succeeded Kuluk Khan he did so on
condition that he make a son of the latter his heir. Instead of doing
that he kept the place for his own son and removed to a distance
Kuluk’s sons, Tob Timur and Kushala. When the conspiracy against Shudi
Bala, or Gheghen Khan, had succeeded, the second of Kuluk’s sons was in
Southern China, the first in the west far beyond the Altai.
It was easy for Yissun Timur to seize power in their absence, and he
did so. Five years later he died in Shang tu, where he had gone to pass
the summer.
The Empress now sent Upetala, a minister of State, to Ta tu to seize
each department seal. Her son Asukeba, at that time nine years of age,
had been declared heir when in his fifth year, but Yang Timur, governor
of the capital, was the chief of a party which wished a son of Kuluk
Khan to be Emperor. Yang Timur, son of Choahugur, was distinguished as
a warrior, while his position was strengthened by the fame of his
father and grandfather. Raised to high dignities through Kuluk Khan, by
whom he was favored, this governor felt himself bound to the sons of
that Emperor by gratitude, as well as self-interest. When setting out
for Shang tu some months earlier Yissun Timur had given him power in
the capital. Yang Timur now summoned high officials to the palace and
proposed the elevation of one of Kuluk’s sons to Empire, threatening
with death all who showed opposition. After this declaration he
arrested Upetala, and other high functionaries; these men he replaced
by others in whom he had confidence. The troops, who had no knowledge
yet of his intentions, were ordered to kneel, looking southward, and
touch the earth with their foreheads. This was to indicate that through
them Yang Timur had proclaimed Tob Timur Emperor. That prince was then
in Nan king. The minister had urged him to hasten, and now announced
his early arrival.
Three descendants of Jinghis with fourteen high officials conspired to
slay the first minister for his unparalleled daring. Yang Timur,
learning of their plot, seized the seventeen and put to death every man
of them.
Meanwhile the Empress had Asukeba proclaimed at Shang tu, and chose
Prince Wan tsin, a grandson of Kamala, as first minister. She chose as
commander of the army Taché Timur, a son of the minister Toto, a
Kankali, and gave him the word to attack Yang Timur, who was trying to
cut off Shang tu by seizing other places of importance.
Tob Timur appeared now in Ta tu, assumed power and made appointments to
office. He put to death Upetala, the minister, and sent Toto to exile
with other persons whom Yang Timur had imprisoned. The governor urged
the prince to proclaim himself Emperor, but he insisted that power
belonged by right to his elder brother, Kushala, who besides had more
merit because of his services. At last, however, he agreed to the
installation, and promised to act till the coming of Kushala, but he
declared that he would yield up the throne on his arrival.
The Empire once established, Yang Timur marched toward Liao tung to
meet an army moving in the interest of Asukeba, but learning that Wan
tsin had seized a fortress on the way from Shang tu to the capital, he
wheeled about quickly, fell on Wan tsin, and forced him to retreat
toward Mongolia. Other generals in the interior declared for Asukeba.
Temuku advanced from the south on Honan with considerable forces, while
Prince Kokohoa, leading troops from Shen si, took possession of Tung
Kwan, the great fortress. Yessen Timur proclaimed Asukeba in that same
province, and advanced on the capital. Yang Timur faced all these
enemies and conquered. He met Yessen Timur when four leagues from Ta tu
and vanquished his army completely.
Buka Timur, uncle of Yang Timur and commander-in-chief of all forces at
the Liao tung border, on hearing of Tob Timur’s accession invited
Prince Yuelu Timur to join forces and march on Shang tu with him. Tao
la chu, who commanded at the summer palace, sallied forth repeatedly
with partisans of Asukeba, to battle with besiegers, but reduced
finally, he yielded. He surrendered the seal of the Empire and gave up
also the rich jewels belonging to Asukeba. The young Emperor died
shortly after, no one knows in what manner. Temuku, the Liao tung
governor, was killed during battle, weapons in hand. Yuelu Timur, now
master of Shang tu, and possessing the seal of dominion, conducted the
Empress mother to the capital. The minister Tao la chu traveled with
her. Yessen Timur and many other titled prisoners went also. The
Empress was exiled to a place in Pe che li, and Tao la chu, Wan tsin,
Yessen Timur and other lords of their party suffered death at the
capital.
News of this tragedy at Shang tu spread soon throughout China, and
caused the partisans of Asukeba to cease all resistance.
Tob Timur sent officers now to Kushala beyond the Gobi desert, to
declare what had happened and urge him to hasten. Kushala, as if
distrusting his brother, and feeling that danger was before him,
advanced very slowly, but when near the Mongol capital he proclaimed
himself sovereign. Tob Timur sent his first minister to Kara Kurum to
Kushala with the great seal of State, as well as the robes and regalia
of Empire. Kushala was courteous and genial in meeting his brother’s
first minister, and charged him at parting to tell Tob Timur that he
would confirm his appointments. At the same time the new Emperor named
his own ministers, and sent one of them to inform Tob Timur that the
throne was made his in succession.
Tob Timur and his first minister set out for Shang tu now without
loitering, and met the new sovereign a little north of the city. That
same evening, while at a feast, Kushala became ill on a sudden and died
some days later (1329). A report went abroad that he had been poisoned;
suspicion touched Yang Timur, the first minister. Kushala was thirty
years old when he died, and was entitled Ming tsong in Chinese.
Eight days after the death of Kushala, Tob Timur was made Emperor the
second time.
Tob Timur’s reign, however, was brief, and during his day nothing
happened of importance, except the personal plotting and treason of
Tukien, a prince of the blood, and governor in the Yun nan province,
who in 1330 took the title of King of Yun nan, and revolted. He was put
down by force the year following this action, 1331. Like Yissun Timur
and Kuluk, who preceded him, Tob Timur favored Buddhism greatly. He
appointed large sums to build temples, and brought from Uigur regions a
renowned Lama, Nien chin kilas, whom he called “Instructor of the
Emperor.” Tob Timur commanded the highest personages to advance to meet
this great Lama. All persons whom he addressed bent the knee to him, by
order, and served wine to the Lama, who received it without any
answering civility. Shocked at his haughtiness, the chief of the great
Chinese college in presenting wine spoke thus to him: “You are a
follower of Buddha and chief of all the Ho Chang. I am a follower of
Confucius, and chief of all scholars. Confucius is not less illustrious
than Buddha, and there is no need of this ceremony between us.” The
Lama smiled, rose and received as he stood there the cup which the
chief held before him. Notwithstanding these marks of the Emperor’s
favor Lamas and Uigurs conspired with powerful Mongols to put on the
throne Yuelu Timur, a son of Ananda. The plot was discovered and the
conspirators died for their treason. Yuelu Timur died with the others.
The Emperor was anxious to please learned men and thus win the Chinese;
hence he decreed new honors to the father and mother of Confucius, as
well as to some of his disciples. Having ordered the college of Han
lin, in which were found the best scholars of the Empire, to describe
Mongol history and manners, he visited that body one day, and conferred
long on history; he commanded to bring then the memoirs of his own
reign. The officers of his suite went to bring them. No opposition was
offered till Liu sse ching, a subaltern in the college, fell at Tob
Timur’s feet and explained that that tribunal was bound in all
sacredness to write down exactly the good and bad deeds of Emperors,
princes and great men, and write them down without favor, that these
records were not to be seen by any one save high officials of the
College of Historians until after the death of the Emperor. During time
immemorial no sovereign had violated the annals of his dynasty, much
less those of his own reign, and he hoped that the Emperor would not be
the first to infringe on this sacred and long honored usage. Tob Timur
yielded, and even praised the official for his courage and honesty.
Occupied with his own pleasures mainly, and leaving State cares to his
minister, Tob Timur became a nonentity. He died in 1332 at Shang tu,
being twenty-nine years of age when his life ended.
Though the throne had been appointed to a son of Kushala, Yang Timur
proposed to the Empress Putacheli to inaugurate a son of the late
Emperor. Tob Timur had so loved the first minister that he gave him his
one son to educate, bestowing on the youth the new name Yang Tekus, and
took Targai, the minister’s son, to be reared in the palace. The
Empress wished to enthrone a boy of seven years, Ylechebe, second son
of Kushala, who had been named heir by the late sovereign. She had this
boy proclaimed, and then became regent, but the health of Ylechebe was
feeble, and he died some months afterward. The Chinese name Ning tsong
was bestowed on him.
Yang Timur now made fresh efforts in favor of Yang Tekus, but the
Empress objected that this prince was too young; Tob Timur, she
declared, had promised Kushala to leave the throne to a son of his, and
she informed the ex-minister that she had sent an officer to visit
Kuang si and bring Togan Timur, Kushala’s eldest son, to Ta tu at the
earliest.
The prince was thirteen years of age at that period. At the beginning
of Tob Timur’s reign, Putacheli had put to death the Empress Papucha,
wife of Kushala, and sent her son, Togan Timur, to an island off the
coast of Corea with the command to let no man whatever approach him.
When a year had passed the report ran that Togan Timur had been exiled
because he was the true and rightful heir to the Empire. Tob Timur
declared in reply, that Kushala had had no children in Mongolia, hence
Togan Timur was no son of his. But he brought the boy back and sent him
to live at Kuang si in South China
When Togan Timur was some leagues from the capital, Yang Timur, with
princes and persons of distinction, set out to meet him. But, little
satisfied with the reception given him by Togan and the persons
accompanying him, Yang Timur delayed the enthronement. The coming
Emperor saw his fault, and tried to repair it by marrying Peyao, Yang
Timur’s daughter. While discussing this matter, and settling its
details, death struck the minister. Since Tob Timur’s advent to
authority this minister had been all-powerful; no person or combination
of persons however mighty had been able to successfully oppose him; he
had done what he wished in all cases; he had forced the widow of Yissun
Timur, an Empress, to marry him, and had dared to take forty princesses
descended from Jinghis, the great conqueror, and make them his
concubines; some of them he retained for three days only. His death,
hastened by incontinence and drink, assured the throne to the son of
Kushala. The Empress published the last will of the late Emperor, and
Togan Timur was made sovereign immediately, with the promise to demand
of the Empress that Yang Tekus, her son, would succeed him.
The new Emperor’s bent was toward luxury and pleasure, and he did
nothing of service to any one. Peyen became minister, and Satun chief
commander of the army. Satun, Yang Timur’s eldest brother, died soon
after he had entered on his office, and was succeeded by Tang Kichi,
the eldest son of that renowned minister, and therefore brother of
Peyao, the young Empress. Togan Timur, wishing now to win Yang Timur’s
powerful family, had raised Peyao to the highest rank possible to a
woman. Tang Kichi, fiery and envious by nature, was enraged at seeing
Peyen decide by himself the highest questions, hence he formed a plot
to raise to the throne Hoan ho Timur, a grandson of Mangu the Emperor
and a son of Shireki.
The conspirators, among whom with Tang Kichi were Targai, his brother,
and Talientali, Tang Kichi’s uncle, planned to secrete troops and seize
the Shang tu summer palace. Peyen, informed of this plot by a prince of
the blood, gave command to arrest Tang Kichi and Targai in the palace.
Tang Kichi, who strove to defend himself, was cut down and killed where
they found him. Targai fled to the apartment of his sister, the
Empress, who tried to conceal him with her garments; but she failed for
the men hunting Targai cared not for her modesty, hence he was
discovered and sabred to death in her presence. Peyao herself fared no
better, for Peyen obtained from the Emperor an order to kill her, and
charged himself with the office of headsman.
When Peyao saw him enter her apartments she divined what he wanted, and
rushing to the Emperor’s chamber, begged life of him. Little touched by
the tears of his consort, Togan Timur replied very coolly that her
uncle and her brothers had plotted against him, and he would do nothing
to save her. She was taken from the palace to some house where Peyen
himself killed her. Talientali defended his life arms in hand till he
fled to Hoan ho Timur’s mansion, where the blood hunters slew him. Hoan
ho was forced to raise hands on himself, and be his own executioner.
Thus the great family of Yang Timur, the late minister, was
extinguished.
Emperors of a day, palace tragedies, murders, civil war, and weakness
roused up the Chinese at last, and they began to cast off the Mongol
yoke. Revolts broke out in Honan, Su chuan, and Kuang tung
simultaneously; they were stifled at the very inception. The Mongol
court became thoroughly suspicious of the Chinese. In 1336 it
prohibited them from having horses and arms and forbade them to use the
language of the Mongols, their masters.
Peyen, the all-powerful minister, had reached now the acme of his
influence, and was approaching his ruin and his doom. This man had the
boldness to put to death without the Emperor’s knowledge a prince of
the blood of Jinghis, and to exile two others. Ambitious and merciless,
greedy and insolent to the utmost, he had drawn to his person the
hatred of all save the Emperor and his own tools and creatures. Togan
Timur knew nothing whatever of Peyen’s activity, being guarded most
strictly by that minister’s servants, who owed all they had to their
master. The blow came in 1340 from Peyen’s own nephew, Toktagha. This
man, a mere officer of the guards, undertook to explain to the Emperor
the real condition of the country and succeeded. Measures taken in
secret secured Peyen’s downfall. The moment was chosen when the
minister was absent on a hunting trip; when he returned he was not
permitted to reëenter the capital. He was driven to an exile in South
China, and died, as exiles usually died, while on the way. His brother,
Machartai, took his place as first minister.
This same year, 1340, the Emperor removed from the hall of Imperial
ancestors Tob Timur’s tablet, and excluded from his court the Empress
widow. He exiled also, to Corea, Yang Tekus, treated as heir up to that
time. This action was explained by an edict which was worded thuswise
in substance: “At the death of Kuluk Khan the Empress, yielding to
intrigues, excluded from court Kushala Khan, my own father, and made
him prince of Yun nan to be rid of him. When Shudi Bala (Gheghen Khan)
was slain, the throne was given to Kushala, who for safety had
withdrawn beyond the Gobi desert. While my father was returning rule
was tendered Tob Timur, who accepted on condition of yielding to
Kushala on the latter’s arrival. Meanwhile he sent the seal of Empire
to the coming Emperor, who was journeying toward his capital. My
father, to reward his brother’s apparent zeal, appointed him successor.
In pay for this Tob Timur and his adherents went to meet the Emperor,
and caused his death, while showing him great marks of kindness. Then
my uncle took the throne a second time. False to the word which he had
given my father, he appointed his own son successor. He put to death
the Empress Papucha, and sent me as an exile to distant regions. He
even tried to prove that I was not Kushala’s son. Heaven punished well
this man for so many offenses by taking his life from him. Putacheli,
through abuse of authority, placed on the throne to my prejudice a
child of seven years, my own brother. When he died the great men and
princes gave me that dominion which was due me as eldest son of the
Emperor Kushala. My first care has been to purge the court of those
intriguers, who breathe only murder and dissensions. Filled with
gratitude for Heaven’s favor I cannot uphold those whom its justice has
abandoned. Let the right tribunal repair to the hall of Imperial
ancestors and remove thence Tob Timur’s tablet; let Putacheli be
deprived of her title and appanage of an Empress, and be conveyed to
Tong ngan chiu; let Yang Tekus go to Corea as an exile; let all others
who have shared this mystery of crime and are still living get the
punishment befitting their offenses.”
Yang Tekus was sent to Corea under Yue Kusar, a mandarin, who took his
life on the journey. Putacheli was sent to the exile appointed, and
died there soon after. Fearing lest people might impute these cruel
acts to his counsels, Machartai the minister, who disapproved them,
resigned, and his place was taken by Toktagha, his son, and by Timur
Buga.
At this time were completed annals of the Liao, the Kin, and the Sung
dynasties. Kubilai at beginning his reign had commanded to write
memoirs of the first and second of these dynasties, the memoirs being
officially established, and after its fall memoirs of the Sung dynasty
also. He wished too that the data on which they were founded should
form a part of those annals. These labors, neglected, notwithstanding
his orders and those of his immediate successors, were but slightly
advanced when Togan Timur became Emperor. To finish them he
established, under Toktagha, a commission of the most eminent scholars
in the Empire. These men produced annals of those three dynasties.
Besides there were in these works calendars; methods of astronomical
research; lists of great men and their biographies; lists of books
published by scholars; and in the Sung history a library of books on
all subjects. There were also statistics touching several foreign
countries, and detailed description of States paying tribute to the
dynasties.
At the end of three years Toktagha, disgusted with court life, retired
from office. When consulted about a successor he recommended Alutu, a
descendant in the fourth generation from Boörchu, the first man of
Jinghis Khan’s comrades and one of his four bravest warriors. Alutu
when in office exiled Machartai and Toktagha. In 1347 his place was
taken by Pierkie Buga, son of the minister Agutai, who had been put to
death by Kuluk Khan’s order. This last man held the place only a few
months. Turchi, his successor, demanded as colleague Tai ping who
obtained the recall of Toktagha, whose father, Machartai, had died
while in exile. Toktagha was not slow in regaining the Emperor’s favor,
which he made use of to send Tai ping of whom he was jealous into
exile.
All this time the insurrection was spreading rapidly in Southern China.
In 1341 two private persons had raised troops in Hu kuang, and seized
many cities. Discontent had grown rife in Shan tung, while robber bands
ravaged other regions. A pirate chief, Fang kwe chin, harried the
coasts of Che kiang and Kiang nan. This man sailed up southern rivers,
plundered cities, and ruined commerce, turning specially to vessels
filled with grain, rice and various provisions intended for the
capital. The Mongols seemed to disregard these the earliest attacks,
and disorders increased very rapidly. Those who raised them made use of
the great public works undertaken in 1351 by the government.
The damage wrought by Hoang Ho floods caused the plan of opening a new
bed for a part of the river. An embankment eighty leagues long was
undertaken. More than seventy thousand men were employed at this labor,
either warriors, or men who lived on both banks of the river, or near
them. The insurgents enrolled some impressed laborers, as well as men
whose lands had been taken for the new river bed, and who were to find
land in other places. Fresh taxes imposed to carry out those works
increased dissatisfaction.
Han chan tong, an obscure private person, seeing the ferment of minds,
raised the report that Fohi (Buddha) had now appeared to deliver the
Chinese from Mongol oppression. He roused rebellion in Honan, Kiang
nan, and Shan tung, but the chief leaders, knowing that this story
would not be accepted unless strengthened, gave out to the world that
Han chan tong was of the Sung dynasty, and eighth in descent from Hwei
tsung. They took an oath to him, sacrificing a black bull, and a white
stallion. They chose then a red cap as ensign. This pretender to Sung
blood had very poor fortune, however. Attacked by the Mongols, he was
captured and killed by them, but his wife, and his son, Han lin ulh,
fled and continued the struggle.
The first reverse did not cast down those rebels. Their principal
chief, Liau fu tong, captured cities in Kiang nan and passed over then
to Honan with a numerous army. Other chiefs enrolled malcontents in
Kiang nan and Hu kuang and gave them the red cap as ensign. One rebel
chief, Siu chiu hwei, was proclaimed Emperor at Ki chiu, a city in Hu
kuang, and he gave the title Tien wan to the dynasty which he was
seeking to establish.
After a feeble resistance the Mongols abandoned the whole Yang tse
region. A comet appeared now, and a report was spread widely by the
rebels that this heralded Togan Timur’s early downfall. The Mongol
Government to conciliate men who had the most influence over people
admitted to offices of all kinds those Chinese scholars in the south,
who till then had been able to act only in matters touching literature
and commerce, and were wholly unfitted for military command.
The government despatched to Honan an army commanded by Yessen Timur, a
brother of Toktagha, the prime minister, and exiled to the distant
north Yng kwe, a true descendant of the Sung family, with an order not
to let him communicate with any man. This was done since most rebel
chiefs hid their plans of ambition under pretext of putting the prince
on the throne of his fathers.
Siu chiu hwei continued his triumphs, and to attach men to his fortunes
more surely, he let them pillage all cities which he captured. He took
Han yang, and Wu chang in Hu kuang, as well as Kiu kiang in the north
of Kiang si. He defeated Fan chi king and mastered Hang chau, which the
Sung dynasty had once made its capital, but the Mongol general, Tong pu
siao, crossed the Yang tse, and laying siege to Hang chau, regained it
after desperate carnage. Yessen Timur, who had been sent to put down
rebellion in Honan, defeated by Li fu tong, retired to Kai fong fu, and
thus left the field to the rebels. This incompetent general was
reprimanded and soon after the increase of the uprising caused the
Emperor to replace him by his brother Toktagha. Toktagha, leading Honan
forces, defeated the insurgents near Pe sui chiu, but Sing ki, who
commanded all Imperial troops in Yang tse regions, was defeated and
lost his life in a battle against a new rebel army.
Fang kwe chin, the pirate chieftain, was very active. He continued to
capture ships sailing northward, and thus deprived Ta tu of supplies
from South China, and also of tribute. Besides this, he killed most
perfidiously Tai Buga, a general. Hence the government, greatly anxious
to win the bold, active pirate, charged Tie li Timur to confer with
him. The pirate gave assurance that he would submit and disband his
forces if he, with his brothers, two in number, were made mandarins of
the fifth class. Tie li Timur, delighted at this offer, gave the three
brothers Hiu chin, Kuang te, and Siu chiu in the Che kiang province.
The pirate, however, for reasons which he alone knew, refused the
places when the time came to take them, raised sail, and disappeared
with his ship and his cutthroats.
In 1354, Chang se ching, a new rebel, appeared in Kiang nan and though
his troops were all levies he routed Tachi Timur, who had been sent out
to crush him. At this juncture, the first minister, Toktagha, fell on
Chang se ching, beat him thoroughly, and retook the cities which he had
captured. But while Toktagha was retrieving the losses of his
sovereign, his own colleague at the capital was working his ruin. Hama
and Sue sue, two brothers, notorious for dissolute conduct, had become
mighty in the Emperor’s councils. They were Kankali Turks, adventurers
in the worst sense, hardened profligates, and thoroughly perfidious.
When he had reached power Toktagha gave Hama occupation, and then
appointed him minister. Very soon this new minister made himself
independent of Toktagha and rose every day to greater influence. In due
time he found support in Ki, the Empress, a Corean princess by origin.
She was Togan Timur’s favorite wife, and mother of the heir apparent.
Hama applied himself quickly also to serving the worst inclinations of
his sovereign, and peopled the palace with his creatures, youthful
debauchees given to every disorder, and Tibetan Lamas, who practised
all sorts of magic, and held immensely grotesque superstitions. At this
man’s instigation the censors of the Empire accused Toktagha of taking
for his own use, or giving to his favorites, funds intended for war and
public service. Toktagha, the victor, so greatly needed at this crisis,
was stripped of his dignities and ordered to Hoai nan into exile, and
before going was forced to yield his command to the generals Yué yué
and Yué Kutchar.
Meanwhile Siu chiu hwei, who called himself Emperor, was master of Wu
chang, the chief city of the great Hu kwang province. Wishing also to
capture Mien yang, he charged with this service Ni wen tsiun, one of
his best leaders. The prince of Wei chun, who commanded that region,
sent his son, Poan nu, to oppose that rebel chieftain, but Poan nu’s
barks being weighty were stranded in the Han chuen shallows, where the
rebels burned the flotilla with fire bearing arrows. Poan nu perished
with a number of his warriors—and Mien yang was lost to the Mongols.
The year following (1356), Ni wen tsiun took Siang yang and conquered
the region of Tchong ling, after he had beaten Tur chi pan, a Mongol
general.
Because of great distance these reverses in the South roused at first
slight attention in Ta tu, or any other place, but when Honan rebels
raided regions north of the Hoang Ho there was lively dread at the
capital. Troops were sent to Honan, Shen si and Shan tung at the
earliest. Liau fu tong, chief of Honan red caps, thought that he was
increasing his partisans by proclaiming Han lin ulh, son of Han chan
tong, the first pretender, as the legal Sung Emperor. This prince took
the designation Ming wang, and established his court at Po chiu in
Honan.
The Mongol court, fearing lest the name Sung, so dear to the Chinese,
might rouse them, hurried off an army under Taché Bahadur, against the
pretender. This general met Liau fu tong and was defeated. Liu hala
Buga, who had been sent with a second corps to support the defeated
man, attacked the rebel leader and vanquished him. He received chief
command now because of his victory, and marching directly toward Po
chiu, he overtook and again defeated Liau fu tong, who fled for relief
toward Ngan fong and took his Emperor with him.
After Toktagha’s disgrace Hama was created first minister and Sue sue,
his brother, chief censor of the Empire. All power now was in those two
brothers. Since Hama had nothing to fear, as he thought, save the
return of Toktagha, he had the late minister killed at the place of his
banishment. But noting soon that the Empire was decaying very swiftly,
and the sovereign was depraved beyond repentance, a result to which
Hama himself had contributed immensely, he thought of means to cure the
evils around him, and decided to raise to the throne the heir apparent,
a person of some wit and a self seeker. This design was discovered and
Hama was sentenced to exile and in 1356 his enemies had him strangled.
In 1355 appeared the man destined to destroy Mongol rule in China and
found the Ming dynasty.—Chu yuan chang, a Buddhist, and also a priest
who cast off his habit in Kiang nan to become a simple warrior under Ko
tse ling, a rebel chieftain. This Chu was not slow in creating a party.
Continual success, with moderation, brought him many supporters, and
his renown increased daily. Advancing to the river Yang tse he was met
by the people in Tai ping as their saviour. After he had captured Nan
king, Yang chiu and Chin kiang he laid siege to Chang chiu near the
mouth of the river. This city was held by the troops of Chang se ching,
who himself was not present. This rebel leader, though defeated by
Toktagha, had recovered through Mongol remissness, and made himself
master of many cities. Chang se ching sent his brother Chang se te to
succor Chang chiu, but this brother was defeated and captured.
Chang se ching wrote now to the future Emperor of China and entreated
him to cease his siege labor and liberate Chang se te, promising in
return to become his vassal and pay a large yearly tribute in grain,
gold and silver. Chu, convinced of Chang se ching’s thorough perfidy,
held firmly to his prisoner and captured the city.
In the North the adherents of Ming wang, the pseudo Sung Emperor who
desolated Shen si and Honan, were beaten in Shen si by Chagan Timur,
the Mongol general. Liau fu tong, Ming wang’s first minister, had
mastered Honan for the greater part, and now wished to capture Kai fong
fu, the capital of Honan, and establish in that place the court of his
sovereign. Two army corps which he had sent to Shan tung committed
great ravages. Pe pu sin, chief of one corps of these warriors, entered
Shen si somewhat later, captured Tsin long with Kong chang, and laid
siege to Fong tsiang. Chagan Timur, who hastened to rescue this city,
surprised Pe pu sin and captured his baggage. Pe pu sin fled to Su
chuan and thus saved himself. The rebel force which had burst into Shan
tung and taken many cities defeated Talima che li and laid siege to Tsi
nan, the chief city of Shan tung and its capital.
When Tong toan siao arrived from Honan with a Mongol division he
defeated the rebels at the walls of Tsi nan and then left the place;
but barely had he gone when Mao kwe, who commanded the pseudo Sung
forces, attacked this central city of Shan tung and captured it. Then
he pursued Tong toan siao, closed with his forces, and killed him in
battle. After this victory in 1357 Mao kwe seized the city of Ho kien
and made raids to the very edge of Ta tu, the capital of the Mongol
Empire. It was thought by some members of the council, that the Emperor
should immediately withdraw from Ta tu, but the minister, Tai ping,
opposed this, and summoned Liu kara Buga, a good general, who defeated
Maok we, and forced him back on Tsi nan, which he had taken. While one
of his detachments was threatening the capital in this way Liau fu tong
seized Kai fong fu, from which the governor had withdrawn on a sudden.
Liau fu long then established his Emperor in that city, which had been
a residence of the Kin dynasty just previous to its downfall. Then he
sent north of the Hoang Ho two divisions of warriors under Kwan sien
seng and Po te u pan, who had ravaged Shan si for the greater part. The
first of these leaders took a long turn northward to Liao tung, whose
capital, Liao yang, he plundered, and even touched the border of Corea
while ravaging. Doubling back, he made the long march to the Emperor’s
great summer residence, Shang tu, which he captured and pillaged; and
his warriors burned Kubilai Khan’s splendid palace in that city.
In the South Siu chiu hwei had made himself master of most of Hu kwang
and a part of Kiang si. Chu yuan chang, the coming Emperor,
strengthened his position in Kiang nan, and set about conquering Che
kiang in its Eastern division. He received the submission of the
pirate, Fang kwe chin, who, threatened in the West by Chang se ching
and in the south by Chin yiu ting, master in Fu kien, preferred to be
vassal of a man whom he trusted. The pirate agreed to surrender Wen
chau, Tai chu, and King yuen in southern Che kiang when they came to
him; he sent also his son Fang kwan as a hostage. Chu, believing the
word of this pirate, sent his son back to him, and on receiving the
above mentioned districts he returned to Nan king, where he formed a
strong council to govern those newly won places.
While Chu yuan chang was thus increasing and strengthening his power,
division was rapidly weakening the other two parties. The life of Mao
kwe, the Sung general, was taken by his colleague, Chao kiun yong. To
avenge Mao kwe, Siu ki tsu set out at once from Liao yang and overtook
Chao kiun yong at Y tu, where he struck him down straightway and killed
him. Dissensions were still more rife among Siu chiu hwei’s partisans.
Chin yiu liang, a general of this founder of the Tien wan would-be
dynasty, had just captured Sin chiu (Kuang sin) on the eastern border
of Kiang si after a siege which was famous for desperate resistance
(1358). The defenders were led by Ta chin nu of the blood of Jinghis,
and by Beyen Buga, a descendant of the Idikut of the Uigurs. Both these
men perished in the deadly encounter. The provisions in the garrison
became so reduced that the warriors ate the flesh of those of their
comrades who had perished. At last they killed all of the inhabitants
who through age or weakness could not aid in the defence and used them
for food. The place was finally captured by means of an underground
passage. At this juncture Siu chiu hwei wished to transfer his capital
from Han yang to Nan chang fu, a recent conquest, though the general
who was with him opposed it lest his influence might be lessened.
The pretender went by way of Kiu kiang. Chin yiu liang went out to meet
him under pretext of showing great honor, but when Siu chiu hwei had
entered Kiu kiang, the gates were closed quickly behind him, and
troops, waiting silently in ambush, cut down his attendants. Chin,
master now of the Emperor’s person, spared his life and his title, but
he confined him, and called himself Prince of Han. Somewhat later he
marched on Tai ping, with his prisoner, and when he had captured that
city he beat the Sin chiu to death in his barge, with a crowbar.
Chin now proclaimed himself Emperor, named his dynasty the Han, and
returned to Kiu kiang, whence he had set out on his enterprise.
Chagan Timur, the Mongol general, seeing the Sung party divided,
planned now to capture Nan king with Liau fu tong and his Emperor. He
so arranged the march of his three army divisions that they arrived
over different roads simultaneously. Nan king thus found itself
invested on a sudden. He cut off all provisions, intending to weaken
the city, or perhaps take it by famine. When he saw that provisions in
Nan king were exhausted, he delivered a general assault in the night
time, scaled the walls, and took the place. Liau fu tong escaped to
Ngan fong with his Emperor.
In 1353 Togan Timur had made Aiyuchelitala his heir, and published a
general amnesty. Seven years later the heir in accord with Ki, the
Empress, his mother, wished that Tai ping, the first minister, should
prevail on Togan to resign and leave him dominion. The minister would
not try this experiment, hence they strove to destroy him. The heir had
poisoned a number of the minister’s partisans to weaken him. Tai ping,
exposed then to every blow and attack of a daring conspiracy, retired
from his office. Power passed after that to a eunuch, Pa pu hwa, and to
Cho se kien, two infamous men who had no thought except to increase
their own wealth and authority, and who kept the weak and debauched
Emperor in complete ignorance of all things around him.
A quarrel between two Mongol military chiefs at this critical moment is
of interest: Chagan Timur, acting in Shan si, had retaken Tsin ki from
the rebels. Polo Timur, the Tai tung fu governor, declared that this
district belonged to his province, and should not be detached from it.
He advanced with troops therefore to take the place. Chagan protested.
The Emperor settled the boundaries and the generals withdrew, each man
to the region assigned him. Hardly had they obeyed when the Emperor
commanded Chagan to yield up Ki ning to his rival, but Chagan replied
that Ki ning was needed to defend Kai fong fu, and reassembling his
warriors he moved now against Polo. Again orders came from the Emperor;
the movement was stopped, and the governors laid down their weapons,
though unwillingly.
This same year (1360) a storm rose in the North, which at first seemed
more dangerous by far than the rebellion in China. More than once had
the Emperor ordered princes of his family to aid him with troops in
defending his dominions; but now one of these princes, Ali hwei Timur,
seventh in descent from Ogotai, tried to seize the throne for his own
use, instead of helping its occupant. This prince was advancing with
aid, but when some days march from the Great Wall of China, he declared
that Togan Timur the Emperor was powerless to preserve that which he
had received from his ancestors; that he had lost more than half of it
already. Ali hwei then invited the Emperor to yield what remained of
the inheritance. Tukien Timur, whom the Emperor sent to crush this bold
rebel, was beaten and withdrew on Shang tu to find refuge. The Mongol
court was in terror and hurried on forces, but at this juncture the
rebel prince was betrayed by his own men, and delivered to the
Emperor’s general who commanded him to be put to death immediately.
Chagan Timur, having won back Honan, put garrisons in the principal
cities and passed over then to Shan tung to restore it to the Mongols.
On reaching this province he received the submission of Tien fong and
Wang se ching, two chiefs of the rebels. He divided his army into
several corps and sent these into action on all sides. He himself went
to Tsi nan, the chief city, or capital, to besiege it, and took the
place after three months’ investment. After that he attacked Y tu, the
only place left those insurgents at that time, 1362. Tien fong and Wang
se ching repented now of having aided this shrewd leader of the
Mongols, so they plotted death to him. Tien fong invited the general to
a review of his army, and Chagan Timur, who accounted Tien fong as the
best among all of his intimates, took with him only a dozen attendants.
Barely had he entered the tent of his host when Wang se ching gave him
a death blow. The two friends hurried then with their forces and
entered Y tu as had been agreed with the governor. Kuku Timur, the
murdered man’s son by adoption, inherited his dignities and title, and
continued the siege of Y tu in obedience to the Emperor. He attacked
the place eagerly, and finding resistance as brave as the onset, he
turned to dig tunnels, and dug till he worked himself into that city
and took it. The chief of the rebels he sent to the Emperor, but Tien
fong and Wang se chin he reserved for his personal and exquisite
vengeance. He brought them bound and alive to the coffin of Chagan
Timur, and there tore their hearts out, those hearts he then offered to
the spirit of his father. All the troops of these men who had followed
them into the city were put to the sword without exception.
A new Emperor appeared now in Su chuan, an officer named Ming yu chin,
who had been sent to conquer this province by Siu chiu hwei just before
he was beaten to death with a crowbar. Ming yu chin, having learned of
the murder of his master, made conquests for himself and finished by
capturing the Su chuan capital, where he proclaimed himself Emperor and
called his dynasty the Hia.
Now began war between Chu yuan chang, the coming Emperor of China, and
Chin yiu liang, that seeker for Empire who, when a general, had beaten
to death with a crowbar his own would-be Emperor, Siu chiu hwei. Chin
had taken Tai ping and advanced to the lands of Nan king. Chu yuan
marched against him, and when he had taken Nan king he found Chin near
Kiu kiang and cut his army to pieces. Chin fled to Wu chang. Chu yuan
captured Kiu kiang, and then Nan chang fu. Master of this capital, he
received submission from the principal cities of Kiang si. Chin,
wishing to win back Nan chang fu at all hazards, equipped a vast number
of vessels and laid siege to the city, which he pressed cruelly, hoping
to take the place before Chu yuan chang could appear with relief for
it; but those in command made a gallant defence and were able to notify
Chu yuan of their peril. Chu yuan sailed away from Nan king to assist
them with his flotilla, bearing on it a numerous army. To cut off
retreat from his enemy he ranged all his craft near Hu kiu, where Lake
Poyang joins the Kiang si through a channel. Chin, who had besieged Nan
chang eighty-five days in succession, raised the siege straightway, and
entered the lake, where he met Chu’s flotilla. The battle raged for
three days, when Chin, who had lost most of his vessels, was killed by
an arrow. Chin chan ulh, his eldest son, named by him successor, was
captured, and his principal officers yielded to the victor. Chin li,
the second son, fled to Wu chang and proclaimed himself Emperor; but
besieged, and seeing his cause in utter chaos, he yielded without
asking conditions. The surrender of this capital of Hu kuang was
followed by that of the province. Conquest was made easy now by Chu
yuan changes reputation for leniency, and the discipline of his army.
Before this campaign which destroyed the would-be new dynasty of Han,
Chu yuan, learning that Chang se ching and Liu chin had captured Ngan
fong, where the Sung Emperor was living, and that they had slain Liau
fu tong, his commander in that city, advanced toward it and defeated
Liu chin. Giving up command of his army then to his general, Su ta, Chu
charged him in 1366 with the investing of Hiu chiu. The Mongols
recaptured Ngan fong after Chu yuan chang had departed.
Now new troubles burst forth among the Mongols, and first that which
seemed most serious: After the murder of Chagan Timur, the one man who
might have restored Mongol authority in China, Polo Timur, his
opponent, strove to capture Tsin ki, and, in spite of repeated commands
from the Emperor, he sent troops to take the place. These troops were
defeated by Kuku Timur, son of Chagan. Polo Timur then desisted, but
another event armed him soon against even the Emperor. The weakness of
the sovereign favored factions, and the heir, who was unprincipled and
ambitious, took active part in the struggles of rivals. Cho se kien,
the first minister, persuaded the heir that many great persons, whom he
named, were ready to rise in rebellion; he then induced him to ruin
them. The prince accused these men to his father, and through his power
of insistence brought death to two leading persons.
Cho se kien and the eunuch, Pa pu hwa, bound to each other by criminal
plotting, now feared lest Tukien Timur, a friend of the two men just
done to death without reason, might avenge them, hence they decided to
destroy Tukien also. They brought a criminal action against him. Polo
Timur roused a defender to act for him. The heir, enraged by this
daring, accused Polo himself of complicity with Tukien and had him
stripped of his office. Polo refused to yield up command and his enemy
Kuku Timur was sent to constrain him. Polo knew that this order had
been given without the Emperor’s knowledge, and induced Tukien to make
a feint on the capital, hence he seized the Kiu yong kwan fortress.
They wished to bring the Emperor to banish the man who had taken
possession of him. Ye su, who commanded the place next that fortress,
attacked Tukien Timur, but his forces were utterly broken. Thereupon
the heir, not feeling secure in the capital, fled northward for safety.
Tukien now advanced to the river Tsing ho, where he halted to wait for
the Emperor’s decision. He declared that Polo Timur, by whose orders he
was acting, had no dream of failing in duty to the Emperor, he merely
desired to deliver his sovereign from Cho se kien and Pa pu hwa the two
traitors; he would retire the moment these direst foes of the Emperor
were given to him. They meditated long at the court over this
proposition, counter proposals were made, but Tukien remained firm and
retired only when the two ministers were put in his possession and Polo
Timur was reinstated in office.
Mongol dominion had fallen in China and civil war was raging around
Shang tu. The heir, a rebel also, was ordered back to Ta tu by the
Emperor. He obeyed, but if he did it was simply to assemble an army and
send it under Kuku Timur to fall upon Polo at Tai tung fu, his
headquarters. Polo, leaving men to defend the place, hastened on to Ta
tu with the bulk of his army. The heir advanced to the river Tsing ho,
but at sight of Polo’s large army his forces fled to Ta tu, and not
feeling safe even in that place, went out through the western gate to
join Kuku Timur, then near Tai yuen fu, the Shan si capital. The heir
followed them. When they had gone Polo entered Ta tu, and going with a
party of his generals to the palace fell at the feet of the Emperor and
received pardon for those acts to which, as he said, he had been
driven.
Togan Timur made him commander-in-chief and first minister. Polo now,
1364, put to death Tolo Timur, the Emperor’s favorite and companion in
debauchery; he drove from the palace a legion of parasites, among
others a real cohort of eunuchs and the whole throng of Lamas. At his
request the Emperor sent courier after courier to the heir demanding
his return to the palace. The heir, far from obeying, resolved to try
arms against Polo, his now all-powerful opponent. The recent example of
Tukien Timur was in this case most apposite.
When Polo learned that the heir was advancing he arrested Ki, the
Empress, and forced her to send in her own hand an order by which she
recalled her son to the capital. This done he sent Tukien toward Shang
tu to oppose the heir’s Mongol partisans on that side. He sent Ye su, a
general, to attack Kuku Timur and the heir, who was with him. Ye su had
not marched seven leagues to the south beyond Ta tu when he saw that
the officers in his army were dissatisfied with Polo, so he assembled
the chief ones, and in counsel it was resolved to obey that first
minister no longer. They therefore turned back toward Yong ping a short
distance, from which point Ye su informed Kuku Timur and the princes in
Mongolia of the resolve they had taken.
Polo Timur in despair at this defection sent against Ye su Yao pe yen
Buga, his best general. Ye su surprised this man, cut his army to
pieces, took him prisoner, and killed him. Polo Timur took the field
now himself, but a rain storm which lasted three days and nights
prevented all immediate action, and he returned to the capital. The
opposition which he met rendered him so distrustful that he put several
officers to death on suspicion. Seeking to drown in wine his sad humor,
and the grief which had seized him, he grew both ferocious and
pitiless. More than once, while in those moods he killed men with his
own hand, and he soon became odious to every one.
Ho chang, son of the Prince of Wei chun, got a secret order from the
Emperor to put an end to Polo and his partisans, and soon he found the
occasion to do so.
Polo receiving news of the capture of Shang tu, a victory over Mongol
adherents of the heir, hurried on to inform the Emperor, but just as he
was entering the palace he was stopped by Ho chang’s men who opened his
skull with a sabre stroke. When news of this death reached Tukien’s
army the officers deserted their general. Tukien was arrested, and put
to death straightway. The Emperor sent Polo’s head to the heir at Ki
ning and an order for him to appear at the palace. The prince returned
now with Kuku Timur, who became commander-in-chief and first minister.
The heir strove to force Kuku Timur to persuade the Emperor to resign
in his favor, and not finding the minister compliant grew enraged at
him. The Emperor was unwilling to abdicate, but he gave his son power
almost equal to that which he himself had, making him lieutenant in the
Empire. Kuku Timur tried to prevent this, but failed, and was stripped
of his dignities. Thereupon, he retired to Shang si, where he lived in
a stronghold.
While the Mongol court was thus torn asunder by dissension Chu yuan
chang was extending his Empire continually. He lived at Nan king,
working always to establish a government on justice and order, as
recommended by ancient philosophers of China. Meanwhile his generals Su
ta and Chang yu chun attacked Chang si ching, who was master yet of a
part of Che kiang and Kiang nan. In 1366 these two distinguished chiefs
won a great victory over Chang si ching, took Hiu chiu, one of the
wealthiest cities in Che kiang, and also Hang chau, the capital of that
province. The next year they captured Chang si ching in Ping liang, and
took him to Nan king directly. Chu yuan gave the man liberty in return
for his word that he would not go from the city in any case. Chang gave
his word to remain in it, and then hanged himself.
Ming yu chin, who had declared himself Emperor of the Hia dynasty, died
in 1366. Min ching, his son, who was ten years of age, succeeded, with
his mother as regent. This same year Han lin ulh, who claimed to be of
the Sung dynasty, vanished, and with him went his adherents.
Fang kwe chin submitted at last. This faith-breaking pirate had refused
not only to appear before Chu yuan chang, and send tribute, but he had
acted against him in the North in alliance with Kuku Timur, and in the
South with Chin yiu ting, who held a part of the Fu kien province. Chu
then sent his general, Tang ho, to take the cities Wen chau, Tai chu
and King yuen. At the approach of his forces the pirate retired to an
island in the sea. When all those cities soon after opened their gates
to Tang ho the pirate sent his son with submission, and put himself
also at command of the general, who sent him off to Nan king under
escort.
Chu yuan chang undertook now the liberation of all China. Su ta, his
great general, and Chang yu chun marched northward with an army which
numbered one fourth of a million. While Hu ting shui, a third general,
reduced Fu kien and Kuang tung, Yang king took Kwang si and held it.
These southern provinces, tired of oppression from strangers, made no
resistance whatever. First of all Su ta and his colleague took the
country between the Hoai and Hoang Ho, then they crossed the latter
river and entered Shan tung, proclaiming that barbarians, like the
Mongols, were unfitted to rule a polished people from whom they
themselves should receive law and order; that the Mongols had conquered
the Empire, not by their merit, but through Heaven’s aid given
purposely to punish the Chinese. Heaven, roused now by the crimes of
the Mongols, had taken power from them to give it to a warrior filled
with virtue and greatness, a warrior loved and respected by all men who
knew him.
The generals met no resistance in any place. When all Shan tung had
submitted they passed to Honan, where they had success of the same
kind—the gates of every city were opened to their standards.
Togan Timur, who was terrified at the swiftness of these conquests,
sent courier after courier for Kuku Timur, but that general did nothing
to rescue the capital; he held aloof and marched away toward Tai yuen.
Master of China, Chu yuan chang proclaimed himself Emperor at Nan king
on the first day of the Chinese year, February, 1368. He gave the name
Ming to his dynasty, which means light, and to the years of his reign
Hung wu (lucky war), a term applied also to this emperor himself, who
after his death received the title Tai tsu, founder or great ancestor,
which in China is usually given to the founder of a dynasty.
Chu yuan chang, the new Emperor, left Nan king in August, 1368, crossed
the Hoang Ho at Ping lien, and marched on the capital; all cities
submitted to him willingly. At the same time his two generals entered
Pe che li from Shan tung. At this juncture Che li nien, one of Togan
Timur’s ministers, took from the temple of ancestors all tablets of the
Mongol Emperors and fled to the north, the heir fleeing with him. Togan
Timur decided to follow immediately, and naming Timur Buga his
lieutenant, he appointed King tong as defender of the capital. Then,
assembling the princes, princesses and high officials, he declared his
resolve to retire to Mongolia. He set out that same night for Shang tu
with his family. The new Emperor of China was soon at the gates of Ta
tu, which he entered after a very slight struggle. Mongol dominion in
China was ended.
Nearly all China now received the Ming Emperor, and he set about
winning what was still under control of the Mongols. That done he
intended to follow them to their birthland and take it. The fleeing
Mongol Emperor, Togan Timur, did not think himself safe in Shang tu,
hence he hurried northward to Ing chang on the bank of Lake Tal, where
in 1370 his life came to its end. He had reigned thirty-five years, and
was fifty-one years of age.
The Ming forces seized Ing chang and captured Maitilipala, Togan
Timur’s grandson, as well as many princes and princesses and
distinguished persons who were all taken back to China. The heir
escaped safely to Kara Kurum, which now became the one capital of the
Mongols. On learning that this prince had mustered troops in his
homeland and was about to invade China the Ming Emperor in 1372 sent a
strong force, under Su ta, to stop him. Su ta marched to the Kerulon
River and the Tula, but gained no decided advantage. Kuku Timur, the
great Mongol general, died in 1375.
The Mongol heir who died in 1378 had taken the title of Kha kan, White
khan, that is Grand Khan. He was followed by his son Tukus Timur, who
was complimented by the Ming Emperors on his accession to the
sovereignty of the Mongols now driven back to their original home. In
succeeding years the troops of this Khan advanced frequently to violate
Chinese borders, but in 1388 the new Emperor sent an army against Tukus
Timur which defeated him at Buyur lake very thoroughly. His wives, his
second son and more than three thousand officers were captured. Tukus
Timur was assassinated near the Tula while seeking safety in flight.
Yissudar, who did the deed, was a prince of the Emperor’s family, and
seized the throne left by him. The ambition of others roused civil war
which seemed permanent. After long quarrels and short reigns a prince
named Goltsi gained supreme power in 1403. His reign was brief also,
for he fell by an assassin and Buin Shara was made Khan to succeed him.
When in 1408 the Emperor of China invited Buin Shara to declare himself
a vassal, he refused. A Chinese army now invaded Mongolia, but was
defeated near the Tula. Yung lo, the third Emperor of the Ming dynasty,
advanced with a large army in 1410 to the Kerulon River. Prince Olotai,
Buin Shara’s lieutenant, deserted him through ambition, retiring
eastward to the Hailar River. Yung lo defeated both the prince and his
lieutenant, the first on the Onon, the second on the eastern boundary
of Mongolia.
Buin Shara was killed in 1412 by Mahmud, prince of the Uriats, who put
Dalbek on the throne of the Mongols.
During two centuries Mongol princes strove unceasingly to regain lost
dominion; yielding to China when sufficient force was sent against
them, or attacking border provinces of the Empire when those provinces
were left unguarded.
Toward the middle of the seventeenth century, when the Ming dynasty was
nearing its downfall, the Mongols were divided into groups under
various small chieftains, each of whom bore the title Khan.
The Kalkas were in the North in the birthland of the Mongols. West of
them the lands of the former Naimans and the Uigurs were occupied by
the Eleuts; the Chakars, and the Ordos lived in the country between the
Great Wall and the Gobi desert. The Manchu dynasty which during 1644
won dominion in China took under its protection first the easternmost
Mongols and the Kalkas. Strengthened by them, it conquered the Chakars,
and later the Ordos. The Kalkas had preserved thus far independence,
but attacked by the Eleuts they found themselves forced to seek aid
from the Manchu sovereign of China. In 1691 the Emperor Kang hi
received homage from the three Kalka Khans forty leagues north of the
Great Wall. At last toward 1760 the Eleuts themselves were reduced, so
that most of the Mongols proper are to-day subject to China, while the
rest are under the control of Russia.
Remarkable as has been the part played by the Mongols in history the
part to be played by them yet may be far greater. How great and how
varied it may be and of what character is the secret of the future.
THE END.
NOTES
[1] A village or community.
[2] 1161.
[3] 1175.
[4] A tuman is ten thousand.
[5] Great King in Chinese.
[6] The Altai.
[7] Golden Khan, the title of the Kin Emperor in Mongol.
[8] One of the faults with which Jinghis reproached Juchi was
tenderness.
[9] About twenty-seven miles.
[10] A dinar is the fiftieth part of a cent.
[11] Mohammed of Nessa. Nessavi means of Nassa and applies specially to
the historian.
[12] Called Fatimids because they professed to trace their descent to
Fatima the daughter of the Prophet (Mohammed).
[13] The Victorious.
[14] Eagle’s nest.
[15] “Long beard, short wit,” an Arabic proverb.
[16] This man was Nassir ud din the astronomer who had been at Alamut,
and had confounded the astrologer favorable to the Kalif.
[17] Michael Palæologus.
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