| By Author | [ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Other Symbols ] |
| By Title | [ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Other Symbols ] |
| By Language |
|
Download this book: [ ASCII ] Look for this book on Amazon Tweet |
Title: Afghanistan
Author: Hamilton, A. (Angus)
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Afghanistan" ***
AFGHANISTAN
+-------------------------------------------------------------------+
| _BOOKS OF TRAVEL_ |
| |
| |
| =THROUGH FIVE REPUBLICS (OF SOUTH AMERICA).= A |
| Critical Description of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, |
| Uruguay, and Venezuela in 1905. By PERCY F. MARTIN, |
| F.R.G.S. With 128 Illustrations and 3 Maps. In one |
| vol., demy 8vo, price 21s. net. |
| |
| =GRANADA.= Memories, Adventures, Studies, and |
| Impressions. By LEONARD WILLIAMS. Post 8vo, |
| illustrated, price 7s. 6d. net. |
| |
| =IN THE COUNTRY OF JESUS.= By MATILDE SERAO. In one |
| vol., crown 8vo, illustrated, price 6s. net. |
| |
| =CARTHAGE OF THE PHŒNICIANS.= By MABEL MOORE. With |
| numerous illustrations and coloured frontispiece. |
| One vol., crown 8vo, price 6s. |
| |
| =KOREA.= By ANGUS HAMILTON. With a map and many |
| illustrations. In one vol., demy 8vo, price 15s. net. |
| |
| |
| LONDON: WILLIAM HEINEMANN |
+-------------------------------------------------------------------+
[Illustration: LORD CURZON OF KEDLESTON]
AFGHANISTAN
BY
ANGUS HAMILTON
FELLOW OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY
AUTHOR OF “KOREA,” “THE SIEGE OF
MAFEKING,” ETC.
WITH A MAP AND NUMEROUS
ILLUSTRATIONS
[Illustration: Colophon]
LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN
1906
COPYRIGHT 1906 BY WILLIAM HEINEMANN
_All rights reserved_
PREFACE
Since 1871, when Sir Charles MacGregor drew up a very exhaustive
_précis_ of information on Afghanistan for the use of the Government
of India, no book dealing with our buffer state in a general manner
has been issued. The thirty-five years which have intervened have not
been without important contributions to our knowledge of Afghanistan,
but those works which have appeared cannot altogether be described as
presenting a single comprehensive study of contemporary conditions
in the country. In 1886 Lieutenant A. C. Yate, and in 1888 Major C.
E. Yate, C.S.I., C.M.G., described in two very interesting volumes
the proceedings of the Afghan Boundary Commission. Ten years elapsed
before anything of importance appeared, when, by a rare coincidence,
two books dealing with Afghanistan saw the light in 1895: Mr. Stephen
Wheeler’s admirable account of _The Amir Abdur Rahman_, and that
most entertaining and graphic volume, _My Residence at the Court of
the Amir_, by the late Amir’s private physician, Dr. A. J. Gray. In
1900 Sultan Mahomed Khan, Mir Munshi to Abdur Rahman, presented to
the public his remarkable production, _The Life of Abdur Rahman_, as
well as a treatise on _The Constitution and Laws of Afghanistan_. In
the following year, 1901, Colonel Sir Thomas Holdich embodied in _The
Indian Borderland_ many graceful descriptions of scenery and various
centres in Afghanistan while, in 1905, in a series of articles in the
_Wide World Magazine_, Mrs. Kate Daly, physician to Habib Ullah’s harem
and the Government of Afghanistan, illustrated with many delightful
touches a sojourn of _Eight Years Among the Afghans_. These few works
practically exhaust contemporary literature on Afghanistan, and it
is in an endeavour to provide a more complete record of the subject
than has hitherto existed that the author of _Korea_ has compiled
this little book. Mistakes are those of his own making; reflections
and criticisms arise from his own opinions; but, in hoping that his
critics may find something of value in the results of two years’ toil,
the author wishes to say that if good qualities exist in it, they are
attributable to the encouragement and gracious assistance which he has
received and here wishes to acknowledge.
With a view to the careful preparation of this volume the author, after
returning to London from the war in Manchuria, visited Central Asia,
his travels terminating abruptly in an attack of small-pox contracted
from the natives, while he was wandering in the region of the Pamirs.
Descending _viâ_ Gilgit to India from the Taghdumbash, twelve months
have been spent in the labour of writing, in the examination of a
number of works, and in reference to those authorities who are so
justly distinguished for their knowledge of the heart of Mid-Asia. In
this direction it is perhaps of interest to point out that in order to
establish a standard of accuracy, certain chapters have been submitted
in page proof to the criticism of this little group of Central Asian
experts, and their corrections embodied in its final form. The author
very warmly appreciates the help which has in this way been given him,
and to Colonel de la Poer Beresford and Captain Charles Bancroft in
connection with chaps. i., ii., iii.; to Colonel Sir Thomas Holdich,
K.C.I.E., K.C.M.G., C.B., in chap. iv.; to Colonel C. E. Yate, C.S.I.,
C.M.G., in chaps. v. and vi.; to Colonel Sir Henry McMahon, K.C.I.E.,
C.S.I., in chap. ix.; to Dr. A. J. Gray, Mrs. Kate Daly, and Major
Cleveland, I.M.S., in chaps. xiv. and xv. he is very much indebted,
as the indulgent manner in which his inquiries have been received has
materially assisted the conclusion of his task.
In other quarters similar help has been given, and the author desires
to express his deep obligation to the Secretary of State for India,
Mr. Morley, to Mr. John E. Ellis, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of
State for India, to Sir William Lee-Warner, and to Mr. Thomas, of the
Political Department, India Office, for the considerate way in which
services have been rendered him. The very pleasant hospitality bestowed
upon the author by Mr. George Macartney, C.S.I., the representative
of the Government of India in Kashgar, Chinese Turkestan; by Mr. L.
G. Fraser, the editor of _The Times of India_; by Mr. C. F. Meyer,
Standard Oil Company’s Agent in Bombay; by Major Cleveland, in Poona;
and by Mr. Ivor Heron-Maxwell, late of Baku in that centre, has
provided him with many haunting memories which, in a later volume, will
be more suitably described. To Dr. Chalmers Mitchell, Secretary of the
Zoological Society of London, and to Mr. J. Bryant Sowerby, Secretary
of the Royal Botanic Society, the author is indebted for assistance in
compiling the tables of species which illustrate chap. xii.; while to
the Librarian of the India Office, and to the Librarian of the Royal
Geographical Society, he would express his grateful thanks.
As correspondent to _The Pall Mall Gazette_, and to _The Times of
India_ from Central Asia, it is the pleasant duty of the author to
acknowledge the permission of Sir Douglas Straight and Mr. L. G. Fraser
to make use of certain articles which, although entirely altered
and greatly amplified since their original appearance, were first
presented in the respective columns of these organs. These extracts,
a few brief paragraphs on various pages, are confined solely to the
first six chapters of the book. Acknowledgments are also due to the
proprietors of that esteemed Indian journal _The Pioneer_, whose London
staff permitted the files of their well-known paper to be inspected;
to the proprietors of _The Daily Graphic_ for permission to reproduce
the block of the Amir’s proclamation, and accompanying translation,
appearing on pages 370, 371; to Messrs. Macmillan for the right to
reproduce their copper engraving of Dr. A. J. Gray’s painting of the
Amir Abdur Rahman; to Baron Herbert de Reuter, Managing Director of
Reuter’s Telegram Company, for courteous assistance; to Mr. J. D.
Holmes, an Indian photographer of renown, whose unique photographs
of the Khyber Pass illustrate chaps. xvi. and xvii.; to Lieutenant
Stewart, whose photographs appear in chap. ix.; to Lieutenant Olufsen
for the right to reproduce certain interesting photographs from that
informative work _Through the Unknown Pamirs_; to Colonel Sir Thomas
Holdich for authority to base upon his original sketches enlarged
drawings of Herat and Kandahar, by Mr. Percy Home; to Major Cleveland,
I.M.S., to whose great credit very many of the illustrations in this
volume must be placed; to Major Molesworth Sykes, H.B.M. Consul at
Meshed, for photographs appearing in chap. vii.; to Professor Victor
Marsden, of Moscow University, for general courtesies; to Captain
Charles Bancroft for assistance in translating extracts from papers
placed at the author’s disposal by his Excellency Prince Khilkoff,
Russian Minister of Railways; to that well-known military novelist, Mr.
Horace Wyndham, who has been good enough to assist the author in the
revision of his proofs; and to Mr. Thomas Bumpus, of Messrs. J. and E.
Bumpus, Limited.
The final, but by no means the least gratifying, duty now remains to be
fulfilled. It is concerned with the dedication of this volume which, by
special permission, is inscribed:
TO HIM
WHO,
BY THE SPLENDOUR OF HIS GIFTS
AND
THE WISDOM OF HIS RULE,
HAS LEFT
AN INDELIBLE AND MEMORABLE
IMPRESSION
UPON INDIA:
LORD CURZON OF KEDLESTON,
G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E., P.C.
ETC. ETC. ETC.
AUTHORITIES CONSULTED
The works consulted in the preparation of this volume, including
references to the _Encyclopædia Britannica_, embrace most of the
well-known writers on Asiatic Russia, Persia, Afghanistan, and the
Indian Frontier. Among those of less recent date are the books of
Bellew, Connelly, Elphinstone, Ferrier, Lansdell, MacGregor, Marvin,
Pottinger, Rawlinson, Vambéry, Wood and Yule.
Contemporary authorities, to which the author is more especially
indebted, are as follows:
BRUCE, R. I. _The Forward Policy and its Results_.
CHIROL, VALENTINE _The Middle Eastern Question_.
CURZON, LORD _Russia in Central Asia_.
” ” _Persia and the Persian Question_.
” ” _The Pamirs and the Source of the
Oxus_.
DALY, MRS. KATE _Eight Years among the Afghans_.
GRAY, DR. A. J. _My Residence at the Court of the
Amir_.
HOLDICH, COLONEL SIR T. H. _The Indian Borderland_.
KEANE, A. H. _Asia_.
LANSDELL, H. _Russia in Central Asia_.
OLUFSEN, O. _Through the Unknown Pamirs_.
ROBERTS, FIELD MARSHAL LORD _Forty-one Years in India_.
RONALDSHAY, EARL OF _Sport and Politics under an Eastern
Sky_.
” ” ” _On the Outskirts of Empire in Asia_.
SHOEMAKER, M. M. _The Heart of the Orient_.
SKRINE, F. H., and ROSS, E. D. _The Heart of Asia_.
SULTAN MAHOMED KHAN _Laws and Constitution of Afghanistan_.
” ” ” _The Life of Abdur Rahman, Amir of
Afghanistan_.
THORBURN, S. S. _The Punjab in Peace and War_.
YATE, A. C. _England and Russia Face to Face_.
YATE, C. E. _Kurasan and Seistan_.
” ” _Northern Afghanistan_.
Together with scientific papers, lectures and articles by:
COLONEL DE LA POER BERESFORD.
MAJOR CLEVELAND.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR EDWIN COLLEN.
MRS. KATE DALY.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR EDMOND ELLES.
SIR LEPEL GRIFFIN.
MISS LILLIAS HAMILTON.
COLONEL SIR THOMAS HOLDICH.
COLONEL SIR HENRY MACMAHON.
And including all Parliamentary, Consular, and other official
publications, the files of _The Times_, _Morning Post_, _Standard_,
_Daily Chronicle_ in England; and _The Pioneer_, _Times of India_, and
_Indian Daily News_ in India; besides the more prominent Continental
organs.
ROYAL SOCIETIES CLUB, ST. JAMES’S
_June 1, 1906_.
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. THE ORENBURG-TASHKENT RAILWAY 1
II. THE KHANATE OF BOKHARA, THE PROVINCE OF SAMARKAND,
THE DISTRICTS OF TASHKENT AND MERV 25
III. FROM TASHKENT TO MERV 58
IV. THE NORTHERN BORDER AND THE OXUS RIVER: ITS
CHARACTER, TRIBUTARIES AND FORDS 81
V. THE MURGHAB VALLEY RAILWAY 110
VI. THE MURGHAB VALLEY 131
VII. HERAT AND THE WESTERN BORDER 147
VIII. KANDAHAR 178
IX. SEISTAN AND THE MCMAHON MISSION 211
X. PROVINCES AND DISTRICT CENTRES, ETHNOGRAPHICAL
AND OROLOGICAL DISTRIBUTION 242
XI. ADMINISTRATION, LAWS AND REVENUE 269
XII. TRADE: INDUSTRIES AND PRODUCTS 288
XIII. ARMY, FORTS AND COMMUNICATIONS 308
XIV. KABUL: ITS PALACES AND COURT LIFE 342
XV. KABUL AND ITS BAZAARS 376
XVI. ANGLO-AFGHAN RELATIONS 400
XVII. ANGLO-AFGHAN RELATIONS (_continued_) 427
APPENDICES
I. NAMES OF STATIONS ON THE ORENBURG-TASHKENT
RAILWAY 461
II. (A) LIST OF STATIONS FROM TASHKENT TO MERV, WITH
DISTANCES FROM KRASNOVODSK AND TASHKENT 463
II. (B) MURGHAB VALLEY RAILWAY: LIST OF STATIONS
FROM MERV TO KUSHKINSKI POST, WITH DISTANCES
FROM KRASNOVODSK AND MERV 464
III. TABLE OF MEASUREMENTS 465
IV. THE TREATY OF GANDAMAK, ETC. ETC. 466
V. TIME TABLES OF THE OXUS FLOTILLA 519
VI. RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM RUSSIA TO
KHORASSAN DURING THE PERIOD MARCH 21, 1903, TO
MARCH 20, 1904, COMPARED WITH 1900-03 522
VII. RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM KHORASSAN
TO RUSSIA DURING THE PERIOD MARCH 21, 1903, TO
MARCH 20, 1904, COMPARED WITH 1900-03 526
VIII. RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM AFGHANISTAN TO
KHORASSAN AND SEISTAN DURING THE PERIOD MARCH 21,
1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904, COMPARED WITH 1900-03 529
IX. RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM KHORASSAN AND
SEISTAN TO AFGHANISTAN DURING THE PERIOD MARCH 21,
1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904, COMPARED WITH 1900-03 531
X. RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM INDIA TO KHORASSAN
_viâ_ THE SEISTAN ROUTE DURING THE PERIOD
MARCH 21, 1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904 534
XI. RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM KHORASSAN TO
INDIA _viâ_ THE SEISTAN ROUTE DURING THE PERIOD
MARCH 21, 1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904 535
XII. TRADE VALUE OF THE SEISTAN ROUTE COMPARED WITH
COMPETING ROUTES 536
XIII. AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND JAPAN 537
XIV. CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF AFGHAN HISTORY 540
INDEX 547
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Lord Curzon of Kedleston _Frontispiece_
Market-cart, Orenburg 1
Tomb in the Market-place, Samarkand 3
Palace of the Governor, Baku 5
The Picturesque Camel 6
The Shir Dar Medresse, Samarkand 7
On the Road in Asia 9
Kirghiz Elders 17
Kirghiz Women 19
Native Quarter, Tashkent 21
Shir Dar, Samarkand 25
The Amir of Bokhara on Palace Steps 27
The Gates of Bokhara 31
The Prison, Bokhara 35
The Minar Kalan, Bokhara 36
The Ark, Bokhara 37
The Tomb of Tamerlane, Samarkand 41
Samarkand--the Hour of Prayer 44
Samarkand--a Bird’s-eye View 45
Sobornaya Boulevard in Tashkent 47
Bazaar Scene 51
Breaking Camp on Manœuvres, Tashkent 53
Native Quarter, Tashkent 58
Koran Stand, Samarkand 58
Peasants from the Golodnaya Steppe 60
The Column of Tamerlane, Samarkand 63
The Registan, Samarkand 65
Throne-Room--Palace of the Amir of Bokhara 68
Amir’s Palace, Bokhara 70
The Dervishes of Bokhara 72
The Kara Kum--Black Sands 76
Mosque at Bairam Ali 77
The Gur Amir 78
The Military Quarter, Merv 80
The Amu Daria Bridge 81
Near the Source of the Oxus 83
The Valley of the Oxus 83
Beside the Oxus 87
The Wakhan Valley 87
Type from Wakhan 89
Bridge over the Upper Oxus 90
Difficult Going 92
Village on the Lower Oxus 95
Petro Alexandrovsk 99
Native Church at Khiva 101
Temple on the Banks of the Oxus 103
The Shrine of Hazrat Ali 105
Village on the Middle Oxus 107
Street Scene, Andijan 110
A Notable Gathering 113
On the Central Asian Railway 115
School Children 118
Hindu Traders at Pendjeh 120
Native Water-Sellers 123
Khorassan Dervish 125
The Murghab Valley Railway 127
Native School 130
The Russian Cossack on the Afghan Border 131
Tamarisk Scrub in the River Valley 133
Bokharan Traders at Pendjeh 139
The Russo-Afghan Boundary 141
Meshed Traders at Pendjeh 143
Gandamak Bridge, where the Famous Treaty was signed 151
Plan of Herat 153
A Street Shrine 155
The Irak Gate 159
Herat Citadel 163
Kitchen in Native House 165
Household Utensils 167
A Caravansary Compound 170
Religious Festival on the Perso-Afghan Border 171
Afghan Post at Kala Panja 175
A Water Seller 177
Typical Street Scene 180
Crossing the Helmund River 183
Constructing the Quetta-Nushki Line 188
Plan of Kandahar 191
The Walls of Kandahar 195
Always a popular and central Meeting-place 199
Typical Street Scenes 207
Carrying Cotton to Market 210
Camel Bazaar, Nasratabad 212
Lakeside Dwellers 214
The Native Staff attached to the Mission 215
Officers of the McMahon Mission 217
Baluchistan Camel Corps 220
Baluchi Chiefs who accompanied Colonel McMahon 221
Gates at Nasratabad 224
The Walls at Nasratabad 225
Bazaar Scene, Nasratabad 227
Dâk Bungalow on the Nushki Route 236
Infantry with the Persian Commissioner 238
The Persian Commissioner 240
A Caravan of Pack-Ponies 242
Women pounding Grain 245
A Baluchi Shepherd 248
Elders from Wakhan 251
Kasi Khoda da of Ishkashim 261
Children from the Upper Oxus 265
A Mountain Village 268
Entrance to Amir’s Pavilion at Jelalabad 269
Tomb of the Emperor Baber near Kabul 272
Spinning Cotton 275
A Customs Station in the Plains 285
Abdur Rahman’s Memorial to the Soldiers who fell in
the War of 1878-1880 287
Caravan of Wool and Cotton 288
Cotton Fields under Irrigation from the Amu Daria 299
Across the Passes 307
Typical Afghan Fortress 310
Picket of the Household Troops 313
Troop of Cavalry 315
Men of the Amir’s Bodyguard 317
Infantry in Parade State 319
Patrols of Household Troops 322
Infantry on the March 325
Miss Brown, Physician to the Amir’s Harem 342
Winter Palace of the Amir 348
Amir’s Summer Residence--Indikki Palace 351
Major Cleveland, I.M.S. Physician to the Amir of
Afghanistan 354
Mrs. Cleveland 355
His Highness Prince Nasr Ulla Khan 361
The Amir’s Bodyguard 363
His Highness Habib Ullah, Amir of Afghanistan 367
A Proclamation 370
Major Cleveland’s Residence at Kabul 375
The famous Cage on the Summit of the Lataband Pass 376
Weighing Wood in the Bazaar 377
Playground of Amir’s School, Kabul 381
Afghan Women 383
A Saint’s Tomb 385
The Bala Hissar Kabul 389
Remains of the Roberts Bastion at Shirpur 393
Bazaar Children 398
In the Khyber Pass 400
Abdur Rahman’s Palace at Jelalabad 404
The Road to Lundi Khana, Khyber Pass 412
Ali Masjid Fort 420
Jamrud Fort 426
Jamrud Fort 428
Caravansary at Dakka 430
Grounds of Palace occupied by the Dane Mission 437
Takht-i-Rawan 447
Festival in Honour of the Dane Mission 453
Scene of the Audiences between Habib Ullah and
Sir Louis Dane 455
Escort outside the Gate of the Quarters occupied by
the Dane Mission 457
The Walls of Bokhara 458
Map of Afghanistan _At end_
[Illustration: MARKET-CART, ORENBURG]
CHAPTER I
THE ORENBURG-TASHKENT RAILWAY
By a coincidence of singular interest in Central Asian affairs the
completion of the Orenburg-Tashkent railway occurred simultaneously
with the evacuation of Lhassa by the troops of the Tibetan Mission, the
two events measuring in a manner the character of the policies pursued
by the respective Governments of Great Britain and Russia in Mid-Asia.
Moreover, if consideration be given to them and the relation of each
to contemporary affairs appreciated, it becomes no longer possible to
question the causes which have determined the superior position now
held in Asia by our great opponent. If this situation were the result
of some sudden cataclysm of nature by which Russia had been violently
projected from her territories in Europe across the lone wastes of the
Kirghiz steppe into and beyond the region of the Pamirs or over the
desert sands of the Kara Kum to the southern valleys of the Murghab
river, our periodic lament at the mastery of Central Asia by Russia
would be more comprehensible. But, unfortunately, the forward advance
of Russia to the borders of Persia, along the frontiers of Afghanistan
to the north-eastern slopes of the Hindu Kush, has been gradual;
so gradual indeed that as each successive step became accomplished
we have had time to register recognition of the fact in bursts of
indignant chatter, accompanied as is not unusual with us by a frothy
clamour of empty threats. Unluckily noisy outcry has been mistaken for
action; but from the moment when Russia first moved into Trans-Caspian
territory there appears to have been nothing but vague realisation
of the acute possibilities with which the situation in Central Asia
from that hour became impressed. As time passed and the several phases
vanished our indifference and supineness have increased, until no
chapter in the history of our Imperial affairs offers more melancholy
reading than that which deals with the period covering the “peaceful”
penetration of Asia by Russia.
In order to secure sufficient momentum for her descent railways were
needed; and, while the line so lately completed between Orenburg and
Tashkent is a more material factor in the situation than hitherto has
been recognised, the laying of the permanent way between Samarkand and
Termes, Askhabad and Meshed, approximately gauges the duration of the
interval separating Russia from the day when she will have rounded off
her position in Mid-Asia. Just now, therefore, and for ten years to
come, strategic requirements should alone be permitted to influence the
arrangement of our policy in High Asia. Commercial developments within
the vexed sphere of the Russian and British territories in this region
should be regulated by circumstances which, actually inherent in our
Asiatic position, have been too long ignored. No question of sentiment,
no considerations of trade influenced the creation of railway
communication between Orenburg and Tashkent, the construction of the
Murghab Valley line or the extension of the Trans-Caspian system from
Samarkand to Osh. Strategy, steely and calculating, required Mid-Russia
to be linked with Mid-Asia, the irresistible expansion of empire
following not so much the line of least resistance as the direction
from which it would be placed in position for the next move. Continents
have been crossed, kingdoms annihilated and provinces absorbed by
Russia in her steady, inimical progression towards the heart of
Central Asia; until there is nothing so important nor so intimately
associated with our position in Afghanistan to-day as the intricate
perplexities which have emanated from this untoward approach. From time
to time attempts have been made to effect an adjustment of the points
at issue. The result has been unsatisfactory since the patchwork
application of pen and paper has come, as a rule, in response to some
accomplished _coup_ upon the part of our astute opponent. Indeed,
there is nothing in the result of any of these compromises which can
be said to do credit to our knowledge of the existing situation.
Indifference, coupled with a really lamentable ignorance, distinguishes
the conditions, if not the atmosphere, under which these rectifications
of frontier and modifications of clauses in previously accepted
treaties have been carried out. But now that we have witnessed the
joining of the rails between Orenburg and Tashkent let us put an end
to our absurd philandering; and, appraising properly the true position
of affairs, let us be content to regard all further extension of the
Russian railway system in Mid-Asia as the climax of the situation. To
do this we must understand the points at issue; and to-day in Central
Asia there are many causes which of themselves are sufficient to direct
attention to them.
[Illustration: TOMB IN THE MARKET-PLACE, SAMARKAND]
Years have passed since the delimitation of the Russo-Afghan frontier
and the definition of the Anglo-Russian spheres of influence in the
Pamirs were made. In the interval, beginning with the acceptance of the
findings of the Pamir Boundary Commission of 1896, Russia ostensibly
has been engaged in evolving an especial position for herself in
North China and providing railway communication between Port Arthur,
Vladivostock and St. Petersburg. In this direction, too, war has
intervened, coming as the culminating stroke to the policy of bold
aggression and niggardly compromise which distinguished the diplomatic
activities of Russia in Manchuria. Yet throughout these ten years the
energies of Russia in Mid-Asia have not been dormant. Inaction ill
becomes the Colossus of the North and schemes, which were _en l’air_
in 1896, have been pushed to completion, others of equal enterprise
taking their place. Roads now thread the high valleys of the Pamirs;
forts crown the ranges and the military occupation of the region is
established. Similarly, means of access between the interior of the
Bokharan dominions and the Oxus have been formed; caravan routes have
been converted into trunk roads and the services of the camel, as a
mode of transport, have been supplemented by the waggons of the railway
and military authorities.
The great importance attaching to the Orenburg-Tashkent railway and
its especial significance at this moment will be appreciated more
thoroughly when it is understood that hitherto the work of maintaining
touch between European Russia and the military establishment of Russian
Turkestan devolved upon a flotilla of fourteen steamers in the Caspian
sea--an uncertain, treacherous water at best--and the long, circuitous
railway route _viâ_ Moscow and the Caucasus. This necessitated a break
of twenty hours for the sea-passage between Baku and Krasnovodsk
before connection with the Trans-Caspian railway could be secured. The
military forces in Askhabad, Merv, Osh and Tashkent--including, one
might add, the whole region lying between the south-eastern slopes of
the Pamirs, Chinese Turkestan, the Russo-Afghan and the Russo-Persian
frontiers--embracing the several Turkestan Army Corps, were dependent
upon a single and interrupted line. Now, however, under the provision
of this supplementary and more direct Orenburg-Tashkent route the
entire military situation in Central Asia has been dislocated in
favour of whatever future disposition Russia may see fit to adopt. All
the great depôts of Southern and Central Russia--Odessa, Simpheropol,
Kieff, Kharkoff and Moscow, in addition to the Caucasian bases as a
possible reserve of reinforcements--are placed henceforth in immediate
contact with Merv and Tashkent, this latter place at once becoming
the principal military centre in these regions. Similarly, equal
improvement will be manifested in the position along the Persian and
Afghan borders, to which easy approach is now obtained over the metals
of this new work and for which those military stations--Askhabad,
Merv, Samarkand--standing upon the Trans-Caspian railway, and Osh,
now serve as a line of advanced bases. It is, therefore, essential to
consider in detail this fresh state of affairs; and as knowledge of
the Orenburg-Tashkent railway is necessary to the proper understanding
of the position of Afghanistan, the following study of that kingdom is
prefaced with a complete description of the Orenburg-Tashkent work,
together with the remaining sections of railway communication between
Orenburg and Kushkinski Post.
[Illustration: PALACE OF THE GOVERNOR, BAKU]
The journey between St. Petersburg and Orenburg covers 1230 miles and
between Orenburg and Tashkent 1174 miles, the latter line having taken
almost four years to lay. Work began on the northern section in the
autumn of 1900 and many miles of permanent way had been constructed
before, in the autumn of 1901, a start was made from the south. The
two sections were united in September of 1904; but the northern was
not opened to general traffic until July, nor the southern before
November, 1905. Prior to the railway communications were maintained
by means of tarantass along the post-road, which led from Aktiubinsk
across the Kirghiz steppes _viâ_ Orsk to Irghiz and thence through
Kazalinsk to Perovski, where the road passed through Turkestan to run
_viâ_ Chimkent to Tashkent--a journey of nineteen days. In addition to
the galloping _patyorka_ and _troika_--teams of five and three horses
respectively--which were wont to draw the vehicles along the post-road
and the more lumbering Bactrian camels, harnessed three abreast and
used in the stages across the Kara Kum, long, picturesque processions
of camels, bound for Orenburg and carrying cotton and wool from Osh
and Andijan, silks from Samarkand and Khiva, tapestries from Khokand,
lambs’-wool, skins and carpets from Bokhara and dried fruits from
Tashkent, annually passed between Tashkent and Orenburg from June to
November.
[Illustration: THE PICTURESQUE CAMEL]
Of late years, the Trans-Caspian railway, begun by Skobeleff in 1880
and gradually carried forward by Annenkoff to Samarkand, has supplanted
the once flourishing traffic of the post-road, along which the passing
of the mails is now the sole movement. The new railway, too, is
destined to eliminate even these few links with the past, although in
the end it may revive the prosperity of the towns which through lack
of the former trade have shrunk in size and diminished in importance.
The line does not exactly follow the postal route; but from Orenburg,
which is the terminus of the railway from Samara on the Trans-Siberian
system, it crosses the Ural river to Iletsk on the Ilek, a tributary
of the Ural. From Iletsk the metals run _viâ_ Aktiubinsk and Kazalinsk
along the Syr Daria valley _viâ_ Perovski to Turkestan and thence to
the terminus at Tashkent.
[Illustration: THE SHIR DAR MEDRESSE, SAMARKAND]
Originally one of three suggested routes the Orenburg-Tashkent road
was the more desirable because the more direct. Alternative schemes in
favour of connecting the Trans-Siberian with the Central Asian railway
on one hand and the Saratoff-Uralsk railway with the Central Asian
railway on the other were submitted to the commission appointed to
select the route. Prudence and sentiment, as well as the absence of
any physical difficulties in the way of prompt construction, tempered
the resolution of the tribunal in favour of the old post-track. It
was begun at once and pushed to completion within four years--a feat
impossible to accomplish in the case of either of the two rival
schemes. The former of these, costly, elaborate and ambitious, sought
to connect Tashkent with Semipalatinsk, the head of the steamboat
service on the Irtish river, 2000 miles away, _viâ_ Aulie-ata, Verni
and Kopal. Passing between the two lakes Issyk and Balkash alternative
routes were suggested for its direction from Semipalatinsk: the one
securing a connection with the Trans-Siberian system at Omsk, the other
seeking to pass along the post-road to Barnaul, terminating at Obi
where the Trans-Siberian railway bridges the Obi river. The supporters
of the scheme, which aimed at uniting the Saratoff-Uralsk railway with
the Central Asian railway, proposed to carry the line beyond Uralsk
to Kungrad, a fishing village in close proximity to the efflux of the
Amu Daria and the Aral sea. From Kungrad, passing east of Khiva, the
line would have traversed the Black Sands following a straight line and
breaking into the Central Asian system at Charjui, opposite which, at
Farab, a line to Termes _viâ_ Kelif has been projected; and where, too,
an iron girder bridge, resting on nineteen granite piers, spans the
Amu Daria. It is useless at this date to weigh the balance between the
several schemes; one of which, the Orenburg-Tashkent route, has become
an accomplished fact to provide, doubtless in the near future, matter
for immediate concern.
From Orenburg, of which the population is 80,000, the line 4 versts[1]
from the station crosses the Ural river by an iron bridge, 160
sagenes[2] in length, running from there south to Iletsk, formerly the
fortress Iletskaya Zashchita and at present a sub-district town of the
Orenburg government with a population of 12,000.
[Illustration: ON THE ROAD IN ASIA]
From Iletsk a short branch line, rather more than three versts in
length, proceeds to the Iletsk salt mines. Running eastwards and
crossing the Ilek river from the right to the left bank by an iron
bridge 105 sagenes in length it reaches Aktiubinsk, a district town
in Turhai province. At this stage the railway traverses the main
watershed of the Ural, Temir, Kubele and Embi rivers, arriving at the
Kum Asu pass across the Mugodjarski range. The passage of the line
through the mountains, extending 26 versts and a veritable triumph of
engineering, imposed a severe test upon the constructive ability of
the railway staff. Beyond the range the line turns southward following
the valleys of the Bolshoi, Mali Karagandi and Kuljur rivers until,
600 versts from Orenburg, it arrives at Lake Tchelkar. The line
now runs across the Bolshiye and Maliye Barsuki sands, where there
is abundance of underground fresh water, to the northern extremity
of the Sari Tchegonak inlet on the Aral sea, where it descends to
sea-level moving along the north-eastern shore. The military depôt
at Kazalinsk--sometimes called Fort No. 1--now approaches. This point
founded in 1854 has lost its exclusive military character, ranking
merely among the district centres of the Syr Daria province. Thirty-six
versts from Kazalinsk, at the next station Mai Libash situated in a
locality quite suitable for colonisation, a branch line, 4 versts in
length, links up the important waterway of the Syr Daria with the
Orenburg-Tashkent system, extending the facilities of the railway to
shipping which may be delayed through stress of bad weather in the gulf
or through inadequacy of the draught over the bar at the mouth of the
river.
The main line keeps to the Syr Daria, running through the steppe
along the post-road to Karmakchi or Fort No. 2. On leaving Karmakchi
it diverges from the post-road to wind round a succession of lakes
and marshes which lie at a distance of 50 versts from the river. The
railway continuing its original direction now runs along the basins of
the Syr Daria and the Karauzyak, a tributary which it crosses twice by
small bridges, each constructed with two spans 60 sagenes in length.
The character of the country from Karmakchi to Perovski, a distance
of 138 versts, differs considerably from the region preceding it.
The low-lying ground, broken by swamps, is everywhere covered with a
thick overgrowth of reeds; while the more elevated parts, watered by
ariks, are devoted to the cultivation of crops. The town of Perovski
is situated in flat country 1½ versts from the station. From there
to Djulek the line returns to the post-road and some distance from
the Syr Daria passes between the river and the Ber Kazan lakes to
Ber Kazan. At Djulek, the name being adopted from a small adjacent
hamlet, it diverges from the post-road to run direct to the village of
Skobelevski, one of those curious peasant settlements which located in
the uttermost parts of Central Asia preserve in their smallest detail
every characteristic of remote Russia. At such a place life savours so
strongly of the middle ages that one scarcely heeds the purely modern
significance which attaches to the Iron Horse.
Barely 30 versts from Skobelevski and situated close to the Syr Daria
there is the station of Tumen Arik, which gives place to Turkestan,
beyond which for 120 versts the line runs parallel with the post-road.
The station is 2½ versts to the north of the town of Turkestan, one
of the most important towns in the Syr Daria province and only 40
versts from the Syr Daria. The next station Ikan is associated with
the conquest of Turkestan, a famous battle having been fought about
the scene where the station buildings now stand. Twenty versts to the
north of the station, close to the post-road, there is a memorial to
Ural Cossacks who fell during the fight. Otrar the following station
is identified with the tradition, derived from the existence of an
enormous mound standing amid the ruins of the old-time city of Otrar,
that Timur when his army crossed the Syr Daria ordered each of his
soldiers to throw a handful of earth upon the ground at the point where
the river was crossed in safety. Beyond Otrar the line runs along the
right bank of the Aris river, crossing it at 1570 versts from Orenburg
by a bridge of 90 sagenes in three spans of 30 sagenes each. Aris
station is placed further along the river bank at a point where at some
future date branch lines between it and the town of Verni, as well
as to a junction with the Trans-Siberian system, will be laid. After
leaving it the railway, still ascending, ultimately crosses the pass of
Sari Agatch in the Kizi Kurt range, 267 sagenes above the sea.
The descent from the pass leads to Djilgi valley where the line crosses
three bridges; passing over the Keless river by a single span bridge of
25 sagenes, over the Bos-su arik by a bridge of 18 sagenes, and over
the Salar river by a bridge of 12 sagenes. Seventy-two versts further
the line runs into its terminus at Tashkent which is now classed as a
station of the first degree, although commercially it stands only sixth
among the stations of the Central Asian railway ranking with Andijan
and yielding priority of place to Krasnovodsk, Samarkand, Khokand,
Askhabad and Bokhara. It is proposed at Tashkent, which lies 1762
versts from Orenburg, 1747 versts from Krasnovodsk and 905 versts from
Merv and where it is evident that the needs of the railway have been
carefully studied, to double the track between Orenburg and Tashkent.
Large stocks of spare rails and railway plant are held in reserve in
sheds, one important feature of this very efficient preparation being
the possession of 20 versts of light military railway. The erection of
engine-sheds, waggon-sheds, workshops, supply stores and quarters for
the staff has followed a most elaborate scale, these buildings being
arranged in three groups around the station. The railway medical staff
and the subordinate traffic and traction officials occupy the first;
the chiefs of the traffic, telegraph and traction departments are in
possession of the second; the remaining employés securing accommodation
in the third set of buildings placed at the end of the Station Square.
Along the opposite face are the spacious workshops where between five
and six hundred men find daily employment; in juxtaposition with the
general depôt are the railway hospital, where there is accommodation
for 10 beds, the main supply stores and a naphtha reservoir with a
capacity of 50,000 poods.[3]
The country in the neighbourhood of Tashkent as seen from the railway
presents the picture of a bountiful oasis. For 20 versts there is no
interruption to a scene of wonderful fertility. Market gardens, smiling
vineyards and fruitful orchards, not to mention cotton-fields and
corn-lands, cover the landscape. This abundance in a measure is due
to careful irrigation and to the excellent system of conserving water
which has been introduced. In support of this 113 specific works have
been completed, each of which--and the giant total includes water-pipes
by the mile and innumerable aqueducts--was a component part of that
scheme of irrigation by which life in Central Asia alone can be made
possible.
Although work upon the Orenburg-Tashkent line began in 1900 immediately
after the completion of the original survey, wherever more careful
examination has shown an advantage to be possible alterations have been
made. The cost of construction, estimated at 70,000 roubles[4] per
verst, has been materially lessened by these means--a reduction of 24
versts equally divided between the Orenburg and Kazalinsk, Kazalinsk
and Tashkent sections having been effected. By comparison with the
old post-road the railway is much the shorter of the two lines of
communication, the advantage in its favour amounting to 134 versts on
one section of the road alone; the actual length between Tashkent and
Kazalinsk being by post-road 953¼ versts and by railway 819¼.
In its local administration the railway is divided into four sections:
No. 1. From Orenburg to the Mugodjarski mountains about 400 versts.
No. 2. From Mugodjarski mountains to the sands of Bolshiye Barsuki, 400
to 560 versts.
No. 3. From the sands of Bolshiye Barsuki to Kazalinsk, 560 to 845
versts.
No. 4. From Kazalinsk to Tashkent, 845 to 1762 versts.
In the northern section the line is supplied everywhere with fresh
water--in the first instance from the Ural river and then by the
smaller rivers Donguz, Elshanka, Ilek, Kulden, Kubele, Temir and Embi;
Koss lake and finally from wells.
Here are the Iletsk mines, famous for their rock salt. They despatch
annually to Orenburg more than 1,500,000 poods of salt. The deposits
cover a field 4 versts in extent with an unvarying thickness of more
than 85 sagenes. The section now in working contains 100 milliard poods
of salt. The annual yield may be reckoned at 7,000,000 poods. At the
present time considerably less than this output is obtained, the high
freight charges upon land-carried goods and the insufficiency of the
labour available being responsible for the disproportion.
In another direction the Iletsk district is of importance; the
veterinary station Temir Utkul, through which pass large herds of
cattle on their way to Orenburg from the Ural province, having been
established there. In the course of the year many thousands of cattle
are examined by the surgeons of the Veterinary Board--the existence
of the numerous cattle-sheds and the constant arrival of the droves
adding to the noise and bustle of Iletsk, if not exactly increasing its
gaiety. Further on, in the Aktiubinsk district of the Turgai province
and along the whole valley of the Ilek river, where much of the land is
under cultivation, wide belts are given over to the pasturage of these
travelling mobs of cattle. Upon both banks of the river, too, there are
Kirghiz villages. The area of the Aktiubinsk district is:
_Area._ _Population._
40,000 sq. versts 120,000
From an agricultural point of view this locality, on account of its
paucity of population and fertile soil, is regarded with high favour
by the immigration authorities. In the town of Aktiubinsk itself there
is a yearly market of cattle, corn, manufactures and agricultural
implements. This as a rule returns a quarter of a million roubles.
Now that the railway has been completed and opened to passenger and
commercial traffic, it is expected that it will give an immediate
impetus to this region and that it will be possible to carry out a more
careful examination of its mining resources, of which at the present
time there are only indications. Copper has been traced along the
Burt, Burl, Khabd and Kutchuk Sai rivers; deposits of coal have been
found near the Maloi Khabd, Teress Butak and Yakshi Kargach rivers;
iron has been located by the Burt river and naphtha on the Djus river;
while there is reason to believe that gold exists in the vicinity.
On the second section, the line derives its water from springs in
the Djaksi mountains, the basin of the Kuljur river, the Khoja and
Tchelkar lakes. It abounds with Kirghiz villages but minerals do not
play an important part in it. A few seams of coal are believed to exist
in the ravine of the Alabass stream; and there are lodestone mines
in the Djaman mountains and in the Kin Asu defile. Cattle-farming is
more remunerative to the local settlers than cereal production; as a
consequence there is very little cultivation. The district, which is
160 versts in length, occupies:
_Area._ _Population._
127,300 sq. versts 85,000
On the third section, which extends from the sands of Bolshiye Barsuki
to Kazalinsk covering an area of 285 versts, the water-supply is
obtained at first from shallow surface wells; but 45 versts from
Kazalinsk the railway enters the Syr Daria valley, where water is
abundant. The southern areas of this belt alone possess any commercial
importance, owing to Kirghiz from the northern part of the Irgiz
district who, to the number of some 10,000 _kibitkas_, winter there.
The northern part is largely the continuation of a sparse steppe. The
Kazalinsk district, beyond which the Orenburg-Tashkent railway enters
Turkestan, is one of the least important divisions of the Syr Daria
province. It embraces:
_Area._ _Population._
59,550 sq. versts 140,598
Around Kazalinsk itself, however, there has been but little
agricultural activity. In the main, development is confined to the
fertile Agerskski valley and along the Kuban Daria, a tributary of the
Syr Daria. The return is meagre and the population has not sufficient
corn for its own needs. Large quantities of grain are annually imported
into the neighbourhood from the Amu Daria district by boat across
the Aral sea or by camel caravan. Railway traffic in this section
nevertheless will not rely upon the carriage of cereal produce--live
stock, which until the advent of the railway was sent to Orenburg
by boat along the Syr Daria and then by caravan-road to the city,
representing the prospective return which the district will bring to
the line. The population is composed of:
_Males._ _Females._ _Total._
4478 4002 8480
Orthodox Russians 2205
Dissenters 1165
Jews 115
Mahommedans 4995
In the town there are:
Private houses 578
Orthodox church 1
Synagogue 1
Mosques 2
Schools 4
Native universities 2
The revenue of Kazalinsk is 21,880 roubles. The town contains the
residences of a district governor and an inspector of fisheries,
together with district military headquarters, the administrative
offices of the treasury and the district court, besides a district
hospital and a public library. There are no hotels. In early days in
the conquest of Turkestan, when the Kazalinsk road served as the only
line of communication with European Russia, the town became a busy mart
for Orenburg, Tashkent, Khiva and Bokhara; even now the Kirghiz in
the district possess 770,000 head of cattle. Trade was obliterated by
the advent of the Central Asian railway; but it is hoped that now the
Orenburg-Tashkent line has been opened to traffic it may revive.
The village of Karmakchi which is situated on the banks of the Syr
Daria is another point in this district. It boasts only a small
population, in all some 300 odd, an Orthodox church, post and telegraph
office, two schools, hospital and military base office. Importance
attaches to the post as it is upon the high road along which is
conducted the winter trek of the Kirghiz.
The value of the annual export trade of the region is:
EXPORTS.
_Poods._ _Roubles._
Wool { Sheep }
{ Camel } 200,000 }
Hides 150,000 } 2,000,000
Lard 150,000 }
Cattle 400,000
The value of the annual import trade amounts to:
IMPORTS.
_Merchandise._ _Value._
110,000 poods 1,800,000 roubles.
With the opening of the line to traffic the transportation of fish by
the railway has shown a tendency to increase. It is believed that the
development of the fishing industry throughout the Aral basin is only
a matter of time. At present the yearly catch of fish there reaches
a total of 300,000 poods of which not less than one half is sent
to Orenburg, the trade realising about 1,000,000 roubles. Hitherto
little has been attempted. With the assistance of the railway a speedy
expansion of the trade is assured--the interests of the fishing
population and the general welfare of the river traffic having been
advanced through the construction of a harbour upon the gulf of Sari
Cheganak, in connection with the railway and only 5 versts distant.
Aral sea, the station at this point, is 790 versts from Orenburg.
The fourth and last division, from Kazalinsk to Tashkent, runs along
the valley of the Syr Daria. It is fully supplied with good water and
possesses a larger population than either the second or the third
sections. In it the line traverses the following districts of the Syr
Daria province:
_District._ _Area._ _Population._
Perovski 95,965 sq. versts 133,784
Chimkent 100,808 ” ” 285,180
Tashkent 40,380 ” ” 500,015
The Perovski district notwithstanding the good qualities of its soil
produces very little corn; its chief population consists of nomadic
Kirghiz who together own 990,000 head of cattle, the export cattle
trade for the district amounting to 2,000,000 roubles annually. Small
tracts of wheat and millet are cultivated here and there with the aid
of _tchigirs_, native watering-pumps. The water is brought up from the
river by means of a wheel, along the rim of which are fixed earthenware
jugs or cylindrical vessels of sheet iron. These vessels raise the
water to the height of the bank, whence it is very readily distributed.
The best corn-lands are situated in the Djulek sub-district; but
the primitive methods of agriculture existing amongst the nomads, in
conjunction with the deficiencies in the irrigation system, explain at
once the lack of cereal development in these areas.
[Illustration: KIRGHIZ ELDERS]
Perovski was taken by Count Perovski on July 28, 1853, and in honour of
the occasion by Imperial order the fortress was renamed Fort Perovski.
Close to the town there is a memorial to the Russian soldiers who fell
during that engagement.
The present population comprises:
_Males._ _Females._ _Total._
3197 1969 5166
Orthodox Russians 1050
Jews 130
Dissenters 210
Tartars 450
Sarts and Kirghiz 3326
The town contains:
Private houses 600
Orthodox church 1
Synagogue 1
Mosques 5
Schools 3
Military hospital 1
together with district administrative offices similar to those
established at Kazalinsk. The water-supply is drawn from the Syr Daria
by means of wells. There are no hotels. The town revenue is only 12,350
roubles; although the importation of various goods from Russia into the
Perovski district represents an annual sum of 2,900,000 roubles. With
the advent of the Central Asian railway the commercial importance of
Perovski, once a point through which caravans destined for Orenburg or
Tashkent passed, waned. Now its trade is dependent upon the numerous
Tartars and Ural Cossacks who have settled there. The place is
unhealthy, and the settlement is affected by the malaria arising from
the marshes which surround it. In spring and summer the lagoons swarm
with myriads of mosquitoes and horse-flies; so great is the plague that
the Kirghiz together with their flocks and herds after wintering along
the Syr Daria beat a hurried retreat into the steppe, driven off by the
tiresome insects. Many months elapse before the nomads return; it is
not until the cold weather has set in that they appear in any numbers.
Quite close to Perovski there are two immigrant villages--Alexandrovski
and Novo Astrakhanski--erected in 1895, where the inhabitants are
occupied with cattle-farming and the sale of hay in winter time to the
Kirghiz. The district possesses nothing save a pastoral population
and a small settlement of 200 souls at Djulek. This place, formerly a
fortress founded in 1861 and now half destroyed by the floods of the
Syr Daria, contains the administrative offices of the commissioner of
the section, with a postal and telegraphic bureau and a native school.
To the south of Djulek there is Skobelevski, another small village
founded by immigrants in 1895 and containing some fifty-six houses. It
is watered by the Tchilli arik. Skobelevski is rapidly developing into
a trade-mart, the source of its good fortune being contained in the
advantageous position which it fills in the steppe. Throughout this
region, plots of land with a good quality soil and well watered have
been granted to colonists.
The Chimkent district similarly possesses a rich and fertile soil,
derived in the main from its network of irrigating canals. Its
population is more numerous than other adjacent settlements and it
supports altogether seventeen immigrant villages with a population of
5135. Chimkent contains in itself all the features necessary to the
development of a wide belt of agriculture; but at the present time the
most extensive tracts of wheat land are along the systems of the Aris,
Aksu, Badam, Buraldai, Burdjar, Tchayan and Bugun rivers. In the valley
of the Arisi, along the middle reaches, there are rice-fields; and in
the country round Chimkent the cotton industry has begun to develop.
Experiments are being tried in the cultivation of beetroot as the soil
and climatic conditions of the district are especially favourable
to its growth. The present quality of the Chimkent beetroot is not
inferior to that grown in the Kharkoff Government; so that Chimkent
may well become, in the near future, the centre of a sugar-producing
industry not only for Turkestan but for the whole of Central Asia,
which so far has imported its sugar exclusively from European Russia.
[Illustration: KIRGHIZ WOMEN]
The district town of Chimkent, formerly a Khokand fortress taken by
the Russian forces under the command of General Chernaieff September
22, 1864, lies upon the eastern side of the railway. Its population
comprises:
_Males._ _Females._ _Total._
6887 5554 12,441
Orthodox Russians 768
Jews 150
Natives 11,523
There are in the
_Russian Quarter._ _Native Quarter._
Houses 105 Houses 1886
Orthodox churches 2 Schools 3
Mosques 34 Native schools 16
Government offices similar to those in other towns are also found.
The town revenue is 11,760 roubles.
The trade returns of the Chimkent district amount to 5,000,000 roubles.
_Exports._ _Imports._
Wool } Manufactured goods }
Hides } Iron } 3,000,000
Lard } 2,000,000 Agricultural Implements } roubles
Butter } roubles Tea }
Wheat } Sugar }
Santonin }
Through Chimkent passes a road from Tashkent to Verni. In the northern
part of the district the line runs close to the ruins of the ancient
town of Sauran and the fortress of Vani Kurgan, from where it proceeds
to Turkestan. This was occupied in 1864 by the Russian forces under the
command of General Verevkin.
Turkestan is situated 40 versts to the east of the right bank of the
Syr Daria, at a height of 102 sagenes above sea level. It is watered
by canals diverted from springs and small rivers which flow from the
southern slopes of the Kara mountains. The combined population of the
place comprises:
_Males._ _Females._ _Total._
7624 6461 14,085
Orthodox Russians 441
Dissenters 31
Jews 460
Natives 13,153
The outward appearance of the town is extremely handsome. There is
much vegetation, many wide streets and large open spaces.
[Illustration: NATIVE QUARTER, TASHKENT]
There are:
_Russian Quarter._ _Native Quarter._
Houses 73 Houses 2140
Orthodox churches 2 Schools 5
Synagogues 2 Native schools 22
Mosques 58 Medresse 1
Military hospital 1
together with the administrative bureau of the sectional commissioner,
besides district military headquarters, a district court and a post and
telegraph office.
In respect of trade Turkestan occupies a prominent place. The great
bulk of the raw products of the nomad cattle-farming industry is
brought to it for the purpose of exchanging with articles of Russian
manufacture. The yearly returns of the bazaars amount to 4,000,000
roubles; an increase upon this sum is expected now that in the
Karatavski mountains, which are close at hand, lead mines have been
discovered. The town revenue is 19,350 roubles.
The Tashkent district is more densely populated and possesses a more
productive soil than Chimkent. The mineral resources, too, present
greater promise while the trade returns reach a total of 50,000,000
roubles a year. Merchandise comes from Siberia into Orenburg and
Tashkent; while, in addition, there are the local products and those
from the interior of European Russia. The line serves, also, as the
shortest route between Tashkent and the rich corn region at Chelyabinsk
and Kurgan. Undoubtedly it will assist to supply the whole of Turkestan
with Siberian corn, thereby setting free some of the land now under
corn for the cultivation of cotton. Further, it connects Tashkent with
the centre of the mining industry in the Ural mountains; and dense
streams of Russian colonisation and trade pass by it into the heart of
Central Asia.
The prosperity introduced both into Orenburg and Tashkent by the
creation of railway communication between these two centres will
exercise a very beneficial effect upon the capacity of their markets.
Already improvement has been marked, the flow of fresh trade through
these new channels following closely upon the advance of the
construction parties. The period available for statistics does not
represent the effect of the new railway upon local trade. The work
of construction had not begun at the time the returns, which are
given below, were drawn up. At that moment the commercial activity of
Tashkent was shown by the following table:
_Table of Imports--1901_
Manufactured goods 204,530 poods.
Iron and steel 68,501 ”
Dried fruits 101,156 ”
Raisins 49,233 ”
Black tea 20,718 ”
Green tea 6,061 ”
Wine grapes 14,105 ”
Kerosene 104,317 ”
Naphtha refuse 23,402 ”
Refined sugar 85,246 ”
Sanded sugar 23,905 ”
Salt 24,442 ”
Military stores 112,506 ”
_Table of Exports--1901_
Wheat 378,058 poods.
Rice 194,574 ”
Skins and undressed hides 44,409 ”
Hemp seed, flax seed, and grasses 19,784 ”
Spirits 26,620 ”
Undressed sheep-skins 57,899 ”
Cotton 241,484 ”
Military stores 108,794 ”
The passenger traffic into Tashkent over the Central Asian line was:
1901
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
48,515 47,213
During the few years which have elapsed since the figures were
compiled the Orenburg-Tashkent railway has been opened, this happy
accomplishment at once becoming a factor of the greatest economic
importance in the commerce of Central Asia.
[1] 1 Verst = ⅔ mile English.
[2] 1 Sagene = 7 feet English.
[3] 1 pood = 36 lbs.
[4] 1 rouble = two shillings.
CHAPTER II
THE KHANATE OF BOKHARA, THE PROVINCE
OF SAMARKAND, THE DISTRICTS OF
TASHKENT AND MERV
[Illustration: SHIR DAR, SAMARKAND]
The Khanate of Bokhara, across which lies the direct line of any
advance upon Afghanistan, is the most important of the Russian
protected states in Central Asia. It is situated in the basin of
the Amu Daria between the provinces of Trans-Caspia on the west, of
Samarkand and Ferghana on the north and east; while, in the south, the
course of the Oxus separates, along 500 versts of the frontier, the
dominions of Bokhara from those of Afghanistan.
The area occupied by Bokhara, including the sub-territories Darwaz,
Roshan and Shignan situated upon the western slopes of the Pamirs,
amounts to 80,000 square miles, over which in the western part certain
salt marshes and desolate stretches of sandy desert extend. The eastern
area is confined by the rugged chains of the Alai and Trans-Alai
systems, the Hissar mountains, the immediate prolongation of the
Alai range and crowned with perpetual snow, attaining considerable
altitude. This group divides the basins of the Zerafshan and Kashka
Daria from the basin of the Amu Daria. The rivers of Bokhara belong
to the Amu Daria system, the Oxus flowing for 490 versts through the
Khanate itself. Constant demands for purposes of irrigation are made
upon its waters as well as upon the waters of its many tributaries, a
fact which rapidly exhausts the lesser streams. In the western portion
of the Khanate the Zerafshan river is the great artery; and although
it possesses a direct stream only 214 versts in length it supplies a
system of canals, the aggregate length of which amounts to more than
1000 versts. These again are divided to supply a further thousand
channels, from which the water actually used for irrigating the various
settlements and fields is finally drawn. The second most important
river in the western part of the Khanate is the Kashka Daria, which
waters the vast oases of Shakhri, Syabz and Karshine. In the eastern
areas numerous streams are fed by the snows and glaciers of the Alai
mountain system.
The western region of Bokhara possesses an extremely dry climate which,
while hot in summer, tends to emphasise the severe cold of the winter
months. Occasionally at that time the Amu Daria freezes, when the ice
remains about the river for two or three weeks. The break-up of winter
is manifested by heavy rains which, falling in February, continue until
the middle of March when, after a short month of spring, a hot sun
burns up the vegetation. At this period the nomadic tribes abandon the
plains for the mountains, large areas of the Khanate now presenting the
appearance of a sparsely populated desert in which the sole vegetation
is found along the banks of the rivers or in oases watered by the
canals. With the advent of autumn, the steppe once more reflects the
movements of these people.
In its eastern part the altitude varies between 2500 and 8500 feet
above sea-level. The climate, warm and mild in summer, is of undue
severity in winter, the period of extreme cold lasting some four
months. Snow, commencing to fall in October, remains upon the ground
until April, the frosts always being severe. At such a season the
winds, blowing from the north-east, possess an unusual keenness in
contradistinction to the strong south-south-westerly winds which,
prevailing in summer, are the precursor to burning sand-storms.
[Illustration: THE AMIR OF BOKHARA ON PALACE STEPS]
The total population of the Khanate amounts approximately to 2,500,000;
the well-watered, flourishing oases bear in some places as many as
4000 people to the square mile. The steppe and mountainous regions are
sparsely populated. The most important inhabited centres of the Khanate
are as follows:
DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION.
_Town._ _Population._
Bokhara 100,000
Karshi 60,000
Shaar 10,000
Guzar 25,000
Kara Kul 5,000
Ziadin 8,000
Hissar 15,000
Shir Abad 20,000
Karki 10,000
Charjui 15,000
Kermine 12,000
Kelif 7,000
According to ethnographic distribution the population falls into
two divisions. To the first belong those of Turki extraction and
to the second the Iranian group. Amongst those of Turki descent
the Uzbegs take the most prominent place, constituting not only a
racial preponderance but the ruling power in the Khanate. Among
the remaining constituents of the Turki division are the Turcomans
(chiefly Ersaris) and the Kirghiz. To the Iranian category belong the
Tajiks--the original inhabitants of the country, even now constituting
the principal section of the population throughout its eastern and
southern portions; the Sarts, a conglomeration of Turki and Iranian
nationalities, comprise a considerable proportion of the urban and
rural population. In smaller numbers are the various colonies of
Jews, Afghans, Persians, Arabs, Armenians, Hindus and others. With
the exception of the Jews and the Hindus the entire population is
Mahommedan.
It will be seen that the population is represented by sedentary,
semi-nomadic and nomadic classes. The first, constituting about 65
per cent. of the whole population, is distributed principally in the
plains, a considerable proportion comprising Tajiks, Sarts, Jews,
Persians, Afghans and Hindus. The semi-nomadic population forms about
15 per cent., consisting partly of Uzbegs, Turcomans and Tajiks
dwelling in the hills. The nomads, who make up 20 per cent. of the
population, live in the steppes of the western portion of the Khanate,
in Darwaz and along the slopes of the Hissar mountains. They comprise
Uzbegs, Turcomans and Kirghiz.
The soil, in general adapted to agriculture, yields with irrigation
excellent harvests. The amount of cultivated land in the Khanate is
little in excess of 8000 square miles; but, in order to make full use
of the waters of the Amu Daria, Surkan, Kafirnigan and Waksh rivers, a
large expenditure would be required, the present system of irrigation
being very inadequate. Apart from cotton which is exported in the
raw state to the value of several million poods annually and the silk
industry which, owing to disease among the worms, has deteriorated,
the chief agricultural interest lies in the production of fruit,
the produce of the orchards forming a staple food during the summer
months. As a consequence, many different varieties of grapes, peaches,
apricots, melons, water-melons, plums, apples, and pears are cultivated
in the several gardens and orchards. Cattle-farming is conducted
extensively in the valleys of the Hissar and Alai ranges and in Darwaz;
in Kara Kul, situated in the vast Urta Chul steppe between the towns
of Bokhara and Karsi, is the home of the famous caracal sheep. Other
industries are the manufacture of leathern goods: shoes, saddles,
saddle-cloths, metal and pottery ware; while a staple product, employed
in the manufacture of felts, carpets and the clothes of the people, is
cotton wool.
The yearly budget of the Khanate amounts to 8,000,000 roubles,
1,005,000 roubles of which are spent upon the army. The standing
army, comprising Guards, battalions of the line, cavalry regiments, a
brigade of mounted rifles and a small corps of artillerists, possesses
a strength of 15,000 men with twenty guns. In addition there is a
militia liable for duty in case of necessity but, equally with its more
imposing sister service, of little practical utility.
[Illustration: THE GATES OF BOKHARA]
The city of Bokhara is surrounded by massive walls which were built
in the ninth century, 28 feet in height, 14 feet in thickness at the
base, with 131 towers and pierced at irregular intervals by eleven
gates. These ramparts contain, within a circuit of 7½ miles, an area
of 1760 acres. The population numbers some hundred thousand and the
variety of types included in this estimate is immense. The Tajiks, who
predominate, are well favoured in their appearance; they have clear,
olive complexions with black eyes and hair. Polite, hard-working and
intelligent, they possess considerable aptitude for business. Against
these excellent traits, however, must be noted the fact that they are
inclined to cowardice and dishonesty. On this account they are regarded
with contempt by the Uzbegs, a race whose physical characteristics
cause them to resemble the rude warriors of the Osmanlis who supplanted
the Cross by the Crescent in the fifteenth century. Independent in
their bearing, the Uzbegs possess high courage together with something
of the inborn dignity of the Turk; but they are distinguished from
that nation by a greater grossness of manner and less individuality.
Equally with the Kirghiz and the Turcomans, the Uzbegs are divided
in their classes between sedentary people and nomads. Then, also, in
this dædalus there is the Jewish community, which is traditionally
believed to have migrated hither from Baghdad. The Jews in Bokhara are
forbidden to ride in the streets; while they must wear a distinctive
costume, the main features of which include a small black cap, a
dressing-gown of camel’s hair and a rope girdle. They are relegated to
a filthy ghetto; and, although they may not be killed with impunity by
a good believer, they are subjected to such grinding persecution that
their numbers have been reduced in the course of half a century to
something less than 75 per cent. of the 10,000 who originally composed
the colony. The Jew in Bokhara shares with the Hindu settler there
the profits of money-lending and the two classes are keen hands at a
bargain. In addition to the Hindus there are a few Mahommedan merchants
from Peshawar who are concerned in the tea trade. Other races among
the moving mass comprise Afghans, Persians and Arabs, the variety
of features shown by a Bokharan crowd suggesting so many different
quarters as their place of origin that one would need to recite the map
of High Asia to describe them.
The town of Bokhara is supplied with water from the Shari Rud canal,
which, in turn, is fed by the Zerafshan river. A considerable amount is
stored locally in special reservoirs, of which there are eighty-five.
As their contents are seldom changed the supply soon assumes a thick,
greenish consistency, the use of which is extremely detrimental to the
health of the inhabitants. The deficiency of fresh water for drinking
purposes, the oppressiveness of the summer heat and the propinquity of
numerous cemeteries, together with the dust and dirt of the crowded
streets, make life in Bokhara almost intolerable. The city, too, is
a hot-bed of disease, malaria being specially prominent at certain
seasons. The _filaria medinesis_, a worm of burrowing propensity, is
endemic.
In Bokhara, as in most Eastern cities, the feminine element is entirely
excluded from the street. The emancipation of women has not begun in
the Middle East; should any have to venture forth they are muffled up
so carefully that not even a suggestion of their personal appearance
can be gathered. Yet there is a certain charm and mystery in the
flitting of the veiled Beauty and one would fain linger to speculate
further, if such dallying with fortune were not eminently injudicious.
If there is no revelation of the female form divine in the bazaar
there is, at least, a wonderful wealth of gorgeous colouring. In time
of festival the scene, welling up to break away in endless ripples,
suggests the myriad beauties of a rainbow splintered into a million
fragments.
There is relief, too, from the burning sunshine in the cool, lofty
passages: shady, thronged and tortuous they extend in endless
succession for mile after mile. The roof of the bazaar is a rude
contrivance of undressed beams upon which there is a covering of
beaten clay. Behind each stall is an alcove in the wall serving as
home and office to the keen-visaged merchant who presides. In this
little recess, piled upon innumerable shelves, rammed into little
niches or strewn upon the floor, are the different articles which
his trade requires. Carpets and rugs of harmonious hues, a wealth of
parti-coloured shawls, innumerable lengths of dress pieces, cutlery,
trinkets, snuff-boxes, gorgeous velvets and brilliant silks, the
shimmer of satin and the coarse tracing of gold-wire embroidery, are
here all displayed in prodigal confusion. As to the sources of supply,
a good deal of the merchandise is the produce of Russian markets. For
the rest, a certain proportion comes from Germany and a small amount is
imported from France. England, it may be noted, is not represented at
all.
The money-changers have a quarter to themselves, as have also the
metal-workers and the vendors of silks and velvets. At every corner
and odd twist of the passages there are the sweet-sellers, the tea
merchants and the booths for food. China is the principal source
of the tea supply, but of late a certain amount has found its way
into Bokhara from the gardens of India and Ceylon. It is before the
steaming samovars that the crowd of prospective purchasers is apt to be
thickest. Beyond the bazaar boundaries are the wonderful relics of a
bygone grandeur--imposing buildings and mosques, touched with the glory
of the sunlight and capacious enough to contain within their courtyards
10,000 people at one time.
Although the chief interest of Bokhara centres in the portion just
described, its public buildings well repay leisurely examination.
The Registan, the market-place of the north-west quarter, acts as a
central zone. On one side standing upon a vast artificial mound is
the citadel or Ark, its mighty walls forming a square of 450 yards,
its parapet crenellated and its corners set with towers. The building
dates from the era of the Samanides. In addition to the Amir’s palace
the walls of the Ark enclose the houses of the chief ministers, the
treasury, the State prison and various offices. The entrance to the
citadel, which is defended by two imposing towers, is closed by massive
gates above which there is a clock. None save the highest officials
are permitted to enter the Ark; visitors, irrespective of rank, are
compelled to dismount at its doors and to proceed on foot to the Amir’s
quarters. Opposite the Ark stands the largest mosque in Bokhara, the
Medjidi Kalan or Kok Gumbaz--the Mosque of the Green Cupola--which the
Amir attends every Friday when he is in residence.
[Illustration: THE PRISON, BOKHARA]
[Illustration: THE MINAR KALAN, BOKHARA]
A smaller market-place, where transactions in cotton are carried out,
is surrounded by several imposing edifices that rise with infinite
grace to the sky, besides countless minarets of prayer acting as
landmarks to the faithful. Here is the Great Mosque, the Masjid-i-Jama,
while facing it is the Medresse Mir-i-Arab. This latter building ranks
first among the many stately colleges of Bokhara. Near at hand is the
Minar Kalan, 36 feet at the base and tapering to a height of over 200
feet. From a small platform just below the lofty pinnacle, miscreants
were hurled to destruction in bygone days. With the exception of these
buildings the city contains little of antiquity.
For its size the native quarter is a centre of the greatest importance;
and its streets, although mean and sinuous, are filled by a crowd most
typical of Asia. Ten thousand students receive instruction in its
schools. It contains:
Streets 360
Caravansaries 50
Covered bazaars 50
Mosques 364
Native schools 138
Russian school 1
Russian hospital and dispensary 1
[Illustration: THE ARK, BOKHARA]
The houses, which are set in small compounds approached by narrow
alleys, are composed of clay with low roofs and without windows. A hole
in the roof suffices for a chimney, and the open door affords light.
Samarkand, the administrative centre of the province of the same
name and founded in 1871, is a close reproduction of a large Indian
cantonment. The streets are wide, well paved, fringed with tall poplars
and set with shops which are kept by Europeans. For the Russians, as
the centre of the province and the location of army headquarters,
it has special importance. Although without any architectural
pretensions--the buildings are all one-storey structures on account
of frequent visitations from earthquakes--its comparatively lofty
position makes it an agreeable station and one of the most attractive
gathering-places for Europeans in Asiatic Russia. The city is situated
upon the south-western slopes of the Chupan Ata range, 7 versts from
the Zerafshan river. The close proximity of the hills naturally
influences its rainfall, which is greatest in March and April. The
period from June to September is dry; and by February or March the
trees are in bloom. By a happy choice in construction it has been
planned upon exceptionally generous lines which, although imparting to
the outskirts a desolate aspect, have been the cause of securing to the
community a number of spacious squares, around which are placed the
barracks and certain parks. The principal square, named after General
Ivanoff, a former Governor of the province, is Ivanovski Square.
Another interesting memento of the Russian conquest of Turkestan is
situated between the military quarter and the green avenues of the
Russian town, in a spot where the heroes who fell in the defence of the
citadel in 1868 were buried. At the same place, too, a memorial has
been erected to Colonel Sokovnin and Staff-Captain Konevski, who were
killed in 1869.
The population of Samarkand at the census of 1897 was 54,900:
_Males._ _Females._
31,706 23,194
According to the statistics of 1901, which are the most recently
available, these figures had increased by a few thousands; they were
then 58,194:
_Males._ _Females._
36,621 21,573
Russians 10,621
Poles 315
Germans 378
Armenians 335
Jews 4,949
Sarts 40,184
Kirghiz 36
Afghans 186
Persians 237
Hindus 10
In the town itself there are:
Orthodox churches 4
Private houses 1,100
Clubs 2
Library 1
Schools 9
Hospital 1
Theatre 1
Museum 1
and various medical, charitable and other institutions.
The native quarter, which is separated from the Russian town by the
Abramovski Boulevard--so named in honour of General Abramoff, another
military Governor of the province--covers an area of 4629 dessiatines.
It was built by Timur the Lame. The streets with few exceptions are
narrow, winding and unpaved; the houses are of baked mud, mean and
cramped, with flat earthen roofs and no windows. In this division there
are:
Shops 1,169
Caravansaries 28
Market-places 4
Squares 2
Medresses 14
Mosques 105
Jewish synagogue 1
Jewish prayer-houses 6
Mektebs 91
The value of Government property in the Russian and native areas of the
city is estimated at 4,077,681 roubles. The city revenue approximates
147,616 roubles. The native quarter is the great commercial centre of
the province and the trade returns for the city and its surrounding
district amount to 17,858,900 roubles out of 24,951,320 roubles for the
entire province. Of the squares the most celebrated is the Registan,
with a length of 35 sagenes and width of 30 sagenes. It is bounded by
three large mosques: the Tillah Kori--the Gold Covered; Ulug Beg; and
Shir Dar--the Lion Bearing.
[Illustration: THE TOMB OF TAMERLANE, SAMARKAND]
The Registan is the heart of ancient Samarkand. Prior to the advent
of the Russians pardon and punishment were dealt from it to the
people by their rulers, executions performed and wars declared, as
the authorities pleased. Even up to the present day the Registan has
preserved in some degree its importance as a popular tribune. From
it self-constituted orators, holy men and politicians, expound their
doctrines before a people gathered together from the most distant
corners of the Continent of Asia. The Registan is only one feature
of this delightful city; for here, too, are the stately ruins of the
Bibi Khanum, tomb of the wife of Timur, and the Gur Amir where
Timur’s remains lie amid a scene eloquent in its simple grandeur.
Although, unfortunately, this building has been spoilt by attempts
at restoration, its encrusted tiles are as beautiful as when they
were made, 400 years ago. Here, too, is the resting-place of the Shah
Zindeh; and in its Urda or ancient citadel, now a weak, bastioned fort,
is the Kok Tash--the coronation-stone of the descendants of Timur.
The charm of the Gur Amir is supreme. Within its dome, before the
horse-hair standard, the sheer force of association and the infinite
suggestion of the spot make one feel the great presence of this
renowned soldier. Beneath the cupola there is a nephrite cenotaph;
perhaps, as Colonel C. E. de la Poer Beresford has said, the largest
block of green jade in the world.[5] Close to it other tombs, lighter
in colour, are erected to the memory of Ulug Beg and Mir Sayid, Timur’s
grandson and tutor. Around these is a carved gypsum balustrade and
in the crypt below, under a simple brick-tomb, lies the vanquisher
of Toktamish Khan, of Sultan Bayazid, of Persia, the Caucasus and
India--Timur himself.
[Illustration: SAMARKAND--THE HOUR OF PRAYER]
In its economic aspect Samarkand occupies a very important position.
Although scarcely serving as a mart to the produce of British India and
Afghanistan, it is nevertheless a great emporium of trade. The roads,
leading to the town or from it, as the case may be, are an index of
its wide-reaching commercial influence. They run from Samarkand to
Karki on the Amu Daria; and to Tashkent _viâ_ Jizak; while Khojand,
Khokand, Namangan, Andijan, Margelan and Osh are all in direct
communication with it. Caravans from the east and north, from Persia
and from China, carts perched on two gigantic wheels or transport
bullocks laden with skins, even sheep carrying small packages--all are
impressed into service and seem to be revolving in a constant stream
round Samarkand. There is a steady traffic and the numerous bazaars
are the centre of a brisk trade in skins and pelts. Unlike the bazaars
of Bokhara, along the sides of which the merchants have their stalls,
the passage-ways are open to the heavens. After the wonderful picture
of Asiatic life presented by Bokhara, there are those who complain of
a feeling of disappointment at the more subdued current which flows
through Samarkand. Nevertheless the town has a charming setting. The
snow-peaks of the Hissar chain and the curtain of enchanting fields
and spreading vineyards, which hides the hideous aspect of the Kara
Kum, add to the pleasure which is derived from the delicate mingling
of the colours of the street life. There is, indeed, a very special
type found in the bazaars of Bokhara and Samarkand. Dressed in the
choicest of silks, so soft that it suggests the rustle of the wind
through the peach-trees and dyed in tones of yellow, green and brown,
in shades of magenta and purple, in a note of blue reflecting the sky
or touched with the blush of a red rose, are men of fine stature. They
move with their long-skirted gowns clasped at the waist and their
silken trousers tucked into brown, untanned boots, the seams of which
are delicately embroidered. Every individual reserves to himself a most
exclusive manner, representing the embodiment of dignity. There is such
an air of contentment about the gaily-clad crowd as it passes from
stall to stall; such perfect self-possession, suggested humility and
independence that the difference in size between Bokhara and Samarkand
goes unnoticed; the atmosphere being no less pleasing, the picture no
less acceptable, in the smaller city than in the capital.
[Illustration: SAMARKAND--A BIRD’S-EYE VIEW]
As the administrative focus of the Syr Daria province Tashkent
is the principal city of Russian Turkestan and the seat of the
Governor-General. The Russian quarter at once recalls memories of
other spheres of Central Asia. The streets are wide and long. Dusty
but much frequented, they are bordered by high, white poplars set in
double rows, while upon each side there run the gurgling waters of the
irrigation canals. The city is laid out in a sector of a circle, three
great boulevards radiating from the cathedral, a handsome, octagonal
building in freestone. Surmounted by the dome and golden cross, which
mark in Russia all Orthodox places of worship, it occupies the centre
of Konstantinovski Square. It contains the remains of General von
Kauffman, Governor-General of Russian Turkestan between 1867 and 1882
and, incidentally, conqueror of Khiva in 1873 and of Samarkand in 1868.
He died May 4, 1882.
[Illustration: SOBORNAYA BOULEVARD IN TASHKENT]
Tashkent, situated upon the slopes of the Tian Shan 172 sagenes above
sea-level, lies in the midst of an extensive oasis whose fertile acres
are watered by the river Chirchik and its tributaries. January is
the coldest month, while July is the hottest. The prevailing breezes
are north and north-east; but the characteristic peculiarity of the
climate is the absence of wind, which makes the high temperature in the
summer particularly oppressive. Spring weather begins in March; the
hot season, commencing in May, continues until the middle of August.
Speaking generally the place possesses the attributes of the climate in
the plains of Central Asia while distinguished by its greater yearly
rain-fall--384 millimètres--in consequence of the proximity of the
mountains. The drinking water question, an ever-attendant difficulty
in Central Asia, is no less acute in Tashkent, constituting a serious
drawback to conditions of life there. An ample supply of water is
available for irrigation, the Chirchik river, as well as numerous wells
and springs, being diverted for this purpose.
The Russian quarter, founded in 1865 after the capture of the native
town from the Khan of Khokand upon June 15 by the Russian forces under
General Chernaieff, is separated from the native by the Angar canal.
It is divided into official and residential areas, and contains many
large streets. The Sobornaya, in which are situated the best shops,
is perhaps more animated than any other thoroughfare in the town,
while the Romanovski Street, which crosses the official quarter, is
devoted principally to the Government offices. Three wide streets--the
Gospitalnaya, Dukhovskaya, and the Kailuski Prospekt--along which it
is proposed to erect business premises, also run from this quarter
to the station. The residential part is of much later construction;
its population is more scattered, the houses are surrounded with
dense gardens and the streets are wider. The houses in each section
are, for the most part, single storeyed. The chief public works are
the Alexandrovski Park, Konstantinovski Square, Gorodskoi Garden and
the gardens surrounding the residence of the Governor-General. The
Turkestan Public Library, founded by General von Kauffman with the
object of furthering the education of the country, now contains more
than 40,000 volumes.
The following table shows the existing statistics of the Russian
quarter:
Military club 1
General club 1
Houses 3776
Schools 22
Orthodox churches 10
Protestant church 1
Synagogues 3
Sunnite mosques 17
The town revenues for 1902 were as follows:
_Revenue._ _Expenditure._
427,572 roubles. Police 90,599
Local administration 67,867
General expenditure 269,106
-------
Roubles 427,572
The permanent garrison is never less than 10,000 men. Barracks and
store-house accommodation for military supplies abound in the place.
Between the spacious station and the Russian city, a distance of
one verst, there are very commodious infantry quarters. A long row
of buildings, somewhat more remote and erected upon slightly rising
ground, contains the lines of the Cossack establishment. The climate of
Tashkent is too unhealthy to be endured in the hot weather. In summer
the garrison moves to Chigman, a defile 671 sagenes above sea-level,
situated 80 or 90 versts beyond the town on the river Chirchik, where
there is a sanatorium for the troops. The families of the officers
usually pass the season at the village of Troitzki, 25 versts from
Tashkent. Five versts from the city is Nikolski, the first Russian
settlement founded in the Syr Daria province. Lying between it and
the Russian town is the native quarter. Recalling Andijan, Margelan,
Khokand and Osh, it lacks the animation of the streets of Bokhara and
is destitute of the architectural beauties of Samarkand. Surrounded on
three sides by gardens, the fourth side touches the Russian town with
which it is connected, as also with the station, by means of a horse
tramway. It is divided into four parts called respectively Kukchinski,
Sibzyarski, Shaikhantaurski and Bish Agatchski. Each is separated into
districts, these sub-divisions totalling 206 in all.
The two quarters of Tashkent occupy to-day an area of 20 square versts.
Forty years ago the site of the Russian settlement covered no more
ground than that required by the village which contained the garrison.
This original section has now disappeared, becoming merged as time
passed and the colony expanded with the Fortress Esplanade, while the
population has similarly increased. In May 1871 the combined figures of
the native and Russian colony gave only 2701 inhabitants. In 1897 the
census returns showed the population to be:
_Natives._ _Russians._
131,414 25,000
Total 156,414
These figures, particularly in connection with the Russian colony,
exhibit a gradual increase throughout the period intervening between
the census of 1897 and that in 1901, when the returns were as follows:
1901.
_Russians._ _Natives._
Men 16,416 Men 70,903
Women 16,926 Women 59,019
------ -------
Total 33,342 Total 129,922
In greater detail the population of the native quarter was composed as
follows:
Russians 109
Persians 18
British Indian subjects 38
Jews 543
Tartars 420
Kirghiz 378
Sarts 128,406
Afghans 10
In the native area there were:
Houses (private) 17,164
Shops 45,000
Mosques 328
Mektebs 242
Medresses 24
Russian native schools 6
Although the importance of Merv, as a military district, has increased
since the Orenburg-Tashkent railway was opened the numbers of the
resident population continue to decline. This proceeds from the
unhealthy conditions that obtain locally. Malaria, the most prevalent
complaint, runs a very level course throughout the year. Between July
and November it becomes exceptionally virulent; and a recent Medical
Commission returned the causes of the sickness in Merv as due solely
to the presence of a specific organism which, passing from the soil
into the water, was absorbed by the inhabitants. So rife is the disease
that it is estimated that not one person escapes its attacks in the
course of the year. The highest sick-rate occurs between the months
of July and November, when it is responsible for 80 per cent. of the
“Daily State” in the garrison and district hospitals. Merv malaria
generally attacks the liver and kidneys, rapidly affecting the spleen.
Every effort has been made to cope with its ravages. Among the attempts
was a scheme for the introduction of a new system of irrigation and
the purification of the water system, to which the Minister of War
assigned 63,000 roubles. Hitherto the drinking-water, derived from the
Murghab, has been altogether unfit for consumption. Apart from possible
contamination in the sources of the water-supply, there is no doubt
that much of the malaria in Merv arises from constant displacement
of soil in the oasis; similar conditions prevail, usually for three
or four years, in all tropical and semi-tropical countries whenever
agricultural or other development requires the breaking of ground.
[Illustration: BAZAAR SCENE]
Certain features encountered in Merv--such as groups of chaffering
natives, clusters of small, open shops, dusty trees, open drains and
sweltering heat--are strangely reminiscent of India, but the absence
of punkahs and the high price of ice prove that the Russians in Central
Asia are indifferent to comfort. Even the hotels make no attempt
to relieve the effect of the temperature; while, in general, the
houses are built without verandahs and the windows are unfitted with
_jalousies_. Within the houses, too, conditions are most trying, the
policy of every one being to admit the flies and exclude the air. Trade
manages to thrive; and a weekly market is held on Mondays upon a plain
to the east of the town. Thither all roads converge; thronged with
two-wheeled Persian carts, ill-fed baggage horses burdened with goods,
and gurgling camels. Standing solitary and forlorn is the patient ass
whose lament is so eloquently described by Mr. Shoemaker, where that
author says:
Oh, my brother from that far western land where even
a little ass like me has some chance to sleep in quiet,
blame me not, I beseech you, that I weep. You have seen
how dignified and self-contained my brethren are in Egypt;
but there we never carry more than two of the heathen at
the most, whereas here, you see, it is always three and
sometimes four; therefore I weep, oh my brother, and will
not be comforted.
Fair days in the town bazaars are held upon Sundays and Thursdays,
when the Hebrew, Persian and Armenian merchants are surrounded by
crowds of Tekkes from neighbouring villages. Disposed for sale are
the innumerable commodities of the Middle East--rice from Meshed;
fruits from Samarkand; silk, sweetmeats and velvet from Bokhara; cheap
cutlery, trinkets, leather goods and samovars from Russia; beautiful
embroidery and shawls from the stores of the wealthier merchants;
carpets from Herat; sheepskins from the country-side; plough-shares
and knives from local forges; and relics of Old Merv. Prices are high;
but the Turcomans make their purchases very willingly, unconscious of
the contrast between their present peaceful demeanour and the attitude
which distinguished them when they were robbers of the countryside.
Apart from the garrison the population numbers less than 5000,
including:
_Races._ _Total._
Russians 2297
Armenians 609
Sarts 167
Tartars 85
Khivans 36
Afghans 33
Germans 38
Persians 838
Jews 225
Gruzenes 63
Tekkes 33
Bokharans 56
Ersaris 41
Poles 30
The revenues derived from the native town amount to 42,000 roubles a
year and the volume of business annually turned over is a little short
of 100,000 roubles. The prosperity of the place is attested by the
individual wealth of merchants attending the bazaars. Many of these
men live in spacious houses, the majority of the natives frequenting
the bazaar being well-to-do and apparently contented. Trade is brisk
and, as the Russians have imposed but a few taxes and the Turcomans
are exempt from military service, no particular difficulty attends the
earning of the daily wage.
[Illustration: BREAKING CAMP ON MANŒUVRES, TASHKENT]
It is said occasionally that the disasters which attended Russia in
Manchuria have stimulated the ambitions and desires of the Mahommedan
population of Asiatic Russia to throw off the yoke of Muscovite rule.
Hence it is possible that the reading of the existing situation in
Central Asia, which is here presented, may not be accepted. In point
of fact, the Mahommedan attitude towards Russian rule in Mid-Asia has
no relation whatever to the outcome of the late war in Manchuria; nor
was it influenced in any way by the developments of that unfortunate
struggle. Contrary belief is based upon the impression that the animus
entertained against the Russians by the races of British India, where
it is now assumed by the ignorant and very foolish that Russian arms
would be at once defeated in any Indo-Russian conflict, exists equally
among the Mahommedan population of Asiatic Russia. The comfortable
acceptance of this doctrine of Indian superiority--one of the most
amusing and dangerous fallacies of public opinion--shows the need
of more discriminating criticism, upon the character of Russian
administration of native races in Central Asia, to distinguish all
shades of public and Indian opinion. The Russians are no less careful
of the several peoples that find refuge under their rule than our own
authorities, a fact which, unfortunately, we are inclined to ignore
in our estimate of their present position through a conceit which
inspires Anglo-Indians to regard British administration of native races
as heaven-born. The opinion in reference to the Russo-Japanese War is
equally erroneous; because, while it is known that our Indian subjects
had recourse to all reports upon it and thus were at liberty to arrive
at their preposterous conclusions, native opinion in Central Asia knew
almost nothing of its course, character and result. Even if suspicions
of the actual results were entertained, the constant display of troops,
which was made in all Central Asiatic centres of importance during the
progress of the campaign, would have dispelled the belief that the
Russian military resources were straitened. Apart from this fact, the
public in Central Asia were supplied only with those versions of the
truth which were most acceptable--and useful--to the Russian _amour
propre_. It will be seen, therefore, that wherever Mahommedan feeling
may be opposed in the Tsar’s Asiatic dominions to Russian domination,
such sentiment is spontaneous and as deeply rooted or easily appeased
as the circumstances, which may have excited it, dictate. It is well
to understand this phase of the situation in Central Asia since, in
itself, it is very significant.
Merv, perhaps, is a case in point. On the surface the aspect of affairs
there is placid enough; but the Russians in Central Asia have read
so many effective lessons to their subject races that at best opinion
upon the possible chances of an outbreak is a blind hazard. Doubtless
religious and racial prejudices are smouldering; yet, if there is any
feeling of discontent, it must arise from an animosity born of pure
fanaticism. Certainly the Russian rule in Mid-Asia is tolerant--now
that the lesson has been taught--and there is neither religious nor
educational interference. Moreover trade, fostered by very careful
protection, prospers; and at least one secret of success in any Central
Asian system of government is to let well alone and appeal to the
vulgar through their pocket. This principle the Russians support with
admirable patience, taking precautions at the same time that their
benevolent administration shall not be endangered by too much licence
in the matter of importing or possessing arms. A native rising would
be difficult upon this account alone; while it should be remembered,
too, that many years of leisured ease have brought about considerable
deterioration in the instinctive passion for rape, bloodshed and
plunder, which distinguished, only a few years ago, the inhabitants of
these Central Asian Khanates.
Again, always pre-supposing the steady loyalty of the great bulk of the
European troops, Russia has not enrolled any large number of native
recruits in regions beyond the Caspian Sea; although her policy in the
Caucasus has not been quite so exclusive. The success of any native
insurrectionary movement in Trans-Caspia would depend, therefore, upon
the precise amount of support that it received from any disaffected
sections of the Caucasian establishment that might be incorporated
with the Russo-European army on service in the Khanates. No doubt the
wide area covered by the rebellion in the Caucasus will encourage the
Caucasian element in the Trans-Caspian army to be troublesome; and,
since the Caucasian races in a measure are akin with the Central Asian
peoples, mutual sympathy may give rise to positive revolt in Central
Asia. Between the European soldiers and the native races, however,
there is little in common; and unless revolutionary agents from St.
Petersburg, Moscow or the larger centres of disturbance contaminate the
adherence of the men, there is really nothing to cause them to listen
to any seditious overtures which might emanate from native sources.
It is very easy in Central Asia to remove the rails of the permanent
way or to interrupt telegraphic communication, since the railway and
the wires run for hundreds of miles unguarded and at the mercy of any
wandering, discontented miscreant. Such instances of disaffection
would be sporadic. Difficulties of combination--if the great distances
separating Khiva, Merv, Bokhara and Tashkent were ignored, which they
cannot be if the position of affairs is to be appraised properly--would
alone prevent any simultaneous co-operation; while whatever unanimity
might be disclosed by actively hostile parties of native or European
revolutionaries, the forces at the disposal of the military authorities
must enable them to suppress the movement rapidly and at once.
Of course the agitation in European Russia cannot leave Russians in
Central Asia unaffected; continuation of the widespread irruptions of
disorder in European Russia obviously imparts a new and most serious
complexion to affairs in Asiatic Russia. Moreover signs of unrest,
in consequence of interference by revolutionary agents from St.
Petersburg, have already been displayed. At Askhabad the officers were
locked in their quarters; at Kushkinski Post 200 soldiers joined in a
strike of railway and telegraph officials. Further, at the instigation
of Sokoloff an engineer and Simonoff an engine-fitter, a variety of
farcical intentions were proclaimed, the main outcome of this signal
act of rebellion culminating in a little temporary dislocation of the
railway and telegraph services and the arrest of the ringleaders. None
the less, the activity of these revolutionary agents does constitute
a possible menace to the peace of Mid-Asia; for, while the native
population recks little of the wiles of European agitators and can
be overawed by the authorities, the situation, where it concerns the
ultimate effect of the revolutionary propaganda upon the Russo-European
army, rests upon the knees of the gods. There, unfortunately, it
must remain; emphasising the fact that, on account of the means of
checking the dissemination of revolutionary heresies and the growth
of the operations of the agitators in Central Asia which the Russian
authorities have at hand, the chances are much against any violent or
widespread upheaval of the peace in these territories.
[5] Lecture before the Central Asian Society, December
1905.
[Illustration: NATIVE QUARTER, TASHKENT]
CHAPTER III
FROM TASHKENT TO MERV
[Illustration: KORAN STAND, SAMARKAND]
The first station beyond Tashkent, travelling towards Merv, is
Kauffmanskaya, where begins the practice of associating with the scenes
of their conquests the names of officers who have achieved distinction
in Turkestan. It is a pleasant custom and serves to perpetuate history
in a manner which might be copied with advantage in India. In this
instance General von Kauffman, who became eventually an _aide-de-camp_
to the Tsar, was the first Governor-General of Russian Turkestan.
Between Tashkent and Kauffmanskaya which, although insignificant,
is equipped with hospital accommodation for six patients, the
railway crosses by an iron bridge of 8 sagenes the Salar river,
itself a tributary of the more important Chirchik. The line then
passes Zangi-ata and the post station of Nialbash, crossing the Kur
Kulduk arik by an iron bridge 3 sagenes in length and running near
Vrevskaya through the Chirchik Valley, a region of special interest
to archæologists. Stari Tashkent or Old Tashkent, rich in historical
associations, is in this neighbourhood. It was inhabited at one time
by the Sakis who, in bygone centuries, offered a stubborn resistance
to Alexander of Macedon. Now it is only an insignificant hamlet,
mere flotsam which has been thrown up and left by the advancing tide
of Russian conquest. Lying to the east of Stari Tashkent and opposite
Kirshul upon the left bank of the Chirchik river are the ruins of
Shuturket or Ushturket--the Town of Camels; in the country between it
and Binket, by which name Tashkent is known among the natives, there
are other ruins.
After skirting Bodorodski and Kaunchi the station of Syr Darinskaya,
lying about 1 verst from the hill and lake of Utch Tubeh, follows, the
line crossing the Bos-su arik by a second bridge of 5 sagenes. Until
this point the general direction has been south-west. Ten versts from
Syr Darinskaya station, at a point where it crosses the Syr Daria by a
four-span iron bridge 160 sagenes in length, the railway runs by the
ancient fortress and lake of Urumbai and turns to the east to thread
the hills which surround Utch Tubeh lake.
The point now arrives where the train enters the region distinguished
by the Emperor Nicholas I. Canal, an extensive system of irrigation
from the waters of the Syr Daria. These works, which the Ministry
of Agriculture introduced, have brought more than 100,000 acres of
the Golodnaya steppe under colonisation. It is due to the initiative
and generosity of the Grand Duke Nicholas Konstantinovitch that the
scheme was executed and its success is illustrated by the fact that
seven villages--Nikolaievski, Nadejdinski, Verkhni, Nijni Volinski,
Konnogvardeiski, Obyetovanni and Romanovski--have been established upon
the reclaimed areas. In the main they are devoted to the cultivation
of the smaller crops, although one or two are given up to the growing
of cotton. The prosperity of the undertaking entails elaborate
precautions; in order that the works should be unobstructed the head
waters of the system are watched continuously by relays of guards.
The Golodnaya zone of cultivation extends only a verst or so beyond
Golodnaya station; between this little oasis and Chernaievo, the next
station, there is a barren wilderness. After leaving Golodnaya and
crossing the Emperor Nicholas I. Canal by an iron bridge, 8 sagenes in
length, the line proceeds north-east beyond the Syr Daria, where it
turns sharply to the east in order to make the junction with the main
line from Krasnovodsk to Andijan. Owing to the lack of cultivation and
the scarcity of population no commercial importance can be ascribed
to Chernaievo. Attached to the little station is a small hospital with
a capacity of ten beds, while the railway workshops employ a permanent
staff of 100 workmen. The depôt at this point, on account of the
junction between the line from Tashkent and the extension to Andijan,
is out of proportion with the requirements of the neighbourhood. Of
course here, as at every station on the line, there is a large store
of naphtha, 50,000 poods being held against emergency in the naphtha
reservoir.
[Illustration: PEASANTS FROM THE GOLODNAYA STEPPE]
In relation to Chernaievo, it would be a pity to avoid mention of the
distinguished soldier who, subsequently Governor-General of Turkestan
and dying in disgrace in August of 1898, gave his name to the place.
Under happier circumstances Chernaieff might have become the Clive
of Central Asia. It was he who, suffering defeat before Tashkent on
October 2, 1854, and determining to remove so signal a stain from the
prestige of the Russian forces, repeated his attack at a moment when he
had received explicit orders from Alexander II. to refrain from doing
so. With the Imperial despatches in his pocket he led his small forces
to the onslaught and it was only when victory had been secured that he
made himself acquainted with his instructions. The reply he despatched
to his august sovereign is as historical as the famous signal which
Nelson displayed at Trafalgar. “Sire,” he wrote,[6] “Your Majesty’s
order, forbidding me to take Tashkent, has reached me only in the city
itself which I have taken and place at your Majesty’s feet.” The Tsar
was angry at the breach of discipline and, although he accepted the
fruits of General Chernaieff’s daring, he never restored his officer to
favour. Superseded by General Romanovski and stung to the quick by this
treatment, Chernaieff retired from the service, a broken-hearted man.
Beyond Chernaievo, situated amid most arid surroundings and in a
locality where the water is salt, is Obrutchevo, so called in honour of
the former Chief of the General Staff, General Obrutcheff. Nine versts
further is Lomakino, which derives its name from General Lomakin, an
officer of repute in the Turcoman Expedition of 1879. Between Lomakino
and Jizak the line enters the province of Samarkand.
Jizak station, named after a district town in the province of
Samarkand, is situated in the valley of the Sanzar river in a locality
which is both thickly populated and well cultivated. At the workshops
there is only a staff of nine workmen, while the railway depôt
possesses little more than engine sheds and a naphtha reservoir of
10,000 poods. The water-supply of the station is drawn from the Sanzar
river. Water for the consumption of the Russian quarter of the town,
which lies at the foot of the northern slope of the Nura mountains, two
versts from the railway, comes from the Russki arik.
The district supplied by the station is small and in the year under
review there were:
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
6038 5612
Goods traffic reveals a steady demand for articles of Russian
manufacture, the combined bulk of this trade being:
_Imports._ _Exports._
136,029 poods 500,142 poods.
The export trade was comprised as follows:
Wheat 392,854 poods.
Wheat flour 21,631 ”
General 85,657 ”
In consequence of the deficiency of fresh water Jizak is an unhealthy
town, more malaria prevailing in the locality than in any other part
of Turkestan, with the exception of the Murghab and Kushk valleys. The
Russian quarter, which was formerly the Kluchevi fortress, possesses a
number of public gardens. There are only thirty-six private houses in
the settlement and these, in the main, are occupied by officials. The
public buildings include two schools, a military hospital, a military
Orthodox Church, the Chancellery of the District Governor, the District
Treasury and other offices. The population at the last census was
17,000.
_Mahommedans._ _Russians._
16,614 386
_Males._ _Females._
9247 7753
The native quarter is of far greater commercial importance than the
Russian town and is situated 3 versts from it. Indeed, the latter is
almost solely a cantonment. The native town possesses:
Houses 3000
Sunnite mosques 54
Shiite mosques 2
Native schools 22
The town revenue is 22,842 roubles and the value of Government property
rather less than 600,000 roubles. There are no hotels in either quarter.
The native bazaars are supposed to be identical with the town of Gaza
through which the armies of Alexander passed in the fourth century B.C.
More recently the Russians converted it into a strong military post.
At the time when it was assaulted by the Russian forces under General
Romanovski, upon October 18, 1856, it was regarded as one of the
most powerful fortresses in Central Asia. In those days the town was
surmounted by a triple wall, 4 sagenes in thickness and 3½ sagenes in
height. High towers defended the interior walls, while upon the outer
wall were mounted fifty-three pieces of artillery. At that time the
strength of the garrison under the command of Alayar Khan was returned
at 10,000 men.
[Illustration: THE COLUMN OF TAMERLANE, SAMARKAND]
A few versts before Jizak the line, running in a westerly direction
along the southern border of the Golodnaya desert, crosses by an iron
bridge, 8 sagenes in length, the Sais Khaneh ravine. Beyond Jizak
and after passing through Milyautinskaya it enters the Ilyan Uta
defile, through which flows the Sanzar river. This defile is the only
existing pass in the Nuratinski range and contains the famous Gates
of Tamerlane. Beyond the gates there is the station of Kuropatkino,
named after General Kuropatkin who so long presided over the destinies
of Russia in Central Asia. From here, the line proceeds to cross
the eastern slope of the Nura range; barely thirty versts further
on it arrives at Rostovtsevo which takes its name from a former
Military Governor of the Ferghana province, Count Rostovtseff. Between
Kuropatkino and this station the line crosses at the foot of the
ascent of the Golun mountains a bridge, 5 sagenes in length, over the
Balungur arik. From the slopes of the Golun Tau the railway traverses
the watershed of the Zerafshan and Sanzar rivers, reaching at 10 versts
from Kuropatkino the highest elevation on the whole line, 403 sagenes
above sea-level. From this point the line then descends to Rostovtsevo
from where, after a short run of 30 versts, it arrives at Samarkand.
[Illustration: THE REGISTAN, SAMARKAND]
With Rostovtsevo there commences without doubt the most interesting
section of the journey between Tashkent and Samarkand. The market of
Samarkand has spread its influence for many miles along the line; and,
as a consequence, there is a welcome note of freshness in the scene.
In addition to the prosperity naturally suggested by the spectacle
of a flourishing oasis, the railway affords a fleeting inspection of
two important bridges. The first, an iron bridge of seven spans and
56 sagenes in length, crosses the Zerafshan river, leaving on the
right the Ark of Tamerlane and on the left a bold, lofty mountain
crag. It rises from two stone buttresses and is supported by six
iron pillars. The spans are 8 sagenes in length and composed of four
sections, the whole work reflecting the cantilever principle. It has
been adapted to traffic, vehicles passing along either side of the
permanent way. Beyond these landmarks the railway picks its way down
the rocky declivity of the Zerafshan watershed towards the undulating,
cultivated lands which extend between Chupan Ata ridge and the second
bridge, which, thrown across the deep Obi Siab ravine 2 versts outside
Samarkand, possesses a length of 30 sagenes. It is constructed in iron
of three spans, supported by stone abutments upon two stone buttresses.
The station of Samarkand, second in importance to Krasnovodsk, is
1415 versts from Krasnovodsk and 332 versts from Tashkent. In the
station square there are a church, an hospital of twenty-five beds,
two second-class schools, workshops and railway yards affording daily
employment for 160 men. Like most stations of the first class it acts
as a medium of distribution to a wide area, stimulating not only the
industrial interests throughout the province but imparting also an
impetus to the agricultural activities of the neighbourhood.
The table of traffic for this important point, illustrating the volume
of trade which passes through Samarkand, is as follows:
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
47,774 47,159
_Imports._
Manufactured goods 320,745 poods.
Iron and steel 72,521 ”
Green tea 85,059 ”
Black tea 35,066 ”
Kerosene 110,497 ”
Yarn and thread 41,625 ”
Refined sugar 48,481 ”
Sanded sugar 35,299 ”
Military stores 93,372 ”
_Exports._
Wheat 173,835 poods.
Wheat flour 398,425 ”
Rice 811,990 ”
Raisins 784,011 ”
Dried grapes 54,138 ”
Spirits 19,650 ”
Skins and hides 15,387 ”
Undressed sheep-skins 21,703 ”
Cotton 102,414 ”
Manufactured goods 192,116 ”
Djuma, the first station beyond Samarkand, is situated in a level,
densely populated country. Barely 30 miles distant and with it equally
a station of the fourth class, is Nagornaya, which in turn gives
place to Katta Kurgan. This town, an important district centre in the
Samarkand province, lies close to the railway in the midst of much
luxuriant vegetation. Its altitude above sea-level is rather more than
222 sagenes. The population numbers 10,219:
_Mahommedans._ _Jews._ _Russians._
8689 1281 249
Its streets are very wide and charmingly planted with high
trees--poplars, acacias, willows and white ash--watered by ariks
supplied from the Narpai stream, itself a tributary of the Zerafshan
river. Quite the most prominent feature is a large public garden
surrounding the house of the Governor, while in connection with the
public buildings there is a military church, a military hospital, a
general hospital of twenty-five beds and a Russian native school. There
are, of course, the usual district offices. Military headquarters
occupies a building to itself, a second affording domicile to the base
staff of the Eighth Turkestan Rifle Battalion.
The native bazaar, an imposing centre, contains:
Mosques (smaller) 38
Synagogues 1
Theological schools 2
Native schools 30
In the main bazaar there are some 300 shops, the business transacted
at them being concerned with the cotton industry and the production
of vegetable oils. There is no hotel in either part of the town but
there is an officers’ club in the Russian quarter. The general revenue
from all sources is about 38,000 roubles and the largest industrial
concern associated with the trade of the district is the Turkestan
Cotton Company, of which the annual trading balance is considerably
in excess of half a million roubles. The development of cotton in the
neighbourhood, to which the Turcoman villages Mitana Pefshanba and
Chardar devote their energies, promises to become a highly valuable
venture.
The goods traffic, indicated by the subjoined table, maintains a steady
volume.
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
12,790 12,220
_Imports._
Cotton seed 210,123 poods.
Kerosene 10,703 ”
Manufactured good 91,814 ”
_Exports._
Wheat 98,991 poods.
Wheat flour 185,052 ”
Rice 17,224 ”
Cotton seed 44,856 ”
Cotton 178,718 ”
General trade 180,678 ”
[Illustration: THRONE ROOM--PALACE OF THE AMIR OF BOKHARA]
A few versts beyond Katta Kurgan the line crosses the border of the
dominions of the Amir of Bokhara. The first station beyond the frontier
is Zirabulak, so called from heights which frown down upon the railway
from close at hand. This little ridge of hills forms an interesting
link with the Russian conquest of Turkestan; it was here that a column
under General von Kauffman routed the Bokharan forces on July 2, 1868.
The battle practically decided the Russian mastery of Central Asia, the
peace concluded by the Amir Sayid Mozaffar Eddin having been maintained
down to the present time. The rich vegetation distinguishing the
locality continues as far as the next station, Ziadin, where the line
enters a cultivated zone which is watered from the Zerafshan and the
Narpai streams. The town possesses a native population of 8000, with a
revenue of rather less than 16,000 roubles. Traffic passing through the
neighbourhood is concerned chiefly with the importation of goods from
Russia and the export of cotton, statistics returning the following
movement:
_Imports._
Manufactured goods 10,500 poods.
_Exports._
Cotton 108,168 poods.
Beyond Ziadin, which is administered by an important Beg, the line
runs to Kermine, a station of the third class constructed to meet the
convenience of the present Amir of Bokhara who, previous to ascending
the throne, had been the Beg of Kermine. The town, which has a
population of 12,000, is dependent almost entirely upon the proceeds of
the cotton industry. The native fort, standing in the town, has been
converted into a Russian garrison, a battalion of the Turkestan Rifles
occupying the post.
The trade figures are:
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
10,008 8595
_Imports._ _Exports._
70,519 poods. 514,524 poods.
Melik, a small station occupying a position at the point where the line
from Tashkent meets the Zerafshan river has, unfortunately, nothing
with which to commend itself. The surrounding steppe is destitute of
vegetation and only sparsely inhabited. At Kizil Steppe, which follows,
there is a depôt and workshops for a permanent staff of eighteen men.
It stands within easy proximity of the four centres Cidj Duvan, Adiz
Abad, Vaganzi and Bustan, where there is a combined population of
20,000.
The trade passing through Kizil steppe for local centres is:
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
5780 6164
_Imports._ _Exports._
Goods 162,985 poods. Cotton 248,720 poods.
The cultivation of cotton is the prominent characteristic of this
region and Kuyu Mazar, the next station, entirely derives its
prosperity from the industry. In its immediate neighbourhood, moreover,
there are several _kishlaks_ devoted to it. A little further on
the line enters a region of sandy clay which, continuing for some
distance, finally gives place to the areas of the fertile oasis that
surrounds Bokhara.
[Illustration: AMIR’S PALACE, BOKHARA]
Kagan, the station for Bokhara, belongs to the first class. It is
situated 1182 versts from Krasnovodsk, 565 versts from Tashkent and
ranks third among the stations of the Central Asian Railway, only
yielding pride of place to Krasnovodsk and Askhabad. The station is
erected upon ground specially granted by the Amir for the purpose, the
Russian settlement of New Bokhara also being placed at this point. The
native town of Bokhara, the capital of the Khanate and connected with
the main station by a branch line, is 13 versts distant. It is the most
important centre in the Khanate and maintains commercial relations with
Moscow, Nijninovgorod, Lodz, Siberia, India, Persia and Afghanistan,
the annual value of its business running into many millions of roubles.
There are several banks but only two of importance--the Russian
Imperial Bank, and the Russo-Chinese Bank. The residence of the Russian
Political Agent is in New Bokhara and the Amir also has a place there,
constructed in hybrid Byzantine style.
The population of the Russian settlement, returned at 6000 inhabitants
and drawn from various nationalities, includes the following European
and Asiatic elements:
Russians 378
Poles 40
Germans 24
Greeks. 8
Armenians 124
Hindus 33
Afghans 24
Sarts 681
Persians 252
Kirghiz 92
Jews 345
The remainder is made up of subjects of the Amir. The Russian quarter
also contains 130 brick bungalows, an hospital with twenty beds,
barracks for the 3rd and 4th Companies of the Second Railway Battalion,
numerous shops and military go-downs.
The trade passing through Bokhara is very comprehensive. It embraces
cotton, skins, wool, cotton prints, sugar and a large importation
of Russian manufactures. The bazaars of the native city show a very
varied assortment of silken fabrics, copper-ware, silver-work, carpets,
leather and weapons, attracting traders from India and Persia, besides
the Turcoman and Khivan districts.
The figures for the year under review are:
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
40,468 42,660
_Imports._
Sugar (refined) 27,455 poods.
Sugar (sanded) 50,328 ”
Kerosene 59,580 ”
Naphtha (crude) }
” (refuse) } 41,462 ”
Yarn and thread 13,998 ”
Rice 346,940 ”
Green tea 61,924 ”
Black tea 21,711 ”
Iron 17,628 ”
Russian manufactures 154,272 ”
Various goods 1,955,519 ”
_Exports._
Cotton 456,584 poods.
Wool 67,144 ”
Skins 47,042 ”
Fruits (dried) 111,104 ”
Raisins 27,444 ”
Wine grapes 14,408 ”
Carpets 4,488 ”
Caracal 32,621 ”
Goods (various) 346,927 ”
[Illustration: THE DERVISHES OF BOKHARA]
The cultivated zone which lies around Bokhara and Kagan does not extend
for any considerable distance beyond the immediate precincts of the
capital of the Khanate. In running towards Merv the railway passes
through a region where the water difficulty is perpetual. The waterless
zone may be said to begin with Murgak, where water from the Zerafshan
river is supplied in tanks by the railway. This system is also adopted
for the next station, Yakatut, which although insignificant receives a
comparatively important volume of trade. Irrigation is not encouraged
and the water coming by the railway is very carefully distributed to
a population that, including the large village of Yakatut and a few
smaller hamlets, amounts in all to 3000 souls. The passenger traffic is
small and the returns only record the import and export movement:
_Imports._
Cotton seed 51,675 poods.
Goods (various) 3,615 ”
_Exports._
Wine grapes. 9,555 poods.
Goods (various) 36,467 ”
Kara Kul follows as the line runs towards the south and 10 versts
distant from it there is the native town of the same name. At one
time the centre of a large and flourishing oasis, the drifting sands
from the Kara Kum have encroached until it has been ruined and the
total population of the region reduced to 5000 people. The place is
watered by the Zerafshan, upon whose volume so much of the prosperity
of Bokhara depends. This river, which was called by the ancients the
Polytimaetus, takes its rise in the glaciers of the Kara mountains,
270 miles east of Samarkand. Its upper reaches resemble a succession
of cataracts and it is altogether too shallow for navigation. The
average width is 210 feet; more than 100 canals, some of which are 140
feet broad, are supplied from this source of Bokhara’s greatness. The
capital of the Khanate is fed by one of them, called the Shari Rud, and
over 35 feet in width. The river reaches its full volume during the
winter and the spring. Three versts before Kara Kul, at a point where
the stream breaks up into a series of small feeders, a wide bridge, 15
sagenes in length, affords passage to the railway.
In spite of diminishing importance Kara Kul still attracts and
disperses a certain volume of trade, the movement showing:
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
10,281 9442
_Imports._ _Exports._
305,749 poods. 190,445 poods.
the bulk of which is associated with the cotton factory of M. Levine
and a distillery controlled by a French syndicate, the two properties
being situated close to the station.
Beyond Kara Kul, as far as Khoja Davlet, there is a considerable area
of cultivation. With this station the agricultural possibilities of the
quarter, due in the main to irrigation by the waters of the Oxus, come
to an end and the line begins to pass through the shifting sands of
Sundukli. From this point, too, the growth of the saxaoul is promoted
as a protection to the railway from the sand drifts. At Farab station,
where the growth and cultivation of sand shrubs has been studied and
where there is a special nursery covering 5 dessiatines, some little
success in this direction has been attained. Unfortunately the moving
sands are the great and ever present menace to the prosperity of this
neighbourhood. In contrast with these outlying edges of the district
where there is nothing but a waste of salt marshes and sand dunes,
there is a wonderful wealth of vegetation along the banks of the river.
The station workshops, where some eighty workmen are daily employed,
the small hospital, the railway buildings and the technical school are
embowered by trees of the most luxuriant growth. None the less Farab,
although associated with the headquarters of the Oxus steamers, is too
close to Charjui to be of much importance.
The trade movement is:
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
13,045 15,441
_Imports._
Iron and steel 357,778 poods.
Merchandise. 3,717 ”
_Exports._
Cotton 35,905 poods.
Goods (various) 28,322 ”
Charjui, opposite to Farab at the crossing of the Oxus, lies 1070
versts from Krasnovodsk and 677 versts from Tashkent. The town is
situated in the midst of a fertile oasis lying along the banks of the
Amu Daria. The Russian settlement is close to the station, but 16
versts away there is the native centre from which it derives its name.
This border stronghold surmounts a hill to the south of the railway
line, bearing in its rugged outline a faint resemblance to Edinburgh
Castle. The settlement, nestling at its foot, contains the headquarters
of the 17th Turkestan Rifle Battalion. The local force amounts to
one battalion of Turkestan Rifles and one squadron of Cossacks. The
Russian quarter, built upon ground presented by the Amir to the Russian
Government, covers a wide area upon the left bank of the stream and
extends along both sides of the railway. The point is of extreme
interest, since it is here that the original bridge over the Amu Daria
was constructed. The new work, a magnificent steel girder affair only
lately opened, takes the place of the earlier wooden structure which,
some 4600 yards in length, withstood the effects of climate and the
stream for many years.
The trade and traffic of Charjui, one of the most active stations on
the Central Asian system, is as follows:
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
37,331 36,796
_Imports._
Military stores 280,399 poods.
Refined sugar 63,534 ”
Sanded sugar 20,043 ”
Yarn and thread 26,320 ”
Kerosene 95,303 ”
Timber 325,390 ”
Manufactures 45,661 ”
Iron 34,287 ”
Spirits 13,709 ”
Wine grapes 13,681 ”
Green tea 21,373 ”
Rice 48,876 ”
Wheat flour 117,593 ”
Goods, various 714,175 ”
_Exports._
Raisins. 10,985 poods.
Skins 12,321 ”
Manufactured goods 8,499 ”
Carpets 11,073 ”
Sheep skins 18,508 ”
Caracal 3,805 ”
Cotton seed 85,825 ”
Cotton. 516,641 ”
Wool 104,243 ”
Goods (various) 191,584 ”
The combined population of the town comprises 7569:
_Russians._ _Natives._
_Men._ _Women._ _Men._ _Women._
2247 1254 2651 1417
The Russian quarter contains:
Houses 469
Schools 3
General hospital 1
Military hospitals 2
Clubs 2
In addition to this there is an extensive botanical nursery, similar
to that which exists at Farab and devoted to the same purpose. Equally
with Farab it serves as headquarters for the Amu Daria flotilla,
which plies between Patta Hissar on the south and Petro Alexandrovsk
and Khiva on the north. Traffic upon the river has increased in
proportion to the development of trade along the Central Asian railway,
the steamer and general communication on the Amu Daria, taken in
conjunction with the caravan routes between Charjui and the outlying
parts of the Khanates of Bokhara and Khiva, combining to render it a
point of supreme importance.
[Illustration: THE KARA KUM--BLACK SANDS]
As soon as the Oxus and Charjui have been left behind only two stations
remain before the frontier of the Trans-Caspian province is reached.
One of these two places, Barkhani, a small station of the fifth class,
serves, with Charjui and Farab, for the experimental production of
desert shrubs. Between the Amu Daria and Barkhani the spreading
vegetation, which changes the banks of the Amu Daria into verdant
slopes, gives place to the Black Sands of Bokhara, the famous Kara
Kum Desert. Six versts beyond the second place, Karaul Kuyu, the line
crosses the Trans-Caspian frontier, proceeding through the heart of
the Kara Kum. The first station in the desert is Repetek, where there
is a small depôt and workshops for a permanent staff of ten men. The
water here, as well as for the next two stations, is brought from the
Amu Daria at Charjui or from the Murghab at Merv, according to the
direction in which the train may be travelling.
From Repetek the line enters the Merv district. Passing Pesski, Uch
Adja and Ravnina, the first and last of which belong to the fourth
degree and the remaining one to the third degree of stations, the
line runs into Annenkovo, named after the famous constructor of the
Trans-Caspian railway, General Annenkoff. The station itself lies
in a hollow and 4 versts before the train reaches it there begins
that wonderful growth which Nature herself has supplied to resist
the encroachment of the Black Sands. It is here that the desert
shrub saxaoul, with its long penetrating roots--the great stand-by
of the Russians in their fight against the sand--is encountered in
its native state. Although special nurseries have been established
at many stations for the cultivation of this shrub, the railway
authorities employ its roots for firewood, encouraging the Tekkes in
the surrounding districts to bring it into the yards. As instances of
the destruction with which this plant is assailed nearly 46,000 poods
of saxaoul root are supplied annually to the railway authorities by the
Tekkes at Ravnina, while 170,000 poods are brought to the authorities
at Annenkovo by the Tekke gatherers in that part, the activities of
these people creating a very serious prospect since the artificial
cultivation of the shrub in the nurseries does not keep pace with its
disappearance in the veldt.
[Illustration: MOSQUE AT BAIRAM ALI]
Beyond Annenkovo there is Kurban Kala. One verst further on this gives
place to Bairam Ali, 108 sagenes above sea-level. The station adjoins
the gardens of the Murghab Imperial Estate which, founded in 1887 by
Imperial enterprise, the Tsar having sanctioned the restoration of
certain irrigation works, has assisted in securing a full measure of
prosperity to these areas. Trim orchards and broad roads surround the
station where huge piles of cotton may be seen awaiting transport, the
evident prosperity of this smiling oasis affording striking contrast
with the spectacle of Old Merv. Ruins, revealing a sombre vista of
broken walls and shattered houses, the relics of a city which passed
into decay in 1784, cover a space of 40 square versts. It is the name
of the chief of that city that is now perpetuated in the adjoining
station, Bairam Ali. As the strong ruler of the country-side, he had
held in check the robber tribes until he and his city were overthrown
in their turn by Amir Murad, the founder of the Bokharan dynasty.
[Illustration: THE GUR AMIR]
The country round Bairam Ali is level and the place draws its water
from the Murghab river. Its commercial importance is progressing and,
at present, there is a steady volume of trade passing through it.
The official returns for Bairam Ali are:
_Imports._
Iron and steel 51,850 poods.
Goods (various) 93,763 ”
_Exports._
Cotton 300,000 poods.
Dried fruits }
Grape fruits } 43,761 ”
Rice }
The section of the railway from Tashkent now terminates at 905 versts
from Tashkent and 842 versts from Krasnovodsk, after crossing the
Tokhtamish arik by an eight-span iron girder bridge. This work rests
upon iron piles, the length of the spans being 15 sagenes each. The
commercial importance of Merv, in view of the rapid development of its
trade with the Murghab Valley and the surrounding oases of Yulatan,
Pendjeh and Tejend, imparts to the town an economic significance little
less than that which emanates from its strategic aspect. The movement
of trade, imported for its own consumption or distributed over the
neighbouring markets, is:
_Imports._ _Exports._
2,170,013 poods 900,953 poods;
the passenger traffic being:
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
25,524 23,964
The station of Merv, as the junction from which commences the Murghab
branch line, is particularly well constructed. There is a depôt
with spacious repairing yards and very commodious workshops, where
250 workmen are daily employed. In addition there are extensive
railway go-downs and quarters for the employés of the company. If
these represent merely the requirements of the station, in a more
general way there is an hospital with several beds, a building for
the accommodation of emigrants and, in the immediate precincts of the
station, barracks for the 2nd Trans-Caspian Railway Battalion. Close
to the station, which possesses special importance because of being
the only spot in a length of 200 versts up and down the line where
fresh water may be obtained, such water being derived from the Murghab
river, an iron bridge carries the railway across the river. The spans
of the bridge are 30 sagenes and a paved carriage-way is laid upon
either side of the metals. Beyond the bridge the road runs parallel
with the Central Asian railway until it reaches the Murghab river. Down
the banks of this stream it branches off towards the Kushk and Murghab
valleys, holding solitary communion with the Murghab valley railway as
far as the junction of the Pendjeh-Tanur Sangi extension with the line
to Kushkinski Post.
[Illustration: THE MILITARY QUARTER, MERV]
The appearance of Merv is monotonous. An absence of tropical foliage,
the conventional character of the bungalows and the broad, empty
streets compose an exterior which is altogether desolate. The high
temperature, which frequently exceeds 100 degrees, crushes initiative
and possibly it is due to the glare of the sun and the thick dust
which rises in white clouds from the roads, that the thoroughfares are
deserted between sunrise and sunset. The Murghab river divides the town
into a commercial quarter, prominently situated upon the right bank 133
sagenes above sea-level, and a military settlement upon the opposite
bank but connected by a pontoon bridge. Within the military quarter,
there are the barracks and the general offices of the Administration
as well as a large garrison hospital and a military club. The civil
section of the town contains a district hospital of fifteen beds and a
casino, supported by the Government. The native bazaar is remote.
[6] “The Heart of Asia.” F. H. Skrine and E. D. Ross.
[Illustration: THE AMU DARIA BRIDGE]
CHAPTER IV
THE NORTHERN BORDER AND THE OXUS
RIVER: ITS CHARACTER, TRIBUTARIES
AND FORDS
The Amu Daria, the more modern rendering of the name of the classic
Oxus, serves along the north and north-east of Afghanistan for a
distance of 330 miles as the frontier between Afghan territory and the
dominions of the Amir of Bokhara. Rising in the region of the Pamirs
this river, which is among the most historical in Asia, falls into the
Aral sea after traversing more than 1400 miles. The area of its basin
is estimated at 308,804 square kilomètres, while for a space of 200
miles it flows through Bokharan territory, after which, for a further
200 miles, it acts as the frontier between the Syr Daria province and
the Khanate of Khiva.
Contributing to the volume of its upper waters are two principal
streams, the Pamir and the Panja. The latter is the name by which
the Upper Oxus is known. The word Panja, which is somewhat generic,
is believed to refer to five streams existing in this region. It is
related also to the names of the well-known Afghan forts of Kala Panja
and Kala Bar Panja. It denotes the five fingers. It will be admitted
that the existence of a sacred edifice erected over a stone bearing
the imprint of the hand of Hazrat Ali, son-in-law of Mahommed, and
situated in the vicinity of Kala Panja, is presumptive evidence of an
affinity between the existence of the five streams and the shrine.
Further down the river, in Shignan, at Kala Bar Panja which means “The
fort over the Panja,” a fort has been constructed above a similar mark
to that defining the position of Kala Panja. There is little doubt that
some numerical quantity is expressed in the nomenclature.
In this wilderness, which in winter is a world of snow and ice, there
is another river, the Ak-su, so that there are three streams, the
Pamir, Panja, and the Ak-su. This trio drains the Pamirs, the Ak-su
uniting with the Panja at Kala Wamar, the others at Langar Kisht. The
Pamir and the Ak-su rise amid the Nicholas glaciers which drain into
Lake Victoria and Lake Chakmaktin; and, while neither of these lakes
can be identified positively as the sole source of the Oxus nor the
Pamir river be said to represent its origin, rivers, glaciers and lakes
are associated very closely with its head-waters. The larger lake,
known as Lake Victoria, and discovered in 1838 by Wood, is situated on
the Pamir river; the smaller lake, Lake Chakmaktin, is on the Ak-su.
The Pamir Daria flows through the Great Pamir. It possesses direct
connection with the Oxus at Langar Kisht. The Ak-su flows through
the Little Pamir. Lake Chakmaktin, lying on the Little Pamir, is
situated 290 feet lower than Lake Victoria, which is 13,390 feet above
sea-level. Panja, the third stream, rises in the congeries of glaciers
which lie immediately below the Wakh-jir Pass--indisputably separate
from the Nicholas glacier and without any connection with the two
lakes. The five rivers which make up the waters of the Panja or Oxus
are the Pamir, Panja, Ak-su or Murghab, Shakh and Ghund. Many of these
streams bear two, three, or even five names, this engaging variety
of description springing from the fact that the several parts of the
same stream are differently described by the various natives--Afghans,
Chinese, Tajiks and Kirghiz--who frequent the Pamir region. In
some cases, too, explorers have added names derived from imperfect
interpretation of local information, until it may be said that few
rivers in the world bear so many names as does the Oxus in its higher
reaches.
[Illustration: NEAR THE SOURCE OF THE OXUS
_Photo, Olufsen_]
[Illustration: THE VALLEY OF THE OXUS
_Photo, Olufsen_]
If we take the upper stream and follow it from its source in the
glaciers which lie below the Wakh-jir Pass, it will be found that in
its immediate descent from this field, but without taking its name
from the adjacent pass, the waters of the Amu Daria in their higher
reaches are styled the Panja. This title extends along the Upper Oxus
until, at Bozai Gumbaz, it is joined by the first contribution from the
Nicholas glaciers. This affluent is described indifferently by the name
Burgutai, Little Pamir Daria and Kuntai-su; a little before the meeting
of the Burgutai with the Panja this stream divides east and west, the
eastern arm passing into the channel of the Ak-su above Lake Chakmaktin
so that the Burgutai stream feeds equally the Ak-su and Ab-i-Panja
rivers. The Burgutai is narrow, shallow and inconstant; from its start
to its junction with the Panja it possesses a course of only ten miles
and is solely of interest as indicating one of the tributaries which
go to swell the volume of the Oxus. Below Bozai Gumbaz the stream
which rises in the Wakh-jir glaciers bears the five names Ab-i-Wakhan,
Wakh-jir, Sarhad, Wakh-su and Ab-i-Panja, the several variations of the
name Panja.
The fall of the Panja from its source to its junction with the Sarhad
has been estimated at 1247 mètres in 75 kilomètres. It will be
gathered, accordingly, that it is a very rapid stream until it reaches
the Sarhad. At Bozai Gumbaz and for a short distance along the Wakhan
valley, the river slackens until, turning northwards beyond Ishkashim,
it recovers and tumbles swiftly forward. Before leaving the Wakhan
valley it receives, on the right bank, the stream which flows through
Lake Victoria and is known incorrectly as Ab-i-Panja and correctly
as Pamir Daria. At one time, in consequence of Wood’s error, it was
confounded with the head-waters of the Oxus. Neither in volume, length,
nor through the possession of any requisite characteristic can the
Pamir Daria be accounted the parent stream[7]. This river describes
from its source in the glacial fields of Mount Nicholas a fall of 153
mètres over the first 20 kilomètres of its course. From Lake Victoria
proper to Mazar-tepe, where the Khargosh river flows into it, the Pamir
Daria falls 285 mètres in 40 kilomètres. From Mazar-tepe to Langar
Kisht, where it unites with the waters of the Panja, Ab-i-Panja or
Ab-i-Wakhan, there is a further fall of 831 mètres in 60 kilomètres.
From Langar Kisht to Rang the fall is 327 mètres in 100 kilomètres,
the pace of the river in this stretch of the Wakhan valley being
comparatively sluggish. From Rang, which is a little east of Ishkashim,
to Khorok in Shignan there is a perceptible increase in the current of
the river, its mean fall being 702 mètres in 100 kilomètres.
The Panja in its passage through the Wakhan valley presents a number
of interesting contrasts. In its higher reaches at first a tumbling
mountain torrent, it becomes between Semut which is below Langar Kisht
and Shirtar, a slow, lifeless stream, so nerveless and placid that it
ceases to carry in its current the masses of suspended matter which
hitherto have been swept along with it. At Langar Kisht, the junction
of the Pamir Daria with the Panja, there is a deposit of broken rocks
and smooth water-borne stones which have been brought down from the
glaciers. The wide area, covered by these quantities of _débris_
and detritus from the upper valleys, makes the banks and bed of the
river resemble a deserted beach, where human life seldom enters and
vegetation does not flourish. In places where deposits of sand have
been left by the stream, the wind has whipped the loose surfaces into
small dunes; in other directions large tracts of this drift sand have
been covered by tamarisk; elsewhere there is no vegetation and the
tamarisk has not appeared. In mid-summer, when the river diminishes and
high winds blow through the gorge, the scattered patches of sand left
by the stream are caught up by the gales and swept in clouds of fine
dust across the fields beyond.
[Illustration: BESIDE THE OXUS
_Photo, Olufsen_]
[Illustration: THE WAKHAN VALLEY
_Photo, Olufsen_]
In the wider valleys, such as those at Langar Kisht and the Zung, the
Panja divides into a number of arms. These small channels contain
dangerous quicksands. The stream itself is black with mud, the river
at this point being charged with a fertilising matter which, where
deposited, is followed usually by a growth of luxuriant vegetation.
The Pamir Daria similarly breaks up, but its channels are free from
quicksand and the water carries little mud in suspension.[8] Between
Langar Kisht and Ptuk there is a belt of vegetation. The banks are
covered with grass; there are many willows, white poplars, and here and
there impenetrable copses of camelthorn. Beyond Ptuk, the beneficent
character of the river changes and in the valley between Semut and
Shirtar the banks reflect a waste of sand dunes and patches of drift
sand. The mud deposits of the main stream, too, appear to be exhausted
at Ptuk, where there is a large intake of glacial water from a
number of rapid streams which come down from the Hindu Kush. As if
the moraines discharged their stones and gravel into these snow-fed
torrents there exists at this point a stretch of river-bed, desolate
and barren.
[Illustration: TYPE FROM WAKHAN
_Photo, Olufsen_]
The mountains at Langar Kisht and Zung recede considerably on either
side from the river and thus give room for a broad valley. But they
come together immediately west of Kala Panja forming a narrow ravine
through which the Panja can just pass. Beyond this gorge the valley
expands to a breadth of several kilomètres and the river divides into
arms dotted with little islands which are covered with thorny copses.
After this lake-like extension the river, from the village of Shirtar
down stream, consists of one channel which, here and there, widens out,
making space for further inlets.
From Dersai to Nut the stream contracts to an average breadth of
25 mètres and dashes with such suppressed energy between the steep
banks of its rocky bed that the boom of the tumbling waters echoes
throughout the valley. From Dersai to Si Khanah the mountains run so
close together, north and south, that in most places there is only room
for the actual bed of the river, and it is only near the mouths of the
small hill-side streams that a few hundred square yards of arable soil
may be found. About 3 kilomètres west of Si Khanah there are a number
of cataracts, and immediately south of Rang the sands, brought down
by the stream, begin again to form into dunes. From Nut to Samchan,
in the province of Ishkashim, the river valley becomes broader, the
Panja dividing into several arms. The banks here are covered with thick
copses, the haunt of the wild boar and the home of many birds; but
in the province of Gharan, a few kilomètres to the north of Samchan,
the valley of the Panja becomes a mere cleft in the mountains, the
river retaining this form until it receives the waters of the Ghund
at Charog. At Darband, on the boundary between Gharan and Ishkashim
and before the meeting of the Ghund Daria with the Panja, the stream
breaking down a number of cataracts tears through its narrow mountain
passage and becomes a most imposing waterfall; indeed, from Darband
almost to Charog the stream of the Panja rushing along its rocky bed is
one vast foaming cataract which, dashing against the mountains, crushes
everything that falls into its whirling eddies.
[Illustration: BRIDGE OVER THE UPPER OXUS]
The bulk of the tributary streams of the Panja river is found between
Langar Kisht and Namagut, the presence of the Hindu Kush glaciers
being the source of an extensive water-supply draining into the river.
The length of these streams seldom exceeds 15 kilomètres and the
more general course is one of 10 kilomètres. Their period of greatest
activity is at the time of the summer floods, when the ice melts and
the heavy snows are broken up. At such a moment a large volume of water
sweeps through their shallow channels carrying with it huge boulders,
masses of ice, many tons of snow and running with too great force to
present facilities for fording. North from Ishkashim the tributaries
of the Panja diminish both in number and size. The rivers flowing from
the Badakshan mountains and the streams from the southern valleys of
the Pamirs are, save in one or two important instances, flood-water and
dependent upon the break-up of the snows and ice. The most important
exception is the Bartang, which is known as Murghab, Ak-tash and
Ak-su. This river is certainly the longest tributary of the Panja in
Roshan district. In the course of its descent from Lake Chakmaktin it
receives no less than eight tributaries, three of which approach it
from the north--the remaining five rising in small, separate streams
in the hilly ground to the south. The Bartang is not the only river of
importance which unites with the Panja after the main stream has swung
out from the Wakhan valley towards the north. Two others, respectively
the Ghund Daria and the Shakh Daria, join their waters at Sazan Bulak,
flowing from that point under the name of Suchan Daria to a junction
with the Panja. The waters of the Suchan Daria and the Panja meet at
Charog, which lies on the right bank of the Panja somewhat south and
east of Kala Bar Panja. This place, situated on the left bank, is the
capital of Shignan.
Communications through Wakhan and Gharan still preserve their primitive
character; but between Kala Panja and Kala Bar Panja, on the Afghan
side of the river, there is a serviceable track which, if more a
bridle path than suited for the requirements of wheeled traffic, is
none the less superior to anything existing between these points on
the Russian bank. The Russians have not troubled to make a clearance
along the banks of the river, their principal objective having been to
connect their military depôts in the Pamirs with the principal fords
of the Upper Oxus and to provide first-class communications between
their Pamir posts and their bases in Turkestan. The Afghan line of
communications on the banks of the river proceeds from the energy
and precautions taken by Abdur Rahman. Although no longer preserved
with the same care, it nevertheless offers to the Afghan patrols a
convenient road by which the frontier may be inspected. At many points
along this riverside paths have been cleared of boulders, streams have
been bridged and ramps have been constructed to facilitate the passage
of the more troublesome spurs. Difficulties of movement must beset
the traveller in Wakhan at all times, as progress through the valleys
is dependent on the season. During the melting of the snows, which
begins in May, the rivers which draw their waters from the mountain
system of the Hindu Kush or from the Pamirs are in flood, the period of
flood-water prevailing until the end of August. From September to March
it is usually possible to proceed along the banks; but, so soon as
the snow begins to break up, the Panja in its higher, no less than in
its middle, reaches becomes so swollen that the great volume of water
passing through the channel breaks its bounds and inundates the valley.
At such a time wide détours over the mountains have to be made; from
the end of October the streams freeze and it becomes possible to use
their frozen surfaces. Certain difficulties attend this practice, as
the rapidity of the current interferes with the formation of the ice.
[Illustration: DIFFICULT “GOING”
_Photo, Olufsen_]
The passage through the river valleys, particularly in the higher
reaches along the Russian border, is always arduous. It is better to
secure permission to go round than to endure the labour of clambering
up the many steep mountain slopes where there is no path to guide one
and very little foothold. It is practically useless to take animal
transport, and coolies lightly laden are more reliable a means of
effecting the journey. Beyond Ishkashim, as far as the junction of the
Suchan Daria with the Panja, a distance of 50 miles, the river valley
is so broken and complex that the road, where it exists at all, becomes
a mere zigzag, half a dozen inches in breadth. Rugged and lofty, it is
barely perceptible on the granite face of the mountain. Frequently,
no better footing than the surface roughness of the rocks presents
itself, Nature appearing to have gone out of her way in order to raise
obstacles against the passing of the wayfarer.
At the junction of the Suchan Daria with the Panja, where the valley
widens, there is no longer confusion about the name of the stream.
It is now the Panja or Ab-i-Panja, and until meeting with the
Bartang-Murghab-Ak-su-Ak-tash at Kala Wamar the valley preserves its
open character. Beyond the Bartang its dimensions contract once more
and the river tears a way for itself through mountain gorges. At Kala
Khum it bends to the west and, striking a little south and then a
little north-west, runs at right angles to the general trend of the
mountains towards the more open valleys about Kulab. Kala Khum may
be said to mark the most northerly point of the river. The district
surrounding it is in distinct contrast with the desolation of the
valleys along the Upper Oxus. The cliffs are no less bold and the
precipices no less sheer than in Gharan and Wakhan; but owing to the
mildness of the climate of Darwaz a genial warmth permeates the region,
encouraging a generous growth of vegetation. The wild vine, the red
pomegranate, the apple, pear and mulberry flourish and many varieties
of vegetables are freely cultivated.
From the point where the Bokharan province of Kulab becomes separated
by the Oxus river from the Afghan districts of Rustak and Kataghan
the channel of the stream is contained no longer by the walls of
the mountains. Broad streams, from the Trans-Alai range in one
direction and the highlands of Karategin in another, join the Oxus,
the main river at once beginning to adopt an uncertain channel.
Numerous feeders appear on both banks at this part of its course.
The Kulab and Surkhab-Waksh-Kizil-su join it in broad muddy streams
from the Karategin uplands, until the river, changing its character
altogether, divides itself into many channels where the hills fail
to confine it. In addition to the two tributaries just mentioned as
appearing on the right bank, there are three others, the Kafirnahan,
the Surkhan, and the Darban. These are contributed from Bokhara;
while, on the left bank, Badakshan dismisses the Kokcha and the
Kunduz-Ghori-Khanabad-Aksarai to a meeting with the main stream. In
earlier times, when there were fewer settlements and the demand for
purposes of irrigation was not so great, the Amu Daria possessed,
both on the north and on the south, other tributaries, the waters of
which are now entirely diverted to the fields. In these middle as
also in the upper reaches of the river but little of the main stream
is utilised by villagers, the inhabitants of the settlements in the
valleys threaded by the Oxus supplying their agricultural necessities
from the smaller streams. West of Kunduz, for a distance of nearly 700
miles, the drainage of the hills to the south of the river is lost in
the plains of Afghan Turkestan; but on the Bokharan side the extensive
canalisation, which is such a prominent feature, causes many of the
streams to be exhausted before they have had opportunity to effect a
junction with the Amu Daria. It is not until near Pitniak that any
important diversion of the waters of the Oxus for cultivation is made.
At that point the great division of the stream for the requirements of
the Khivan oasis occurs, a general discharge of 125,000 cubic feet per
second being deflected in order to supply a system of canals by which
over 4000 square miles of fertile alluvial land are kept in tillage.
The bed of the Oxus in its lower reaches is muddy. Taking the course
of the river as a whole, measurements which have been made at a series
of points demonstrate that there are no less than 16,000,000 tons of
sedimentary matter constantly passing down to form the vast delta that
distinguishes its mouth, as well as to fertilise its banks or any
areas which, from time to time, may be submerged. It is unnecessary to
mention all the various channels through which, below the fortress of
Nukus, the stream flows. The principal are the Ulkan Daria, the Taldik
and the Yani Su. These present the usual features of a delta; but the
triangular space contained within the Yani Su and the Taldik, its
extreme eastern and western channels, is not a true delta, since it
consists of an original formation through which the river has cut its
way to the Aral sea, and upon which other matter has been deposited.
Actual deltas, however, have been developed about the mouths of the
Taldik and Yani Su, their existence constituting a bar to vessels
drawing over 4 feet of water.
[Illustration: VILLAGE ON THE LOWER OXUS]
The tendency of the Oxus, like that of the great Siberian rivers, is
to press continually on its right or east bank. The consequence of
this deflection, which is due to the rotation of the earth round its
axis from west to east, is that the stream has turned from the Kungrad
channel eastwards to the Taldik channel and thence to the Yani Su
which, at present, is receiving the main discharge. In former times a
far greater deviation took place. No less than twice during its history
has the Oxus oscillated between the Caspian and the Aral seas. In
the time of Strabo it was a sort of eastern continuation of the Kura
route from Georgia across the Caspian and the Kara Kum to Charjui.
Its course across the desert is indicated by the Igdy and other wells
dotted over the plains in a line with its former bed, which reached
the Caspian in the depression between the Great and Little Balkan
hills. Later on Edrisi found the Oxus flowing into the Aral. But in the
fourteenth century it was flowing into the Caspian--this time along the
Uzboi channel. The bed ran from near Nukus westwards to the Sara Kamish
Steppe and thence southwards to the Igdy wells, along the original
course between the Balkans to the Caspian, close to Mikhailovsk.
The navigation of the Oxus has been the subject of constant inquiry
from the time when, in 1875, the steamer _Petrovski_, drawing 3½ feet
of water, picked a passage for itself as far as Nukus. Three years
later another steamer, the _Samarkand_, with a draught of 3 feet and
of 24 horsepower, made the journey from Petro Alexandrovsk to Kelif.
Between 1878 and 1880 further attempts were made to demonstrate the
navigability of this waterway; but between 1880 and 1887 there was
so much conflict of opinion that matters scarcely advanced beyond
the experimental stage. At that date the increasing importance of
the interests of Russia along the Afghan border made evident the
advisability of improving all possible lines of communication with it.
With this end in view, the Russian Government equipped a small fleet
of steamers for river service and the navigation of the Oxus to-day
is controlled by these vessels, which are described as the Government
Amu Daria Flotilla. Between Patta Hissar on the middle reaches and
Khiva, Petro Alexandrovsk and Kungrad on the lower reaches, these craft
conduct a regular shipping business, Farab and Charjui acting as the
central depôt to the service--Farab holding the headquarters of the
company and Charjui being the principal anchorage.
From Patta Hissar to Charjui the journey occupies between seven and
ten days, dependent upon the size of the steamer and the character of
the voyage. Sand banks are a perpetual menace to rapid navigation, and
the length of time varies according to the immunity of the undertaking
from mishap. From Charjui to Kungrad the same amount of time is usually
required.
The ports of call between Patta Hissar and Charjui are:
Patta Hissar
Shur Ob
Kuyu-Shur Ob
Chushka Gisar
Kuyu Kara-Mazar
Kelif
Charshangu
Ak Kum
Makri
Kundalem
Jishak
Karki
Bashir
Polvart
Burdalik
Narazim
Sakar Bazar
Charjui
Below Charjui the stations to Petro Alexandrovsk are:
Kavakli
Gugerdjeili
Ak Rabat
Sartarask
Uch Uchak
Itchkeyar
Meshekli
Pitniak
and Petro Alexandrovsk.
The boats are of old construction and only number five in all. They
are supplemented by a fleet of barges of large and small capacity, the
larger class carrying 12,000 poods, the smaller, of which there are two
divisions, carrying 5000 poods and 3000 poods each.
The two principal steamers, respectively the _Tsar_ and _Tsaritsa_,
were the first to be launched and date back to 1887. The three others,
which are slower, smaller and more akin to river tugs than passenger
craft, are the _Samarkand_, _Bokhara_ and _Kabul_. Their cost was borne
by the Government and ran into several thousand pounds apiece. All the
vessels are paddle-boats and flat-bottomed. The two larger ships are
supposed to be able to make sixteen knots per hour; their length is 150
feet, with 23 feet beam and engines of 500 horse-power.
Their draught, when laden, is rather less than 3 feet, while they carry
a crew of thirty hands and possess accommodation for 300 men and 20
officers. They take any class of cargo and passengers and are also
utilised for towing the freight barges of the military authorities
up-stream to the frontier stations at Karki, Kelif, Patta Hissar
and Termes. Navigation between Patta Hissar and Charjui continues
throughout the year unless prevented by the freezing of the river;
between Charjui and Kungrad the continuity of the down river service
is dependent upon the sand banks, their sudden appearance and constant
change of position quite upsetting the ordinary schedule.
From April 1 to October 1, the steamers leave Charjui twice a week--on
Wednesdays for Karki and on Sundays for Patta Hissar. During the
remainder of the year they leave once a week, on Sundays, for Patta
Hissar. On the journey from Patta Hissar to Karki, during the summer,
steamers leave on Saturdays and in the winter months on Thursdays; for
the journey from Karki to Patta Hissar steamers leave in the summer
months on Wednesdays and in the winter months on Fridays. From Patta
Hissar to Charjui steamers run every Friday and Sunday in summer and
during the winter on Sundays.
In general, navigation on the lower Oxus is difficult. Above Charjui
the swiftness of the current, which averages 5 miles and, in some
places, even 6 miles an hour, impedes the up-stream progress of any but
the more powerful boats. Unfortunately, the narrowness of the channel
above Charjui and its extreme tortuousness makes the employment of
steamers of a class that would be really serviceable against so strong
a current quite unsuitable. Again, the constant shifting of the proper
channel in the lower reaches, the liability of the river to sudden
rises between April and August and the irregular falls between August
and October--sometimes making within a few hours a difference of 8
feet in the level of the stream--create a further obstacle against the
successful organisation of a purely commercial service. The difficulty
is much greater down-stream where obstructions to navigation, owing to
the diminution of the current as the surface of the stream increases,
are more frequent.
In this respect it is interesting to study the fall of the river from
Kelif to Charjui, and from that point to the mouth. [9]According to the
Russian reckoning, between these two points, a distance of 200 miles,
there is a fall of 220 feet, the altitude of the several stations along
the bank being:
Kelif, 730 feet.
Karki, 640 feet.
Burdalik, 580 feet.
Narazim, 545 feet.
Charjui, 510 feet.
[Illustration: PETRO ALEXANDROVSK]
From Charjui to the mouth of the river there is a fall of only 167
feet in a distance of 500 miles. If the fall in the river between
Patta Hissar and Charjui be compared with the width of the stream,
the difficulty presented to navigation through the current will be
understood. There is a breadth at Kelif of 540 yards which increases
to 650 yards at Charjui during the normal flow of the river; but for a
considerable distance from the bank the stream is shallow, possessing
a bare depth of 3 feet with an average of 10 feet in the centre. At the
time of flood these dimensions become greatly increased and the Oxus
from Farab to its mouth is an imposing spectacle. In places it is fully
a mile in width and a very general measurement is 1000 mètres. The
flood channel is usually three-fourths wider than the ordinary stream;
in the extremely broad places the average strength of the current per
hour is 4 miles, falling as low as 2½ miles per hour when the flood has
subsided. The water passing down is in the desert stretches of a yellow
hue. In those portions where rocks take the place of sand it shows a
grey tone, imparted by the masses of granite, sand and mica which are
held in suspension. In spite of its curious colouring the water is used
extensively for drinking purposes without apparent ill-effect. In taste
it is slightly saline, but it does not possess a sufficient quantity of
salt to prevent freezing. The temperature of the river in mid-summer is
73°. In winter the stream above Kunduz freezes regularly, the frozen
surface becoming a passage-way between the banks. Below Khiva a similar
physical condition prevails, caravans crossing the ice without risk.
At Charjui the river freezes over from bank to bank, but it is only
at rare seasons that the ice is of sufficient solidarity to support
general traffic. At Karki the surface of the river coats over, but the
ice itself is unsubstantial; at Kelif, where numerous floes appear
in the stream, the force of the current is sufficient to prevent any
general formation of ice.
[Illustration: NATIVE CHURCH AT KHIVA]
The banks of the river about Kelif, for a distance of 50 miles above
the ferry and particularly on the right bank, reveal considerable
agricultural activity. Further along the left bank of the lower Oxus
there is a zone, 5 miles in width, in which cultivation has been
extensively practised. Wheat and barley, the spreading willow and
the luscious mulberry-tree grow in profusion, imparting to the scene
an appearance of prosperity in odd contrast with the dreary expanses
distinguishing so much of the country through which the river courses.
Irrigation is widely employed; water is drawn from the Oxus in long
canals, the heads of which are constantly being destroyed by flood
and renewed again as rapidly. The scene in these attenuated strips of
cultivation is bright and there is a happy note of industry and peace.
Small villages, the houses neatly built of stone, stand scattered
about the landscape; single, substantial and very comfortable-looking
homesteads are numerous. Where cultivation ceases, too, there is
usually a narrow tract of jungle between the reeds of the river-bed and
the edge of the desert, where admirable cover exists for wild animals
and birds.
The passage of the stream by the steamers of the Oxus flotilla is
made only during daylight. From Charjui, where there are excellent
facilities, the hour of departure is eight o’clock. If overtaken by
darkness between the stages the vessels tie up to the bank, resuming
the journey at dawn. In calm weather an average daily passage is 50
miles, although down stream a better run is generally recorded. In
the event of arriving in advance of the scheduled time, the hour of
departure is left to the discretion of the captain. Regular halts are
arranged at Patta Hissar, where the steamers stay four hours, and at
Karki where, on the voyage to Patta Hissar, four hours are also spent.
This interval is reduced to two hours on the return journey and also
at Charjui; but elsewhere it is a matter of uncertainty, the duration
of the stop merely being governed by the time occupied in loading
and unloading the barges. Steamers, as a rule, start punctually,
particularly at Charjui, the vessels leaving their moorings according
to Askhabad time. This is the standard on the Central Asian railway.
[Illustration: TEMPLE ON THE BANKS OF THE OXUS]
The custom of granting passages at reduced rates to all and sundry
associated with the Government, observed throughout the railway systems
of Russia, is adopted on the steamers of the Oxus flotilla. There are
three classes of tariffs and two standards of accommodation:
(1) Officers and doctors travelling on duty;
(2) Children between the ages of five and ten years;
(3) Non-commissioned officers, soldiers, emigrants with families and
prisoners.
These are all carried at a reduction of 50 per cent. Soldiers are
compelled to show a warrant attested by the authority for the transport
of troops by water; emigrants a permit signed by the local civil
authority and the guard in charge of prisoners an order from the local
police bureau, before being supplied with tickets. All passengers are
entitled to one pood of baggage, free of charge; but for the unloading
and reloading of baggage or of cargo, passengers must pay at the rate
of one and a half kopecks per pood; for the hire of boats for the
transportation of such baggage to the steamer or from the steamer to
the shore at the rate of one kopeck per pood. Animals of a domestic
description, such as sheep, camels, horses, cattle and dogs, bales
of merchandise and timber are carried by special arrangement and
under a special tariff. This can be supplied on demand at the chief
bureau of the flotilla at Charjui and Farab, at the principal goods
office of the company at Karki, by the captains of steamers and the
mates of barges. Steamers are permitted to tow private vessels of any
description at the rate of half a kopeck per ton of their displacement
in addition to whatever other charges may be contracted.
The accommodation is divided between the first and third classes,
the cabins being at the disposal of the first-class passengers.
Restrictions are not placed on the movements of native passengers
who, if they dared to pay for a cabin, would be permitted to berth in
the first saloon. Meals are supplied on board by arrangement with the
purser; but, while there is no material difficulty attaching to the
journey up and down the river, permission to travel by these steamers
is very rarely accorded to foreigners.
For the better comprehension of the terms which have been mentioned the
following table is given.
1 ton = 62 poods
1 pood = 36 lbs.
1 rouble = 2 shillings
100 kopecks = 1 rouble
In addition to the steamers of the flotilla there are 380 native-owned
craft engaged in trading along the lower and middle reaches of the
stream. These vessels conduct a very flourishing trade in various
native commodities--fruit, vegetables, wood, live stock, cotton
goods and such minor manufactures as may be required among the
native villages. The boats used in this traffic are of rough native
workmanship, capacious and damp, but in their way serviceable enough.
Their dimensions are:
_Length._ _Beam._ _Depth._
50 feet 18 feet 4 feet
[Illustration: THE SHRINE OF HAZRAT ALI
_Photo, Olufsen_]
Each boat can accommodate 150 passengers, twenty mounted men, and stow
twenty tons of cargo--an estimate which strains their capacity to its
utmost limit. In design these craft, flat-bottomed, with a draught of
18 inches and 2½ feet of gunwale above the water, are constructed of
square logs of willow or mulberry, 6 feet in length, peeled, clipped
into shape and clamped together with iron pins. The craft trade
principally on the lower reaches of the river although there is
nothing to prevent them, save the difficulty of the task, from
venturing further up-stream. In this respect a few of the better class
do manage to reach Patta Hissar, whence large floats of timber are
despatched to Charjui. The existence of this trade at Patta Hissar is
characteristic of the middle reaches of the stream, where white
poplar, willows and mulberry trees grow in profusion. The presence of
the timber encourages native shipping to tie up to the trees, the
several little colonies of vessels thus laid up imparting to the
appearance of the river an amount of life and animation not always
borne out by actual traffic.
[Illustration: VILLAGE ON THE MIDDLE OXUS]
The contrivances used by ferries on the Oxus are in a measure
identical with those which may be noticed on the Murghab and along the
Helmund. Neither rafts nor inflated skins are in any favour on the
lower reaches, although skins are employed by natives in the region
of the Upper Oxus, this method constituting the sole means by which
a passage of the river is effected. On the middle and lower reaches
there are rough boats, similar in design to the trading craft but
somewhat smaller in dimension. Rafts are requisitioned only for the
transportation of firewood.
Above Charjui, as far as a little east of the mouth of the Kunduz
river, a distance of nearly 300 miles, there are fifteen ferries, four
of which have been abandoned. Below Charjui, from that point as far
as Petro Alexandrovsk, there are nine. The following are the stations
between Kunduz and Charjui:
_Fords._
Sharwani
Takhb-i-Kuva
_Ferries._
Karawal Tepe
Kakul Gusar
Kanda Gusar
Khisht Tepe
Mouth of Surkhab river
Mouth of Kafirnahan river
Kara’_Kaldar
Patta Hissar
Chushka Gisar
Kelif
Khwaja Sala
Karki
Burdalik
Narazim
Charjui.
Between Charjui and Petro Alexandrovsk they are:
Charjui
Ustik
Ili-jik
Kavakli
Guzhari Tozakar
Khandek-li
Sumpana Bi Baba
Kheradj
Petro Alexandrovsk.
These ferries are provided with two boats, stationed one on either
side of the river. The passage is accomplished by punting or through
the services of small horses trained to tow the boat while swimming
and attached by means of a surcingle to an outrigger which projects
beyond the gunwale. Native shipping relies principally on man-haulage
up stream, supplemented by constant poling; down stream the boats drift
with the current.
It is characteristic of a large portion of the river that the stream
flows within double banks. The inner one is the line of the water at
ordinary seasons, while the outer one is the limit of the river in
flood. The distance between the banks is as much as two miles in many
places and the zone thus formed is laid out in fields and gardens.
Moreover, it rarely happens that this interior space is altogether
inundated and a portion, therefore, is cultivated permanently.
Elsewhere the area available for development is measured by the flood
season. Where these intra-spaces occur considerable length is added
to the ferry passage. Sometimes the river forms a series of separate
channels until its waters have united beyond the interruption. Such a
point is met with at Khwaja Sala, where in certain seasons the stream
is divided into three branches, the width of each channel being 295
yards, 113 yards and 415 yards. The average depth there is 9 feet. At
Kelif, 33 miles up stream, on the other hand, these double banks do not
appear, the river flowing in a single and very narrow bed. The Kelif
ferry is of interest as a link in the affairs of Central Asia. It was
the point where Alexander crossed the Oxus in B.C. 330; while, to-day,
it is one of the most important Customs stations on the Russo-Afghan
border. At every ferry station small posts of observation, formed of
Bokharan levies, have been established. During the prevalence of plague
in India and cholera in Afghanistan and Persia orders were issued which
closed all ferries against the passage of caravans and travellers. Only
at Charjui and Karki was traffic permitted. Lately there has been some
relaxation in the execution of these regulations; but a number of the
minor ferries are still barred against any description of communication
from Afghanistan, India and Persia.
The river does not continue for many miles in the turbulent spirit
that distinguishes its appearance at Kelif; at Karki, a few miles to
the west, on account of a second channel there is greater width. At
Charjui the ferry is nearly 700 yards across at low water, with several
branches formed by sand banks. At the time of flood this distance
becomes double with a depth of 30 feet in mid-stream; the further
dimensions of the river down stream corresponding in proportion with
the level of the banks.
[7] “Pamirs and the Source of the Oxus.” G. N. Curzon.
[8] “Through the Unknown Pamirs.” O. Olufsen.
[9] “Russian Central Asia.” H. Lansdell.
CHAPTER V
THE MURGHAB VALLEY RAILWAY
[Illustration: STREET SCENE, ANDIJAN]
The Russian Government has shown remarkable energy during the past few
years in improving its railway communications in Central Asian regions.
After the Trans-Caspian line had been finished from the Caspian Sea to
Samarkand there was a lull in construction, but presently an extension
was carried on to Tashkent and thence to Andijan. By creating railway
communication with Merv, Russia met half-way the difficulties of her
station in Trans-Caspia. In the event of any military crisis arising
with Afghanistan 300 versts of difficult country yet remained to be
crossed before concentration upon that frontier could be effected. At
a later date, a branch was run from Merv to Pendjeh, by which this
hiatus was at once repaired and Russia secured to herself a position of
commanding importance across the road to Herat.
Surveys, carried out in the year 1894 in two directions, from the
station of Tejend and from Merv, demonstrated that the Merv-Murghab
route did not present any technical difficulties. Shorter than
the Tejend line by 65 versts and more level, it traversed the
well-populated Merv, Yulatan and Pendjeh oases. Water was also
plentiful. On the other hand the line from Tejend crossed very
difficult country; while it doubled the distance, necessitating 700,000
cubic sagenes’ additional excavation. Perhaps a more emphatic objection
arose from the inadequacy of water between Tejend and Sarakhs, supplies
in the Tejend district drying up between September and January. As a
consequence the line was constructed from Merv to Kushkinski Post,
on the Afghan frontier, through the valleys of the Murghab and Kushk
rivers, just over 293 versts or 192 miles in length, with a terminal
depôt only 80 miles distant from Herat. From motives of economy one
station was allowed to every 50 versts, with sidings half-way between
them; only two engine sheds and workshops were provided, while all
other buildings were limited and none but the cheapest materials
employed. Bridges were made of wood instead of stone, the rolling-stock
sufficing for four trains in the twenty-four hours. Railway and
military telegraph wires were fixed to the same posts and it was not
intended to ballast the permanent way. Construction was reduced by
these precautions to 8,408,000 roubles. After revision by a commission
of the General Staff this sum was increased by the cost of ballasting
the permanent way, 329,000 roubles; the total expenditure upon the work
finally amounting to 9,669,000 roubles or 33,000 roubles per verst.
Imperial ukase authorised construction on August 26, 1896, actual work
beginning on April 27, 1897.
Colonel Ulyanin, of the Corps of Engineers, was appointed Chief
Constructor and the overseers were also engineer officers, the majority
of whom had already taken part in the laying of the Krasnovodsk-Merv
section of the Trans-Caspian railway. The workmen consisted of
Russians, Persians, Bokharans, Sarts from the province of Samarkand,
Ersaris and Afghans from Maimana, the daily roll averaging between
3500 and 5000. Of this number from 27 per cent. to 45 per cent. were
Russians, who were paid from eighty-nine kopecks to one rouble eighty
kopecks per day. Native workmen received no more than eighty kopecks
daily; several hundred of them worked for a monthly salary of between
fifteen and seventeen roubles. The prevalence of malaria in the Kushk
and Murghab valleys interrupted the building and hundreds of instances
of labourers breaking their contracts occurred, the authorities being
obliged to repair the shortage by enlisting inexperienced men. In
spite of this difficulty work upon the permanent way was completed
in November 1898, and the task of laying the rails, which began on
November 15, 1897, was finished on December 4, 1898. Rails were laid at
a rate varying between 1 and 2½ versts per day, the job being carried
out by the newly formed companies of the Railway Battalion. The cost
per verst fluctuated from 350 to 450 roubles. The difference existing
between the gauge of this railway and the standard of the Russian
railways has since been altered. At first the line was of narrow gauge
with rails weighing 18 lbs. to the cubic foot, metals of a heavier type
only being laid for a distance of forty versts. The service of trains
from Merv to Kushkinski was opened on December 4, 1898. At the present
time, it comprises four daily local trains and two bi-weekly expresses,
“through” trains, which complete the journey in eighteen hours at a
speed of 11 miles an hour.
Upon completion and after inspection by a commission, control of the
Murghab valley line reverted to the Minister of Ways and Communications
by whom the original narrow gauge was adapted to the broad gauge of
the Russian system. Various other alterations and improvements in the
siding and hutting accommodation were also carried out. In 1901-02
branch lines to Chahil Dukteran and Tanur Sangi, skirting the left
bank of the Murghab and passing Maruchak on the Afghan bank, were
constructed. It is now proposed to double the entire track between
Merv and Kushkinski Post, these highly significant changes making the
railway available for any service the military authorities might impose
upon it. The line itself is veiled in such close secrecy by the Russian
authorities that peculiar interest attaches to any particulars upon it,
and these notes, presented for the first time to the public, convey an
accurate and not unimportant description of its character, from the
junction at Merv to the terminus at Chahil Dukteran.
[Illustration: A NOTABLE GATHERING]
From Merv station, 118.01 sagenes above sea-level, the railway runs at
first in a south-easterly direction, passing due south and south-west
along the valleys of the Murghab and Kushk rivers. The first station
beyond Merv is Talkhatan Baba, some 37 versts distant at an elevation
of 127.06 sagenes. This place is situated in country which is both
sandy and flat, while barely 6 versts away is the Murghab river, upon
which the station is dependent for its water-supply. Twenty versts
further the line meets the spreading prosperity of the Yulatan oasis,
from which the point derives its name. Yulatan station stands at
a height of 134.16 sagenes; and, although a pleasant freshness is
imparted by the oasis to its environment, the general spectacle is very
dreary, being broken only by the contours of low dunes and undulating
sand ridges. A small village has been founded by the Russians on the
banks of the stream, the first colonists to establish themselves in
Yulatan appearing in 1885. An open square, surrounded by little brick
and stone buildings distinguishes the centre of the settlement. Four
wide streets, along the gutters of which are planted tall trees,
radiate from it; while the population consists principally of Persians,
Khivans, Sarts, Armenians and Bokharan Jews. The percentage of Russians
is inconsiderable.
Yulatan contains the headquarters of the District Commissioner, the
Sixth Company of the 1st Trans-Caspian Railway Battalion and two
companies of the 1st Caucasian Rifle Battalion. There are also a post
and telegraph office, a mixed primary school, an hospital with six
beds, a synagogue and a large public garden. The trade is in the hands
of Bokharan Jews and the market assembles upon Mondays and Thursdays.
In the district around the station there is a Tekke population of
15,000, occupied, for the most part, in the cotton industry. By reason
of its trade this station is the most important commercial centre
on the line. In 1901, for which statistics have only just become
available, there were:
Passengers.
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
2108 2084
_Imports._ _Exports._
Merchandise 10,569 poods Merchandise 30,161 poods.
Sugar 413 ” Wheat 2,109 ”
Kerosene 602 ” Barley 3,581 ”
Flour 856 ” Cotton 16,763 ”
These figures have increased greatly in more recent years, the bulk of
the trade from the Yulatan oasis line now converging upon this point.
The third station from Merv is Sultan-i-band, some 76 versts distant
and at an altitude of 139.55 sagenes. A slight change in the character
of the country is here noticeable; the flat, sandy, barren expanse
which begins wherever the Yulatan oasis leaves off giving place
to dense reeds and marshes. Water is not drawn from the Murghab
river at this station, the supply coming from the Khani Yab canal.
Originally the region was fertilised by the Sultan-i-band; but that
once magnificent work has fallen into decay, and, although the
surrounding country contains a large Tekke population, there is very
little industry. The ruins of the Sultan-i-band lie in the immediate
vicinity,--the word “band” means “dam,”--this famous canal once being
connected very closely with the history of Old Merv when the waters of
the Murghab irrigated that oasis. But to-day the commercial importance
of the district is insignificant and in the year under review only
3689 poods of cotton were forwarded to Merv.
[Illustration: ON THE CENTRAL ASIAN RAILWAY.]
The environment of the next station, Imam Baba, which is 44 versts
distant, reveals on account of the prevalence of malaria a very
desolate appearance. It is situated where the sand-hills approach the
banks of the Murghab river, but the spot is desert and marshy. It rests
148.60 sagenes above the sea, drawing its water from the Murghab river.
There is little local industry and the district owing to the fever, is
very scantily populated.
The fifth station from Merv is Sari Yazi, where a small buffet denotes
its importance. The mean gradient of the line between Merv and this
point is 0.0005 and the distance is 157 versts. The depôt is situated
in the Murghab valley, bounded on the east by the Karabyl hills, a
low-lying ridge of sandy clay. It lies 155.57 sagenes high and depends
for its water upon the Murghab river. Sari Yazi occupies an interesting
region and is itself the site of an important Turcoman fortress, now in
ruins. Among the valleys on the northern slopes of the Karabyl hills
there are the traces of numerous Tekke villages, whose men held the
region in subjection while the women cultivated the ground. At the
station there are railway yards and workshops; attached to it is an
hospital with fifteen beds and barracks for one company of the Railway
Battalion. In 1901 there arrived:
_Imports._ _Exports._
Merchandise, 9188 poods. Cotton and Merchandise, 2139 poods.
Tash Kepri, the sixth station from Merv and 197 versts from that place,
is situated in the broad valley of the Murghab river at its confluence
with the Kushk river. It is at a height of 164.0 sagenes and the
water-supply is from the Murghab river. The place derives its name
from a handsome old brick bridge of nine arches, which spans the Kushk
river at a distance of three-quarters of a mile to the south-west of Ak
Tepe and connects the station with the village. It is also described
as Pul-i-Khisti. The Karabyl hills, which bound the valley of the
Murghab on the east, here recede somewhat from the river and there is
a vestige of cultivation, the green plots imparting a welcome note of
relief to the general aspect of the scene. Close to the station is a
monument to the soldiers who fell during the expedition of 1885, which
was commanded by Lieut.-General Komaroff. Among the trophies of the
fight were eight guns and the whole of the Afghan camp. The monument
was erected at the instance of the late Commander of the Forces in the
Trans-Caspian province, Lieut.-General Kuropatkin, by those who took
part in the fight together with the troops in garrison in the district.
The commercial development of the Tash Kepri district is growing and,
conformably with the increase of trade with Afghanistan, the station
itself is becoming of greater importance. In 1901 there were:
_Arrivals._ _Departures._
1631 1710
_Imports._ _Exports._
33,632 poods 41,913 poods
[Illustration: SCHOOL CHILDREN]
Almost upon the frontier and connected with it by a carriage-road
22 versts in length, is Takhta Bazar, the headquarters of the
Harzagi section of the Pendjeh Sariks who control the Kashan valley
cultivation. It is situated on the Murghab river and is the only
settlement of importance in the Pendjeh district. The population
comprises Jews, Persians, Bokharans, Armenians, Khivans, Russians,
Afghans and Tartars. There are, including a native school under Russian
supervision, fifty-seven buildings, in the village of which at least
one-half belongs to the Jews. The Pendjeh Custom House, a frontier
establishment of the third class through which passes the trade with
Afghanistan, is situated near it. The trade statistics of the year
under notice are:
_Exports._
Merchandise, 28,226 poods Roubles, 128,124.
_Imports._
Sheep, 86,630} Roubles, 297,836.
Cattle, 2,863}
From Pendjeh the main line, taking a south-westerly direction, runs
through the narrow valley of the Kushk river to Kushkinski Post. Since
the completion of this work a branch line has been carried through
from Tash Kepri a distance of 22 versts along the Murghab to Tanur
Sangi, affording a supplementary avenue of approach for the purposes
of concentration and the transport of stores to points on the actual
Russo-Afghan frontier. From this extension a further line, 25 versts in
length, has been projected towards Torashekh from a little south-east
of Pendjeh up the Kashan valley. Ten miles south-east of Tanur Sangi,
at Bala Murghab and 30 miles south of Torashekh, at Kala Nao the
Afghans possess strong frontier posts. Herat already lay so snugly in
the grasp of Russia that it might have been spared this little further
attention.
Kala-i-Mor, the station before Kushkinski Post, is situated almost
mid-way between Pendjeh and the terminus at Kushk. It is 244 versts
from Merv and 202 sagenes above sea-level. The position of the station,
bounded by hills where wild boars are plentiful and snipe and pheasants
offer attractive sport, occupies a dreary and desolate scene. There
is little vegetation and considerable malaria; the local springs are
quite brackish as the result of extensive deposits of salt in the sand.
Fresh water is brought by train to the station where a drinking-water
reservoir has been established. No trade exists at Kala-i-Mor, which
fails to attract a population.
[Illustration: HINDU TRADERS AT PENDJEH]
Beyond Kala-i-Mor, at a distance of 259 versts from Merv, the line
crosses the Kushk river by a bridge with stone abutments supported
upon iron piles. Half-way to Kushkinski Post station, near the railway
siding, are the ruins of the small fortress of Chemen-i-Bed. While
approaching it the line passes the Alexeieffski village, established
by Russian colonists in 1892 and containing forty-one families. This
village and the neighbouring one of Poltavski, founded in 1896 and
where there are thirty-five families, are the most southern settlements
within the Russian Empire. The inhabitants exist almost entirely by the
exportation of inconsiderable quantities of wheat, hay and straw to
Kushkinski Post for the purposes of the garrison.
Kushkinski Post station, 306.4 sagenes above sea-level, is 293 versts
from Merv. It possesses a fine buffet. The military post, situated
near the frontier in the broad valley of the Kushk river, is bounded
by the undulating slopes of the Bend Chengurek chain, an off-shoot
of the Paropamisus. With the completion of the Murghab railway,
Kushkinski Post immediately attained special importance and, in 1900,
it was declared a fortress of the fourth rank. The hoisting of the
Imperial standard over the walls was carried out in the presence of
the late Minister of War, General Kuropatkin. In the early days,
before the lines of the fortress had been planned, Kushkinski Post
comprised a number of detached works within which the various arms
were quartered. At that time, too, the officers’ accommodation,
consisting of one-storey buildings roughly constructed out of mud,
was in the railway settlement where, pending the completion of the
main works, long narrow sheds for the use of the troops had been
erected. Now improvement has followed upon preliminary chaos and the
men are comfortably housed in cool barracks upon the upper slopes of
the adjacent heights. The officers are disposed with equal care and
convenience elsewhere. Public buildings likewise have improved upon
their original sites. The military hospital, the post and telegraph
bureau and the Custom House have taken up locations upon high ground,
their positions crowned, if not protected by forts upon the crest of
these very useful eminences. Kushkinski Post, therefore, may be said to
be a thriving settlement where, if the hours are wearisome and the days
charged with _ennui_, there is always the prospect of a “dust up.”
Attempts have been made from time to time, by officers stationed at
Kushkinski Post, to become familiar with the officers in command of
the Afghan posts across the frontier. More often these attempts at
friendliness have been rebuffed, the Afghan soldiery neither accepting
advances from the Russians nor making any overtures themselves.
Strained relations exist, as a rule, between military posts on either
side of any frontier, although, in regard to the Russo-Afghan frontier,
there was an occasion when friendly conditions prevailed between the
Russians and the Afghans.[10] At that time the staff of the frontier
regiment on guard along the Afghan side of the border had accepted
an invitation to the mess at the Russian post. They arrived in due
course--appearing in all the full-dress grandeur of second-hand railway
uniforms! The officer commanding the detachment exhibited on the collar
of his tunic the mystic words “Ticket Collector”; his subordinate, a
subaltern, was content with the less exalted label of “Guard.” Out
of courtesy to their guests the Russians suppressed their merriment,
receiving nevertheless the impression that a portion of the subsidy,
granted by the Government of India to the Amir of Afghanistan, was
taken out in the castoff uniforms of British public companies. The
facts were that the Amir, through his Agent in India, had acquired
a large parcel of discarded clothing at one of the annual sales of
condemned stores in Northern India.
This exchange of courtesies on the frontier illustrates only the
pleasant side of service in this region. More serious incidents
occur. Occasionally in the heat of the chase, when parties of Russian
officers have crossed the frontier in pursuit of their quarry they
have been fired upon by the Afghan patrols or ridden down by Afghan
sowars. Sporting trips around Kushkinski Post or in the valleys of the
Murghab are infrequent among the Russians, although wild boar abound in
the thick patches of reeds which hem in the banks of the rivers; the
tufts of grass, the hardy scrub and the patches of bush also afford
excellent cover for partridges and pheasants. The scarcity of good
water at any distance from the railway is the great drawback to such
excursions, since the transport of water is both costly and cumbersome.
In cantonments goat-skins of the precious fluid are brought for sale by
water-sellers who come round, earning a precarious livelihood by their
industry.
This custom, which prevails throughout the East, was once turned to
account by an Afghan who was afterwards discovered to be an Hazara
sapper from the Kabul garrison. Disguised as a water-seller he spent
three weeks at Kushkinski Post, conducting an exhaustive inspection
of the works and coming every night and morning to the fort with his
supplies of water. Chance, which in Asia plays no less a part in the
affairs of man than in Europe, threw across his path a native who had
visited Kabul some weeks before with letters from the Governor-General
of Turkestan. The Afghan had been deputed by the Amir to attend to the
Turkestani. He had met and escorted him to the capital and back again
to the western boundary. As the Russian had entered Afghanistan from
the Kushkinski Post, along the Hari Rud valley, he was conducted from
the capital to the frontier by the route he had first followed. At the
frontier he had dismissed his Afghan attendant, who promptly proceeded
to disguise himself as a water-carrier and to obtain admission to
the station. Here he busied himself daily until, meeting of a sudden
his late charge, recognition upon the part of the Russian subject
was immediate and the spy was arrested in the act of escaping from
the precincts of the fort. Suspicion as to the man’s identity became
assured when a packet of notes was found, wrapped in a rubber sheath,
at the bottom of the goat-skin water-bag.
Until the advent of the railway the colony at Kushkinski Post apart
from the garrison, comprised a few Armenian and Persian traders. With
the prolongation of the line from Merv the civilian population began
to increase rapidly. There is, of course, no hotel in the station;
although the officers of the garrison have established a small military
club wherein they mess together and where, when the bi-weekly trains
bring the supply of ice, there is usually an animated gathering of
desolated humanity. At the present time there are in Kushkinski Post
123 buildings, of which some thirty odd belong to private persons.
Apart from the garrison the civil population numbers fifty people.
[Illustration: NATIVE WATER-SELLERS]
Kushkinski Post station consists of a handsome, spacious structure in
the white stone which is brought from quarries in the basin of the
Kushk. The railway buildings include a depôt with workshops, eight
bungalows for the heads of the staff and special quarters for the
employés. There are also large barracks for the 6th Company of the 1st
Trans-Caspian Railway Battalion, who are not included in the field
state of the post. All buildings are lighted by electricity and the
workshops are furnished with electric motors, while the water is drawn
from springs on Gumesli mountain.
Kushk region is malarial in consequence of the marshy nature of the
surrounding country. For some years past measures have been undertaken
with a view to draining the swamps and regulating the running of the
streams. By these means it has been hoped to render more healthy the
general environment of the station, including the fortress works,
Kushkinski village and the district lying between the Afghan frontier
post of Kara Teppe and the Russian Alexeieffski and Poltavski villages.
The specific disease which makes duty in the Murghab and Kushk
valleys peculiarly obnoxious is a low fever of an endemic nature. Its
pathological history is still undetermined and, although investigations
have been made into its character and numerous experiments essayed,
the malady is usually fatal. In general, the patient is stricken
suddenly when the liver would appear immediately to be affected, the
skin becoming yellow and the sufferer lapsing into unconsciousness
within a few hours of the attack. Systematic study of the disease has
enabled the medical authorities to trace it indirectly to the soil from
which, just as in Africa and any of the countries lying within the
fever belt, germs are released whenever it is disturbed. In this way
the most infectious points in the Kushk and Murghab valleys are those
lying within the cultivated areas, more especially around those places
where digging operations are of frequent occurrence. As the order of
life becomes more settled and the necessity for any interference with
the soil disappears, it is anticipated that the extreme virulence of
the disease may diminish. At one time the soldiers of the Railway
Battalions were so susceptible to its ravages that its course assumed
the appearance of an epidemic.
No commercial importance belongs to Kushkinski Post and it is solely
the strategic considerations which attach to it that give it so much
value. In the hands of Russia and commanding the trade routes into
Afghanistan, as well as the road to Herat, Kushkinski Post well might
play a leading part in the settlement of questions still outstanding
between Russia and Great Britain in respect of Afghanistan. Whether the
existence of the post will promote the development of trade relations,
which are now restricted by the Amir’s Government and directed by the
Afghan frontier authorities through Khorassan, remains to be seen.
Nothing can underestimate its significance. The post, together with the
whole of this branch line, is a deliberate military measure against
Afghanistan, the boundaries of which kingdom can almost be seen from
the ramparts of the forts which crown the crest of the hills.
[Illustration: KHORASSAN DERVISH]
Eighteen versts to the south of the fortress, at Chahil Dukteran, there
is the post of the Russian Frontier Guard and the present terminus of
the Murghab Valley railway. Beyond may be noted the solitary figures of
the Russian sentinels keeping their beat along the extensive line of
their position; while southward and serving at the moment for a caravan
route lies the road to Herat. As an interesting link in the chain of
evidence which points to the future use of this road in another way,
there is the existence of a large store of light railway plant prepared
for the purposes of extending it into Afghanistan itself, whenever
the troops of Russia may require to be carried forward to the walls
of Herat through the passes of the Paropamisus, a little less than 80
miles.
To Englishmen another, perhaps less direct and more ficticious,
interest attaches to this railway. A glance at the map of the
Eastern hemisphere will show that the shortest practicable line of
communication between London and India lies through Russia and across
Central Asia. The direction would be _viâ_ Calais, Berlin, Warsaw,
Rostov-on-Don, Petrovski, Baku, Krasnovodsk, Merv, Kushkinski, Girishk
and Kandahar. The whole of this distance has now been covered by
railway, with the exception of the span of 195 miles across the Caspian
Sea, between Baku and Krasnovodsk and the gap of 500 miles which still
separates Kushkinski Post from New Chaman. If these sections were
bridged the journey from London to India might be very considerably
shortened, assuming that the present rate of speed--32 miles an hour
on the European and 25 on the Asiatic lines--were maintained. The net
saving in time, if the railway were completed, would be seven days;
while the horrors of the Red Sea and the monsoon would be but bad
dreams to the Anglo-Indian traveller. The country between Kushkinski
Post and New Chaman presents no obstacle to the engineer; the
Paropamisus range could be crossed by the Ardewan or the Chashma Sabz
pass, neither of which is more than 3400 feet above sea-level or 1000
feet higher than that of the tableland on either side. From this point
Herat, the garden city of Afghanistan and the key of India, is distant
only 30 miles; thence the line would be carried by way of Sabzawar,
Farah, Girishk and Kandahar to New Chaman.
However if further railway construction in this region is to take
place, it will be in connection with the development of plans which
concern the requirements of potential strategy rather than the humours
of experimental fantasies. For some time past there have been abundant
signs that Russia is proposing to find compensation in the Middle East
for the downfall of her prestige in Further Asia. Certainly there is
a field for her energies lying fallow in Central Asia. The precise
quarter where the furrows are waiting to be ploughed is between
the Central Asian railway and the frontiers of Northern Persia and
Northern Afghanistan. It is to-day evident that sooner or later Russia
will improve her communications in this direction by adding to the
Orenburg-Tashkent system its natural complement--an extension to Termes
on the Oxus, where there is a Russian fortress--or by imparting to her
position on the Perso-Afghan border that little requisite attention
which it merits--a railway to Meshed in Khorassan. Long since is it
that these schemes entered the domain of practical politics, the
Russian military position on the Middle Oxus requiring an alternative
line of communications to that offered by the Amu Daria, which, when
frozen in winter with the post-roads across the mountains blocked by
snow, wraps in dangerous isolation the Russian garrisons at Termes,
Kelif and elsewhere along this section of the frontier. Preliminary
surveys for a railway were conducted in 1902, when the routes selected
followed from Samarkand the Shar-i-Sabz, Huzar, Shirabad caravan
highway to Termes; and, from Farab to Termes, the trade route along the
Oxus through Burdalik and Kelif. Further extensions in this direction
would provide railway communication between Huzar and Karki by a bridge
across the river, by which Huzar would become as important a railway
junction as it is a caravan and trading centre. Still more in the
future is the strong probability that Karki will be joined with the
Afghan frontier at Imam Nasar, by following the caravan route from the
river, or with Pendjeh across the fringe of the Kara Kum.
[Illustration: THE MURGHAB VALLEY RAILWAY]
Equally determined has been the intention to open up railway
communication with the north, north-eastern frontier of Persia, the
original surveys taking place simultaneously with the parties working
towards the Oxus. For purposes of the Persian railway two routes were
also inspected in this quarter, the Askhabad-Meshed line receiving the
earliest attention and warmest support. This scheme, after passing
through the defiles between Firuza, the summer resort of Askhabad
society, and Badjira, entered Persian territory at Kettechinar; running
up the Deregez valley and leaving the Atrek waters near their source at
Kuchan, it then broke into the Keshef Rud valley, striking the caravan
road to Meshed between Durbadam and Imam Kuli. Great initial outlay was
made in connection with this railway. Its course had been pegged out
under the supervision of M. Stroieff, dragoman of the Russian Consulate
at Meshed, with the help of the Ikram-ul-Mul late Karguzar of Kuchan,
to whom 12,000 roubles were presented. Further, it was arranged to open
a branch of the Imperial Russian Bank at Meshed to assist the financing
of the work, the staff comprising an official from St. Petersburg as
manager-in-chief, an assistant manager from Teheran, with Ali Askar
Khan, the interpreter of the State Bank at Askhabad. The outbreak of
hostilities in Manchuria imposed a temporary check upon the labours
of the construction parties, the reflection thus obtained giving rise
to the advantage of dropping a branch line from Tejend station on
the Central Asian railway _viâ_ Sarakhs, Daulatabad, Pul-i-Khatun to
between Zulfikar and Kala Kafir, wherever some future extension of
the Askhabad-Meshed line, following the Keshef Rud to its meeting with
the Hari Rud on the actual Perso-Afghan frontier, may terminate. The
Tejend Rud is the name given to the lower waters of the Hari Rud which,
flowing by Herat, receives midway in its course the Keshef Rud and
thence runs close to Sarakhs, presenting to any line running along the
Had Rud valley an alternative approach to the Afghan city.
That Herat and Meshed are the objectives of Russian railway policy is
obvious from a pamphlet issued in 1902 by the Topographical Bureau in
St. Petersburg and entitled _Railways Across Persia_. In its pages a
railway was projected from Kara Kliss, a station midway between Tiflis
and Erivan, _viâ_ Tabriz, Teheran, Shahrud to Meshed. The mileage,
cost, the number of sidings and names of stations were all laid down.
The principal stations in the first section--Kara Kliss to Tabriz--were
Erivan and Julfa. At this moment the span from Kara Kliss to Julfa
a distance of 135 miles is completed, the first hundred miles--Kara
Kliss to Erivan--being open to traffic and the remaining thirty-five
miles--Erivan to Julfa--in working order. From Julfa a carriageway,
constructed under Russian auspices and in all essentials a Russian
military road, runs to Tabriz, so that Russian schemes for broad gauge
railways to Herat and Meshed are at least removed from their incipient
obscurity.
[Illustration: NATIVE SCHOOL]
[10] “All the Russias.” H. V. Norman.
CHAPTER VI
THE MURGHAB VALLEY
[Illustration: THE RUSSIAN COSSACK ON THE AFGHAN BORDER]
The river Murghab, which, with the Kashan and the Kushk streams, waters
the Merv oasis and then disappears in the sands of the Kara Kum desert,
rises in the mass of mountains connecting the eastern extremities of
the Safed Koh and Tir Band-i Turkestan ranges. It flows in a westerly
direction through the great valley separating these mountain chains
and, after receiving the waters of numerous tributaries, turns towards
the north-west to pass the Afghan fortress of Bala Murghab and the
post of Karawal Khana. At this latter point it receives the waters of
the Kaisar affluent. Continuing in a north-westerly direction it flows
past Maruchak, lying on the right bank, where a short distance below it
is joined by the Kashan stream. Pendjeh and Ak Tepe are both situated
upon the left bank. At Ak Tepe the Kushk river, which rises in the
Paropamisus range, unites with it and from this point the Murghab runs
in a due northerly direction past Yulatan to Merv, thence running dry
in the desert.
Within Russian territory the Murghab river irrigates exclusively
the Merv district, and its length within the Trans-Caspian province
is about 400 versts. If its numerous bends were taken into account
the length of the stream would be 850 versts. The Kushk river waters
Russian territory for a distance of 100 versts, from the Russo-Afghan
frontier to its confluence with the Murghab; the Kashan for 60 versts.
The width of the Murghab at the Kaushut-Khan-Band, 28 versts above the
town of Merv, is about 23 sagenes; but at Merv itself it narrows to
12 sagenes. Its mean depth is 7 feet. The rise of the water begins in
the middle of March and the fall finishes three months later. Between
June and the middle of October the level of the river is determined by
the rain-fall and snow in the neighbouring mountains. About June, when
the river has fallen, the population experiences the want of the water
which is necessary for the autumn crop of cotton. In years of drought,
when the dearth of water is felt much earlier--during the period of the
ripening of the crops, in fact--the population are obliged to abandon
the greater portion of their harvest.
The country through which these rivers flow is, in the main, a mixture
of desert waste and cultivated strip, with rising uplands carpeted in
spring by bright flowers and hidden in winter by heavy snows. Roads
meander along the valleys, sometimes by means of rocks and boulders
crossing and recrossing the stream many times in short stretches or, at
others, wandering far away from the waterside to traverse the broken
spurs of hills. Where signs of cultivation exist, there are indications
that the population has regained confidence in the Russian domination
of the district. Fields and irrigation canals have been cleaned and
restored; the sparkle of the little rills is reflected in the brilliant
sunshine.
[Illustration: TAMARISK SCRUB IN THE RIVER VALLEY]
From the broad uplands of the watershed, from where to the river bed
below there is in general a tedious scramble across a confusion of
stones and brushwood, the tumbled masses of the rounded slopes are
seen to sink into long undulating sweeps. Where the Kushk and Murghab
valleys become entangled, a line of sand cliffs disappears in one
direction into the haze of the Kara Kum and merges in another with
the Karabyl plateau. In the distance the river, spreading itself over
a labyrinth of canals, passes through a rapid succession of changing
scenes, until, in the broad arid wastes of the Kara Kum, its waters are
finally and completely lost. South-west of Bala Murghab the valley
narrows to the dimensions and rugged outlines of a defile. Through this
the river rolls, tumbling with thunderous clamour, towards Pendjeh
oasis, where it acquires a breadth of 1 to 3 miles. At Pul-i-Khisti,
identical with Tash Kepri and a little above the Russian settlement
of Takhta Bazaar, the stream is joined by the waters of the Kushk
rivulet, when it is not consumed in irrigation. From this point the
united rivers flow onward to the oases of Yulatan and Merv, passing
through a broad flat valley, 2 miles in width, bounded on either side
by sandstone heights. In this stage the river is slow running, deep and
difficult to cross, and possessing but few fords. Its average breadth
varies between 40 and 70 yards and the most prominent feature is its
extreme sinuosity. Beyond Bala Murghab the river valley is contained
on the left bank by an undulating chain of low hills, high rocky
gorges enclosing the right. At this point the sides are steep, with a
possible height of 24 feet and a surface growth of shrubs and willows.
A narrow, level strip, tufted with scattered grasses, lies between the
water’s edge and the hills on the left bank. The river itself flows in
a single channel, clinging rather closely to the left of the valley. It
possesses a mean breadth of 70 yards and a maximum current of 5 miles.
The depth of the ford is between 3 to 4 feet.
The valleys which debouch upon the river are quite spacious and contain
small plots of cultivated ground, with here and there a village.
Unfortunately, while the banks of the river are fertile the valleys
themselves are exceedingly unhealthy--a low fever, pathologically
identical in the two districts of Murghab and Kushk, permeating them.
Although the great majority of the inhabitants avow themselves immune
from the disease, they are averse to settling in the valleys. A feature
of the river is the abruptness with which the broad open spaces are
changed to narrow gorges of no remarkable height. This trait in the
character of an otherwise respectable inland river compresses so great
a volume of water into so small a channel that its passage is attended
with risk. It is not until the spreading expanses of the Pendjeh,
Yulatan and Merv oases have exhausted it that the stream is crossed
with convenience. At Bala Murghab, where the current is very strong and
the depth uncertain, deep holes in the bottom and masses of protruding
rocks, added to the hidden dangers from quicksands, make the task of
fording an intricate proceeding. There are two fords at this point, and
a similar number are in use at Maruchak, Karawal Khana and Pendjeh,
while the Russians have restored many stone bridges which formerly
existed in the Kushk valley near the junction of the Murghab and Kushk
rivers, at Maruchak and Bala Murghab. The liability of the two rivers
to sudden floods renders all fords uncertain and insecure, particularly
in the lower stretches between Pendjeh and Merv. More often than not
necessity dictates the prudence of stripping to the skin, when the
native, a prayer to Allah on his lips and his possessions strapped
in a bundle on his head, flounders through the water to arrive damp,
disconsolate and very scared on the opposite side. Nevertheless, the
best fords are found usually where the stream flows swiftly through a
narrow bed. At such a crossing there is a firm bottom and foothold is
readily secured.
Many contrivances are used to cross the rivers of High Asia. Where the
current is sluggish an inflated goatskin is employed. This system is in
vogue on the Oxus and, in lesser degree, on the Helmund, where rafts of
bushes are preferred. Along the Murghab the indifferent nature of the
fords and the swiftness of the current in the narrow channels of the
river make the use of a boat, drawn along a hawser, more suited to the
needs of the occasion. Fords on the Murghab are not so frequent as on
the Oxus.
The Kushk Valley extends in Russian and Afghan territory some 14 miles.
It possesses an average breadth of three-quarters of a mile. Its hills,
low and rounded, are a conglomerate of clay and red sand, but bare of
trees and with their faces dotted with mud-cabins. An extensive system
of irrigation is fed by the river and there is much cultivation on
the tops and sides of the hills. The produce of the fields is only
sufficient for the immediate wants of the native settlers, although
the Russians hope, now a garrison has been established at Kushkinski
Post, that the demands of the troops will spur the villagers to greater
agricultural activity. In Afghan territory the valley is the habitat
of the Jamshidis, who, quiet and tractable, reveal few wants and even
fewer interests. Excessive irrigation has done so much to spread the
fever that the population throughout the valley has been dwindling
gradually. There are now less than 4000 families in the entire valley,
years of peace and prosperity seeming to accentuate the restlessness
which underlies the nature of all nomadic people. A weekly bazaar is
held at Kushkinski Post; similar gatherings taking place at Afghan
Kushk, Bala Murghab, Maruchak and in the Pendjeh oasis at Takhta
Bazaar. Salt, rice, soap, carpets and horses are all brought to the
markets, while the Russians encourage the native merchants under their
protection to display stocks of Russian sugar, matches and cotton
prints. Silks from Meshed and Bokhara are also in evidence, but nothing
of any English or Indian origin. French, American and German products
are barred no less rigorously, although German matches and French sugar
occasionally escape the specific ostracism which applies to British
manufactures.
In the Kushk valley the fertility of the land is dependent upon
the flooding of the river by the spring rains. As a consequence an
ever-present feeling of irritation exists in the lower parts of the
Kushk valley against the Afghan villagers, who control the head waters
of the river and divert it to their own fields. This difficulty
prevails along the entire line of the frontier in this region, the
demarcation of the boundary between the two races leaving the heads
of the canals in Afghan territory. There are many exceptions to the
misfortune, and, so far as possible, the division is arranged in a
spirit of mutual ownership, although the natives, on the Russian side
of the frontier, have no claim to compensation if there should be an
insufficient quantity. With a river like the Kushk, which possesses
an irregular volume, the difficulty is much greater than in the case
of the Murghab or even the Hari Rud. Water means to these primitive
peoples life and existence; and, as cultivation is only rendered
possible by most assiduous irrigation, the task of conserving the
supply involves incessant labour. Although agricultural activity
prevails principally in the Murghab and Kushk district there are a few
cultivated places in the Kashan valley. It would be useless to make
any comparison between the former valleys and the Kashan. The Kashan
valley contains a small strip, level, well watered and about half a
mile in width, through which percolates a narrow stream. In spite of
its culturable soil the Kashan district is not frequently inhabited,
as in the extreme hot weather the Kashan river is exhausted by the
claims made upon it for purposes of irrigation; below Robat-i-Kashan,
except during the spring floods, there is no trace of water. A similar
condition of affairs characterises its companion stream the Kushk; at
the point of union with the Murghab it is frequently reduced to a mere
trickle. None the less during the spring rains each of these rivers is
liable to sudden floods. Prior to the advent of the railway at Tanur
Sangi there were but few settlements in the valley. There was one at
Karawal Khana on the right bank of the Murghab and 12 miles south
of Maruchak, while the next of any consequence was at Bala Murghab,
upon the same bank and more than 20 miles away from Maruchak. At the
time when the Anglo-Russian Commission was adjusting the line of the
Russo-Afghan frontier in this region, the absence of habitation and
human settlement of any kind was most marked. Time has brought a change.
Tanur Sangi is now one of the termini of the Murghab valley railway.
Barracks for the troops who are occupying the post have been built on
the heights of the valley, the dense vegetation has been burnt off
and a system of drainage applied to the neighbouring swamps. For the
moment the Maruchak district, extending equally within Russian and
Afghan territory, is pregnant with prospects and the advent of the
Russians there has been followed by an influx of native settlers. Upon
the Afghan side of the river there are similar indications, by reason
of the arrival of the levies who garrison the Afghan forts at Bala
Murghab, Maruchak, Kala Nao and elsewhere.
[Illustration: BOKHARAN TRADERS AT PENDJEH]
The river is the dividing-point between Russian and Afghan possessions
at Maruchak for 15 miles. Still it is interesting to note that the
natural frontier between Maruchak and Pendjeh is at the northern end of
the Maruchak valley, where the hills, closing in upon the river on both
sides, separate the Maruchak acres from those of the Pendjeh oasis.
Formerly, too, the Murghab flowed down the northern end of the Maruchak
valley, washing the western face. It has now changed its course and,
sweeping from west to east, washes the eastern aspect. This deviation
had an important bearing upon the findings of the Anglo-Russian
Commission. Under their correct and literal interpretation of the
protocol the Russians were debarred from exercising any claim over
the waters of canals employed for irrigation, provided their heads were
in Afghan territory. By the change in the direction of the Murghab the
head of the waters supplying the Pendjeh oasis, which proceed from the
Band-i-Nadir canal on the left bank of the Murghab, was placed within
Afghan territory. A modification of the situation was urged; finally
the boundary was made to pass from Zulfikar on the Hari Rud to the
Kushk and from the head of the canal in the Kashan valley to the head
of the Band-i-Nadir on the Murghab, due west of Maruchak instead of to
a point north of it. This re-adjustment permitted control of the head
waters of the Band-i-Nadir to revert to Russia.
[Illustration: THE RUSSO-AFGHAN BOUNDARY]
The Afghan fortress of Maruchak has experienced a varying fortune, the
vicissitudes of which once brought it to ruin and caused its defences
to be abandoned. Since then the advance of the Russians has thrown
it into prominence again. Its walls have been restored, although it
can never serve any other purpose than that of a frontier post of
observation. The fortress is in the shape of a square of which the
outer walls, measuring some 600 yards, rise 20 feet from the side of a
moat. The main entrance faces the river on the west. Other entrances
of less importance are placed at the north-east and south-east angles.
In the centre, rising from a circular mound some 40 feet in height
with a diameter of 250 yards, is an inner fortress. Quarters for the
troops have been constructed along the eastern wall where there is now
accommodation for 1000 men. Gun towers stand at the four corners of the
main wall and an infantry platform runs round the inner face of the
square, a few feet below the parapet. At an angle of the inner fortress
and slightly higher than the fortress itself is the citadel, some 80
yards square, where a last stand would be made. The walls and bastions
of this are about 15 feet high and gun platforms have been constructed
at the corners.
Bala Murghab, a sister fortress, is smaller than Maruchak and lies
about 46 miles south-east of Pendjeh. The principal work consists of a
fort 120 yards square, situated on a mound itself 30 feet in height;
the walls of the fort rise a further 15 feet. An underground passage
from it leads to the river and there are quarters for 200 cavalry,
300 infantry and one battery of artillery, besides storehouses and a
magazine. The interior of the fort in its present size does not afford
accommodation for the existing garrison, all of whom are Irregulars
with the exception of the officers. The larger proportion of the
mounted men have their lines outside the walls. On a mound, which
hitherto has marked the ruins of an ancient citadel, a more commodious
fort has been constructed. It stands at the bend of the river, covering
Robat-i-Ishmail and protecting the entrance to the Mangan defile. Its
dimensions provide for a square of 200 yards, with walls 25 feet in
height and an inner defence work standing some 50 feet higher.
[Illustration: MESHED TRADERS AT PENDJEH]
Independent of the regular garrison at Herat, there is a levy roll
for the Bala Murghab district of 1000 mounted and dismounted men.
Two hundred of the former are supposed always to be mustered as Bala
Murghab finds details for a number of outlying fatigues, including
pickets at the fords and certain mounted patrols. In the immediate
vicinity of the fort there is a settlement containing several thousand
families. It should be remembered that the garrison at this point is
comprised of Afghan Irregulars, who still retain their old titles and
organisation. Their company strength is 100 and each company is quite
independent of the remaining ones. Five companies form the command
of a Sarhang, whose superior officer is a Sartip. Each company
commander is known as a Sad Bashi; and for every ten men there is a
Dah Bashi. In the regular Afghan army the commissioned ranks are known
by the English equivalent; but in general the military organisation,
whether regular or irregular in men as in _matériel_, is hopeless.
No point in the Murghab region is more important than the Pendjeh oasis
as an agricultural colony. It is principally confined to the limits of
a single valley, some 25 miles in length and 2 miles in breadth. Dotted
about its spreading expanse there are a number of tiny settlements,
containing in all some eight to nine thousand households. The areas
under cultivation do not return sufficient grain to support so large a
population; there is, therefore, a constant migration of Pendjeh Sariks
to the adjacent valleys of Kushk and Maruchak as well as to the more
distant oases of Yulatan and Tejend, where they have become ardent
agriculturists.
The settlers in the Pendjeh valley are divided into five sections.
Although united by tribal ties intercommunal jealousies are responsible
for continuous discord. The richest and most influential section is
that of the Soktis, who occupy the land on the western bank of the
Murghab between Pendjeh, Kuhnah and Sari Yazi, a distance of some 35
miles. The Harzagis settlement, lying on the same bank, extends between
Takhta Bazar and Maruchak; between these two large settlements are the
areas occupied by the Khorassanlis. The two remaining sections, the
Bairach and the Alishah, share the opposite bank.
The occupation of the Pendjeh valley by the Sariks took place about
thirty years ago, when they were turned out of Merv by certain of the
Tekke tribes. At first the Soktis were the sole possessors of the
district; but, as other parties came in detachments from Merv, the
different sections, increasing in numbers and in strength, were able
to enforce upon the earlier arrivals a general division of the valley.
Under existing arrangements the Pendjeh oasis has developed, the advent
of the railway having attracted the attention of the Russians to its
agricultural capacity. There must be now some 75,000 acres under
cultivation, the entire area owing its fertility to the Murghab river,
whose waters are confined by the Band-i-Nadir.
The Yulatan oasis, which is inhabited by those Sarik Turcomans who
moved from the Pendjeh valley, similarly possesses an unfailing
supply of water from the huge dam, Band-i-Kazakli. This is drawn from
the Murghab river by a canal and affords water to 125,000 acres, at a
velocity of 1500 feet per second. The depth of the canal is sufficient
to carry a camel off its legs. Near the site of the dam are the ruins
of the Sultan-i-band, a work far vaster than any of the present day. It
gave 28 feet head of water and made the fields and gardens of Old Merv
the most fertile region upon the globe’s surface. The Sultan-i-band was
destroyed in 1784 by the Amir Murad of Bokhara, an act which completely
ruined the prosperity of Merv. Just a century later the Tsar, to whose
private estates the site of Old Merv belongs, ordered the construction
of an anicut 13 miles up stream. The work was carried out by Colonel
Kashtalinski, superintendent of the State domains at Bairam Ali. It
includes a dam which gives 14 feet head of water and it is connected
with a series of storage basins, feeding a central canal 20 miles long.
This in its turn supplies 35 miles of secondary canals and 105 miles
of distributaries. The cost of these splendid operations was about
£105,000; an expenditure which was declared by an eminent English
authority on irrigation to be one-fifth of what a similar work would
entail in India. It is in contemplation to restore the Sultan-i-band at
an estimated cost of £210,000, by which a further measure of prosperity
will be assured to the locality. The area thus irrigated amounts to
15,000 acres; 5000 of which are under cotton, while 3675 grow wheat and
barley. The whole is let out to Turcomans and Bokharans. The mountains
of cotton waiting for transport by rail in the season are a standing
proof of the excellence of crops, which are said to return but little
short of one hundredfold. The demand for farms within this fertile
area is so great that the natives compete for the privilege of holding
one at a rent in kind amounting to a quarter of the gross produce. In
spite of prohibitions subletting is very rife and one plot frequently
supports several families.
CHAPTER VII
HERAT AND THE WESTERN BORDER
The inception of the policy by which our relations with Afghanistan are
controlled at the present time is due to the reflective intuition of
Alexander Burnes[11] who, in 1831, when attached to the Teheran Mission
under Sir John Macdonald, felt the necessity of combating the growing
influence of Russia in Afghanistan. Circumstances, emanating from the
presence of the Russian Mission under Prince Menzikoff at Teheran in
1826, disclosed the policy of Russia towards Persia and Afghanistan to
be following two channels: the one, real, immediate and acquisitive;
the other, remote, artificial and aiming at intimidation. The influence
of these two methods of approach was inimical alike to Persia and
Afghanistan, as also to the interests of India; to their existence
may be traced the causes of the Russo-Persian War. The results of
this campaign with Russia, in which the Shah was engaged from 1826 to
1828, left Persia smarting under its loss of prestige, broken up into
a number of petty principalities and ready to attempt armed incursions
across the frontier by way of restoring its good name. Khiva and then
Herat in turn were considered, selection finally falling upon Herat
as the object of attack. The expedition was begun; but owing to the
death of Abbas Mirza, the father of the Prince Royal Mahomed Mirza
who conducted the expedition, it was withdrawn and for the time being
further action was deferred. In the meantime, affairs in Persia had
attracted the attention of India; and, as the weakness of the Persian
state increased, Russian diplomacy became more active. Distinguished by
a marked hostility to England, the policy of Russia aimed at stirring
up the tribes of Afghanistan. With this end in view Russian advice
counselled Mahomed Mirza Shah to resume the operations against Herat
at the same time that a Russian Mission was despatched to Kabul. The
intimate association with the affairs of Persia and Afghanistan, which
distinguished the position of Russia at this date, is interesting
since it reveals how closely our Afghan and our Persian policies
were interwoven, the one re-acting on the other with sympathetic
consequence. There is, also, equal evidence of the influence exercised
over India by the machinations of Russian diplomacy.
The existence of Russian influence at Kabul and behind the Herat
expedition of 1837-38 synchronised with the formal enunciation of
the policy by which, since 1838 down to 1906, our relations with
Afghanistan have been governed. Indeed, no sooner was the Persian
expedition of 1837-38 launched against Herat than the Government of
India awoke to the urgency of the situation. Lord Auckland, embodying
in more concrete shape the spirit of the idea put forward by Alexander
Burnes in 1831, proclaimed upon November 8, 1838, the necessity of
establishing a permanent barrier against schemes of aggression upon
our north-west frontier. A treaty of alliance was made with Ranjit
Singh and Shah Shujah and an expedition, ostensibly prepared for the
relief of Herat but not without the intention of checking the growing
influence of Russia in Persia and Afghanistan, crossed the Indus under
the leadership of General Keane. Kandahar was occupied and Kabul
entered in 1839, when Shah Shujah was proclaimed. Unfortunately, owing
to one of those singular mistakes of judgment which, by their very
frequency, confirm the impression that our success in Asia is more by
good fortune than good management, Kabul was evacuated in the winter
of 1841-42 and the beneficial possibilities of the occupation of Kabul
dissipated in a disgraceful and signally disastrous retirement.
In respect of Herat, Persian designs upon the fortress were by no
means crushed by the effect of the campaign--the first Afghan War of
1838-1842. Within ten years--in 1851--disturbances, arising out of
the death of the Khan of Herat, caused the new ruler to throw himself
once more upon the support of Persia. This situation gave rise to the
Anglo-Persian Convention January 1853, by which the independence of
Herat and its continuation in Afghan hands was assured. This step,
although indicating the importance which the Government of India
attached to Herat and giving direct confirmation to the pronouncement
of Lord Auckland in 1838, was not sufficient to secure immunity to the
Herat Khanate from Persian interference. Three years later--March
1856--the Government of Persia, taking advantage of a rupture of
relations with Great Britain which had occurred in the previous
December, despatched a force to Herat. The occupation of the city
which followed was short-lived, an _émeute_ occurring in which the
Persian flag was replaced by that of the British. Within a few months
the espousers of the English cause, receiving no encouragement from
the Imperial Government, hauled down their flag and Herat passed once
more into Persian hands. Surrendered to Persia on October 25, 1856, it
was evacuated finally and restored to Afghanistan July 27, 1857, under
pressure of the expeditionary column which disembarked at Karachi in
the Persian Gulf on December 4, 1856.
This war, concluded by a treaty of peace signed in Paris March 4,
1857, marks an important epoch in our history with Afghanistan. It
denoted the resumption of relations which had been in abeyance since
1842, preparing the way for that treaty of alliance which was signed
at Peshawar with Dost Mahommed on January 27, 1857. By this engagement
the assistance of the Afghans, in return for a monthly subsidy during
the continuation of the war of 1856, was secured against the Persians.
As events proved no such help was required. Although hostilities ceased
within six weeks of the date of the agreement the monthly subsidy,
beginning in the autumn of 1856, was continued until September 30,
1858, the accidence of the Indian mutiny dictating the prudence of
preserving friendly relations with Kabul until the very disquieting
influences, which were then at work, had been allayed. Relations with
Afghanistan continued until 1863 to follow a course more or less
overshadowed by the growing importance of Russian intrigue in Central
Asia.
While our activities in Persia and Afghanistan demonstrated merely
political expansion, a change of quite another order was beginning to
define the position of Russia in Central Asia. From this it became
evident that a severe test would be imposed upon our trans-border
policy. By successive stages, Russian aggrandisement had subjugated
the several States which were lying between her territories and the
frontiers of Afghanistan when the principles of our policy in regard
to that country were announced in 1838. One by one the Turcoman tribes
were conquered until, by the capture of Samarkand in 1868 and the
submission of the Amir of Bokhara, Russia gained direct approach to
the waters of the Oxus, with the right to furnish its bank with armed
posts. The moment was rapidly arriving against which all the energies
of Indo-Afghan policy in the past should have been directed. In the
interval, before the Russian domination of Central Asia was complete,
the aim of British policy to bring about a strong Afghanistan had
seemed upon the point of realisation when, in 1863, Dost Mahommed died.
None could foresee the developments of the future. The activity of the
Russians in Central Asia boded no good; and with the death of Dost
Mahommed it was recognised that the resulting situation contained a
challenge to the principles of the policy by which, in years gone by,
we had proposed to guarantee the inviolability of Afghan territory.
Indeed, an attitude of non-intervention was no longer politic; but,
instead of seizing the opportunity presented by the death of Dost
Mahommed and occupying the territories of Afghanistan for ourselves,
we hesitated. Yet, if the passing visit of a Russian mission to Kabul
in 1838 had been accounted sufficient warranty for the invasion of
Afghanistan, how much more the massing of Russian forces upon its
northern and north-western frontiers should have propelled us to a
renewed display of energy in 1863. Unfortunately for ourselves, the
logic of our position was destroyed irretrievably by the train of
hostile circumstance which our supineness had set in motion. Whilst our
politicians debated Russia had acted; and Shir Ali, Khan of Herat and
son of Dost Mahommed, spurred by Russian promises and intrigues, began
a movement against Azim, Khan of Kabul. Varying fortunes distinguished
the efforts of the rival factions between 1863-1868; but at length,
in 1868, Shir Ali prevailed and he became recognised as _de facto_
ruler of Afghanistan. For the moment the situation showed improvement,
as Shir Ali veered from Russia to India. Practical assistance, in
the shape of money and materials of war, was at once accorded him
by the Government of India, between whose supreme chief, Lord Mayo,
and himself as the ruler of Afghanistan a conference was arranged at
Umballa in March of 1869. The outcome of this meeting, not by any
means so definite as the interests of a trans-border policy demanded,
was held to be sufficient to dispel the feelings of alarm which the
prolonged military activities of Russia in the Trans-Caspian region
had aroused. None the less, while the Russians were occupied with the
conquest of Khiva and Shir Ali had been disappointed at the aloofness
of the Indian Government, four momentous years 1869-1873 were passing.
Their close revealed only the further and more complete estrangement
of the Amir of Kabul through the amazing ineptitude with which the
advisers of the Indian Government dealt with his difficulties. Bitter,
indifferent, and relying upon the Russian promises of assistance of
1872, Shir Ali became openly defiant, repudiating all suggestions for
any formal treaty of alliance, 1876-1877. At the same time, 1877,
he flatly declined to admit to Kabul any British officers as the
accredited representatives of the Government of India, although in 1878
he himself received a Russian mission there. With the failure of our
own attempt (1878) to force a mission upon him, the Second Afghan War,
1878-1880, began.
[Illustration: GANDAMAK BRIDGE, WHERE THE FAMOUS TREATY WAS SIGNED]
Kandahar was occupied by Sir Donald Stewart, January 8, 1879; and,
while a second force moved into position against the capital, a third
under Sir Frederick Roberts marched against Paiwar Kotal. Shir Ali,
flying before these operations, died at Mazar-i-Sharif in February
1879, the first chapter of the second war closing with the installation
of his son Yakub Khan on the Kabul throne and the despatch of the
Cavagnari mission to Kabul. The treaty of Gandamak, May 26, 1879,
had barely put the seal upon certain rights, which might have led
ultimately to the definite establishment of British authority in
Afghanistan, when, in the following September, the sudden massacre
of the entire mission occurred. The second phase of the Afghan War
of 1878-1880 opened with the operations of Sir Frederick Roberts.
Defeating the Afghans at Charasia, he entered Kabul in October
causing the overthrow of Yakub Khan and paving the way for the
eventual recognition of the late Amir Abdur Rahman as Amir of Kabul.
Throughout this occupation of Kabul the temper of the surrounding
tribes became slowly inflamed until, in December 1879, a rebellion
against the British was proclaimed. The tribes rising, the forces in
Kabul were placed in jeopardy by the interruption of communications
with India. Action by Sir Donald Stewart, who had come up with forces
from Kandahar, stemmed the torrent, the situation growing more complex
when Abdur Rahman, who had retired across the Oxus on his defeat by
Shir Ali in the war for succession, 1863-1868, reappeared in March
of 1880 to establish himself in north-western Afghanistan. Both the
Government of India and the bulk of the population welcomed his return,
and withdrawing the territories of the Kandahar province from his rule
he was recognised as Amir of Afghanistan with certain reservations
in respect of foreign policy and dealings with Russia. Unfortunately
the disasters which hitherto had followed British intervention in
Afghanistan were to continue; in July 1880, but a few months after the
proclamation of Abdur Rahman as the new Amir, the news of the defeat
at Maiwand of General Burrows was received. Ayub Khan, Khan of Herat
and youngest son of Shir Ali, marching upon Kandahar and defeating the
British force sent to check his advance, had succeeded in investing the
city. Sir Frederick Roberts was now once more to come upon the scene.
Taking 10,000 men from Sir Donald Stewart’s garrison at Kabul he set
out to the relief of Kandahar, accomplishing by a series of forced
efforts an extraordinarily rapid march of 313 miles and, on September
1, 1880, routing Ayub Khan’s army. A little later, in 1881, British
troops once again retired to India from Afghanistan; but a sudden
attack by Ayub Khan’s adherents in July, 1881, secured the re-capture
of Kandahar, Ayub Khan remaining there until, on September 22, he was
totally vanquished by Abdur Rahman, losing all his possessions and
retreating to Persia, from where subsequently he surrendered to the
Government of India.
[Illustration: PLAN OF HERAT]
[Illustration: A STREET SHRINE.]
During this long pre-occupation with Afghan affairs Russia had made
considerable improvement in her own position in Central Asia, where
but little more than the final touches remained to be given. These
appeared with the seizure of Merv in 1884 and the completion of the
Central Asian railway between Krasnovodsk and Samarkand 1800-1888.
The slow, yet faltering, steps with which Russia had maintained
her advance towards Afghanistan, in contradiction of all treaties,
in abuse of all frontiers and in contempt of our own inaction, at
last forced home upon the British Government the fruits of its own
miscalculations. In 1884 along the Afghan north-western frontier as
also in 1896 on the Pamirs, Boundary Commissions were assembled to meet
the exigencies of the situation. The former of these took the field
under the leadership of Sir Peter Lumsden, with whom were associated
Colonel Sir West Ridgeway and numerous officers attached for political,
survey, military, geological and medical duties, including Major E.
L. Durand, Major C. E. Yate, Major T. H. Holdich, Captain St. George
Gore, Captain Peacocke, Captain the Honourable M. C. Talbot, Captain
Maitland, and Lieutenant A. C. Yate. The Pamirs Mission was under the
presidency of Major-General M. G. Gerard, with whom were Colonel T. H.
Holdich, Lieut.-Colonel R. A. Wahab, Captain E. F. H. McSwiney, and
Surgeon-Captain A. W. Alcock. Russia was represented by Major-General
Povalo Shveikovski, Colonel Galkin, Captain Krutorogin, Lieutenant
Orakolow, Monsieur Panafidine, and Doctor Welman.[12]
The province of Herat extends from near the sources of the Hari Rud
on the east to the Persian frontier on the west, and from the Russian
southern boundary to the northern limits of Seistan. The area is 300
miles from east to west and 200 miles from north to south. North,
south and west there are tracts of unproductive country, presenting
facilities for development only over restricted surfaces. In the east
the upper reaches of the Hari Rud valley stretch away to the mountain
regions of the Koh-i-Baba. It has been estimated that the valley of the
Hari Rud is capable of furnishing supplies for an army of occupation
which should not exceed 150,000 men. It is this fact, coupled with
the value of its position as the converging point of roads from the
Caspian, Merv, Meshed, Bokhara, and from India through Kandahar,
which has invested Herat with the title of The Key of India. The Hari
Rud oasis presents a wonderful appearance of fertility; near the
city groves of pistachia and mulberry trees, blackberry bushes, wild
roses and innumerable settlements abound. The Hari Rud, flowing in a
single channel 100 to 140 feet in width which diminishes as the summer
wanes, has been the means of converting into a smiling paradise the
surrounding wilderness. Flood-water in this river lasts from the close
of January until the end of March, when fords are dangerous to cross.
The subsidence of flood-water in April makes it more readily passable,
the average depth of the fords then measuring 4 feet. Later, when the
warmer weather appears, the permanent channel breaks up into long
lakes, fed by springs and underground continuations of supplementary
streams. The northern extremity of the river, which waters the Tejend
oasis and the Sarakhs region, preserves in the main the characteristics
of the upper stream. The undulating country between the Hari Rud and
the Murghab, extending from the northern slopes of the Paropamisus to
the edge of the Kara Kum, is called Badghis. At one time this district
included the oasis of Yulatan and, even now, it embraces Pendjeh.
Across it, along the banks of the Murghab and through the valley of the
Kushk, runs the direct road from Merv to Herat. From the levels of
valleys within Russian jurisdiction, which are about 2000 feet above
sea-level, the road rises throughout a distance of 35 miles until it
pierces the Paropamisus range by the Ardewan pass, 4700 feet above
sea-level. From these mountains, it descends across the broken slopes
of the Koh-i-Mulla Khwaja until it meets at last the alluvial flats of
the Hari Rud plain, wherein the city of Herat stands, 2600 feet above
sea-level.
The city of Herat, built entirely of mud with certain outworks lying
beyond its walls, stands in a hollow. It forms a quadrangle 1600 yards
by 1500 yards. On the western, southern and eastern faces the wall is
a straight line, the only projecting points being the gateways and
the bastions. On the northern face, the line is broken by the old Ark
or citadel, which stands back about 200 yards from the main wall and
is situated upon a high, artificial mound, which is 250 feet in width
and between 50 and 60 feet in height. Above this the walls of the city
rise an additional 30 feet. There are five gates--the Kutabchak near
the north-east angle of the wall and the Malik gate at the re-entering
angle formed by the wall of the Ark and the continuation of the north
wall. The other gates are on the western, southern and eastern faces,
the names respectively being the Irak, Kandahar and Kushk. Four
streets, running from the centre of each face, meet at the Charsu, a
domed square covered with beams and matting in the heart of the city. A
wide, road encircles the walls on the inside, although its upkeep has
been sadly neglected. The defences of the city are contained by the
wall which stands above the mound. On its outer slope there were at one
time two parallel trenches, covered by low parapets; but the trenches,
like the moat at the foot of the mound, are now choked up. There are
25 bastions on each wall. The gates, defended by works differing from
one another in shape, are of irregular design. They resemble redans,
with sides of unequal length and project about 200 feet beyond the main
wall. The defences of the gateways are of a lower profile than those
of the main works. At the apex of the projection a small rectangular
traverse screens the postern.
The northern wall is irregular. Near its centre, thrown back about 200
yards from the main wall and standing on a mound of its own, is the
position of the old citadel. A “return” in the wall, leading down on
this work from the eastern portion of the north face, terminates on
the counterscarp of its ditch. The western face, retired about 100
yards behind the eastern face, connects with the north-west angle of
the citadel by a slight bend. There are two gateways on this front, the
one about 200 yards to the westward of the north-east angle and the
other in the main wall. This latter is unprovided with the irregular
projecting work attached to the others.
The wall of the fort is about 14 feet thick at the base, 9 feet thick
at the top and 18 feet high, exclusive of the parapet. The parapet is
2½ feet thick at the base, 9 inches at the crest and 7½ feet in height.
It is loop-holed and crowned with the ruins of small battlements which,
like so much attaching to Herat, have been permitted to crumble away.
In several places the walls have broken down, the repairs subsequently
effected adding to the general insecurity of what has remained rather
than improving the original breaches. The width of the pathway behind
the parapet is 6 feet; but there are many gaps, and continuity of
communication is preserved only by the severe physical exertion
of flying leaps. Their condition renders them ill-adapted to the
employment of artillery, while the ramps leading up to this pathway are
barely broad enough to admit the passage of a single man.
At one time this wall was flanked by small exterior towers, placed at
intervals of 100 feet. They varied in size and are now so generally
in ruin that it is difficult to estimate their dimensions. In their
original state they were probably from 40 to 60 feet in diameter,
the larger towers being 30 feet in width and projecting 25 feet. In
contrast with the containing wall of the city the wall of the fort
possesses an outward inclination, equal perhaps to one-seventh of its
height. The slope of the towers is generally greater; many of them are
splayed at the base to accommodate their foundations to the sloping
surface upon which they rest. The whole work appears originally to have
been constructed of sun-dried brick, backed with layers of moist earth.
Some of the towers have foundations and facings of rough stone or burnt
brick, laid in mud. The wall itself is a very old one; stone, brick
and earth have been used indiscriminately, so that it now presents a
patchwork appearance.
[Illustration: THE IRAK GATE]
The interior slope of the mound, upon which the walls stand, is steep
and from the base of the wall drops perpendicularly into the town.
No attention whatever appears to have been paid to this part of the
fortifications. The inhabitants of the city have been for several
generations in the habit of removing earth from it for the construction
or repair of their dwellings. At one time, too, houses were erected
close to the foot of the rampart and also upon it, the slope being
excavated to admit of the walls being erected against it. A partial
collapse of the mound has followed, the fallen masses of earth serving
as a convenient resting-place for the dead.
The old citadel is a brick structure 150 yards long from east to west
and 50 yards wide. It occupies an elevation of its own, and, when
erected, stood nearly in the centre of the north face of the city. It
was flanked by several towers, differing greatly in size; those at
the angles were the largest, while those on the north-east angle were
the most imposing. The interior, in part occupied by Feramorz Khan,
the Commander-in-Chief, is divided into three courts. The inhabited
portion is a lofty building, supported by four bastions along its face,
with the entrance gate facing the main street to the Charsu. It fills
a space 110 yards in length by 60 yards in breadth. The Ark, from its
massive appearance, is very dignified, but it is not calculated to
withstand protracted defence if the town itself were captured. Its
walls, thickly built but of inferior masonry, are exposed from base to
parapet, and a few shells dropped behind them would create great havoc.
The Ark-i-nao, or new citadel, serves as a parade-ground for the
garrison. Weak both in plan and profile, it is constructed in advance
of the mound, but 80 feet below it and upon a level with the country.
It consists of 4 straight walls 300 yards in length. The face is
flanked by 5 semi-circular towers, each possessing a diameter of 30
feet. The walls are 13 feet thick at the base and 8 feet at the top,
crowned on their outer edge by a parapet 6 feet high and 1½ feet thick.
There was once a ditch 30 feet in width and 15 feet in depth at a
distance of 60 feet from its base, but it is now a general receptacle
for the refuse of the city.
[Illustration: HERAT CITADEL]
Within recent years the fortifications of Herat have undergone
radical alteration. At one time, prior to the Pendjeh crisis, the
city could not be said to possess an esplanade nor any free field of
fire. Detached buildings, even small villages, surrounded it, while
cultivation extended close to the walls; and where agriculture ended
the cemeteries of the city began. Mosques, tombs and reservoirs stood
opposite the gateways, some of them lying within 100 yards of the
walls. Vast mounds of earth were also close at hand. Many of these
defects were removed[13] under the guidance of the British officers
who were assisting in the demarcation of the Russo-Afghan boundary in
1884-87; in 1903-04, under the supervision of Feramorz Khan, additional
improvements were made and a number of mountain and field batteries
installed.
In general the Herati is not a fighting man and cares little for
military appearances. Indeed, if choice were left to the Heratis they
would sooner surrender at once to the Russians than run the risk of
future disturbances. The garrison is not generally drawn from the
locality and seldom includes many Herati, Hazara or Taimani recruits.
Commanded by Feramorz Khan, it is composed mainly of regiments from
Kandahar and Kabul, whose men lounge through the streets in unkempt
undress or clad in dirty linen and to whom belongs such little martial
spirit as may be detected in the city. In this direction nothing can
be more marked than the difference between the Herati and the Afghan
soldier. The former, a peasant pure and simple, is unversed in military
science, while it is a rare sight to see the soldiers without an
extraordinary number and variety of weapons attached to their persons.
Each carries, as a rule, two pistols, a sword, rifle and many knives,
their swagger and overbearing disposition causing them to be hated by
the wretched population. The position of the city to-day as between
Russia and India is rather that of a woman whose wares are put up to
the highest bidder. It is not particularly partial to the rule of
the Amir, to the overtures of Russia or to the influence of India.
One might say that it were indifferent alike to each of these three
interested parties and that it is merely a question of price which
will determine its surrender. It must be confessed that the fortress
occupies an unfortunate position. Whatever the garrison might attempt
in support of the huge earthworks which the place boasts, there is no
doubt that the sympathies of the population--if the history of the past
goes for anything--would be given to any who contrived to evict the
Afghans; and, as all reports concur in alluding to the lavish manner in
which Russian roubles have circulated in the province, the statement
may be hazarded that, under certain contingencies, the tribes on the
north-western border of Afghanistan would declare for the Russians.
Upon this aspect of the situation various changes introduced by the
Amir into the administration of Herat province, and concerning equally
all posts along the banks of the Oxus and the western border, have
direct bearing. Although there is practically no intercourse between
the Afghan and Russian posts on either bank of the Amu Daria, indeed
the ferry station at Chushka Guzar is constantly sniped from the
Afghan bank by Pathan pickets, there has been an insidious growth of
association between the Herat officials and the Russians. Quite lately
the Kazi Saad-ud-Din, Governor of Herat, was recalled, the Shahgassi
Mahomed Sarwar Khan taking his place, while a warning was administered
to the commander-in-chief. There is no doubt that these officials
accepted complimentary gifts from the Russian officials at Merv, and
the transference of the one and the rebuke of the other may check the
propensity of the native to find in the efficacious application of
the Russian rouble a panacea for all evils. In respect of the soldiers
themselves, orders have been issued from Kabul that all detachments on
frontier duty are to be relieved monthly. Obviously Herat is too close
to the Russian border not to have been intimidated by the spectacle
of Russia’s strength in Central Asia. A similar state of things might
not be expected to prevail in Kabul and Kandahar. Kabul is too much
under the personal sway of the Amir to express any active interest in
Russia or India, while Kandahar has been associated too closely with
the reverses which British arms have experienced in Afghanistan to have
over much respect for the greatness of Hindustan. Russia is really
the supreme and dominating factor in Afghanistan, not only along the
northern, eastern and western frontiers, but throughout the kingdom.
[Illustration: KITCHEN IN NATIVE HOUSE]
Herat is a dirty town. The small lanes, crooked and narrow which
branch from the main thoroughfares, are roofed and their gloom offers
safe harbourage for the perpetration of every possible offence. The
breadth of the streets is only 12 feet, but in their narrowest parts
even this space is reduced. Pools of stagnant water left by the rains,
piles of refuse thrown from the houses, together with dead cats, dogs
and the excrement of human beings, mingle their effluvia in these low
tunnels. Much of the city has been abandoned and various travellers,
in reporting their experiences, agree that the bazaars are of a very
inferior order. On either side of the streets there are spacious serais
where the merchants have their depôts. The western face of the city
is the least populated, the buildings in this quarter being a mass
of ruins. The houses are constructed usually in the form of hollow
squares. They are commonly of one storey, built of brick and mud, with
very thick walls. The roofs are vaulted and composed, equally with
the walls, of mud; the entrances are low and winding. These houses
are quite incombustible. The larger establishments have stable and
servants’ courts attached to them, and every courtyard has, in its
centre, a well or small reservoir for the reception of water. All the
houses are more or less capable of resisting men armed with rifles, and
a determined garrison might, by barricading the streets leading to the
ramparts and loopholing the adjacent houses, protract the defence of
the place for some time after the walls had been gained by the enemy.
There are several spacious caravansaries in the town, all of which
open upon the street leading from the Kandahar Gate to the citadel and
would serve, in emergency, for the accommodation of troops. At the time
of Connolly there were:
Houses 4000
Shops 1200
Baths 20
Colleges 6
Caravansaries 17
Although the city has been almost entirely destroyed since his day, his
estimate is of some value for purposes of comparison.
[Illustration: HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS]
The principal building in Herat is the Masjid-i-Jama, which comprises
an area of 800 yards square. It was built at the end of the fifteenth
century, in the reign of Shah Husein by his relative Prince Shibali.
When perfect it was 465 feet long and 275 feet wide; it had 408
cupolas, 130 windows, 444 pillars, 6 entrances and was adorned in the
most magnificent manner with gilding, carving, precious mosaic and
other elaborate and costly embellishments. It stands in the north-east
quarter of the city, about 300 yards from the east walls.
The palace of Chahar Bagh is situated to the west of the Masjid-i-Jama
and was originally the winter residence of the chiefs of Herat.
It is now the residence of the Governor of the city, but has been
considerably enlarged and improved. A fine garden has been laid out
with flower-beds and a fountain. It is enclosed on either side.
The inhabitants of Herat, who are mostly Shiah Mahommedans, comprise
Afghans, Hazaras, Jamshidis and Tiamanis, with 700 Hindus and some 400
families of Jews. Its population has always been subject to constant
fluctuation. When Christie visited it in 1809 the population stood at
100,000 souls. Connolly considers these figures too high, reducing them
himself to 45,000. According to Ferrier, again, prior to the siege of
1838 the number of inhabitants was, at least, 70,000; when the siege
was raised these numbers had dwindled to between 6000 to 7000, a total
which, he considered, had increased in 1845 to 22,000. As under the
severe but secure rule of Jan Mahommed life was safe, it is probable
that before the investment of 1857 it again approached Connolly’s
total. Its siege and capture by Dost Mahommed in 1863 must have once
more reduced its numbers; when Vambéry visited it two months afterwards
he was met by a scene of utter desolation and devastation, from which,
according to the estimate of A. C. Yate[14] in 1885, the city had never
recovered. Citing the previous census, which gave the population at
1700 families, the latter returned it at 10,000. The existing number is
now a little less than 18,000 people, exclusive of the garrison, which
in peace numbers five regiments of regular infantry, twenty squadrons
of cavalry, one battalion of sappers and eight batteries.
[Illustration: A CARAVANSARY COMPOUND]
The city has declined considerably from its quondam opulence. There is
scarcely any trade and the houses are deserted. It is, nevertheless,
famous for its fruit and its breed of horses; but the Heratis have
endured too many of “the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune”
to be able to withstand adversity and bad seasons. Wars and sieges,
pestilence and famine have had their effect; and the scene, which
Vambéry described so brightly, is now sombre and melancholy. No longer
is Herat the great central market between India and Persia. It still
receives a certain amount of merchandise from Kabul, such as shawls,
indigo, sugar, chintz, muslin, bafta, kincob, hides and leather. These
are exported to Meshed, Yezd, Teheran, Baghdad and Kirman, and exchanged
for tea, sugar-candy, china-ware, broadcloth, chintz, silk, copper,
pepper, dates, shawls, numnahs, carpets and all kinds of spices. Silk
is obtainable in the vicinity of Herat, and lambs’ fleeces and
sheep-skins are made up locally into caps and cloaks. There are, too,
a number of native craftsmen who work in silk and metals, leather,
iron and wood; but there are few opportunities for their skill and no
money with which to pay for it. The carpets of Herat, once so famed for
softness and for the brilliance and permanence of their colours, are
no longer in demand. At one time they were made in all sizes, ranging
in price from 10 to 1000 rupees; but their day is gone. Indeed, in
its present impoverished state, the city is eloquent only of a bygone
grandeur. Everything is decayed and decrepit.
[Illustration: RELIGIOUS FESTIVAL ON THE PERSO-AFGHAN BORDER]
In relation to future developments in the military position along the
western frontier Herat, the immediate objective of Russia, has been
for many years the pivot of our trans-border policy. Lying within 80
miles of Kushkinski Post, itself only eighteen hours by train from
Merv, it would not be long after the outbreak of hostilities that a
Russian force would be before its walls. The passage of reinforcements
from Merv, in support of such detached or independent flying column,
would be divided between Kushkinski Post and Tanur Sangi, which, when
considered from Merv, the main depôt of supplies in Trans-Caspia, rank
practically as ultimate bases, with an immediate base at Pendjeh. The
position of Herat would be no worse than Maimana, Balkh, Kunduz and
Andkhui, upon which an equally rapid concentration would be made. At
such a time the forts established at Kala Khum, Chushka Guzar, Kelif
and Termes--where, by order of Kuropatkin, a strong work has been
placed to cover the debouchure opposite Patta Hissar of the road from
Takht-a-pul, the central cantonment of Northern Afghanistan--would
be sufficient to repel attack if the Afghans were rash enough to
cross. Again, between the Oxus and the chain of main bases established
along the Central Asian railway--Askhabad, Merv, Samarkand, Khokand
and Margelan, with Tashkent as the great centre of arterial
distribution--there would be a line of auxiliary depôts, such as
Sharisabz and Hissar and no doubt possessing by the time war occurred
railway communication with the Central Asian system on the one hand and
the Oxus on the other, to serve as intermediate bases of supply to the
ultimate frontier and fighting zone.
In the situation along the extreme eastern frontier, the
Badakshan-Wakhan region, the same preponderating strength and advantage
of position would be detected in the Russian dispositions. The
existence of the several elevated areas composing the Pamirs and acting
as a containing rampart to the Russian left flank renders the Russian
sphere between Kala Khum and Langar Kisht sufficiently impervious
to serious attack. As a precaution against sporadic forays from the
Afghan posts on the opposite bank a number of permanent forts, usually
included within the Pamir military district, would be available.
On the right bank, between the upper waters of the Oxus and Charog,
there is the post of Langar Kisht where the Russians maintain one
company of thirty men with a maxim gun. Charog itself, which is
opposite Kala Bar Panja, is the principal post of the Russians in
the region of the Pamirs. Here the strength of the garrison varies
according to the season of the year. During the winter months the
muster is fifty Cossacks with four officers and a maxim detachment.
Two maxims and a single mountain gun have been mounted on the ramparts
covering the river. Charog is connected with Fort Murghabi by a road
along the Alichur Pamir and the banks of the Ghund Daria; built of
clay, wood and stone, it possesses earthworks of an enduring character.
Additional accommodation is in course of construction, as it is
intended to establish quarters there for one battalion of troops. The
winter strength of the Russian force in the Pamirs is 500 men; this
will be raised to 1000 men so soon as the requisite barracks have been
erected at Charog and Fort Murghabi. The probable disposition of the
force will put 300 men into each of the three forts at Tashkurgan,
Charog and Murghabi, the remaining 100 being detailed by companies to
the smaller posts of Langar Kisht, Aktash and Kizil Rabat. At Kala Wanj
there was an establishment of 300 levies from the native army of the
Amir of Bokhara, a further detachment from the same establishment and
similar in strength, being in garrison at Kala Wamar. At Kala-Khum,
occupied by 1000 men, there was one native regiment. Along the reach
of the Middle Oxus the same arrangement held good, native troops being
distributed among all ferry and customs posts, constituting a useful
supplement to the Russian troops in the riverine areas. Hitherto the
employment of the Bokharan levies for garrison and frontier duty in
Darwaz, Shignan and Roshan has been quite a feature of the Russian
disposition along the Oxus. Drilled by Russian instructors and armed
with modern weapons these territorial troops are regarded by the
Russians as the equal of the Afghan soldiery. In war, they would be
expected to relieve the regular forces of a multitude of fatigues and
thus leave the energies and numbers of the Russian command unimpaired
by that slow process of attrition by which, in the main, the fighting
strength of an army becomes so quickly exhausted. Quite lately these
posts have been taken over by the regular forces, the native troops
being withdrawn for service in the Khanate. It has been always unlikely
that, in the event of hostilities, the Russians would permit levies to
take the field against the Afghan forces.
[Illustration: AFGHAN POST AT KALA PANJA
_Photo, Olufsen_]
On the left bank of the stream the Afghan authorities maintain posts
at Kala Panja, which is opposite Langar Kisht, Kala Bar Panja, which
confronts Charog, and Ishkashim. No works of special importance have
been constructed to observe Kala Wamar and Kala Wanj, the work at
Kala Bar Panja being the central Afghan position on the Upper Oxus. As
a fort it compares not unfavourably with the Russian one at Charog;
in point of size it is larger than the original Russian structure
there. It is in the form of a square; the walls, constructed of clay
and stone, are 200 yards in length, about 12 inches thick and 15 to 20
feet in height. It has capacity for about 1000 men and, along one wall,
provision for a small force of cavalry.
Possession of these works did not quite equalise the situation and
within the last few months many changes have taken place in the
Eastern, Northern and Western commands, the raising of 20,000 recruits
having been sanctioned by the Amir for the Eastern and Western
divisions at the request of the commanding officers. Leading chiefs
bringing 1000 men to the colours were to receive the rank of regimental
commanders; those who raised 100 men would become company officers.
It was further promised that the pay of these new regiments would be
issued monthly. The strengthening process has been also applied to the
Home or Central command, 10,000 men having been raised in the Shinwari
district and sworn in by the Governor of Jelalabad; while enlistment
among the Sufi tribal levies has been started for the Kabul garrison.
Further, the Governors of Maimana and Faizabad were instructed to
entrench their cities, to throw up the necessary watch towers and to
place all approaches in a condition of defence. Two new forts were
located on the Oxus at Kala Panja and Ishkashim in Wakhan, a third at
Boharac and a fourth at Faizabad.
These fresh works possess nominal accommodation for 1000 men, although
there is ample space for double or even treble this number. Built in
the form of a square, the walls are 6 feet thick at the top and 18 feet
at the base. Artillery emplacements have been prepared in the watch
towers at each corner and a shooting-gallery runs round the defences
a few feet below their parapet. Quarters have been placed along three
walls, each wall taking twenty houses, the fourth wall holding the
stable, transport and commissariat arrangements. Pathan regiments from
Faizabad were detailed to these positions and also to the support
of the Badakshan-Wakhan border; new regiments, fashioned from the
reinforcements which had been despatched to Faizabad, taking their
place. The normal strength of the Eastern command is represented by
seven regiments of Pathan infantry, four squadrons of cavalry and five
batteries.
Similarly there has been much activity in the Northern command, the
Governor of Afghan Turkestan, Sirdar Ghulam Ali Khan a son of Abdur
Rahman, having completed his development of the scheme of defences
at Dehdadi which the late Amir created. That stronghold has now been
incorporated with Takht-a-Pul, which lies between Mazar-i-Sharif and
Balkh and where an important fortified cantonment has been established,
possessing a permanent strength of several thousand men. Habib Ullah
has full confidence in his brother Ghulam Ali Khan and, in view of
the delays which occur in the passage of supplies from the Kabul
arsenals to the Herat and Turkestan garrisons, the Amir has sanctioned
a proposal to construct in Herat and Takht-a-Pul, small-arms ordnance
works, tanning-yards and boot factories, so that these two important
commands may be independent of Kabul for these elemental accessories
to their efficiency. Powers of control over these projects have been
invested in Ghulam Ali Khan, who has appointed an assistant to the
Herat branch of the undertaking.
[Illustration: A WATER-SELLER.]
[11] “England and Russia in the East.” Rawlinson.
[12] This study of Anglo-Afghan relations is continued in
Chapters xvi. and xvii.
[13] “The Indian Borderland.” Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich.
[14] “England and Russia.” A. C. Yate, 1886.
CHAPTER VIII
KANDAHAR
The road from Herat to Kandahar lies through districts rich in
supplies. From Herat there are two great roads, a northern and
southern, the latter passing through Sabzawar, Farah and Girishk to
Kandahar, in which district it crosses the Zamindawar country, peopled
in the main by the Duranis as far as the fords on the Helmund.
Sabzawar, which is 280 miles from Kandahar, is situated almost
midway between Herat and Farah--90 miles from Herat and 71 miles
from Farah. It stands 3550 feet above sea-level on the left bank of
the Harud river, in an elbow of the stream and at the foot of the
outlying spurs of the main ranges. Beyond and partly surrounding
it there is a wide open plain, some 4 miles in circumference, well
irrigated from the waters of the Harud river and, as a consequence,
highly productive. The Sabzawar district contains the most fertile
areas in the Herat province, a benevolent attention upon the part of
Nature that renders the region of service as an intermediate base of
supplies. No force, indeed, could resist the temptation of staying at
such a point to refresh both man and beast, and to re-assemble its
transport. The position is readily protected and the defensive value
of the heights, which lie 2 miles distant to the south of the town,
could be supplemented by the flooding of the lowlands from numerous
water-courses which intersect the plain. The town draws its water from
the Harud river, but certain of the villages are dependent upon canals.
Several ruins impart an air of desolation to the plain, yet a pleasing
sense of cultivation exists around the town itself, arising from the
sparkle of running water and the freshness of green trees.
In recent years Sabzawar has outgrown its original dimensions, and
the fort, a square structure with walls 200 yards to 250 yards in
length, seven circular bastions on each front and one gate in the south
face, has been abandoned. Its walls are in ruins and the interior is
uninhabited, save for a small colony of Shikarpuri Hindus. Outside
the wall is a ditch, now dry and partially filled with refuse. In
the centre of this forlorn scene there is the Governor’s residence,
permitting a pleasant view of green trees and fresh-looking grass,
cool and even healthy. The town proper, although such a dignified
description is inaccurate as the great majority of the population live
in villages beyond the walls, is well-to-do, thriving and the centre of
a busy trade. Between Nasratabad and itself trade is peculiarly active,
the hides, wool, goatskins and dried fruits forwarded from Seistan to
Turkestan making it a point of call. Piece goods, sugar and iron-ware
are imported in return. The export trade of the town has an annual
value of 1,500,000 rupees Indian, and the revenue of the district
is 33,000 tomans in cash, and 4000 kharwars in grain. The trade is
controlled by Russian Armenian merchants who, resident in its vicinity,
travel between Seistan and the surrounding region, pushing articles
of Russian manufacture. Their activity in this respect has created an
important demand for such goods, which quite oust the few signs of
Indian trade that the place at one time revealed.
Sabzawar, the town, is enclosed within a high wall, pierced by four
gates--the Irak gate on the west, the Nishapur gate on the east, the
Herat gate on the north and the Farah gate on the south. The bazaar,
in which are nearly 800 shops, stretches between the eastern and
western gates across the town. Its breadth is possibly half a mile and
the circumference of the town is a little under 2½ miles. The town is
only a gathering place for the district which supports a number of
villages and, together with the enveloping pasturage and a wide belt
of cultivation, is inhabited by Nurzai Duranis. Each village is a
small fort in itself and is surrounded by a high mud wall erected for
purposes of security. In size these forts are about 60 yards square;
in all there may be some 5000 households in the district, which may
be apportioned into 4500 in the villages, 400 in the town, 100 in the
fort, with a combined population of 12,000 souls.
[Illustration: TYPICAL STREET SCENE]
Before reaching Farah it is necessary to cross the Farah Rud. This
river, rising in the Taimani country, flows past Farah and Lash into
the Hamun at its north-west angle, after a southerly course 200 miles
in length. Its volume varies with the seasons. The water is usually
clear and not quite drinkable for, after the main stream has been
exhausted by the fields, the pools which remain in its deeper parts
quickly become stagnant. In the spring it is a wide, deep river, always
with sufficient water for irrigation in its course: even when nearly
dry water is to be found by digging a foot into the river-bed. In the
summer it is crossed on inflated skins or rafts of wood and reeds. The
banks of the Farah Rud are covered with a jungle growth of tamarisk and
mimosa. At the point where it is crossed by the north road from Herat
to Kandahar it is fordable, although the bed is very irregular, with
alternate rapids and deep pools. The ford is 1000 feet in breadth, but
the channel in the dry season contracts to 50 yards, with a depth of 2½
feet. During the flood season caravans are apt to be detained for many
weeks. At Farah the banks are 400 yards apart, with a stream in the
dry season of 150 yards in breadth and 2 feet of water. At this point
it is both clear and rapid.
Farah, 2460 feet above sea-level, lies 170 miles south of Herat, 71
miles from Sabzawar on the south Kandahar road, 150 miles from Girishk
and 225 miles from Kandahar. It is a square, walled town; lying north
and south and standing well out in the plain it has a diameter of one
mile and is in ruins. The wall by which it is surrounded is strongly
reminiscent of Herat and comprises an enormous embankment of earth,
mixed with chopped straw. A covered way entirely surrounds it on the
outside, and its original height was between 35 and 40 feet. Towers
rested on the ramparts at one time but, deserted by its inhabitants and
neglected by the garrison which is its sole population, it has fallen
altogether from its high estate. The town has two gates, that of Herat
in the centre of the north face and that of Kandahar exactly opposite
on the south side, the citadel occupying the north angle of the wall.
Farah is no longer a city. Desolate, ruined and abandoned, its position
still is of extreme importance, as it commands the Herat and Kandahar
road and the northern entrance into Seistan. But the water in the fort
is bad and the place is unhealthy. A general bonfire of the remains
should complete the wreck which time has so nearly accomplished.
Nowadays it does not contain more than fifty houses, yet it could
easily hold several thousand. Those still standing are concealed by
the ruins; and scattered jets of smoke, rising from heaps of _débris_,
are the only indications of actual life. Formerly a bazaar crossed the
town from the Kandahar Gate to the Herat Gate; but the few shops which
remain are now congregated near the Herat Gate, the sole industry of
the people being the manufacture of gunpowder from saltpetre. This is
collected from the numerous water-pits which go to make up the general
character of the scene within the walls.
Between Farah and Kandahar there is the Bakwa plain, which is
associated in the minds of the Afghans with a tradition that identifies
it with the scene of some future battle between the Russian and British
forces. The plain is a dead level stretch without trees or growth of
any kind to vary its monotony and it is to its western end that the
scene of the prophecy refers. The usual version of the story mentions
as a concluding detail that, after the fight, no less than 12,000
riderless horses will be found wandering over it.[15] The Afghans
attach considerable belief to this prophecy which, according to Colonel
Yate who went to the pains of unearthing its origin, may be attributed
to a native of Kuchan, Shah Ni’-Amat Ulla Wani of Kirman, who died in
the year 1400 at the age of ninety-seven, having attained considerable
reputation as an author, philosopher and sage.
From Farah to Girishk, situated on the Helmund river, is a distance of
150 miles. This river, which rises at Fazindaz in the western slopes
of the Paghman mountains, flows with a course generally south-west for
over 600 miles, ultimately falling into the Seistan lake. The first
point about which any reliable information exists is at Gardan Diwar,
about 40 miles from its source. It here runs along the north side of
the Urt plateau at an elevation of 11,500 feet, about 12 yards wide,
less than a foot in depth in winter and with a brisk current; it is
joined by a tributary the Ab-i-Siah, coming from the southern slopes
of the Haji Khak pass. In the summer this upper portion of the Helmund
is a favourite resort of the pastoral tribes of the Eastern area.
Thence it passes through a deep valley, hugging the south side of the
Koh-i-Baba for 35 miles to Ghaoch Khol, its banks fringed with rose
bushes and osiers. At this point it is crossed by a bridge, unites with
a rivulet from the north and with the Ab-Dilawar from the south-west.
From this to Diwal Khol, about 25 miles further, it pursues the same
westerly direction which it has had from its source. A few miles beyond
this point the stream gives a bold sweep to the south for 80 miles, as
far as Chakmakchak. Here it is crossed by the road going west towards
Herat and receives a considerable feeder from the north. The river then
turns slightly to the south-west and keeps this direction for about 120
miles as far as Sakhir, where roads from Bamian, Maidan and Girishk
meet. From Sakhir to Girishk, a distance of perhaps 150 miles, its
course is more south and 25 miles below Sakhir it is joined from the
east by the Tezin stream. At Garmab, 50 miles below this again, it is
met by the Khudrud, where it is crossed 60 miles above Girishk. At this
point the banks of the Helmund are 1000 yards apart; the right bank low
and sandy and the left bank high and rocky. Sometimes when the volume
of the river has diminished the breadth of the Helmund at Girishk
itself is reduced to 300 yards; the stream flowing smoothly with a
mean depth at the ford of 3 feet. In mid-June, again, it is barely
passable by infantry; but 3 miles up stream, where the river divides
into three branches and the southern Herat-Kandahar road crosses, there
is a ferry, in addition to several good fords. Here the depth is less
than 4 feet and the breadth across each arm varies between 70 and 150
yards. About 45 miles below Girishk and just below Kala-i-Bist, is
an island formed by the river. It is joined on the left by its great
tributary the Argand-ab, from which point its width varies between 300
and 400 yards, with an average depth of 1½ to 2 fathoms. Thence to
Benadar Kalan, a distance of 70 miles, its direction is south and from
this it turns west for 120 miles. At Pul-alak, 100 miles distant, it
is usually 400 yards wide, very deep and flowing in a broad stretch of
water as far as Traku. Here, its progress arrested by some sand hills,
it takes a sudden turn to the north-west and runs for 45 miles in that
direction; finally it divides into the three branches, Rod-i-Seistan,
Rod-i-Purian, and the Nad Ali. Since 1895 the Rod-i-Purian has been the
main channel, displacing the Nad Ali course. The river, even in the dry
season, is never without a plentiful supply of water.
[Illustration: CROSSING THE HELMUND RIVER]
Its volume is:
2,000 cubic feet per second at low water.
50,000-60,000 ” ” ” ordinary flood.
600,000-700,000 ” ” ” abnormal flood.
The fords are:
Gardan Diwar (ford) 40 miles from source.
Ghaoch Khol (bridge) 75 ”
Diwal Khol 100 ”
Chakmakchak 180 ”
Garmab 390 ”
Three miles above Girishk (ford) 450 ”
Girishk (ford and ferry) 450 ”
Shamalan (ford) 500 ”
Karnashin 550 ”
Kal-i-Sabz (ford) 570 ”
Deshu (ford) 590 ”
Pul-alak (ford) 650 ”
Traku (ferry) 680 ”
Deshtak (ferry) 740 ”
The fort of Girishk stands on the right bank of the Helmund about 1½
miles from the stream, upon the high road between Kandahar and Herat.
Its position seems to have been determined by the neighbourhood of the
fords across the Helmund; also by the vicinity of the ferry, which,
when the river is not fordable, is usually established at a narrow part
of the stream below the fort. From the far side of the river Girishk
appears to have more strength and to be in better order than inspection
proves to be the case. Upon two sides and part of the third there is
a ditch, which contains water but is formidable neither in width nor
in depth. On the north and north-eastern aspects, where the wall is
situated upon the high bank of the river, it is not continued.
Girishk, as also Farah, comes within the jurisdiction of the officials
of Kandahar province and a small garrison is detailed from Kandahar
itself. Two squadrons of cavalry and one battery of field guns usually
comprise the regular establishment, to which is added a certain militia
strength. The soldiers camp outside the walls; the fort itself, which
is only 700 feet in length and 250 feet in breadth, being the residence
of the Governor of Pusht-i-Rud, the name by which the district goes.
In no sense can the building be regarded as possessing any military
value. The walls are weak and exposed from their parapet to their
foundations. Moreover, there is cover close up to them on all sides
except the northern where a ravine, which would afford an enemy
protection, is enfiladed from the north-west tower. The setting of the
fort is quite picturesque. In the low-river lands on the south side
there are charming gardens, but their walls and trees are too likely to
afford cover to troops to be other than a danger. In the fort itself
are two gateways; one of which, a small one, has been blocked up. The
main one is at the southern extremity. There are four corner towers and
the water-supply is reliable and drawn from the river. But, equally
with Farah and Sabzawar, the fortifications of Girishk need not be the
subject of any detailed consideration here. Standing on the main route
from Herat to Kandahar, controlling the fords across the Helmund and
commanding the road to Seistan from which it is only 190 miles distant,
the richness of the surrounding region makes its early possession
essential to any force operating from the Indo-Afghan border. Villages
are numerous and every one is a thriving centre. The pasturage is
both fattening and abundant, while the agricultural capacity of
the Zamindawar lands is well known. During the last operations in
Afghanistan 4,000,000 lbs. weight of grain were collected from the
Girishk district by the British force that was then in occupation, a
return which makes it the most important of any of the bases which
might be established on the Perso-Afghan border.
Girishk is 75 miles from Kandahar; mid-way between there is Maiwand,
mournfully signalised by one of those inglorious reverses which British
arms have experienced in Afghanistan--in this instance the defeat of
General Burrows at the hands of Ayub Khan in 1880. Their incidence,
unfortunately, has given rise to very exaggerated ideas upon the
practical utility of the Afghan rabble and its powers of resistance at
the present day. Kandahar, the scene of one brilliant episode when the
victorious Roberts relieved an ominous situation, has been the centre
of many ill-fated risings and mis-shapen schemes, yet of all none more
so than that injudicious and most pretentious plan of uniting Quetta
with Kushkinski Post by a trans-Afghan railway _viâ_ Kandahar and
Herat. No practical end can be served by such a line and, indeed upon
the broadest grounds, there is absolutely nothing which can justify
its construction. The policy of this country should be mistrustful of
Russia always and our attitude should be actively suspicious. In Asia,
High or Near, she is our inveterate opponent and the one element of
danger which never can be removed from our path. We can neither believe
in nor rely upon her bond, while her diplomatic morality no less than
her most solemnly pledged word is instinctive with treachery. Whatever
may be desirable for purposes of State at this moment, at least we
should be mindful of our experiences at her hands and we should allow
those lessons of past history to serve to-day as an active spur to our
hostility. That she would stoop to any pretext, however infamous, to
secure her ends is proven by the unctuous assurances which she tendered
the Cabinet of the day in this country in respect of her campaigns
in Central Asia. If this reminder be insufficient, let us reflect
upon the manner in which she has excused to us, through long years,
her nefarious designs against our interests in Persia and Manchuria.
Therefore, remembering these things, it is necessary to repeat the
warning to keep Russia at a distance.
[Illustration: CONSTRUCTING THE QUETTA-NUSHKI LINE]
If Kandahar were to be concerned with any railway at all it should
be through an extension from New Chaman. Without such provision our
defensive strategy in Southern Afghanistan must needs recoil upon
itself. Indeed, no practical value whatever attaches to our power
of offence on the Afghan-Baluch border unless it contains the means
of counteracting Russia’s schemes of aggression on the Afghan-Perso
border. At present our position in Southern Afghanistan is _en l’air_;
but our interests demand that it should be brought to earth and linked
up with the steel rails of the military system of strategic lines on
the Indian frontier. Just now the position of Russia in Persia is in
the making, yet the challenge to our situation in Southern Afghanistan
is none the less apparent. It will become quite definite when she
occupies Seistan. Russia has the advantage of us in the Middle East in
the matter of railway construction and she will build first where she
is in no manner liable to be disturbed. If, in the interval, we do not
measure our activity by her own, we shall find that we have delayed the
extension of the rails to Kandahar until she herself is prepared to
abide by the result of a single issue--the projection of the metals to
Herat.
It would seem that the present moment were sufficiently propitious for
the Government of India to press such an undertaking upon the Amir. At
the time of the Dane Mission great attention was paid by the Afghans of
Kandahar to the subject of railways between India and Afghanistan. The
late Governor, Sirdar Ahmed Khan, now retired in disgrace, receiving
orders to ascertain public feeling on a proposal to extend the Indian
railway system to Kandahar and to inquire whether the people would
object if the request of the British Government were conceded, read
out the Amir’s instructions at a special Durbar where all shades of
local opinion were represented. The question was debated by the nobles
and the people at great length. In the end the view was returned that,
while the railway itself would be beneficial, it would facilitate
pretexts for dangerous aggressions and the conquest of the country. At
a later occasion the Amir sought the opinions of the principal officers
of the army who, not only unanimously in favour of the introduction of
such a system of communication, warmly advocated its further projection
to Herat. The provision of a railway between India and Kandahar,
quite a different affair to a trans-Afghan system, would indubitably
facilitate commerce, since the scheme would have to go hand in hand
with a radical revision of the prohibitory tariffs now imposed along
the Afghan border. The moral effect throughout the Kandahar region,
too, would be no less significant than that originally caused upon the
frontier by the railway to New Chaman, for without that extension from
Quetta the proceeds of the Kandahar fruit-gardens would never reach the
Indian markets.
Kandahar, which is 125 miles from Quetta and only 65 miles from the
railhead at New Chaman, is the last place where an army advancing from
Herat towards the Indus would halt. It also affords access to the
Ghazni and Kabul roads through the Tarnak valley, and its proximity to
the deserts of Baluchistan on the south renders at least one of its
flanks safe from being turned. It is very accessible from Persia in
the west and from India in the east, while it has changed hands so
frequently during the period of its history--Persians, Uzbegs, Afghans
and in recent times the English--that a further change is certainly
to be anticipated. Kandahar is situated between the Argand and Tarnak
rivers on a level plain covered with cultivation and well populated to
the south and west; on the north-west a low ridge rises to the height
of 1000 feet. The shape of the city is an irregular parallelogram, the
length being from north to south with a circuit of 3 miles, 1006 yards.
It is surrounded by a ditch, 24 feet wide and 10 feet deep, and by a
wall which is 20½ feet thick at the bottom, 14½ feet thick at the top
and 27 feet in height. This wall is made of mud hardened by exposure
to the sun and without revetment of stone or brick. The length of the
western face is 1967 yards, of the eastern 1810 yards, of the southern
1345 yards and of the northern 1164 yards. There are four main gates,
through which run the principal streets and two minor gates. The Bar
Durani and Kabul are on the eastern face, the Shikarpur on the southern
face, the Herat and the Top Khana on the western face and the Idgah on
the northern face. The Bar Durani and the Top Khana are the minor gates.
The gateways are defended by six double bastions and the angles are
protected by four large circular towers. The curtains between the
bastions have fifty-four small bastions distributed along the faces.
From the Herat gate a street runs to the Kabul gate through the city;
commencing from the Shikarpur gate and crossing it at right angles near
the centre, another leads to the citadel, which is square-built with
walls 260 yards in length.
[Illustration: PLAN OF KANDAHAR]
The citadel is situated to the north of the city and south of it is the
Top Khana. West of this is the tomb of Ahmed Shah Durani, an octagonal
structure, overlaid with coloured porcelain bricks and surmounted by
a gilded dome, surrounded by small minarets. It towers above all the
adjacent buildings and its dome attracts attention to the city from a
distance. The pavement of the tomb is carpeted and an embroidered cloak
is thrown over the sarcophagus. The sepulchre itself, composed of a
coarse stone from the mountains near Kandahar, is inlaid with wreaths
of flowers in coloured marble. Twelve lesser tombs, which are those
of the children of Ahmed Shah, are ranged near the resting-place of
the father. The interior walls are painted in designs similar to those
which adorn the exterior, but the execution is more regular and the
colours, having been less exposed, are fresher and more brilliant. The
lofty dome above the centre imparts an air of grandeur to the little
temple, while its windows of stone trellis work admit a subdued and
pleasant light. The tomb is engraved with passages from the Koran and a
copy of the sacred volume, from which the Mullahs recite passages, is
kept in the sanctuary.
At the point where the streets from the Herat gate and the Shikarpur
gate meet, is the Charsu, a large dome 50 yards in diameter. Here, as
in other parts of the city, are public “humams” or warm baths, where
a course of Asiatic massage, including bathing, peeling, kneading and
drying, costs one rupee. The Afghan mode of treatment differs but
little from that prevailing in India. The houses generally are built of
sun-dried bricks, with flat roofs. A few only possess upper storeys.
The houses of the rich are enclosed by high walls and contain three or
four courts with gardens and fountains. Each of these divisions holds
a single building, separated into small compartments and provided with
three or four large and lofty halls. The roofs are supported upon
wooden pillars, carved and painted. The various suites open upon the
several halls, which are embellished with mural paintings and numerous
looking-glasses. The walls of the rooms are usually furnished with
panels of glittering stucco, a compound of mica and talc, decorated
with patterns of flowers. Their surfaces are broken by many recesses,
sometimes the refuge of very tawdry ornaments. The ceilings are formed
of small pieces of wood, carved, fitted into each other and varnished.
The houses of the poorer classes are represented by single rooms 20
feet by 12 feet.
The four principal streets are each 40 yards wide, bordered with trees,
flanked by shops and houses with open fronts and shady verandahs. Each
street is named after the gate to which it leads from the Charsu,
except in the case of the one which runs into the Top Khana. This
street, which is very narrow both at its north and south entrances and
has the Nikara Khana on its west, is called the Shahi Bazar. Smaller
and narrower streets, each crossing the other at right angles, run
from the principal thoroughfares towards the city walls, between which
and the houses there is a road about 25 yards wide encircling the
city. A second road, similar in design, exists on the outside of the
wall along the western and southern faces as a relic of the British
occupation. It has been planted with trees by the Afghan authorities, a
similar adornment having been applied to the main Kokeran road.
Kandahar is divided into districts which are in the occupation of
the different tribes. The south-western quarter of the city has four
great divisions--the Barakzai Duranis, extending down the Shikarpur
and Herat Bazars, having south of them the Hindustani quarter and west
that of the Halakozai Duranis, while in the extreme south-west corner
of the city, between the two last, there are the Nurzai Duranis. The
south-eastern quarter appears to be occupied principally by Populzai
Duranis. In the north-eastern quarter, the portion stretching on the
north of the Kabul Bazar, is occupied by the Ghilzais; north of them
and to the north-east angle of the city is the Bar Durani quarter;
while between them and the citadel is the Achakzai Durani quarter. In
the south-western portion of the north-western quarter are the houses
of the Alizais. These divisions, relating to the principal tribes
who frequent the city, concern the Duranis, Ghilzais, Parsiwans,
and Kakuris. Greater detail of the population is represented by the
following table of houses occupied in the several sections:
Barakzai 940
Nurzai 600
Alikozai 650
Populzai 600
Makuzai 100
Bar Durani 150
Saddozai 100
Kalezai 350
Kharoti 200
Ghilzai 100
Bamezai 400
Sarkani 200
Ismailzai 100
Pathans 200
Turks 50
Baburs and Babis 200
Achakzai 150
Ishakzai 600
Kakuri 550
Alizai 200
Khagwani 150
Bisakzai 100
Madozai 150
Parsiwan 1240
Pirian 100
Doalat Shahi 50
Arabs 50
Aakyakhel 50
Kashmiri 100
Hindus 300
----
Total 8730
In addition to these a large number of households is unreturned, the
official approximate estimate showing no less than 20,000 houses, with
a combined population of 50,000 souls. The numerical strength of the
larger Afghan cities has always fluctuated, the element of movement,
as the population increases and diminishes, depending upon whether
the local government were protective or oppressive. When Kandahar
was visited by Elphinstone, he calculated its population at 100,000.
Hough reported it at 80,000; Masson from 25,000 to 30,000, Ferrier
30,000, Court 25,000 and Bellew 15,500. Holdich, writing in 1880, put
the strength of the Duranis, Ghilzais, Parsiwans and Kakuris alone
at 30,000. In recent years Kandahar has prospered. As there has been
but little to disturb the development of its trade and the general
settlement of the immediate vicinity, it is possible that it may have
reached the present high figure.
[Illustration: THE WALLS OF KANDAHAR]
As in most Asiatic cities the different trades occupy special parts
of the Kandahar bazaars. In all there are 3700 shops in addition to
the stalls of the wayside pedlars. These, their goods spread upon the
ground or displayed upon small tables, not infrequently act as agents
of the more important merchants.
In the city there are:
Barbers 85
Silk merchants 201
Potters 135
Milk vendors 170
Butchers 231
General merchants 300
There are, too, certain street musicians and strolling players. The
premises of the cloth merchants extend down the east side of the
Shikarpur Bazar; and facing them are the saddlers and the smiths. From
the Charsu towards the Kabul gate, to the north of the Kabul Bazar,
are the Hindu bankers. In the opposite direction, on the north of the
Herat Bazar, are the coppersmiths; and confronting them are the tailors
and the shoemakers. At the north end of the Shahi Bazar is the grass
market, and next to it, on the north-east, the cattle market. The
Shikarpur Bazar is the popular and central meeting-place; but each of
the four principal streets of Kandahar is thronged between sunrise and
sunset. Almost without cessation is the movement of the mass of people:
some riding, many walking, others proceeding to and from the markets
leading camels, driving ponies or themselves carrying loads. Women
are rarely seen; but from beyond the Indian border or from out of the
heart of Afghanistan there are traders, travellers and fakirs. Arrayed
in various colours, though all assume the Afghan dress, they are only
distinguished from each other by the forms of their head-dress. Their
beards are black and bushy; but where age has made its appearance the
white hairs are dyed red with the juice of the henna. A few are shaven
and habited in jackets and trousers of blue linen or tunics of drab
cloth with pendant sleeves, their heads being protected by cotton
skull-caps. This latter type belongs usually to some trans-border
region. Others wear cloaks made up in chintz or in the woollen cloth
of the country, with turbans of very ample fold. The constant bustle
of the streets produces considerable confusion around the stalls,
while the shouts of the caravan leaders and the sickly whining of the
street beggars add to the uproar. Mendicity is to be seen in its most
loathsome and repulsive forms. The blind, the maimed and deformed,
ragged and unspeakably squalid men, women and children not only stand
and sit, but lie grovelling in the dust or mire under the feet of the
crowd.
The Hindus are the most numerous as well as the wealthiest merchants
in the city. They carry on a very profitable trade with Bombay, _viâ_
Shikarpur and Karachi. They import silks, calicoes, muslins, chintzes,
merinoes, woollen and broad cloths, leather, iron, copper, knives,
scissors, needles, thread and paper from England; indigo, spices,
sugar, medicines, salt from India; shawls, postins, shoes, opium, silks
and carpets from Meshed. Kandahar exports to India and the Persian Gulf
madder, assafœtida, goat’s-hair, camel’s-wool, preserved fruits, quince
seeds, pomegranate rinds, tobacco, felts, raw silk, rosaries; horses,
baggage ponies, Biran carpets, copper utensils and silk are contributed
by Persia. The trade between Kandahar, Herat and Meshed is conducted
principally by Persians, who bring down silk, raw and manufactured,
copper utensils, guns, daggers, swords, precious stones (turquoise),
brocade, gold and silver braiding, horses and carpets; they take back
wool, felts, postins and skins.
[Illustration: ALWAYS A POPULAR AND CENTRAL MEETING PLACE]
Kandahar city is by far the most important trade centre in Afghanistan,
the customs and town dues together equalling the land revenues of the
province. These several sources of income, of course, go some way
towards meeting the expenses of the Central Government. There are
few manufactures or industries of importance that are peculiar to the
city; the principal trade of a local description is the production of
silk, felt and rosaries of soft crystallised silicate of magnesia,
which is found near the city. The description of these trades will be
found in a further chapter.
The following table shows the prices obtained in the Kandahar market
for the under-mentioned imported articles:
IMPORTS FROM INDIA.
BOMBAY.
_Names of Articles._ _Prices._
From. To.
R. A. R. A.
Long cloths per piece 7 8 6 8
” (unbleached) ” 4 8 3 0
Madapollams (white) ” 9 0 6 0
Alwan (shawl) stuff (red) ” 10 0 8 0
” ” (orange) ” 9 0 5 0
” ” (green) ” 9 0 5 0
” ” (white) ” 8 0 5 8
Jaconet (grey) ” 3 0 1 8
” (white) ” 3 8 2 8
Dimity (white) ” 4 0 3 0
” (rose) ” 9 0 7 12
Flowered muslins (all colours) ” 3 8 1 8
Coloured muslins ” 3 8 1 9
Net per yard 1 0 0 7
Drill (white) per piece 10 0 0 7
Flowered muslins (golden) ” 6 0 3 0
Velvet (black) per yard 0 12 8 0
” (red) ” 1 12 1 0
Majut, imported ” 7 8 5 0
Broadcloth ” 7 8 5 0
Chintz (scarlet) per piece 12 0 8 8
” (black) ” 8 0 6 2
” (scarlet and rose coloured) ” 5 0 3 0
” (white) ” 8 0 5 0
” (black and other colours) ” 5 8 5 0
” (shakar kouz, a colour) ” 9 0 6 0
Khasa (scarlet) ” 5 0 3 8
” (white) ” 3 0 2 0
Shawls each 6 0 4 8
Merino per yard 2 0 0 12
Molasses per seer 0 8 --
Sugar per 3½ seers 3 0 2 8
Black pepper ” 2 0 --
Sal ammoniac ” 2 0 --
Cloves ” 2 8 --
Green and black teas ” 20 0 12 0
Turmeric per 3½ seers 2 0 --
Dry ginger ” 2 0 --
Preserved ginger per jar 4 8 --
Orpiment (yellow) per 3½ seers 2 0 --
” (black) ” 2 0 --
Cinnamon ” 4 0 --
Cardamoms (small) ” 3 0 --
” (large) ” 3 8 --
Thread per bundle 6 0 --
Cocoa-nuts per 3½ seers 3 0 --
Satin per yard 2 8 --
Flannel ” 1 0 --
Russian satin ” 1 8 --
Cambric per piece 5 0 3 0
Penknives, two-bladed, Rs. 1-8; one blade, Rs. 1; large sailors’
knives, 4 annas. Quantities of pottery-ware of all descriptions are
imported, as also needles, thread and a few Anglo-Indian medicines.
Foreign drugs kill many more than they cure; since they are
administered by a _hakim_ who knows nothing of their properties, but
tries the effect of the first which may be at hand, regulating the
quantity given by the price.
AMRITSAR.
_Names of Articles._ _Prices._
From. To.
R. A. R. A.
Molasses per Kandahari maund 2 4 --
Turmeric ” ” ” 1 8 --
Saffron ” ” ” 16 0 --
Punjabi shoes, penholders, lungis, cloth; Kashmiri shawls, puttu, zinc,
saffron and Peshawar lungis.
MULTAN.
_Names of Articles._ _Prices._
From. To.
R. A. R. A.
Rough cloth per 100 yards 9 0 --
Coloured sheets for women ” 20 ” 17 0 --
Chintz, Nasrkhani per 20 pieces or 160 ” 20 0 --
” Lulgurie ” ” ” ” 8 0 --
Alacha per 4 ” 1 0 --
Buffalo-hides (cured) per 20 ” 60 0 --
Goats 17 0 --
Shoes according to quality
IMPORTS FROM RUSSIA.
_Names of Articles._ BOKHARA. _Prices._
From. To.
R. A. R. A.
Russian gold lace per tola 2 0 --
Bokhara silk per Kandahari maund 35 0 --
Labani silk ” ” ” 25 0 --
Konkani silk ” ” ” 25 0 --
Gardauzi silk ” ” ” 33 0 --
Bokhara Tomujabin. ” ” ” 2 8 --
Gold lace (imitation) per yard 4 0 --
Gulbadan (a silk cloth) ” 1 0 --
Kanawez (a silk cloth) ” 3 0 2 0
Postins (fox skin) each 20 0 --
” (rat skin) ” 25 0 --
Sinjaf postins ” 40 0 --
Sinabands and postins samuri ” 600 0 100 0
Chogas (Alghani) ” 50 0 --
Russian boxes of all sorts and prices.
IMPORTS FROM PERSIA.
MESHED AND KHORASSAN.
_Names of Articles._ _Prices._
From. To.
R. A. R. A.
Nishapur firozes (Turquoises), at all prices
Opium (Gunabad) per Kandahari maund 35 0 --
” (Yezd) ” ” ” 45 0 --
Kanawez per yard 1 8 --
Silk lungis each 9 0 --
” ” (Yezd) 5 0 --
Rasais (Yezd) 3 0 --
Silk handkerchiefs (black) 4 0 --
Bulghar skins 15 0 --
Bala-zins. 20 0 10 0
Black boots per pair 8 0 7 0
Abrak (Rahdar) each 280 0 --
” (Meshedi) ” 50 0 15 0
” (Kirmani) ” 9 0 --
Puttu 12 0 --
Double-barrelled guns, pistols and swords, chogas, white and grey
drills, and chintzes of all sorts.
LOCAL IMPORTS.
_Names of Articles._ KABUL. _Prices._
From. To.
R. A. R. A.
Postins each 25 0 3 0
Sinabands ” 10 0 6 0
Puttu ” 30 0 15 0
Rice per Kandahari maund 1 0 12 0
Walnuts ” ” ” 0 8 --
Kabul molasses ” ” ” 1 0 --
ANARDARA.
From this district are brought the famous pomegranates, which are,
perhaps, the finest in the world, as also assafœtida. This trade is
chiefly in the hands of Tajiks and Kakuris.
The following are the market prices of articles exported from Kandahar:
EXPORTS.
_Names of Articles._ _Prices._
From. To.
R. A. R. A.
Meshed and Herat silk per Kandahari maund 40 0 --
” ” ” ” ” 35 0 --
” ” ” ” ” 30 0 --
Anab (jujube fruit) ” ” ” 1 0 --
Zerisk (a berry from Herat) ” ” ” 1 8 --
Saffron from Birjan ” ” ” 90 0 16 0
And dried fruits of all sorts in large quantities.
Certain articles[16] have been withdrawn from exportation by order
of the Governor of Kandahar, but before this occurred the following
taxes were levied: on wheat, barley, atta and rice eight annas per
donkey-load or one rupee per camel-load; ghee, five rupees per maund;
oil was mulcted in a sixth part. The kidney-fat of every sheep or goat
slaughtered is a Government perquisite and is sent to the Amir’s soap
manufactory, where it is made after the most economical principles
into a coarse description of soap. Each shop pays a tax of one and a
half Kandahari rupees per mensem. Saids, mullahs and a few others are
exempted.
The returns from taxes assessed on the various crafts give:
Rs. per Annum.
Dyers 1500
Silk-weavers 3500
Tanners 4000
Gram-dealers 1250
Cap and postin-makers 600
Capitation tax 3000
Butchers 700
Cattle markets 2500
Gaming houses 2500
while bakers have to present annually to the Governor thirty Kandahari
maunds of bread.
STATEMENT OF THE SCALE OF TAXATION CHARGED UPON EXPORTS TO BRITISH
TERRITORY FROM KANDAHAR PROVINCE.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
TAXES.
Serial Commodity. Per ----------
No. _Kachari_
or Octro
Duty.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Rs. a. p.
1 Fresh fruit Load of ass 1 0 0
2 Pomegranates ” 1 8 0
3 ” Camel load 5 0 0
4 Dry fruit Donkey load 2 8 0
5 Wool Camel load[17] 40 0 0
6 Big _postins_ Per coat 1 8 0
7 _Postins_ of good quality ” 8 5 4
8 ” _mustalah be astin_ ” 1 8 0
9 ” quilt 1 6 4 0
10 ” 20 _gula_ 1 1 4 0
11 ” 6 ” 1 0 10 8
12 _Puttu Kabli_, No. 1 1 12 8 0
13 ” No. 2 1 10 0 0
14 ” No. 3 1 8 5 4
15 ” No. 4 1 6 10 8
16 _Qanawez_ (a kind of silk cloth) Yard 0 4 0
17 Silk 4 sers 0 12 0
18 _Namad_ (a coarse woollen cloth) 1 0 3 4
19 Rupees Cwt. 4 0 0
20 Men Per head —
[TN: Table continues]
-----------------------------------------------------------------
TAXES.
Serial -------------------------------------------------------
No. _Dalali_ _Goshi_ or _Nizam-ud-_
_Kafila_ or Karim’s _Aishan’s_ _Din’s_
_Bashi._ Brokerage. Dues. Dues. Dues.
---------------------------------------------------------------
Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p.
1 0 13 4 0 4 0 0 6 8 1 10 8 —
2 0 13 4 0 4 0 0 6 8 3 8 8 —
3 1 10 8 0 8 0 1 0 0 14 9 4 —
4 0 13 4 0 4 0 0 4 0 7 3 4 0 13 4
5 3 5 4 10 8 0 1 10 8 19 4 0 —
6 0 13 4 1 0 0 0 6 8
per ass per donkey
load. per cent. load.
7 ” ” ” — —
8 ” ” ” — —
9 ” ” ” — —
10 ” ” ” — —
11 ” ” ” — —
12 ” ” ” — —
13 ” ” ” — —
14 ” ” ” — —
15 ” ” ” — —
16 ” ” ” — —
17 ” ” ” — —
18 ” ” ” — —
19 ” ” ” — —
20 — — — — —
[TN: Table continues]
----------------------------------------------------------------
TAXES.
Serial ----------------------------------------------
No. _Takhta-_ _Sardari_ TOTAL.
_pul_ _Kila_ One-tenth. In lump
Dues. _Buldak._ Sum.
----------------------------------------------------------------
Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p.
1 0 2 0 0 1 4 0 6 8 4 12 8
2 0 2 0 0 1 4 0 8 0 7 4 0
3 0 4 0 0 4 0 2 4 0 25 8 0
4 1 4 0 0 1 4 1 4 0 14 7 4
5 0 12 0 0 2 8 8 0 0 83 10 8
6 ⅒ of
— — all taxes. — —
7 — — ” — —
8 — — ” — —
9 — — ” — —
10 — — ” — —
11 — — ” — —
12 — — ” — —
13 — — ” — —
14 — — ” — —
15 — — ” — —
16 — — ” — —
17 — — ” — —
18 — — ” — —
19 — — ” — —
20 — — — {([18]) 2 8 0 2 8 0
{([19]) 4 2 8 4 2 8
----------------------------------------------------------------
STATEMENT OF ARTICLES PROHIBITED FROM EXPORTATION
TO BRITISH TERRITORY BY THE
GOVERNOR OF KANDAHAR.
------------------------------------------------------------------
Tax
Articles. imposed REMARKS.
before the
prohibition.
------------------------------------------------------------------
1 Wheat-- Rs. a. p.
(_a_) Per camel load 1 0 0
(_b_) ” ass load 0 8 0
2 Almonds, per maund None but the Amir’s
Agent, since a long
time, is allowed to
export almonds.
3 Ghee, per maund 5 0 0
4 Goats and sheep, per head 0 8 0
5 Asses _Nil._
6 Horses or ponies-- Besides this amount,
For every Rs. 8-5-3 of 1 0 0 nearly Rs. 5 more
the estimated value. per horse are taken,
and on every hundred
horses a further sum
of Rs. 2 is levied.
7 Cows per head 5 0 0
8 Pistacia nuts, donkey load 20 7 0
------------------------------------------------------------------
TABLE OF DUTIES LEVIED UPON IMPORTS INTO
KANDAHAR PROVINCE.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Articles. Imported Duty. REMARKS.
from
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Rs. a. p.
1 Horses Kabul and 12 8 0
Herat per horse.
2 Ponies Do. 6 4 0
per pony.
3 Miscellaneous Do. * 11 0 0 * In addition to
for every 100 this sum, 1 per
Rupees of the cent. on account of
estimated brokerage and Rs. 2
value. per camel load and
Re. 1 per ass
load are recovered
on account of
_rahdari_, etc.
4 Cloth India 14 0 0
for every 100
Rupees’ worth
of cloth.
5 Tea Do. ¼th of its value.
6 Sugar Do. ⅓rd Do.
7 Iron Do. ⅒th Do.
8 Indigo Do. 20 0 0
per English
maund.
9 Oils Do. ⅙th of their
value.
--------------------------------------------------------------------
The Saids of Peshin, Kakuris, Bakhtiaris and the Baluchis are the
tribes principally engaged in horse dealing. This trade flourishes
for six months in the year; but it is stagnant during the hot weather
and in the winter, when the roads are closed by snow. About 2000 or
3000 horses are said to pass through the city annually. The chief
breeding districts drawn on by these traders are Sarakhs, Maimana,
Nur and Kala Nau in the Hazara country; Daria Gaz and Kelati-i-Nadiri
in Persia; Gulza and Firozkoh in Herat province. Of these the horses
from Sarakhs, Nur and Gulza are most prized, realising locally between
60 and 120 rupees. An export duty between fifteen to thirty rupees
was originally levied against each animal. To escape this tax traders
frequently took the desert routes, but the trade is now prohibited.
The cows of Kandahar and Seistan are in general request; they are said
to give twenty seers of milk each per diem, being milked three times
in twenty-four hours. They fetch about forty rupees each. Camels are
anything but plentiful in the Kandahar district; and the supply is
scarcely adequate to meet the demands of the trading population. Many
are imported from Baluchistan, the prices varying from twenty to one
hundred rupees.
[Illustration: TYPICAL STREET SCENES]
The Saids of Peshin and others formerly conducted a more or less
profitable traffic in slaves in Western Afghanistan, some four
or five hundred being sold annually in Kandahar. A few of these
unfortunates were purchased in Seistan, but most of them were kidnapped
from elsewhere. Slavery in Afghanistan, however, was abolished by
Abdur Rahman in 1895, the Russian and Indian Governments mutually
co-operating in its prevention. Very few slaves were Persian born,
the several regions of Afghanistan supplying their own superfluous
human beings. Hazara furnished a large quota, frequently in lieu of
arrears of revenue or when there was difficulty in realising Government
assignments against the different villages. The value of slaves
fluctuated according to the price of food; during seasons of abundance
high prices were obtained, but in any period of scarcity slaves were a
drug in the market.
The climate of Kandahar is charming in the winter, but the spring is
considered the most pleasant time. Barren parched hills lie close to
the city on the north and west; the heat radiating from them is such
that the winds are hot and parching. The temperature of the thermometer
varies greatly between morning and the middle of the day--sometimes as
much as 40 or 50 degrees.
In winter, composed of the months of December, January and February,
the weather is cloudy, with storms, snow, sleet and rain. The wind
varies between all the points of the compass, seldom for long blowing
from one direction. Frosts are severe.
WINTER TEMPERATURE OF THE AIR.
_Maximum._
6 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 52 Sun 115, shade 59 Open air 61.30
_Medium._
6 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 36.8 Sun 78.45, shade 49.15 Open air 44.44
_Minimum._
6 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 15 Sun 36.30, shade 42 Open air 31.00
In spring, made up of the months of March, April and May, the weather
is fair but cloudy. Occasional rain falls; and there are thunder-storms
during the first half of the season, in which also the nights are
cold and very frosty. In the latter half of this quarter the weather
becomes warmer, dews fall at night and dust-storms occur infrequently.
The wind is westerly and south-westerly, but high easterly winds
prevail in March.
SPRING TEMPERATURE OF THE AIR.
_Maximum._
4 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 78 Sun 139, shade 85 Open air 85
_Medium._
4 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 56.23 Sun 114.50, shade 70.8 Open air 69.35
_Minimum._
4 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 31 Sun 78, shade 53 Open air 44.45
During the months of June, July, August and part of September, the
hot season obtains, commencing about June 20 and continuing until
September 20. It comprises two periods of forty days each, separated
by an intervening fortnight of cloudy and cooler weather, during which
thunder-storms occur in the mountains, though rain rarely falls on the
plain. The most prevalent wind during the summer blows from the west
during the day, but during the night and until the sun has been “up” a
couple of hours it emanates from the opposite direction. Dust-storms
are frequent and severe.
SUMMER TEMPERATURE OF THE AIR.
_Maximum._
4 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 86 Sun 150, shade 96 Open air 94
_Medium._
4 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 74 Sun 136.20, shade 87.10 Open air 86.15
_Minimum._
4 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 63 Sun 105, shade 82 Open air 77
The wind, during the autumn in the evening and in the early morning,
blows in warm unrefreshing gusts, heated by passing over the many
bare rocky ranges which serve simply to reflect the sun. During these
months, part of September, October and November, the sun is still
powerful. Occasional dust-storms occur, and there is cloudy weather
towards the close of the season. The dews are heavy; little rain falls
and high north-easterly and north-westerly winds prevail at the close
of the season.
AUTUMN TEMPERATURE OF THE AIR.
_Maximum._
5 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 65 Sun 148, shade 82 Open air 85
_Medium._
5 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 50.57 Sun 123.50, shade 70.44 Open air 69.15
_Minimum._
5 A.M. 1 P.M. 8 P.M.
Open air 32 Sun 70, shade 58 Open air 51
Of diseases that may be attributed to the Kandahar climate, the most
prominent are intermittent and remittent fevers, whilst continued
fevers and small-pox, although met with only in a sporadic form, are
epidemic in certain seasons. The first-named maladies are prevalent
throughout the year; although more active in the spring and autumn when
they are remarkable for the frequency of the tertian form.
Ophthalmic complaints are numerous, although not altogether
attributable to the climate. Rheumatism, neuralgic affections,
scrofula, syphilis and certain cerebral disturbances are common.
[Illustration: CARRYING COTTON TO MARKET.]
[15] “Northern Afghanistan.” Major C. E. Yate.
[16] See pages 205, 206.
[17] 1 camel load = 8 maunds and 16 sers.
[18] Persons visiting British territory for trade purposes,
etc., are required to pay Rs. 2-8 as passport tax
per head, provided they furnish personal security to
return within 6 months.
[19] Persons visiting British territory for trade purposes,
etc., are required to pay Rs. 4-2-8 as passport tax
per head, provided they furnish personal security to
return within 1 year.
CHAPTER IX
SEISTAN AND THE McMAHON MISSION
Westwards of the Kandahar district is the region of Seistan, to which
unusual political interest attaches. Roughly speaking, it is divided
between Persia and Afghanistan, the Helmund river demarcating the
mutual spheres of interest and occupation. Geographically, it belongs
to the watershed of Afghanistan. Its extensive areas, situated along
the borders of Afghanistan, Persia and Baluchistan, are drained by
the Hamun lake, which also receives the waters of the Helmund, Farah,
Khash and Harud rivers. The area of this depression, which is broken up
into three subsidiary basins--those of the Farah, the Helmund and the
Zirreh,--is 125,000 square miles. The first of these consists of the
two-fold lagoon formed by the Harud and Farah rivers flowing from the
north, and by the Helmund and the Khash or Kushk Rud flowing from the
south and east respectively. These are connected by a thick reed-bed
called the Naizar, which, according to the amount of water that the
lakes contain, is either a marsh or a cane-brake. In flood-time these
waters, ordinarily distinct, unite to pour over the Naizar into the
second great depression, known by the generic title of Hamun Lake.
In times of abnormal flood the Hamun will itself overflow. On such
occasions the water, draining southwards through the Sarshela ravine,
inundates the third depression, which is known as the Gaud-i-Zirreh.
The Hamun Lake, like the Gaud-i-Zirreh, is one of those seasonable
phenomena which are invariably met in regions where the water system
is irregular. At certain periods quite dry, at others it possesses a
measurement of 100 miles in length, 15 miles in breadth, with a mean
depth of 4 feet and a maximum of 10 feet. The waters of the Hamun are
sweet. Fish are very plentiful, providing food for an aboriginal
colony which frequents the lake. It is, also, the haunt of many
varieties of wild geese, duck and other water-fowl.
[Illustration: CAMEL BAZAAR, NASRATABAD]
It is better, before proceeding to study further the value of Seistan,
to describe exactly of what Seistan consists. Sir Frederic Goldsmid,
for purposes of more accurate definition of the region, divided its
areas into two parts: Seistan Proper and Outer Seistan. In this he
may be said to have given Seistan Proper[20] to Persia and Outer
Seistan[21] to Afghanistan. The former lies between the Naizar on the
north and the main lateral canal, which waters the lands around Sekuha
and the neighbouring villages on the south. It extends along the old
bed of the Helmund, from a mile above the dam at Kohak, to its mouth
on the east, and to the fringe of the Hamun and the Kuh-i-Khwajah on
the west. The population numbers 45,000, of whom 10,000 were nomads of
mixed descent. Of the larger total, 20,000 are returned as Seistanis
and 15,000 as Persian-speaking settlers, the average number of persons
to the square mile being roughly 15--figures which are eight times in
excess of the proportional result found elsewhere in Persia. Outer
Seistan comprises the country stretching along the right bank of the
Helmund, from its lake mouth on the north to Rudbar in the south. The
inhabitants are Seistanis, Baluchi nomads and Afghans, together with a
certain proportion of Sanjuranis and Joktis--the term Seistani applying
particularly to that portion of the inhabitants possessing permanent
settlements, irrespective of descent and nationality. The combined
areas of the Seistan basin aggregate some 7006 square miles and the
joint population is returned at 205,000, or 34 to the square mile.
It is the Helmund river, the chief tributary to the Hamun, that has
been the greatest obstacle to the successful demarcation of the Seistan
region. Hitherto the boundary defining the respective limits of the
two States has been the one arranged in 1872 by the Goldsmid Award.
Under that instrument a line was drawn from Siah-koh to where the then
main bed of the Helmund river entered the Naizar swamp. The frontier
then proceeded to Kohak. From this point it followed a south-westerly
direction to Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah, thus leaving the two banks of the
Helmund below Kohak to Afghanistan. Since then the Helmund has changed
its course, and in that portion of the frontier which was affected
by the vagaries of the stream, considerable confusion arose, while
local Perso-Afghan relations became very much inflamed. The question
as between the two races depended upon the future division of the new
bed of the Helmund, the point of dispute dealing specifically with
the divergence of the main stream from the channel which was selected
as the frontier line by the Mission of 1872. The Afghans, who were
the principal gainers by the alteration of the course of the river,
claimed that the new bed formed the frontier: the Persians, on the
other hand, endeavoured to maintain the strict interpretation of the
old agreement.
[Illustration: LAKESIDE DWELLERS]
Unfortunately Seistan possessed interest for others than those who
were dependent upon the course of the Helmund, and Russia had already
secured the Shah’s assent to the appointment of a Russian consul at
Nasratabad. As soon as the dispute promised local unpleasantness
between Persia and Afghanistan, and political difficulties for
Great Britain with Teheran, this individual, M. Miller, interfered.
Exclaiming against the presumption of the Afghans, he offered to
provide a force to resist their so-called aggression. Happily,
before matters had reached the crisis which would have made Russian
interference possible, the Shah, in accordance with the terms of the
Treaty of Paris, requested the British Government to arbitrate on the
question of the Helmund waters and, at the same time, to establish a
permanent boundary line in place of the vague provisions made by the
Goldsmid Mission.
In agreeable accord with this request, the Imperial Government at
the end of 1902 appointed as British Commissioner, Major McMahon,
who had already demarcated the whole of the southern boundary of
Afghanistan--a distance of 800 miles. It so happened that his new
duties commenced at Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah, the point at which his former
work finished. The mission consisted of eleven British officers,
numerous survey and irrigation experts, an escort of 200 native
infantry, 60 cavalry, with a large supply of transport, including
the 58th Camel Corps--in all a total of 1500 men, 200 horses and
2200 camels. As the base was at Quetta, 500 miles across an almost
waterless desert, whence all stores except grain and fodder and a
few local commodities had to be imported, the task of feeding the
mission can be well appreciated. Starting from Quetta, the mission
proceeded through Afghan territory to Khwaja-ali on the Helmund and
then followed the river, with the object of commencing work in the
middle of the boundary.[22] This march of 500 miles over uninhabited
waterless country occupied five weeks. The temperature was very low,
with the thermometer at 4 degrees above zero; and frightful blizzards
were encountered. During this period three men were frozen to death
and a number of animals lost. On reaching Seistan, Colonel McMahon
was met by the Afghan Commissioner and by two Persian Commissioners,
each with a large escort. The Amir, who was known personally to the
British Commissioner, kindly despatched from Kandahar for his private
protection a force of 100 cavalry and 200 infantry.
[Illustration:
1 2
THE NATIVE STAFF ATTACHED TO THE MISSION
1. Mir Shumsha Khan Bahadur, first Native Commissioner.
2. Kazi Khan.]
Political difficulties for the Mission commenced at the very outset.
Attempting to cross into Persian Seistan it was refused admission
by the Persians, who had been thoroughly frightened by Russian
misrepresentation as to its object. The cool assertion was made
that no boundary was in dispute, and that any attempt to pass into
Persian territory would be met by force. For a whole month the Mission
contented itself with travelling along the Afghan side of the Helmund,
collecting information in regard to the frontier line. Throughout this
time there was no meeting with the Persian officials. Further work at
last necessitated an entry into Persian territory. Notwithstanding
Persia’s protests and her objection to the erection of a bridge for
the purpose of crossing the Helmund, the Mission crossed, receiving
the customary compliments and being welcomed with bands and guards of
honour.
The actual work of demarcation was very difficult. South of the
Helmund for 90 miles the line lay through an arid desert where water
was brought from long distances. North of this section the boundary
traversed country liable to inundation in which pillars of a massive
permanent nature had to be erected, while the last 20 miles of the
frontier ran up the waterless, glacial slopes of the Siah-koh. By the
decision agreed upon the old bed of the Helmund was retained as the
new frontier, the present boundary being so fixed that it continues
irrespective of further changes in the course of the river. This
arrangement reconstitutes the 1872 line. Considerable delay marked its
acceptance both in Kabul and Teheran, the findings being delivered in
April 1904. Demarcation work, proceeding in accordance with McMahon’s
report, was not completed until the close of 1904, by which time
Persian objections to the decision upon the boundary had been overcome,
the first part of the work of the Mission being settled absolutely
when the final adhesion of the two Governments to the verdict of the
Mission was notified in September 1904. The appropriation of the
Helmund waters between Persia and Afghanistan was the second part of
the business of the Mission. The difficulties of the question were
increased by Russian exertions to thwart a satisfactory solution.
Nevertheless, after most scrupulous pains and exhaustive inquiries into
existing rights and practice, the Commissioners’ award upon partition
of the waters was handed, in May 1905, to the Persian and Afghan
representatives for communication to their respective Governments. The
Amir of Afghanistan at once accepted the judgment of Colonel McMahon,
while the people on the spot also warmly espoused the settlement. But
Persia, inspired by the laboured concoctions of the Russian officials
in Teheran, refused to ratify the protocol and, after great delay,
confirmed her dissatisfaction at the distribution of the waters by
direct representations to the British Minister at Teheran. Unhappily
on February 26, 1906, in spite of previous official intimations from
the Foreign Office that Persia had acquiesced in the results of the
Mission, the Shah’s Government formally notified Sir Edward Grey of its
inability to accept and consequent rejection of the decision in respect
of the McMahon division of the waters of the Helmund. In a similar
manner, it may be remembered, Persia appealed against the decision
of the Goldsmid Mission with the result that its original terms were
confirmed. No genuine objection exists in this instance.
[Illustration:
2 1 3
OFFICERS OF THE MCMAHON MISSION
1. Colonel Sir A. H. McMahon, K.C.I.E., C.S.I.
2. Captain Ramsay, Personal Assistant to Colonel McMahon.
3. Captain Bell, C.I. Horse, Commanding Camel Corps.]
It is perhaps to be regretted that the most prominent result revealed
by the McMahon Mission was the pronounced antagonism of the Germans and
Russians to British interests in Persia. From the very beginning and
with deliberate intent, M. Miller wrongly described the intentions
and aims of the Mission, his ingenious fabrications ultimately finding
sympathetic shelter in the columns of the German Press. Germany’s
share in the persecution with which the Mission was followed has
passed unnoticed in this country. But at a moment when stupid people
are encouraging others of greater foolishness to commit the British
Government to very undesirable rapprochements with Berlin, it is
as well to reflect upon the real character of the niceties which
underlie German policy where Anglo-German interests are concerned.
Unfortunately, it is not always realised in Great Britain how much
weight a venal Press can give to the indefatigable inventions of
scurrilous, political gossipers. It may be, therefore, necessary to
say that not a particle of truth attaches to the many statements about
the McMahon Mission which appeared abroad in print. Ingenuous as the
mendacity and duplicity of M. Miller may be, it is incomprehensible
that any diplomatic official would circulate, without specific orders,
such lies and travesties of fact as were current in Seistan during
the sojourn of the Mission there. Whatever may appear to have been
the gist of M. Miller’s instructions from the Russian Minister in
Teheran, it is to be admitted that he acted up to the fullest limit of
his opportunities. Happily the malicious untruths and slanders, which
became so prominent a feature of the Russo-German press campaign, have
recoiled upon the Russian policy; and, while the arch purveyor of the
trash has been removed, Russian prestige itself has temporarily fallen
very low.
With the disappearance of M. Miller from the scene in Seistan, the
emissaries of the Russian authorities went further afield. Articles,
breathing the engaging candour of a regular crusade, appeared in the
Press of St. Petersburg and Berlin, lengthy extracts being received in
Teheran itself through the kindly offices of the Official Telegraph
Agency in St. Petersburg. The organ of the Russian authorities in
Central Asia--_The Russian Trans-Caspian Gazette_, published at
Askhabad--was perhaps the most industrious agent in circulating
grotesque details of the wrongs inflicted upon the poor Seistanis
by the brutal decisions of the British Mission. In respect of these
statements it happens that the share in the Hamun lake, allotted
originally by the Goldsmid Convention, remains absolutely unaltered.
The remark that Persian Seistan was in danger of becoming a desert
because Persia had been mulcted in two-thirds of its water supply is
a lying absurdity, divulged by M. Miller or the Russian Minister in
Teheran for no other purpose than to sow distrust of Great Britain
in the Persian mind and throughout Europe. Again, the touching
descriptions of the homeless Seistanis dispossessed of their lands
through the heartless insistence of the British Commissioner, which
only needed to appear in the _Russian Trans-Caspian Gazette_ to be
commented upon by German newsmongers with characteristic insolence, are
conspicuously false insomuch that neither Persian nor Afghan villages
were removed, nor any single individual evicted. The statement, too,
that the McMahon Mission had laid out upon Persian soil an extensive
fortified camp, within battlemented mud walls is equally untrue. This
“extensive fortified camp” consisted of the mud-huts used by the
Mission; the walls were the mud-walls of the tennis-court, while “the
armed guard,” left in charge of these “fortifications,” resolved itself
into one of three watchmen, who had been given the custody of certain
property pending orders as to its removal. In this direction it is
of interest to know that upon the day following the departure of the
Mission an attempt by the Russians to occupy the camp was prevented
only by the presence of these men.
Full inquiries into the pernicious activity which distinguished the
Russian officials of course should be made by the British Government.
There is no doubt that M. Miller abused the privileges attaching
to his diplomatic position in proclaiming that the British Mission
would not be permitted by the Russians to enter Persia; and when,
as the representative of Russia in Seistan, he went the length of
arranging riots against the British Consul on his Majesty’s birthday,
he committed a serious offence against a friendly country. At such an
affront Sir Arthur Hardinge, our Minister in Teheran, might well have
intervened; but, in spite of the mob demonstrating before the British
Consulate and demanding the expulsion of the Consul and the withdrawal
of the Mission, it was left to the Mission itself to secure its own
protection. This was not impossible; eventually the ringleaders of
the movement, which included the majority of the Russian agents in
Seistan, were apprehended and summarily flogged. There could have been
no objection if the stronger action, which the circumstances warranted,
had been more directly applied.
[Illustration: BALUCHISTAN CAMEL CORPS]
While the course of the Imperial Government in respect of Afghanistan
cannot be defined with certainty, there is an equal lack of decision
in respect of our policy towards Persia. The condition of our affairs
in Mid-Asia, Persia and Afghanistan, which our lamentable lack of
foresight has precipitated, is altogether disastrous; our difficulties
increasing precisely as the integrity of Persia and the dependence of
Afghanistan disappear. In consequence of the serious defects in our
policy, coupled with most inadequate representation at Teheran, Great
Britain has been almost completely ousted from north-east Persia.
The success of the Boundary Mission in Seistan cannot be regarded
as introducing any permanent factor in nor effecting any radical
alteration of the situation. In view of the significant hold over
Persia which Russia possesses and since Russian movement in Khorassan
in the future cannot but affect Seistan, the present occasion is one
where a firm stand against Russian pretensions undoubtedly should be
made.
The trials of the mission in Seistan were of a distinctly unpleasant
order. During the winter 1904-05 the jackals with which the district
abounds, for some unknown cause went mad, attacking men and animals.
Four members of the Mission were bitten, one of whom died of
hydrophobia. The disease also spread to the wolves, who played great
havoc. One wild night, March 25, 1905, during a blizzard blowing at a
velocity of 88 miles an hour, two mad wolves raided the lines of the
Camel Corps and worried seventy-eight camels and one horse. Forty-eight
of the camels and the horse died of hydrophobia. On another occasion a
horde of these creatures tried unsuccessfully to rush the main camp.
The Seistanis themselves were so overcome by terror that they actually
killed off all but a few of their dogs on whom they depend for safety
and security at night.
[Illustration:
1 2 3
BALUCHI CHIEFS WHO ACCOMPANIED COLONEL MCMAHON
1. Jalal Khan.
2. Bungle Khan of Zhob.
3. Merab Khan, son of Chief of the Buchtie tribe.]
One of the most tragic experiences was the death of an Indian surveyor
while on duty in the waterless Dasht-i-Margo. He ventured too far from
water and, owing to the intense heat, was unable either to move forward
or to retrace his steps. He and seven of his followers paid the penalty
with their lives. This incident was marked by the heroism of one of
his men who, seeing the surveyor die, determined to rescue the map,
to secure which so many lives had been given. He cut it off from the
board of the plane table and, knowing that he could not long retain
consciousness, wound it under his waistcloth round his body. Then he
blindly started northward in the hope of reaching water. The four men
who commenced this journey with him collapsed, he himself remembers
no more than regaining consciousness at night-time lying by a pool in
the Krash river. Here he was found by a wandering Afghan, who carried
him on his back to a native village where, after receiving careful
attention, his life was saved. The bodies of his unfortunate companions
were subsequently discovered in a completely mummified condition.
Seistan resembles other parts of Central Asia and almost every centre
of importance in Afghanistan, insomuch that its existence depends upon
irrigation. The canals which branch off from the Helmund, bearing the
waters of that river throughout the heart of the country, date back
to a period which itself is long prior to either Persian or Afghan
conquest. The systems in vogue to-day are hardly an improvement upon
those earlier waterworks; there is no doubt that the region might be
made the centre of an exceptionally fertile oasis if there were any
enduring qualities in the local government, security for trade or
opening for agricultural activity. Life in Seistan does not entail
elaborate preparations. Provisions are cheap; and sheep and oxen are
abundant. Rice comes from Herat, vegetables are scarce, while wheat and
barley may be purchased in large quantities.
The feature of Seistan is the Helmund. Indeed, this region is as
dependent upon the Helmund as Egypt is upon the Nile, and in recent
years agricultural conditions have much improved. The gross revenue
is now 100,000 kharwars of grain, with an additional 7100 tomans as
the value of other products. Of this latter return the Amir of Seistan
takes one-fifth, 1420 tomans; with levies upon forage and firewood from
each village and the proceeds from the sales of permits to collect
taxes on cows and sheep, the cash revenue amounts to 14,095 tomans. The
tax on cows is 2½ krans per 100 cows, and the impost on sheep 1 kran
for 20 sheep. There is no levy on ploughing bullocks. Of the 100,000
kharwars of grain the Amir receives 30,000 kharwars at the value of
5 tomans per kharwar. The net receipts are, therefore, 164,095, of
which the Persian Government require 2600 tomans in cash and 24,012
kharwars in grain, of which 9812 kharwars are remitted in allowances to
officials, priests and troops.[23] In place of the payment in grain,
too, the Persian Government usually accepts a cash equivalent at the
rate of 7 krans per kharwar, 9940 tomans, the aggregate cash payment
contributed by Seistan to Teheran amounting to 12,540 tomans, or £2500.
The prices ruling in the Nasratabad Bazar are:[24]
Wheat, 25 krans, or about 10s., per kharwar of 649 lbs.
Barley, 20 krans, or about 8s., per kharwar of 649 lbs.
Bhusa, 4 krans per kharwar of 649 lbs.
Firewood (tamarisk), 4 krans per kharwar of 649 lbs.
Bread, 1 kran per 2 mans or 13 lbs.
Ghee, 4 krans per 1 man or 6½ lbs.
Milk, 1 kran per 2 mans or 13 lbs.
Sugar, 6½ krans per 1 man or 6½ lbs.
Fowls, 2 or 3 for a kran.
Eggs, 40 for a kran.
The capital of Seistan is divided into two sections--northern and
southern; although so long the centre of local government, it reflects
at first a somewhat cheerless and dilapidated appearance. The absence
of roads about the city and the generally neglected condition of
Husseinabad, the southern town, set up a feeling of disappointment in
those who see the place for the first time. Beyond these two towns
have sprung up in the last few years the neat buildings of the British
Consulate, which may be said to constitute a third part of the capital,
with Captain Macpherson in charge of Anglo-Indian interests. Separated
from the rest of the city by a broad stretch of level ground, some
acres in extent, it occupies an admirable site and has the advantage
of room for extension, should it, at any time, be thought advisable to
embark upon enlargement. Between two rows of buildings is a wide space,
more nearly a square than a street, at the end of which the Union Jack
flies. Behind the main block on the south side of the square is a
mosque. The principal premises cover a space of about 150 yards by 70
yards, the whole site consisting roughly of about 13 acres. Alongside
the consulate stand the imposing premises of the British bank, a branch
of the Imperial Bank of Persia, comprising several excellent houses and
a well-kept garden.
Husseinabad is little more than a collection of small-domed mud-houses,
built, irrespective of ground plan, wheresoever fancy dictated and
placed in the middle of a vast plain. Here and there a windmill of
curious shape--usually stationary in the winter months, but wanting
only the fierce blasts of the _Bad-i-sad-o-bist roz_ or wind of 120
days, which blows unceasingly in the summer months, to rouse it to a
state of wild activity--stands conspicuously among the surrounding
houses. Beyond this the residences of the Russian Consul and the
Chief Mullah are the only other objects likely to attract attention.
The former, no longer the largest house in the town, is also badly
situated, being enclosed on three sides by houses and on the fourth
by a graveyard, which stretches from the Consulate to the walls of
Nasratabad. The Russian Consulate itself, a rectangular building
enclosing two courtyards opening into one another, has been, in
reality, converted from native houses. It rejoices in an upper storey;
a cluster of domes--each room possessing a separate dome--forms the
roof, above which stands a sorry-looking flagstaff.
[Illustration: GATES OF NASRATABAD]
Nasratabad, the northern town, though in itself insignificant, is
by far the more imposing half. It is surrounded by walls 30 feet in
height, about 350 yards in length from north to south and 400 yards
from east to west, with buttresses at intervals of about 40 yards. An
additional rectangular enclosure projecting from the north-east corner
contains the arc or citadel, in which is situated the palace of the
Amir. In the centre of the southern wall, supported on either side
by buttresses, stands one of the two gateways of the city. From here
the central street traverses the length of the city, terminating in a
similar gateway in the centre of the north wall. Running all round is a
protected way which is loopholed; there is also a deep ditch, sometimes
filled with water. The place possesses from fifty to one hundred
shops; with one exception they are insignificant and mainly occupied
by soldiers who, during their term of service in Seistan, devote
themselves to trade and are scarcely ever taken away from the fort.
The open spaces in the city have been cultivated, and little patches
of grain may occasionally be seen. As is always the case with Persian
towns donkeys are everywhere to the fore.
[Illustration: THE WALLS OF NASRATABAD]
Nasratabad is garrisoned by two Kain regiments,[25] one of which is
disbanded at home, while the other supplies shopkeepers to the capital
in the intervals of military duties. The nominal strength is 1000,
but less than 800 men are mobilised. They are armed with the useless
jezail, although at Birjand there is a store of Werndl rifles; they are
supposed to receive a new uniform every second year. Service is for
life and is hereditary in the families supplying the soldiers. Their
pay is twenty krans--twelve shillings--and 7½ mans of wheat yearly; on
service in Seistan they are given rations. As may be supposed, they do
not constitute a formidable body of fighting men. In addition to the
infantry there are 20 gunners hailing from Tabriz, who hold a position
of which they take the fullest advantage. They carry on the business
of moneylenders, charging 500 per cent. as a minimum!
It has long been recognised in Seistan that, while Indian commerce can
achieve no compensating return in the markets of Khorassan against the
trade of Russia and a dam of prohibitory tariffs blocks any little
trickle from India entering Central Asia, something might be gained
by concentrating attention upon Seistan itself. Accordingly, when
in 1896 the laying-out of a route between Nushki and Nasratabad was
begun and the construction of a railway between Quetta and Nushki was
mooted, two important steps in the right direction were indicated. The
distance from Quetta to Nasratabad along the route which was adopted
is 565 miles. The five stages out of Quetta down to Nushki, a distance
of 93 miles, pass through mountainous country. The road descends 2564
feet from the Quetta plateau to the great tableland which stretches
away to Seistan at a height of 3000 feet. Across it lies the track,
fairly level and admirably adapted for the passage of caravans. The
hills tower in rough fantastic forms along the road to Nushki, and
in crossing from valley to valley vistas of the mountain scenery of
Baluchistan open out in constant succession. The altitude of the
country above the sea and the dry bracing atmosphere create, in winter,
a pleasant feeling of exhilaration. The heat in summer is intense, but
the temperature varies between the extremes of heat and cold.
[Illustration: BAZAAR SCENE, NASRATABAD]
The hills are the great feature of Quetta. To the east, within a mile
or two of the bazaar, the Mardar range rises to a height of 11,000
feet, forming a splendid background to the cantonment. To the north,
west and south the plain stretches out to the foot of the Zarghim,
Tuckatoo and Chiltan hills. Bare and rugged are their slopes, for the
juniper groves are tucked away in clefts on the hill-sides. Chill and
forbidding are their summits, save at sunset when they flush scarlet as
sin; then deepening gradually to purple pale to amethyst as twilight
falls. As the night darkens, too, the fires of the charcoal-burners
in the juniper valleys flash out, and the lowing of cattle from a
distant bazaar reverberates in the still air. The atmosphere is very
clear and distances are most deceptive. Dust-storms are frequent and
the tiny dust-devil may be seen across the plain twirling rapidly in
the radiant sunlight. Near Quetta there are a few mud-walled villages.
They contain mostly a mixed population, the Baluchis proper being
nomads and living in black blanket-tents. Even of these there are very
few except at harvest time, when beside every threshing-floor, dotted
amongst the golden mounds of _bhusa_, are ragged shelters. Each tent is
composed simply of a couple of coarse goats’-hair blankets stretched,
one to the windward and one overhead, across some forked sticks. Inside
swarm a mass of men, women and children. The women wear long-sleeved,
red cotton shirts reaching to the ankles, full cotton trousers and
_chaddas_ of indigo blue cotton. They do not appear to veil themselves
among their own people; upon the approach of the white man a corner of
the _chadda_ is caught quickly across the mouth. The _chadda_ falls
straight down from the crown of the head to the heels and the frayed,
soil-worn tail is left to drag among the dust heaps. The long black
tresses of the women are thickly plaited and ornamented with blue beads
and white cowries. Sometimes a mass of coins is worn like a fringe over
the forehead. Their shirts are finely worked in green and gold on the
hems, at the sleeves, neck, skirt and down the opening at the throat
with the Russian cross stitch.
The Baluchi is a wild-looking man with long, black, well-oiled locks,
which he keeps hanging in heavy curls round his neck and shoulders.
He wears flowing cotton trousers, a cotton shirt, a waistcoat and a
variety of coats according to his means. His apparel is of the dirtiest
and his bare feet are thrust into heavy ammunition boots with never a
lace in them. In spite of certain defects in his attire, he is a very
dignified-looking man and a born leader--of camels! Moreover, he does
not set too high value upon his womenfolk; labour is divided, and in
ploughing his wife and a camel are usually harnessed together. The
price of a spouse is calculated in so many goats, sheep, donkeys or
camels.
From Quetta a good driving road runs as far as Samungli, 8 miles
distant, where there is a small caravansary. From this point a _kutcha_
road bears off south-west circling round the northern foot of Chiltan
in the valley of Girdi Tallao, near the middle of which is the next
halting-place. Here there is a caravansary built in the Persian
fashion--a square courtyard with leans-to for cattle and camel-men and
in one corner quarters, consisting of a mud _rez-de-chaussée_ and a
wooden _chappar khaneh_, for travellers of a better class.
From Girdi Tallao the road proceeds to Tilleri through a cultivated
valley, always bordered by the bare hills. At Tilleri there is another
rest-house built on the same pattern, but possessing the luxury of
windows in the lower storey. After leaving Tilleri the road is level
for the first few miles as far as the Sherinab stream. It then rises
gradually for the ascent of the Barak pass, where there is a litter
of rubble and stones and the ground is very much broken. Beyond the
pass, in the vicinity of Murad Khan Killah, the valley spreads out
to a level plain with sandy, well-cultivated soil--for Baluchistan.
Up to this point in this stage there is not a vestige of a tree nor
yet a camel-thorn bush; even the water is brackish. Moreover signs of
agricultural activity do not continue. Soon after leaving Murad Khan
the route lies across stony, uneven ground until the Kishingi valley is
reached. Here the soil is once more sandy; camel-thorn abounds, and in
spring there is the glow of crimson tulips. Beyond Kishingi, the road
descends into the Nushki plain by a long, steep pass.
It has not been possible for Nushki to avoid the prosperity which
follows in the train of the caravan. At the present moment it is an
active but unfortunate settlement. Built at the foot of the hills which
bound it on the north and only 2 or 3 miles from the range separating
it from Kishingi, the winds from the west, sweeping along the plain to
the hills and then eddying back again carrying clouds of dust, catch
Nushki both ways. Although very seriously exposed and lying on the edge
of the desert which stretches away westwards to the Helmund, there are
evidences in the country around of attempts at agriculture. Irrigation
is practised and the trickle of water from the Kaisar stream has been
augmented by the careful sinking of wells, until the present state
of Nushki is in near relation with that which seems to have existed
many generations ago. On the top of a low spur of hills which runs
south across the valley, where was once a Baluchi fort, now stands an
ugly mud-coloured, flat-roofed bungalow, the traveller’s rest-house.
The hill on which it is built is very stony and absolutely bare of
vegetation. On its southern aspect is a pebbly water-course into
which the water, after running close to the bazaar and supplying two
cattle-fords, dribbles scantily. The water-course is a favourite place
for the disposal of dead camels and donkeys; while the unwholesome
little river, the germ-bearer of many maladies, serves to turn three
rather primitive waterwheels for the grinding of wheat and barley.
In the clay soil along the edges of the stream myriads of tiny mauve
irises grow during spring, with here and there scarlet and yellow
tulips.
The bazaar is somewhat uninteresting, for it has been built by a
British officer in uncompromisingly straight lines. Of course it is all
made of mud; the roofs are flat and there are no balconies or verandahs
because wood is scarce. So also there are no white Hindu temples and
shady peepul trees, no domed mosques and stately-arched gateways, no
strings of chillies strung across the shop fronts crimsoning in the
sun. There is no touch of colour anywhere; even the people seem to be
clad in dirty white or dusty indigo-blue.
A wide street leads through the centre of the bazaar, and upon it
are set two rows of one-storey mud-shops. Nearly all belong to Hindu
bunnias from Shikarpur. Their effects are chiefly sacks of grain and
Manchester cotton goods, a few native-made long overcoats, waistcoats
broidered with gold or silver thread and the peaked Afghan kullah or
semi-conical cap, worn in the centre of the puggaree. At the end of
this thoroughfare are the police lines, post office and some attempts
at a military cantonment in which the local levy is quartered. The
population is liable to fluctuation. Three years ago there were 250
people and rather more than 200 houses, of which 120 were shops; but
any estimate to-day would need to be much greater, as the numbers of
the population have doubled. This increase is due primarily to the
growing popularity of the Nushki-Seistan route and an influx of people
who were concerned in the construction of the Quetta-Nushki railway.
The completion of this work, which was opened to traffic on November
15, 1905, when a tri-weekly service was initiated, will probably cause
the abandonment of the present position which Nushki occupies. The soil
there has been infected by epidemics of cholera, and enteric is endemic
among the villagers.
The actual terminus of the line has been placed 10 miles further on
in the open valley, where there is both water and a better situation.
There is little doubt that ultimately the preference of the caravans
and the merchants will be given to the spot where the station premises
are already located.
Work upon the railway began in the summer of 1902, when the
difficulties which it presented were not formidable. The cost of
construction has been but little more than half a million sterling. The
line, which is 83 miles in length, branches off from the North-Western
railway to Quetta above the Bolan pass, 3 miles from Shezand station
and 12 miles short of Quetta itself, at a height of 5864 feet. The
stations constructed on the line are very well appointed, far better
than those upon the Bolan or Humai systems. They reflect the greatest
credit on the engineers. They are as follows:
1. Nishpa East.
2. Nishpa West.
3. Tiri Walikhan.
4. Dhinger.
5. Sheikh Wazil.
6. Khurd Barak.
7. Kardagap.
8. Galangur Kotal.
9. Kishingi.
10. Nushki.
In general, Mr. Woodside may be congratulated upon the successful
termination of his labours. Certain features in the construction are
novel and create a somewhat daring precedent, as bridges have been
built only over the large streams. Across the smaller streams the line
runs, so that in heavy storms it may be washed away and the service
dislocated. The experiment may prove troublesome, and it will be
interesting to see how the system answers; with small traffic it may
be a success. For a long time there will be little traffic beyond the
Mastang district, although there is likely to be a large trade from
there during the hot weather. The investigations of the engineers have
proved that in all the valleys water is everywhere within practicable
distance, under 150 feet generally. Where there was desolation before,
and where it was not believed possible to find water, plentiful springs
have been tapped.
Splendid work has been done by two young engineers, fresh from
Scotland, Mr. Slee and Mr. Young. In two years or less these young
men have learned the languages generally spoken by the workmen, and
in dealing with the tribesmen, who numbered some thousands, they have
had neither difficulty nor opposition. Their lives cannot be said to
have been lonely. Day and night they were busy, orders or instructions
being incessantly solicited, while their words were law in settling the
disputes that so frequently arose between the tribesmen.
With the advent of the railway to Nushki, that place now becomes the
starting-point of the great Indo-Perso overland caravan route. Prior
to 1896, the existence of certain questions of a political nature
prevented any definite steps being taken towards the construction of a
trade-way between Seistan and Nushki. The Amir of Afghanistan, Abdur
Rahman, whose fiscal policy was well calculated to stifle trade, was in
occupation of the Chageh district, through which lay the direct route
from Nushki to Seistan. It was eminently desirable that a change should
be effected in the ownership of this district. In accordance with the
Agreement of 1893, drawn up between Sir Mortimer Durand and Abdur
Rahman, the Chageh district was assigned to the British sphere. In the
following years, 1894-6, a Boundary Commission under Captain McMahon
occupied itself in demarcating the frontier of Afghanistan south of the
Helmund and up to Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah; in 1895, by agreement with the
Shah, a second Commission under Colonel Holdich proceeded to define
the Perso-Baluch frontier between Kohak and Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah--a
distance of 300 miles. So soon as these two missions had completed
their labours, Captain Webb Ware was appointed the Assistant Political
Officer and was placed in charge of the stretch of country which had
accrued to the Government of India as the result of the demarcation,
Major Trench proceeding to Seistan. Captain Webb Ware at once set
himself to work upon plans for the creation of a trade route between
Seistan and Nushki, the good fortune which had attended his earlier
efforts being carried a stage further in 1900, when the interests of
the Khan of Kelat in the Nushki district were bought out at a perpetual
quit-rent of 9000 rupees per annum. Success has been pronounced; and
both the character and complexion of this barren region have been
transformed. No more difficult country could have been found for
development. In the days before the road was started the region was the
home of roving parties of Baluchi and Afghan ruffians who periodically
sallied forth to plunder passing caravans. Further, heat, the absence
of water and the dangers of the journey to India over long desert
stretches, militated against its adoption. Only at rare intervals did a
caravan attempt the venture.
These defects are now, in the main, surmounted, and an excellent trade
route is established between Nushki and Nasratabad, the marches being
divided into twenty-one stages. Between Nushki and Robat a _kutcha_
road, varying in breadth between 10 feet and 20 feet, is laid out. Dâk
bungalows have also been established at regularly appointed stations
and[26] telegraphic communication exists. Around the several bungalows
there are now tiny settlements where itinerant traders exist on the
proceeds of their business with the caravans. Marauding bands have
ceased to worry, as their leaders have been made responsible for the
safe custody of travellers between the different stages. At each post
there is a small levy-guard and quarters for the camel-dâk, which
carries the mail between India and Seistan in nine and a half days.
Although it is impossible to avoid the heat, the water difficulty is no
longer insuperable. Wells have been sunk and, since the abolition of
all tolls and duties on the route--which wise precaution was made an
essential preliminary to the inauguration of the service--an increasing
stream of camels passes to and fro, between India and Khorassan.
_Value of Imports and Exports by the Nushki-Seistan route for the
years 1896-1905._
_Year._ _Rupees._
March 1, 1896, to March 1, 1897 1½ lakhs.
” 1897 ” 1898 5 ”
” 1898 ” 1899 7 ”
” 1899 ” 1900 12 ”
” 1900 ” 1901 15 ”
” 1901 ” 1902 20 ”
” 1902 ” 1903 18 ”
” 1903 ” 1904 18 ”
” 1904 ” 1905 24 ”
_List of Marches between Nushki rail head and Nasratabad._
1. [27]Nushki to Mull 25
2. [27]Mull to Padag 30
3. Padag to Yadgar Chah 24
4. Yadgar Chah to Dalbandin 31
5. [27]Dalbandin to Jujaki 30
6. Jujaki to Meroi 21
7. [27]Meroi to Chah Sandan 21
8. Chah Sandan to Tratoh 24
9. Tratoh to Kundi 22
10. Kundi to Mashki Chah 22
11. [27]Mashki Chah to Ware Chah 26
12. Ware Chah to Makak Karez 23
13. Makak Karez to Sainduk 11
14. [27]Sainduk to Kirtaka 17
15. Kirtaka to Chah Mohammed Reza 17
16. Chah Mohammed Reza to Killa Robat 28
17. [27]Killa Robat to Hormak 17
18. Hormak to Nowad Chah 24
19. Nowad Chah to Girdi Thana 7
20. Girdi Thana to Asak Chah 22
21. Asak Chah to Sayed Khan’s _khel_ 10
22. Sayed Khan’s _khel_ to Nasratabad 20
Quetta to Nushki 93
----
Total 565
The road follows two sides of a triangle, skirting the whole of
Southern Afghanistan before entering Persia at Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah.
The distance from Nushki to Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah and thence direct to
Meshed is just 1000 miles. To aid traders using this route a rebate
of seven-eighths of the Indian Customs duty is allowed. As the sea is
free to Bunder Abbas, this concession should be increased so that the
starting-points of the caravans--_i.e._, Nushki and Bunder Abbas--might
be on a footing of equality. “Drawbacks” of 33 per cent. are granted
by the North-Western railway on all goods sent by it and destined for
Persia. Additional facilities have also been arranged for the trade
using this new route; in order to avoid the difficulty of having to
go 150 miles out of their way to Nasratabad for Customs examination,
hitherto experienced by merchants proceeding by the Nushki route
to Khorassan, a first-class Customs Bureau has been established at
Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah. This enables _kafilas_ to proceed direct to Kain
and Khorassan _viâ_ the Palankoh route and to avoid the detour through
Seistan. Furthermore, a British Consular Agent has been deputed to
Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah, one of whose principal duties it will be to watch
the interests of British traders using the route and to assist them
in their dealings with the Customs authorities. As regards traffic,
since the opening of the Quetta-Nushki railway a considerable flow of
trade has set in from the Helmund direction _viâ_ Chageh, as caravans
for Herat and Afghan traders naturally prefer to follow the Helmund to
a point north-west of Chageh and then to turn southwards. A stretch
of desert still has to be crossed; but it is less in extent than that
between Nushki and the Persian frontier at Robat.
In order to encourage traders a revised schedule of rates for the hire
of camels along the Nushki-Seistan-Meshed route has been issued by
the Government of India. By these changes the hire for single camels
carrying 400 pounds has been reduced from 57 rs. 8 a. for the single
journey to 55 rs.; for the double journey from 100 to 95 rs., the time
having been decreased from 105 to 85 days: this latter is a distinct
advance. The charge per kharwar has been reduced from 370 krans to 359
krans 11 shahis, or 89 rs. 6 a. This concession does not yet equal the
average rate of hire from Bunder Abbas to Meshed, which is 300 krans
per kharwar. Goods must be packed in gunny bags, boxes or leather
cases, no package weighing more than 2½ maunds. Special rates are
quoted for wood-work and iron materials. The periods allowed for the
journey are:
Quetta to Seistan 45 days.
Seistan to Meshed 40 ”
Nushki to Seistan 38 ”
Contractors will be held responsible for all loss and damage to goods
in transit obviously due to the neglect of the camel-men. They will
be at liberty to refuse goods for delivery if they are not properly
packed and secured. Loss through raids will be considered beyond the
contractors’ responsibility. Ten days’ notice must be given for any
number of camels required up to 40, 25 days for over 50 and up to 300,
50 days above 300 but not exceeding 1000. Express camels can be hired
at higher rates, the journey from Quetta to Seistan being then made in
30 days.
The evident success of the new route has been the more remarkable
because M. Naus, the head of the Belgian administration that conducts
the Persian Customs, has devised special means to check the expansion
of Indian trade, two Customs officers being appointed to Nasratabad
to deal with it. To give zest to their existence these men imposed
many novel regulations upon caravans.[28] The camel-men are fined for
the non-observance of arbitrary rules which are purposely varied so
that confusion may be created; the men are thrown into prison, the
animals seized and the goods confiscated. In addition, the Customs
barrier in Seistan is reinforced by a plague cordon between Seistan and
Khorassan against caravans from India, in spite of the fact that the
period of any possible incubation has expired long before a caravan
from Quetta can reach Seistan, and that the limits of time, within
which quarantine is permissible, have been laid down by the decision
of the Venice Sanitary Congress. The headquarters of this latest pest
are at Turbat-i-Haidari and Karez. Meanwhile the Russian and Belgian
authorities encourage the circulation of alarmist rumours about the
mortality from Indian plague in Seistan, the doctor at the Russian
legation in Teheran recently having spread a statement that 99 per
cent. of deaths from plague had occurred in the Naizar district of
Seistan. While these reports are very greatly exaggerated in respect of
Indian plague, an epidemic of this disease nevertheless ravaged Seistan
during the spring of 1906. At Nasratabad the population was reduced
through it from 2500 to rather more than 300. The efforts of Dr. Kelly,
the medical officer attached to the British Consulate in Nasratabad,
however, did much to arrest it, over 500 inoculations having been
made and an excellent impression created by the recovery of a man who
had been seized after being inoculated by him. None-the-less, its
existence prepares the way for more vigorous precautions against Indian
caravans, the measures of the plague officials being directed against
the development of Indian commercial relations with Northern Persia and
Northern Afghanistan in the hope that Persian and Afghan merchants may
frequent the Meshed emporium. At the present moment these preventive
measures have achieved conspicuous success, and Russian commercial
activity has entirely subjugated Khorassan province. No headway appears
to be possible for British trade; while the rapid growth of Russian
commercial influence, under this system of pernicious assistance,
threatens to reduce Seistan to the position of a commercial base from
which the markets of India can be attacked by articles of Russian
manufacture. A precisely similar state of things prevails at Meshed in
respect of Afghanistan.
[Illustration: DÂK BUNGALOW ON THE NUSHKI ROUTE]
It is of value to compare the Nushki-Seistan route to Meshed
with others, viz., the Bunder Abbas-Narmashir-Neh-Turbat route;
the Bunder Abbas-Yezd-Turbat route; the Bushire-Yezd-Turbat
route; the Basra-Baghdad-Kermanshah-Teheran route; and the
Trebizond-Tabriz-Teheran route.
2. The Bunder Abbas-Narmashir-Neh-Turbat route.--The distance is about
900 miles and the time taken to traverse it is from 80 to 120 days. The
cost of transport is about £5 per 650 lbs. It is needless to say that
owing to Bunder Abbas being in direct communication with London, goods
reach it at a cheaper rate and more quickly than _viâ_ Nushki, which
is not as yet a commercial centre of any great importance. At Bunder
Abbas, too, there is a large and old-established colony of British
Indian merchants, in addition to the agents of more than one British
firm. This route, moreover, possesses certain inherent attractions. The
Customs examination takes place at the point of landing, before the
caravan journey commences; while goods destined for export are only
examined at Bunder Abbas. Further, there are alternative markets at Bam
and Kerman, and alternative routes _viâ_ those centres. Supplies also
are cheaper and not so scanty; and the grazing is better. At the same
time, the Nushki route is quite secure as far as the British frontier
and comparatively safe in Persian territory. No route in Southern
Persia is ever permanently safe.
3. The Bunder Abbas-Yezd-Turbat route.--An alternative route from
Bunder Abbas of less importance, but still the second largest artery of
trade from the south as regards Khorassan, runs _viâ_ Yezd, to which
centre much trade is attracted by the presence of a large number of
merchants and the prospect of choice of markets. Several Khorassan
merchants, indeed, make their purchases in Yezd; although every year
the tendency is to go further afield and establish direct relations
elsewhere. The smaller merchants from lack of capital continue to
depend upon the credit afforded them by the wealthier members of the
fraternity and are thus tied to the home mart.
4. The Bushire-Yezd-Turbat route.--Bushire is 932 miles distant from
Meshed and a certain quantity of goods reaches Khorassan from that
port, perhaps to the extent of 4 per cent. of its total imports. As a
rule, the trade is not direct, but applies to that class of traffic
which is done by merchants who do business solely with Yezd.
5. The Basra-Baghdad-Kermanshah-Teheran route.--The distance from
Baghdad is over 1000 miles. The time taken is about four to five
months, the cost being about £8 10_s._ per 650 lbs. Goods in transit by
this route pay a penalty of 1 per cent. to the Turkish Customs. Owing
to the lack of water-carriage on the Tigris there is frequently much
delay at Basra before goods are forwarded; and, as everything breaks
bulk at Basra and again at Baghdad, the route is bound to be expensive.
It is preferred for heavy articles such as pianos and machinery.
[Illustration: INFANTRY WITH THE PERSIAN COMMISSIONER]
This route, as far as Khorassan is concerned, is chiefly used for the
importation of British, Austro-Hungarian and German manufactures, such
as cloth, gold and silver thread and lace. These goods, as a rule,
are destined primarily for Teheran; but, when conditions are more
promising at Meshed, they are forwarded for sale to that market. Yet
another aspect of this route is that Baghdad, owing to its proximity
to Kerbela, is a great pilgrim centre. Consequently, merchants not
infrequently combine a little profit with a pilgrimage. The figures
for 1904-1905 on this route are £14,491 as against £20,800 in 1903-1904.
6. The Trebizond-Tabriz-Teheran route.--Trebizond is the most westerly
port of entry with which the trade of Khorassan and the commercial
centres of Meshed and Seistan is concerned. The distance to Meshed is
some 1400 miles and the time taken is seldom less than five months. The
cost is about £12 per 650 lbs. This route exists owing to the fact that
goods using it pay no Customs in Turkey; but it is a terribly long and
expensive journey to Khorassan, while the strict application of the
new Persian Customs rules is reacting unfavourably on its prosperity.
The advent of the Russian rail-head within a few miles of Tabriz will
also press it very hard. At the same time certain classes of goods,
not affected by Russian competition, will continue to use this route.
The total for the year 1904-1905 was returned at £17,770, as against
£21,780 for 1903-1904.
To summarise: Route No. 1 is an artificial route called into being on
account of the fiscal barriers erected around Afghanistan, otherwise
the Kandahar-Herat route is shorter and cheaper. Routes 2 and 3 are
the most natural, but receive little assistance from the Persian
Government in the suppression of brigandage or in other ways. Their
desert nature also constitutes a grave disadvantage. These routes are
the main arteries of commerce from the south. Routes 5 and 6 are not
primarily intended to serve Khorassan, but occasionally the market is
more promising at Meshed than Teheran.
A table of these trade routes is appended:
_Table of Routes, Freights, etc., to Meshed._
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Average
Distance Cost of Length
Route. in miles Carriage of Nature of Value
to per Journey Transport. of
Meshed Kharwar in Days. Trade.
(650 lbs.)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
£ s. £
1. Nushki, _viâ_ Turbat 1000 6 0 85 Mainly 22,654
Camels
2. Bunder Abbas, _viâ_
Narmashir and Neh
and Turbat 900 5 0 80-120 ” -
3. Bunder Abbas, _viâ_ Yezd
and Turbat 1020 6 0 100-140 ” -
4. Bushire, _viâ_ Yezd and
Turbat 932 6 10 100-140 Mainly 35,592
5. Baghdad, _viâ_ Kermanshah Mules
and Teheran 1050 8 10 120-150 Mules and 14,491
6. Trebizond, _viâ_ Tabriz Camels
andTeheran 1380 12 0 150-180 Mainly 17,770
Camels
----------------------------------------------------------------------
[Illustration: THE PERSIAN COMMISSIONER]
It is, however, a question of politics more than of trade, and the
Nushki-Nasratabad route is of less significance beside the political
considerations which attach to the future state of Seistan. In this way
the importance of the latter is as great as the value which attaches
to Herat, because the occupation of Khorassan by Russia would imply a
dominating control of Seistan. Moreover, any movement across Khorassan
upon Seistan places the road to Kandahar from Herat, together with the
strategical points of Sabzawar and Farah, at the mercy of Russia, a
contingency which is certainly to be avoided in the present disordered
condition of our own house in Asia. Seistan is equally related to the
strategic positions of Russia in Central Asia and India, insomuch
that if Russia were to become installed there the obstacle to an
advance upon India, which is presented by Afghanistan, would have
been surmounted and the road to the Gulf opened. Although she might
not make any actual forward movement from Seistan towards India,
countless opportunities would occur to her to foment disturbances
among the Baluchi peoples and to spread an actively hostile propaganda
throughout the trans-frontier region. Such a forward movement, too,
an actual advance of 300 miles, would impose upon the Government of
India many additional outlays of money, besides keeping India in a
continuously unsettled and anxious state. It will be seen that the
interests of Russia and India in Seistan proceed on identical lines. If
India were able to control Outer Seistan an important position would
be established from which she could frustrate Russia’s designs along
the Perso-Afghan border and in the direction of the Persian Gulf. To
do this it is not so much the interests of Seistan as our position in
Afghanistan and Persia which require to be considered. The advantage
with respect to Persia rests just now with the Russians, whose activity
can only be countered with effect by a permanent understanding with the
Amir and the strengthening of Persia in some enduring fashion. With
Kandahar linked up by railway with India, Afghanistan definitely united
in arms with us, and Persia, freed from the wiles of Russia, once more
dependant upon us, our position along the Perso-Afghan border would be
endowed with such strength that the combination well might serve to
check any further Russian activities in the Middle East.
NOTE.--The names of the officers on the Seistan Mission were as follows:
_Political._--Colonel A. H. (now Sir Henry) McMahon, K.C.I.E., C.S.I.;
Capt. Ramsay (Personal Assistant).
_Irrigation Officer._--Mr. Ward, C.I.E.
_Survey Officer._--Mr. Tate.
_Infantry Escort._--Major H. F. Walters, 124th Baluchistan Infantry;
Lieut. A. E. Stewart, 124th Baluchistan Infantry; Lieut. Brett, 124th
Baluchistan Infantry.
_Cavalry Escort._--Lieut. C. P. Landon.
_Commanding Camel Corps._--Capt. R. C. Bell, Central India Horse.
_Doctor._--Major W. Irvine, I.M.S.
[20] The area of Seistan Proper is 3847 square miles.
[21] The area of Outer Seistan is 3159 square miles.
[22] Sir H. McMahon before the Royal Geographical Society.
April 1906.
[23] “Sport and Politics under an Eastern Sky.” Earl of
Ronaldshay.
[24] “On the Outskirts of Empire in Asia.” Earl of
Ronaldshay.
[25] “Khurasan and Sistan.” Lieut.-Colonel C. E. Yate.
[26] The telegraph stations are Nushki, Mull, Dalbandin,
Meroi, Mashki Chah, Sainduk, Killa Robat.
[27] Telegraph stations.
[28] “The Middle Eastern Question.” Valentine Chirol.
[Illustration: A CARAVAN OF PACK-PONIES]
CHAPTER X
PROVINCES AND DISTRICT CENTRES, ETHNOGRAPHICAL
AND OROLOGICAL DISTRIBUTION
Afghanistan to-day is divided into five major provinces--Kabul,
Herat, Kandahar, Afghan Turkestan and Badakshan; and two
territories--Kafiristan and Wakhan. Kandahar includes Seistan and the
basin of the Helmund; Herat the basin of the Hari-Rud and north-western
Afghanistan; Afghan Turkestan the former khanates Andkhui, Maimana,
Balkh and Khulm; the province of Badakshan administers the territory
of Wakhan and the regions of the Upper Oxus. Kabul, Herat and Kandahar
are the centres of their respective provinces; Tashkurgan and
Mazar-i-Sharif of Afghan Turkestan and Faizabad of Badakshan.
The province of Kabul is bounded on the north-west by the Koh-i-Baba,
north by the Hindu Kush, north-east by the Panjsher river and on the
east by Jagdalik. In the south its limits are defined by the Sufed Koh
and Ghazni; to the west by the hill country of the Hazaras, while its
area of administration includes Bamian and Haibak. The province is
very mountainous, but it contains also a large portion of arable lands
which, lying along the base of the hills, derive much of their richness
from the off-scourings of the mountain faces.
Wheat and barley are the chief products, these grains constituting
the staple food of the poorest classes. Nonetheless, the crops are
not sufficient for the needs of the province and the demands of an
inter-provincial export trade, which exists in a flourishing condition.
Cereals are imported from Ghazni and rice from Upper Bangash,
Jelalabad, Lughman and even Kunar. In bad years, when prices rule
high, corn is obtained from Bamian, which is also the chief centre
for supplies of ghee. The Hazara country and the Ghilzai region are
active competitors with Bamian in this trade. Agriculture and pastoral
pursuits in the main attract the sole energies of the countryside;
the most important pasturage existing in Logar. Grass is plentiful
in the Kabul valley and also towards Ghorband, while agricultural
development is greatest in the Butkhak district. Water is abundant
and every landowner devotes considerable attention to fruit-culture.
A large proportion of the population in the Kabul province live in
tents during the summer months. The villages are of various sizes and
usually number 150 families. As a rule the villages are not fortified;
but each contains a small guard-tower from where a watch is kept over
the villages, fields and flocks. Sheep are maintained for purposes
of breeding, but bullocks, camels, mules and horses are employed in
transport--trading between Turkestan, India and Khorassan. Bullocks are
made use of within the precincts of the Kabul valley; camels between
Kabul province, Khorassan and Turkestan; mules and ponies between the
province and the Hazara country.
The province of Badakshan lies in the extreme east of Afghanistan. It
is bounded on the north and the east by the course of the Oxus, south
by the crests of the Hindu Kush as far as the junction of the Hindu
Kush with the Mustagh and Sarikol ranges, west by a line which crosses
the Turkestan plain southwards from the junction of the Kunduz river
with the Oxus, from which point it proceeds ultimately to strike the
Hindu Kush. The principal sub-divisions of Badakshan are: on the west,
Rustak, Kataghan, Ghori, Narin and Anderab; on the north, Darwaz, Ragh
and Shiwa; on the east, Gharan, Ishkashim, Zebak and Wakhan; elsewhere,
Faizabad, Farkhar, Minjan and Kishm. Numerous lofty mountain ranges
and deep rugged valleys, wherein there is no little agricultural
development, define its physiography, while ethnographically the bulk
of the people of the province are Tajik.
In winter the climate is severe, the mountain passes being blocked by
snow and the rivers frozen. In general it appears somewhat diversified
and in the loftier parts of the province the agricultural seasons are
frequently ruined by early frost. The chief industrial centres of the
region are situated in the more temperate zones where the valleys are
sheltered by the orological development. The rain-fall, by reason of
the stimulating influence of the forests, is abundant, especially in
March and April. With the end of April a period of drought, continuing
throughout May, June, July and in a lesser degree in the months of
August, September and October, begins. Snow makes its appearance in
November, but the heavier falls do not begin until the middle of
December.
The principal industry of Badakshan is agricultural; but there is
also considerable mineral wealth, while salt deposits and sulphur
mines are known to exist and in some measure have been exploited.
Salt and sulphur are found in the valley of the Kokcha; iron exists
near Faizabad, while the ruby mines, for which the province has been
celebrated, and the lapis-lazuli mines, are found respectively on the
right bank of the Oxus close to Ishkashim, in Gharan and near the
sources of the Kokcha. The ruby mines lie some 1200 feet above the Oxus
river; but the deposits are not worked regularly, although from time
to time in the reign of Abdur Rahman projects for developing them were
initiated.
[Illustration: WOMAN POUNDING GRAIN]
The alpine territory of Wakhan lies in the extreme north-east. It
consists of two upland valleys which are traversed by the Panja. These
are hemmed in on either side by lofty mountains; those to the south
form the northern section of the Hindu Kush here crossed by very
difficult passes, the easiest of which is the Baroghil (12,000 feet)
leading to Chitral and Gilgit. The chief resources of the people are
derived from their flocks of sheep and droves of Tibetan yak. Wakhan
is too elevated and sterile for tillage, but it yields a pasturage like
that of the Pamir region. In this alpine district the lowest hamlet
is 8000 feet; Sarhad, the highest, is no less than 11,000 feet above
the sea. Nevertheless, pulse and barley crops are grown in the more
sheltered glens.
As a province Afghan Turkestan ranks among the most important in
the State. Before its division at the hands of Abdur Rahman it
embraced much of the territory which he apportioned to the province
of Badakshan, including every important khanate contained within the
Oxus region. If now, when Afghanistan has been reduced to order and a
settled system of administration has given place to the authority of
the Khans, its revenues are less than others, its position is equal
to Herat and Kandahar. In importance it has ranked hitherto with the
capital province and contained the divisions of Maimana, Andkhui, Balkh
and Khulm, together with a number of so-called industrial centres,
including Tashkurgan, a commercial market and Mazar-i-Sharif. The
limits of the province include the southern half of the Oxus basin
from the frontier of Badakshan on the east to the upper waters of
the Murghab on the west. The Oxus forms the northern border from the
confluence of the Kokcha river to Khwaja Sala. To the south it is
contained by the high mountains of the Hindu Kush, which form the
dividing line of the country from east to west.
Quite lately Habib Ullah has proposed to re-distribute the various
districts which make up the provinces of Badakshan and Afghan
Turkestan, so that two new provinces may soon come into existence.
These will have their headquarters at Mazar-i-Sharif and Khanabad
respectively. The first will consist of the districts of Balkh, Akcha,
Shibirghan, Andkhui and Tashkurgan, extending to the Oxus on the north
and Bamian on the south. The second will take in all the country
eastwards to Chitral, including Badakshan and Wakhan. Each province
will have a Governor with two Deputies. Sirdar Ghulam Ali Khan, brother
of the Amir, will be Governor of one, and another brother, Sirdar Omar
Khan, will have his headquarters in the other. It is intended at a
later date to subdivide the provinces of Herat and Kandahar in similar
fashion, all the governors being of royal blood.
[Illustration: A BALUCHI SHEPHERD]
The province of Herat extends, east and west, from near the sources of
the Hari-Rud to the Persian boundary beyond Ghorian, some 300 miles;
and in length, between its northern frontier and Seistan in the south,
some 200 miles. As a whole the region lacks any particular industrial
or agricultural activity, its present appearance suggesting that
the unsettled conditions prevailing on its northern frontiers have
discouraged all efforts towards local development. Although it contains
such centres as Obeh and Sabzawar, besides places of less note, it is
an impoverished province and requires years of honest administration
before it can recover from the ill-effects of the abuses which have
distinguished its existence.
Although the Herat province for a long time has been the seat of
Afghan government, sometimes in subordination to Kabul or upon
occasion independent, it has been, nevertheless, the object of
constant attention from Persia. Since Ahmed Shah Durani founded the
Durani empire Herat has ranked as one of the three chief cities of
the country; and, even with the downfall of the dynasty which Ahmed
Shah established and his son Timur wrecked, it has contrived to play
an interesting part in the fortunes of the State, if not always an
important one. But from the time when it was incorporated in the Afghan
kingdom by Dost Mahommed forty-three years ago, it has experienced
without any serious interruption the yoke of the Kabul Government,
until, freed from the menace of Persian aggression by British
intervention, it needs to-day only a period of equitable government to
restore its fortunes.
At the present date the province comprises between five and six hundred
villages, with some forty-five thousand households distributed over the
centres of Ghorian, Sabzawar, Farah Bakwa, Kurak, Obeh, Ghor and Kala
Nao. In the days when it formed a separate principality, many tribes,
now lying within the Persian and Russian boundaries, were allied in
arms with Herat, the prestige of its reputation enforcing a general
recognition of its position and obedience to its behests. The old order
has now quite disappeared. With the advance of Russia to the northern
frontier of Afghanistan the independence of these roving peoples has
been curtailed and their love of war suppressed, the new arrangement
depriving the former khanate of no small proportion of its earlier
glories. As a province of Afghanistan, Herat is the headquarters of
the Commander-in-Chief of the north-western frontier and the seat of a
provincial governor; it remains to be seen whether it becomes a centre
of industrial activity in connection with the army.
While it is impossible to define with absolute accuracy the various
boundaries, there is no doubt that in point of size the province
of Kandahar is the most extensive of any in Afghanistan. Although
it has long ceased to be the seat of the supreme government of the
country, this province is second to none in the value of its commercial
importance, while its revenues have become an important factor in the
upkeep of the kingdom. The dimensions of its wide area extend from a
few miles south of Ghazni in the north-east to the Persian frontier and
from the northern extremity of the Hazara country to the Afghan-Baluch
border. The district centres which the province contains are Farah,
Kelat-i-Ghilzai, Girishk, Laush, Khash, Barakail and Afghan-Seistan. A
division of interests marks the relations existing between Kandahar and
the Farah district which, although governed from Kandahar, exercises
complete jurisdiction over its own revenues. Excluding this source,
the local revenue, which is assessed in grain, returns a little short
of a million rupees annually, the customs and town duties of Kandahar
city equalling the land revenues of the entire province. Lying somewhat
closer to Kabul than does Herat, Kandahar has shared the fortunes
of the capital city, revealing the effect in itself of any change
of rulers in Kabul. Nevertheless, while it has experienced certain
intervals of independence, Kandahar province unlike Herat province
has not suffered from the effects of continuous dynastic wars and the
dread of Persian invasion. In general, too, the tide of its disasters
has flowed from India, British armies of occupation having been in
possession of its areas at various dates since Anglo-Indian arms first
supported the cause of Shah Shujah. The days of British intervention
have passed long since and the province, no less than the city, is now
an integral part of the Amir’s dominions.
[Illustration: ELDERS FROM WAKHAN
_Photo, Olufsen_]
The division of Afghanistan into settled provinces is due to the
initiative of Dost Mahommed, the earliest movement in this direction
being the despatch of an expedition under Mahommed Akbar Khan, his son.
This brought about the downfall of the khanates in the regions south of
the Oxus. Turkestan, including what is now described as Badakshan, was
not completely subjugated as the result of this individual’s military
activities. It was not until about 1866, when Shir Ali despatched
Mahommed Alum Khan to Balkh as Governor of that centre, that the
operations began which were to lead to the complete conquest by Afghan
arms of all the khanates contained within the Oxus region. Mahommed
Alum Khan through his general, Hafiz Ullah Khan, defeated Mahmud
Shah the ruler of Badakshan. By this victory the dependent states of
Shignan, Roshan and Wakhan were occupied. Subsequently, the annexation
of Maimana rounded off the operations which, in the first instance
at the hands of Mahommed Akbar Khan and later at the instigation of
Mahommed Alum Khan, had brought about the extension of the Afghan
dominions to the banks of the Oxus and the Murghab. The conquered
area was not to remain long without a change in the fashion of its
government; one of the earliest administrative acts of Abdur Rahman was
to split it up into two divisions--Afghan Turkestan and Badakshan. With
this improvement upon the previous condition of their affairs, these
troublous little hot-beds of anarchy and misrule were extinguished, the
areas being incorporated in one or other of the two provinces; their
former boundaries now represent the limits of the districts or counties
into which they were converted.
The chief of these khanates was that of Kunduz, presided over by a Mir
and covering 19,000 square miles. It was divided into three districts:
(1) Kunduz, with the sub-districts of Baglan, Ghori, Doshi, Killagai,
Khinjan, Anderab, Khost, Narin, Ishkashim, Khanabad, Tashkurgan,
Haibak.
(2) Talikhan, with the sub-districts of Talikhan, Rustak, Chiab,
Faizabad, Jarm, Wakhan.
(3) Hazrat Imam, with the sub-districts of Hazrat Imam, Siab, Kulab,
Tapa, Kurgan Yube, Kabadian, Muminabad.
Great changes have taken place in the territory which once belonged to
Kunduz. Kulab, Muminabad, Kabadian, have passed into the possession of
Russia; while Ghori, Narin, Kunduz, Baglan, Anderab, Rustak, Wakhan and
Faizabad have been shorn from its territories and handed over to the
province of Badakshan for administrative purposes. In the days when the
Khan of Kunduz exercised jurisdiction over a belt of country extending
from the Wakhan valley to the Kunduz river, the population was returned
at 420,000 people, in the main composed of Uzbegs and Tajiks. At that
time, too, the district of Kunduz possessed 60,000 houses, that of
Talikhan 25,000 houses, while in Hazrat Imam there were 20,000 houses.
Kunduz, the former capital of this territory, has fallen from its
high estate. It is nowadays a mean and sparsely inhabited district;
the little town itself contains barely 1500 houses, the extreme
unhealthiness of the region having caused the residents of this former
populous centre to abandon it. The place still boasts traces of a
fortress; and a wretched citadel, situated in its north-east corner, is
the seat of a petty official. Time has quite obscured the lines of the
defences, and a dry ditch, which once surrounded the work, is now laid
out in fruit gardens or sown with patches of corn.
West of Kunduz lay the Khanate of Khulm, now eclipsed by the more
important centre of Tashkurgan. In the days of its supremacy the Khulm
territory included the districts of Tashkurgan, Haibak and Khurram
Sarbag. When the seat of local government was removed from Khulm to
Tashkurgan, the place lapsed into decay and, now that Haibak has
been brought under the direct administration of the Kabul province,
Tashkurgan has become the most important centre of what was once a
flourishing khanate. The town of Khulm stood out in the Oxus plain,
surrounded by a belt of very productive land. The irrigation of this
district was highly developed; even now there are numerous orchards and
cultivated fields about the site of the ruined city. The population has
disappeared and barely 100 families remain on the outskirts.
To the east of Kunduz, 15 miles distant, is Khanabad, the proposed
centre of one of the suggested new provinces. It is situated on the
right bank of the Farkhan branch of the Kunduz river. The population
is dependent on traffic from Cis-Oxus areas, although in recent years
considerable local trade has sprung up. The town is surrounded by
high walls and lies on the brow of hills which overlook the Kunduz
region; it contains some 1500 households. In summer-time a far larger
estimate could be returned as its numbers fluctuate. A position of some
military strength has been made, and the fort, which is comparatively
new, possesses strong mud walls, 18 feet in height. The Farkhan river,
abreast of Khanabad, divides into two channels: the western channel is
3 feet deep and 15 yards wide; the stream possesses a rate of 5 miles
an hour. The eastern channel is 60 yards wide and flows immediately
below the walls of the town.
Tashkurgan, a cheerless group of villages enclosed by a mud wall, is
the great trade mart of Afghan-Turkestan and a distributing point for
the merchandise which caravans bring there from India and Bokhara. The
wall, which is 3 miles in circumference, is pierced by wooden gates,
and the houses of the villages number between 15,000 and 20,000. The
population is subject to fluctuation. It falls as low as 15,000 in the
winter season, rising with great rapidity so soon as the opening of the
passes permits the resumption of trade relations with China, Russian
Turkestan and India. Each house is protected by an 8-foot high mud
wall, which imparts a dreary and monotonous appearance to the streets.
The houses are built of clay and sun-dried bricks, with one storey and
a domed roof. As a rule, they stand amid a profusion of fruit-trees;
and, in the approach from the west, the town is lost in a maze of
fruit-gardens. The streets are straight and only of moderate breadth;
they intersect each other at right angles and down the centre of each
there is an irrigating channel. A branch of the Doaba river, increased
by many rivulets, runs through the town, but it is absorbed by the soil
soon after it has passed Old Khulm.
Bazaars are held every Monday and Thursday and, in addition to the
produce of Bokhara and India, there is a considerable market in
live-stock: horses, mules, cows, sheep, goats and asses being assembled
in their respective quarters for sale. Cotton goods, cloth and
silk-stuffs from India; tanned leather, raw cotton, hides, fuel from
Turkestan; grapes, raisins, pistacia nuts, pomegranates, dried plums
from the country-side; rock salt, Russian boots, indigenous dyes--as
the pomegranate bark and madder--and indigo imported from India, are
exposed, together with chogas from Chitral and raw wool from Badakshan.
Printed chintzes, quilts and turbans are also brought from Russian
Turkestan; and coarse saddlery from Kabul is much in request. One
section of the bazaar is set aside for the sale of melons, which are
raised in great quantities in the neighbourhood.
The population is typical of a frontier region, and a sprinkling of
natives from every quarter of Central Asia may be found there. The
Hindus act as money-lenders and bankers, exacting an exorbitant usury;
and other natives of India keep the drug stores and the dye shops. The
vendors of dried fruits are mostly from Kabul. The trade with Yarkand
is in the hands of Andijani merchants, who acquire the sheep and furs
of the Oxus territory in exchange, at Yarkand, for tea, which is
disposed of in Turkestan.
Fifty miles to the west of Khulm there is the beginning of what once
was the territory of Balkh, which draws its water from 18 canals
fed from the Balkh river. To-day the scene of the Mother of Cities
reflects nothing but decay. The bazaar, simply a covered street with
a few shops in it, runs through the village. The combined population
of the district does not exceed 2000, including a small colony of
Hindus and about 70 Jews. Both these classes are shop-keepers and each
is subject to a capitation tax. The caste of the Hindus is shown by
the usual painted marks upon the forehead and the Jews wear a black
sheepskin cap. The climate of Balkh is very insalubrious, but the heat
is temperate. In June the thermometer does not rise above 80°, while
July is the hottest month of the year. The crops do not ripen until
July, which makes the harvest fifty days later than Peshawar. The
region is unusually fertile. Indeed, the fruit of Balkh is most famous,
and the apricots grow to the size of apples. The soil is of a greyish
colour, like pipe-clay and very rich. Within the Balkh region water
is distributed by means of aqueducts leading from the Balkh river.
The area of cultivation is not sufficient to exhaust the capacity
of these canals, their constant overflow accounting for the extreme
unhealthiness of the place. Aside from this peculiarity, the country is
not naturally marshy. The district lies some 1800 feet above the level
of the sea, about 6 miles from the hills on a gentle slope, which sinks
towards the Oxus. The waters of the Balkh river do not at the present
day reach the Oxus, the stream being consumed in the Balkh plain.
The spectacle of ruined Balkh, which at one time extended in a circuit
of 20 miles, must recall Old Merv. Formerly it was surrounded by walls,
some 6½ miles in circumference. Nothing is left of these walls to-day
but a mound of dried mud, worn by the weather into all manner of
desolate and fantastic shapes. The whole of the northern half of the
old city is one vast waste. Within the Akchah gate, three lofty arches
mark the remains of the Jumma Masjid and at the cross-roads there are
the foundations of the charsu. A little to the east of it there are
two lofty gateways, the remains of the main city gates--the western
portion of the city having been added subsequently. The southern and
south-eastern portions stood upon a high mound which resembled the
position of Herat; but all the remainder, with the exception of the
old fort and citadel, was low and not more than 10 feet thick. The
citadel, in its south-west corner, stood some 50 feet higher still.
The whole was surrounded by a separate moat, rather narrow towards
the city but with steeply-scarped sides.[29] This citadel must now be
nothing but a mound, the weather having obliterated even the remnants
found by Colonel C. E. Yate. To its north lay the fort, an empty, bare
place, surrounded by high walls and ruined bastions, with no signs of
habitation except the débris of a mass of low brick buildings at its
southern end. It stood at a considerable height above the level of its
surroundings.
Between Khulm and Balkh, 9 miles east of Balkh and 26 miles from Khulm,
is Mazar-i-Sharif, situated on a canal drawn from the Balkh-ab and
containing rather more than 2000 households. It is held in the greatest
veneration by Mahommedans in general and especially by Shiahs, on
account of the firm conviction that Hazrat Ali was buried there. The
tomb consists of two lofty cupolas which were built some 480 years
ago. An annual fair is held, during which old and young, the blind,
the infirm, the halt and the maimed of many a distant region crowd to
Mazar-i-Sharif and, encamping round its shrine, plead day and night for
the saint’s interposition on their behalf. Where cures are effected,
they are the result more usually of a change of air and scene; but the
greater portion of the faithful return as they came, bewailing their
want of belief and their sins, yet never questioning the potency of the
shrine.
Mazar-i-Sharif is the summer resort of nearly the whole population of
the Balkh district, as its situation is more elevated, its temperature
less oppressive and its air less impure than that enjoyed by the Mother
of Cities. In contrast with Balkh it is the centre of a flourishing
district, where the soil is rich, returning ample compensation for any
agricultural attention that it may receive. A large trade emanates from
this region, as, in addition to an extensive settled population, there
are considerable military establishments. The headquarters of these
are located at Takht-a-Pul, where Dost Mahommed was occupied for five
years in constructing a fortified cantonment, and Dehdadi. The former
is protected by a broad deep moat and enclosed within double walls 30
feet in height, pierced for musketry, bearing gun towers and flanked
by imposing bastions; the latter commands the road from the Oxus and
lies upon the summit of a high mountain overlooking Mazar-i-Sharif
from the south-west. Twelve years were spent upon the construction and
equipment of this frontier stronghold, and in the days of Abdur Rahman
it was defended by an assortment of guns, embracing Krupp field-pieces,
naval quick-firers--such as Nordenfeldt and Hotchkiss--and a number of
maxims. The works are well protected from gun-fire, and great pains
have been taken to depress all epaulements to the level of the mountain
face.
Beyond Balkh the territories of a number of minor khanates began.
Forty miles west of Balkh there was Akcha, an Uzbeg khanate, while
further west again there were the areas of the four territories of
Andkhui, Shibirghan, Saripul and Maimana. The first and the last of
these petty governments were the most important, the latter preserving
until lately a form of independence. Each of these little states
has experienced singular vicissitudes, fighting constantly among
themselves, occasionally uniting against the Afghans or the Amir of
Bokhara. Andkhui, particularly, has endured many reverses of fortune,
since, lying upon the roads from Herat, the Turcoman country and
Bokhara, it has always been subject to attack. In recent years it has
enjoyed a period of peace, but even under existing conditions it has
not regained its earlier prosperity. At one time the khanate contained
nearly 50,000 families, 13,000 living in the town. The population is a
mixture of many races--Tajiks, Uzbegs, Persians and Turcomans--whose
religious convictions are divided between the Shiah and Sunni sects in
almost equal proportions.
Andkhui is situated on the Sangalak river, which, rising in the
Band-i-Turkestan, flows past Maimana to be lost in the desert before
reaching the Oxus. The water of the river is undrinkable; but it is
used extensively for purposes of irrigation, and imparts so much
prosperity to the Andkhui district that a zone of cultivation extends
several miles round the city. Fruit, corn, rice and live-stock are
raised in great abundance; a bustling trade is conducted in black
lambs’-skins with Persia, in camels with the districts beyond the
Oxus, in fruit and cereal products with inter-provincial centres.
The population now resident in the town has fallen from its former
high figure; it is estimated that there are only 3000 families within
the walls. The houses are all flat-roofed, low mud-buildings. The
city walls are in ruins; the bazaar and the fort are the sole points
of interest in the place. The bazaar, which is situated where four
cross-roads meet, is insignificant. It lies in the centre of the town
and is roofed with matting. The market days are Sundays and Thursdays;
but little business at other times is transacted. Beyond the bazaar
there is the fort--a high, irregularly-shaped enclosure, some 250 yards
or 300 yards in diameter. It is occupied by a garrison consisting of
one company from the regular regiments at Maimana, three companies of
Khasadars, two guns and 100 sowars, the latter force being quartered
beyond the walls on the northern face.
The last of the little khanates, whose areas now compose the province
of Afghan Turkestan, is that of Maimana. This extends a distance of
18 miles in breadth and 20 miles in length. Besides the chief town
it contains ten villages, of which the most considerable are Kaisar,
Kafarkala, Alvar and Khojakand. Maimana itself has 35,000 families. The
population, divided into settlers and nomads, is estimated at 100,000
souls; in point of nationality they are for the most part Uzbegs of
the tribes of Min, Atchamali and Duz. There is a sprinkling of Tajiks,
Heratis and a few Hindus, Afghans and Jews. Hindus and Jews pay small
capitation taxes. The town Maimana is situated upon a plain in the
midst of hills. It is surrounded by an earth-wall 12 feet high, 5
feet thick and a ditch. It has towers at the angles and four gates.
Its extent is about 2 miles in circumference, but the place shows
considerable neglect and decay. The town is extremely filthy, and the
bazaar is in a most dilapidated condition. In it are three mosques and
two schools, the former constructed of mud and the latter of brick.
The revenue of the district is estimated at £20,000, but the taxes of
the town are levied by the local authorities as follows: one tithe on
the produce of land, one tila (Rs. 7) on each garden, 2½ per cent. on
cattle, sheep, and merchandise, one-half tila on each house, six tilas
on each shop, one tila on the sales of horses or camels. In addition to
the tax on merchandise, transit duties are levied on every camel-load
of iron or other goods, while the Government also forms a close
monopoly of alum, nitre and sulphur.
In a sense the Hindu Kush is the dominant mountain system, together
with that extension which radiates from the Tirogkhoi plateau and the
stupendous peaks of the Koh-i-Baba. Everywhere the orology is of a very
rugged and difficult nature and its natural divisions may be said to
be:
(1) The basin of the Kabul river, including its tributaries, the
Logar, Panjsher and Kunar rivers.
(2) The table-land valleys of the Ghilzai country from Ghazni to
Kandahar, including the Argandab, the Tarnak and the Arghesan.
(3) The tributary valleys of the Indus, viz., Kurram, Khost, Dawar,
Gomul, Zobe and Bori.
(4) The valley of the Helmund.
(5) The basin of the Hamun lake.
(6) The valley of the Hari Rud.
(7) The valley of the Murghab.
(8) The tributary valleys of the Oxus, viz., Maimana, Balkh, Khulm,
Kunduz and Kokcha rivers.
The general elevation of the country is considerable. Starting from the
Koh-i-Baba it slopes outwards and attains in the table-land of Ghazni
and the upper valleys of the Hari Rud, Helmund and Kabul rivers its
highest points. Sloping downwards towards its boundaries the waters of
its rivers become absorbed by irrigation or lost by evaporation. Except
in its north-east corner, it grows more desert-like in character and
is bounded in all other directions, if not by a desert, at least by a
belt of “bad lands,” in which the work of cultivation and the march of
habitation is everywhere arrested by a want of water.
As opposed to the mountain system of Afghanistan there is very little
plain. Except between the foot of the northern slopes of the Hindu Kush
and the Oxus, at the foot of their south-western slopes along the lower
courses of the Hari Rud, the Farah and the Helmund, and the desert
to the south of Kandahar, there is none. Certain of the valleys have
wide stretches of level, which, although they may not be described as
plains, are of such an open, undulating nature that they afford ample
space for cultivation. The water question is the great difficulty;
although the number of rivers in Afghanistan is considerable only the
Helmund is of any magnitude. Generally speaking, they are fordable
everywhere during the greater part of the year. Their volume, too, is
greatly diminished by the irrigating channels, by which a stream of
some promise at its source rapidly dwindles away. The supplies that
they yield to cultivation make them of importance.
The following are the chief hydrographic divisions:
(1) The Kabul river and its tributaries.
(2) The Indus affluents.
(3) The basin of the Oxus.
(4) The basin of the Helmund.
(5) The basin of the Hari Rud.
[Illustration: KASI KHODA DA OF ISHKASHIM
_Photo, Olufsen_]
The prevailing climatic conditions of Afghanistan are dryness combined
with great extremes of temperature. Snow lies on the ground for three
months during the year in the Kabul and Ghazni districts, while many of
the peaks from the Hindu Kush to Kelat rise above the snow-line. But
so much depends on elevation that Jelalabad, 2000 feet above the sea,
is scarcely colder than India, while the winters on the neighbouring
Kohistan uplands are as severe as those of Russia. The coldest month
of the year is February, the mean minimum being 17° F. and the maximum
38° in the northern districts. The greatest cold is accompanied by an
extreme lowness of temperature; during the continuation of the cold
wave, which may remain for several days, the temperature varies from
a mean of 12° below zero to a maximum of 17° below freezing-point.
In Kabul, where the snow lies upon the ground for three months, the
thermometer falls to 3° below zero and in Ghazni it sinks to 10° below
zero, with a daily maximum rise of 5°. The summer heat, on the other
hand, is everywhere high, especially in the Oxus region where a shade
maximum of 110° to 120° is usual. At Kabul (6500 feet) the glass rises
to 90° and 100° in the shade, and in Kandahar to 110°. None the less,
southern Afghanistan is, on the whole, decidedly more salubrious than
the fever-stricken lowland districts of Afghan Turkestan.
If such is an outline of the physical and climatic conditions of
Afghanistan, the ethnographic divisions no less require mention. In
spite of the disappearance of the khanates and the incorporation of
their territories with Kabul, strong differences of race still mark out
the several peoples.
The subjoined table comprises the different tribes classified according
to their geographical distribution:[30]
{ { Wakhis } Hindu Kush (northern
{ { Badakhshis } slopes).
{ {
{ Galcha { Swatis }
{ Branch { Siah-Posh Kafirs } Hindu Kush (southern
{ { Safis } slopes).
{ { Chagnans }
{
{ Kohistanis Hills north of Kabul.
{
Aryans. { { { Kabul; Suliman Mountains;
{ { Afghans { Kandahar; Helmund
{ { { basin; Herat.
{ Iranic {
{ Branch { Tajiks { Herat; most towns and
{ { { settled districts.
{ {
{ { Seistanis Lower Helmund. Hamun.
{
{ Indic { Hindkis Most large towns.
{ Branch {
{ Mongol { Hazaras } Northern highlands between
{ Branch { Aimaks } Bamian and Herat.
Mongol-. {
Tatars { Turki { Uzbegs Afghan Turkestan.
{ Branch { Turcomans Herat, Maimana and Andkhui.
{ Kizil Bashis Kabul chiefly.
The Afghans claim to be Ben-i-Israel, but since Ahmed Shah Durani
announced the independence of his state the Afghans of Afghanistan have
styled themselves Durani. They are settled principally in the Kandahar
country, extending into Seistan and to the borders of the Herat valley.
Eastward they spread across the Afghan border into the Toba highlands
north of the Khojak, where they are represented by Achakzai and Sadozai
clans. They exist in the Kabul districts as Barakzai (the Amir’s clan),
and as Mahmundzai (Mohmands) and Yusufzai. They occupy the hills north
of the Kabul river, Bajaor, Swat, Buner and part of the Peshawar plains.
After the Afghans the dominant people are the Pukhtun or Pathans,
represented by a variety of tribes, many of whom are recognised as
being of Indian origin. They inhabit the hilly regions along the
immediate British frontier. The Afridi Jowaki and Orakzai clans hold
the highlands immediately south of the Khyber and Peshawar, the Turis
of the Kurram, the Dawaris of Tochi and the Waziris of Waziristan
filling up the intervening Pathan hills north of the Gomul. In the
Kohat district the Khattak and Bangash clans are Pathan so that Pathans
are found on both sides of the border.
The Ghilzai is reckoned as a Pathan, and he is also connected with
the Afghan. Nevertheless his origin is distinct; he claims only ties
of faith and affinity of language with other Afghan peoples. The
Ghilzai rank collectively as second to none in military strength and
in commercial enterprise; further their chiefs take a leading part in
the politics of the country, possessing much influence at Kabul. They
are a fine, manly race of people, and it is from some of their most
influential clans (Suliman Khel, Nasir Khel, Kharotis, etc.) that the
main body of Povindah merchants is derived. These frontier commercial
travellers trade between Ghazni and the plains of India, bringing down
their heavily-laden _kafilas_ at the commencement of the cold weather
and retiring again to the hills ere the summer heat sets in. During
the winter months thousands of them circulate through the farthest
districts of the peninsula, where it not infrequently happens that
they prove to be troublesome, if not dangerous, visitors.
Underlying the predominant Afghan and Ghilzai elements in Afghan
ethnography there is the Tajik, who, representing the original Persian
possessors of the soil, still speaks his mother tongue. There are pure
Persians in Afghanistan, such as the Kizil Bashis of Kabul and the
Naoshirwans of Kharan. The Tajiks are the cultivators in the rural
districts: the shop-keepers and clerks in the towns; while they are
slaves of the Pathan in Afghanistan no less than the Hindkis are in the
plains of the Indus.
Next in importance to the Tajik is the Mongol Hazara, who speaks a
dialect of Persian and belongs to the Shiah sect of Mahommedans. The
Hazaras occupy the highlands of the upper Helmund valley, spreading
through the country between Kabul and Herat, as well as into a
strip of territory on the frontier slopes of the Hindu Kush. In the
western provinces they are known as Hazaras, Jamshidis, Taimanis and
Ferozkhois; in other districts they are distinguished by the name of
the territory which they occupy. They are pure Mongols; intermixing
with no other races, preserving their language and their Mongol
characteristics they are uninfluenced by their surroundings.
In Afghan Turkestan the Tajik is allied with the Uzbeg and Turcoman;
the chief Turcoman tribes left to Afghan rule being the Alieli of
the Daolatabad-Andkhui districts and the Ersaris of the Khwaja Salar
section of the Oxus frontier. Originally robbers and raiders, they have
now beaten their swords into ploughshares and concern themselves with
agricultural pursuits.
Thus while there is an Afghan race almost identical in physical type,
speech, religion and culture, there is none possessing a distinct
sense of its unity, with common political sentiments and aspirations.
The Duranis, the Ghilzais, the Waziris, the Afridis, the Mongols,
Mohmands, Jusufzais and others form so many different communities
within the State. Each possesses separate interests, although Ahmed
Shah Durani endeavoured to give a national importance to his tribe,
not only by changing its name from Abdali to Durani, but also by
associating with it other sections--the Jusufzais, Mohmands, Afridis,
Shinwaris, Orakzais and Turkolanis--under the common designation of
Bar-Duranis. The attempt failed, and these sections still retain their
tribal integrity, declining to be fused together; so that, while the
peoples of Afghanistan have lost their independence, it cannot be said
that they have not preserved their individuality.
[Illustration: CHILDREN FROM THE UPPER OXUS
_Photo Olufsen_]
Whatever the descent of the Afghans may be, the following, a list of
the races inhabiting Afghanistan at the present day, represents an
endeavour to establish the connections between them.
(1) =The Durani tribes are=:
1. Popalzai; 2. Alikuzai; 3. Barakzai; 4. Achakzai; 5. Nurzai;
6. Ishakzai; 7. Khugianis.
(2) =The Tarins are divided into=:
(_a_) The Spin Tarins.
(_b_) The Tor Tarins.
=The Spin embrace=:
1. Shadizai; 2. Marpani; 3. Lasran; 4. Adwani.
=The Tor include=:
1. Batezai; 2. Haikalzai; 3. Malizai; 4. Kadazai;
5. Khanizai; 6. Khamzai; 7. Alizai; 8. Nurzai;
9. Kalazai; 10. Naezai; 11. Musizai; 12. Abdulrahmanzai;
13. Habilzai; 14. Hamranzai; 15.
Karbela; 16. Sezai.
(3) =The Kakars are composed of=:
1. Jalazai; 2. Musa Khel; 3. Kadizai; 4. Utman Khel;
5. Abdulazai; 6. Kabizai; 7. Hamzazai; 8. Shabozai;
9. Khidarzai.
(4) =The Ghilzais control=:
⎧ Zabr Khel Shahmomalzai.
⎪ Ahmadzai Kaisar Khel.
⎪ Umar Khel Khwazak.
Ibrahim ⎨ Adamzai Stanizai.
⎪ Chalozai Ali Khel.
⎩ Chinzai Andar.
⎧ Ohtaki.
Turan ⎨ Tokai.
⎩ Hotaki.
(5) =The Povindahs comprise=:
1. Lohani; 2. Nasir; 3. Nazai; 4. Kharoti.
(6) =The Waziris are made up of=:
1. Mahsud; 2. Utmanzai; 3. Ahmadzai.
(7) =Shiranis.=
(8) =The Turis are broken up among=:
1. Gundi Khel; 2. Alizai; 3. Mastu Khel; 4. Hamza Khel;
5. Dopazai.
(9) =The Zaimukht are represented by=:
1. Mamuzai; 2. Khwahdad Khel.
(10) =Orakzais.=
(11) =Dawaris.=
(12) =Khostwals.=
(13) =The Afridis are split into=:
1. Kaki Khel; 2. Malik Din; 3. Kambar; 4. Kamr; 5. Lakha
Khel; 6. Aka Khel; 7. Sipahs.
(14) =The Tajiks embody=:
1. Kehwani; 2. Ada Khel; 3. Petla; 4. Ahman Khel; 5. Ali
Khel; 6. Jamu Khel; 7. Husen Khel; 8. Keria Ahmud Khel.
(15) =The Mongols are formed of=:
1. Miral Khel; 2. Khajuri; 3. Zab; 4. Margai; 5. Kamal Khel.
(16) =Jadrans.=
(17) =The Shinwaris are constituted by=:
1. Khoja Khel; 2. Shekhmal Khel; 3. Mirdad Khel; 4. Ashkben
Khel; 5. Syad Khel; 6. Sangu Khel.
(18) =The Mohmands are indicated as=:
1. Tarakzai; 2. Alamzai; 3. Baizai; 4. Khwaizai; 5. Utmanzai;
6. Dawezai.
(19) =The Yusafzais (Kohistani) dissolve into=:
1. Baizai; 2. Khwazozais; 3. Malizais; 4. Turkilanis; 5. Utmanzais;
6. Hasanzai; 7. Akazai; 8. Mada Khel; 9. Iliaszai;
10. Daolatzai; 11. Chagarzai; 12. Nurizai; 13. Utman Khels.
[Illustration: A MOUNTAIN VILLAGE
_Photo Olufsen_]
[29] “Northern Afghanistan.” Major C. E. Yate.
[30] “Asia.” A. H. Keane.
[Illustration: ENTRANCE TO AMIR’S PAVILION AT JELALABAD]
CHAPTER XI
ADMINISTRATION, LAWS AND REVENUE
The task which presented itself to Abdur Rahman upon his accession to
the throne, was of such magnitude that few Asiatic potentates would
have ventured to have coped with it. The gravest confusion prevailed
in every department of political, civil and military administration,
while the supremacy of the Amir of Kabul received no very definite
recognition from the Sirdars who were ruling over the several tribes
which together made up the State. Under Dost Mahommed, as also in the
reign of Shir Ali, the Sirdars, jealous, ambitious and turbulent,
governed in their respective districts each after his own fashion. The
controlling authority of the Amir of Kabul was not infrequently defied;
and as no community of interests existed between Kabul and the khanates
there was no enduring form of government. Everything depended upon
the pleasure of chiefs who, regulated by no law, were always ready to
indulge in hostilities for their own gratification. The results of such
a system of government are illustrated by the civil war of 1863-1869,
which distinguished the early years of Shir Ali’s reign, the final
triumph of that ruler securing the paramountcy of the Amir of Kabul
throughout Afghanistan. While Shir Ali founded a certain despotic
sovereignty over Afghanistan, it was Abdur Rahman who, by establishing
a military autocracy, guaranteed the absolutism of the Amir. The
continuation of such a form of government is possible only so long as
the Amir is able to rely upon the unswerving loyalty of his troops.
But until the moment of disunion arrives the ruler of Afghanistan is a
dictator, whose absolute authority is limited only by the calculations
which prudence dictates. Religion is the one counterpoise to his
authority and the growing influence of the priests--an influence which
has increased decidedly since the accession of Habib Ullah--represents
the sole quarter from which might arise disturbing elements.
Under Abdur Rahman the power of the priests was held in check; his
rugged independence did not permit him to brook, even covertly, the
exercise of priestly authority. The Church restrained, he was able
to proceed with the work of curtailing the rights and privileges
of the chiefs who, at one and the same time, had been a source of
strength or of danger to his predecessors. Prompt to defend the
authority of the Amir of Kabul when relations were cemented by a good
understanding and accustomed to a certain degree to participate in
the affairs of government, the tribal chiefs refused to resign any
measure of their authority when such action threatened to precipitate
the disappearance of their powers. Dost Mahommed did not attempt to
interfere with the Sirdars; Shir Ali introduced into their position
no perceptible modification. The tribal system was in full swing at
the time when Abdur Rahman ascended the throne. At that moment each
tribe together with its sub-divisions, according to its numerical
force and territorial dimensions, supported one or more of the
reigning chiefs. These leaders, whose existence may be compared with
that enjoyed by the dukes and barons of the Middle Ages in France,
occupied so great a position in the State that the enlistment of their
services upon behalf of the throne carried with it a weight, always
sufficient to maintain the balance of the scales in favour of the ruler
of Kabul. Nevertheless, in order to fortify his own position, Abdur
Rahman decided to suppress them. One by one they were brought under
subjection, the gradual circumscription of their authority paving the
way to the subsequent solidarity which distinguished his own position.
From this step he proceeded to fasten upon the remains of the old
system a new administration, purging the Augean stable and curbing the
rights of the chiefs no less than the licence of the individual.
Hitherto in Afghanistan freedom of movement had been permitted. There
was nothing to prevent the entire population of a village from crossing
the border if the majority of its elders were so inclined. Abdur Rahman
checked this liberty, instituting a system which allowed none but the
authorised to move between the great centres of the country or to
venture beyond its frontiers. It is not to be supposed that he was able
to maintain free from abuse his new order of government. Spoliation
and embezzlement had existed so long in Afghanistan that recourse to
them had become second nature to every functionary. Each official,
whether he were the product of the new order or a remnant of the old,
was corrupt and regarded abuse of office as the customary symbol of
administrative power. The existence of such a practice necessarily
threw into confusion any attempt at reform; and, although Abdur Rahman
produced much elaborate machinery, departmental disorders continued
unabated. In Kabul, in spite of many high-sounding titles, the methods
of the new order were still regulated by the principles of the old.
To the ignorant or to the zealous this condition of affairs may
perhaps be disappointing; but in any Oriental government the first and
only thought of the official classes is the enhancement of their own
interests and the enrichment of their private coffers. Abdur Rahman
put a stop to the sale of public offices, but he could not control the
disbursement and acceptance of bribes by which such offices can be
awarded; and, from the highest to the lowest, while success favours
the delinquent, his crime attracts no attention so long as he may
distribute his favours. Even under Abdur Rahman it was rarely that
officials of importance were brought to book, while to-day the Throne
itself visits the avaricious by exacting the repletion of its privy
purse at the expense of justice.
[Illustration: TOMB OF THE EMPEROR BABER NEAR KABUL]
It is of course to the credit of Abdur Rahman that he began his task at
the beginning. At the time of his succession the system of government
was so involved that the entire machinery of the civil administration
was carried on by a staff of ten clerks, who were controlled by an
official combining within himself the functions of every executive
officer.[31] There were no public offices and the seat of government
was the bedroom of this man. There were no books; the statements
of expenditure and the records of government business were entered
upon small slips of paper, 8 inches long and 6 inches wide, each
sheet containing the briefest abstract of the matter with which it
was concerned. If any reference were required it frequently happened
that thousands of these pages had to be examined. In order to remedy
this system of keeping records Abdur Rahman introduced ledgers and
record books, the defacement of which was an offence punishable by
the amputation of the fingers. From this, in due course, he proceeded
to create a military and civil administration. Under military
administration, in addition to the armed forces of the army, militia
and levies, he included the departments concerned with the manufacture
of every variety of war material and the industries associated with
each. All workmen employed in these concerns and all foreigners, whose
services were retained by the Government, were brought within the
supervision of the military bureau. Upon the military side, too, he
arranged that pay-sheets should be honoured monthly, while treasury
disbursements, which were incorporated in the revenue branch of the
civil department, were made annually or, in certain exceptions,
bi-yearly.
The civil administration, as ordained by Abdur Rahman, still
continues. It embraces the Boards of Treasury and Trade, the Bureaux
of Justice and Police, the Offices of Records, Public Works, Posts
and Communications. The Departments of Education and Medicine are a
separate organisation. The Board of Treasury is divided into four
departments of Revenue and Expenditure--northern, southern, eastern
and western--in connection with which there are the State Treasury and
the Private Treasury. The State Treasury is controlled by the State
Treasurer and the Councillors of the Exchequer, who render accounts
to an Accountant-General. Statements of revenue and expenditure are
receipted daily and every evening an abstract, showing the transactions
of the day and countersigned by the heads of the departments concerned,
is submitted to the Amir. The Private Treasury is occupied solely with
the income and monies of the Royal Family. Each Treasury is divided
into two branches, the one being set aside for payments in cash and the
other for the reception of transactions in kind. The Board of Trade
includes the Caravan Department and the Customs House Department.
Branches of these are established in the larger centres and appeals
from them pass through the chief bureau in Kabul, where they are
referred to the office of the Financial Commissioner, Mirza Shah Beg
Khan, for presentation to the Amir when the necessity arises.
Government is conducted through the agency of a Supreme Council and a
General Assembly drawn from three classes. At present these are certain
Sirdars who take their seats as members of the Royal Clan; the Khans,
who are representatives of the country; and the Mullahs, who are the
representatives of the Mahommedan religion. Abdur Rahman modified in
some degree the rights and privileges of the Sirdars in connection
with the Royal Durbars; nowadays only those who are the descendants
of the Amir Dost Mahommed Khan and his brothers, or who have received
the specific sanction of the Throne to bear the title, may occupy a
place at them. These three classes are divided into two parties. One of
them is known as the Durbar Shahi or the Supreme Council; the other is
called the Khawanin Mulkhi or General Assembly. These representatives
are convoked by a call from the Aishak Akasee, whose position
resembles that held by the Lord Chamberlain in England. It is his duty
to summon all the members of the Supreme Council and to arrange their
seats according to the order of their merit. He has another subordinate
officer, who is called Omla Bashi, who notifies the General Assembly
and takes a receipt for the delivery of the notices of meeting. On
their arrival outside the Durbar Hall councillors are received at the
gate by another officer, called Kabchi Bashi, who is a deputy of the
Aishak Akasee. The Kabchi Bashi introduces members of the General
Assembly to the Aishak Akasee.
Upon the attendance of these three Estates of the Realm the Amir reads
a proclamation or makes a speech on the subjects which are claiming
the attention of the meeting and at the same time asks their opinion.
This usually results in the expression of the same views as those held
by the Amir, as this assembly has neither the capacity nor the courage
to detect anything wrong in the law or policy of their sovereign.
Another mode of introducing an alteration of the law is that some
member or members of this assembly may lay a petition before the Amir,
to which sanction may be given. The most important factor in securing
any change, consists in the daily reports from the magistrates,
the governors, the ecclesiastical and criminal courts, the revenue
department and other offices of the Government, who forward their
decisions for approval and sanction, or send in their petitions or the
petitions of tribes in the country requesting the Amir to sign a new
ordinance. If the Amir forms a favourable opinion upon these documents
they are enrolled in the Record Office of the Government.
The Amir’s Supreme Council or Cabinet differs from the English Cabinet
in that there is no Prime Minister and that the Cabinet cannot give any
advice to the Crown without being asked to do so. The Amir is seldom
absent from his Council, but its assemblage simply depends on the
pleasure of the Crown. If the presence of any member is unpopular in
the country, the people have the power to protest against it.
The following officials constitute the Cabinet:[32] the Aishak Akasee;
Lord of the Seal; Chief Secretary and several other secretaries; the
military officials of the bodyguard; Lord Treasurer of the private
treasury of the Sovereign; Secretary of State for War; Secretaries
of State for the North, South, East and West; Postmaster-General;
Commander-in-Chief or his deputy; Master of the Horse; Kotwal or Home
Secretary; Quartermaster-General; Accountant-General; Groom of the
Bed-chamber; Superintendent of the Magazines; Heads of the Board of
Trade and of the Board of Education. In addition, there are sometimes
those other officials or chiefs who may be sufficiently in the
confidence of the Amir to be admitted to the meetings.
[Illustration: SPINNING COTTON]
The following division of business is usually observed: Monday and
Thursday are devoted to postal despatches and to the Exchequer; Tuesday
is set aside for consideration of military cases and the affairs of the
War Office; Wednesday is devoted to the affairs of the whole kingdom
when public as well as private Durbars are held; Friday is observed as
a religious holiday; on Saturday the Amir sits as a Court of Appeal and
Supreme Court of Justice; Sunday is devoted to the inspection of the
army, magazines, war materials, manufactories, industries and various
miscellaneous matters.
The laws of Afghanistan at the present day may be placed under three
headings:
(1) Islamic laws.
(2) Those created by the Amir, which are based upon Islamic laws,
the opinions of the people and the personal views of Habib
Ullah as well as of his father, the late Amir.
(3) Tribal laws.
In criminal, revenue and political law the procedure was devised by
Abdur Rahman; but for the rest, Islamic law is the general practice.
The cases decided by the Amir himself are brought under two headings:
Firstly, he sits as a Supreme Court of Appeal; in which capacity he
hears and decides the appeals from all the various courts, whether
civil, criminal or ecclesiastical.
Secondly, there are some cases which he hears himself from the
beginning and decides himself, just as do the inferior courts.
Commonly it is understood that when the Amir sits as an original court
to hear cases which are not appeals from any other court, such cases
must be of great importance: such as political disputes, cases of high
treason, offences against the Throne and matters of Government revenue.
This is merely a theory, since any person who has even a trifling
matter in dispute can have his case decided by the Amir himself if he
fears that the subordinate Court is prejudiced; or if he chooses for
any other reason to go before the Amir in preference to going before
the subordinate Courts. It is in the pleasure of the Crown to refer
such a plaintiff to the subordinate Courts, unless the plaintiff can
prove that he has reason to believe that justice would not be equally
meted out in such a court.
The rule of Appeal, unlike that of England, is that the superior Court,
instead of being satisfied with the investigation of the subordinate
Court, takes the case as if it were a new one. New evidence, fresh
inquiries and investigations are made from the very beginning, as
though the case had never previously been tried.
(1) _Appeals._--These are brought before the Amir in the following ways:
Firstly, the various courts forward for his approval such judgments
as they consider of great importance and do not like to take upon
themselves the responsibility of deciding.
Secondly, the same Courts forward to the Amir for his opinion questions
on which there is no definitely laid down law by which to abide.
Thirdly, in cases where the spies of the Amir, who are supposed to be
everywhere, report to him that some kind of fraud or partiality had
been shown in a decision.
Fourthly, where a plaintiff or defendant is dissatisfied with the
judgment of any Court he can appeal to the Amir.
(2) _Court of First Instance._--Occasionally the Amir sits as a Court
of First Instance, when it is permitted to all persons to approach him
with grievances, disputes or claims as they would any other magistrate.
Whether it is an appeal or an original case, the modes of trial in
civil law are the same. The plaintiff brings his witnesses with him, if
it is necessary to have any witness at all, and the defendant brings
his witnesses also. Both sides are heard and the case decided upon the
spot, the inordinate delay which distinguishes judicial procedure in
England being avoided.
The various codes of law are so numerous that they would fill at least
a dozen bulky volumes. Every official, the holders of all offices,
great or small, in Afghanistan has a manual signed or sealed by the
Amir, on which he acts. Instructions are so minute, moreover, that it
is a common saying in Afghanistan that there is not a donkey-driver
in the country who does not possess a signature of the Amir to some
document, giving him the law which he is to obey. All classes are
amenable to the law, and in theory there is no exemption or special
laws--not even for the nearest relatives of the Amir, as was once
proved when a favourite wife of the late Abdur Rahman was ordered
by him to answer in the courts to the summons of a firm of Parsee
milliners. Judicial corruption, however, makes evasion of the law
neither difficult nor infrequent, and bribery is the cause of a general
miscarriage of justice.
The condition of the Criminal Law is singularly barbarous; and no
attempt, even upon paper or in theory, has been made to mitigate its
crude severity. There is no fixed limit for the various punishments,
and, although sentences of death need to be confirmed by the Amir,
torture is invariably applied in all cases of criminal procedure. The
instrument more generally used is known as the Fanah, a contrivance
not unlike the “boot.” There are many things in the Afghan code which
are susceptible of improvement for the whim of the Amir is law, and,
at best, he is no better than an amiable despot whose caprice demands
immediate realisation. In this, Afghanistan is far removed from the
condition of the native States of India and the territories of Bokhara,
where, if justice is also tempered with bribery and corruption, life
is at least respected until the innocent are proved to be guilty. Not
so in the Amir’s country, where men are still blown from guns and
penalties of equal brutality exacted for comparatively trivial offences.
Illustrations of the harshness of the law abound in Kabul itself.
It is a common spectacle to see prisoners, their ankles encircled
by steel bands, which are connected by a rod to a chain round their
waists, sitting by the wayside asking alms of passers-by. Under the
conditions which prevail in the Kabul prisons, unless the inmates
have money or friends who will interest themselves in their plight,
they are thrown upon the charity of the public for their means of
subsistence. Government provides nothing for them but bread and prison
quarters, where, chained and under close observation, they lead a life
of endless misery. Justice, too, is very slow-footed and expedition is
impossible until the officers of the Court, whose duty it is to bring
cases-in-waiting to the notice of the judge, have first been bribed.
Heavy tolls are levied by all officials for this service and, if the
payments are not forthcoming, the trial may never take place or it may
be protracted through several years. Even then, when prisoners have
been tried, their sentences pronounced and they are at the conclusion
of their terms of imprisonment, the rental charges for their use of the
prisons have still to be met. The system is iniquitous and imposes upon
poor captives the alternative of perpetual slavery, or the necessity
to cry for alms in the streets as they go to and from their work.
Employment in the workshops, the ordnance yards and upon the Government
buildings is the only description of labour with which the prisoners
are furnished. In a measure such work is popular among them, as it
affords opportunities for discussion with their friends and gives them
for a brief space somewhat greater liberty of movement. Their tasks
are of the hardest and roughest description, but they have a chance to
wash their clothes--even to take a bath in the canal which runs through
the factories. Sometimes, too, regular workmen distribute their food
among the prisoners or even present them with a few _pice_. But at all
times their fate is terrible and their existence in prison accompanied
by extreme privations. Again, if death is the order of their lot, it
is impossible to say whether it will be short, sharp and sudden, or
something a little lingering like the ends which befel a robber, and an
over-zealous student of political affairs, of whom Abdur Rahman made
such terrible examples.
The robber, the leader of a band of brigands whose exploits and
activity had won for the Lata Bund Devan an unenviable notoriety, was
captured by the police after many attempts, and repeated warnings.
The Amir, who had become exasperated at the robberies of the band,
determined to make a fitting example of their leader. Upon the
summit of the Lata Bund Pass, 8000 feet above sea-level, he erected
a flag-staff; from this he suspended an iron cage and in the cage he
placed the robber--where he left him, as an example! It is said in
Kabul that the fate of that highwayman determined the end of the robber
band. Certainly, since that day no further crimes of violence have been
committed in the pass.
The other was a student who, brought before Abdur Rahman, declared in
a state of unrepressed excitement that the Russians were advancing to
invade Afghanistan.
“The Russians are coming?” said the Amir with grim deliberation; “then
you shall be taken to the summit of yonder tower and shall have no food
till you see them arrive.”
The theory of Justice in all Eastern countries aims at punishing some
one person for every indictable misdemeanour. In China, in Japan,
in Korea and in Africa, too, the autocrat measures the peace of the
country-side by the moral effect of his standard of punishment. No
crime escapes its levy against the liberty of the subject, although
the criminal himself may abscond. A precisely similar state of affairs
prevails in Afghanistan where, in the event of the offender escaping,
the hostage satisfies the findings of the law. Liberty of movement,
therefore, is denied to every one in Kabul beyond a six-mile radius
measured from the Kabul police station. For permission to go beyond
this point it is necessary to obtain at a cost of three rupees a
_rahdari_ or road-pass and to leave Afghanistan without such a pass
is punishable with death. In point of fact, facilities are never
granted until hostages against the failure of the person to return
have been given. In the case of any one venturing to leave Afghanistan
and failing to come back, his property is at once confiscated, his
family is imprisoned and his more immediate surety is executed. Such
a fate befel the family of a soldier who was making a protracted
stay in India. Arrested and threatened with execution their release
was secured only by the man’s return and surrender, knowing when he
did so that he would be blown from a gun on the place of execution.
This was ultimately his fate. It is one so constantly meted out to
prisoners that, whenever the boom of the gun is heard in Kabul, only
those who are of the sternest disposition can suppress the sigh which
involuntarily escapes as the mournful sound falls upon the ears. There
are, of course, other ways of punishing the guilty than that of blowing
them from cannon. Yet the boom of a gun in Kabul only denotes one
of three things: the passing of the Amir, the mid-day hour, and the
release of a soul to Paradise from the horrors of the Kabul prisons.
In the city of Kabul the Amir does not give the enemies of law
and order a chance. The chief magistrate has become an object of
public execration and wholesome dread. His spies are believed to be
everywhere; and hardly a word can be spoken without its coming to
the ears of the Naib Kotwal and through him to the Amir himself. The
Kabul police code is curiously elaborate. It forbids evil speaking in
the streets. The vituperation of a Said (a reputed descendant of the
Prophet Mahommed through his daughter Fatima), of a man of learning
or of a civic elder renders the offender liable to twenty lashes and
a fine of fifty rupees. If the bad language is only aimed at a common
person ten lashes with a fine of ten rupees is the penalty provided.
Punishments are also laid down for dishonest tradesmen who cheat with
false weights or adulterate the food they sell, for the indecorous
bather, the gambler, the purveyor of charms; as also for persons who
misbehave in the mosque, forget to say their prayers or to observe
a fast day. The man who kisses some one else’s wife receives thirty
lashes and is sent to prison for further inquiry.
Careful directions are laid down in regard to administering the lash.
The instrument itself is made of three strips of camel, cow and sheep
skin, with a handle of olive wood. The stripes are laid on with pious
ejaculations and the police officer is exhorted to feel, if he cannot
show, sorrow for the wrong-doer, “since Mahommedans are all of one
flesh.” Special cognisance is taken of offences against religion. If
any free-thinking Kabuli omits to bend his head with due reverence at
the hour of prayer the police officer must at first remonstrate gently.
If the mild appeal fails, he must use harsh terms, such as “O foolish,
O stupid one.” In the event of continued obstinacy the stick is to be
applied; and, as a last resource, the Amir is to be informed. He--“will
do the rest.”
The departments for the administration of the Government in the
provinces are as follows:
(1) The Governor-General, the Governor together with the
Secretaries and Staffs.
Strictly speaking, there are no positive restrictions limiting and
separating the authority of any one official from that of another.
Cases go before any court to which the applicant may choose to take
them. As a rule the Governor-General of the province is the executive
head of all departments within his sphere and he is looked upon as a
Court of Appeal from the District Courts, which are presided over by
the District Governor or his subordinate officials. The main duty of
the Governor-General is to collect the revenues from the landowners and
to administer the province; of the District Governor, to settle the
disputes of landowners, to keep the peace in his district, to circulate
the Kabul proclamations and to forward from time to time any orders
which he may receive from his provincial heads. The chief provinces
are administered by Governors-General, the more important centres
by Governors and the smaller places by District Governors, District
Superintendents and Inspectors. Commanders-in-Chief are associated
with the Governors-General of provinces and military officers of
corresponding subordinate rank assist the civilian officials.
Governors, exercising full executive powers locally, report to their
Governors-in-Chief who, in turn, despatch a monthly report to Kabul.
(2) The Kazi (Judge of the Ecclesiastical Court) with his
subordinate.
The Ecclesiastical Court of the Kazi is looked upon as the highest
tribunal in the province and hence it is not limited to religious
subjects; all civil cases, whatever their nature, may be taken before
it. Generally speaking, business differences and religious disputes
are settled in the District Courts, cases concerning divorce, marriage
and inheritance passing before the Provincial Supreme Court. Cases
punishable by death seldom come within the jurisdiction of the
provincial courts. The Chief Judge of this court is called Kazi and his
subordinates are Muftis. Cases are decided by a majority.
(3) The Kotwal (Head of the Police Department) together with
the force of Police, Secretary and the officials of the
Passport Department.
The Kotwal exercises much greater authority in criminal cases than any
other criminal official whatever. He combines the duties of a District
Chief of Police and a judge of Petty Sessions, while he may determine
small criminal cases, forwarding the more serious to the capital. He
is also in charge of the local Intelligence Department and is in each
centre an official of whose tyranny, oppression and cruelty stories and
poems have been handed down from posterity.
(4) Kafila Bashi (an official of the Caravan Department) with
a Board of Commerce, a Revenue Office, Tax-Collector’s
Office, Treasury Office and a local military force.
The Kafila Bashi is an official who supplies transport to travellers;
in this respect he is responsible for the payment of all dues by
travellers, as well as for the treatment dealt out to the caravan
followers. He receives his commission from those who hire the animals
and renders an account of every transaction to the Government. All
expenses of this establishment are paid by the Government and the
balance passes into the District Treasury.
The Board of Commerce settles disputes between merchants. The President
of the Board presides over this court and its members are elected from
among the mercantile community, irrespective of religion.
The Revenue Office settles the accounts of the revenue and keeps a
record of the taxes which every landowner must pay annually to the
Government. The land revenue is now fixed at one-third of the produce
of the soil and is to be collected by the _lambardar_ of each village.
Associated with the Revenue Office are officers who register and copy
all documents issued in connection with the collection and expenditure
of revenue. Duties upon commerce are levied at the rate of 2½ per cent.
upon all exports and imports, all such monies passing direct into the
local treasury.
Abdur Rahman gave his closest attention to the revenue. One of his
earliest acts was to replace by tokens of his own the currency which
had existed under the Khans. Hitherto, the money in circulation in
Afghanistan had been represented by three varieties of rupees--the
Herat, the Kandahar and the Kabul which, although not really of
identical value, were reckoned at ten _shahis_. No gold tokens had
been struck by any of the dynasties reigning in the State, and the
gold coins which passed in the country were represented by the ducat
of Russia, the tilla of Bokhara and the toman of Persia. These coins
had been imported in the natural course of trade; but by a strange
coincidence the Persian token suffered a discount, while the Russian
and Bokharan coins enjoyed a premium of 10 per cent. There were certain
silver coins, also, which had been introduced by merchants from beyond
the borders. Among these were the silver kran from Persia and the
silver rupee from India, equally liable to the vagaries of exchange. In
detail, the currency of Afghanistan was as follows:
200 dinars = 1 abbassi.
500 dinars or 10 shahis = 1 rupee kham.
600 dinars or 12 shahis = 1 rupee silver.
20 rupees kham = 1 toman (about £2).
The dinar, the rupee kham and the toman figured, in the main, in
accounts, the table of the coins actually in circulation being as
follows:
3-5 pice (copper) = 1 shahi (silver).
2 shahis (silver) = 1 abbassi (silver).
2 abbassis (silver) = 1 jindek Herat (silver).
3 jindeks (silver) = 1 rupee Kandahar (silver).
2 rupees Kandahar (silver) = 1 rupee Kabul (silver).
1 jindek = 4_d._
1 rupee Kandahar = 1_s._
1 rupee Kabul = 2_s._
In order to re-establish the currency of the country upon a sound basis
Abdur Rahman opened a mint in Kabul. At the same time he re-organised
the methods of revenue collection, besides improving the channels
through which it was received.
The work of the mint was at first conducted by hand. It was not
until some years after he had ascended the throne that the late
Amir introduced minting machinery, at the same time requesting
the Government of India to loan the services of an Englishman to
superintend its erection. The official thus despatched was Mr.
McDermot, employed in the Calcutta mint; and under his supervision
Kabuli workmen learnt to cut the dies, to erect the stamps and to
strike off the coins. The capacity of the plant which was erected in
Kabul was limited to a silver and copper mintage of 100,000 coins a
day, made up of five and ten pice pieces, rupees, half-rupees and
third-rupees. In contradistinction to the rupees which had previously
been struck off at Kabul, each new rupee was worth only one shilling.
These coins bore upon their faces the inscription--a translation of a
title conferred upon Abdur Rahman by his people in 1896--“The Light of
the Nation and of Religion”; the reverse side bore his coat-of-arms.
Until this superscription was adopted, coins were engraved only with
the date and place of casting upon one side, and upon the reverse
the name of the ruler--“Cast at the Capital of Kabul: Amir Abdur
Rahman.” Since Habib Ullah’s accession Abdur Rahman’s coinage has been
superseded by a new issue bearing in Turkish characters the inscription
“Amir Habib Ullah Khan, Amir of Kabul, The Seeker of God’s help.” The
engraving on the obverse represents a mosque with pulpit and minarets,
encircled by rifles, standards, swords and cannon. Habib Ullah’s coins
are of lower standard to the previous issue; actual exchange against
Indian currency being:
R. A. P. R. A. P.
1 Kabuli rupee = 0 7 9 and 1 Kandahari rupee = 0 4 6
The Amir’s officials in levying duties maintain an arbitrary and wholly
fictitious rate of exchange under which
Indian. Indian.
R. A. P. R. A. P.
1 Kabuli rupee = 0 13 4 and 1 Kandahari rupee = 0 8 0
The income of Afghanistan has always been subject to serious
fluctuation. In 1839, at a moment when Kandahar, Herat, and Kabul were
separate territories, and there were ten rupees to the pound sterling,
the proceeds from each State were:
Herat 800,000 rupees = £80,000
Kandahar 800,000 ” = £80,000
Kabul 2,000,000 ” = £200,000
Nearly twenty years later, in 1857, during a conference with the
Governor-General of India at Peshawar, Dost Mahommed submitted an
estimate of his returns which, excluding a million rupees which had to
be disbursed to tribal chiefs, was as follows:
Kabul 2,222,000 rupees = £222,200
Kandahar 444,000 ” = £44,400
Turkestan 342,800 ” = £34,280
Supplementary sources 1,000,000 ” = £100,000
--------- --------
Total 4,008,800 ” = £400,880
While the receipts of Afghan Turkestan were incorporated with these
figures, the Herat territory was still an independent sphere and its
income on that account is not included. A few years later, under Shir
Ali, the revenue from all sources rose to £710,000; which, together
with the very handsome subsidy annually paid by the Government of
India, and if it had been assisted by a liberal fiscal policy under
Abdur Rahman, well might have expanded to an annual income of one
million sterling.
[Illustration: A CUSTOMS STATION IN THE PLAINS]
Prior to their systematic collection under the arrangements which were
devised by Abdur Rahman, the monies of Afghanistan were obtained by an
elaborate process of taxation, which, if not altogether excessive, was
accompanied by much unauthorised exaction. Taxes were imposed upon all
live-stock, upon cultivated ground, upon all varieties of produce, upon
houses and upon certain classes of the population, the apparent aim of
the authorities, irrespective of their actual needs, being to extract
as much as possible from their unhappy subjects. The following table
represents the taxes which were imposed in the territories of Herat,
Kandahar and Kabul.
_Article._ _Imposts._ £ _s._ _d._
Merchants’ shops 336 jindeks[33] per annum = 5 12 0
Nomads’ tent-tax 44 ” ” = 0 14 8
Afghans’ hut-tax 6 ” ” = 0 2 0
Camels and horses 16 ” ” = 0 5 4
Cows 3½ ” ” = 0 1 0
Sheep ⎫ ewes ½ ” ” = 0 0 2
Goats ⎭
Farm produce 8 ” ” = 0 2 8
Fruit gardens 30 ” ” = 0 10 0
Kitchen gardens 37½ ” ” = 0 12 6
Poll-tax, Hindu 15 ” ” = 0 5 0
Horses exported 73 ” ” = 1 4 4
In addition to these taxes there were the inter-territorial levies upon
merchandise in transit from one principality to another. These were
upon--
_s._ _d._
Every camel-load 36 jindeks = 12 2
Every ⎧pony⎫ load 27 ” = 8 10
⎩mule⎭
Every donkey-load 6 ” = 2 0
Goods were exported from Afghanistan free from customs duties, but all
trade entering the country was charged as follows:
_Territory._ _Nominal duty._ _Duty exacted._
Herat 5 per cent. 9 per cent.
Kandahar 2½ ” 10 ”
Kabul 2½ ” 5 ”
[Illustration: ABDUR RAHMAN’S MEMORIAL TO THE SOLDIERS WHO FELL IN
THE WAR OF 1878-1880]
Under Abdur Rahman some little relief from the oppressive and
arbitrary payments, which were extorted alike from the unfortunate
merchant and the luckless cultivator, was secured; and, as he instilled
a measure of reform into the practices of government, certain sources
of taxation were dropped and the burden resting upon industry and
agriculture proportionately lightened. The principal means of income
to the State now emanated from taxes which were levied upon cultivated
lands and fruit-trees, export and import trade, customs, registration
and postage fees (contracts, passport fees, marriage settlements,
etc.), penalties under law, revenue from Government lands and shops,
Government monopolies and manufactures, mines and minerals (salt,
rubies, gold, lapis lazuli, coal) and the annual subsidy of eighteen
lakhs of rupees--these several branches of the State revenue gradually
defining the limits of its present prosperity, which has been somewhat
further assisted by the benevolent, economic policy of the present
Amir. Abuses in the collection of octroi have been remedied, certain
taxes abolished, many mines developed, while to give an impetus to
trade in Afghanistan, Habib Ullah has announced that, in future,
traders may receive advances from the Kabul Treasury on proper
security. This concession is greatly appreciated by the commercial
community, as it will enable them to escape the payment of interest to
the Hindu bankers from whom they have been in the habit of borrowing.
Moreover, it is expected that if full effect is given to the Amir’s
wishes trade between India and Afghanistan will soon improve. The loans
will be repayable by easy instalments, this novel scheme establishing a
very important departure.
[31] “The Life of Amir Abdur Rahman.” Sultan Mahomed Khan.
[32] “Laws and Constitution of Afghanistan.” Sultan Mahomed
Khan.
[33] 1 jindek = 4_d._; 3 jindeks = 1 rupee Kandahar; 2
rupees Kandahar = 1 Kabul rupee; 1 Kabul rupee = 2_s._
[Illustration: CARAVAN OF WOOL AND COTTON]
CHAPTER XII
TRADE: INDUSTRIES AND PRODUCTS
For many years prior to the reign of Abdur Rahman, trade with
Afghanistan itself or in transit to regions beyond the frontiers had
to contend against two difficulties, the one arising from the heavy
imposts upon goods intended for local consumption, and the other from
the excessive charges levied upon merchandise destined for markets
beyond the Oxus. Under the Khans commerce struggled ineffectually
against exactions which, if comprehensible during a period when the
country was parcelled out among a number of reigning families, were
directly inimical to its better interests so soon as the several
territories became incorporated within one central administration.
At this juncture the trade of Afghanistan followed these routes, none
of which were practicable for wheeled traffic:
(1) From Persia, _viâ_ Teheran and Meshed to Herat.
(2) From Khiva, _viâ_ Bokhara, Merv and the Murghab valley to Herat.
(3) From Bokhara, _viâ_ Karshi, Balkh and Khulm to Kabul.
(4) From Chinese Turkestan, _viâ_ Chitral to Jelalabad.
(5) From India, _viâ_ the Khyber and the Ghwalari passes, to Kabul and
the Oxus.
(6) From India, _viâ_ the Bolan and the Gomul passes, for Kandahar and
Herat.
In connection with these routes the following duties were levied at the
different points upon passing caravans.
From India, _viâ_ the Khyber and Ghwalari passes, for Kabul, in
addition to a 2½ per cent. _ad valorem_:
At Peshawar: 1 rupee per horse or camel.
At Jelalabad: 2 rupees per horse or camel.
At Butkhak: no duty was levied at this point, but a customs
officer inspected the goods and sent a detailed list of them to
Kabul.
At Kabul: 2 rupees 8 annas per horse or camel, or 1/40 _ad
valorem_, on entering Kabul and 13 or 14 annas per 100 rupees’
worth on leaving, by which payment through caravans were
exempted from further duties until beyond Bamian.
Between the Kabul and Balkh territories local caravans, carrying goods
within the boundaries of either khanate, had, in their passage of the
Hindu Kush, _viâ_ the Kushan pass, to pay:
One pony-load (3 maunds) of indigo, silk or asbury, 1 rupee 2
shahis.
One camel-load (5 maunds) of indigo, silk or asbury, 2 rupees 1½
shahis.
One ass-load of indigo, silk or asbury, 7 shahis.
One camel-load of salt, 7 shahis.
One camel-load of almonds, 1 rupee 2 shahis.
One camel-load of pistacia nuts, 1½ rupees.
Horses and mares, 5½ rupees for Bamian and beyond Kushan; 1
rupee 2 shahis for Kushan.
Foot passengers, 1 rupee.
Beyond Bamian caravans destined for the Oxus had to meet charges:
At Rui, of 4 annas per load, camel or horse.
At Kamard, of 4 annas per load, camel or horse.
At Balkh, of 2 rupees per load, camel or horse.
Merchandise from Eastern Turkestan paid at Jelalabad, in addition to 2½
per cent. _ad valorem_, as follows:
_s._ _d._
On a load of salt 3 shahis[34] = 0 3
On a load of cotton 5 ” = 0 5
On a load of ghee 5 ” = 0 5
On a load of cloth 6 ” = 0 6
Upon trade coming into Herat and the north-western districts of
Afghanistan from regions beyond the Oxus, in addition to a 5 per cent.
_ad valorem_, duties were paid at:
Tungeh,[35] Tungeh, Tungeh, Tungeh, Tungeh,
per bale. per camel. per horse. per ass. per slave.
Karki 20 5 3 1 22
Andkhui 26 5 3 2 20
Maimana 28 5 3 1 25
Almar -- 3 2 — --
Kalch Wali -- 5 3 1 5
Murghab 30 5 3 2 15
Kala Nau -- 5 3 2 --
Kuruk -- 15 10 5 --
From India, _viâ_ the Gomul and the Bolan, for Kandahar and Herat, in
addition to 2½ per cent. _ad valorem_, tolls were levied at:
R. A.
Ghazni 2 0 per load of camel or horse
Kandahar 2 8 ” ” ”
Girishk 1 0 ” ” ”
Farah 2 0 ” ” ”
Herat 2 8 ” ” ”
Examination of these imposts goes to prove that, under the rule of the
khans and in the reign of Shir Ali, trade received no encouragement;
while, if Abdur Rahman were the father of his people, there is no doubt
that judged by his domestic policy he revealed a lack of foresight
in fulfilling his parental obligations. If overweening vanity and
ignorance contributed to the failure of Abdur Rahman’s attempt to
make Afghanistan a self-supporting State, it can be pleaded for him,
nevertheless, that it was his intention to help trade and industries
which were indigenous to the country. To effect this, he abolished
inter-provincial tolls, maintained the scale of rates which was levied
upon caravans in transit to trans-Oxus markets, increased the frontier
duties in proportion to the loss which he sustained by withdrawing
charges hitherto imposed within his dominions, and began various
industrial works in the capital.
Enamoured of his idea, he unfortunately omitted from consideration,
besides a certain inadequacy of revenue, the overwhelming intolerance
of his subjects to every form of labour. There was thus in Afghanistan
itself when, six years after his accession to the throne, the Amir
embarked upon a campaign of commercial expansion, no reserve of
capital behind the Government and no fund of energy in the people. In
spite of the number of miscellaneous industries which he attempted in
Kabul no continuity of success was preserved, while reaction against
his penalties upon Indian trade resulted in the opening up of the
Quetta-Nushki-Nasratabad road as a commercial route. Direct loss of
revenue, therefore, befel Abdur Rahman through his encouragement of a
policy which was prejudicial to his own interests, as it was hostile to
the trade of India and Russia. So far from profitable was the issue,
indeed, that the position of the State at the close of his reign was in
anything but a condition of comfortable prosperity.
The movement of the principal imports and exports in the closing years
of his reign is given on pp. 292, 293.
Under pressure of financial difficulties arising from debts contracted
by his father for the supply of military stores and equipment, the
development of public works and a host of minor obligations, Habib
Ullah was compelled to reconsider his economic position. Accepting the
situation on its merits, during the first year of his reign he remitted
certain duties and lowered the transit charges on “through” caravans,
in respect of indigo and tea, to the equivalent of 2½ per cent. _ad
valorem_ duty. This impost upon tea works out at the rate of 7 pies
per pound, but the tax on tea intended for the markets of Afghanistan
is much higher. This is returned at 125 rupees per camel-load of 360
pounds, thereby levying a charge of 5 annas against each pound which,
although an exceedingly high rate, compares not unfavourably with the
crushing Customs dues on the Russian frontier and the tax in England. A
revival of the demand in Afghanistan for tea grown in India has shown
itself during the past year or two; and, undoubtedly, if the import
duty were lowered the Afghans would become better customers, especially
for the green variety, which they most favour. If the Amir could
be convinced that a smaller duty would involve no loss of revenue,
owing to larger imports, a reduction of the tariff might possibly be
sanctioned.
TABLE SHOWING PRINCIPAL IMPORTS AND EXPORTS IN CLOSING YEARS
OF THE REIGN OF ABDUR RAHMAN
------------------------------------------------------------------
1892-93. 1893-94. 1894-95. 1895-96.
------------------------------------------------------------------
_Imports._ Rupees. Rupees. Rupees. Rupees.
Horses, ponies, mules 16,200 27,079 18,759 32,540
Drugs and medicines 14,849 11,320 11,962 9,661
Fruits, etc. 98,353 60,198 56,502 46,422
Hides, skins, and leather 13,788 17,943 14,019 17,775
Ghee 35,088 24,900 20,086 17,042
Wool, raw and 15,023 12,908 11,927 13,961
manufactured
_Exports._
Cotton yarn 5,215 6,083 8,674 11,530
” piece-goods 430,978 275,235 151,400 172,488
Dyeing materials 10,552 9,004 15,218 17,823
Leather 14,433 10,446 7,599 15,251
Brass, copper and iron 14,945 12,404 11,421 11,688
Sugar 15,055 15,714 10,228 8,895
Tea 99,874 61,112 45,097 27,129
-------------------------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
-------------------------------------------------------------------
1896-97. 1897-98. 1898-99. 1899-1900.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
_Imports._ Rupees. Rupees.
Horses, ponies, mules 11,955 2,275
Drugs and medicines 2,258 7,766
Fruits, etc. 51,709 30,854
Hides, skins, and leather 19,416 8,895
Ghee 19,475 24,444
Wool, raw and manufactured 11,445 17,003
Not Not
specified specified
_Exports._
Cotton yarn 11,088 6,537
” piece-goods 145,082 203,444
Dyeing materials 15,512 6,986
Leather 5,800 3,914
Brass, copper and iron 23,209 7,026
Sugar 10,569 8,672
Tea 35,770 15,860
--------------------------------------------------------------------
TABLE SHOWING IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF NORTHERN AND EASTERN
AFGHANISTAN FOR THE YEARS 1892-1900
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| | 1892-93. | 1893-94. | 1894-95. | 1895-96. |
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| | | | | |
| | Rupees. | Rupees. | Rupees. | Rupees. |
| Imports | 220,850 | 188,831 | 160,400 | 165,003 |
| Exports | 610,501 | 405,215 | 267,365 | 306,233 |
| +----------+----------+----------+----------+
| Combined values | 831,351 | 594,046 | 427,765 | 471,236 |
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
[TN: Table continues]
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| | 1896-97. | 1897-98. | 1898-99. |1899-1900.|
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| | | | | |
| | Rupees. | Rupees. | Rupees. | not |
| Imports | 151,538 | 129,110 | 217,235 |specified |
| Exports | 290,163 | 274,638 | 294,605 | — |
| +----------+----------+----------+----------+
| Combined values | 441,701 | 403,748 | 511,840 | 442,087 |
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
TABLE SHOWING IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF SOUTHERN AND WESTERN
AFGHANISTAN FOR THE YEARS 1892-1900
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| | 1892-93. | 1893-94. | 1894-95. | 1895-96. |
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| | | | | |
| | Rupees. | Rupees. | Rupees. | Rupees. |
| Imports | 234,428 | 335,849 | 299,090 | 410,541 |
| Exports | 297,657 | 328,172 | 309,762 | 257,002 |
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| Combined values | 532,085 | 664,021 | 608,852 | 667,543 |
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
[TN: Table continues]
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| | 1896-97. | 1897-98. | 1898-99. |1899-1900.|
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| | | | | |
| | Rupees. | Rupees. | Rupees. | not |
| Imports | 418,405 | 309,299 | 329,917 |specified |
| Exports | 227,376 | 163,785 | 263,884 | — |
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
| Combined values | 645,781 | 473,084 | 593,801 | 714,318 |
+-----------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+
On the whole the fiscal policy of the present Amir encourages the
belief that, in time, many of the existing obstacles to free commercial
intercourse with India will be removed. The small benefits already
offered to Indian merchants have produced immediate response and the
prospect of further concessions is widely appreciated. Trade exports
from Kabul during 1904-05 alone increased by 25 lakhs of rupees, the
volume of trade proceeding from Kandahar showing an improvement no
less emphatic. The total value of exports and imports combined, since
indications of a more liberal fiscal policy first were manifested, in
lakhs of rupees, is shown in the following table:
1900-01. 1901-02. 1902-03. 1903-04. 1904-05.
Lakhs. Lakhs. Lakhs. Lakhs. Lakhs.
Southern and Western
Afghanistan 58.19 68.54 53.48 68.02 76.53
Northern and Eastern
Afghanistan 48.01 61.00 63.99 70.56 95.36
The values of the principal imports from Kabul during 1904-05 were
fruits and nuts, 7.9 lakhs; animals (horses, sheep, and goats), 4.4
lakhs; hides (including skins) and ghee, each about 2½ lakhs, the
total being 26 lakhs as in the previous year. Exports during 1904-05
improved by 25 lakhs to 69⅓ lakhs. Cattle, sheep, and goats accounted
for 8⅘ lakhs of this increase. Cotton fabrics, valued at 38⅓ lakhs
(more than two-thirds being of foreign manufacture), increased by 12½
lakhs. The other principal articles were cotton yarn (mostly foreign),
3.2 lakhs, and leather, 2.5 lakhs. The exports of tea (nearly all
green tea) were 397,265 pounds Indian, value 1.5 lakhs, 300,384 pounds
foreign, value 3.1 lakhs. Among imports from Kandahar during 1904-05,
valued at 40⅕ lakhs, were raw wool, 18.8 lakhs; fruits and nuts, 12.2
lakhs; and ghee, 2.6 lakhs, in all of which there has been a larger
trade. The exports during 1904-05 reached 36⅓ lakhs, the two principal
articles--Indian cottons, 14.7 lakhs, and foreign piece-goods, 10
lakhs--both showing an improvement.
The general character of the trade conducted between Afghanistan and
India is indicated by the appended list of the principal imports and
exports with their values during the last three years in lakhs of
rupees:
_Exports from Afghanistan._
1902-03. 1903-04. 1904-05.
Lakhs. Lakhs. Lakhs.
Cattle 31.31 23.61 33.29
Other animals 36.66 24.41 38.38
Drugs and medicines, including
charas 24.01 23.98 20.72
Fruits, vegetables and nuts 37.69 28.59 31.01
Grain and pulse (largely rice) 1.37.73 1.36.64 1.49.78
Hides, skins, and horns 26.70 26.49 35.41
Provisions: ghee 82.78 53.09 64.05
Pickled tea 15.02 17.62 22.06
Seeds (chiefly linseed and
rapeseed) 53.28 39.97 34.80
Silk 25.69 20.10 17.44
Spices 13.86 20.25 17.17
Wood and timber, chiefly teak 74.60 86.31 1.22.35
Wool, raw 32.92 23.91 27.05
Woollen goods 14.19 9.47 11.16
_Imports into Afghanistan._
1902-03. 1903-04. 1904-05.
Lakhs. Lakhs. Lakhs.
Cotton, raw 12.76 12.49 7.60
Cotton yarn
Foreign 35.68 32.58 28.28
Indian 26.11 25.63 33.30
Cotton goods:
Foreign 1.78.57 1.55.28 1.50.31
Indian 64.37 52.60 63.34
Grain and pulse 10.35 18.65 17.39
Metals, mainly brass, copper,
and iron 33.10 25.27 30.42
Oils 13.12 11.34 13.50
Provisions 21.47 20.49 19.43
Salt 43.14 31.42 31.46
Silk goods 11.24 9.54 8.22
Spices 16.69 16.76 14.04
Sugar 32.20 25.04 27.04
Tea 13.20 11.73 10.69
Tobacco 12.82 10.16 12.10
If India conducts with Afghanistan a trade which, although subject to
fluctuations, enjoys considerable prosperity, the flow of commerce
from the Trans-Oxus region towards the same markets is by no means
contemptible. Indeed, articles imported into Afghanistan from Moscow,
Merv, Bokhara and Samarkand figure in every bazaar in the Herat and
Afghan Turkestan provinces. This trade passes through the customs
stations of Kelif, Chushka Gusar, 40 miles to the east of Kelif, and
Termes, 34 miles to the east of Chushka Gusar, the former of which is
the principal seat of Russian Customs on the middle Oxus. Trade between
Afghanistan and Russia has never been altogether prohibited by the
Kabul authorities, Abdur Rahman permitting kafilas to travel by the
routes on which he had established customs posts. On goods purchased in
Russian territory by Afghan traders a rebate equal to the tax levied
by the Amir’s officials is granted. Further, customs dues on goods
imported from Afghanistan have been reduced by 50 per cent. Russian
trade is therefore making rapid progress. The value of the goods which
passed through the Russo-Afghan posts was £450,000 in 1902. To-day it
probably exceeds half a million sterling. The import into Central Asia
of goods from India has been strangled by the high Customs’ tariff of
the Russians, plus the heavy transit dues in Afghanistan itself. The
agents of Russian firms at Kelif and Chushka Guzar state that they
can now compete successfully with British Indian trade in Northern
Afghanistan owing to the comparative cheapness of transport from
Europe, which means that the Trans-Caspian and Orenburg-Tashkent lines
of railway are carrying Russian merchandise at specially low rates.
None the less, the Russian traders complain of the Afghan transit dues,
as their imposition causes delay on all the principal caravan routes
and adds enormously to the transport charges. With the advantages which
Russia now possesses, unless a determined effort is made to save the
situation for the benefit of Indian trade, we may presently expect her
to renew her efforts to open up direct relations with Kabul in order
to obtain greater facilities for commerce. It may be, too, that it
will be in this manner rather than by active aggression that she will
seek to lessen British influence in Afghanistan, and even to raise
complications with the Amir.
The principal Russian commodities are:
_Article._
Broad-cloth.
Fine linens and calicoes.
Silk goods.
Velvet.
Chintzes.
Sewing thread and silk.
Gold and silver lace.
Gold and silver thread.
Needles.
Steel and copper wire.
Russia leather.
Paper.
China-ware.
Glass-ware.
Cutlery.
Loaf sugar.
Pig iron.
Steel ingots.
Tin in plates.
Copper in plates.
Brass.
Quicksilver.
Cochineal.
Tea.
Honey.
Wax, white and yellow.
In silk, linen and cotton goods the Russian fabrics are quite equal to
those articles of Anglo-Indian manufacture which find their way into
the country. Russian chintzes are more durable and of coarser texture
than the Anglo-Indian article; although less elegant in appearance and
of colours that are not so fast, they meet with a ready sale among the
poorer classes. The silk goods imported from Bokhara are of Russian
manufacture, but they might well be superseded by better and cheaper
importations from India. Silk handkerchiefs of various colours, and
even black ones, are in great demand. Foreign silks do not sell so
readily as certain lines in cotton and linen fabrics, since Kandahar,
Herat and Kabul possess their own silk looms, each loom paying an
annual tax of 23 rupees to the State. The articles manufactured by the
native looms are plain silks, called _kanavaz_; red, yellow and purple
_durahee_ of slighter texture, less width and of the same colours;
_suga khanmee_ of large and small widths, with perpendicular white
lines on a red ground; _dushmals_ or handkerchiefs, black and red,
with white spots, bound by females around their heads; and _broonghees
hummam_, for the bath. To meet the demands of the Kabul market, raw and
spun silks are imported from Bokhara, Kandahar and Herat, but the great
bulk of either variety required by the Kabul looms comes from districts
in the Kabul province. Velvets and satins are imported from both sides
of the frontier; but wherever Indian or British goods meet the products
of the Russian market in Afghanistan, the bounty-fed trade of Russia in
Central Asia enjoys a conspicuous advantage.
Certain imports from Russia and India suffer from competition with
the Kabul made product. In this respect the trade in gold and silver
lace from Bokhara and India has fallen away very noticeably, although
the quantity despatched from Bokhara still exceeds that imported from
India. The trade in leather has also suffered by the development
of local tanneries, but importations of the raw material are still
necessary on account of the demands of the factory where the military
equipment is made.
The trade in paper comes almost solely from the Russian market and
quantities are imported from across the Oxus. The paper is of foolscap
size, of stout, inferior quality and white or blue in colour. There
are two assortments: glazed and unglazed. The blue glazed variety is
preferred, the unglazed kind usually being sized at Kabul. A busy
trade in this commodity passes between Kabul and Kandahar, the Russian
product having captured the market to the practical exclusion of all
other brands. The paper needs to be stout to allow facility of erasure;
on this account, and with reference to the nature of the ink employed,
glazed paper is most satisfactory.
The attention of the people is directed to the land rather than to
trade and a very large proportion of the population takes naturally
to cultivation. Farming is divided between the production of fruit
and the growth of cereals. The Afghans are a fruit-loving people; in
certain districts fruit, both in its fresh and preserved condition,
forms the staple diet of a large section of the population throughout
the year. A rapidly growing export in fresh and dried fruits exists
with India. Indeed, so important has this industry become that, in the
country round Kandahar, a marked increase in the number of orchards and
fruit gardens has taken place within the last five years, the presence
of the railway at New Chaman and its extension to Nushki making the
exportation of fresh fruit not only practicable but profitable. Fruit
farming is divided between orchard fruits, with which vegetable farming
is usually combined and those fruits which may be grown in fields on
a large scale. In the one class are apples, pears, almonds, peaches,
apricots, plums, cherries, grapes, figs, quinces, pomegranates and
mulberries, in addition to walnut, pistacia, the edible pine and
rhubarb, which grow wild in the northern and eastern highlands.
Vegetable produce, which holds a high position in the export trade,
includes most domestic vegetables; while, of the uncultivated vegetable
products, the castor-oil plant, the mustard, sesame and assafœtida grow
in great abundance. The fruit fields also produce several varieties
of melons, including musk, water and scented melons, cucumbers and
pumpkins.
[Illustration: COTTON FIELDS UNDER IRRIGATION FROM THE AMU DARIA
_Photo, Olufsen_]
In the direction of cereal production there are two harvests. One,
reaped in summer, is the result of an autumn sowing and includes
wheat, barley and certain varieties of peas and beans. The second
harvest is gathered in autumn from a spring sowing, and embraces crops,
rice, Indian corn, millet, arzun and jowari, besides other grains
of less importance. In addition to these cereals, crops of madder,
tobacco, cotton, opium, hemp, clover and lucerne are very generally
cultivated. Clover and lucerne are produced for fodder, hemp for
its intoxicating properties and madder, tobacco, cotton and opium
for export. In relation to the other crops, wheat is the food of the
people, barley and jowari are given to horses, and arzun and Indian
corn are grown for culinary purposes.
In greater detail the distribution of the vegetation is as follows:
On the main range of the Safed Koh there are--
_Cedrus deodara_, the Deodar.
_Abies excelsa_, Norway Spruce.
_Pinus longifolia_, Turpentine Pine.
_P. pinaster_, Cluster Pine.
_P. pinea_, the Edible Pine.
_Larix communis_, Larch.
_Citrus limonum_, Lemon.
Yew, _Taxus baccata_.
Hazel, _Corylus avellana_.
Juniper, _Juniperus communis_.
Walnut, _Juglans regia_.
Wild peach, _Amygdalus persica_.
Almond, _Amygdalus communis_.
Wild vine, _Vitis vinifera_.
Protected by these there flourish several varieties of--
Rose, _Rosa canina_.
Honeysuckle, _Lonicera_ (_caprifolium_).
Currant, _Ribes rubrum_.
Gooseberry, _Ribes grossularia_.
Hawthorn, _Cratægus oxyacantha_.
Rhododendron, _Rhododendron arboreum_.
Between the main crests of the summit and the secondary heights are
found--
Walnut, _Juglans regia_.
Alder, _Alnus glutinosa_.
Ash, _Fraxinus excelsior_.
Khinjak.
Dwarf laburnum, _Cytisus laburnum_.
_Quercus_, Oak.
_Arbor-vitæ_, Thuja.
_Juniperus communis_, Juniper.
_Astragalus_, Gum Tragacanth.
_Indigo feræ_, Commercial Indigo.
At a lower altitude and descending to 3000 ft. there are--
Wild Olive, _Olea europæa_.
Rock-rose, _Cistus_.
Wild privet, _Ligustrum vulgare_.
Acacia, _Acacia_.
Mimosa, _Albizia_.
Barberry, _Berberis vulgaris_.
Edible fruit, _Zizyphus_.
_Chamtærops humilis_, Wild palm.
_Bignonia_, Trumpet flower.
_Dalbergia sissoo_, Sissu.
_Salvadora persica_, Mustard tree of Scripture.
_Verbena_, Lemon plant.
Acanthus.
Ferns and mosses are confined to the higher ranges, while the lowest
terminal ridges are scantily clothed with an almost wholly herbal
vegetation.
The following plants, thorny in character, are to be found scattered
over less elevated valley bottoms:
_Hedysarum Alhagi_, Camel-thorn.
_Astragalus_, Milk Vitch.
_Ononis spinosa mimoseæ_, Spiny rest-harrow.
_Mimosa pudica_, Sensitive mimosa.
_Lipad_ (plant of the Rue family), _Rutaceæ_.
Common wormwood, _Artemisia absinthium_.
Rue, _Ruta graveolens_.
Rose bay, _Nerium Oleander_.
Wild laburnum, _Cytisus laburnum_.
Commercial Indigo, _Indigo feræ_.
The following trees have been introduced into the cultivated districts,
and they are now native to the country:
Mulberry, _Morus nigra_.
Willow, _Salix_.
Poplar, _Populus_.
Ash, _Fraxinus excelsior_.
Plane, _Platanus_.
The important uncultivated products are:
Gum-resin, _Narthex assafœtida_(grown chiefly on the plains between
Kandahar and Herat).
Walnut, _Juglans regia_.
Pine-nut, _Pinus pinea_.
Rhubarb (edible, chiefly grown in the highlands of Kabul).
_Elæagnus orientalis Sanjit._
_Pistacia khinjak_, Gul-i-pista.
_Fraxinus ornus_, Ash.
Mushrooms, _Agaricus campestris_.
As regards vertebrate zoology Afghanistan lies on the frontier of three
regions--the Eurasian, the Ethiopian and the Indo-Malayan. In the main
the species are Eurasian.
The following wild animals are to be found:
⎧ _Felis catus_ Wild cat.
⎪ _F. chaus_ Jungle cat.
_Felidæ_ ⎨ _F. caracal_ Kara-kul.
⎪ _Cynælurus jubatus_ Cheetah.
⎪ _F. pardus_ Common leopard.
⎩ _F. tigris_ Tiger.
⎧ _Caries aureus_ Jackal.
⎪ _C. bengalensis_ Wolf.
_Canidæ_ ⎨ _Hyæna striata_ Hyæna.
⎪ _Vulpes bengalensis_ Wild dog.
⎩ _V. flavescens_ Small Indian fox.
⎧ _Herpestes_ Mongoose.
⎪ _Mustela erminea_ Stoat.
_Mustelidæ_ ⎨ _M. flavigula_ Marten.
⎪ _Ursus torquatus_ Black bear.
⎩ _Ursus isabellinus_ Yellow bear.
⎧ _Capra ægagrus_ Ibex.
⎪ _C. megaceros_ Markhoor.
⎪ _Ovis vignei_ Wild sheep.
_Ruminants_ ⎨ _Gazella subgutturosa_ Persian gazelle.
⎪ _Gazella dorcas_ Common gazelle.
⎪ _Cervus wallichii_ Indian barasingha.
⎪ _Sus scrofa_ Wild hog.
⎩ _Equus onager_ Wild ass.
⎧_Talpha europæa_ Mole.
⎪ _Sorex indicus_ Indian shrew.
⎪ _Erinaceus collaris_ Collared hedgehog.
⎪ _E. auritus_ Long-eared hedgehog.
_Talpidæ_ ⎨ _Phyllorhinus cineraceus_ ⎫
⎪ _Scotophilus bellii_ ⎬ Bats.
⎪ _Vespertilio auritus_ ⎪
⎩ _V. barbastellus_ ⎭
⎧ _Sciurus syriacus_ Squirrel.
⎪ _Dipus telum_ Jerboa.
⎪ _Alactaga bactriana_ Bactria Jerboa.
_Rodentia_ ⎨ _Gerbillus indicus_ Gerbit.
⎪ _G. erythrinus_ Gerbit.
⎪ _Lagomys nepalensis_ Pica, or Tailless Hare.
⎩ _Lepus ruficaudatus_ Hare.
_Birds._--There are 124 species of Afghan birds, comprised as follows:
95 Eurasian;
17 Indian;
10 both Eurasian and Indian;
1 Eurasian, Ethiopian and Indian;
1 _Carpodacus (Bucanetes) crassirostris_, peculiar to the country.
_Reptiles_:
_Pseudopus gracilis_ Glass “snake.”
_Argyrophis horsfieldii_ ⎫
_Salea horsfieldii_ ⎪
_Calotes maria_ ⎬ Lizards. All Indian forms, without
_C. versicolor_ ⎪ distinctive English names.
_C. minor_ ⎪
_C. emma_ ⎪
_Phrynocephalus tickelii_ ⎭
_T. horsfieldii_ A tortoise peculiar to Kabul.
_Domestic Animals_:
Camels: Bactrian and Dromedary.
Horses.
Cows, humped.
Sheep--white and black, fat-tailed.
Goats--black, parti-coloured.
Dogs--pointers, greyhounds, _khandi_ (sporting dog).
The mineral wealth of Afghanistan is at present almost entirely
undeveloped, the late Amir, Abdur Rahman, being possessed by an
instinctive animus against company promoters and concession hunters.
Habib Ullah, too, has not yet made any sign of permitting the evident
resources of the country to be exploited. The localities, in which
deposits are known to exist, are shown in the accompanying table:
_Mineral._ _Locality._
Gold Laghman and adjoining districts.
Silver Panjshir Valley.
Iron ore Bajaur; Permuli district and Hindu Kush.
Copper ore Various districts.
Lead Upper Bangash, Shinwari country,
Kakar country, and in neighbourhood
of Herat.
Lead with antimony At Argandab; in the Wardak hills;
Ghorband valley; Afridi country.
Antimony Shah-Maksud.
Silicate of zinc Zhob valley.
Sulphur Herat; Hazara country; Pirkisri.
Sal-ammoniac Pirkisri.
Gypsum Plain of Kandahar.
Coal Zurmat; near Ghazni; Afghan Turkestan.
Nitre South-western Afghanistan.
Among the industries of Afghanistan, exclusive of the agricultural
activities of a large section of the people, the production of silks,
the manufacture of felts, postins and rosaries, the cultivation of
turmeric and ginger, and horse-breeding occupy important positions.
Silk is produced in considerable quantity at Kandahar, which is also
the centre of other arts and crafts that afford occupation and support
to numerous families. The quality of silk Kandahar is capable of much
improvement. The cocoons are small, of unequal size and of different
colours--yellow, white and grey. The majority of the worms are reared
in neighbouring villages, but principally in those along the Argand-ab,
where also the mulberry-trees are most abundant. The value of the
mulberry-trees around Kandahar is estimated at several lakhs. The
whole of the silk produced in the district pays a tax to the Government
and its sale without permission is prohibited.
The manufacture of sheepskin coats is an important industry which once
made Kandahar province its centre. Of late years the trade has so
greatly increased, owing to the demands for this article from India,
that other districts have devoted themselves to it with equal success.
The leather is prepared and made up in Kandahar, Ghazni and Kabul on an
extended scale, thus giving occupation to many hundreds of families.
The method of manufacture is not without interest. The dried, unshorn
sheepskin is immersed in running water until it is soft and pliant,
while at the same time the wool is thoroughly washed with soap. After
this the fleece is combed and the skin stretched on a board, when the
inside surface is smeared with a thin paste, composed of equal parts
of fine wheaten and rice flour, to which is added a small proportion
of finely-powdered salt. This dressing is renewed daily for five or
six days, throughout which time the pelt is exposed to the sun. Before
the conclusion of this process the skin is again cleansed, washed and
dried, after which all superfluous growths are removed. The surface is
then treated with a tanning mixture made of dried pomegranate rinds,
powdered alum, red ochre and sweet oil. After some days, when the
requisite suppleness has been gained, this preparation is scraped off.
In the western districts a mixture of alum and white clay is used in
preference to the pomegranate rinds. In such cases the skins, when
cured, are white and somewhat coarser to the touch than those prepared
with pomegranate rinds. In the Kabul process the pomegranate rind is
used most freely; as the Kabul skins are prepared with the greatest
care, they are esteemed more than those of Ghazni and Kandahar. Before
the tanning is completed the skins are handed over to tailors, who
reduce them to strips of 2 feet long by 4 or 5 inches wide, from which
they make three varieties of coats. One class comprises small coats
with short sleeves and requires only two or three skins; another
description reaches to the knees and is furnished with full sleeves
fitting close to the arm. This takes five or six pelts. A third pattern
forms a large loose cloak of capacious dimensions extending from head
to heel and furnished with long sleeves, very wide above the elbow
and very narrow below it; it also projects several inches beyond the
tips of the fingers. These require ten or twelve skins. Usually the
edges and sleeves of the coats are embroidered with yellow silk. The
completed articles cost from one to fifty rupees, according to size and
finish. They are well adapted to the climate of the country; except
in exposure to rain, when they are reversed, the woolly side is worn
next the body. The full-length coat is a very cumbrous dress and is
usually only worn in the house; it serves alike for bed, bedding, or as
a cloak. The nature of the material favours the harbouring of insects,
and few people are met whose coats do not serve as a breeding-ground
for an immense colony of vermin.
An industry of equal importance with the postin trade is the
manufacture of felts, which similarly centres in Kandahar. From there
these goods are distributed throughout the country, besides being
exported to India, Persia and the Trans-Oxus region.
Rosaries are also extensively manufactured at Kandahar from soft
crystallised silicate of magnesia. This is quarried from a hill at
Shah Maksud, about 30 miles north-west of the city, where soapstone
and antimony are also obtained in considerable abundance. The stone
varies in colour from a light yellow to a bluish white and is generally
opaque. The most popular kind is straw coloured and semi-transparent. A
few specimens are of a mottled greenish colour, brown or nearly black;
they are used for the same purposes as the lighter varieties. Rosaries
and charms of various sorts are made for exportation to Mecca. They
range in price from a couple of annas to a hundred rupees. The refuse
from the work is reduced to powder and utilised by native physicians as
a remedy for heart-burn.
The land measure used by the Afghans is--
4 spans = 1 guz (Maimana).
4 spans = 1 pace.
60 paces = 1 tunnab.
1 tunnab square = 1 jereeb.
16 girahs (cloth) = 1 guz = 5 spans.
1 girah = 4 nookteh.
The English equivalent is--
_feet_ _inches_
1 khoord = 0 0.632
1 girah = 0 2.531
1 guzishah = 0 40.500
1 guz (cloth) = 3 8
1 biswah = 4 0
1 sureeb = 80 0
1 koss = 2 miles.
1 munzil = 24 ”
The table of weights is--
6¾ rupees = 1 khoord.
4 khoords = 1 pow.
4 pows = 1 charrek.
4 charreks = 1 seer = 20 miscals = 24 nukhods.
1 seer = 432 rupees.
8 seers = 1 maund kham.
10 maunds = 1 kharwar.
1 mun (Tabriz) = 260 rupees.
The relative equivalent of some of the above in English weights is--
_pounds_ _ounces_ _grains_
1 nukhod = 0 0 2.958
1 miscal = 0 0 71.000
1 pow = 0 12 .428
1 mum (Herati) = 7 0 0
1 seer = 12 15 0
1 kharwar (Afghan) = 1038 6 0
1 kharwar (Persian) = 649 0 0
It should be remembered, that everything, whether solid or liquid, is
sold by weight in Afghanistan. In cloth the conventional measure in the
bazaar is from the top of the middle finger to the point of the elbow.
[Illustration: ACROSS THE PASSES]
[34] One shahi equalled one penny; twelve shahis equalled
one rupee Kandahar.
[35] One tungeh equals three farthings.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XIII
ARMY, FORTS AND COMMUNICATIONS
Prior to the reign of Dost Mahommed the defensive power of Afghanistan
was represented by an association of tribes whose chieftains offered to
the Amir of Kabul, as circumstances dictated, a more or less willing
service. Such a system, while making the promotion of any settled
organisation impossible, was satisfactory only so long as the Amir of
Kabul was able to rely upon the fidelity of the Khans. But in an order
of government, in which priority of place was secured by dint of might,
each chief, as opportunity offered, rose to proclaim his independence
of Kabul. By reason of these constant irruptions of disaffection among
the tribes composing the confederacy, few rulers were in a better
position than Dost Mahommed to realise the disabilities of such a
military system.
The forces over which he exerted complete control were confined to the
Kabul territory, although in addition he exercised nominal jurisdiction
over the tribal levies of the khanates of Kandahar and Herat. These
divisions of the available forces presented the following effective
establishment:
_Kabul Territory._ _Kandahar Territory._ _Herat Territory._
Mounted 21,000 12,000 12,000
Dismounted 10,000 6,000 10,000
------ ------ ------
Total 31,000 18,000 22,000
At the moment the fighting machine in Afghanistan was composed of
those tribal chiefs, district land-owners and priests whose influence
was sufficient to regulate the movement of any particular number of
followers. At the first news of war the leaders of these several
contingents hurried with their following to some central camp, the
united strength constituting the army of the district ruler, although
the component units of such a force owned allegiance to individual
district chiefs rather than to any supreme authority. In addition to
this combative force, there was usually another body which, although
not drawn from the best material and less numerous, was possessed of
greater experience than the main following. Composed of men who were
attached to no individual leader, or made up of the numbers of some
border ruffian, these auxiliaries participated in the operations for
the purposes of loot and from pure love of war and bloodshed. In each
case their weapons were of the crudest variety; very frequently the
dismounted forces were armed solely with swords, spears and shields,
the horsemen carrying matchlocks, flintlocks or ancient pistols. Every
one was compelled to furnish his own weapons, the mounted men being
responsible for their horses. The militia held the lands on condition
of service and were exempt from all taxes on land except the tithe. The
men were born fighters and each, so soon as he could wield a spear or
manage a fire-arm, attached himself to some district chief. No regular
rate of pay was made by the leader to his following who, if they failed
to live upon their plunder, were indemnified by small grants of land,
by the right of pasturage and by permission to adopt a trade. Upon
the part of the chief, too, as between himself and the Khan of the
territory, the scale of remuneration was never fixed, the sum varying
according to his local influence and the number of men he could bring
into the field. This condition of affairs, typical of most Asiatic
hordes at the time, had always prevailed in Afghanistan. The success
against other native armies of such a system, wherein no precautions
were observed and no knowledge of military operations was required,
was due to the great _élan_ in attack of the Afghans and to their
undoubted courage, more than to any preconceived notion of the art of
war.
[Illustration: TYPICAL AFGHAN FORTRESS]
In addition to the territories of Kandahar and Herat there was the
state of Balkh, allied with but independent of Kabul and invested
in Mahommed Afzul Khan. The army of Balkh was commanded by General
Shir Mahommed Khan, an officer of the Anglo-Indian army of the name
of Campbell, who had been captured by Dost Mahommed when he had
defeated Shah Shujah at the battle of Kandahar. The influence of this
man who, professing the Mahommedan faith, rose to the position of
Commander-in-Chief of the Balkh forces, was to become a determining
factor in the evolution of the army of Afghanistan from its tribal
state. Love of war was always more pronounced in the Afghan tribes than
among other Eastern races; and, as the profession of arms to them was
in the nature of a trade, expectations of a quick response of course
prompted the suggestions which Lieutenant Campbell made to the Amir of
Balkh. While every credit must be given to the wisdom and foresight
of Mahommed Afzul Khan, there is no doubt that the beginnings of the
present military system of Afghanistan were laid by this adventurous
Englishman. Moreover, it was due to the influence which Campbell
exercised over Abdur Rahman, the son of Mahommed Afzul Khan, which
caused the former to become an ardent apostle of reform in military
matters when he succeeded to the throne.
At the time of the elevation of Campbell to the supreme command of
the army of Balkh, the forces in the territory were divided between a
combined permanently enlisted body and a militia derived from Uzbeg,
Durani and Kabuli tribes. It numbered 29,500 men comprising:
_Mounted._ _Dismounted._ _Militia._
7,000 7,500 15,000
This force of fighting men, ill-organised and untutored, was
deficient in central control, its condition not unnaturally
reflecting the disorder actually inherent in the system. Under
Campbell’s administration, the masses of tribal levies were reduced
to an organised basis which contained the elements of the present
establishment. The mounted and dismounted sections were formed into
cavalry and infantry regiments; while the eighty guns, which were
included in the Balkh army, were established by batteries and an
elementary knowledge of the principles of drill and tactics imparted to
the troops.
In his task of reform Campbell received every encouragement. Although
Dost Mahommed himself made no alteration in the Kabul district, he
watched with interest the work of reorganisation. Unfortunately,
Campbell died before any great progress could be made, his demise
being followed within a short space by that of Dost Mahommed in 1863
and Mahommed Afzul Khan in 1867. Nevertheless his influence was
abiding, since the spectacle presented by the Balkh forces prompted
Shir Ali to adopt an Anglo-Indian model as the working basis for his
reorganisation of the Kabul army. In the sixteen years of his reign,
between 1863-1879, he continued to introduce improvements founded upon
Anglo-Indian drill-books, which he had had translated into Persian
and Pushtu. Batteries of field and mountain artillery, and regiments
of horse and foot were raised; territorial divisions were formed
upon paper and field columns, whose brigade and regimental units
corresponded with the Anglo-Indian system, were created. In actual
practice these troops were never brigaded together, and officers and
men alike were ignorant of parade and musketry exercises. Nevertheless,
if their notions of drill were vague, their spirits and their carriage
were not unmartial. In detail, and under a general distribution of the
regular forces, troops were located--
At Kabul, two regiments of infantry, eighteen field-pieces, two
heavy guns and one mortar.
At Balkh, three regiments of infantry, two regiments of cavalry
and sixteen field guns.
At Bamian, one regiment of infantry with two mountain guns.
In the Kohistan, one regiment of infantry, two field and two
mountain guns.
At Farah, one regiment of infantry and four field guns.
At Girishk, one regiment of infantry and four field guns.
At Ghazni, one regiment of infantry and four field guns.
At Akcha, one regiment of infantry and two field guns.
At Kelat-i-Ghilzai, one regiment of infantry, three mountain and
one field gun.
At Kandahar, three regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, two
heavy guns, two mountain guns and twelve field guns.
In the Zamindawar, one regiment of infantry and four field guns.
The nominal strength of each infantry regiment was 800 men, although
daily parade seldom mustered more than 600 men. The state of the
cavalry regiments was 300 men, the complete return of the regular
forces of Afghanistan at this epoch being:
_Numbers._ _Average._ _Total._ _Artillery._
16 Regiments of Infantry 800 12,800
3 ” Cavalry 300 900
Field guns 67
Mountain guns 9
Heavy guns 4
Mortar 1
------ --
Total 13,700 81
[Illustration: PICKET OF THE HOUSEHOLD TROOPS]
The system of recruiting for these regiments was the worst conceivable.
Neither conscription nor free enlistment, it was little better than
the forcible seizure of the able-bodied in each district, the men
being compelled to serve on pain of the imprisonment and utter
ruin of their families. The pay of the infantry was nominally five
rupees a month, with ten rupees in each year deducted for clothing and
accoutrements. The distribution of the remainder was very irregular and
not unusually paid in grain, or credited to their families at home on
account of local taxes. Consequently the soldier, often finding himself
in his quarters without the means of purchasing the common necessaries
of life, was driven to recoup his finances by highway robbery, a
delinquency which the officers punished--by sharing in the spoil.
[Illustration: TROOP OF CAVALRY]
These troops were accoutred with the discarded flint muskets, swords,
belts and bayonets of the British forces in India, or a Kabul imitation
of these weapons. Certain companies were provided with two-grooved
rifles, constructed from models carried off by deserters from some
one or other of our frontier regiments. The uniforms were no less
abominable, not infrequently representing purchases of condemned stores
from our frontier stations which had been disposed of at an auction.
The clothing was invariably procured from these markets; and, as a
consequence, native officers of all grades, even in the same regiment,
might have been seen in every imaginable British habiliment, from a
naval jacket to a whipper’s-in hunting coat, including the full dress
of a general and the round beaver hat of a civilian. British kit was
very popular, and its possession conferred exceptional distinction upon
the lucky owner.
Of the horse it is only possible to say that in all respects they were
a bad imitation of the Indian light cavalry, reproducing even their
Hussar saddles and steel scabbards. Their appointments, equally with
the infantry, were almost hopeless and their drill quite unsuited to
their order. Foot drill was the conventional exercise; and, since
all horses were sent out to graze during the summer months, mounted
drill was practised only during the cold weather, when through lack of
food the animals were too poor in condition to be put through their
facings. The horses were undersized and generally procured from the
Turcoman steppes, but man and beast were equally valueless. No less
unsatisfactory were the Afghan artillery, although, from the numerical
strength of the Amir’s ordnance, a very false idea might be formed of
the actual value of his artillery. Many of the guns were useless; for
others there was no ammunition; while the equipment and carriages of
the field guns were of the most obsolete pattern.
Besides these so-called troops, the Amir had always available the
_jezailchis_, who were formerly the only infantry in the country. They
were light troops, armed with matchlock and jezail, accustomed to hill
warfare and perhaps as good skirmishers as were to be found at this
time in Asia. Experience had taught them to be judges of ground and
distance, while instinct made them chary of ambush. These were of two
classes. The one class was in the service of the Amir, on a nominal
salary of five rupees per mensem, which was paid in grain. These
men were armed by the State and mustered some 3500 men, employed in
holding forts and posts throughout the country. They were commanded by
Sadbashis and Dahbashis, captains of hundreds and heads over tens, who
received a proportionately higher rate of pay. The other class, the
immediate following of the different chiefs, may be considered as a
local militia. They were assigned rent-free a piece of land in lieu of
pay; and, as a rule, these several bodies of militia numbered in each
instance between 1000 and 1500 men.
The Irregular Afghan Horse, as they existed at this time, are even more
difficult than the _jezailchis_ to compute. They were not particularly
numerous, although Kandahar and its dependencies could furnish 8000;
Ghazni, 5000; Kabul, including Jelalabad, Logar and the Koh-i-Daman,
15,000; while Balkh, with its Uzbeg population, returned 10,000. These
men were the equal of any undisciplined horsemen in Asia; mounted upon
small but wiry horses, carrying a perfect arsenal of weapons, among
which shield, spear, matchlock, sword, pistol and knife were prominent,
they were always rough and invariably ready for the field. Capable of
undergoing great fatigue and exceedingly harassing to a flying foe,
they were, when led by a determined chief, anything but contemptible in
a _mêlée_.
[Illustration: MEN OF THE AMIR’S BODYGUARD]
The establishment of the regular and auxiliary forces, as they existed
at this date, boasted no commissariat department. In districts, where
the revenue was paid in grain, a certain proportion was allotted to
each fort; if the troops were on the march, orders upon the headmen of
the various villages were issued, the villages being credited with the
amount of grain, etc., supplied when the revenue came to be collected.
Upon any occasion where the whole available force was collected _en
masse_, each district had to furnish a certain amount of grain as
well as its fighting contingent, the daily ration of every man being
estimated at one seer of flour. So long as this supply lasted the men
considered themselves bound to remain with their chiefs; but the moment
that the issue ceased there was a general dissolution of the forces.
Similarly, there was no settled transport system nor ordnance supply,
arrangements, haphazard in the extreme, rising as occasion required. In
many respects, the changing conditions of military life, in the absence
of specific reforms, brought no remedy of abuses which, existing
under Dost Mahommed, found opportunity for increased activity in the
new order of affairs. The inevitable break-down occurred; and at the
first tests, imposed by the actions at Peiwar Kotal and Ali Masjid,
the entire machine went to pieces. Later, at Charasiab and Ahmad Khel,
the Afghan array had returned to its own style of fighting and, under
tribal leaders, ill-disciplined, yet courageous and determined, fought
valiantly and well.
In spite of the excellent beginnings which had been made by Shir
Ali, the condition of the army at the time of his accession placed a
very heavy burden upon the shoulders of Abdur Rahman. Handicapped by
internal dissensions, it was not until he had established as paramount
his authority over the tribes that he was able to turn attention to the
crude structure which had been built by his predecessor. Elaborating
the handiwork of Shir Ali by many personal touches, he gradually shaped
the whole system to his own mould. To every regiment of cavalry and
infantry he attached complementary engineer, medical and commissariat
details, so that each unit was complete in itself and independent
of its brigade. In a measure and as the outcome of this initiative
Abdur Rahman became the actual founder of the army of Afghanistan.
Recognising the many deficiencies in the military system, he increased
its potential significance by substituting for the old feudal levies
one central army, paid, created and controlled directly by himself.
With implacable severity he chastised his enemies, breaking up their
powers of resistance and developing his own position, until the
foundations of his earlier work became the permanent supports to a
military autocracy. Regiment after regiment was added to the permanent
strength of his military establishment as opportunity offered; while,
in addition, 50,000 pack-mules and pack-ponies were set aside as a park
of transport, and immense reserves of grain were stored in readiness
at Herat, Kandahar and Kabul. Monthly pay-sheets were drawn up, by
which generals of the first class received six hundred Kabuli rupees
monthly, a brigadier two hundred and fifty, a colonel of cavalry two
hundred, a major one hundred and twenty, captains of cavalry eighty, of
infantry and artillery thirty, down to corporals of foot, who received
ten rupees. The rank and file were paid partly in kind, a trooper
getting sixteen rupees in cash and four rupees’ worth of grain, a
private of foot five rupees in cash and three rupees’ worth of grain.
Every regiment was to have a chaplain (_mullah_), a physician (_hakim_)
and a surgeon (_yarrah_). To some extent bribery and corruption were
suppressed. A corps of signallers was formed and a body of sappers
and miners instructed in the art of entrenchment, bridge-building
and road-making. Further, the gunners were taught the technique of
their _matériel_, while the Kabul regiments were put through courses
of musketry and the elemental mysteries of tactics and strategy were
disclosed to their officers.
[Illustration: INFANTRY IN PARADE STATE]
So much was attempted by Abdur Rahman that he well may be forgiven for
leaving to his successor execution of detail. Within a few months of
his accession the strength of the army in Kabul, Kandahar, Herat and
beyond the Hindu Kush consisted of 58,740 men with 182 guns.
REGULARS.
_Cavalry._ _Infantry._ _Artillery._ _Guns._
9750 30,890 1600 182
IRREGULARS.
_Tribal foot._ _Tribal horse._ _Total._
9000 7500 58,740
Weak in artillery--there being few trained gunners--the cannon,
partly of English, partly of native manufacture and of various ages
and patterns, were the time-honoured relics of Dost Mahommed and Shir
Ali. The infantry rifles of the regulars also were of different makes,
varying from the old two-grooved Brunswick to the Martini-Henry.
The tribal forces were largely armed with matchlocks. Assisted by
the subsidies which he received from the Government of India, Abdur
Rahman swept away the rubbish and collected an immense stock of
modern ordnance supplies. Over and above the quantity held against
the immediate mobilisation of the standing forces, by importation and
manufacture he piled up a vast reserve of rifles, field-pieces and
guns of large calibre with their requisite ammunition, doubtless very
varied in their character and including every sort of pattern from
Krupp field-pieces to Maxim, Nordenfeldt and Hotchkiss quick-firers.
For this purpose he erected in Kabul itself the necessary works,
imparting to the position of Afghanistan by these means and for the
first time in its history some element of security, and creating an
army which required only to be supervised with the same watchfulness
by his successor to attain ultimately as near to perfection as any
purely native organisation can arrive. Ordnance factories--with a
weekly output of two guns, one hundred and seventy-five rifles and a
varying quantity of small arms ammunition--workshops, and an arsenal
existing to-day in Kabul prove the inflexible determination of his
plans. In furtherance of them, it was his idea to fashion an army
which, apportioned between regulars and tribal levies, would number
1,000,000 men. There was to be a permanent regular force of 300,000
men, with an established ammunition reserve of 500 rounds to each
field-piece and 5000 rounds to every rifle. Moreover, many months
before his death the ordnance supplies, amassed in Kabul, sufficed for
a very large proportion of such a force, at the same time exceeding
the amount necessary for the requirements of the existing field and
garrison forces. Had Abdur Rahman only survived a few years longer,
it is indisputable that a force of a million fighting men, more or
less trained but at least efficiently armed, would have been secured,
although it may be doubted whether, save under the press of dire
necessity, he would have ventured to issue weapons to them or to place
more than a quarter of this number actually in the field.
At his demise the numbers of the forces available were considerably
below the million standard. At that time the peace strength of the
regular army was estimated at 150,000 men, distributed between the
military centres of Herat, Kabul, Kandahar, Mazar-i-Sharif, Jelalabad,
Asmai, the region of the Upper Oxus, and in detachments on frontier
duty along the Russo-Afghan, Perso-Afghan and Indo-Afghan boundaries.
This force was composed as follows:
_Numbers._ _Average._ _Total._
80 Regiments of Infantry 700 56,000
40 Regiments of Cavalry 400 16,000
100 Batteries ⎨ 6 guns⎬ 10,000
⎩100 men⎭
Royal Bodyguard:
4 Regiments of Infantry 1,000 4,000
3 Regiments of Cavalry 800 2,400
Supplementary:
Police 30,000
Permanent Tribal Auxiliaries:
Unmounted 20,000⎬ 30,000
Mounted 10,000⎭
The many flaws in the system which Abdur Rahman had created were
emphasised at his death, in part by the indifference of Habib Ullah to
matters military, but in the main by organic difficulties emanating
from reactionary influences in the environment of the throne. Broadly
speaking, the army and administration of Afghanistan were too
centralised to be continuous unless the reins of government had passed
into the hands of a man as fearless and able as Abdur Rahman was. Habib
Ullah is a man of different mould; and as a consequence on the death of
Abdur Rahman the absolutism of his rule suffered material contraction.
It is to be regretted that the late Amir, while evolving out of a
heterogeneous collection of warring tribes a settled and independent
country, failed to bequeath to his son any portion of his own singular
abilities. As a consequence, the order of government in Kabul is
neither so unquestioned nor substantial as it was, for the men whose
services assisted Abdur Rahman to effect his life’s work have dropped
out--from death or through inability to serve Habib Ullah. Faults,
inherent in the character of the Afghans and particularly prominent
in the present Amir, have thus measured the success which befel Abdur
Rahman by the span of that ruler’s life, until it is really but little
more than the shell of the former edifice which now remains.
[Illustration: PATROL OF HOUSEHOLD TROOPS]
Deprived of the inspiring genius of Abdur Rahman, within the five
years which have elapsed since his death there is every ground to
believe that the army has fallen away in efficiency as well as in
numbers, and that the work of reorganisation largely requires to be
repeated. In a measure, the Afghans retain at the present time their
old characteristics--their love of their own country and their hatred
of alien races; but, through lapse of time and their intercourse on the
one hand with the Russians and in the other direction with India, they
are liable to flock to the standard of the Amir less than they were. It
must not be forgotten that to-day Afghanistan reproduces the condition
of a settled country, possessing a population much more peaceful than
were the inhabitants a generation ago. Moreover through the penetrating
associations of prosperity and through many years of peace the warlike
instincts of the tribes have become numbed, while their martial ardour
has evaporated, requiring constant amelioration of the conditions of
service by way of stimulating their military zeal. Increases of pay
and more generous rations have been conceded in the past and, lately,
attempts have been made to soothe the susceptibilities of the officers.
Habib Ullah has ordained that for the future promotions will go by
seniority, although the system of selection, where it is concerned with
posts which are hereditary in families connected with the Royal House,
will not be altered. As a sop to the feelings of the rank and file the
class-company system is to be enforced, the men of the different tribes
being incorporated regimentally under their own tribal leaders. In this
direction, too, it is of interest to note that every cantonment will
be provided with a garrison mullah who, on Fridays, will read prayers
before the assembled troops and address them on Saints’ Days, while
teachers in religious instruction are to be attached to each regimental
company.
Lately, Habib Ullah has shown signs of awakening to the responsibilities
of his position; and it is to be hoped that, under pressure from
recent political circumstances, he may abandon the foolish indulgence
to which hitherto he has been a slave. Indications of this spirit are
not very pronounced, but their manifestation does not come a moment
too soon. In the main they are associated with military matters,
although certain measures deal exclusively with the administration.
Among the former, orders have been given to the leather factories in
Kabul to manufacture 300,000 sets of infantry equipment and an agent
has been despatched to India to purchase gear for the mounted branches
of the service. At best these activities are no promise of an abiding
interest in his service and, indeed, they are discounted by his
refusal to hearken to advice. At the present time the army of
Afghanistan, in its existing condition, admittedly possesses in a high
degree the qualities of endurance, courage and mobility; but, in spite
of its modern guise, it lacks discipline and cohesion and, as a
fighting machine, is liable upon these grounds to be thrown quickly
out of gear. Under these circumstances the observation may perhaps be
hazarded that it would be as well before equipping it with first-class
material to make sure that the men were sufficiently organised to
understand its use. At present modern weapons are unknown to the great
bulk of the forces of Afghanistan; and it cannot be denied that the
absence of this quality makes it more of a menace to itself than to an
enemy. Hitherto, there has been greater variety than method in the
Afghan military equipment, irregularity of pattern distinguishing
alike rifle, field-piece and ammunition, while the education of the
officers and the training of the men has been neglected.
The continuation of these imperfections is due primarily to the
inability of the Amir of Afghanistan to rely upon the loyalty of his
troops. At the same time, their existence appertains to every Oriental
army which is placed solely in native custody. They have always been
a feature of the Afghan service. The condition of the garrison in the
capital perhaps reveals some little superiority over those which are
placed further afield, but it can be affirmed quite truly that the
military qualities of Afghanistan proceed entirely from the inborn
fanaticism of its people and not from the practical organisation
of its active state. Nevertheless under conditions applicable to
mountain warfare the Afghan army could become an invaluable auxiliary;
although its capacity, as well as its determination, to offer any
prolonged resistance are matters of doubt. Defects could be removed
by re-organisation; good qualities enhanced by careful training under
British officers or by the despatch of selected Afghan officers and men
for training with our own troops.
In spite of the obduracy of Habib Ullah over this point, he has made
known his intention of falling back upon the support of the Indian
Government when his own arms have been defeated. This contingency,
which is liable to arise at the outset of a war with any foreign power,
imposes upon the Government of India a thankless burden, in no way
lessened by the proposal of the Amir to create in Kabul an Afghan Staff
College, and the determination of the Imperial Government to avoid
insistence upon what is, by no means, an unreasonable precaution. As
matters rest at present unless change is introduced the preposterous
conceit, which distinguishes the Afghans, is destined to receive an
unwelcome shock. Nevertheless the Amir cannot be persuaded to place his
military affairs in the hands of the Indian Government; since, now that
the Japanese have beaten the Russians and, in the mind of the Amir,
the Imperial Government is frightened at the Russian Government, the
Afghans argue, having defeated British arms, that they are now superior
to the Japanese. Therefore, they deny us the possession of any point
of advantage in their country, a consummation which, while not quite
that towards which our diplomacy has been directed, may be ascribed
to the results, in combination, of a policy of friendly missions
and half measures. Now that we have given Habib Ullah permission to
import without check unlimited supplies of arms and ammunition the
disadvantages of such a situation increase rather than diminish; as
it exists so close to the Indian frontier and in a way in which it
cannot be controlled by the Indian Government, it behoves the Imperial
Government to come to a definite decision at once with regard to its
line of action in relation to Afghanistan.
[Illustration: INFANTRY ON THE MARCH]
Abdur Rahman did not confine his work of reorganisation solely to the
military system of Afghanistan. He devoted great attention to the
military roads of the state, realising that a system of communications
was as important as a well-equipped and efficiently-organised army.
Kabul, as the capital, was united with Badakshan on the east, with
Turkestan on the north and with Kandahar and Herat on the south and
west. Prior to these works certain native roads did exist between the
several centres; but it was due to the activity and initiative of the
late Amir that improvements were introduced, or altogether new lines
of communication opened. Undeterred by the difficulties which beset
his engineers and as an index to the consistent vigour with which he
assisted the development and execution of his policy, he threw roads
across the Hindu Kush, facilitating by these means not only the trend
of inter-provincial trade, but the pacification and administration of
his provinces. In addition to these strategic roads, he improved the
trade routes which led into the country from the Trans-Oxus, India
and Persia. In the south the Khyber, Kurram and the Gomul routes
received notice; in the north there were the routes from Russian
Turkestan leading through well-known centres to points of admission
upon the Afghan border. After the subjugation of Kafiristan he took the
precaution of making a military road through that country from north
to south, thus opening up communication with the Kunar Valley, and
Jelalabad, where considerable numbers of troops are always stationed.
Further, he directed that it should eventually be carried over the
western Hindu Kush so as to give a better route to Kataghan, Badakshan,
and the upper Oxus Valley. This portion of the work was finished in
March 1904. The northern terminus of the road is at Faizabad, the
principal town of Badakshan, where caravan routes meet from Bokhara on
the north-west, the Pamirs and Kashgar on the north-east. The Afghan
Government have constructed _serais_ at all the halting-places, and
caravans are encouraged to use the road in preference to that through
Chitral.
Curiously enough in another direction, the construction of fortresses,
Abdur Rahman was more neglectful. If he improved the lines of
communication and re-organised the state of the army he built but
few forts, relying almost entirely upon those which already had been
constructed. Nowadays with the exception of the Kabul positions,
Dehdadi, Mazar-i-Sharif and Baldak Spin, the two latter of which he
built to command the approaches to Balkh and Kandahar, there are no
modern forts in the kingdom. Those that do exist are made of mud and
are of insufficient strength to withstand bombardment. The great
majority serve merely as garrison depôts and are without interest save
as interesting ruins.
The list is as follows:
_Kala Afghan._--A fort in the Kunduz district, on the east side
of the Lataband Pass, and on the road to Badakshan. It is famous
for its springs, of which there are 450 in the neighbourhood.
_Kala Asin._--A fort 33 miles south-east of Kabul on the route
from Kabul to Jelalabad by the Karkacha Pass.
_Kala Azim Khan._--A square mud fort, 73 miles from
Kalat-i-Ghilzai, 16 miles from Kandahar. Provisions and fuel
very scarce. Good water.
_Kala-i-Babakar._--A fort in good repair, inhabited by Karotis,
6 miles east of the Kotal-i-Sarwandi Pass, over the Suliman
range, and at the source of the Gomul river.
_Kala Badal._--A fort in the Murghab river basin.
_Kala-i-Bhak._--A fort in the Ghilzai country, south-east of
Kalat-i-Ghilzai, situated upon the plain. It contains 400 to 500
houses, and belongs to the Ohtak Ghilzais.
_Kala-i-Bist._--A fort 30 miles south of Girishk, situated upon
an island of the Helmund river, just above its confluence with
the Tarnak.
_Kala-i-Dukhtar._--A small fort 3 miles south of Sabzawar, upon
the left bank of the Adraskand.
_Kala Fatula._--A small square mud fort with bastions upon each
corner about 90 miles from Quetta and 57 miles from Kandahar.
Forage and grass are procurable but the water is brackish. The
place contains some 40 houses and shops.
_Kala Haji._--A fort 10 miles north of Kabul, upon a small
stream which drains to the Panjsher river.
_Kala Ibrahimi._--The centre group in a number of small forts
situated in the eastern extremity of the Bakwa plain, about 95
miles from Girishk and 66 miles from Farah.
_Kala Kaisar._--A fort in the Taimani country, north-east of
Teivereh.
_Kala-i-Karoti._--A fort 102 miles south-east of Ghazni and at
the west end of the Ghwalari Pass. It contains 30 houses of
Karoti Afghans and its water is procured from the Gomul river.
_Kala Kasim._--A deserted fort 13 miles from Kabul upon the
Ghazni road. It is situated in a beautiful and highly cultivated
valley in the basin of the Kabul river.
_Kala Kazi._--A fort 20 miles north of Kabul, south-east of
Istalif.
_Kala Kazi._--A fort 3 miles south-west of Kabul. It is enclosed
by walls and lies upon an eminence. The inhabitants are Tajik.
Water and supplies procurable.
_Kala Khanum._--A fort in the Ghilzai district, situated
in the hills, 12 miles from Kala-i-Bhao and south-east of
Kalat-i-Ghilzai. The garrison is usually 50 men; and 2000 tribal
levies can be mustered in the vicinity.
_Kala Khan Taraki._--A fort in the Ghilzai country, about 20
miles from Mukur, and upon the direct road to Shalkot. It is
situated in the centre of a populous region. The garrison,
composed of levies from the Taraki Ghilzais, numbers 200
horse and 100 foot. Four thousand men can be called up in the
neighbourhood.
_Kala Khoja._--A fort in Afghan-Turkestan, north of Bamian, upon
the road to Kamard and between Saighan and Dasht-i-Sufed. Kala
Khoja is the largest of several forts, all situated in this
district.
_Kala Khoja._--A village and fort in Wakhan, on the bank of the
Panja.
_Kala Khushk-i-Jamburan._--A small fort 16 miles north-east by
east of Sabzawar. It is situated in a fertile plain, 20 miles in
breadth, enclosed by hills upon three sides.
_Kala Khan._--A fort 30 miles south of Lake Abistada.
_Kala-i-Langar._--At this point, which is 222 miles from Dera
Ismail Khan and 68 miles from Ghazni on the Ghwalari road, there
are two forts, each containing about 80 houses. The larger fort
is a square, 100 yards in length with mud walls 20 feet high
and 6 feet thick, flanked by towers. It is one of the strongest
forts in Katawaz. The inhabitants belong to the Suliman Khel
Ghilzais.
_Kala Mahomed Husen._--A fort in the Jelalabad district and
situated 15 miles from Jelalabad.
_Kala Mama._--A fort in Wazikhwah district of the Ghilzai
country. It lies on the road from the Kundar to Kandahar, 12
miles from Khan Taraki, and some 32 miles from Mukur. The
fort contains mounted lines besides quarters for infantry. It
contains two wells and a few shops. The walls are pierced by
three gateways.
_Kala Mir Alam._--A fort in Shorawak, on the road from Kandahar
to Kalat. It is capacious and neatly constructed of mud, with
eight towers on each face besides the corner bastions. Close by
there is a canal from the Lora river.
_Kala-i-Nadar._--An abandoned fort 52 miles from Kandahar upon
the road to Herat. It is of large dimensions, with a good supply
of water; the adjacent country is well cultivated.
_Kala Najil._--A fort 88 miles from Jelalabad and 41 miles from
Farakhan, containing 300 houses.
_Kala Nao._--A fort 20 miles north-east of Herat, and north
of the Serabund mountains. Once a place of some importance
and a depôt for caravans going from Persia to Bokhara; it is
surrounded now only by the encampments of nomadic Hazaras.
_Kala Panj._--A fort in Wakhan, upon the left bank of the Panja
just below the junction of the Sar-i-Kol and Langar Kisht
branches.
_Kala Rahim Khan._--A fort 60 miles south of Ghazni, and west of
Lake Abistada.
_Kala Ramzan Khan._--A fort 3 miles south of Kalat-i-Ghilzai, on
the road from Ghazni to Kandahar.
_Kala Sangi._--An uninhabited fort a few miles north-east
of Teivereh, in the Taimani country. It is built of large
roughly-cut stones piled together without cement.
_Kala Bar Sang._--A fort in Afghan-Turkestan, commanding
a defile south of the Saighan valley. The fort is a rude,
shapeless building, with no pretensions to strength save what it
derives from its site.
_Kala Takah._--A fort in Afghan-Turkestan, 42 miles south of
Sar-i-Pul.
_Kala Wasil._--A fort in the Kah Dara division, north-west of
Kabul.
_Kala Kamard._--A fort of Afghan-Turkestan upon the road from
Balkh to Kabul, and about 110 miles south of Khulm. It is
inhabited by Hazaras and Tajiks, and draws its water from the
Surkhab, a tributary of the Kunduz river. At this point the
Surkhab possesses a width of 24 feet, a mean depth of 2 feet,
and an average current of 4½ miles an hour. Its source is at the
head of the valley, where it issues from a cleft in the rock.
Kamard fort stands 5600 feet above the sea in a gloomy narrow
valley, containing orchards of apricots which extend for many
miles. The rocks rise upon either side of the valley to a height
of 3000 feet; the valley itself is not more than 300 yards in
width.
The following routes indicate briefly the principal lines of
communication in Afghanistan.
I.
BALKH TO HERAT.
1. _Aktapa_ (10 miles).--A fort in ruins, 150 houses; forage
plenty; road level; intersected by canals and watercourses; four
canals bridged.
2. _Meilik_ (10 miles--20 miles).--A town of 2500 souls,
surrounded by a mud wall; water and forage plentiful;
cultivation scarce; road level, with no impediments.
3. _Shekhabad_ (10 miles--30 miles).--A village of 50 houses;
water and forage plentiful; cultivation very partial; road over
a level plain; no impediments from canals.
4. _Akcheh_ (10 miles--40 miles).--A town containing 4000 or
5000 souls; supplies, forage and water abundant; road over a
level plain, crossing 10 or 11 canals, all having wooden bridges
about 12 feet broad. Any amount of supplies procurable.
5. _Airagli_ (10 miles--50 miles).--A small mud fort, 80 to
100 houses; supplies, forage and water abundant; road level,
crossing two bridged canals.
6. _Shibirghan_ (10 miles--60 miles).--A town and fort containing
1500 to 2000 houses; supplies, water and forage abundant; road
excellent, crossing one bridged canal.
7. _Khorasanguzar_ (10 miles--70 miles).--A halting place;
forage and water alone procurable; road level, but slightly
sandy.
8. _Takht-i-Rustam Khan_ (20 miles--90 miles).--A halting place;
forage and water alone procurable; road sandy; for want of water
this stage cannot be shortened.
9. _Tekeh Marakht_ (10 miles--100 miles).--A halting place by a
river; forage procurable; road good, over a desert; one bridged
canal and three small watercourses.
10. _Khairabad_ (10 miles--110 miles).--A village of 150 houses;
road level and good.
11. _Islim_ (10 miles--120 miles).--An encampment of shepherds,
with a small mud fort; a river, fordable, knee-deep; partial
cultivation.
12. _Maimana_ (10 miles--130 miles).--A city and fort cross the
Sangalak river; fordable, ankle-deep.
13. _Almal_ (20 miles--150 miles).--Five small forts, containing
500 houses; a weekly fair here; a road, 4 miles longer than the
direct road which crosses nine different hills, turns off to
lead over three hills, easy of ascent and descent. This stage
can be divided by halting at Iskat Baru, where there is plenty
of water.
14. _Kisir_ (10 miles--160 miles).--A village of 200 houses and
tents and a small fort; river bridged; road good over one hill,
easy of passage.
15. _Mahri_ (10 miles--170 miles).--A camp of 20 tents; no
cultivation; water and forage abundant; the Kabr-i-Shutr hill at
starting.
16. _Char Shanbi_ (10 miles--180 miles).--A camp of 50 or 60
tents; partial cultivation; water and forage abundant; level
good road.
17. _Panj Guzar_ (10 miles--190 miles).--A camp of 60 tents;
cultivation extensive; water and forage abundant; road good.
18. _Kaor Mach_ (10 miles--200 miles).--A camp of 10 tents; no
cultivation; water and forage abundant; level good road.
19. _Gali Chasm_ (10 miles--210 miles).--Two old deserted forts;
no cultivation; camel forage and water abundant; road runs
between hills.
20. _Bala Murghab_ (20 miles--230 miles).--A village of 200
houses and tents and a fort; cultivation abundant; 8 miles from
Gali Chasm is a steep hill, practicable for guns with some
labour. There is not sufficient water at any intermediate place
for more than 200 persons with cattle.
21. _Karnachi_ (10 miles--240 miles).--No habitations; camel
forage plentiful; the only water is from a small cut 2 feet
wide from the Murghab river; road along the water-course; no
impediments.
22. _Chasm-i-Mangur_ (10 miles--250 miles).--A camp of 15 or 20
tents; forage and water abundant; level good road.
23. _Koh-i-Duzd_ (20 miles--270 miles).--No habitations here;
the river water brackish, but there are 30 or 40 springs near at
hand; at 3 miles there is an ascent for half a mile, and then a
long descent for 4 miles, after which the road is good and level.
24. _Kala-i-Nao_ (20 miles--290 miles).--A town of 1500 houses
with a mud fort; cultivation abundant; road level and good. This
stage can be divided by halting half-way at Postalak, where
there are springs of fresh water.
25. _Aushara_ (10 miles--300 miles).--A camp of 30 or 40 tents;
and good water and encamping ground; forage abundant.
26. _Khushk-i-Zard_ (10 miles--310 miles).--A camp of 40 tents;
no cultivation; forage and water abundant; one hill difficult of
descent.
27. _Band-i-zer-Mast_ (20 miles--330 miles).--No dwellings;
forage and water abundant; an ascent of 6 miles, very stony and
difficult.
28. _Kharoke_ (20 miles--350 miles).--A military post;
cultivation, forage, and water abundant; road level and good.
There is water in the middle of this stage, but no forage.
29. _Herat_ (20 miles--370 miles).--Good level road, through a
well populated country, the whole way.
_N.B._--The first numbers in this and following routes give the
length of the stage, the second the total distance from the
commencement of the route.
II.
KANDAHAR TO HERAT (BY THE NORTHERN ROUTE)
1. _Kokaran_ (7 miles).--The river Argandab runs within 500
yards of the high road; an irrigation channel also furnishing an
abundant supply of water. Small quantities of forage procurable.
For the first 3 miles the road passes through the enclosed
gardens surrounding the city and crosses the several canals
drawn from the Argandab for irrigating the valley of Kandahar.
2. _Jangeri_ (5 miles--12 miles).--Water procured from an
irrigation canal drawn from the Argandab, the river one mile
distant south-east; forage for camels and horses procurable. The
road stony in some places but generally good; there is an abrupt
descent into the bed of the Argandab river, which is easily
fordable.
3. _Haoz-i-Madat Khan_ (14 miles--26 miles).--Watered by the
same canal which supplies Jangeri; grass plentiful about 5 miles
to the southward; several villages and much cultivation in the
vicinity; large flocks of sheep and goats. The march lies across
a hard and level plain. Water is found close to the road, a
short distance from the village of Badwan, 2½ miles from Jangeri.
4. _Khushk-i-Nakhud_ (15 miles 6 furlongs--41 miles 6
furlongs).--Abundant supply of good water from two artificial
watercourses. Grass scarce, and little cultivation. A hard level
road.
5. _Khak-i-Chopan_ (9 miles 5 furlongs--51 miles 3
furlongs).--Water procurable in sufficient quantity. Road
generally good and level; sand lies rather deeply on it for a
short distance, and some slight undulations in the ground are
met with towards the end of the march. Cultivation and villages
lie 2 or 3 miles to the south.
6. _Left Bank of Helmund River_ (22 miles 5 furlongs--74
miles).--Water abundant, from irrigation channels and from the
river. Very little cultivation on this side of the river and but
few dwellings. Road generally good and hard.
7. _Girishk_ (1 mile 4 furlongs--75 miles 4 furlongs).--Water
from irrigation channels abundant. The river a mile distant to
the south-east; ground somewhat broken by water-courses and
damp spots. Forage both for camels and horses excellent and
most abundant. Many small villages and much arable land, but
comparatively little cultivated ground.
8. _Zerak_ (20 miles 7 furlongs--96 miles 3 furlongs).--Water
good and abundant; forage for both camels and horses plentiful;
some cultivation in the vicinity. The dried bushes found on
the plains form almost the sole fuel procurable at most of the
stages. The first 6 miles of the road on this stage stony and
undulating, the beds of several torrents which drain the desert
plain crossing the line; after this it becomes level and easy
till the fort of Sadat, 18 miles from Girishk, is reached.
Beyond Sadat the road again passes over undulating ground with
one or two steep slopes till Zerak is close at hand. There is an
abundant supply of water at Sadat.
9. _Doshakh_ (12 miles 7 furlongs--109 miles 2 furlongs).--Water
abundant; one or two villages and some cultivation in the
vicinity; the road hard and level the whole way. At the village
of Sur, 6 miles from Zerak, forage is procurable, and if Sadat
were made a halting-place Sur would form another at a distance
of 8½ miles from it.
10. _Khushk-i-Sufed_ (21 miles 7 furlongs--131 miles 2
furlongs).--The first part of the road good and level;
excellent water from a reservoir at a distance of 3 miles from
encamping-ground. At 10½ miles from Doshakh the march is through
a range of hills, the path leading over which shortly afterwards
contracts in several places, so that a laden camel can barely
pass. The ascent gradual, no steep slopes; the road broken and
stony.
11. _Washir_ (9 miles 5 furlongs--141 miles).--Abundance of
water. The road is hard and good with a gentle descent the whole
way till within a mile or two of Washir, when it is undulating
and stony in some places.
12. _Left Bank of Khash Rud_ (12 miles 2 furlongs--153 miles 2
furlongs).--Excellent water from the river; forage for camels
not abundant on the banks of the river; the grass not plentiful
nor of good quality; no village in sight and the country on
either side dry, stony and almost a desert. The road stony and
uneven.
13. _Ibrahim Jui_ (16 miles 7 furlongs--170 miles 1
furlong).--Water abundant. The road leads across a hard level
plain for about 9 miles without any obstacle. At the termination
of the plain it enters a range of hills of moderate elevation,
the path being in some places narrow, difficult, and crossed in
many places by the dry beds of mountain torrents.
14. _Nalak_ (13 miles 4 furlongs--183 miles 5 furlongs).--Water
from a running stream good and abundant; forage for camels and
horses plentiful; very little cultivation. The road lies among
hills for a mile, then debouches on a plain. Skirting a range of
precipitous and lofty hills on the right for 3½ miles road good
again, twining into another mountain gorge and ascending the
valley for 5 miles to a spot called Ganimargh, where villages
are seen. The road continues to thread a succession of mountain
valleys.
15. _Tut-i-Kasarman_ (6 miles 5 furlongs--190 miles 2
furlongs).--Good water from a “karez”; forage for both camels
and horses abundant; fuel procurable but no supplies. Road among
hills all the way, gradually ascending but not difficult.
16. _Lajward Karez_ (15 miles--205 miles 2 furlongs).--Water
from the ‘karez’ good and abundant. The road pursues a northerly
direction for about 2 miles, and then turns to the westward
and follows a mountain valley from three-quarters of a mile
to 2 miles wide, bounded by lofty and rugged peaks on either
side. At 5½ miles from Tut-i-Kasarman, the summit of the pass,
a height of 1200 feet is gained. The path then descends to the
foot of the slope, where water is found in the bed of a stream
completely overgrown by long grass, bushes and reeds; here the
valley widens out from 3 to 4 miles, and the road continues
tolerably level till a “karez” is reached. The road over the
pass is much broken.
17. _Shaharak_ (15 miles--220 miles 2 furlongs).--Abundance of
good water; grass plentiful; villages and cultivation near.
18. _Shahiwan_ (15 miles--235 miles 2 furlongs).--Numerous
canals for irrigation.
19. _Right Bank of Farah Rud_ (1 mile 3 furlongs--236 miles 5
furlongs).--Water of great purity from the river; forage not
plentiful.
20. _Ab-i-Khurmah_ (21 miles 3 furlongs--258 miles).--Water from
a spring not very wholesome; ground very irregular; fuel scarce;
forage for camels sufficient. For 14 miles the road traverses
a hard stony level plain; it then enters among low hills, and
follows for some time the bed of a mountain stream.
21. _Chah-i-Jahan_ (17 miles 2 furlongs--275 miles 2
furlongs).--Water tolerably good from spring; forage for both
camels and horses abundant; vegetation in the bed of the
watercourse very luxuriant; no villages or cultivation near; the
road rough and stony.
22. _Aisabad_ (20 miles 1 furlong--295 miles 3
furlongs).--Abundance of water. The plain is rather marshy;
forage for both horses and camels abundant; fuel scarce.
23. _Left Bank of the Adraskand_ (21 miles 2 furlongs--316 miles
5 furlongs).--Water from the river; forage and fuel abundant;
no signs of cultivation or inhabitants near the river, nor are
any villages seen between the valley of Sabzawar and that of
Herat, a fatiguing and difficult march. High peaks rise to the
eastward, the summits of which are judged to exceed 10,000 feet
in height above the level of the sea. The table-land is 2½ miles
across, where there is a further slight ascent, the elevation
reached being considered 1500 feet above the level of Sabzawar.
The descent into the valley of the Adraskand is steep, rocky,
and tortuous.
24. _Robat-i-Shah Bed_ (22 miles 2 furlongs--338 miles 7
furlongs).--Forage for camels and horses abundant; no supplies
of any description procurable. For 19 miles from the Adraskand
the road ascends among hills, the elevation being 6500 feet
above sea-level. Forage and water procurable the whole way. The
road stony.
25. _Rosabagh_ (21 miles--359 miles 7 furlongs).--Good water
from numerous artificial channels. Road attains elevation 7200
feet above sea-level falling further 2000 feet, and is good the
whole way from the foot of the hills. The Rosabagh is a Royal
garden planted with Scotch firs, now of great size and beauty.
26. _Right Bank Hari Rud_ (4 miles 4 furlongs--364 miles 3
furlongs).--Water good. This spot is but 3 miles from Herat and
within reach of the bazaars of the city. The road fords the Hari
Rud river running in several channels over a wide shingly bed.
27. _Herat_ (3 miles 180 yards--367 miles 3 furlongs).
III
KANDAHAR TO HERAT BY GIRISHK, FARAH AND SABZAWAR (THE SOUTHERN ROUTE).
As far as Girishk (7 marches, 75 miles 4 furlongs), see route
II. page 331.
8. _Haoz_ (a reservoir) (17 miles--92 miles 4 furlongs).--The
reservoir, which is 20 feet square, is built in a broad ravine,
through which there is a considerable stream after the snow
begins to melt; forage and grass scarce; a few ravines crossed;
the road, generally good, is over a hard, level, and arid plain.
9. _Shorab_ (23 miles--115 miles 4 furlongs).--Water plentiful
in the winter and spring; later in the year it is brackish, but
the supply is susceptible of great improvement; forage and grass
generally plentiful; road over a desert plain, somewhat uneven,
and in places stony.
10. _Dalhak_ (8 miles--13 miles 4 furlongs).--A ruined fort;
water rather scarce, but might be increased with care from a
spring; forage and grass scarce.
11. _Hasn Gilan_ (15 miles--138 miles 4 furlongs).--A ruined
fort; water, forage, and grass scarce. The Darwaza pass is
crossed about the third mile.
12. _Dilaram_ (13 miles--151 miles 4 furlongs).--Water, forage,
and grass abundant; the road fords the Khash Rud at the end of
the march; the bed of the river is 300 yards broad, with a small
clear stream in the dry season about 2½ feet deep. There are
villages all the way; the left bank is high and steep.
13. _Ibrahim Jui_ (14 miles--165 miles 4 furlongs).--Forage,
water, and grass scarce.
14. _Kala Ibrahimi_ (5 miles--170 miles 4 furlongs).
15. _Chiagaz_ (14 miles--184 miles 4 furlongs).--A small fort
near Siahab; water, forage, and grass abundant. Road crosses the
Bukwa plain.
16. _Karez_ (15 miles--199 miles 4 furlongs).--Water bad; road
good, over a level plain.
17. _Khormalik_ (16 miles--215 miles 4 furlongs).--Water good
and plentiful; cultivation in the neighbourhood; the road
crosses two ranges of hills, one pass being stony and difficult
for camels.
18. _Haoz-i-Kalsa_ (10 miles 4 furlongs--226 miles).--Water,
forage and grass good and plentiful.
19. _Farah_ (10 miles 4 furlongs--236 miles 4 furlongs).--All
supplies procurable.
20. _Karez_ (9 miles--245 miles 4 furlongs).--Road over a fine
plain, crossing the Farah Rud soon after leaving Farah. The
river is about 400 yards broad, with a stream in the dry season
of 150 yards, and 2 feet deep. Water clean and rapid.
21. _A Well_ (8 miles--253 miles 4 furlongs).
22. _Mula Mustafa’s Well_ (7 miles--260 miles 4 furlongs).
23. _Jeja_ (13 miles--273 miles 4 furlongs).--A village on the
left bank of the Adraskand. Road for the most part tortuous,
rocky, and bad.
24. _Water among Hills_ (9 miles--282 miles 4 furlongs).--Road
crosses the Adraskand on leaving Jeja, and soon afterwards
ascends a short pass.
25. _Adraskand River_ (9 miles--291 miles 4 furlongs).--Water.
26. _Adraskand River_ (8 miles--299 miles 4 furlongs).--Water.
27. _Sabzawar_ (8 miles--307 miles 4 furlongs).--The road
follows the right bank of the Adraskand until Sabzawar is
reached, and crosses the Gudar Khana pass.
28. _Ziarat_ (12 miles--319 miles 4 furlongs).--Few supplies
procurable. Water sufficient; forage and grass abundant; the
road lies over a plain.
29. _Sherbakhsh_ (17 miles 4 furlongs--337 miles).--Water
plentiful but brackish; forage and grass abundant.
30. _Gandatsu_ (9 miles 4 furlongs--346 miles 4
furlongs).--Water scarce; forage and grass abundant.
31. _Shorak_ (10 miles 4 furlongs--357 miles).--Water scarce
except in the spring, when it is abundant; forage and grass
plentiful; the road skirts the Shah Bed range.
32. _Water in a Ravine_ (7 miles--364 miles).--Water scarce;
forage and grass plentiful; the road winds round the
north-western extremity of the Shah Bed range.
33. _Ghor-i-Sufed_ (8 miles--372 miles).--Water, forage and
grass sufficient: succession of rolling undulations, which the
road crosses at right angles; soil hard and gravelly.
34. _Kala-i-Mula Yasin_ (9 miles 4 furlongs--381 miles 4
furlongs).--Water plentiful; forage and grass abundant; a few
small villages in the vicinity; road over undulating ground.
35. _Rozeh Bagh_ (11 miles 4 furlongs--393 miles).--Water
plentiful from canals; grass very scarce.
36. _Hari Rud_ (4 miles 4 furlongs--397 miles 4 furlongs).
37. _Herat_ (3 miles--400 miles 4 furlongs).
IV
KANDAHAR TO DERA ISMAIL KHAN.
1. _Kala Mohmand_ (6 kos).--Over the Kandahar plain. The water
here is from springs, but brackish. A little cultivation in the
neighbourhood.
2. _Taruk_ (6 kos--12 kos).--Over a sandy plain;
encamping-ground on the bank of the Tarnak river, from which
water is procurable.
3. _Wilgai_ (5 kos--17 kos).--In this day’s march a small “pass”
has to be crossed. No provisions procurable here, and water only
from springs.
4. _Jandar Madat Khan_ (5 kos--22 kos).--A village in the midst
of a well cultivated tract on the banks of the Arghesan; road
good.
5. _Lora_ (6 kos--28 kos).--Road along the bed of the Arghesan;
here also are villages and cultivation, and Lora itself is
situated at the junction of a stream coming down from above the
Mukur with the Arghesan.
6. _Sarghaz Kotal_ (6 kos--34 kos).--Still up the bed of the
stream, the road is broken and rugged; there are a few small
villages in the neighbourhood surrounded by small patches of
cultivation. The country generally is mountainous and barren;
camping-ground at the foot of the Kotal.
7. _Camp_ (6 kos).--Long tedious march. The ascent and descent
of the Sarghaz mountain takes the greater part of a day. The
encamping-ground is at a spring on the remote side of the range;
no village, but trees.
8. _Camp_ (6 kos).--Over an undulating broken country, gradually
descending again to the bed of the Arghesan, on the bank of
which is the spot for encamping.
9. _Shirkzai_ (6 kos).--Over a country undulating and hilly; the
banks of the Arghesan are here and there cultivated, and have a
good sprinkling of villages.
10. _Katt_ (6 kos).--Road resembles previous march. A Ghilzai
encampment near some springs; the road leaves the bed of the
Arghesan and crosses the Ghwauza Kotal, which is neither high
nor difficult; this is the last halting-place in the Kandahar
district.
11. _Surkhel_ (7 kos).--A village belonging to the Tokhi
Ghilzais; country tolerably well cultivated; water brackish from
springs.
12. _Sturanisa_ (7 kos).--Over an undulating plain; no
cultivation; villages deserted; water procurable from wells;
this spot belongs to the Tokhi Ghilzais.
13. _Kirshutu ke Kala_ (6 kos).--Road good, country level, but
only inhabited by wandering Babars; water from “karez.”
14. _Topan_ (6 kos).--Over a plain; here is one well but no
cultivation. The country belongs to Babars.
15. _Lowana Karez_ (7 kos).--Over a plain; Lowana is a small
village surrounded by cultivation.
16. _Gharabi Dara_ (6 kos).--Halting-ground at the entrance to
the pass; water procured by digging in the bed of a ravine where
it is always to be found close to the surface.
17. _Lari_ (6 kos).--The name of a plain occupied by a tribe of
Kakars. Road through a long darah flanked by low hills; water
from springs.
18. _Trikhghaz_ (7 kos).--This place consists of 30 or 40 houses
of the Jhunirian tribe. Country hilly and barren.
19. _Mukhal_ (6 kos).--An encamping ground; road passes through
a long defile; water procured from a small stream, a tributary
of the Gomul.
20. _Mamukhani_ (8 kos).--A long and tiresome march, for five
kos through a narrow defile, commanded by lofty heights;
the path then debouches on the Mamukhani plain, occupied by
Mandukhels and Nasrs.
21. _Kharkhandi_ (6 kos).--Here are a few villages in the midst
of cultivation belonging to Mandukhels and Nasrs. Road generally
through a hilly country along the bed of the Kundar stream.
22. _Gasta_ (6 kos).--Still along the bed of the stream; this
spot which is only an encamping-ground without houses belongs to
the Mandukhels.
23. _Husen Nika_ (7 kos).--A halting-place at the Ziarat of
Husen, where the Kholdad Khel and Suliman Khel Ghilzais come
down to trade and barter with the Lohanis. From here two roads
strike off, one to Ghwalari and the other to Zhob.
24. _Damandar_ (7 kos).--A halting-place watered from a spring
on the water-shed line between the Kundar and Gomul streams;
this day’s march is a difficult one, through a rugged dara, at
the end of which a high kotal has to be ascended.
25. _Kanzur._--The first halting-place in the Waziri country on
the banks of the Gomul. Caravans are frequently attacked by the
Waziris in all the routes through their portion of the country,
where there are no villages, but only well-known halting-places,
named as here shown. The road in this march is down a steep
descent, and then along the bed of the Gomul river.
26. _Ramtaj_ (7 kos).--Along the bed of the Gomul.
27. _Kotghai_ (7 kos).--Along the bed of the Gomul.
28. _Kirkani_ (9 kos).--Along the bed of the Gomul; 2 kos from
Kotghai is the Tol dara, a narrow but well cultivated glen,
inhabited by Taftani Povindahs, who are on friendly terms with
the Waziris.
29. _Ghwalari_ (14 kos).--The road leaves the bed of the Gomul
and crosses a very difficult kotal. Water is scarce at this
stage.
30. _Mashkanai_ (10 kos).--Through low barren hills; water from
a brackish spring.
31. _Zernarikah_ (8 kos).--Through low barren hills; water from
a brackish spring.
32 _Manjigarh_ (9 kos).--At the fourth kos the road passes out
of the hills and crosses to Manjigarh. From there the road lies
through the Derajat to Dera Ismail Khan, 49 miles.
V
KANDAHAR TO KABUL.
1. _Abdul Aziz_ (5 miles 7 furlongs).--Grass for horses and
forage for camels very scarce.
2. _Kala Azim_ (9 miles 7 furlongs--15 miles 6 furlongs).--Over
a hard stony road, considerably undulating and intersected by
beds of nullahs; plenty of excellent camel forage but little
grass; fuel scarce; a few wells of sweet water; ruined village
near the fort.
3. _Khel-i-Akhun_ (16½ miles--32¼ miles).
4. _Shahr-i-Safa_ (11 miles--43¼ miles).
5. _Tir-andaz Minar_ (10¼ miles--53½ miles).
6. _Tut_ (11½ miles--65 miles).
7. _Asia Hazara_ (10 miles--75 miles).
8. _Kelat-i-Ghilzai_ (12¾ miles--87¾ miles).
9. _Sar-i-Asp_ (10¼ miles--98 miles).
10. _Nurka_ (9½ miles--107½ miles).
11. _Tazi_ (8¾ miles--116¼ miles).
12. _Shaftal_ (6½ miles--122¾ miles).
13. _Chasma-i-Shadi_ (10½ miles--133¼ miles).
14. _Pangak_ (6½ miles--139¾ miles).
15. _Ghojan_ (12 miles--151¾ miles).
16. _Mukur_ (12¼ miles--164 miles).
17. _Oba Karez_ (14 miles--178 miles).
18. _Jamrud_ (12 miles--190 miles).
19. _Mashaki_ (9 miles--199 miles).
20. _Ahmad Khel_ (9½ miles--208½ miles).
21. _Nani_ (7½ miles--216 miles).
22. _Ghazni_ (15¾ miles--231¾ miles).
23. _Shashgao_ (13 miles--244¾ miles).
24. _Haft Asia_ (8½ miles--253¼ miles).
25. _Haidar Khel_ (10¾ miles--264 miles).
26. _Shekhabad_ (9½ miles--273½ miles).
27. _Maidan_ (18½ miles--292 miles).
28. _Kabul_ (26 miles--318 miles).
VI
KABUL TO THE OXUS BY BAMIAN, TAHKT-I-PUL AND BALKH.
1. _Argandab_ (14 miles).--Supplies procurable in small
quantities; water plentiful; grass scarce. Road tolerably good.
2. _Rustam Khel_ (8 miles--22 miles).--Supplies and water
procurable; grass plentiful but coarse.
3. _Jalrez_ (10 miles--32 miles).--A village; supplies and water
procurable, grass rather scarce. Road generally rough and stony,
passing through a well cultivated valley.
4. _Sar-i-Chasma_ (10 miles--42 miles).--A spring of water, one
of the sources of the Kabul river. Road very rough, stony, and
narrow.
5. _Unai Pass_ (Foot of--9 miles--51 miles).--Water procurable,
grass scarce. Road fair, occasionally running along the slopes
of hills; very stony.
6. _Urt_ (5 miles--56 miles).--Water procurable, grass scarce.
The road consists of a succession of very steep ascents and
descents.
7. _Gardan-i-Diwar_ (6 miles 4 furlongs--62 miles 4
furlongs).--Water and grass plentiful; road tolerably good,
passes over four rather high spurs, and crosses the Helmund.
8. _Siah Kala_ (7 miles--69 miles 4 furlongs).--Grass and water
plentiful.
9. _Kahzar_ (6 miles--75 miles 4 furlongs).--A few supplies,
water and grass plentiful; road indifferent.
10. _Irak Pass_ (5 miles 4 furlongs--81 miles).--Water
procurable. Road passes over rocky and boggy stretches.
11. _Ab-i-Irak_ (6 miles 4 furlongs--87 miles 4
furlongs).--Water procurable; the ascent over the kotal is not
steep. The road is straight and tolerably free from rock, the
descent is steeper. For camels the road is not good.
12. _Irak_ (4 miles--91 miles 4 furlongs).--Water and grass
procurable. Road very bad, leading through a rugged stony
valley, and descending rapidly the whole way.
13. _Zohak_ (6 miles--97 miles 4 furlongs).--Water and grass
procurable; road difficult.
14. _Bamian_ (9 miles 4 furlongs--107 miles; Elev. about 8000
feet).--All supplies abundant.
15. _Akrabat_ (15 miles--122 miles).
16. _Saighan_ (20 miles--142 miles)--Well cultivated valley;
water and grass plentiful.
17. _Kamard_ (18 miles--160 miles)--Water, supplies and forage
procurable. The road is difficult.
18. _Mother_ (18 miles--178 miles)--Road tolerable.
19. _Doah_ (18 miles 4 furlongs--196 miles 4 furlongs).
20. _Roi_ (20 miles--216 miles 4 furlongs).
21. _Kuram_ (20 miles--236 miles 4 furlongs).
22. _Sar-i-Bagh_ (13 miles 4 furlongs--250 miles).
23. _Aibak_ (20 miles--270 miles).
24. _Hazrat Sultan_ (17 miles--287 miles).
(19 to 24 are well-watered populous districts. They contain
villages and are under cultivation.)
25. _Khulm or Tashkurghan_ (20 miles--307 miles).--Supplies and
water plentiful; a road to Kunduz, 70 miles.
26. _Mazar-i-Sharif_ (34 miles--341 miles).--Supplies and water
abundant. Route traverses a plain and crosses the Abdul Kotal; a
road runs from there to Bamian.
27. _Takht-i-Pul_ (8 miles 4 furlongs--349 miles 4 furlongs)--.A
town; supplies and water abundant; plain, open country.
28. _Balkh_ (8 miles--357 miles 4 furlongs).--Supplies and water
procurable.
29. _Manlik_ (20 miles--377 miles 4 furlongs).--Supplies scarce.
30. _Turcoman Kala_ (20 miles--397 miles 4 furlongs).--Supplies
scarce.
31. _Oxus River_--_Bank of_ (27 miles--424 miles 4
furlongs).--The banks of the Oxus; water and forage abundant;
supplies procurable.
VII
KABUL TO PESHAWAR.
1. _Bhut Khak_ (8½ miles).
2. _Khurd Kabul_ (9 miles 1 furlong--17 miles 5 furlongs).
3. _Tezin_ (12⅞ miles--30 miles 4 furlongs).
4. _The Giant’s Tomb on the Tezin_ (8½ miles--39 miles).
5. _Rud-i-Kata Sang_ (4¾ miles--43 miles 6 furlongs).
6. _Jagdalik_ (7½ miles--51 miles 2 furlongs).
7. _Surkhab_ (13 miles--64 miles 2 furlongs).
8. _Sufed Sang_ (9¾ miles--74 miles).
9. _Fatehabad_ (12 miles--86 miles).
10. _Sultanpur_ (7½ miles--93 miles 4 furlongs).
11. _Jelalabad_ (9 miles--102 miles 4 furlongs).
12. _Ali Baghan_ (6¾ miles--109 miles 2 furlongs).
13. _To Char-deh_ (14 miles--123 miles 2 furlongs).
14. _Hazarnao_ (11¾ miles--135 miles).
15. _Dakka_ (9 miles--144 miles).
16. _Lundi Khana_ (9 miles--153 miles).
17. _Ali Masjid_ (13¾ miles--166 miles 6 furlongs).
18. _Kadam_ (10 miles--176 miles 6 furlongs).
19. _Koulsir_ (7 miles--183 miles 1 furlong).
20. _Peshawar_ (8¾ miles--191 miles 7 furlongs).
VIII
GIRISHK TO SEISTAN.
1. _Chah-i-Dewala_ (20 miles).--One well on the road.
2. _Chah-i-Karki_ (20 miles--40 miles).--One well on the road.
3. _Chah-i-Kasadi_ (20 miles--60 miles).--One well on the road.
4. _Khash_ (16 miles--76 miles).--400 houses of Arbabzais on the
Khash river.
5. _Kadeh_ (46 miles--122 miles).--300 houses of Arbabzais on
the Khash river.
6. _Chakhnasur_ (16 miles--138 miles).--500 houses of Mir Tajiks
on the Khash river.
7. _Janabad_ (16 miles--154 miles).--400 houses.
8. _Jelalabad_ (10 miles--164 miles).--400 houses of Seistani
Kayanes on the Helmund.
9. _Afzalabad Ford_ (16 miles--180 miles).--200 houses of
Arbabzais on the Helmund.
10. _Koh-i-Khoja_ (10 miles--190 miles).
IX
HERAT TO MAIMANA.
1. _Parwana_ (11 miles).--The road crosses mountains; village of
40 houses.
2. _Khushk-i-Rabat_ (11 miles--22 miles).--The road crosses a
plain of clayey soil; no provisions or houses.
3. _Kushk-i-Assaib_ (24 miles--46 miles).--The road is stony,
and lies across mountains and valleys, and is frequently cut
up by torrents very dangerous to pass after heavy rains. Good
water; no houses or provisions.
4. _Changurek_ (24 miles--70 miles).--No houses; good water.
5. _Turchik_ (24 miles--94 miles)--Cultivated district.
6. _Mingal_ (14 miles--108 miles).--Crosses plain; water
supplies.
7. _Murgab_ (14 miles--122 miles).--The road leads along a
fertile valley, through a well-cultivated populous country.
8. _Kala-i-Vali_ (24 miles--146 miles).--Villages and supplies.
9. _Char Shamba_ (11 miles--157 miles).--Meadows; villages of
380 houses, and supplies.
10. _Kaisar_ (11 miles--168 miles).--The road goes through a
well-cultivated plain; fine villages; Kapchaks.
11. _Maimana_ (28 miles--196 miles).
CHAPTER XIV
KABUL: ITS PALACES AND COURT LIFE
[Illustration: MISS BROWN, PHYSICIAN TO THE AMIR’S HAREM]
The road from Kandahar to Kabul in its present condition is one
of those permanent improvements with which the late Abdur Rahman
endowed Afghanistan. Under the ægis of that energetic ruler the old
caravan routes between Kandahar and Kabul, and Kabul and Herat, were
replaced by first-class military communications, the elders of the
villages in the several districts traversed being held responsible
for their security. The road to Kabul runs north-east from Kandahar
and the distance is 315 miles. The two points of importance are
Kelat-i-Ghilzai, on the right bank of the Tarnak river and 85 miles
north-east of Kandahar, and Ghazni, 225 miles north-east of Kandahar
and 78 miles south-west of Kabul.
There is no town at Kelat-i-Ghilzai; but there are two small walled
villages not far from the fort to the north-west and a few nomadic
encampments upon the surrounding plain. The fort stands upon an
isolated plateau, which in places is very steep. There are two
gateways, respectively situated upon the northern and southern faces
of the work. The quarters of the garrison are arranged along the
eastern and western faces and a battery of four guns is posted upon a
neighbouring height. The garrison is not large and the defences have
suffered from neglect. There is good water from springs within the
perimeter of the fort; but the position is endangered by the existence
of certain features in the immediate vicinity which command the walls,
and also by the facilities for cover offered by the character of the
approaches. The bazaar is small, containing fifty shops: in addition
there are several Government granaries and a residence for the Governor.
Ghazni, the capital of the Ghilzai country and the principal centre
between Kandahar and Kabul, occupies a very important point, since it
commands the road through the Gomul Pass to Dera Ismail Khan. From its
strategical position, too, it must be considered the pivot to any line
of operations against an enemy advancing from the west or north; while
its possession in the hands of an Indian army would place such a force
astride one of the most important channels of communication in the
state. It is situated upon the left bank of the Ghazni river, on level
ground between the river and the termination of a spur, running east
and west from the Gilkoh Range 7730 feet above sea-level. The place
spreads itself out to the south and east, but the river checks its
expansion on the west, the stream leaving but a confined space between
its left bank and the knoll where the citadel stands. It is surrounded
by a high wall, built upon the top of a mound, in part natural and
in part artificial. The wall is of composite construction, stone and
brick-masonry laid in mud having been employed in its erection. It
is flanked at irregular intervals by towers and possesses a total
circumference, inclusive of the citadel, of 1750 yards.
The citadel is situated at the north angle of the town, upon an abrupt,
detached knoll where the hills terminate. It lies 150 feet above the
plain and dominates the city completely. Its defences are a high
masonry wall, loopholed and provided with a parapet, but no rampart
save the natural hill. There are four towers at the angles, but these
are small and insignificant. The citadel has no other strength than
that afforded by its commanding situation and formidable slopes; the
area of the summit of the knoll is limited and the buildings are not
adapted to shell-fire. The town and citadel are both commanded by hills
to the north, but the former is in a measure sheltered by the position
of the latter. The supply of water is unreliable and there is only one
well within the walls. The view from the citadel is extensive, but
by no means inviting, as the plain is very indifferently furnished
with villages. There are very numerous shrines--197 being the
number given--which are surrounded by orchards, vineyards, and small
corn-fields. Excepting along the course of the river the plain is bare
and empty, although it is broken up by the irrigation channels which
cross the road at intervals of 8 or 10 miles. Distant hills extend
in low ranges of bare rock. The country skirting them is a waste of
stone and scrub, in the possession of wandering Ghilzais whose flocks
of goats, sheep and camels share the pastures with wild deer, wolves,
foxes and hares. The black-hair tents of these nomads of the desert,
pitched in the sheltered hollows of its surface for protection from
the keen westerly wind, impart to the scene its sole sign of human
habitation.
The town itself is dirty. The thoroughfares, lined with houses several
storeys in height, are narrow, dark and irregular. Near the base of the
citadel, upon its easterly and westerly aspect, there is a small open
space varying from 100 yards to 150 yards; upon the southern side the
houses crowd close up to the rock. From the Khanah Gate to the Kandahar
or Bazar Gate, a street runs with some pretensions to uniformity of
breadth and directness of course. Another leads north-east to the open
space upon the west of the citadel, while from the Kabul Gate there is
communication by several narrow and somewhat tortuous lanes. The houses
are built of mud; only in rare instances do they possess domed roofs.
The population fluctuates according to the season and the amount of
trade passing into India. It seldom rises above 8000 people nor falls
much below 3000 people. The inhabitants are largely drawn from the
Nasir, Suliman Khel and other Ghilzai clans, who are concerned with
the through caravan trade _viâ_ the Gomul, together with a certain
proportion of Duranis and Tajiks. There are, also, 250 families of
Hazara labourers and perhaps 200 Hindu shopkeepers, bankers and
traders. The community in Ghazni is very mixed, ignorant, superstitious
and, if the Hindu element is excepted, without wealth. Hindus in Ghazni
are required to wear tight trousers instead of loose ones, a black cap
in place of a turban and to pay a capitation tax. Upon compliance with
these restrictions they receive protection and contrive to control the
trade between India and Afghanistan. The chief trade of the place is
in corn, fruits and madder, all of which are largely produced in the
district. Wool and camels’-hair cloth are brought into the market from
the adjoining Hazara country; and, since the British occupation of Wano
and the opening up of the Gomul Pass, local commerce has developed.
Agriculturally, the district is a rich one. Large crops of wheat and
barley are obtained, the capital itself drawing no small proportion of
its grain supply from this market. In addition to the land under cereal
cultivation there are magnificent pastures, while the fruit is no less
celebrated. The excellence of the apples surpasses that of those grown
at Kandahar, although the Kandahar melons, an especial production of
that city, are superior to the variety which are reared at Ghazni.
For corn and apricots Kabul makes a heavy demand upon Ghazni; but
the madder grown in the vicinity is almost all exported to India,
while tobacco, corn and the castor-oil plant are grown only for home
consumption.
The climate of Ghazni for several months of the year is very cold,
the snow lying upon the ground from November until the middle of
March. Frosts fall early in October and the ice lasts until mid-day;
from November for many weeks there is no thaw at all. In December the
country is covered with 3 feet of snow, which remains on the ground
until March. The spring is genial and, as the fields become green,
flowers appear on the plain. Rain falls irregularly and only for a few
days, but the bane of the climate is the dust which comes up with the
westerly winds. In summer the heat is less than that which prevails at
Kabul and Kandahar. The severity of the winter months entails as a rule
heavy mortality among the people, the lack of fuel being the principal
cause of the deaths. The flocks of sheep and goats and the droves of
camels also suffer; and, as there is a large nomadic population in
the district, the distress is not confined to the limits of the town.
Indeed, the Ghazni centre experiences a higher rate of mortality than
anywhere else in Afghanistan.
Kabul is situated at the western extremity of a spacious plain in an
angle formed by the approach of two converging heights, the Asmai and
the Shere Darwaza, with which the Takht-i-Shah is joined by a narrow
ridge 7 miles above the confluence of the Logar and Kabul rivers. The
elevations of these three hills are Asmai 6790 feet, Shere Darwaza
7166 feet and the Takht-i-Shah 7530 feet. The city is about 3 miles in
circumference, but there are no walls round it at the present time.
Formerly it was encircled by walls constructed of sun-baked bricks and
mud. Traces of the wall may be seen in many places; along the crests
of the Asmai and Shere Darwaza it is still standing and follows those
heights to the Kabul river, which separates the two. If the existing
landmarks are any indication of its original size, it is improbable
that old Kabul ever can have boasted a permanent population of 20,000
inhabitants. The walls of the old city were pierced by seven gates,
the Lahore Gate being now the only one which is left. These earlier
gates were the Sirdar, Pêt, Deh Afghanan, Deh Mazang, Guzar Gah,
Jabr--and the Lahore, the existing entrance. Of these, the Sirdar was
the last, and the Jabr Gate the first, to be removed. The sites of the
others, although no longer existing, are quite well known and serve as
Custom stations to the revenue officers. Many of the names by which
these seven gates were known belonged to 1504, when Baber raised the
fortunes of the city to the dignity of a capital--a period so remote
from to-day that it is only by the recapitulation of the names that
the incidents of that epoch are recalled. Nowadays the Lahore Gate has
fallen into decay and its heavy wooden doors, studded with iron, appear
as if about to fall. The brickwork of the gateway has also crumbled
and the loopholes in the arch are choked with rubbish. In spite of its
dilapidated condition, it remains an emphatic link between the present
time and those past centuries.
The city extends a mile and a half from east to west and a mile from
north to south. Hemmed in by the mountains, there is little room
for a capital of any size, except in a northerly direction towards
the Shirpur cantonment. It is the intention of the present ruler of
Afghanistan to lay down the lines of a new city, which, in size and in
the importance of its defences, shall be worthy of the growing dignity
of the state. The late Amir, Abdur Rahman, had planned the site of
another capital in the fertile Chahardeh valley to the west of Shere
Darwaza and Asmai, and between them and the Paghman hills, when death
interrupted his labours. Nevertheless he bequeathed his policy to his
successor, Habib Ullah, who has not yet moved in the matter. Shir Ali,
disgusted with the unpleasant condition of his city, began a new one
at Shirpur--the city of Shir Ali--but circumstances prevented him from
completing more than three walls, these relics of a self-imposed task
subsequently affording much assistance to the British when the Shirpur
cantonment was built. In its present state Kabul affords a curious and
interesting study in contrasts between the old and the new conditions.
It is still a dirty city, its mean appearance emphasised by the
neglected condition of its rambling lanes and the ramshackle character
of its houses. Yet it boasts the possession of several buildings more
or less imposing, their existence striking a very welcome note of
relief after any close acquaintance with the narrow, ill-paved streets
and their unusually sordid environment. Still, accumulations of dirt
and the neglect of ages cannot conceal in the general complexion of the
capital a certain tawdry magnificence, constantly illustrated by the
erection of elaborate edifices that pass into neglect within a short
space of their construction. In this way there are quite a number of
so-called palaces in Kabul, as well as various buildings which, erected
under the spur of that conspicuous vanity that distinguishes the Afghan
Court and vaguely intended for industrial enterprises, have been
abandoned entirely or put to other uses.
In spite of the vagaries of design that distinguish the architectural
arts as they are revealed in Kabul, interest clings to the old Bala
Hissar which, lying on a spur at the foot of the Shere Darwaza, was the
abode of Shir Ali, similarly serving as the Residency for Cavagnari
when that ill-fated officer lived there. The Bala Hissar is now in
ruins, but it still contains the Black Well, a hole of infamous repute,
serving as a prison for political offenders and other malefactors. The
defences of the Bala Hissar have been demolished, although the original
gateway is still standing and the outer wall and moat exist. The fort
itself is now used as a magazine and within the walls rough barracks
have been provided for the troops. The recent increase in the garrison
of the city is expected to occasion its total demolition and the
re-erection of more convenient quarters.
[Illustration: WINTER PALACE OF THE AMIR]
The modern palaces of Kabul are, of course, superior in size and in
their scheme of adornment to the earlier buildings; on this account it
is impossible that they can fail to arrest attention. The residence
which will become eventually the principal seat of the Amir in Kabul
is the Dil Khusha Palace. This is still in process of construction.
Much time has been spent over the work, Mr. Finlayson, the architect
retained by the Amir, being delayed with his task by native jealousies
and Court intrigues. It will be a large, semi-European structure with
two storeys, the upper windows permitting pleasant views of the palace
gardens. Its cost, which will amount to several lakhs of rupees, is
to be borne by the resources of the state which are already quite
sufficiently straitened. As a rule the Amir selects his abode according
to the prevailing season, changing as the whim seizes him, the apparent
caprice being more generally dictated by the fear of assassination.
The favourite palace, the Erg, which was appointed as the quarters of
the Dane Mission, lies a little beyond the town, between it and the
Shirpur cantonment where Elphinstone had his headquarters. Here there
is now located an hospital for sick and wounded soldiers; and, provided
by a paternal and God-granted Government, a retreat for lunatics,
maimed prisoners, and the blind and indigent, where the delights of a
lingering death may be indulged, since the authorities thoughtfully
refuse either aid or medicine. The palace of the Erg corresponds more
nearly with the part played in the old days by the Bala Hissar. It is
at once the central domicile of the Court and a strong defensive work,
although it is commanded by a fort situated on the summit of Asmai.
The accommodation is divided between the palace quarter, occupying
the inmost station, and an inner and outer fort. A high wall, pierced
on its eastern aspect by a square gateway (in which there are no
gates) encloses the entire position. Within the gateway and extending
round the wall of the outer fort are the quarters of the troops, and
in the centre there are spacious gardens. One regiment is always on
duty in the outer fort, a second regiment being detailed to safeguard
the defences of the palace proper and its outer precincts. At no time
during the day or night is the Amir without a strong guard. Cossack
posts are established about the entrance, while patrols and sentries
watch the grounds and the palace itself. The inner fort is separated
from the outer one by a wide, deep ditch, and on the remote side there
rise high battlements. Access to it is gained by a drawbridge which,
lowered between sunrise and sunset, is raised at night.
In appearance this work is decidedly Oriental. The much decorated
gateway is set in a semicircular recess, flanked by imposing bastions.
The gates are of wood, massive and studded with iron, the arches
on either side containing quarters for the guards. To enter it is
necessary to cross the guard-room and to negotiate beyond it the
various sentries. In a small tower above the gateway a maxim is
stationed, the tower itself being used at sunrise and sunset as a place
of ceremonial salutation. Morning and night throughout the year, when
the Amir is in residence, the changing of the guards is accompanied
with an outburst of native music, a weird discord of drum and horn,
which breaks forth in greeting to his Highness. This inner work is
itself divided by a further wall, which is pierced with loop-holes
and unceasingly patrolled. To a certain extent it acts as a defensive
curtain to the heart of the palace for, in the space between, there are
a series of small gardens and the palace premises. The garden walks
are fenced with iron railings; abutting from them at their eastern
and southern extremities are rows of symmetrically arranged buildings
of single and double storeys. A postern-gate affords admission, its
position covered by a massive, wooden screen of considerable height,
length and strength. This erection protects the palace when the postern
gate is open. The several buildings that are congregated behind the
curtain-wall comprise the Amir’s pavilion, the official quarters of
the princes and a separate enclosure, in which stands the Harem Serai.
In addition there are the Amir’s treasury and storehouses, together
with the quarters of certain Court officials and the barracks of the
bodyguard--the little colony being set within a landscape of singular
beauty. Numerous varieties of plants grow in the garden; about the
pavilion there is a wealth of flowering stocks, sweet smelling peas
and gaily coloured roses, the air being heavy with the scent of many
perfumes. Considering the mean and uncomfortable squalor of the city,
the presence of this oasis with its fresh flowers, green grass, shady
trees and neatly tended paths, lends to the position of the palace an
attractive brightness. Away from the flowers there is a somewhat garish
note: the walks between the beds are paved with marble, and the stone
figures of two recumbent lions repose upon either side of steps leading
to the pavilion. This building was constructed by Abdur Rahman, its
plan being modelled upon a church which he had seen in Tashkent. It is
a pretentious two-storey structure, square in position, dome-shaped in
design, with towers and cupolas upon each corner, the lofty, octagonal
hall reaching to the roof. Upon the ground floor four alcoves lead off
from the main space, and above them there are four other rooms.
The corner towers possess an upper and a lower chamber. A covered
walk runs round three sides, shading the windows of the alcoves from
the glare of the sun at noon. The upper rooms are lighted by windows
overlooking the gardens; the alcoves on the ground floor by windows
which open upon the verandah. The outer face of the walk is pierced
by nine arches, and the roof serves as a promenade for any one who
may be occupying the chambers in the towers. Each alcove is about 12
feet square, while the breadth of the hall is 18 feet. The recesses
are retained by the Amir for his personal use, one acting as an
entrance lobby, another as the receptacle for his couch, a third as a
writing-room and a fourth as a waiting-place for his pages. There are
no doors to these recesses on the main floor and, between each lying
back against the wall, there are various articles of furniture, a black
wood writing-desk, a German piano, a marble-topped table and a carved
wood cabinet. Two pictures adorn the walls--one representing the House
of Commons and the other the House of Lords; it might be a suitable
attention upon the part of the Government of India to supplement these
pictures with paintings of Queen Victoria, Edward VII. and Queen
Alexandra.
[Illustration: AMIR’S SUMMER RESIDENCE--INDIKKI PALACE]
For audiences of a semi-private character, as well as for all Durbar
matters of a public nature, Abdur Rahman frequented the Durbar
Hall, situated beyond the moat in the gardens of the Erg Palace. It
is a long, lofty building with pillared verandah, corrugated iron
roof and twelve spacious windows on each side, curtained after the
European fashion. Two rows of white columns, placed at regular stages
down the floor of the building, support an elaborately carved ceiling,
ornamented with stencilled plates beaten out of empty kerosene tins.
It is 60 yards in length and 20 yards in breadth. The decoration is
Oriental, but in the upholstery there is a mingling of the influence of
the West with certain fashions of the East. The eastern entrance admits
through a big double doorway and portico to the Durbar chamber, which
is usually the scene of any festivities that the Amir may provide for
the delectation of his Court or the entertainment of his guests. At
such a moment the floor is carpeted with English carpets and the aisles
of the hall are occupied by long tables, each place being set with a
cane-bottomed wooden arm-chair, European cutlery and Indian napery.
The illumination proceeds from two electric arc lamps, their dynamo
worked by a portable engine which is brought from the workshops for the
occasion. The building lies east and west across the garden and, at its
western extremity, there is the Amir’s Guest House. This comprises, on
the ground floor, a large hall, which opens into the palace gardens and
three smaller rooms. A stone staircase, with wooden balustrade, leads
where there is a second apartment, on an upper floor, lighted by many
double windows and giving upon a terrace.
In addition to a summer palace at Indikki, regarded by the late Amir as
a convenient place of banishment for his sons when occasion for their
punishment occurred, there is the Shah Ara Palace. This was used for
the reception of the Dane Mission, and is generally employed in all
state ceremonies. It is situated in a spacious garden, where stands
during Ramazan a Durbar tent, in which the Amir fulfils his religious
duties. For audiences with the Amir at this palace the invited guests
assemble in a similar tent, whence they are conducted to the throne
room. The floor of this apartment is decorated with Persian carpets;
and a row of chairs, arranged along one wall, is confronted by two
carved cupboards. In the centre of the room is a polished table and
near the entrance there is a smaller one, circular and marble-topped.
The Durbars held in this palace are of interest because they constitute
one of the few occasions upon which the Amir of Afghanistan receives
and speaks with Europeans.
[Illustration: MAJOR CLEVELAND, I.M.S., PHYSICIAN TO THE AMIR OF
AFGHANISTAN]
Invited to the particular reception now described were Major Cleveland,
the physician of the Amir, and Mrs. Cleveland; Mr. Finlayson, the
architect; Mr. Thornton, the superintendent of the leather factory;
the Misses Brown, European medical attendants attached to the Harem;
and Mr. Donovan, of the Ordnance Department. The audience had been
arranged for noon, and after some little pause, during which the guests
were placed in their order of presentation, Habib Ullah sent in to
inquire whether he should shake hands with the ladies. Upon receiving
a reply in the affirmative he strode into the room, attended by
Mahommed Suleiman Khan, his private secretary, Azim Ullah, the Court
interpreter, and several pages.
Morning dress appeared to be the order of the function--Mr. Finlayson
wearing a frock-coat, Mr. Donovan a blue serge suit, Major Cleveland
a blue uniform with sword and no belt. The ladies adopted calling
costumes. The Amir, appearing in his official attire, had donned a
black frock-coat, with a single-breasted waistcoat, a white shirt and
a pair of light grey trousers over patent boots. He wore a turned-down
white collar and a stiff butterfly tie, which it was the privilege of
the private secretary to adjust from time to time. Upon his head he
wore a black astrakhan cap; the left hand was gloved with brown kid,
the glove for the right hand being carried. His clothes were well
cut and he was very carefully groomed. Smaller in stature than his
father, to whom he bears a marked facial resemblance, his attitude is
no less dignified, although his manner is much milder than that which
distinguished the late Abdur Rahman. In speaking, Habib Ullah suffers
from a slight impediment of speech, the result of an attempt against
his life when, as a child, some one endeavoured to poison him. In
appearance he is of a light complexion, with heavy features which are
adorned with a slight beard and moustache. He is broad, rather clumsily
built, with a marked tendency to stoutness. Neither in his face, nor
in such evidences of capacity as he has shown, does he reveal the
truculent ability of his immediate predecessor upon the throne.
[Illustration: MRS. CLEVELAND]
Frankness and self-reliance were, perhaps, the most prominent
characteristics of Abdur Rahman’s nature. At the same time, he was
a genial, strong, clever man of the world, well-informed upon all
subjects of general interest, eloquent, resolute, logical and
possessed of much innate humour and facility in repartee. Always alive
to his own interests, he possessed no small capacity for intrigue; and
his first bid for position in Afghanistan was as the nominee of the
Russians, General Kauffman, the Russian Governor-General of Turkestan,
having arranged that he should be supplied with 200 breech-loading
rifles, 20,000 rounds of ammunition, accoutrements for 100 horse and
100 footmen and 5000 Bokhara tillas (35,000 rupees). Yet, when he
appeared across the border and arrived at a secret understanding with
the Government of India about his nomination as Amir, he posed as
the champion of his faith and the liberator of the land from foreign
domination, suppressing, in order to do this, all mention of his
agreement with us and of his relations with Russia. Nevertheless, as
soon as his own position was secure, he curtailed the influence of the
mullahs.
It was no part of the Russian scheme that Abdur Rahman should go to
Kabul. They had calculated that, as we were about to retire from
Afghanistan, Abdur Rahman might drive out General Ghulam Haidar from
Turkestan and establish himself as ruler. Later, if circumstances
should permit and the British nominee at Kabul prove weak or incapable,
they expected to strengthen their position there and, at last, to see
all Northern Afghanistan under Russian occupation. With our acceptance
of Abdur Rahman as Amir, he realised that the interests of himself,
his dynasty and his country lay with us. Resolved to obtain all he
could from the British Government, he was perfectly good humoured and
contented when he found that all his demands could not be granted. He
spoke of Russia with friendliness, and acknowledged his obligations
to her for the seven years of hospitality that had been shown him.
He absolutely denied any agreement with or dependence on her; and,
making light of the circumstances under which he left Tashkent as also
the instructions and assistance he had received, he preferred, with
the aid of England, to reign as an independent sovereign. The results
of his rule reveal an astonishing record of work done, and progress
made, in the short space of twenty years. Amid constant anxiety and
discouragement, surrounded by open enemies and secret traitors, with
robber tribes to subdue, the whole machinery of administration to
create, and with very few servants and officials who could sympathise
with, carry out or even understand his schemes for the development and
civilisation of his country, he yet achieved a signal and brilliant
success, leaving it to his successor to cement the structure which
he had put together with such labour and loving care or to wreck it
altogether.
After addressing a variety of remarks upon the various interests in
Kabul to his guests, Habib Ullah opened a general conversation in
Persian, as that tongue is the language of the Court. Habib Ullah reads
and speaks English, Arabic, Hindustani and Persian, but considers the
employment of English as undignified. At the beginning of the audience
the Amir seemed preoccupied; but as he had just come from giving orders
in connection with the welcome and entertainment of the Dane Mission,
he presently talked of that event. He began by a graceful allusion
to the Viceroy, Lord Curzon, and a complimentary reference to Lord
Kitchener, in acknowledgment of the great interest these distinguished
people took in the welfare of his state. Gradually he brought the
conversation closer to his subject, likening Afghanistan to the
position of a shield held at arm’s length against the enemies of India.
“If such a shield were thin as parchment,” said Habib Ullah, “a child
could tear it. But if thick and strong were the shield it would resist
all attempts; and it is my object to make this shield strong--so strong
that it cannot be broken,” adding with parting reflection that he would
discuss further the means of strengthening the shield when the Mission
from India had arrived.
At this point in the interview Inayat Ullah Khan, the little prince who
at a later date visited India, entered the chamber. Salaaming to his
father he stood with the pages until given permission to be seated.
Habib Ullah now turned the conversation to his gun accident, finding
in the quick recovery that he had made under the skilful attention of
Major Bird--physician to the late Viceroy and specially despatched in
response to an urgent message from Kabul--a direct manifestation of the
grace of Allah. In order that his guests should be in a position to
inspect the injured limb the Amir rested his hand upon a table, which
he himself drew up. Removing the glove the effects of the operation
became apparent. At the moment that Major Bird had arrived in Kabul the
hand had become very swollen. There was, also, a great accumulation of
pus in the wounds, which it had been necessary to incise; while the
terminal phalanx of the index finger, and part of the second phalanx
of the middle finger of the left hand, had been removed. At the
time of this audience Major Bird had returned to India. The wounds
had healed; and the hand was perfectly healthy, although the joints
were still stiff. The accident, which has made him look with greater
toleration upon the wisdom of establishing in Kabul a permanent branch
of the Indian medical system, had been caused through the bursting of a
sixty guinea, hammerless, 12-bore, double-barrel gun of English make.
The Amir, on March 28, 1904, was snipe-shooting near the village of
Khudadad and had shot twenty brace, when, as he was firing, the right
barrel burst, a fragment an inch and a half in length being blown out.
Fortunately the palm of the hand was well beneath the barrel, the
injured fingers alone resting on the side--a position which explains
the escape of the other portion of the hand.
Upon the conclusion of their examination of his hand by his visitors,
the reception, which had occupied two hours in duration, terminated
with a concluding remark upon the murder of Mr. Fleischer, an
English-speaking German subject, who had been sent out from Krupp’s, to
superintend the Kabul ordnance yards and workshops. Mr. Fleischer had
remained in Kabul in charge of the arsenal until, returning to India to
meet his wife and family, he was murdered by the risaldar of the escort
that was taking him to Lundi Khana, the limit of Afghan territory in
the direction of India. Habib Ullah defended the action of the murderer
on the ground that, when a Mahommedan overhears his faith abused, he
must kill himself or the traducer. Mr. Fleischer had not abused the
Mahommedan religion, the foul deed arising out of a jealous intrigue
between Mohammed Sarwar Khan, the official in charge of the Amir’s
factories, and the risaldar, but set afoot by Habib Ullah’s practice
of accepting complaints against foreign workmen without permitting
them to make any explanation on their own behalf. Mr. Martin himself
had suffered through having punished this same official, Mohammed
Sarwar Khan, for gross insolence, and accordingly had left the Amir’s
service. After his departure Mohammed Sarwar Khan plotted against Mr.
Fleischer, finding in the latter’s visit to India an opportunity well
suited to his purpose on account of the Amir’s hostility to Europeans.
Accordingly Mohammed Sarwar Khan instructed the risaldar to provoke Mr.
Fleischer in such a way that complaints by this worthy pair could be
lodged with Habib Ullah against him.
The actual incident began on the evening of November 6, 1904, when,
near the village of Basawul, a party of Europeans, proceeding to
Kabul from Peshawar, were joined at their encampment for the night by
Mr. Fleischer and his caravan from Kabul. After dinner Mr. Fleischer
discovered that the Europeans from India had not been provided with
farrashes, whose duties it is to attend to the pitching and striking
of tents in camp. As Mr. Fleischer was going in the morning to Lundi
Kotal and would not require his farrashes, he sent a message to the
risaldar to inform him that these men were to return to Kabul with the
European party from India. The risaldar, on receipt of this message,
replied that he would not be responsible for the tents which the Amir
had loaned for the journey if the two farrashes were withdrawn. Mr.
Fleischer then despatched his servant to tell the man to come to him,
which order the risaldar refused to obey. Subsequently, later in the
night, when Mr. Fleischer had gone back to his own camp, the fellow
was again insubordinate. The next morning, November 7, Mr. Fleischer
bade farewell to the Europeans and, proceeding on his way to India, was
shot down a mile from Lundi Khana by the risaldar. News of the murder
was conveyed to Dakka, the officer of that post going out to meet the
risaldar. The newcomer inquired immediately whether there had been any
witnesses of the crime, and, learning that it had been witnessed by two
muleteers, he suggested that they should be shot too, at the same time
guaranteeing to support any story that the risaldar should invent. The
murderer did not attach any importance to the matter and declined the
proposal, returning to Dakka as the guest of the officer of that fort.
Within a short time news reached the Governor of Jelalabad, who sent
out to arrest the risaldar, reporting at the same time the deed to
the Amir. To save his own “face” Habib Ullah issued orders that the
murderer should be taken back to the scene of his crime and there shot,
the escort, which he had commanded, together with his family, being
cast into prison. The action of the Amir came as a complete surprise
to the risaldar; before execution he explained that, had he known that
the Amir would have regarded the shooting of a feringhee with such
severity, he would have shot the two witnesses as well.
In appreciation of Mr. Fleischer’s services the Amir went through
the farce of announcing to the Government of India his intention
of presenting the widow and her family with a pension. Many months
have passed since then and no payment has been awarded, money being
as difficult to screw out of Afghanistan as gold is from stones.
Nevertheless, Mrs. Fleischer has appealed repeatedly, but without
success, to the consideration of the Government of India and to the
generosity of the Amir.
In spite of his amiability Habib Ullah does not possess a very secure
seat upon his throne, the intrigues of the queen-mother and the
jealousy of his brothers disturbing his position. Nor does he receive
the confidence of his people or reveal sufficient strength of character
to dominate the situation. Afghanistan needs the firm hand of a man,
who is as much a maker as a ruler of men. Habib Ullah is weak-willed;
and, in a country where the authority of the priest is a law in the
land, his subserviency to priestly control and his subjection to the
influence of his brother Nasr Ullah Khan have attracted universal
attention. Nasr Ullah and the Queen Dowager, Bibi Halima, wife of the
late Amir and the mother of Sirdar Mahommed Omar Jar Khan, are the
stormy petrels in the Afghan sea of domestic politics. Habib Ullah in
some measure understands the situation; and, doubtless, it is out of
respect for their dignity that Bibi Halima and Omar Khan are closely
protected by a strong detachment of the Imperial Bodyguard--so closely,
indeed, that they are practically state prisoners.
[Illustration: HIS HIGHNESS PRINCE NASR ULLA KHAN]
It is more difficult for the Amir to assail the position occupied by
Nasr Ullah, who was appointed commander-in-chief of the Afghan army in
the early days of Habib Ullah’s accession. Little attempt therefore is
made by the Amir to curb the masterful will of his brother. Nasr Ullah
Khan, who has become a Hafis or repeater of the Koran, also held the
office of Shahgassi, or Gentleman Usher to the King. Just before the
advent of the Dane Mission at Kabul he was created an Itwad-ul-Dowlah
or Pillar of the State. In his dual capacity he threw into the scales
already settling against the Mission the whole weight of his influence,
ultimately securing its complete discomfiture. He is not, perhaps, the
most reliable prop to the policy and rule of his brother, since he
aspires to the throne for himself; and, there is no doubt that when
opportunity offers, he will make a bid for it. At the moment neither
his plans nor his partisans are prepared, but events move with such
swiftness in Afghanistan that no one can gauge more than approximately
the varying fortunes of the situation. Serious family quarrels have
compelled the Amir to exercise his authority in the arbitrary way
common in Afghanistan. The first step taken was in 1904, when the Omar
Jar was deprived of his bodyguard, the men being sent back to their
regiments. The next step was to remove him from his office as head of
all Government officials, an appointment in which he had succeeded
Nasr Ullah Kahn in 1902. These proceedings caused much excitement in
the capital and public feeling increased when it became known that
the Bibi Halima had refused to accept the allowance assigned to her
for the upkeep of her household. Matters became further complicated
by an incident which roused the Amir’s anger against the “Queen’s”
faction. Omar Jar ordered the Master of the Horse to send him the
favourite charger of the late Amir. This request was disregarded, and
the unfortunate officer, on being summoned to give an explanation, was
so maltreated by the Sirdar’s retainers that he died from his injuries.
When news of these proceedings reached the ears of the Amir, the Bibi
Halima and her son were directed to leave the palace where they had
resided since the demise of Abdur Rahman, Habib Ullah finally decreeing
that they should be confined to another residence, where they are
practically state prisoners. His Highness is said to have asked two of
the principal mullahs in Kabul to adjudicate upon the causes of the
strained relations existing in his family; but, although a temporary
compromise was established, no permanent reconciliation was obtained.
It is necessary to study carefully the table of the Amir’s descent[36]
to understand the precise position of affairs existing to-day in
Afghanistan.
Even in Afghanistan women wield an influence over the affairs of the
state, and its domestic policy is never without the disturbing effect
of a jealous woman’s interference. Indeed, the sway of the harem in
Court circles at Kabul is as pronounced as the power of the priests--a
condition of affairs that is no small departure from the old order,
when women and priests were relegated to the background. Since the
ascent of the present Amir to the throne there have been changes in the
army, in the state and in the harem. Three wives have been divorced--a
woman of the Mohmund tribe; a woman from the Helmund country who had
only been a few days in Kabul and the daughter of Saad-ud-Din Khan,
Hakim of Herat, the will of the Kabul priests prevailing upon Habib
Ullah to enforce the spirit of the Koran, which forbids the maintenance
of more than four wives. The number of concubines is unrestricted and
the strength of the royal harem in this respect increases constantly,
slaves of prepossessing appearance--in the service of the queens--being
chosen. Their end is usually disastrous, and the hapless woman who, as
a slave, excites the admiration of the Amir is generally--“removed.”
The four wives who have survived this example of priestly authority
are: (1) the mother of Aman Ullah; (2) Ulia Jancah (the daughter of
Yusef Khan Barakzai, the favourite wife until recently--she is the
mother of a daughter); (3) the daughter of Ibrahim Khan; and (4) the
mother of Inayat Ullah. The child of Yusef Khan, Ulia Jancah, is known
in the intimate circle of the harem as the Hindustani queen. She is a
woman of education, charm and accomplishment. She reads and writes;
as a former pupil of an Indian seminary, she also sings and plays the
piano. She is no admirer of the Afghan ruler, his people, or the state;
and it was the chance expression of this aversion which brought about
her displacement.
[Illustration: THE AMIR’S BODYGUARD]
PEDIGREE OF THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN[37]
=Amir Dost Mahommed Khan Barakzai.= Born 1774. Finally overthrew the
power of the ruling Saddozai clan on the death of Shah Shujah, 1829.
Died 1863.
Married a daughter of a Shia Rayi of Shalozan in Kuram, sister
of Shah Hussein Mania, father of Shah Jehan of Kuram.
Amir Mahommed Afzul Khan. Died 1867. Married a daughter of
a Popalzai Rayi of Koh-i-Daman, Haka Kabul, sister of
Khwahaja Mahommed Khan, and of Sultan Mahommed Khan Popalzai.
=Amir Abdur Rahman Khan.= Born 1844. Refugee in Russian
territory. 1869-79. Recognized as Amir 1880. Died
October 1, 1901.
Married Gulriz, a slave girl from Wakhan.
=Amir Habib Ullah Khan.= Born at Samarkand, 1872.
Succeeded as Amir in 1901.
Married a stepdaughter of Naib Salar Amir
Mahommed Khan.
Inayat Ullah Khan. Born 1888. (4th Queen).
Married a stepdaughter of Shahgassi
Mahommed Sarwar.
Aman Ullah Khan. Born 1890. (1st Queen).
Married a woman of the Mohmund tribe.
(Divorced).
Married a woman from the Helmund country.
(Divorced).
Married a daughter of Saad-ud Din Khan,
Hakim of Herat. (Divorced).
Married a daughter of Sirdar Ibrahim Khan.
(3rd Queen).
Married a daughter of Sirdar Mahommed Yusef
Khan Barakzai. (2nd Queen).
Sirdar Nasr Ullah Khan. Born 1874.
Married Bibi Halima, daughter of Sahibzadeh
Alik Ullah Khan, and grand-daughter, on the
maternal side, of Amir Dost Mahommed Khan.
Sirdar Mahommed Omar Khan. Born 1889.
Married Staro, a Chitrali woman of no important
family.
Sirdar Amin Ullah Khan. Born 1885.
Married a daughter of a Mir of Mazar-i-Sharif.
Sirdar Ghulam Ali Khan. Born 1889.
Amir Mahommed Azim Khan. Born (?). Died 1869. Married an
Armenian of Kabul, a relative of Daniyal Khan.
Sirdar Mahommed Ishak Khan. Born 1840. A Refugee in
Russian territory.
Married a daughter of Hajii Rahmet Ullah Khan Bamazai Popalzai.
=Amir Shir Ali Khan.= Born 1825. Succeeded as Amir 1863.
Died 1879. Married Kamar Jan, sister of Saadet Kahn of
Lalpura.
Mahommed Yakub Khan. Born 1852. Refugee in India since
1879.
Mahommed Ayub Khan. Born 1856. Refugee, first in Persia
and then in India, since 1881.
Wazir Mahommed. Akbar Kahn.
Sirdar Ghula Haidar.
The woman now filling the position of chief queen is the mother of Aman
Ullah. She has recently given birth to a daughter. At a more normal
season she strikes an interesting contrast with the daughter of Yusef
Khan. She is a woman of ungovernable passions, wilful, domineering,
and capricious--an odd mixture of the termagant and the shrew. She
has killed with her own hands three of her slaves who had become
_enceinte_ through their intercourse with the Amir, and she chastises
personally her erring handmaidens, purposely disfiguring any whose
physical attractiveness may appeal to their master. Her influence over
the Amir, however, is limited. She sings and dances, but she lacks
the subtle craft of the Bibi Halima and the gentle dignity of the
Hindustani queen. The four wives of the Amir occupy positions which are
graduated to a recognised scale. The first wife, the mother of Aman
Ullah, draws an allowance of one lakh of rupees annually; the second
wife, Ulia Jancah, the Hindustani queen, 80,000 rupees; the third wife,
the daughter of Ibrahim, 20,000 rupees; and the fourth wife, mother
of Inayat Ullah, 14,000 rupees a year. The first queen resides in the
harem serai of the Shah Ara palace where the two principal concubines,
the mothers of Hayat-Ullah Khan[38] and Kabir Jan[39] and respectively
former Badakshi and Tokhi slave-girls, are housed. The inmates of the
harem are busy people, occupying themselves in knitting, embroidery
and other feminine pursuits. The chief wife has a sewing machine and
with it makes clothes for her children. The Hindustani Queen, who is of
royal birth, lives in great style. She is an ambitious woman and wears
English dresses although it should be said that they are costumes in
the fashion of thirty years ago. Each of the Amir’s married wives, as
distinct from the concubines, has a separate house, where she lives
with her children.
[Illustration: HIS HIGHNESS HABIB ULLAH, AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN]
The Queen Dowager, Bibi Halima, the mother of Sirdar Mahommed Omar
Khan, a woman of engaging personality, at one time held a position not
without close resemblance to those filled by the Empress Dowager of
China and the Lady Om, queen to the Emperor of Korea. Her intrigues
on behalf of her son were over-bold and she is now confined--her son,
contrary to the energetic character of his mother, taking little
interest in his situation. The Bibi Halima is a woman of considerable
beauty, particularly intelligent and well informed. She is nearly
forty-three years of age, and her sympathies are so distinctly British
that her palace is regarded with as much suspicion as the British
agency. The law of succession to the thrones in Mahommedan countries,
apart from the exercise of opportunity which secures recognition upon
the basis that might is right, entails the throne upon the son
of the first woman whom the ruler may have married. The heir may be
younger than sons born to other women, but, if such a marriage were the
first alliance contracted by his father, the succession is seldom set
aside. Abdur Rahman, however, departed from this custom as the Amirs of
Afghanistan have power to appoint their successors.
Habib Ullah is the offspring of a Wakhan concubine named Gulriz with
whom the Amir Abdur Rahman consorted. Bibi Halima, also the wife of
Abdur Rahman, lays claim to it through her direct descent from the Amir
Dost Mahommed Khan. She is of the Blood Royal indubitably; and, if
she were in possession of her liberty, she would soon compel her son,
Sirdar Mahommed Omar Khan, to take the field. His chances of success in
any rebellion would be as great as those enjoyed by his half-brother,
Nasr Ullah Khan, similarly a son of Gulriz and full brother to Habib
Ullah. The disparity in the ages of these three sons of Abdur Rahman
bears upon the present situation--Habib Ullah, born 1872, and Nasr
Ullah, born 1874, being many years the senior of Mahommed Omar, who was
born at Mazar-i-Sharif on September 15, 1889. By a strange irony, which
may yet be not without its effect upon the succession to the throne,
Inayat Ullah, the son of Habib Ullah and the lawful heir to the throne,
was born in 1888, his uncle, the son of Bibi Halima and Abdur Rahman,
being only six months younger.
[Illustration: (text in Arabic)]
[Illustration: (_Translation._)
[40]_The proclamation is addressed: “To the loyal-hearted nobles,
to high and low, to all my subjects of the clans of Hazara.” After
reminding the clansmen at some length that formerly they displayed
some opposition and rebellion towards the State, the edict goes on
to state the terms of the Amir’s clemency, which are as follow:_
First. As regards your lands which have till now been given to
Afghans who have left their own districts for yours, I direct that
hereafter your lands which are in your possession and which are
cultivated and constitute your agricultural land are not to be
given to alien immigrants.
Secondly. Persons who have been banished from this God-given kingdom
and have fled to other parts are all hereby permitted and commanded
to return to their own proper homes, and let them come with
confidence. Let all of these absentees as are of good position (Mir),
or the descendants of such, come before me that I may see them and
that their dwelling-place and that their means of living and
residence may be well and appropriately arranged for. Let all ranks
of landlords and tenants be present at their homes. If their land
has not yet been given to aliens, We direct that after this it shall
not be given. Let them hold their own lands in peace and comfort.
And to as many persons as have, previous to this order, transferred
their lands to aliens and have not taken them back, in place of
these transferred lands State lands of culturable quality will be
granted from the area watered by the new canal, so that they may,
please God, settle down in peace and comfort.
We also notify to those who have absconded beyond the frontiers of
this God-given kingdom that if by the last month of this year they
do not return to their homes, we shall not allow their lands to
lie uncultivated. We direct that they shall be given over to alien
cultivators.
This order applies to all clans of the Hazara. But if the men of the
three villages of Sheik Ali, Koh (namely, of Talah, in Barfak), and
men of Chahar Sadah and the clan of Sultan who have absconded from
this God-given State return home, we are pleased to bestow on them
allotments of cultivated land in another place. In these three
villages named above land will not be given to them.
For the rest, for all the inhabitants of my kingdom I pray the
Glorious God to grant a daily increase of peace and prosperity.
Given on Saturday, the 12th of Ramzan-ul-Mobarik, 1322, Hijreh
(about the 17th of December, 1904).]
Ultimately, there is some prospect of a struggle for the throne taking
place between the uncle and his nephew. Each is a young man; but,
although time may not temper their discretion, it does lie within the
power of Habib Ullah to place the rights of his son beyond the reach
of this particular rival candidate. In any case, and it is of interest
to note it, Habib Ullah has gone out of his way to consolidate the
position of his eldest son, Inayat Ullah. This he did by despatching
him on the recent mission to India and appointing him Governor of
Kabul, while Mahommed Omar shares the restricted liberty of his mother,
and Hayat Ullah, born in 1890, the son of a Badakshi slave-girl and
half-brother to Inayat Ullah, the heir-apparent, has been appointed to
Badakshan as Governor of the province. These facts are in reality only
eddies showing the way that the current runs in Kabul, where from
its complex nature the position may be described as shifting, delicate
and treacherous as any quicksand. None the less the policy of the new
Amir has been markedly benevolent; and his remission of certain taxes,
his many acts of clemency to Afridi fugitives and his invitations[41]
to Afghan refugees of noble or tribal families to return, reveal a
great change in the controlling forces in Afghanistan. It is to us
not a matter of gratification altogether, for it merely shows that
the tribal leaders of noble families have lost their influence, that
they can no more sway factions or parties in the population, and that
power in Afghanistan is being gradually centralised around the Amir
in a circle of officials which is controlled by the mullahs. The
invitation to the refugees to come back is not out of any generosity of
feeling; it arises from pride--and a desire to appear to be indulgent
to those who are helpless and who are now impotent. In fact it is
political charity, intended to spread the good name of the new ruler
of Afghanistan in India, and to impress the British Government. It
is a certain indication too, that, in the event of complications in
the future with Afghanistan, the assistance of dissatisfied Sirdars
will be of little value, for, in a few years if not very soon, the
only elements will be the officials, the bureaucracy and the mullahs.
At the same time the power of the Amir himself has been reduced and
transferred to the officials. The measures of Abdur Rahman prepared the
way for this change. He either killed or frightened out of Afghanistan
every rival or every individual likely to acquire influence. His
declaration and boast was that his God-granted Government ruled for the
benefit of the people and the glory of religion, that he had no object
but the good of the country and no secrets from the people as he had
no interests but theirs to serve. There is not amongst any class of
Afghans the feeling of reverence for the throne which exists in Turkey
or in Persia. The Amir is the highest official of a tribe, that has
seized power; and Afghanistan is gradually evolving a bureaucratic
Government controlled by priestly influence, whose policy will not
always be measured by the interests of the country, but by whatever
interpretations of the “Sheriat” some powerful mullah may conjure up.
Meanwhile, Afghanistan is acknowledged to be an independent Government
within certain limitations. No Power has any right to interfere in its
administration, although it is obvious that certain contingencies might
alter its position in this respect. In the meantime, the Government of
Afghanistan owes no national debt nor any war indemnity. The Amir is
not hampered by any capitulations with Foreign Governments; he has no
foreign ambassadors in his capital--although this is more a grievance
than a pleasure to him, since he is anxious to vaunt his independence
before the Courts of Europe.
The relations between Great Britain and Afghanistan as they stand
to-day are fixed by treaties. The British Government acknowledges the
independence of Afghanistan; it accepts responsibility for its safety
and integrity against unprovoked aggressions, so long as the Amir
does not act against the advice of the British Government in matters
affecting his relations with other countries. Great Britain pays the
Amir eighteen lakhs of rupees as an annual subsidy by virtue of Sir
Mortimer Durand’s treaty with the Amir Abdur Rahman, dated 1893 and
confirmed by Sir Louis Dane with the Amir Habib Ullah, 1904-1905; in
addition to which she permits Afghanistan to import without restriction
supplies of war materials and to maintain a political agent at the
Court of the Viceroy of India.
In return for this understanding with the Imperial Government, the Amir
is bound by his word and treaties to be the friend and ally of Great
Britain; he pledges himself not to communicate with any Foreign Power
without consulting with the Indian Government, and to accept at Kabul
a British Agent, who must always be a Mahommedan subject and provided
solely with a native staff.
The British agent at Kabul holds an absolutely thankless position. He
is shunned of necessity by Europeans in order to avoid giving rise
to political suspicions, and he may see the Amir only in the public
Durbars or by special appointment. To all intents and purposes he is
a prisoner; since, although received in Durbar, he does not visit
any one and seldom ventures into the street. If a European were seen
speaking to the British Agent, or to any one attached to his staff,
he would certainly be packed off at once to the frontier. No Afghan
is allowed to enter the British Agency and no Englishman has visited
the British Agent, since Sir Salter Pyne left Kabul. Even to be found
near the building causes suspicion, as several Afghans have discovered.
Moreover, since in many cases punishment has not ended merely with
imprisonment, it has become an unwritten law to avoid the British agent
and his _entourage_ at any cost.
The British political agents at Kabul are appointed by the Indian
Foreign Office, who forward to the Amir for his approval the names of a
few Mahommedan officials. One of these candidates is selected, the term
of office being from three to five years. Upon returning to India he is
usually rewarded with the title of Nawab. The Agency staff consists of
two secretaries, one hospital assistant, and about two or three dozen
private servants and bodyguard, all of which must be natives of India.
The British agent attends the public audiences of the Amir; but, if he
has any letters or communications from the British Government to convey
to the Amir, he must ask for an appointment to deliver them.
If there are any legal disputes or claims between members of the staff
of the British agent, both plaintiff and defendant are referred by him
to the Courts of Justice in India. If the British agent or any member
of his staff has a dispute with the Afghan subjects of the Amir, such
cases are usually decided in the Courts of Kabul, under the law of
that country. Complications of a very serious political character are
invariably referred to the Governments of India and Afghanistan for
arrangement between themselves.
The British agent puts his diary and also the private letters of the
whole of his staff into one package, which he hands to the Amir’s
Postmaster-General at Kabul, taking a receipt for their delivery under
seal; from the Amir’s post-office they are sent down to Peshawar,
where the Amir’s postmaster is given a discharge for their surrender
to the political agent at Peshawar. In the same manner the packages of
letters, which are delivered by the British political agent at Peshawar
to the Amir’s postmaster at that place, are forwarded to the British
agent at Kabul by the Amir’s Postmaster-General, who also takes a
voucher for their safe and proper condition. The services and duties
of the Amir’s political agent with the Viceroy of India, who, together
with his staff, is a Mahommedan subject of the Amir, are nearly the
same as those of the British agent at Kabul, except that the term
and time of his office is not limited and depends entirely on the
pleasure of the Amir. Besides the political agent, the Amir has various
commercial agents in India as well as in England, the most important
of these having been Sir Acquin Martin, Mr. T. B. Guthrie and Mr. E.
T. Pack. Each of these industrious and excellent servants of the Amir
has suffered the loss of large sums of money through a very pronounced
defect in the Amirs of Afghanistan, which causes them to forget
their obligations so long as there is a frontier lying between the
Government of Kabul and those with whom its debts have been contracted.
Representations remain unanswered and, apparently, no authority exists
which can make the Amir of Afghanistan redeem his liabilities, although
an obvious course awaits if the Government of India would assent to the
attachment of the subsidy.
[Illustration: MAJOR CLEVELAND’S RESIDENCE IN KABUL]
[36] Printed on page 365.
[37] Adapted from “The Life of Abdur Rahman”: Sultan
Mahomed Khan and “The Middle Eastern Question”:
Valentine Chirol.
[38] Born 1890.
[39] Born 1893.
[40] See p. 372.
[41] See p. 371.
CHAPTER XV
KABUL AND ITS BAZAARS
[Illustration: THE FAMOUS CAGE ON THE SUMMIT OF THE LATABAND PASS]
The bazaars of Kabul are quite unworthy of the capital, but radical
improvement in their character could only be made by a complete
reconstruction of the city. Here and there new ones have been built,
Habib Ullah himself having erected several at his own expense, but the
principle of construction, adopted at the time of the building of the
city, is the great stumbling block to any extensive alterations. The
narrowness of the streets, many of which are mere alleys, gives rise
to perpetual congestion; while, in consequence of their contracted
character, they are always dirty and overloaded with the refuse of the
houses, more particularly in winter when they are blocked with the
snow, which is swept from the roofs. Of the several bazaars of the
city,[42] the three principal, running irregularly parallel to each
other, are the Shor Bazar, the Erg Bazar, and the Darwaza Lahori Bazar.
The former extends east and west from the Bala Hissar to the Ziarat
Baba Khudi, a distance of little more than three-quarters of a mile.
The latter, stretching from the Darwaza Lahori, passes through the
centre of the wood market and terminates at the New Bridge. The Erg
Bazar crosses the town and communicates with the workshops. The western
portion of the Darwaza Lahori Bazar was the site of the Char Chata,
at one time undoubtedly the most magnificent bazaar in Afghanistan.
The structure, ascribed to Ali Mardan Khan, whose name is immortal
in these countries, was handsomely laid out and highly embellished
with paintings. Four covered arcades, of equal length and dimensions,
were separated from each other by open squares, originally provided
with wells and fountains. The entire fabric was destroyed in October
1842 by General Pollock, as retribution for the murder of Sir William
Macnaghten and the indignities offered to his remains.
[Illustration: WEIGHING WOOD IN THE BAZAAR]
The Nakush Bazar, or cattle market, is situated north of the Kabul
river and west of the Pul-i-Kishti in the Indarabi quarter. The Mandi
Kalan and the Mandi Shahzada, the chief grain bazaars, lie in the
Tandur Sazi quarter, between the Shor Bazar and the Darwaza Lahori. The
Shikarpuri quarter, adjoining the Pul-i-Kishti on the right bank of
the river, is the fruit market. Here are collected the various fruits
for which the capital of Afghanistan is so famous, the exhibition of
grapes, apples, apricots and pears becoming at once the glory of the
bazaars. Melons are missing from this bazaar, as this important branch
of the fruit trade of Afghanistan is conducted in the Mandi Kalan. Near
to the fruit bazaar are the wood and charcoal markets, each section of
trade possessing its particular locality and its special marketplace.
In this way there is a shoe bazaar, a meat market, a vegetable market,
a copper bazaar, silk bazaar and certain central marts where arms,
tobacco, furs, medicines and cloth are sold. In the boot bazaar there
are a number of Anglo-Indian importations and no less a quantity from
Russia. The native shoes are made from leather which is manufactured
in Kabul at the Amir’s factory--articles of local manufacture being
put up as a rule upon the premises where they are sold. The more
important merchants possess accommodation beneath their shops, where
craftsmen, whose special industry is allied with the business in the
premises above them, are employed. These underground rooms are so small
that the men at work are compelled to crouch over their knees, while
customers, who bring articles for repair, sit in the street. In the
copper bazaar, where domestic utensils are to be found, there is the
ceaseless tapping of countless hammers, as the men, assisted by boys
who ply the bellows or feed the furnace with charcoal, wield their
tools upon long-necked vases, hubble-bubbles, kettles, cooking pots,
water-bottles with delicate handles and graceful spouts, stoves, plates
and copper boxes of all shapes and sizes. These workers in metals,
whether they are the ironmongers or silversmiths, smelters of copper
or the moulders of brass, are worthy of their hire, and bring to their
labours an extraordinary patience and exactitude. The silversmiths
are, perhaps, the most wonderful craftsmen, although the men who trace
fantastic designs upon metal vessels with blunt instruments are not to
be despised. From early morning, without cessation until the heat of
the mid-day hours makes work impossible, they bend over their tasks,
actively working their pliers, tweezers and hammers as they fashion
ear-rings, bracelets or graven ewers. The business, transacted at these
stalls, seems out of proportion with the labour involved, as sales are
arranged between the merchant and his customers only after many days of
protracted dealing.
The method of barter is always the same in the East. Customers sit
down by the side of the merchant, examining and asking the value
of his goods, praising certain pieces and decrying others, until
conversation has worked round to the article which it is desired to
buy. Ten times the price will be asked at first, perhaps haggled over
with all sincerity, until, as the would-be purchaser rises to leave,
a few rupees will be knocked off the figure which the vendor has been
demanding. It is then prudent to leave, returning some other day to
begin over again. The hours spent in an Oriental bazaar are of such
supreme interest that they are sacrificed very willingly and are not
easily forgotten. The setting of the scene is romantic, while the life
of the city passes in endless, kaleidoscopic changes of character, of
costume and of men and beasts. It is never wise to hurry transactions
conducted amid such environment. Time is of no value to the merchant,
who regards the overtures with indifference. He may hope that
ultimately his customer will become his patron, but he would never show
his satisfaction nor lose an opportunity to drive a haggling bargain.
Around the shops there are always groups of idle but profoundly
interested spectators. Some one ascertains the price the worker is
paid; another inquires of the merchant the amount he will receive for
it; and, in the hope of extracting a commission from the proprietor of
the shop or his purchaser, all are eager to advise the customer upon
the merits of the article he may have chosen or the sum he may have
offered.
In the silk and cotton bazaar there is equally the press and bustle
of an active trade, a continuous passing of gaily-decked customers
and busy traders--from India with caravans of silk, from Turkestan
with bales of printed cottons, plain calicoes and other articles of
Russian manufacture, merchants and itinerant traders from the most
distant parts of Afghanistan, from Persia and from Kashgar. There is,
too, a wonderful blaze of colour in the silk stalls, while the display
of goods in the cotton shops reveals a various assortment of English
clothing--cotton and merino vests, men’s shirts, drawers and socks--and
a variety of coloured waistbands, a weird collection of ties and some
really startling handkerchiefs from India. These stalls, whether their
effects are imported from India or from Turkestan, are mostly in
the keeping of Hindus, who transact a very profitable business with
their Afghan masters. Nevertheless, long intercourse with Afghanistan
has quite crushed the Hindu, obliterating all trace of his original
individuality, and emphasising his inborn humility and lack of spirit.
In Kabul the Hindus pay a poll tax and wear turbans, which may be only
red or yellow--a similar rule prevailing in Kandahar. Formerly they
affected the red, the blue lungi, which is prohibited to them, being
favoured by the Afghans. Similar indications of prosperity may be found
in the skin bazaar, where the furriers are engaged in making the fur
coats for which Kabul has become famous. Here there are several kinds
of expensive furs such as marten, a variety of red fox, squirrel, wild
cat and astrakhan. Over the latter fur the Amir exercises a monopoly.
The cheaper kinds are put to numerous purposes, figuring as lining
for cloaks, hats and high boots of the Russian and Turcoman pattern.
Many of the fur caps are costly in production and elaborate in design.
Cut from a piece of velvet, trimmed with fur and heavily embroidered
with gold thread from Benares, they are sold in the Kabul bazaars only
to the richest classes, becoming, as a rule, a finishing touch to a
costume which, on the score of colour effect, will leave little to be
desired.
The character of the costume adopted by the average Afghan depends,
in a certain measure, upon whether he is a hillsman or one who is
accustomed to town-life. If he possess merely a casual acquaintanceship
with the life of the towns, coming to them from some small village or
in charge of a trading caravan from the border, his costume is simple
although effective. Probably he is a fine-looking man: tall, with a
long, blue-black beard; his head may be shaven, or his long hair may
hang in ringlets over his shoulders. He will wear a small unembroidered
skull-cap and wound round it a blue, coarse, cotton _lungi_. A loose
vest, caught at the waist by the ample folds of a _cummerbund_, will
reach the knees; and tucked within these folds there will be pistols
and an array of formidable knives. His drawers of cotton and reaching
only a little below the knees are very baggy. Round his shoulders there
will be thrown carelessly, but with conspicuous grace, a heavy blue
cotton shawl; his feet will be ornamented by leather sandals with high
curving toes.
The dress of a man of the better classes differs from that adopted by
the hillsman. He then wears _tom-bons_ or pyjamas, gathered in at the
waist and falling in tapering folds from the hip to the ankle, where
they fit closely. The native shoes will be worn without socks, unless
the wearer is wealthy. An embroidered _piran_ or chemise falls over the
pyjamas nearly to the knees, and a waistcoat, reaching a little below
the waist, with long sleeves and a slit at the hip, is also affected.
The costume is completed by a loose robe. The waistcoat is of velvet
or cloth, quilted and generally gold embroidered. The coat is of thin
native cloth. The Kabul man-about-town usually amplifies the native
costume with European innovations; as a rule the higher he rises in the
social scale the more Europeanised he becomes in costume.
[Illustration: PLAYGROUND OF AMIR’S SCHOOL, KABUL]
Nevertheless, the readiness to follow certain European fashions depends
solely upon the personal influence of the Amir, although the custom
prevails more generally in Kabul than in many parts of India. European
weapons are, of course, acquired by all who can afford them; but the
earliest and the most striking change of dress is the replacement of
the _cummerbund_ by a belt, with a brass or silver buckle and decorated
with two labels--“Made in Germany” and “God Bless the Happy Home.” Upon
more serious grounds the wisdom of this innovation may be questioned,
since the climate of Afghanistan is subject to such great variations of
temperature that the _cummerbund_ affords excellent protection to the
abdominal region. The purchase of socks and “foreign style” coat or,
better still, a discarded uniform follows, while patent leather button
boots are considered to give a nice, dressy appearance to the bareness
of the leg. Trousers are not general in any degree, although they
are affected among the upper classes and also in Court and military
circles. They are made quite loose and are put on over the native
pyjamas. In spite of the popularity which foreign dress has achieved,
it is always discarded in the privacy of the family. While nothing
affords Habib Ullah so much pleasure as showing himself in European
costume in public, nothing will induce him to wear Western clothes
once the doors of his palace have closed upon him and he can recline
at his ease amid well-placed cushions. His disapproval of ostentatious
habiliment was revealed at the Nauroz festival in 1903, when he
ordained that all good Mahommedans of the upper classes should eschew
braid, gold lace and embroidered shoes. He also enjoined them to wear
trousers and to keep the feet and ankles bare. Hindus were ordered to
wear yellow turbans and to encircle the waist with a cord as a mark of
distinction and humility.
The attire adopted for ordinary purposes differs in a very considerable
degree from that worn by a Court attendant. Regulation Court costume
comprises a black cloth coat, vest and trousers, circular astrakhan
hat, and white collar with a black necktie. Any one who wishes to
attend at the palace or to be present at a Durbar, must wear this
dress, which is cut to a special pattern. Military officers wear their
uniform. On State occasions the Amir himself is resplendent in a
scarlet coat, richly embroidered with gold lace, white cloth trousers
and white gloves. For headgear he has an astrakhan hat decorated with
a large diamond star,--the costume being completed by a gold belt with
jewelled buckle, sword and gold shoulder-straps surmounted by a diamond
insignia. In semi-state dress Habib Ullah puts himself into a black
uniform, faced with several revers of braid and having deep, astrakhan
cuffs, black cloth trousers braided, and patent leather knee-boots. The
sleeves, cap, sword and shoulder-straps are the same as in full dress.
At other times the Amir wears the ordinary garb of an English gentleman
and greatly dislikes any exaggerated display of jewellery, believing
that simplicity is not only desirable but in accord with the tenets of
the Mahommedan religion. In furtherance of that view he has restricted
the wearing of jewellery among men to signet rings and prohibited
altogether the gaudy silk handkerchiefs, which it had been the fashion
to display about the shoulders. It is difficult for the Afghans to
subdue their passion for ostentation. Friday, a day which corresponds
with our Sunday, is the great festival of the Afghan. This weekly
holiday commences with a visit to the baths and a brief call at the
mosque, after which the entire family, arrayed in its best, proceeds
to take the air. There are many gardens of a sort in Kabul; and each is
thronged by people, who sit about the pathways bartering for bunches
of fruit and trays of sweetmeats, or loll with rapt attention around
the perch of some singing-bird. Every man of consequence is attended by
slaves bearing his pipe, the cage of his pet songster, sweetmeats and
fruit, the party coming to a halt in some secluded spot where, lying
at ease, receiving and returning the salutations of his friends, he
listens to the notes of his favourite bird.
[Illustration: AFGHAN WOMEN]
The indoor costume of an Afghan woman is no less picturesque than that
of her lord and master. Even to a plain and awkward woman it imparts
some appearance of grace. The _piran_ extends from the throat to just
above the ankles, with sleeves that reach to the wrist. It is of cloth
of gold, velvet, silk, cashmere or calico, and in shape not unlike our
own Princess robe. Beneath this are the _tom-bons_, very similar to the
garment worn by men.[43] These may be of cloth of gold, silk, cashmere
or calico; they are finished off at the ankles by a fringe of diamonds,
gold or silver. A round cap, worked all over with gold thread, so that
it looks like gold cloth, is fitted closely to the back of the head.
The hair, parted in the centre, is done up in tiny braids, which are
caught in a black silk embroidered bag, worn underneath the gold cap,
but hanging down the back to below the waist. Married women wear a
fringe of hair, often curled, on either side of the face. Descending
from the top of the head to the hem of the _piran_, leaving the face
uncovered, is the gracefully-draped _chadar_--a large wrapping of
finest muslin, filmy gauze, or delicately tinted chiffon. Black hair is
in vogue among the belles of the harem; if their locks reveal any shade
of fairness or show indications of turning grey the vain creatures,
adopting the custom of their Western sisters, at once dye them.
Like all their sex, too, they delight in jewellery and conspicuous
ornaments, and a considerable portion of their savings is expended upon
the purchase of necklaces, ear-rings and bracelets. All who can afford
it wear flowers just above the right ear, while they also indulge in
the use of cosmetics. Paint and powder, rouge for the lips and the
blackening pencil for eyebrows and eyelashes are the adventitious aids
to whatever natural charms they may possess.
Proud of their prepossessing qualities, the women of Afghanistan
have exploited their charms so much that it was left to Habib Ullah
to impose a check upon the increasing attractiveness of the street
costume of the feminine portion of his subjects. One day, in the
spring of 1903, to the unspeakable dismay of many pretty women and
of all young girls, he issued orders, changing the white _burka_,
which, although covering the head and figure and leaving a latticed
insertion before the face, was in a measure attractive. Thereafter
these white street robes were to be dyed kharki for Mahommedan women,
red or mustard-yellow for Hindu women and slate colour for other women.
Disobedience of this law was threatened with a fine of fifty rupees,
while its requirements had to be fulfilled within fourteen days.
Unhappily, by this change an attractive feature in the life of the city
has disappeared, the lamentable hues enforced upon the poor ladies
by the Amir’s edict emphasising the dirt and discomfort of the Kabul
streets.
In Afghanistan, as in all Mahommedan countries, the women lead a very
secluded life, seldom venturing into the streets. The conditions
of their married life are unfortunate, since the religion of the
Afghan permits him to possess four wives, while no restrictions are
imposed upon the number of concubines that he may support. This law
in regard to wives is broken at will; and, while plurality of wives
may be conducive to the satisfaction of the husband, it is unnecessary
to say that the practice is not in favour among the women, who, in
this matter, incline their hearts after the customs of the West.
Moreover, women are not the sole companions of their husbands, for in
Afghanistan, as in most Oriental countries, the small, but comely, boy
is the more frequent intimate of their masters. At Court and in the
households of the several princes this characteristic feature of the
East may be observed, the existence of these boys being accepted by the
priests, who themselves indulge in this most peculiar vice.
[Illustration: A SAINT’S TOMB]
In spite of their position, women do contrive to play an important
part in the life of the country and, in a measure, help to keep alive
many of the old superstitions of the people, while their passionate
credulity no doubt exercises an influence over the feelings of their
husbands. Their strongest superstition perhaps attaches to the potency
of the frog as a love charm. Women, especially in the harem of the Amir
where jealousy is supreme, resort constantly to this enchantment to
improve their positions. The mode of procedure is as follows: two frogs
are tied back to back. A black heart is then painted upon the bull
frog, while the head of the cow is similarly ornamented. The pair are
then baked alive and the remains reduced to powder, which, sprinkled
upon some dear friend, is supposed to cause her to lose the favour of
her husband and to give place to the rival. This spell is employed so
frequently even among the lowest classes that there is probably no
household in which recourse to it is not made every few days. In the
harem of the palace the chief queen keeps a slave boy whose sole duty
it is to provide the frogs necessary for the preparation. It is the
invariable experience of native ladies, when calling upon the queen, to
find that they have been surreptitiously powdered with it at the hands
of some discreet attendant.
Another legend, implicitly accepted by the women of Afghanistan, is
associated with the Lata Bund Davan or Rag Bound Pass. It ordains that
they will have healthy children, and gain favour in the eyes of their
lords, if they tie a piece of cloth to the bushes in the Rag Bound
Pass. Certain prescribed prayers, of course, accompany the ceremony,
the summit of the pass presenting an extraordinary aspect from the
fluttering rags, and streamers of cotton, calico and cloth which have
been secured there.
Among men a bullet which has been through a human body is valued very
highly, the supernatural powers of such a charm finding immediate
acceptance with the Amir. Whenever they are extracted from any
patient in the Kabul hospitals, Habib Ullah secures possession of the
coveted relic to the great grief of its owner who, equally with him,
supports the view that such a bullet acts as a preservative of life.
Unfortunately, complaint is fruitless; the man who would be bold enough
to seek the restoration of his property might find himself condemned to
imprisonment or execution.
There is little doubt that the gross superstition prevailing in the
country is the direct effect of its religious bigotry. Afghanistan,
if Turkey be excepted, is the most powerful Mahommedan country in the
world, and religion exercises a deciding voice in its affairs. The
real rulers of the people are the priests, whether the wise men who
have made the pilgrimage to Mecca, or merely the wandering _fakirs_
whose fanatical tendencies are so easily aroused. The great division
of the State lies between the two religious sects, the Sunni and the
Shiah Mahommedans. In the main, Afghans are Sunni; while the Persians,
the Hazaras, the Kizzilbashes of Kabul and the Turis of the Kurram
border, are Shiahs. The Kafirs of Kafiristan are pagan. Between these
two sects there exists an envenomed feud which is by no means confined
to Afghanistan, similar contempt, and an equal undying hatred against
the other, distinguishing the partisans of either sect wherever they
may meet. In Afghanistan Habib Ullah is the leader of the Sunnis, but
his power is purely nominal; the real leader is Nasr Ullah Khan. The
Amir of Kabul recently requested the priesthood to pronounce formally
upon the question as to what amount of tolerance should be shown to
the Shiahs in Afghanistan. The decision formulated was that the Sunni
religion was the one true Faith which should be recognised by his
Highness as “King of Islam.” Accordingly all ceremonial observances of
the Shiahs in Kabul have been stopped and similar action is likely to
be taken elsewhere. It is seen, however, that the services of the Hindu
colony cannot be dispensed with, as its leading members have a good
deal to say in matters of finance and trade, while the Kizzilbashes
(of Persian origin) are also a thrifty community in Kabul. It has
therefore been ordered that their places of worship are to be 5 feet
lower than the Sunni mosques, and existing buildings are to be altered
accordingly. Since the Shiahs are not numerous enough to give any
political trouble they will probably conform to the orders issued,
which naturally met with the immediate approval of the Sunnis.
Ramasan, the period corresponding with our Lent, is very strictly
observed. It continues throughout the Moslem world for one lunar month
and in Kabul the Amir, his Court and his subjects deny themselves most
strictly. Gun-fire at dawn--from which time no one is allowed to eat,
to drink, or to smoke--gives the signal. It terminates at sunset, when
just previous to evening gun-fire the activity round the provision
stalls is tremendous, the spectacle of a vast concourse simultaneously
preparing to eat anywhere and everywhere--in the palace, in the
mansions of the wealthy, in the hovels of the poor, in the crowded
street--no matter what any may be doing, as the signal breaks, being
very singular. Between gun-fire at dusk and gun-fire at dawn two meals
are partaken, after which the wise make day into night, retiring to
their couches to wait for the hour when they prepare to feed again. The
termination of the fast is celebrated by the firing of guns, general
feasting and rejoicing, while the following day is observed as the
Id--the great festival of the Mahommedan calendar. On this day the Amir
and his Court proceed in full state to the Idgah Mosque, when prayers
are celebrated by Nasr Ullah in person, the service being followed by
a public Durbar held in the Salaam Khana where Habib Ullah meets his
people.
Four days are annually set apart for religious celebrations in
Afghanistan. These comprise two Id festivals, one immediately following
Ramasan, the other two months and ten days later; the third, the Barat
festival, takes place forty-five days before Ramasan. The fourth
event is Nauroz or New Year which falls invariably upon March 21.
Abdur Rahman created a fifth festival, observed upon 28th of Asad, in
remembrance of the day when confirmation of his title “The Light of the
Nation and Religion” was received from all the centres of Afghanistan.
Priestly influence in Afghanistan is anything but beneficial. The
priests impose upon the credulity of the people, concealing their
actual worthlessness by a continuous assumption of godliness which they
do not really practise. Their power is opposed to foreign development,
since any raising of the veil about the borders of Afghanistan would
deal a grievous blow to their position. Habib Ullah is completely
subjugated to their will, and his brother, Nasr Ullah Khan, imbibes
his anti-foreign prejudices from their bigoted teachings. At once a
curse and a power in the land, they are the most enduring menace to
our influence which the country contains. As a religion Mahommedanism
exacts constant adoration of the qualities of God. The word Allah in
a variety of intonations, or the phrase “God knows,” recur without
cessation to the lips of every devout follower of the Prophet. All
correspondence of an official or private character also addresses
itself in the first place to the Supreme Deity--letters beginning
with the phrase “In the name of God” and closing with the farewell
salutation, “With the will of God,” or “In the hands of God.” This
peculiarity quite fails to arouse sentiments of very great depth among
the great mass of the Afghans, although the western areas frequently
develop a spirit of ghazidom, under pressure of which feeling and
excitement become intense.
Religion is allied with the practice of medicine and the pursuit of
learning in Afghanistan, although in respect of education no settled
procedure has been adopted. Upon occasion Abdur Rahman gave expression
to his intention of founding a native university in Kabul, and Habib
Ullah in 1904 actually imported from India five Mahommedan graduates
from Lahore College for the purpose of founding a college for the
education of the sons of Afghan nobles. The plan raised the hostility
of the priests and was abandoned. At present the Amir contemplates the
erection of a military academy. Unhappily the roads round Kabul are
paved with good intentions, and the educational system of Afghanistan
has made no advance upon the native principle of oral teaching. There
are no schools or colleges under European supervision similar to those
which exist in other Eastern countries, and the young idea is only
trained to read Persian, to quote extensively from the Koran, to write,
to shoot and to ride. Nothing further is desired by the priests, since
it is their aim to maintain their authority unimpaired by extraneous
suggestion.
[Illustration: THE BALA HISSAR, KABUL]
The priests exert in a measure a two-fold power. In the villages of the
countryside it is the local mullah who drives into the dull wits of
his audience the rudiments of reading, writing, and religion. At the
same time, in addition to teaching the countryside he professes to heal
it, although attempts have been made from time to time to establish in
Kabul European control in medical matters. But the Court is suspicious;
and, while Abdur Rahman supported in theory the introduction of
improved medical knowledge, enlisting in March 1889 Mr. J. A. Gray as
his private surgeon, he was in practice opposed to its acceptance.
Nevertheless, under the supervision of various distinguished people
attempts have been made to instruct native doctors in the art of
vaccination and in simple dispensing; while, in 1894, Miss Lillias
Hamilton opened an hospital in Kabul. At their instigation, too,
military hospitals, placed in the charge of native druggists who were
familiarised with Western ideas, were started. Popular prejudices
prevail so strongly in the capital, that no great success has attended
these efforts, and the medical arrangements of Afghanistan have
remained under the control of the native professors of the healing art,
save for those spasmodic interruptions which have occurred when more
competent authorities were summoned to Kabul from India by the Amir.
Miss Lillias Hamilton spent three years at the Court of Abdur Rahman,
the cause of her becoming medical attendant to the Amir being somewhat
curious. Abdur Rahman, observing the good effect that association with
English gentlemen had on the men folk of his country, conceived the
brilliant idea of providing an example for Afghan women by obtaining
the presence of an English lady. On the announcement being made that
a lady was required merely to be entertained as a visitor for six
months at the Amir’s Court Miss Hamilton applied for the post, and was
accepted. Her appointment as physician was due to the fact that the
Amir fell ill during her visit, and wisely availed himself of the aid
of the only qualified medical practitioner in the country. Miss Lillias
Hamilton always described the late Amir as a man of simple mind, who
was nevertheless possessed of a progressive spirit. On being asked why
he entertained a friendly feeling towards Great Britain, the Amir said:
“If I were to tell you that it is because I love the
British you would not believe me, so I will say that it
is because it suits my policy. Russia is my geographical
enemy, who would seize my country if she could, because it
is on her route to a sunny sea and a fertile country from
which she could get supplies, but I have nothing to fear
from Great Britain.”
This charming and well-known physician relates several characteristic
anecdotes of the late monarch, of which one is reproduced here. After
an eclipse of the sun Abdur Rahman said to Miss Hamilton:
“You think yourself a clever woman, but you could not
explain that phenomenon so simply that a child could
understand it.”
Miss Hamilton assured him that she could, and proceeded to do so with
the aid of a candle and an orange. In the evening when, according to
his custom, Abdur Rahman held a reception, he told his people that they
were all very stupid and that he was sure not one of them could explain
the eclipse. Many wild suggestions were made, until the Amir attempted
to give the demonstration that Miss Hamilton had shown him. Since she
kindly came to his assistance it went off so successfully that the
company were deeply impressed with the Amir’s wisdom.
Multitudes of ailing people flocked to Miss Hamilton for advice, some
of them sleeping outside her hospital all night in order to be attended
to the first thing in the morning. This lady doctor was also the first
to introduce the Western system of vaccination into Afghanistan, where
almost the greatest scourge is small-pox, and where the Amir does not
allow conscientious objectors!
As one foreign physician has left Kabul and another has taken his
place, the newcomer has found that the hospital buildings of his
predecessor have become in the interval the premises of a school, a
depôt for military stores, or have fallen altogether into ruin. The
establishment which has served longest as an hospital was built for
that purpose by Nasr Ullah Khan in compliment to Mrs. Daly, who was so
long associated with Miss Hamilton as medical adviser to the harem.
It contained 100 beds. This building is now a magazine for artillery
stores, while a second, which filled a similar purpose under Dr. Gray,
is now a school. During the eight years in which Mrs. Daly was engaged
in medical work in Afghanistan she held the appointment of private
physician to Abdur Rahman’s queen, Bibi Halima, besides filling the
post of medical adviser to the Kabul Government. Mrs. Daly has stated
that between three hundred to five hundred patients daily visited her,
and that, while very interested in her work, she was sorely harassed by
the unceasing espionage of which she was the very conscious victim. The
high opinion which the Government of Afghanistan formed of Mrs. Daly’s
services is aptly illustrated by a testimonial from Habib Ullah, which
was presented to her in the autumn of 1902. It ran:
IN THE NAME OF GOD.
I myself certify that Mrs. Kate Daly ranks above all people
in her zeal for the work and in her attendance to patients.
I am pleased with her services, and the treatment of my two
daughters; of the workmen in the factories that were so
seriously injured, and of my subjects in general whom she
treats from day to day.
HABIB ULLAH,
_Amir of Afghanistan_.
_September 20, 1902._
In the following year, 1903, the European residents of Kabul subscribed
through a committee of three to an expression of gratitude to Mrs. Daly
in the following terms:
KABUL, _November 20, 1903_.
The European residents of Kabul have much pleasure in
presenting this testimonial to Mrs. Kate Daly, as an
expression of gratitude for the medical services rendered
us and admiration of the successful medical and surgical
work she has carried out during the past eight years,
particularly during the epidemics of cholera, small-pox,
etc.; when her devotion to her work, self-denial, and
untiring energy won her the respect of all here. She
carries with her our sincere wishes for her future welfare
and success.
FRANK A. MARTIN, Engineer to the Afghan Government.
G. FLEISCHER, Manager of Arms Department H. M. The Amir’s
Workshops.
ERNEST T. THORNTON, Manager of Tanneries, Kabul.
There are several degrees of native “practitioners.” There is first
the class who professes to dress wounds and ulcers, to set fractures
and to probe for bullets. These men have no ability and very little
real knowledge of their work. They are quite ignorant of anatomy.
The mischief perpetrated by these “dressers,” as they are called,
is equalled by the class who practise the art of surgery and are
described as “barbers.” These men are specialists in the extraction of
teeth, and in “bleeding”--a cure used equally for liver complaints,
fevers, indigestion, rheumatism, and gout. In addition to these two
there is a third expert, the oculist, who, like his colleagues in the
previous classes, is entirely deficient in any knowledge of his work.
These three medical authorities are distinct from the _hakims_, who
practise as physicians simply. These latter do not use the knife or
even have recourse to bleeding. Their principal method of treatment,
which is without pathological relation to cause and effect and lacks
recognition of the malady from which the sick may be suffering, is
by the administration of purgatives, in the healing properties of
which they place great faith. They provide for their own existence
by preying upon the superstitions and credulity of the public. These
four classes--dressers, barbers, oculists and _hakims_ are responsible
for at least 70 per cent. of the annual death-roll of the city. From
time to time, particularly under the _régime_ of Dr. Gray, energetic
attempts were made to combat these evils; in place of these so-called
curative remedies, courses of elementary instruction in the art of
medicine, in the science of physiology and in anatomy were suggested.
These schemes were entirely fruitless and aroused an actively hostile
and violent propaganda, which was directed against the foreign
physicians.
[Illustration: REMAINS OF THE ROBERTS BASTION AT SHIRPUR]
Unfortunately, ministrations of European medical officers in Kabul
are handicapped very seriously by the injudicious liberty of practice
which is allowed to any wandering hospital assistant who, after a few
months’ casual acquaintance with some Indian hospital, sets up in the
Afghan capital. These men, in whom a little learning is as dangerous
as the more complete ignorance of the Afghan self-appointed leech, use
foreign medicines without distinguishing the properties of the several
ingredients. It is not to be supposed that the Afghan doctor fails to
make capital out of the repeated failures of the Hindustani quack;
and, as the _hakim_ finds his patients among the better classes of the
residents, the prejudice, emanating from his unceasing denunciation
of the methods of foreign practitioners, is stronger among the upper
ranks of Kabul society than among the very poor. It is, indeed, among
the latter that lively appreciation of the skill and experience of the
foreign physicians is found. The ignorant, ill-kempt Afghan, tempted
by the promise of free rations and treatment, has sufficient raw
intelligence to discard the remedies of his own doctors and to consult
the foreigner, even, upon occasion, placing such faith in him that he
will swallow a week’s medicine in a single draught.
The most recent medical attendant to the Amir is Major Cleveland, one
of the leading authorities of his rank in India, and selected specially
for service in Afghanistan by the Government of India at the direct
invitation of Habib Ullah. A more suitable candidate for the post it
would be difficult to find. Aside from his wide experience of natives,
he is a distinguished linguist, speaking French, German, Persian,
Pushtu and Hindustani with fluency. It may be added, too, that modesty
is his most distinguishing characteristic and that he knows nothing
of this reference to his abilities. The full list of those whose
medical services have been retained by the Amir from time to time is
as follows: Mr. O’Meara, dentist, 1887; Mr. J. A. Gray, surgeon, 1889;
Miss Lillias Hamilton, physician, 1894; Mrs. K. Daly, who, in 1895,
accompanied Miss Hamilton as assistant when that lady returned to Kabul
with Nasr Ullah Khan, after his visit to England; Major Cleveland, who
took up the duties of physician to the Amir in 1904, and the Misses
Brown, who, in 1904, replaced Mrs. Daly. In addition to these there
have been numerous technical advisers: Sir Salter Pyne, Sir Acquin
Martin, Monsieur Jerome, Messrs. McDermot, Cameron, Thornton, Clements,
Fleischer, Middleton, Stewart, Walter, Grant, Donovan, Edwards, Tasker,
Riches, F. Martin, Finlayson and others who, each and every one, have
added to the dignity and prestige of the white races in Afghanistan by
their devoted and unceasing service at the Court of the Amir. Their
duties have not always been rewarded, and at certain times the Amir
has done without the services of any European medical adviser. In this
direction Major Cleveland followed upon Dr. Gray, but the interval,
which was a wide one, was filled by Miss Hamilton and, at a later
date, by Mrs. Daly. Further gaps ensued when the retirement of Mrs.
Daly followed the withdrawal of Miss Hamilton, who now has set up in
practice in this country. In the interval Abdur Rahman entrusted his
health to the scanty knowledge of an Indian hospital assistant, whose
ignorance was as profound as the superstitions of the Amir and his
successor were unyielding. The crisis came with the injury to Habib
Ullah’s hand: it was because of the speedy relief which Major Bird
brought to the august sufferer that the Amir reconsidered his absurd
objections and applied to Lord Curzon for the services of two lady
doctors, in addition to those of a physician.
This subject has always received close consideration at the hands
of the Government of India, and there should not be any insuperable
difficulties in the way of arranging that an Indian medical staff
should be permanently established in Kabul. A doctor is practically
always safe, even among the most fanatical tribes beyond our
border-line. A few successful operations, even though they are of the
simplest order, make him the friend of the people. His fame rapidly
spreads and patients come from long distances to visit him. No one dare
interfere with him, and not even the jealousy of the local _hakims_ can
render his position altogether precarious. In a big city like Kabul,
the headquarters of the Afghan Court, the conditions are somewhat
different. Admittedly Doctor Gray, who was physician to Abdur Rahman
for several years, had no easy task to discharge. His experiences show
that he was often driven to the verge of exasperation by the intrigues
of his native rivals. But a Court physician in a semi-civilised
country will always have his detractors and he can only confound them
by pointing to the success gained by his treatment. In future if any
medical mission were stationed in Kabul they should not be attached to
the personal retinue of the Amir, but should have their headquarters
in a public hospital, which his Highness should provide for them and
all classes of the people should be able to avail themselves of their
knowledge and skill. Their time should not be wasted by frequent
summonses to the palace at all hours of the day and night, with the
inevitable long delays in ante-rooms; they should rather be busily
engaged with the common run of patients of whom there would certainly
be no lack. There is a very wide field open for the skilled surgeon,
and if the Amir is in earnest in desiring the services of medical
officers in his capital, they might ultimately be welcomed by every
class of the population.
The Europeans, who have found employment in the service of Afghanistan,
have belonged to many trades. The majority, in some way or another
associated with the Ordnance Department of the Amir’s Government,
have supervised the different branches of the magnificent arsenal
with which the late Amir equipped his capital. Lately, there have
been difficulties over the fuel question, the great demands for fuel
made by the works having caused a fuel famine in the Kabul district.
Habib Ullah proposes to surmount this problem by developing certain
coal deposits which have been located in Afghan Turkestan, and through
an electric power installation for the workshops. Tentative attempts
in this direction have been in hand since 1903, when the fuel bill
was represented by eight lakhs of Kabuli rupees. Snider and Martini
rifles; Hotchkiss, Gatling and field guns; swords, sabres and knives;
ammunition; transport carts; bits, bridles and saddles; boots and
uniforms, are all turned out from the Kabul works, twenty-five rifles
per diem, two guns and 20,000 rounds of Martini ammunition per week
being the estimated capacity of the factories. The workshops, the
growth of the first fifteen years of Abdur Rahman’s reign, were due
solely to the initiative of the late Amir, assisted by Sir Salter
Pyne. This well-known engineer was personally responsible for their
introduction, besides doing much to familiarise the Afghans with the
mechanical implements and improvements of the West. As the result
of these efforts the workshops now occupy an extensive range of
buildings, situated outside the town on the banks of the Kabul river,
where 1500 natives under the superintendence of 100 Hindu artificers,
who have been trained in the factories and workshops of India, are
daily employed. The mint where the plant possesses a possible output
of 20,000 coins per day, the tanning yards, the candle factory where
100,000 candles can be turned out weekly, and the soap works where ten
tons of soap can be made up in the same period, are all located in
buildings adjoining the Ordnance compound.
With the exception of the tanning yards and the leather factory, where
300,000 stands of infantry equipment were put in hand during 1904-1905,
no great activity has distinguished these various enterprises during
the last three years, a general stoppage of work having been caused in
all branches by the extreme scarcity of the wood supplies. In spite
of the output of ammunition having ceased, the traffic in Kabul-made
ammunition is encouraged by the authorities, practically unlimited
supplies for Martini and Snider rifles being easily purchased by the
natives. The price is only four annas per cartridge, so that a fairly
large amount can be obtained at small expense. As such cartridges
command a price varying from eight to twelve annas in the tribal
country the outlay of money in Kabul is quite a profitable investment.
The supply of Martini ammunition has become most difficult to obtain
since the Indian Army was given the ̇303 rifle, and orders were issued
regarding the return of empty cases to the Ordnance Department; but
with the vast supplies stored in Kabul the tribesmen can get almost as
much ammunition as they want. The late Abdur Rahman punished with the
greatest severity any one found trafficking in rifles and cartridges,
for he held that it was dangerous to let the tribes become well
armed. Habib Ullah’s departure from the Amir Abdur Rahman’s policy is
exceedingly foolish, although characteristic of Habib Ullah’s weak and
undecided rule. It should be noted, too, since supplies of ammunition
in Kabul are so readily forthcoming, that there has been a revival
in the profitable trade of rifle-selling on the frontier. A large
number of English Martinis, both rifles and carbines, have lately been
imported into Afghanistan from the Persian Gulf. Very many of these
have found their way into the tribal country on the North-west frontier
of India, the price being only Rs. 180, or less than half the sum that
was usually paid by tribesmen for a Martini before the ̇303 rifle was
issued to troops in India. The weapons are well made and all bear the
inscription “Ma-sha-Illah” in Arabic. It is surmised that they have
been sent through in some way from Turkey, possibly _viâ_ Baghdad, and
were originally intended for the Central Asian khanates. The Government
of India is not concerned with this phase of the affair, but it is a
somewhat serious matter that the tribesmen in the Pathan hinterland
beyond the Indian frontier should be able to obtain breechloaders so
cheaply. The Martini had fallen into disrepute owing to the difficulty
of obtaining ammunition, but now that it is possible to draw so
readily upon the Amir’s reserves the situation should be watched,
since tribesmen, who pay Rs. 600 or Rs. 700 for ̇303 rifles and can
get Martinis at Rs. 180 each, will have plenty of money to spare for
cartridges.
[Illustration: BAZAAR CHILDREN]
While mention has been already made of those Europeans who have passed
through Kabul in the service of the Court, there are two others who, by
the folly of their conduct, have trailed the reputation of the white
races through the filth of the Kabul bazaars. These two, the one,
Frau Liebertziet, a German woman with a family in Germany, and for
some time maid to Mrs. Fleischer, the other an English woman, have
permitted their passions to thrust them beyond the limits of decency.
Frau Liebertziet left behind in Kabul to attend to Mr. Fleischer’s
wants when Mrs. Fleischer went on leave to Europe, turned native,
adopted the Mahommedan faith and petitioned the Amir to be given a
husband. The Afghans themselves refused the lady and Habib Ullah would
not allow any Hindustani to marry her. In the end he provided her with
a Kaffir boy who had been converted to Islamism. The English woman,
having contracted an alliance in India with an Afghan camel-man,
disguised herself as a native woman and crossed the frontier riding
her husband’s camel. Her arrival in Kabul quickened the curiosity of
every native in the bazaar, raising a sensation which brought the
story very speedily to the ears of Habib Ullah. Unfortunately, to an
ignorance of all European languages saving her own, she added but a
meagre acquaintanceship with the tongues of Asia; as a consequence,
when summoned to the presence of the Amir she was literally speechless.
Habib Ullah sent for the German woman to speak with the English woman
from India, but communion was impossible as each was ignorant of the
other’s tongue. Indeed, it was not until Mrs. Cleveland, the wife of
Major Cleveland, arrived in Kabul with her husband, coming at the same
time as the Misses Brown, that any explanation was forthcoming. It
may be said here that, in both cases, the Amir endeavoured to induce
the women to return to India: unluckily, each was obdurate, and the
pair have been converted to Islamism taking up their residence in
the hovels of the Kabul bazaar, where, enclosed from the world, they
endure an existence the sordid tragedy of which forbids more detailed
description. For the benefit of those women in this country whose
delight it is to associate with coloured blood--whether it flows in the
veins of negroes from Africa, of natives from Egypt, or of princes and
students from India--one is constrained to remark that their lives are
a degradation and their conduct an infamy. So long as they transgress
racial limitations they should be properly regarded as beyond the pale.
[42] “At the Court of the Amir.” Dr. A. T. Gray.
[43] “Eight Years among the Afghans,” Mrs. Kate Daly.
[Illustration: IN THE KHYBER PASS]
CHAPTER XVI
ANGLO-AFGHAN RELATIONS
Under instructions addressed to Lieutenant-General Sir Donald Stewart,
commanding the forces in Northern and Eastern Afghanistan, by the
Marquess of Ripon as Viceroy of India, Sir Lepel Griffin on July 20,
1880, communicated the following promise in the course of a letter to
Abdur Rahman on his recognition as Amir of Afghanistan by the Afghan
Sirdars at Kabul in 1880.
... If any Power should attempt to interfere in
Afghanistan, and if such interference should lead to
unprovoked aggression on the dominions of your Highness,
in that event the British Government would be prepared to
aid you to such extent and in such manner as may appear to
the British Government necessary in repelling it, provided
that your Highness follows unreservedly the advice of the
British Government in regard to your external relations....
In the first years of his reign Abdur Rahman certainly complied with
the conditions stipulated by Sir Lepel Griffin, the correctness of his
general conduct prompting Lord Ripon nearly three years later, June 16,
1883, in the course of a letter to write:
... Impressed by these considerations, I have determined to
offer to your Highness personally ... a subsidy of 12 lakhs
of rupees a year, payable monthly, to be devoted to the
payment of your troops and to the other measures required
for the defence of your north-western frontier....
In the following year, 1884, the gradual advance of Russia across
Central Asia gave rise to apprehensions about the position of
Afghanistan. Merv had been annexed in February of this year, when,
after repeated inquiries on the part of Great Britain, it was arranged
that an Anglo-Russian Boundary Commission should meet in October
at Sarakhs, which had just been occupied. The course of events did
not improve with this decision since, although Sir Peter Lumsden
was despatched to the rendezvous, the Russian commissioner evaded a
meeting. Fears for the situation of Afghanistan were not set aside by
the seizure of Pul-i-Khatun in the very month--October 1884--for which
the Sarakhs meeting had been originally convened, and the existence
of very evident preparations for a further forward movement. The
legitimacy of these proceedings was debated between St. Petersburg
and London, Kabul and Calcutta, but, in spite of all pledges, the
Russians in February of 1885 took possession of Zulfikar and Akrobat.
Meanwhile in India plans for a full state Durbar at Rawal Pindi on
April 8, in honour of T.R.H. the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, were in
hand. The presence of the Amir of Afghanistan had been invited by the
Viceroy, between whom and Abdur Rahman a conference upon the defence
and demarcation of the north-western frontier, the strengthening of
Herat, and the extension of the Sakkur-Sibi Railway to Quetta had
been settled. While Anglo-Russian friction on the Afghan border did
not prevent Abdur Rahman from paying homage to the august pair, the
occasion was seized upon by the Russians to engage the Afghans at Tash
Kepri on March 30, 1885, when more than 1200 of the Amir’s soldiers
were ruthlessly butchered. The next day Abdur Rahman arrived in India,
meeting with a magnificent reception. At an interview with Lord
Dufferin the Amir, instancing the seizure of Pendjeh, complained that
his predictions about the intentions of the Russians had been ignored.
The Viceroy, in reply, informed him that any further aggression by
Russia against Afghanistan would be considered by England as a _casus
belli_, declared that preparations for war had been begun--orders for
the mobilisation of two army corps had indeed been issued--and offered
the services of engineer officers. At a subsequent audience on April 5,
1885, these fair words were confirmed by a gift of ten lakhs of rupees,
20,000 breech-loading rifles, a heavy battery of four guns, a mountain
battery of six guns and two howitzers, besides very liberal rifle and
artillery supplies. These presents were guarantees of the benevolence,
sincerity, and goodwill of the Government of India; and three days
later Abdur Rahman, expressing his appreciation, said, in his speech
before the Viceroy:
... In return for this kindness and favour, I am ready
with my arms and people to render any services that
may be required of me or of the Afghan nation. As the
British Government has declared that it will assist me in
repelling any foreign enemy, so it is right and proper that
Afghanistan should unite in the firmest manner and stand
side by side with the British Government....
No doubt so keen a humourist as Abdur Rahman proved himself realised
the grim jest which the action of the Russians at Pendjeh had instilled
into the Viceroy’s formal confirmation of the pledges existing between
India and Afghanistan. Such things are, however, among the unrecorded
facts of life. Perhaps, too, it is to be deplored that, in later years,
relations between Russia and Great Britain in respect of Afghanistan
have been curiously productive of these little ironies.
Proceedings in connection with the Russo-Afghan Boundary question
dragged on through 1886 until, after being transferred to St.
Petersburg and London, and again returning to the scene itself, they
were concluded in the winter of 1887. Difficulties between Russia
and India, on behalf of Afghanistan, were for the moment at an end,
when, in 1888, the Marquess of Dufferin gave place to the Marquess of
Lansdowne as Viceroy of India. With the newcomer an active frontier
policy was inaugurated. In quiet furtherance of this the Quetta
railway, which in January 1888 had been carried to Kila Abdulla, was
continued through the Khwaja Amran beyond Old Chaman to New Chaman.
The Amir of Afghanistan professed to regard this extension as a
violation of the Treaty of Gandamak which placed the Afghan-Baluch
boundary at the foot of the Khwaja Amran--an undesirable site for a
railway terminus. This undertaking was the forerunner of much military
activity, and twice in this year expeditions took the field against the
Hazaras of the Black Mountain. These ventures introduced a disturbing
element into conditions prevailing upon the frontier and had an
inflammatory effect upon Afghan opinion. At the moment, 1889, the Amir
was on service in Afghan-Turkestan superintending certain defensive
measures along the northern and north-western frontier, but by the
summer of 1890 he had returned to Kabul. In the spring of this year the
turbulence of the Khidarzais in the Zhob valley had been suppressed,
the increasing energy of the Government of India bringing the danger
of a rupture of relations between India and Afghanistan appreciably
closer. In view of the position of affairs, the Government of India
refused to permit the passage of war materials into Afghanistan,
stopping not only the rifles, artillery and ammunition, but also all
imports of iron, steel and copper. To this action the Amir replied by
repudiating the subsidy of twelve lakhs which had been granted by Lord
Ripon. At the same time he wrote a letter to Lord Salisbury, who was
then Prime Minister, and, as a more practical measure and a protest
against our occupation of New Chaman, he prohibited his people from
using the railway from the terminus at the northern foot-hills of the
Khwaja Amran to the first station on the south side of the tunnel
through the mountains.
In the following year, 1891, columns twice moved against the Orakzai
clans in the Miranzai valley, the operations against the Hazaras
were repeated for the second time, and hostilities, resulting in the
subjugation of Hunza and Nagar and the occupation of Chitral, broke
out. The troops of the Amir were also on active service in 1891,
occupying the Asmar valley in December under the Sipah Salar Ghulam
Haidar Khan, a proceeding aimed in a measure at the Government of
India, who were contemplating similar action. In 1892 troops again
were sent across the frontier, moving against the Isazai clan in
the Trans-Indus Isazai territory. The entire frontier was now in a
restless state; and, as the tension between Kabul and Calcutta had
increased steadily, it seemed desirable that the Amir should be given
an opportunity to declare his intentions. Lord Lansdowne thereupon
invited Abdur Rahman to visit India; and, when the Amir refused on the
plea of the disturbed condition of his country, the Viceroy suggested
that a meeting should take place on the Indo-Afghan frontier. Again
the Amir of Afghanistan demurred; when, since hostilities appeared
inevitable and preparations for war were in progress, the proposal that
a British mission should visit Kabul, which Abdur Rahman had first
addressed to Lord Ripon and repeated to Lord Dufferin in 1887, was
taken up. Abdur Rahman was informed that a military mission under the
personal direction of Lord Roberts, the Commander-in-Chief in India,
and escorted by a brigade of British troops, would visit Jelalabad.
Lord Roberts had been the active exponent of the forward policy since
Lord Lansdowne had assumed vice-regal office. The long series of
military operations in the frontier region, which had resulted from
his energetic direction of affairs, made his selection for a peaceful
mission obnoxious to the Amir, who naturally also appreciated the
objections of the people of Afghanistan to receive a visit from the
hero of the 1878-80 war. Moreover, the situation in Afghanistan itself,
at the time when this ultimatum was despatched to Kabul, was menaced
with the danger of widespread rebellion. The Hazaras had led the
revolt against the Amir and disaffection was manifested even in the
capital. Abdur Rahman’s natural adroitness never stood him in better
stead than at this period. Returning a polite and very diplomatic
reply to the notification to the Government of India, he stated that
he was sending to the Viceroy his own personal representative. After a
little interval, Mr. (now Sir Salter) Pyne was entrusted with letters
for the Viceroy and the Foreign Secretary to the Government of India,
Mr. (now Sir Mortimer) Durand. By travelling slowly and acting with
studied deliberation Mr. Pyne achieved his employer’s object, which was
to procrastinate until Lord Roberts, then on the eve of his return to
England, had left India. By these means war was undoubtedly averted,
misunderstandings abridged, and the way paved by Mr. Pyne for the visit
of the Durand Mission, the Amir’s envoy stipulating for an unescorted
civil mission.
[Illustration: ABDUR RAHMAN’S PALACE AT JELALABAD]
At this time questions in dispute with Afghanistan were not alone
occupied with the vexed areas in occupation by the independent tribes
along the north-western frontier of India. The Russians had raised
again the Agreement of 1873, by which the northern boundary of
Afghanistan was defined by the course of the Oxus, and were pressing
for its literal fulfilment. Since the conflict at Pendjeh and the
Boundary Commission of 1884-87, Russia had turned her attention to
the Pamirs where, hitherto, China and Afghanistan had been solely
concerned. Fort Pamir, a frontier post, had been erected by Captain
Yonoff on the Sarez Pamir in 1891; the brutal massacre of sixteen
Afghan soldiers under Shams-ud-Din Khan by the same officer had
occurred at Somatash on the Alichur Pamir, June 22, 1892; and in the
month before the arrival of the Durand Mission there had been a further
Russo-Afghan encounter on the Badakshan border. These disorders were,
perhaps, inseparable from a situation in which the rights of the case
were so violently opposed to the policy, interests and intentions
of Russia. Insistence upon the justice of the Afghan claim without
supporting force would have been futile. The Amir’s invitation
therefore offered opportunity for settling not only the very serious
problem of the tribes on the north-western frontier of India, but,
equally, the question of jurisdiction on the Pamirs.
The Durand Mission left Peshawar on September 19, 1893, accompanied by
_Envoy._ _Political Assistants._ _Medical._ _Military._
Mr. Mortimer Captain MacMahon. Major Fenn. Colonel Ellis.
Durand. Captain Manners Smith.
Mr. Clarke.
Mr. Donald.
The usual honours were paid upon arrival in Kabul. The Mission was
met by General Ghulam Haidar Khan, lodged in the Indikki Palace,
the residence of Habib Ullah Khan, and presented with a _ziafat_ of
33,895 Kabuli rupees. After preliminary conferences, in pursuance of
instructions from Lord Lansdowne, Mr. Mortimer Durand on November 11,
1893, addressed to Abdur Rahman the following letter:
When your Highness came to the throne of Afghanistan, Sir
Lepel Griffin was instructed to give you the assurance
that if any foreign Power should attempt to interfere
in Afghanistan and if such interference should lead to
unprovoked aggression on the dominions of your Highness, in
that event the British Government would be prepared to aid
you to such extent and in such manner as might appear to
the British Government necessary in repelling it, provided
that your Highness followed unreservedly the advice of the
British Government in regard to your external relations. I
have the honour to inform your Highness that this assurance
remains in force, and that it is applicable with regard
to any territory which may come into your possession in
consequence of the Agreement which you have made with me
to-day in the matter of the Oxus frontier. It is the desire
of the British Government that such portion of the Northern
frontier of Afghanistan as has not yet been marked out
should now be clearly defined. When this has been done,
the whole of your Highness’s frontier towards the side of
Russia will be equally free from doubt and equally secure.
And upon November 12, 1893, Abdur Rahman’s acceptance of the
Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1873 was confirmed by a note signed by
himself and the British envoy.
Whereas the British Government have represented to his
Highness the Amir that the Russian Government presses for
the literal fulfilment of the Agreement of 1873 between
Russia and England, by which it was decided that the River
Oxus should form the Northern boundary of Afghanistan from
Lake Victoria (Wood’s Lake) or Sarikul on the East to the
junction of the Kokcha with the Oxus, and whereas the
British Government considers itself bound to abide by the
terms of this Agreement, if the Russian Government equally
abides by them, his Highness Amir Abdur Rahman Khan,
G.C.S.I., Amir of Afghanistan and its Dependencies, willing
to show his friendship to the British Government and his
readiness to accept their advice in matters affecting his
relations with foreign Powers, hereby agrees that he will
evacuate all the Districts held by him to the north of
this portion of the Oxus on the clear understanding that
all the Districts lying to the South of this portion of
the Oxus, and not now in his possession, be handed over to
him in exchange. And Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, K.C.I.E.,
C.S.I., Foreign Secretary to the Government of India,
hereby declares on the part of the British Government that
the transfer to his Highness the Amir of the said Districts
lying to the South of the Oxus being an essential part of
this transaction, he undertakes that arrangements will be
made with the Russian Government to carry out the transfer
of the said lands to the North and South of the Oxus.
By this Note the matter of the Afghan position on the Pamirs was
referred to the Anglo-Russian Pamirs Commission of 1895-96. That
tribunal settled the question by dispossessing the Amir in favour of
the Tsar. In the interval which elapsed between November 1893 and the
assembly of the Commission, a fresh skirmish took place at Yaims in
1894, when an Afghan post was wiped out by Cossacks.
The disposal of the difficulties between Russia and Afghanistan
was preliminary to the real work of the Durand Mission. This task,
the adjustment of the many grievances set in train by the forward
movement, was based upon many important and substantial concessions,
the existence of which caused high hopes of the ultimate success of
the Mission to be entertained. The assurance of assistance in case
of unprovoked aggression given in 1880, and repeated in 1885, was
confirmed, the subsidy of twelve lakhs increased to eighteen lakhs, and
the right to import munitions of war admitted. Further, this additional
engagement, entered as Clause II. of the Durand Agreement, November 12,
1893, was contracted:
The Government of India will at no time exercise
interference in the territories lying ... on the side of
Afghanistan, and His Highness the Amir will at no time
exercise interference in the territories lying ... on the
side of India.
Two days after the conclusion of its labours, November 14, the Mission
left Kabul, sharing upon its arrival in India in that prodigal
distribution of honours which occasionally reveals but a faint relation
between cause and effect. Included in these favours was Mr. Pyne,
whose services undoubtedly had constituted him a beneficent factor in
the course of the negotiations. This gentleman was knighted, a similar
distinction falling to the chief of the Mission. Time, however, has
disclosed the Durand Agreement itself to be merely pretentious and
possessed of very indifferent qualities.
Apart from the developments of the frontier policy under Lord Roberts,
the evacuation of the Ningrahar valley after the Afghan War of 1878-80
contributed very largely to the unsatisfactory situation in which we at
this time were placed. Had this position, together with Jelalabad, been
retained, we should have cut off the retreat of the Afridis, Orakzais,
Mohmands, Swatis and others into Afghan territory. Under existing
circumstances these tribes can make good their escape into Afghanistan,
even receiving assistance from that country when hard pressed. At
the period of the Durand Mission the Government of India laid claim
to the entire region--Bulund Khel, Mohmandstan, Asmar and Yaghistan,
the latter embracing Chitral, Bajaur, Swat, Buner, Dir, Chilas and
Waziristan. The Amir put forward a demand for Chageh, the Asmar
valley, which he previously had occupied, and objected to the British
pretensions. In point of fact, the rights of the Government of India
had been already established by conquest and by moral superiority,
since this zone, the home of border ruffians, had always required the
watchful initiative of a strong Government. The British position was,
therefore, incontestable. Moreover, since we were prepared to increase
the subsidy of the Amir as a salve for the extinction of his interest
in the Chitral region, there was no need to recede from any point.
In regard to matters diplomatic, occasion should have been taken to
provide, by a special clause in the treaty, for some proportion of
these additional lakhs being devoted by their recipient to the task
of assisting our own military authorities to draw the fangs of the
more turbulent frontier elements. This precaution was ignored nor was
it deemed necessary to allot to the Mission the services of a survey
officer. Ultimately, after long discussion, the negotiations concluded,
when it was revealed that at needless sacrifice the Asmar valley,
commanding the approach to the Pamir-Chitral region and south-eastern
Afghanistan and of great importance to strategic considerations on the
Indian frontier, had been surrendered to the Amir, the Birmal tract,
separated from Waziristan, and an ethnic absurdity perpetrated where
the Mohmands country had been divided by the watershed of the Kunar and
Panj-kora rivers. Such a process of vivisection, intolerable to a tribe
who, although involved in constant dissension among themselves, were a
united people, was at once resented.
In a letter, addressed to the Viceroy of India before the Durand
Mission had set out for Kabul, Abdur Rahman had warned the Government
of the consequence of interfering with the border tribes. He wrote:
As to these frontier tribes known by the name of Yaghistan,
if they were included in my dominions I should be able to
make them fight against any enemy of England and myself,
by the name of a religious war, under the flag of their
co-religious Muslim ruler (myself). And these people being
brave warriors and staunch Mahommedans would make a very
strong force to fight against any power which might invade
India or Afghanistan. I will gradually make them peaceful
subjects and good friends of Great Britain. But if you
should cut them out of my dominions they will neither be
of any use to you nor to me; you will always be engaged in
fighting or other trouble with them, and they will always
go on plundering. As long as your Government is strong
and in peace, you will be able to keep them quiet by a
strong hand, but if at any time a foreign enemy appear on
the borders of India, these frontier tribes will be your
worst enemies. You must remember that they are like a weak
enemy who can be held under the feet of a strong enemy,
as long as he is strong; and the moment he ceases to be
strong enough to hold him the weak one gets out of his
hold and attacks him in return. In your cutting away from
me these frontier tribes who are people of my nationality
and my religion, you will injure my prestige in the eyes
of my subjects, and will make me weak, and my weakness is
injurious for your Government.
Early in 1894 the Marquess of Lansdowne had been succeeded by the Earl
of Elgin, Lord Rosebery had become Prime Minister, and Abdur Rahman had
been invited to England, the invitation being endorsed by Sir Henry
Fowler. Regarding the Durand legacy as a bequest to be fulfilled and
undeterred by the fact that frontier feeling was still highly excited
over the Mission to Kabul, the Government of India proceeded to appoint
various boundary commissions. One, destined for the Afghan-Waziristan
border with orders to assemble on October 1, at Dera Ismail Khan,
included Messrs. King, Anderson, Grant and Bruce with an escort of 3000
soldiers and six guns. Another, meeting on December 3, at Lundi Khana
and intended for the Mohmand-Bajaur-Asmar boundary, comprised
_Political Commissioners._ _Medical._ _Survey._
Mr. R. Udny. Surgeon-Captain Colonel Holdich, R.E.
Mr. C. Hastings. McNabb. Lieut. Coldstream, R.E.
This action on the part of the Government of India attracted the
attention of the Amir who summoned the Sipah Salar to Kabul from
Jelalabad for a conference upon the subject. Rumours had already
indicated Abdur Rahman’s opposition to the Mohmand demarcation and
storm clouds were gathering over the Kunar valley when, on June 12,
the Commissioner of Peshawar, Mr. Richard Udny, chief of the future
boundary commission, issued the following indiscreet proclamation:
PROCLAMATION.
_From_ Mr. R. UDNY, _Commissioner and Superintendent, Peshawar
Division_
To all Bajauri, Mohmand, and other tribes inhabiting the
country towards the Indian Empire, from the Kabul river to
the southern limit of Chitral, from the boundary line now
agreed upon between the British Government and the Amir of
Afghanistan.
(1) Whereas certain questions were raised regarding the
boundary between Afghanistan and India, and as H.H.
the Amir, as well as the Indian Government, desired to
have these questions disposed of in an amicable and
friendly manner, so that for the future there may not be
a difference of opinion and thought regarding the above
matter between these two kingdoms, who have treaties and
engagements between themselves. The Government of Great
Britain, with the consent of H.H. the Amir of Afghanistan,
during the month of September 1893--Rabbi-al-awal 1311
H., sent a Mission consisting of a few officers under the
leadership of Sir Mortimer Durand to Kabul. And by the
Mercy of God Almighty the two Governments in a friendly
manner concluded an agreement, on November 12, 1893--2
Jamadi-al-awal 1311 H., regarding the limits of the country
of H.H. the Amir towards India, for hundreds of (krohs)
miles from Wakhan on the north to Persia on the south.
(2) In this agreement it was decided between the two
Governments, already bound by agreements and engagements,
that the Indian Government will never interfere at any time
in the countries lying on that side of the line in the
direction of Afghanistan, and that his Highness also will
cause no interference at any time in the countries that
may be lying outside the boundary line in the direction of
India.
(3) With the object of demarcating this long boundary
with facility and celerity, it was agreed upon by the two
kingdoms, already bound by treaties and engagements, to
divide this boundary line into certain parts, and each part
of this line should be marked where it is found necessary
by the British and Afghan Commissioners.
(4) Therefore I send this proclamation to you, that I have
been appointed Commissioner by the Government of India to
demarcate that portion of the boundary which pertains to
the tribes noted at the beginning of this proclamation. In
this condition of affairs I shall probably start shortly
towards Afghan limits for Asmar, and being joined at
this place by a Commissioner appointed by H.H. the Amir,
demarcate the boundaries of Afghanistan from Chanak towards
the Kabul river. I shall then, I hope, be able to point
out the boundary on the spot. Until this is done it is not
an easy matter for me to explain the exact features of the
boundary. But at present a brief sketch of the boundary
will be understood by you from the following details:
(5) Whereas the kingdom of Great Britain has agreed that
H.H. the Amir should retain in his possession the country
of Asmar on the north to Chanak situated on the Kunar
river, or the river of Kashkar, the boundary demarcation
will commence from Chanak in a south-westerly direction up
to Kunar, and at a distance of a few English miles from
the bank of the Kunar river towards Bajaur. From Kunar
the boundary line goes southwards, and, taking a bend,
ascends the hills close to Satala Sar, which hills divide
the watershed between the Kunar and Panj-kora rivers. From
Satala Sar the boundary line passes over the crest of the
hill, on one side of which the waters flowing from the Dag
Hills fall into the Panj-kora river, whilst the waters on
the other side passing through the Satala valley, fall into
the Kabul river. And in the centre of this hill lies the
Kotal of Satala. The extreme end of the boundary touches
the Kabul river in the vicinity of Polosi.
(6) From a review of the above details you will understand
that in addition to the countries watered by the Kunar
river which lie towards the limits of the Indian dominions,
H.H. the Amir has agreed not to interfere in all that
country the eastern waters of which fall into the Panj-kora
river; nor to interfere or stretch his hand in that quarter
of the Mohmand country the waters of which fall into the
Kabul river below Polosi.
(7) On this account your future concerns and relationship
will lie solely with the British Government and no one
else, and I have a hope that by degrees there will be the
same bonds of friendship between you on the one part, and
myself and the frontier officers of the British Government
on the other part, which has existed between the said
officers and other tribes who reside outside the limits of
the boundaries of the Peshawar District.
(8) The last request is that you should firmly believe,
and on this point I will give you every assurance and
satisfaction, that the Government of India has no intention
of going beyond these limits, which form the present
boundaries of the Indian Empire, and that it has no desire
to mix itself in any way with the affairs of your country.
Written on the 7th of Zu’l-hijjah 1311 H.--A.D. June 12,
1894.
[Illustration: THE ROAD TO LUNDI KHANA, KHYBER PASS]
Since nothing whatever had been decided about the Mohmand line, the
publication of such a rescript was a most improper and provocative
proceeding. The Amir was offended, while the Sipah Salar retaliated by
destroying all copies of the proclamation that found their way across
the border. No doubt, too, it was a sense of lingering irritation
which a little later caused Abdur Rahman to repudiate the Durand
Agreement, where it concerned the Mohmand-Bajaur region. Ghulam
Haidar made the views of the Amir quite clear at a meeting with Mr.
R. Udny and Surgeon-Captain McNabb on August 12, in Jelalabad. The
Sipah Salar there rejected entirely the proposed division of the
Mohmands, claiming, in place of the Panj-kora-Kunar line, to exercise
jurisdiction over them down to the Peshawar valley. Similarly, the
Afghan Commander-in-Chief refused to secede an inch of Kafiristan.
Troubles also followed in the wake of the Bruce mission. Breaking
camp on October 1, and marching _viâ_ the Gomul valley into Southern
Waziristan, the laager at Wano was attacked by the Waziris on November
3, with such success that an expedition under Sir William Lockhart was
immediately sent against them. In the end the boundary, from the Gomul
in the south to the Tochi and the Kurram in the north, was settled, the
solution of the Mohmand _impasse_ on April 9, 1895, being due solely
to the fact that detailed for duty on the Mohmand-Bajaur section was
the most distinguished survey officer of his day--Colonel (now Sir
Thomas) Holdich. In no wise rebuffed by the remarkable deficiencies of
the Durand Agreement nor the discrepancies of the Udny manifesto, this
officer contrived through clever adaptation of available geographical
data to evolve something of a border line, although no part of the
boundary defined south of the Hindu Kush bore any relation to the
frontier laid down by Durand or Udny.
Events in the Mohmand country were not confined to the excitement
emanating from the proposed delimitation of the hinterland. During
the last five years an Afghan freebooter from Jandol, Umra Khan, had
made bold bids for supremacy alternately against the Khan of Jandol
and the Mir of Dir, uniting with the one against the other as his
interests dictated and opportunity served. Success attended him when,
in an attempt to occupy part of the Kunar valley, upon which Abdur
Rahman had already cast eyes, he was badly defeated by Ghulam Haidar.
In due course he recovered and re-establishing his rule over Dir and
Nawagai, he contracted an alliance with Shir Afzal, lately Mehtar
of Chitral. At the moment this man was a fugitive; and, as such, a
cat’s-paw of the Amir of Afghanistan from whose custody he had been
permitted to escape, since Abdur Rahman was proposing to step into
his shoes if any conspicuous result attended Umra Khan’s operations
in Chitral. Moreover, Ghulam Haidar and Umra Khan had come to terms
upon a basis which furnished the Afghan king-maker with supplies,
volunteers and ammunition. If the nature of the agreement between
Abdur Rahman and Shir Afzal were never entirely disclosed, the
character of the understanding between the Sipah Salar of the Amir of
Afghanistan and the progressive ruffian from Jandol was soon confirmed.
As Ghulam Haidar watched over the welfare of the Udny party in the
Lower Kunar valley, the situation shifted early in the New Year of
1895 from the Mohmand country to Chitral. Here the sudden appearance
of Umra Khan at the head of a motley force on behalf of Shir Afzal
had precipitated a dynastic war. While Umra Khan seized Kala Drosh in
Lower Chitral proclaiming Shir Afzal, the British agent in Gilgit,
Dr. (now Sir George) Robertson, advancing from that station threw
himself into Chitral and set up a cadet of the reigning family as the
rightful ruler. Umra Khan, supported by large numbers of well-armed
Afghan infantry from the Sipah Salar’s camp at Asmar and plentifully
supplied with Kabul breechloaders and ammunition, advanced against Dr.
Robertson, inflicting upon him a crushing defeat. The effect of this
disaster on British prestige was in a measure effaced by the pluck and
determination of the Chitral garrison, before whom, on March 3, 1895,
Umra Khan settled himself for a siege. His triumph was short lived,
since on April 18, the investment was rudely disturbed by the arrival
of Colonel Kelly with 650 men from Gilgit. By then, too, a larger
force had taken the field, for General Sir Robert Low, at the head of
15,000 soldiers with 30,000 transport animals and 10,000 followers, had
embarked upon a campaign in the Swat-Bajaur-Chitral country.
Through the accidence of these events matters had come to an absolute
dead-lock in the Mohmand-Bajaur-Asmar region. The Udny commission
had been withdrawn with only a part of its work accomplished, the
chief receiving the honour of knighthood for his services. Elsewhere,
too, the situation was unsatisfactory. The border tribes, alarmed
at the prospect of enforced demarcation, their fears accentuated by
the establishment of military posts at Wano, in the Tochi and Kurram
valleys, on the Malakand--the key to Swat--at Chakdara where the
Panj-kora had been bridged, and on the Samana ridge, trembled for
their independence. Moreover the presence of these survey parties was
constantly used for the purpose of exploiting tribal sentiment by
Ghulam Haidar, who would not have acted as he did without very definite
instructions and very acute knowledge of the Amir’s sympathies. Abdur
Rahman was thus engaging in a double game. Exercising a potent
inimical authority over events in the Chitral crisis, as that affair
waned he was at pains to show his amiability towards Great Britain.
In April 1895, almost simultaneously with the raising of the Chitral
siege, Nasr Ullah left Kabul on his visit to England. He arrived in
London in May, leaving for Kabul in the following August, the recipient
of a G.C.M.G. and the bearer of a similar honour to his brother Habib
Ullah. The real purport of the Mission, to secure authority to open
direct relations between Kabul and the India Office as well as with the
Viceroy and to establish official representation in London, failed.
The Amir of Afghanistan professed to find a slight in the curt refusal
of the Imperial Government to accede to his requests, and was in high
dudgeon. Nevertheless, there was nothing remarkable in this rejection
of the Amir’s petition. Sir Henry Fowler, however, committed a blunder
in sanctioning an invitation which led merely to the ventilation
of grievances and paved the way for those preposterous claims to
independent sovereignty which distinguished the later years of Abdur
Rahman’s rule, and, since his demise, have ranked among the many
pretensions of Habib Ullah.
By the autumn of 1895 the Chitral imbroglio had been straightened, and
the remaining months of the year were occupied with the proceedings
of the Pamir Boundary Commission and the doings of the Afghan army
in Kafiristan. Here Abdur Rahman had embarked upon a brief campaign,
which, after forty days of actual warfare, terminated in the spring of
1896. Aside from these operations, interest in the frontier situation
was riveted upon the curious theological studies which Abdur Rahman had
been pursuing in Kabul. Expectations were also raised by communications
evidently passing between Ghulam Haidar and the principal border
fanatics Said Akbar of the Aka Khels, the Sarlor Fakir--the Mad Mullah
of the Swat--and the Hadda Mullah. After much labour and while the
letters were in exchange, Abdur Rahman had composed a treatise, the
Twakim-ud-din, expounding the merits of the _jehad_ or holy war, and
the virtues of the _ghazi_. Satisfied with this work, at the close of
1895, he convened for the Nauroz festival, March 21, 1896, a great
convocation of mullahs drawn from all parts of his dominions and the
Indo-Afghan borderland as well, at which he dilated upon the essential
principles of that doctrine which specially enjoins the extinction
of the infidel. It was a dangerous way to secure his recognition as
one of the supreme heads of Islam, and obviously antagonistic to the
preservation of harmonious relations between the tribesmen and the
Government of India. After much earnest exhortation the holy men were
dismissed, comforted by many gifts and gracious words. Concerned at
the action of the Amir and compelled to notice the conduct of Ghulam
Haidar, the Viceroy of India (Earl of Elgin) on May 2, 1896, addressed
to Abdur Rahman a remonstrance upon the unfriendly attitude of his
frontier officials. The reply from Kabul is best illustrated by the
action of some mullahs who had been summoned to the Nauroz festival.
At the Id of Pilgrimage, May 25, the title Zia-ul-Millat wa ud-Din,
the Light of the Nation and Religion, was offered to Abdur Rahman.
When confirmation of this tribute had been received from the whole of
Afghanistan the Amir adopted it at a special Durbar on August 24, at
the same time appropriating to himself the further dignity of King of
Islam.
Save for these occurrences in Kabul, a few riots in the Tochi valley
in February, and the conclusion of the work of the Pamir Boundary
Commission the year 1896 was undisturbed. Intrigues were afoot,
however, and emissaries of the Mahommedan religion, in the shape of
bigoted travelling fakirs, were “out” as the perfervid exponents of a
Moslem crusade. Early in May 1897, Abdur Rahman received at Kabul with
great state a Turkish visitor from Constantinople. A few hours later
on the same day the Amir summoned all the mullahs of the city to a
private audience. Meanwhile correspondence passed between the leading
lights of the Moslem world on both sides of the frontier, and evidences
of unrest and disaffection were increasing. With suspicions lulled by
eighteen months’ comparative calm, or set at rest by the fact that the
Chitral reliefs had been unmolested, the frontier political officers
in the Tochi explored routes, made surveys and constructed roads in
continuation of the protective works which were begun in the Tochi
valley so soon as that area was occupied. The Tochi lies only a little
north of Waziristan and so close to Wano that the Waziris were readily
roused to avenge themselves by the mullahs when opportunity offered.
It came--with the visit of Mr. Gee, the political officer in Tochi,
to Maizar, June 10, 1897, when a treacherous attack was made upon the
party and 72 casualties inflicted. In spite of the extreme heat of this
month retaliatory measures were at once put into execution, General
Corrie Bird taking the field with 7000 soldiers, 10,000 transport
animals and 3000 followers.
The mullahs were now actively extolling the cause of the _jehad_ to
their disciples when the persistent efforts of the Hadda Mullah to
excite Mahommedan fanaticism in Swat, Bajaur and Dir were unexpectedly
furthered by the appearance in Swat of the Mad Mullah. The companion
of the Hadda Mullah in his recent stay in Kabul, he had come direct
from the Afghan capital, declaring everywhere that a holy war had been
proclaimed. Under the enthusiasm inspired by the eloquence of this
restless spirit, the Mad Fakir’s progress through Swat was in the
nature of a triumph. Thana had declared itself for him, when on July
26, the fury of the storm broke over Malakand and Chakdara. By August
1, a field force of two brigades under Major-General Sir Bindon Blood
arrived at Malakand, where the opposing tribesmen numbered 20,000 men.
Meanwhile, the apostles of the movement looked to Kabul for their
orders. Letters and proclamations, purporting to describe the Amir’s
interest in it, were issued; and, as the tribes rallied to his call,
Hadda Mullah, relying upon the kindly offices of Ghulam Haidar and
emulating the example of the Mad Fakir, led on August 7, an attack
against the British frontier post at Shabkaddar. Unfortunately for
Indo-Afghan relations the muster for this affair contained, besides
several thousand Mohmands, a large proportion of Afghans from the Kunar
valley, the Khugiani country, the Laughman and Jelalabad districts,
the Basawal and Hazarnao villages, and soldiers in plain clothes from
the Kabul garrison. It was no longer possible for the Government of
India to ignore the complicity of the Afghan frontier officials.
So pronounced was their sympathy with the rising that Abdur Rahman
addressed a _firman_ to the Sipah Salar, containing an expression of
his grave displeasure at their misconduct.
Matters had gone too far to be adjusted by such means, and on August
13, 1897, Sir Richard Udny, instrumental with Brigadier-General (now
Major-General Sir Edmond) Elles, who was commanding at Peshawar,
in abandoning the Khyber Pass to the unsupported custody of Afridi
militia, directed an emphatic remonstrance to the Amir of Afghanistan.
His Highness was informed of the nature of the reports which had
reached the Government of India, and was required to take immediate
steps to recall his subjects and to prevent the repetition of so
exceedingly grave an offence. After reminding the Amir that the
Viceroy, in May 1896, had called his Highness’s attention to the
unfriendly conduct of the Sipah Salar, the letter concluded as follows:
It is impossible that Afghan sepoys can have joined in
this attack without the knowledge of the Sipah Salar, and
the Viceroy is constrained to warn your Highness that, if
you do not control the Sipah Salar, or withdraw him from
his command on the frontier, your Highness must be held
responsible for his actions.
Abdur Rahman replied at once to the charges of the Government of
India, returning a denial and reading the correspondence at a Kabul
Durbar held on August 18, in commemoration of his assumption of the
title Zia-ul-Millat wa ud-Din. Facts were a little too strong for much
importance to be attached to this refutation; but the rebuke, which
had now been administered, warned him, doubtless, that the limits of
Government patience in his direction had been reached. Correspondence
on the question became protracted, and the initial response from
Kabul had barely been received when a further fillip was given to the
fighting on the frontier. For several days, as early as August 16,
warnings had been received that the Afridis were preparing to descend
upon the Khyber. It was further stated that this area of operations
would be increased by a simultaneous attack from the Orakzais against
the Samana ridge in support of the Afridi movement. To its subsequent
confusion the Indian Government at the time was relying upon reports
from Sir Richard Udny, Commissioner of Peshawar, and Brigadier-General
Elles, whose conception of the seriousness of the situation did not
prompt him to employ in support of the posts in the Khyber any portion
of the 10,000 men lying idle under his command. Equally with those of
Sir Richard Udny, the exertions of General Elles upon this occasion
were very disappointing.
On August 17, when no less a frontier personage than Malik Amin Khan
reported that an Afridi _lasakar_ of 10,000 men accompanied by 1500
mullahs was preparing to descend upon the Khyber, Sir Richard Udny
telegraphed to Simla:
I am watching events in Orakzai and Afridi country very
carefully from this side, and all my reports from reliable
sources say that up to date there is no serious or general
movement, either among Orakzais or Afridis....
Two days later, August 19, Brigadier-General Elles, telegraphing to
Simla, stated that Sir Richard Udny had informed him that Malik Amin
Khan’s information was much exaggerated, adding that Captain Barton,
Commandant of the Khyber rifles, had reported the Afridi gathering
to be smaller than originally imagined. On the next day, August 20,
alarmed at the gravity of his position and advised by the officer
commanding the Peshawar forces, Sir Richard Udny withdrew Captain
Barton from his post at Lundi Kotal. After consultation with Colonel
Aslam Khan and Brigadier-General Elles, on the same day in a telegram
to the Punjab Government, he advocated, in spite of the objections of
Colonel Aslam Khan to such a policy, the leaving of the defence of the
Khyber positions to the unsupported activities of the native levies,
in accordance with the terms of the Khyber Agreement of 1881 by which
the Afridis were made responsible for the safety of the pass. In this
singular point of view Brigadier-General Elles concurred, contenting
himself, in spite of the condition of affairs with a faint-hearted
and useless promenade in the direction of Jamrud. Meanwhile, with
assistance withheld, disaster was deliberately invited. So it happened
that, on August 23, when Sir Richard Udny, in a telegram to the
Government of India, was again referring to the terms of the Khyber
Agreement, the advancing wave of the Afridi tide actually broke
against Ali Masjid. From early morning of this day Afridi met Afridi
in a brief, bloody struggle round British supremacy in this border
stronghold. True to their salt, the men who had been in charge of our
posts held out against their own tribesmen until unsupported resistance
was no longer possible. Fort Maude and Ali Masjid fell that same night,
Lundi Kotal resisted valiantly until August 25, capitulating almost at
the moment when the Orakzais were advancing to the attack against the
Samana ridge. There the position was cleared by General Yeatman Biggs
who, having reinforced the garrisons, dissipated his victory in an
ignominious withdrawal harried by his enemy. Tactical blundering thus
accomplished at this point what political irresolution had effected in
respect of the Khyber.
[Illustration: ALI MASJID FORT]
In whatever degree the Amir of Afghanistan by his letter of August
18, may have exculpated himself from events preliminary to the Tirah
campaign, the exodus of armed bands from Afghan territory continued to
meet with only passive resistance from the frontier officials. Under
pressure of accumulating evidence, forwarded direct from Kabul by the
British agent, the Viceroy of India on August 30, 1897, addressed a
further communication to Abdur Rahman, in the course of which he wrote:
... It is right that I should tell your Highness that
the information which I have received indicates that
tribesmen from your Highness’s territories have joined
the Mullah of Hadda, and have in other respects committed
aggression against the British Government. Bodies of men
from Jelalabad district crossed the Kabul river openly
with flags flying and drums beating. After the fight at
Shabkaddar they returned in the same manner, carrying
their dead and helping their wounded. On the side of Khost
numbers of camels stolen from my troops in Dawar have been
taken across the border, and it is even reported that
these camels have been ordered to be collected by Sirdar
Sherindil Khan. Your Highness will no doubt recognise the
propriety of directing the restoration of camels belonging
to the Government of India, which have been stolen and
carried into Afghan territory.
Your Highness has said that “tribesmen can never join such
a movement openly for fear of me. If any one has come he
must have gone secretly.” What I now ask your Highness, in
accordance with those assurances of friendship which you
have so readily made, is that you will publicly announce
to the tribesmen through your local officers that, if they
cross the border and join in disturbances against the
British Government, they will incur your displeasure. The
belief is entertained by many misguided persons that they
will not incur your Highness’s displeasure by acting in a
hostile manner against the British Government, and this
belief can be dispelled if your Highness’s local officers
will keep watch along the Kabul river and at other places
in order to prevent your Highness’s subjects from crossing
the frontier with hostile intentions, whether secretly or
openly. I ask your Highness, therefore, to issue orders to
this effect....
Before the Amir could reply to the letter of August 30 from the
Viceroy, a deputation of Afridi elders, whose intentions certainly lent
colour to the Viceroy’s plaint, arrived at Jelalabad _en route_ to
Kabul for the purpose of presenting a petition to Abdur Rahman. This
document, dated September 5, 1897, was as follows:
The British Government has been from olden times gradually
encroaching upon our country, and even upon Afghan
territory, and has erected forts at various points within
our borders. We have complained of this to the Afghan
Government on many occasions, but your Highness has paid
no attention to our complaints. Therefore, being helpless
and having regard to Islam and our constancy in religion,
we have now, under the guidance of God, opened the door of
_jehad_ in the face of the said Government, and we have
severed our connection with them in every way. We have
plundered and destroyed five forts on the Samana above
Hangu, one fort at Shinauri, at the foot of the Samana, in
British territory, one fort at the Ublan Pass, near Kohat,
etc., etc. There are, however, three big forts on the top
of the said mountain (the Samana) which have not been taken
yet. By the grace of God we will destroy and burn these
also. All the people of Tirah have taken up their position
on the top of the mountain (Samana); and at its base, from
Kohat to the Rud-i-Kurman in the district of Kurram the
frontier of the Orakzai runs, and the tribesmen have been
making _jehad_ from time to time within their respective
limits. We will never consent to tender our allegiance to
the British Government and become their subjects. We will
never give up the reins of authority of our country to the
hands of the Government. On the contrary we are willing to
tender our allegiance to the King of Islam. It is incumbent
on the Government of Islam not only to look after our
interests, and consider our position, but that of the whole
of Afghanistan. We therefore send these eighteen persons
from among our Maliks, Mullahs, and Elders, with our
petitions to your Highness’s presence. We are at present
engaged in a _jehad_ on the Samana range, and we request
that your Highness will be pleased to do what is for our
good and benefit; and, by the grace of God, we will act
up to your Highness’s instructions, because we leave the
conduct and management of our affairs in the hands of your
Highness in every respect. We have used our endeavours with
our tribesmen to do service to your Highness. This is the
time to gain the object of your Highness. All the Moslems
are now at the disposal of your Highness in the shape of
regular troops, artillery and money. If the British prove
victorious, they will ruin the Moslems. The services to be
done on this side may be left to us by your Highness. We
hope that after the perusal of our petition your Highness
will favour us with a reply. _Dated 7 Rabi-us-Sani_, 1315
(September 7, 1897).
This prayer of the Afridis had not reached Kabul, when a further
letter, September 6, was sent to the Amir from the Government of India,
anticipating Afghan assistance in catching the Hadda Mullah should he
escape into the Kunar valley. Meanwhile, the aspect of the precise
relations existing between Kabul and the revolting tribesmen, and
disclosed by this deputation from the Afridi _jirga_ was not very much
improved when, on September 10, Abdur Rahman, in acknowledging the
letter of August 30, wrote:
... I have ordered the local officers to keep watch on
Afghan subjects to the best of their ability, and prevent
them from joining Mullah Hadda.... No tribesmen from my
territories can do such an act in an open manner. Some of
them, however, have great faith in Mullah Hadda, and it is
possible that they may have joined him during the night,
travelling like thieves by unfrequented roads. How is it
possible to keep watch on thieves during nights along
such an extensive frontier?... My kind friend, such an
arrangement could only be possible by posting about 10,000
soldiers on all the mountain tops and at all the fords in
that district. Then they will be able to execute properly
such an arrangement, otherwise how would it be possible to
stop the people who are familiar with the country? If the
well-known roads be guarded against them, they can owing to
their knowledge of the country find paths over mountains
and through desert tracts to cross the frontier. As far as
possible, however, the local officials have been watching
and will watch any open movements of the tribesmen.
As regards the dead and the wounded whom your Excellency
writes that the tribesmen carried away with them after
the fight at Shabkaddar, I beg to state that, if they
have brought back their dead secretly, they have already,
according to their custom, buried them, and now no trace
can be obtained of them. As to the wounded, if questions be
asked they explain that they are always engaged in tribal
feuds, with one another, and they often kill and wound
one another, and that the wounded men have received their
wounds in such tribal feuds; and, as the witnesses belong
to the people concerned, it is difficult to prove anything
contrary to what they allege....
As regards the camels which the Waziri thieves stole from
the troops in Dawar, and brought to Khost where they sold
them to the inhabitants, I have to state that Sirdar
Sherindil Khan has ordered the owners of the camels to keep
them safe. If your Excellency considers it necessary that
the camels should be taken back from them, then, as the
inhabitants of Khost have bought the camels from the Waziri
thieves, the price current in the country should be given
to them and the camels taken back, so that the people of
Khost may not suffer loss...!
The air of truculent triumph which pervaded this communication elicited
no rebuke. Naturally enough a government, which made no effective
preparation to protect the native guards of British posts in their hour
of need, would hesitate to take exception at the twist of a Persian
phrase. Two days later, September 12, the same strain of insolence,
coupled with many amiable sentiments, could be detected in the reply to
the Viceroy’s letter of September 6. With remarkable effrontery Abdur
Rahman expressed the fear that collisions might occur in the Kunar
valley between the Afghan and British forces, if the pursuit of Hadda
Mullah were pushed too far in that direction.
Events, culminating with the fall of Saraghari fort on September
12, were making it incumbent to administer sharp punishment to the
Afridis; and the Tirah field force, 60,000 strong, was concentrated
at Kohat under Lieutenant-General Sir William Lockhart for this
purpose. Concerned at the dislocation of border affairs, at the loss
of revenue attendant upon the closing of the Khyber, and deriving an
inspiration from the magnitude of the force which was collecting for
service with General Lockhart, the Amir himself from this time became
less obstructive, withdrawing his own troops from outlying posts,
refusing to harbour armed fugitives and turning a very cold shoulder to
those who invoked his aid. In consequence of this change of front he
refused to permit the Afridi elders to come to Kabul, detaining them in
Jelalabad while he posted in public in the capital on September 23, the
following reply:
I have perused your petitions, all of which were with one
object. I now write to you in reply that it is eighteen
years since I came to Kabul, and you know yourselves that I
went to Rawal Pindi (in April 1885) by the Khyber route. In
consideration of my friendship with the British Government
I had gone to their country as their guest, and on my way I
found many of your tribesmen on both sides of the pass, who
made _salaams_ to me. If what you state now is true, why
did you not tell me at that time about the matter, so that
I might have conferred with H.E. the Viceroy about it? Some
years after this when the boundary was being laid down,
Sir Mortimer Durand passed through the Khyber and came to
Kabul. All the frontier tribesmen knew of this, and saw the
Mission with their own eyes. Why did not then your Mullahs,
and Maliks, and Elders come to me when Sir Mortimer Durand
came with authority to settle the boundary, so that I could
have discussed the matter with him? At that time you all
remained silent, and silence indicates consent. I do not
know on what account now a breach has taken place between
you and the English. But after you have fought with them,
and displeased them, you inform me.
I have entered into an alliance with the British Government
in regard to matters of State, and up to the present time
no breach of the agreement has occurred from the side of
the British, notwithstanding that they are Christians. We
are Moslems and followers of the religion of the Prophet,
and also of the four Kalifs of the Prophet. How can we
then commit a breach of an agreement? What do you say
about the verse in the Koran--Fulfil your promise; to
fulfil your promise is the first duty of a Moslem. God,
on the day when the first promise was taken, asked all
the creatures whether he was their God or not. They said,
“Yes, you are our God and our Creator.” Therefore, on the
day of the resurrection the first question will be about
the observance of agreements. Infidels and Moslems will
thus be distinguished by this test. You will thus see that
the matter of the agreement is of great importance. I will
never, without cause or occasion, swerve from an agreement,
because the English, up to the present time, have in no way
departed from the line of boundary laid down in the map
they have agreed upon with me. Then why should I do so? To
do so will be far from justice. I cannot, at the instance
of a few interested people, bring ignominy on myself and my
people.
What you have done with your own hands you must now carry
on your own backs. I have nothing to do with you. You are
the best judge of your affairs. Now that you have got into
trouble (literally, spoiled the matter) you want me to help
you. You have allowed the time when matters might have been
ameliorated to slip by. Now I cannot say or do anything. I
have sent back from Jelalabad the Maliks you had deputed
to me. I gave them each a _lungi_ and ten rupees for their
road expenses, and I did not trouble them to come to Kabul.
In spite of the Amir’s attitude towards the Afridi deputation on
September 23, and his emphatic denial of the complicity of Ghulam
Haidar in his letter to the Viceroy on August 18, evidence of Afghan
participation was again unpleasantly prominent, negotiations for peace
with certain of the tribal factions being complicated by the acts of
the Afghan commander-in-chief. On one occasion, September 1, when
the Hadda Mullah had been compelled to disperse an Afghan _lashkar_
by specific orders from the Amir, Ghulam Haidar had sent the fakir
encouraging messages, a present of five British rifles, cartridges
and a horse. Five weeks later Major Deane, political agent in the
Dir-Swat-Chitral country, complained on October 8 that two mule-loads
of ammunition sent by Umra Khan from Kabul had passed through Ghulam
Haidar’s camp at Asmar; while a few days previously Sir Bindon Blood
had reported from Panj-kora, September 28:
The _jirga_ told the native political assistant that the
Sipah Salar had encouraged them to attack the troops,
promising ammunition as well as compensation in kind for
any loss of grain....
Again, when the Mahmunds finally submitted, dreading Kabul reprisals
for their surrender they begged to be protected from Abdur Rahman and
Ghulam Haidar. Although these were merely the under-currents of the
situation as it appeared at the outset of the Tirah campaign in 1897,
by the close of those operations in 1898 tribesmen of all denominations
of fanatical obstinacy were alluding to the encouragement which they
had received from the Sipah Salar and Abdur Rahman. Over the singular
propensity for blundering which distinguished the elect in these two
years and the protracted misfortunes attending Anglo-Indian arms
during the long series of minor wars which concluded with the Tirah,
it is permissible at length to draw the veil. In any case, the Tirah,
no less a stage in the course of Anglo-Afghan history than were the
earlier occurrences, is of fading interest in this little survey; the
trend of affairs passes, almost with relief, to consideration of the
happier prospect which the advent of a new Viceroy, Lord Curzon of
Kedleston, January 1899, inaugurated for India itself and of the more
encouraging note introduced into Imperial relations with the spheres
beyond its borders.
[Illustration: JAMRUD FORT]
CHAPTER XVII
ANGLO-AFGHAN RELATIONS--_continued_
Upon the conclusion of the Tirah campaign the forward policy ceased
to be measured by the virulence of Anglo-Afghan amenities. Relations
between Kabul and Calcutta were dominated by the pleasant impressions
of his guest which Abdur Rahman had gathered when, as the Honourable
George Nathaniel Curzon, M.P., the incoming Viceroy had visited
Kabul in 1894. With much care this distinguished student had made an
elaborate examination of border politics, presenting the results of his
diligence in a series of scholarly and exhaustive studies of _Russia
in Central Asia, Persia and the Persian Question_, _The Pamirs and the
Source of the Oxus_, and _A Recent Journey in Afghanistan_. By reason
of these journeys across Asiatic Russia, the Pamirs, Afghanistan and
Persia, and through his remarkable opportunities for observation,
unrivalled powers of assimilation, grasp of subject, luminosity of
judgment and lucidity of expression, Mr. George Curzon was without a
peer as an authority on frontier problems. When this brilliant and
indefatigable mind was called to India as Lord Curzon of Kedleston,
the methods by which the forward policy had been regulated in the
closing decade of the nineteenth century had broken down, the labour of
reconstruction reverting to a man who at least was the foremost expert
of his time. Modifications were now essential; and Lord Curzon at
once put into execution a number of important reforms in the economic
and military control of the north-west frontier. The regular garrison
in Chitral was lessened by one third. The soldiers in Lower Swat and
the Malakand were reduced from 3550 men to one battalion and a half
of native infantry and a small detachment of cavalry, while regular
troops were withdrawn from the Gilgit Agency. Similarly, communication
with Malakand was strengthened by constructing a railway, 2 feet 6
inches in breadth from Nowshera to Dargai, to which four companies
were posted, while a very large cantonment was created at Nowshera.
In the Khyber the regular establishment, 3700 strong, was replaced by
two battalions (1250 in all) of the reorganised and enlarged Khyber
Rifles, with an increased number of British officers and an improved
scale of pay. The costly and extensive fortifications which at one time
it was proposed to build in the pass, and at its further extremity,
were abandoned in favour of a cheaper and improved scheme of defences,
constructed to meet the requirements of the Afridi garrison. The plan
of laying either the bed of a railway or a railway itself up the Khyber
pass was displaced by the extension of the existing north-west railway
from Peshawar to Jamrud, a distance of 10 miles.
[Illustration: JAMRUD FORT, KHYBER PASS]
Between Peshawar and Kohat, the amiable co-operation of the pass
tribes was secured in the peaceable construction of the long desired
cart-road through the Kohat pass, and a military road through the
Mullagori country in the Khyber region, serving as a safe alternative
road to that by way of Ali Masjid, was undertaken. At the same time a
narrow gauge line, linking Thall _viâ_ Kohat with Kushalgarh upon the
Indus and now converted to broad gauge, was projected; while, at a
later date Nushki was joined up with Quetta. The finishing touch to an
almost perfect system of frontier communications may be found in the
preparations recently made for carrying the line along the left bank of
the Kabul river to Dakka.
South of Kohat the Samana Rifles, a force of tribal militia 450 strong
under British officers and recruited from the Orakzai tribesmen,
was furnished as an extra battalion to the border military police,
and the strength of the regular garrisons, maintained on the Samana
range, reduced from 1700 to 600 men. In the Kurram valley, the Kurram
militia were reorganised in two battalions (1250 strong) under British
officers. In Waziristan, two battalions of Waziristan militia,
800 strong, were raised, the one for the Tochi valley or Northern
Waziristan, the other for the Gomul valley or Southern Waziristan, thus
releasing the services of 4000 regulars. These changes were rendered
possible by the organisation and training of border police, militia
and levies, the total strength of which is 10,000 men. The risk of
entrusting to these irregulars the garrisoning of advanced posts was
provided against by maintaining flying columns at Peshawar, Kohat,
Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan, and minimised by the marked improvement
of road and railway communication with all strategic centres in the
North-West Province. While the financial saving was great, efficiency
was increased because regiments were no longer split up into
detachments. The number of regulars serving beyond the administrative
frontier was reduced from 10,200 in 1899 to 5000, while supporting
garrisons were increased from 22,000 in 1899 to 24,000.
[Illustration: CARAVANSARY AT DAKKA]
When the Viceroy of India was satisfied that these measures were
destined to reap their complement of success he supplemented his
experiments in frontier management by their concluding phase. On
August 27, 1900, after eighteen months’ patient inquiry and constant
observation, he drew up a Minute advocating the separation of the
administration of the north-west frontier from the control of the
Punjab Government. These proposals were supported by the signatures
of his colleagues in a covering despatch on September 13. Following
the lines of Lord Lytton’s celebrated Minute upon the creation of a
distinct Trans-Indus District, April 22, 1877, Lord Curzon embodied
in one of the most brilliant pieces of analysis ever placed before
the Imperial Government a temperate and lucid exposition of the
existing order of frontier administration. The acceptance of the views
enunciated in this Minute was notified by the Secretary of State for
India, Lord George Hamilton, on December 20, 1900, but it was not until
November 9, 1901, that the establishment of the new territory under the
name of the North-West Frontier Province was proclaimed.
While Lord Curzon during the first three years of his _régime_--January
1899 to November 1901--was occupied with repairing the fabric of Indian
frontier administration, Afghanistan, in the early spring of 1900,
became the cause of an exchange of diplomatic notes between the late
Lord Salisbury as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the late
Russian Ambassador to Great Britain, M. de Staal, acting under the
orders of the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Count Mouravieff.
In a communication dated February 6, 1900, M. de Staal informed the
Foreign Office that the Russian Government were proposing that direct
relations should be established between Russia and Afghanistan with
regard to frontier matters; but that such relations should have no
political character as the Russian Government intended to maintain
their former engagements and would continue to consider Afghanistan
outside the sphere of Russian influence. An immediate reply to this
request was vouchsafed in which it was stated that, having regard to
the understanding by which Afghanistan is outside the sphere of Russian
influence,
... it would be impossible for the British Government to
take into consideration any change in existing arrangements
or to frame proposals to be brought before the Amir without
more precise explanation in regard to the method which
the Russian Government would desire to see adopted for
the exchange of such communications between the frontier
officials, the limitations to be placed on them and the
means of ensuring that those limitations would be observed.
To this intimation no reply at the moment was preferred by the
Russian authorities, and the study of Anglo-Afghan relations shifts
once more to the dominions of the Amir. Throughout the period in
which Lord Curzon was so engrossed with the machinery of frontier
and administrative reforms Abdur Rahman had not been in any way an
idle ruler. In spite of his failing powers, with great energy and
determination, he had concentrated his efforts upon the completion of
his life’s work. With that accomplished, assured of the good-will of
the Government of India shortly after Lord Curzon’s arrival in 1899 by
the release of the munitions of war which had been detained through
the outbreak of the Tirah troubles, he turned his hand to matters of
more domestic concern. Satisfied with the improvements in his military
establishment, content with the reforms which he had introduced in
the administrative economy of his state, and having established its
independence by elaborate artifices, he again sought the preservation
of his line. In an effort to prepare his people for the acceptance and
accession of Habib Ullah Khan at his demise he had, in 1891, delegated
to this son authority to hold the public Durbars in Kabul. At the
same time he had reserved to himself the control of foreign affairs,
manifesting in this direction a keen appreciation of the value to the
position of India which underlay the situation of Afghanistan. Menaced
by growing physical infirmity and with strange premonition of his
approaching end, at a special Durbar in the autumn of 1900 he informed
the assembled nobles and high officials of his inability to cope with
the increasing volume of affairs. Thereupon, amid a scene of singular
pathos, the old Amir indicated that his son, Habib Ullah, would be
given a still larger measure of authority.
A few months later, in May of 1901, a more emphatic warning of the
grave state of the Amir’s health was received. Intelligence came
through from Kabul to Peshawar that Abdur Rahman was no longer able
to walk, and that he was not expected to live through the approaching
winter. Incapacitated by a combination of Bright’s disease and gout
as he was, the mental faculties of the ruler of Afghanistan were
nevertheless unimpaired, and throughout the closing year of his
life he applied them constantly to the improvement of his country.
Interested in the South African War and grasping the salient lessons
of our unreadiness, the Amir laid out much money in 1900-1901 upon a
scheme of mobilisation; while in May 1901 he secured permission to
import from Germany some thirty howitzers and field guns. At the same
time, and without informing the Government of India, he ordered a
large number of castings for big guns, an order which was subsequently
repudiated by Habib Ullah. In August 1901 he personally directed the
preparations for the suppression of the threatened disaffection in
Khost, besides attending to the rising of the Tagis of Hariob on the
Peiwar in September. These events were the last affairs of a prominent
description to which Abdur Rahman was able to apply himself. Even while
engaged in the business attending the Tagis operations his Highness
began to show signs of decline and, on September 20, he was seized with
a stroke of paralysis which disabled his right side.
His native physicians had prepared a compound of rare medicines costing
several thousand rupees; but, as the paralytic seizure was kept
strictly secret in the palace, this concoction was not in readiness
and, when offered to the Amir, he could not take it. On September
28 his Highness, feeling his end approaching, summoned his sons,
the nobles, the principal civil and military officers and the chief
_raises_ of Kabul, Hindu and Mahommedan. One son only, Mahommed Afzul
Khan, a boy of thirteen, was absent. He was with his mother at Balkh,
that lady belonging to the Saids of Balkh. When all had assembled the
Amir by look acknowledged their homage and then addressed them in a
feeble, but distinct voice, saying:
You know when a king becomes old and infirm and near his
end he always desires to nominate a successor. I wish to
have my successor settled now. Consider among yourselves
whom you believe fit to succeed me.
The listeners were affected to tears by this speech. They declared
that the Shahzada Habib Ullah, who had managed the state affairs so
well for eight years, was the ruler whom they desired. On this the
dying Amir indicated that a sword with a belt set with precious stones
should be handed to Habib Ullah, together with a big volume containing
his will and instructions for the future management of the state. He
then ordered Nasr Ullah Khan to gird his brother with the sword, and
dismissed the audience. Abdur Rahman had always the presentiment that
he would die in the same year as our lamented sovereign Queen Victoria;
and, after this assemblage, his condition became rapidly worse and he
died on October 1. The news was kept secret until the morning of the
3rd, when, his precautions against disturbance having been completed,
Habib Ullah himself made it public. Later in the day, on October 3, at
a special Durbar Habib Ullah was formally accepted as Amir, whereupon
he issued the following proclamation to the high officers of state:
His Excellency is informed of the demise of my august
father, the light of religion and the kingdom (may his
abode be in Paradise) who (as the verse runs “Death is the
end of all and not a moment’s delay is possible when it
draws nigh”) welcomed the invitation of God, and took his
way to Paradise.
His Excellency is now given a detailed account of what
happened. His late Highness had been frequently unwell;
but notwithstanding his chequered health he was not for a
moment found lacking in the conduct of his kingly duties,
until the light of his life was put down. He breathed
his last on Thursday night dated 19th Jamadi-ul-Sani at
Kala Bagh, his summer residence. He gave his soul to the
Creator of the Universe (truly all things tend towards
God). On Friday 19th rumours got abroad and the news
was communicated to the capital for the information of
officials. The people of the country, subjects as well as
military, came together to convey condolence, one and all.
Beyond the possibility of doubt they considered the monarch
was their kind father and their gracious ruler. The people
of the territories of Herat, Kandahar and Turkestan, etc.,
who were present in the metropolis, attended the exalted
Court and My Presence (who am the slave of God) and praised
the Almighty. Great was the concourse and so large the
number of those who witnessed the _Fateha_[44] that it is
known to God and to God alone. All of them followed the
service with sincerity of heart and purity of mind. Then
they took the oath of allegiance with praises to Omnipotent
God. They said as follows: “We desire to make your Highness
our king so that we may not live in an uncivilised state.
We wish you to acknowledge our oath of allegiance; and
we beg your Highness to take the management of all the
affairs of state and that of our nation; and we ask you to
discharge your duties night and day like his Highness the
deceased ruler of ours and to give us rest and repose.”
After the close of the speech and prayer I too with the
Throne’s usual kindness and munificence accepted their
oath of allegiance and request; and I have given them such
entire satisfaction as lies in my power. On that very day
all of our brothers took their oath of allegiance and after
them all the members of the House Royal and persons of the
noble families of Mahommed Zai and other tribes, _saids_,
priests, gentry and all officials of state, civil and
military, took the oath; and I too for my reign and time
acknowledged the oath. Then all offered up their prayers
for the late monarch (may his abode be in Paradise) and
gave thanks to God for my reign. After the dismissal and
breaking up of all the aforesaid proceedings the officials
of state, civil as well as military, and all those who
could afford and spare time from matters temporal took
their road to Kala Bagh and, together with those who were
already present, joined the funeral procession of the late
ruler (Light of the Country and Religion). The blessed
corpse of that august and potent king, according to his
will, was carried to the royal cemetery with great pomp
and honour; and he was interred in the ground and placed
in the place which is the real and ultimate abode for man.
That august and potent monarch, that king of pleasing and
praiseworthy manners, expired and sank in the depth of the
kindness of God (may his abode be in Heaven).
His Excellency is now informed of all that has happened.
He is given an account for his full information; and a
separate report is despatched to His Excellency the Viceroy
of India on account of the alliance that exists between us.
A second Durbar was held on the 6th, when the commander-in-chief, the
principal military officers, the tribal chiefs then in Kabul, the
leading nobles and the chief mullahs renewed publicly their agreement,
made with the late Amir in the autumn of 1900, regarding the succession
of Habib Ullah. With the Koran before them they affixed their seals to
an oath which ran as follows:
We, all military officers, together with the army, all
Afghan tribal chiefs, sirdars, mullahs and other followers
of Islam in Afghanistan, do swear by the Koran to accept
Amir Habib Ullah as our King of Islam.
Habib Ullah replied:
You have appointed me as your king and I accept the office.
Please God I will be always a follower of the religion of
Mahomet the Prophet of God (may peace be on him) and I will
be guardian of the Mussalmans of Afghanistan who will obey
me as King of Islam.
The thousands of people assembled on the occasion of this Durbar
solemnly removed their turbans, loudly acclaiming Habib Ullah as their
new ruler. The leading Hindus of Kabul, headed by Dewan Harinjan,
afterwards presented their agreement to the Amir, who graciously
accepted it with the assurance that they should continue to live in
peace and quietude, and promising a reduction of the taxes hitherto
levied on their community. In Kabul on October 8, yet another Durbar
was held, whereat Sirdar Nasr Ullah Khan brought the Koran, the sword
and the flag belonging to the late Amir. Habib Ullah rose on the
approach of his brother. Placing the Koran upon his head and fastening
the sword round his waist, he raised the flag and took the oath to
rule Afghanistan as a true Mahommedan. He said his brothers, the whole
army and the people had appointed him king. He accepted the office and
publicly asked God to pardon all his sins. The Amir then declared that
he confirmed his brother, Nasr Ullah Khan, in the offices which he had
held under the late Amir, at the same time appointing Omar Khan to take
charge of the Revenue Department and Amin Ullah Khan to preside over
the Judicial Department.
Simultaneously with these announcements several acts of clemency and
generosity were proclaimed. In each of the important centres prisoners,
confined for minor offences, were released; while various sums of
money for charitable distribution, in all aggregating one lakh of
rupees, were remitted to the local authorities. Kabul naturally came
in for especial marks of grace. The trading community was advised of
the remission of the more oppressive taxes, and certain guilds were
notified that Treasury grants would be made to them. Five hundred
prisoners in the capital province were also set at liberty. In a
general way, since Abdur Rahman’s scheme of taking one able-bodied
man in eight for military service had given rise to discontent, Habib
Ullah advanced the pay of all ranks in the Regular and Irregular
establishments. The pay of the cavalry was increased from twenty rupees
to twenty-five rupees per month, the infantry from eight rupees to ten
rupees per month, and the levies from six rupees to eight rupees per
month. The officers enjoyed a proportionate increment. These evidences
of consideration secured the tranquillity of the people at a change
of ruler, although the perspicacity of the late Amir, in arranging
matrimonial alliances for Habib Ullah with the leading families in
the army and priesthood, had already secured the allegiance to his
successor of these two important factors in the state. The accession,
therefore, was undisturbed; and, while couriers bore the news far and
wide to officials, the issue of a fresh coinage, bearing the impression
in Turkish characters “Amir Habib Ullah Khan, Amir of Kabul, the Seeker
of God’s Help,” carried conviction in the market-place. At the same
time in India, October 14, was observed as an official Day of Mourning,
and Habib Ullah was informed that a Mahommedan deputation, charged
with the condolences of the Government of India and the personal
greetings of the Viceroy, would immediately set out for Kabul. A few
days later Habib Ullah’s preoccupation with the affairs of state passed
from the civil to the spiritual side, when the new ruler of Afghanistan
gave an ominous sign of that bigotry which has since distinguished
him. For the first time in the country’s history the head of the state
publicly performed the priestly functions in celebrating the Id at
the Idgah Mosque. The chief priest of Kabul immediately proclaimed
Habib Ullah to be the successor of Mahommed, whereupon the Amir of
Afghanistan delivered an address inspired throughout by a spirit of
intolerant ecclesiasticism. Among other things, he laid down that a
fine not exceeding ten Kabuli rupees would be inflicted on all who did
not offer prayers night and morning in the mosques. A register of the
daily attendance of all individuals in the various quarters was to be
kept; and a “box of justice” set up in each into which secret reports,
upon any who neglected their religious duties, could be dropped.
[Illustration: GROUNDS OF PALACE OCCUPIED BY THE DANE MISSION]
The visitation of Providence upon Abdur Rahman could hardly have come
at a more inopportune moment. Although the peace of the Indian frontier
in 1901 was disturbed only by the Mahsud-Waziri operations, resulting
from the legacy of hate which our activities on the Waziristan border
during Lord Elgin’s administration had bequeathed to Lord Curzon,
the action of Russia in the previous year in respect of Russo-Afghan
relations had made it quite clear that the harmony of Mid-Asia was
involved in the disastrous failure of British arms in the Transvaal.
Nothing had ever been more probable than that an irruption of disorder
throughout Afghanistan would attend the death of the late Amir. It was
upon this contingency that, in the past, much thought and no little
speculation had turned. Even if historical parallels were ignored,
there were so many claimants to the accession in the field that
the wiseacres of the chancelleries throughout the world had freely
prophesied the decease of Abdur Rahman to be the signal for a general
_mêlée_ in Asia, in which Russia and Great Britain would support the
rival factions. The Russians, no less than ourselves, shared these
premonitions; and, when the precarious condition of Abdur Rahman’s
health became actually alarming in the spring of 1901, there was a
wealth of suggestion in the silent preparation which took place along
the Russo-Afghan and Indo-Afghan borders. Under the watchful ægis of
Lord Curzon no sign of the apprehensions to which the death of Abdur
Rahman gave rise in the mind of the Government of India was permitted
to become public. While the first indication of a recrudescence of
Russian activity along the Afghan border had been given nearly two
years before, a fresh fillip to the situation was imparted by the
sudden departure for the Afghan frontier of the Russian Minister of
War, General Kuropatkin, who quitted St. Petersburg immediately after
the receipt of the tidings of the Amir’s demise. Almost the earliest
act of the former Governor-General of Asiatic Russia upon his arrival
in Trans-Caspia was to release from imprisonment at Merv, on October
19, 1901, six Afghans who had been charged with espionage. Summoning
them to his presence, he gave them the following message of good-will
to the new Amir:
A misfortune has befallen Afghanistan. The Amir Abdur
Rahman is dead and Habib Ullah, one of his sons, has
ascended the throne. We Russians have always considered
ourselves friends of Afghanistan and we wish to remain so
in the present change of Government. Therefore, in setting
you at liberty, I command you to report yourselves to your
nearest chieftain and to repeat to him the words you have
heard from the Russian Minister of War.
While General Kuropatkin moved from Merv to Tashkent, where he was
engaged in an inspection of the garrison, besides taking part in the
ceremonies attendant upon the turning of the first sod of the Tashkent
division of the Orenburg-Tashkent Railway, the Government of India
replied to his act of overt insolence by entrusting to the chief of
the Mahommedan Mission, which left Peshawar for Kabul on November 20,
1901, an invitation for his Highness the Amir of Afghanistan to visit
India. In spite of certain pre-occupation, General Kuropatkin, during
his visit to Central Asia, found time to devote considerable attention
to Abdur Rahman’s successor. Before December 11, when the deputation
of Indian Mahommedans quitted Kabul for their own homes, Habib Ullah
received from the Governor of Mazar-i-Sharif an intimation that the
Governor of Tashkent would send towards the close of the winter
1901-02 a deputation of Mahommedan officials from Russian Turkestan to
participate in the Nauroz festival on March 21 at Kabul. Accompanying
the escort were to be several batteries of field guns with supplies of
ammunition, intended as a gift to his Highness in commemoration of his
accession.
The significance of these circumstances was not lost upon Habib Ullah,
whose perception would indeed have been dim if the antagonism of
Anglo-Russian interests at the Court of Kabul had escaped his notice.
An inkling of his attitude towards foreign affairs had been given when,
in the very early days of his reign, he had ordered his people to
observe Abdur Rahman’s prohibition against any use of the Quetta-Chaman
extension between the first station on the southern side of the Khwaja
Amran tunnel and the terminus at its northern extremity. In view of
this, more than ordinary interest attached to the pronouncement which,
it was anticipated, Habib Ullah would make to the members of the Indian
Mission of Condolence.
At their first reception Habib Ullah’s attitude hardly commended itself
to the pleasure of his guests. Inquiring what were the intentions
of the Government of India in respect of his father’s subsidy, the
invitation from the Viceroy was handed to him. After expressing
satisfaction at the compliment which had been paid to him and alluding
to the difficulty of accepting the invitation for some time, he hinted
that the obligations contracted by Abdur Rahman were not binding
upon himself. Finally, he threw the delegates a crumb of comfort in
the assurance that he would follow in the footsteps of his lamented
father. At a later date, in full Durbar and attended by the Mission,
he expounded his policy, reiterating his intention to respect Abdur
Rahman’s prejudices in regard to the introduction of telegraphs,
the construction of railways, the reorganisation of the army, the
appointment of a European British agent to Kabul and the adoption of
Western customs--even the use of foreign medicines was banned. Schools
for instruction in the Persian and Arabic languages, and the Mahommedan
faith, would be opened, but the country would be jealously guarded
against every form of external aggression.
For reasons which did not transpire, but which would not be difficult
to determine, the visit of a Mahommedan deputation from Russian
Turkestan did not take place. Meanwhile, astonishment at the
promulgation of the recent ordinances had barely subsided when Habib
Ullah began to press attentions upon his former tutor and pestilential
frontier fanatic, Najib-ud-Din, the Mullah of Hadda, this action
at once introducing into the arena of Anglo-Afghan relations a
disquieting figure. Ostensibly with a view to honouring his former
teacher, Habib Ullah detached certain disciples from the mullah’s
entourage for a Mahommedan crusade in Kafiristan, increased his
sacerdotal powers by placing a large section of the frontier within
his religious jurisdiction, ordered a new mosque to be built for him
and invited him to participate in the Installation ceremonies at the
Nauroz, presenting him with the gift of an elephant and howdah for the
journey. Invitations to the Nauroz celebrations were issued to other
leading spirits in the frontier disturbances of 1897, including the
notorious Mullah Powindah from Waziristan, the troublesome fire-eater
Mullah Said Akbar from Tirah and the Safi Mullah. Following so closely
upon the semi-contemptuous rejection of the representations which
the Government of India had made through the deputation of Indian
Mahommedans, Habib Ullah’s predilection for the society of men who
had already incurred the displeasure of the Government of India made
manifest the fact that the impulse of bigotry was stronger in him than
the dictates of policy. The late Amir was accustomed to use the mullahs
to consolidate his own authority and to interpose a fretful hedge of
fanaticism between his kingdom and the outside world. But he knew
also how to curb their insolence when occasion required, and he made
them all--_kazis_, _imams_ and _muftis_--servants of the state. This
adroitness in professing a militant orthodoxy and in securing at the
same time the supremacy of the state over the church in Afghanistan,
has been described as one of the most remarkable proofs of Abdur
Rahman’s political genius.
Habib Ullah’s action in immersing himself in religious affairs so soon
as he had ascended the throne, belonged to a different category. It
gave rise to misgivings with regard to his capacity to hold the helm
of state with the same firmness and clearness of vision as had enabled
his father to descry the various shoals ahead. In any case since it
boded no good to the peace of the frontier, it drew down upon the Amir
a polite but unmistakable remonstrance. The effect of this was not lost
upon the throne; and when the aged mullah pleaded, in excuse of his
inability to attend the Nauroz, the difficulties of a journey across
the hills in March, the point was conceded by his late pupil. Moreover,
the Amir’s attitude at the Nauroz was circumspect and remarkable only
for a very colourless exposition of the divine character of the
_shariat_, the strict fulfilment of which he enjoined upon all good
Mahommedans. Five days after the celebration of the Nauroz, however,
the summons to the Hadda Mullah was repeated, but the Amir’s reception
of this distinguished prelate was sufficiently cool to disarm criticism.
Administrative and domestic difficulties beset Habib Ullah at an
early date in his career as Amir of Afghanistan. Before the summer
of 1902 had waned the discovery of a palace intrigue with extensive
ramifications induced him, at a Durbar on June 8, to order the
re-establishment of the Secret Intelligence Branch in Kabul, the
reports from which were to be presented to him each morning. At the
same time, in an interesting attempt to temper despotism with justice,
he ordained that an influential _rais_ from each tribe should be
associated with each local governor to assist in the disposal of tribal
cases. More important matters were to come before a Council of State
in Tribal Affairs, which he now proceeded to create. It was composed
of leading members of various tribes; and weekly meetings were to take
place in Kabul under his own presidency. Almost the first matter to
engage the consideration of this body was, in August 1903, a joint
protest from the Ghilzais, Duranis and Suliman Khels against the
application of Abdur Rahman’s scheme of calling up one man in eight
for military service. In preference to this measure the objectors
propounded the suggestion that musketry instructors should be appointed
to all large villages. Acceptance of any modification of Abdur Rahman’s
plan was deferred until the return of Nasr Ullah Khan from a tour of
inspection of the military conditions of the state, which the Amir had
projected.
As these events were occurring at Kabul, it became evident in Europe,
that although Russia had not returned to the charge in respect of her
communication to the Foreign Office on February 6, 1900, she had not
abandoned the purpose which she had in view. In the middle of August
1902 the Russian authorities, in defiance of their treaty limitations,
twice secretly addressed the Afghan Government, concealing this grave
breach of their obligations towards us by an impudent agitation in the
press for liberty of direct communication with Afghanistan. On August
31, the mouthpiece of the Russian Foreign Office, the _Novoe Vremya_,
contained the following startling observation:
... The necessity for closer intercourse has so increased
that it is impossible longer to observe the conditions of
the 1873 Agreement. The Russian Government have notified
England that the effort of two years ago to enter into
direct relations with Afghanistan continues. We cannot,
therefore, consider ourselves bound by any obligations
whatsoever on the question of having direct relations
with Afghanistan on any subject that might interest us.
By virtue of the proximity of the two countries, the
development of intercourse between the local populations
which goes on every year will undoubtedly call for the
adoption of measures for the establishment of normal
relations with Afghanistan as being the only ones possible
with a neighbouring state. Upon the progress of events
generally and the civilising effects over the local
populations of Russian influence will depend alone the time
when such measures will be adopted....
Four days later, on September 4, the _St. Petersburg Bourse Gazette_, a
paper in close relation with the Finance Ministry, said:
... The question which is ripe for settlement and will
not brook delay is the question of Russian diplomatic
representation at Kabul. Now that the Russian outposts have
been pushed to the Afghan frontier, it is unreasonable that
Kabul should remain inaccessible....
A message from the governor of Russian Turkestan to the governor of
Afghan Turkestan, requesting that direct commercial intercourse might
be established across the Oxus, had already been delivered when the
initiatory efforts of the _Novoe Vremya_ and the _St. Petersburg
Bourse Gazette_ were seconded by the _Viedomosti_ and the _Moscow
Bourse Gazette_. While the Russian press debated the character of
their obligations to us in respect of Afghanistan, the emissary of the
Russian Government, Sikandur Khan, a Turcoman from Ali Yurt, proceeded
to Kabul. Nearly two months elapsed before tidings of the arrival of
Sikandur Khan at Kabul on September 4, reached India. Proof of Russia’s
proceedings was then incontestable since, on September 5, at a State
Durbar which had been specially summoned, Habib Ullah read a letter
from the Russian Government to the following effect:
... In the opinion of the Russian Government the time
has now come for closer commercial relationship between
Afghanistan and Russia. The Afghans have nothing to
fear from Russian aggression, since the friendliness
existing between England and Russia would be endangered
if further annexations were made by the Government of
the Tsar in the direction of Badakshan and Wakhan. This
fact in itself becomes a permanent guarantee of peace.
In these circumstances it is an act of folly to continue
the attitude of suspicion and concealed hostility that
now exists between the Afghan and Russian commanders of
frontier posts. The Russian Government, therefore, invites
the Amir to throw open to Russian caravans the trade
routes between Khushk and Herat and Khushk and Kabul. The
Russian Government in return will allow Afghan traders to
enter freely and traverse without restrictions Russian
territory. The matter has already been laid before the
British Government, but this letter is addressed personally
to the Amir of Afghanistan because a favourable answer from
the Afghan Government would greatly strengthen the Russian
case....
When the reading of this document was finished the Amir asked for the
opinion of the Durbar, the temper of its members being illustrated by
Ali Yar Khan, who said:
“Let this Turki dog who carries messages for infidels be beaten on the
head with shoes till his hair falls off. That ought to be our answer to
the Russians.”
The Amir, greatly displeased at this remark, observed that, if
there were any shoebeating, it would be for him who suggested the
maltreatment of the messenger. Subsequently fifty rupees were given to
the Russian courier. After some public discussion the Durbar dispersed,
the Amir ordering the State Secretary to acknowledge receipt of the
Russian communication, and to say that, while he was willing to discuss
the matter, the interchange of views must in future be made through
the Government of India in accordance with the precedent established
by his father, the Amir Abdur Rahman. The Russian proceedings not
unnaturally attracted the attention of Parliament; and on October
21, Lord George Hamilton acquainted the British public for the first
time with the receipt of the proposal which had been transmitted by
the Russian Embassy to the Foreign Office nearly three years before.
The correctness of the Amir’s reply was in striking contrast with
the impropriety of the Russian communication, the despatch of which
had transgressed the limits of diplomatic etiquette. As far back as
1868-69, Prince Gortchakoff had assured Lord Clarendon that the Russian
Government regarded Afghanistan as completely outside her sphere of
influence. That engagement had been re-affirmed in 1875; extended,
according to the statement made by M. de Giers to Mr. Kennedy on
October 2, 1883, to include abstention from the transmission of letters
of ceremony, and constantly renewed in personal conversation upon a
variety of occasions since the original was enacted.
This action of Russia on the waters of the Oxus had drawn attention to
the vague, uncertain state of the relations subsisting between Kabul
and Calcutta. As matters stood all former agreements between India
and Afghanistan had automatically terminated with the death of Abdur
Rahman; and it remained for the succeeding Amir to adjust the situation
by calling upon the Government of India to renew the arrangements by
which Afghanistan had become a subsidised and protected state of India.
Although twelve months had passed since the decease of the late Amir
and many opportunities had been accorded him, Habib Ullah had given
no indication of any desire to enter into any undertaking with the
Government of India. Nevertheless he credited himself quite wrongfully
each month with the accretions of his subsidy and the balance of his
father’s monies which were lying, by the particular arrangement of the
late Amir, at the Treasury in India. There is, to the onlooker, the
greater piquancy in this regular remittance to India of debit cheques
against the Treasury, since Habib Ullah, from the outset of his reign,
had exhibited a most imperfect loyalty. The patronage which he extended
to the Hadda Mullah had already brought one rebuke upon him; its
continuation, in the face of such remonstrance, disclosed no sense of
responsibility to the Government of India. Again his procrastination
in dealing with the Viceroy’s invitation to a conference obviously
qualified those amiable expressions of regard for Lord Curzon which
Habib Ullah was at such pains to profess.
[Illustration: TAKHT-I-RAWAN]
Since his accession, in marked contrast with the policy of his father,
he had received numerous deputations from the Afridi zone, including
one from the most predatory of all the clans south of the Khyber, the
Zakka Khels, whose hostility to the British Government has always been
a prominent feature of the frontier. The good impression, created in
September, when he had invited the Hadda Mullah to return finally to
his own country, placing a _takht-i-rawan_ at his disposal for the
journey, was ruined by this foolish dalliance with Afridi tribes from
within the Durand border. At the moment, taking time by the forelock,
Habib Ullah was anxious to raise an Afridi bodyguard, composed of
men upon whose personal loyalty absolute reliance could be placed in
case of an _émeute_ in the palace. Knowledge of this fact acted as a
spur to the more disorderly border-elements, who wished to separate
the Afridis, as a tribe, from the control of the Indian Government.
Embodying their several schemes in one, they put forward a plan which
was presented to Habib Ullah by Khawas Khan, an Afridi _malik_, who,
in 1897, had fled before the avenging arm of the Indian Government to
Kabul. This worthy, now entirely dependent upon the benevolence of the
Amir’s Government, urged his protector to raise an Afridi contingent,
to which project Habib Ullah was foolish enough to assent. Robes of
honour were issued to the tribal chiefs and a rate of pay, double the
amount allowed to the Afghan soldiery, with a month’s advance, was
promised to all recruits. Two thousand Afridis came forward in the
first week, 500 of whom after receiving their rewards at once deserted.
The success of this new departure appeared to be assured, when the
corps was disbanded on account of the hostility which was displayed by
the Afghans themselves to the scheme, the men being permitted to retain
the clothing, modern breech-loading rifles and ammunition with which
they had been supplied. The moving influence in this salutary change
of mind on the part of Habib Ullah had been that of Nasr Ullah Khan;
and it was with the greater regret that, in a little time, the Amir of
Afghanistan was found to have broken away from the more masterful will
of his brother to toy once again with the questionable ministrations of
the Hadda Mullah. Early in November this holy, but tiresome, prelate
wrote and persuaded Habib Ullah to hold a special Durbar in order to
accept from the hands of the mullahs the title of Siraj-ul-Millat wa
ud-Din--“The Lamp of The Congregation and The Faith.” In view of this
it was generally felt that the happiest augury for the peace of the
Indo-Afghan border, at the end of 1902, was the death of the Hadda
Mullah on December 23, when the Afghan Government devoted a sum of
30,000 rupees towards the funeral obsequies of their sainted _protégé_.
The removal of the obstacles in the way of any cordial understanding
between Russia and Great Britain in respect of Afghanistan was
not assisted when, on January 14, 1903, the Foreign Office in St.
Petersburg issued, in reference to the declaration made by Lord George
Hamilton, the following _communique_:
As regards Russia’s relations with Afghanistan, it is
necessary to declare that Russia addressed no request of
any sort to the British Cabinet, but simply notified it of
her desire and purpose to enter into direct relations with
Afghanistan in the future.
No further declarations were made on this subject.
If language is to have any meaning at all in diplomacy, as in ordinary
life, this utterance can only be characterised as one of the most
flagrant perversions of truth that have ever disgraced the history of
even Russian politics. Quite rightly the request of February 6, 1900,
had been interpreted as a veiled demand for the right to establish a
Russian representative at Kabul. The proposal admits of being supported
by the plausible contention that such an agency would be a convenient
means of settling disputes and avoiding collisions on the Russo-Afghan
border. It must not be forgotten that it was over almost an identical
question--the reception of the Stolietoff Mission by Shir Ali--that
Great Britain fought the Second Afghan War; and it can hardly be denied
that, if the concession demanded by the Note of 1900 were granted, the
result would be to set up an influence in Kabul hostile in spirit to
our own and from the first day of its existence there devoted to the
sapping of our position.
Great inconvenience of course attaches to a system by which the
smallest detail in the adjustment of any difficulty along the
Russo-Afghan frontier must be referred for settlement from the Oxus
to Tashkent, from Tashkent to St. Petersburg, from St. Petersburg to
London, from London to the Government of India, and from the Viceroy’s
Council to Kabul where, after much delay, the same process is repeated
over the return journey. Unfortunately, the maintenance of such a
cumbersome procedure is essential to the harmony of Anglo-Afghan
relations since, although Russia professes to require facilities for
frontier intercourse in commercial matters alone, similar protestations
reduced Manchuria to the level of a Russian protected State until Japan
intervened. Great Britain does not wish to embark upon a campaign in
Central Asia and there need be no war so long as Russia, observing the
pledges which she has given, tempers her desires with discretion. But
continuation of the mischievous interference in Persia and Afghanistan,
which has distinguished her actions hitherto, is a menace to the
world’s peace, as the indulgent nature of the British Government has
now been pushed to the limit of its endurance.
So far as Anglo-Afghan relations were concerned the New Year of
1903 held out little prospect of improvement. Possibly the mass of
business, associated with Habib Ullah’s installation as Siraj-ul-Millat
wa ud-Din, early in April, did prevent the Amir of Afghanistan from
visiting India in the spring of this year. But, aside from the
irregularity of the Amir’s behaviour, the incident of April 6, when
Lieutenant-Colonel A. C. Yate, commanding the 24th Baluchistan Infantry
Regiment and stationed at Chaman, was arrested by Afghan officials
for an innocent trespass beyond the Indo-Afghan border and removed
to the fort at Baldak Spin, may be regarded as throwing light upon
the precise quality of the bonds of amity which were uniting the two
countries. Again, serious exception could be taken at the manner in
which the Amirs of Afghanistan were employing the permission to import
munitions of war which had been granted by the Government of India. The
arrival of the thirty Krupp guns, acquired by Abdur Rahman on the eve
of his death, had revealed the presence of a large number of castings
for heavy ordnance which had been secretly obtained from Essen by the
late Amir. A small army of carts and camels, lent by the Government
of India, carried the thirty guns from Peshawar to Jelalabad, whence
forty elephants, sent by Habib Ullah for the purpose, bore them to
Kabul. Very properly transport was denied to that part of the purchase
which disclosed Abdur Rahman’s strange dereliction of his treaty
rights. Moreover, it was not difficult for Habib Ullah to recognise the
irregularity of his father’s procedure, the immediate consequence of
which was the repudiation of the order by the son. Unhappily, before
this particular incident could be considered to have closed an immense
consignment of rifle cartridges, numbering several millions of rounds,
many of which were found to be of the explosive character condemned by
the Hague Conference, arrived from the Amir’s agents in England. Since
it never had been intended that the right to import munitions of war
accorded to the late Amir of Afghanistan implied the power to amass
an unlimited amount of war _matériel_ in Kabul, no other course was
open to the Viceroy of India than to see that these other stores were
likewise detained by the frontier authorities.
Something more important than considerations of prestige, therefore,
was embroiled in the indifference which the Amir of Afghanistan
displayed towards India as the paramount state, making it incumbent
upon the Government to repeat their earlier representations. There
was no need, indeed the occasion had hardly arisen, for any violent
coercion. The situation required merely such tightening of the reins
as would bring to the ruler of Kabul a proper comprehension of the
actual ties between his country and India. In the correspondence which
ensued, the Amir claimed the right to import munitions of war under the
treaty which had given similar powers to Abdur Rahman. Unfortunately
Habib Ullah had no such right; nor was any moral obligation to honour
the debit notes which Habib Ullah had drawn every month against the
Indian Treasury attaching to the Government of India. These points
were made clear to the Amir who had neither the funds to pay for
nor the authority to order the armaments which were then waiting at
the frontier. The lesson had been driven home, and the loftiness of
tone, which the Amir of Afghanistan had adopted in the initiatory
letter, was hardly discernible in his concluding statement. Since
there was no malice in the attitude of the Government of India, the
Amir of Afghanistan was again invited to visit India for purposes of
a conference with the Viceroy. A visitation of cholera, which swept
through Kabul and North-eastern Afghanistan in 1903, the worst since
the epidemic of 1879, permitted an excuse to be offered at which no
exception could be taken. Before the scourge had subsided Russia had
repeated her designs against Afghanistan. This, in view of the explicit
denouncement of her treaty requirements, implied by the _communique_ of
January 1903, was not perhaps surprising. Their renewal was denied by
Lord Cranbourne in the House of Commons both in the spring and autumn
sessions of 1903. Nevertheless, in the middle of February, Sirdar Ali
Khan, the governor of Afghan Turkestan, had sent to Kabul four Russian
spies whom he had arrested near Mazar-i-Sharif; but the most flagrant
of these insidious encroachments upon a British preserve occurred
in the following August, when the governor of Russian Turkestan
sent back some deserters from the Afghan army who had escaped into
Russian territory. Obviously the note of defiance in the message which
accompanied them was addressed to the suzerain power.
It ran:
As the Tsar and the Amir are amicably disposed the one to
the other, His Imperial Majesty has given orders that every
effort shall be made to continue the friendly relations
existing between Russia and Afghanistan.
As representative of the Tsar I am directed to send back
all refugees and evil-doers who come to my territory from
Afghanistan. This is the reason why I send back to you
these eleven soldiers with their arms.
Please be kind enough to communicate this to the Amir.
In spite of these persistent endeavours to establish friendly
relations with Kabul there is little reason to believe that Habib
Ullah offered any encouragement to the Russian frontier officers.
Inveterate suspicion of foreign influence characterises every aspect
of his external policy and Russia and Great Britain are made to feel
impartially the effect of this attitude. Abdur Rahman accepted the
good faith of the Indian Government unquestioningly and understood his
northern neighbour sufficiently to realise that it was less a wish for
the friendship of Afghanistan than a desire to pin-prick India which
prompted her overtures. Habib Ullah has yet to learn how to stand where
his father strode with perfect confidence, a foolish mistrust sapping
the strength of the son. Under a less skilful statesman than Lord
Curzon it is conceivable that the patience of the Government of India
would long since have been exhausted. That exceptional familiarity with
the affairs of Asia, which preeminently distinguishes the late Viceroy,
enabling him to tread Oriental labyrinths with wise discrimination,
permitted him upon this occasion to bridge once more a crisis between
Afghanistan and India. Almost in defiance of Kabul obstruction, he
proceeded to the solution of difficulties which did not require any
personal discussion with a refractory potentate. Early in the winter
of 1903-04, the Government of India took up for consideration those
sections of the Afghan boundary which, ever since the withdrawal of
the Udny Mission eight years previously, had required demarcation.
Surprised into ruffled acquiescence, the Amir in January 1904 began to
make extensive preparations for a meeting between Major Roos-Keppel,
the chief of the British Commission, and his own representative.
Through the brief absence of Lord Curzon from the helm of state, the
vacillation of the Amir precipitated a collapse of these plans at
the last moment. Wilfully stupid, too, only a little later--in July
1904--was Habib Ullah’s order to Nasr Ullah Khan to select twenty-four
officers who were to be detailed as envoys to England, France, Germany,
Russia, Persia, China, Japan, Turkey and Egypt in the Old World, and
America in the New World.
If the break-down in the negotiations anent the Mohmand boundary had
increased the tension between Kabul and Calcutta, it was certainly
impossible to tolerate this more direct perversion of the principles
out of which the fabric of our relations with Afghanistan had been
woven. Concerned at the rupture which was threatening between India
and Afghanistan at a moment when Lord Curzon was absent from India
and too timid to insist upon the Amir’s acceptance of the Viceroy’s
invitation to a conference, the Imperial Government, as the only means
of renewing the Agreements upon which they were set which remained
to them, decided to despatch a Mission to Kabul. At the instance of
the Secretary of State for India, Mr. St. John Brodrick, the acting
Viceroy of India, Lord Ampthill, acquainted Habib Ullah with the wishes
of His Majesty’s Government. In reply His Highness, with the hope of
improving his position when the time came for diplomatic discussion
and as an act of conciliation towards the Viceroy, intimated his
willingness to send his son Inayat Ullah Khan--a charming, intelligent
boy of sixteen and a remarkable instance of that youthful precocity
which attains so abnormal a development in the Oriental--to meet
Lord Curzon upon his return to India. However pressing may have been
the questions outstanding between the Government of India and the
Amir of Afghanistan, the visit of a British Mission to Kabul--no
doubt desirable and in that sense opportune--was derogatory in a
Government whose invitations to the head of the country, which it was
proposed to honour in such an emphatic fashion, had been treated with
contumacy. Lord Curzon’s opposition to the project is well-known; but
with the exception of this distinguished statesman few were prepared
for the unfortunate set back which the mission received. A grievous
miscalculation undoubtedly was made. But the blunder, which determined
its existence and brought about a complete miscarriage of Anglo-Indian
policy, lay not so much in sending the mission as in His Majesty’s
Government not having decided, if the Amir proved recalcitrant, how far
and upon what ground the Cabinet should stand firm.
[Illustration: FESTIVAL IN HONOUR OF THE DANE MISSION]
As constituted, the Mission comprised Mr., now Sir, Louis Dane, Foreign
Secretary at Simla, Mr. H. R. Dobbs--who, together with Major Wanliss,
had recently returned from replacing the boundary pillars on the
Perso-Afghan border--Major W. Malleson, R.A., Captain Victor Brooke,
9th Lancers, and a British doctor. Leaving Peshawar on November 27, the
mission reached Dakka on November 29, and was met at Lundi Khana by
200 Afghan cavalry under the Sipah Salar Ghulam Hussein, the Sarhang
of Dakka, and Mahommed Hasan Khan. Major Roos-Keppel, political agent
for the Khyber, accompanied the party for a few miles beyond Lundi
Khana to Torkhana, where a guard of honour of the Khyber Rifles was
drawn up, the mission ultimately arriving at Kabul on December 10.
Elaborate gifts were conveyed by Mr. Dane for presentation to the
Amir, among many others a £700 motor-car and several cases of sporting
equipment. As a compliment to the ladies of the harem the Government
of India thoughtfully included a cinematograph, providing at the same
time the necessary operator. Among the presents to the Mission from his
Highness were a gold watch and a set of gold cuff links which Habib
Ullah had offered to Mr. Dane. The note struck by the negotiations was
scarcely in the same pitch as the festivities by which the withdrawal
of the Mission was celebrated, when seven gramophones simultaneously
discharged bursts of discordant revelry. Nevertheless, the din of
these instruments fell on the ears of those who had every cause to be
relieved at the peaceful termination of their labours, since the clouds
had hung low over Kabul throughout the Anglo-Afghan conferences of
1904-05.
Many things in our buffer state of course required to be improved as
much for the enhancement of its own interests as for the advantage of
India. There was the Amir’s perpetuation of Abdur Rahman’s objection
to Afghan subjects using the northern extremity of the Quetta-Chaman
railway to be discussed, as well as the projection of railways from
Chaman to Kandahar and from Peshawar to Kabul. Besides these important
subjects there were the prolongation of the Indian system of telegraphs
to Kabul and Kandahar; the provision of telegraphic communication
between Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif and Herat; Kabul and Kandahar; Kandahar
and Herat. The re-organisation of the Afghan army had also to be
considered, while the demarcation of the Mohmand boundary and the
Seistan border, the definition of the Amir’s control over border
tribes, the question of the subsidy and Habib Ullah’s powers in respect
of the importation of munitions of war were topics, the examination
of which would be, it was expected, to the mutual benefit of the
contracting parties in an Anglo-Afghan alliance. In India it was
understood that there might be a difficulty in the arrangement of the
terms which were to be secured from the Amir; but that ultimately, and
after protracted negotiations, our demands would be conceded. To this
end the chief of the Mission was provided with a treaty, drawn up under
the personal supervision of Lord Curzon during his brief residence in
London in 1904, which was designed to bring about a discussion of
every aspect of the old agreements with a view to removing previous
difficulties and arriving at a clear understanding for the future.
[Illustration: SCENE OF THE AUDIENCES BETWEEN HABIB ULLAH AND SIR
LOUIS DANE]
This treaty comprised three clauses, but Habib Ullah, simulating
annoyance at the terms of the clause which attempted to restrict the
importation of arms, would not enter into any discussion over it. After
the Mission had passed four months in the Afghan capital, the limit, to
which the Amir of Afghanistan would permit himself to go, reproduced
simply the formal renewal on both sides of the engagements entered into
between Abdur Rahman, the late Amir of Afghanistan, and the Government
of India.
The Dane Treaty therefore was as follows:
He is God, Extolled be His perfection,
His Majesty Siraj-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, Amir Habib Ullah
Khan, Independent King of the State of Afghanistan and
its Dependencies, on the one part, and the Honourable Mr.
Louis William Dane, C.S.I., Foreign Secretary of the Mighty
Government of India and the Representative of the Exalted
British Government on the other part.
His said Majesty doth hereby agree to this, that in the
principles and in the matters of subsidiary importance of
the Treaty regarding internal and external affairs, and
of the engagements which his Highness my late father,
that is, Zia-ul-millatwaud-Din, who has found mercy, may
God enlighten his tomb! Concluded and acted upon with the
Exalted British Government, I also have acted, am acting,
and will act upon the same agreement and compact, and I
will not contravene them in any dealings or in any promise.
The said Honourable Mr. Louis William Dane does
hereby agree to this, that as to the very agreement
and engagement which the Exalted British Government
concluded and acted upon with the noble father of his
Majesty Siraj-ul-millatwaud-Din, that is, his Highness
Zia-ul-millatwaud-Din, who has found mercy, regarding
internal and external affairs of principle or subsidiary
importance, I confirm them and write that they (the British
Government) will not act contrary to those agreements and
engagements in any way or at any time.
Made on Tuesday, the 14th day of Muharram-ul-haram of the
year 1323 Hijri, corresponding to the 21st day of March of
the year 1905 A.D. (Persian Seal of Amir Habib Ullah Khan.)
This is correct. I have sealed and signed.
AMIR HABIB ULLAH,
LOUIS W. DANE, Foreign Secretary,
Representing the Government of India.
Thus the situation upon the arrival of Mr. Dane from Kabul differed
in no way from that which had preceded his departure for the Afghan
capital, save that substantial concessions had been awarded to the Amir
of Afghanistan who, in return, had conceded nothing. In addition to an
astonishing and entirely unnecessary elevation in the style and title
of the ruler of Afghanistan--conveyed in the charge “Independent King
of the State of Afghanistan and its Dependencies,” and the reference
to “His Majesty,” which the precious instrument reveals--inevitable
corollaries of the transaction were the continuation of the annual
subsidy of eighteen lakhs to Abdur Rahman’s successor, the release
of the arrears--approximately amounting to £400,000--which had been
accumulating since a little previous to the demise of the late Amir,
and the right to an unrestricted importation of arms.
[Illustration: ESCORT OUTSIDE THE GATE OF THE QUARTERS OCCUPIED BY
THE DANE MISSION]
It must not be supposed that the mere ratification of the engagements
was sufficient for the purposes of British policy in Central Asia. Much
more was needed; and, since facilities were deliberately withheld and
the Amir rejected consideration of our pledged responsibility, it is
evident that the subjugation of Afghanistan to the interests of India
is incomplete. It is of value perhaps to have ascertained that the
Amir is disaffected and untrustworthy. There was always a doubt but
it was hoped that the affront, which he offered so sedulously to the
British Government, was due to his own conspicuous vanity rather than
the manifestation of actual ill-will. The Kabul conference made that
point clear; but, as the Imperial Government have elected to observe
an impressive reticence upon the circumstances of this unfortunate
episode, it is no less incumbent upon others to do likewise. Nothing
can be gained by revealing to the world the details of a rebuff without
parallel in the history of Indian politics, unless such acknowledgment
were made to assist public opinion in appreciating the issues involved
in the absence of any satisfactory understanding between Kabul and
Calcutta. That this course formed no part of the late Government’s
policy was disclosed on June 21, 1905, by the debate in Parliament
upon the Indian budget and, at a later date, upon Mr. Balfour’s speech
on Imperial Defence. The Ministers, who spoke on these occasions,
concealed the truth rather than stated it, and their utterances cannot
be accepted as either correct or adequate. Mr. Balfour’s statement
that the construction “of strategic railways by Russia in Afghanistan”
would provoke Great Britain to war does not render the character of
Anglo-Afghan policy more intelligible, nor remove the disadvantages
from our position. On the contrary, the utterance was most misleading
since no such contingency, as the construction of Russian railways in
Afghanistan itself, is likely to occur until Russia is prepared to
strike with all her strength in Persia and Afghanistan. The question of
Anglo-Afghan relations, therefore, remains for solution, having given
rise to a situation which was regarded by the late Viceroy and every
member of his Council with the gravest apprehension.
[Illustration: THE WALLS OF BOKHARA]
[44] Funeral service.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
NAMES OF STATIONS ON THE ORENBURG-TASHKENT
RAILWAY
Name of Station and distance from Orenburg.
(1) Orenburg
(2) Myenovoi dvor
(3) Donguzskaya
(4) Mayatchnaya
(5) Iletsk (72 versts)
(6) Grigoryevskaya
(7) Ak Bulak
(8) Yaksha
(9) Yaisau
(10) Aksu
(11) Kara Tugai
(12) Kuraili
(13) Aktiubinsk (255 versts)
(14) Bish Mamak
(15) Tamdi
(16) Akkemir
(17) Kandagatch
(18) Temirskaya
(19) Ker
(20) Kuduk
(21) Emba
(22) Kirghizskaya
(23) Mugodjarskaya (400 versts)
(24) Rodniki
(25) Karaganda
(26) Kauldjir
(27) Solenaya
(28) Ulpan
(29) Tchelkar
(30) Biriuk
(31) Djilan
(32) Tuguz
(33) Kara-Tchokat
(34) Altin
(35) Saksaoulskaya
(36) Kontu
(37) Arabskoye Morye (790 v’sts)
(38) Sappak
(39) Andreevskaya
(40) Kamyshli Bash
(41) Bik Bauli
(42) Kazalinsk (942 versts)
(43) Bashkara
(44) Mai Libash (978 versts)
(45) Ak Suat
(46) Turatan
(47) Durmen Tubeh
(48) Khor Khut
(49) Karmakchi (1108 versts)
(50) Kizyl Tam
(51) Kara Ketkeu
(52) Ak-Su
(53) Teren Uzyak
(54) Kara Uzyak
(55) Perovski (1246 versts)
(56) Ber Kazau
(57) Solo Tubeh
(58) Tar Tugai
(59) Djulek (1343 versts)
(60) Skobelevo (1367 versts)
(61) Tumen Arik (1394 versts)
(62) Yani Kurgau
(63) Ak Kum
(64) Sauran
(65) Tchornak
(66) Turkestan (1514 versts)
(67) Ikan (1543 versts)
(68) Otrar (1558 versts)
(69) Kara Kungur
(70) Aris (1570 versts)
(71) Kabul Sai
(72) Uzun Sai
(73) Tchanak
(74) Sari Agatch
(75) Djilga
(76) Darbaza
(77) Keless (1740 versts)
(78) Tashkent (1762 versts)
APPENDIX II--(A)
LIST OF STATIONS FROM TASHKENT TO MERV, WITH
DISTANCES FROM KRASNOVODSK AND TASHKENT
Distance from Distance from
Name of Station. Krasnovodsk. Tashkent.
Versts. Versts.
(1) Tashkent 1747
(2) Kauffmanskaya 1721 26
(3) Vrevskaya 1698 51
(4) Syr-Darinskaya 1672 75
(5) Golodnaya Steppe 1637 110
(6) Chernaievo 1605 142
(7) Obrutchevo 1557 190
(8) Lomakino 1548 199
(9) Jizak 1522 225
(10) Milyutinskaya 1498 249
(11) Kuropatkino 1473 274
(12) Rostovtsevo 1445 302
(13) Samarkand 1415 332
(14) Djuma 1394 353
(15) Nagornaya 1365 382
(16) Katta-Kurgan 1343 404
(17) Zirabulak 1316 431
(18) Ziadin 1291 446
(19) Kermine 1269 478
(20) Malik 1243 504
(21) Kizil-Teppe 1223 524
(22) Kuyu-Mazar 1206 541
(23) Kagan 1182 565
(24) Murgak 1160 587
(25) Yakatut 1142 605
(26) Kara-Kul 1117 630
(27) Khodja-Davlet 1098 649
(28) Farab 1078 669
(29) Charjui 1070 677
(30) Barkhani 1038 709
(31) Karaul-Kuyu 1020 727
(32) Repetek 1003 744
(33) Pesski 970 777
(34) Utch-Adja 954 793
(35) Ravnina 924 823
(36) Annenkovo 904 843
(37) Kurban-Kala 885 862
(38) Bairam-Ali 869 878
(39) Merv 842 905
APPENDIX II--(B)
MURGHAB VALLEY RAILWAY
LIST OF STATIONS FROM MERV TO KUSHKINSKI POST
WITH DISTANCES FROM KRASNOVODSK AND MERV
Height above Distance from Distance from
Station. Caspian Sea. Merv. Krasnovodsk.
Sagenes. Versts. Versts.
Merv 118.01 -- 842
Talkhatan Baba 127.06 37 879
Yulatan 134.16 56 898
Sultan-i-Band 139.55 76 918
Imam Baba 148.60 120 962
Sari Yazi 155.57 157 999
Tash Kepri 164.00 197 1039
Kala-i-Mor 202.07 244 1086
Kushkinski Post 303.04 293 1135
APPENDIX III
_Kishlak_, a village of sedentary Turcomans, as opposed to _Aoul_,
the nomad village.
_Mekteb_, the lower-class Mussulman elementary school.
_Medresse_, university of a theological order.
_Arik_, canal or channel diverted from river for irrigation purposes.
TABLE OF MEASUREMENTS
1 _sagene_ = 7 ft.
1 _dessiatine_ (= 2400 _sq. sagenes_) = 432 sq. roods (2.70 acres)
1 _square sagene_ = 49 sq. ft.
1 _arshine_ = .77 yard (2.33 ft.)
1 _vershok_ = 1.75 in.
A _dessiatine_ (land measure) is a parallelogram having a length of
80 sagenes and a breadth of 30 sagenes, or it may be 40 by 60
sagenes, therefore the dessiatine is 2400 square sagenes, or
21,600 square arshines.
1 _verst_ = ⅔ of an English mile.
APPENDIX IV
THE TREATY OF GANDAMAK
Treaty between the British Government and his Highness Mahommed Yakub
Khan, Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies, concluded at Gandamak
on the 26th May, 1879, by his Highness the Amir Mahommed Yakub Khan
on his own part and on the part of the British Government by Major
(afterwards Sir Louis) P. L. N. Cavagnari, C.S.I.
(1) From the day of the exchange of the ratifications of the
present Treaty there shall be perpetual peace and friendship
between the British Government on the one part and his
Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies, and his
successors, on the other.
(2) His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies
engages, on the exchange of the ratifications of this Treaty, to
publish a full and complete amnesty, absolving all his subjects
from any responsibility for intercourse with the British forces
during the war, and to guarantee and protect all persons of
whatever degree from any punishment or molestation on that
account.
(3) His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies
agrees to conduct his relations with Foreign States in
accordance with the advice and wishes of the British Government.
His Highness the Amir will enter into no engagements with
Foreign States, and will not take up arms against any Foreign
State, except with the concurrence of the British Government. On
these conditions the British Government will support the Amir
against any foreign aggression with money, arms, or troops,
to be employed in whatsoever manner the British Government
may judge best for this purpose. Should British troops at any
time enter Afghanistan for the purpose of repelling foreign
aggression, they will return to their stations in British
territory as soon as the object for which they entered has been
accomplished.
(4) With a view to the maintenance of the direct and intimate
relations now established between the British Government and his
Highness the Amir of Afghanistan, and for the better protection
of the frontiers of his Highness’s dominion, it is agreed that
a British Representative shall reside at Kabul, with a suitable
escort, in a place of residence appropriate to his rank and
dignity. It is also agreed that the British Government shall
have the right to depute British Agents with suitable escorts
to the Afghan frontiers, whensoever this may be considered
necessary by the British Government in the interests of both
States, on the occurrence of any important external fact. His
Highness the Amir of Afghanistan may on his part depute an
Agent to reside at the Court of his Excellency the Viceroy and
Governor-General of India, and at such other places in British
India as may be similarly agreed upon.
(5) His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies
guarantees the personal safety and honourable treatment of
British Agents within his jurisdiction; and the British
Government on its part undertakes that its Agents shall never
in any way interfere with the internal administration of his
Highness’s dominions.
(6) His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies
undertakes, on behalf of himself and his successors, to offer
no impediment to British subjects peacefully trading within
his dominions so long as they do so with the permission of the
British Government, and in accordance with such arrangements as
may be mutually agreed upon from time to time between the two
Governments.
(7) In order that the passage of trade between the territories
of the British Government and of his Highness the Amir of
Afghanistan may be open and uninterrupted, his Highness the Amir
of Afghanistan agrees to use his best endeavours to ensure the
protection of traders and to facilitate the transit of goods
along the well-known customary roads of Afghanistan. These
roads shall be improved and maintained in such manner as the
two Governments may decide to be most expedient for the general
convenience of traffic, and under such financial arrangements as
may be mutually determined upon between them. The arrangements
made for the maintenance and security of the aforesaid roads,
for the settlement of the duties to be levied upon merchandise
carried over these roads, and for the general protection and
development of trade with and through the dominions of his
Highness, will be stated in a separate Commercial Treaty, to be
concluded within one year, due regard being given to the state
of the country.
(8) With a view to facilitate communications between the allied
Governments and to aid and develop intercourse and commercial
relations between the two countries, it is hereby agreed that
a line of telegraph from Kurram to Kabul shall be constructed
by and at the cost of the British Government, and the Amir of
Afghanistan hereby undertakes to provide for the protection of
this telegraph line.
(9) In consideration of the renewal of a friendly alliance
between the two States which has been attested and secured by
the foregoing Articles, the British Government restores to
his Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies the
towns of Kandahar and Jelalabad with all the territory now in
possession of the British armies, excepting the districts of
Kurram, Pishin, and Sibi. His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan
and its dependencies agrees on his part that the districts of
Kurram and Pishin and Sibi, according to the limits defined
in the schedule annexed, shall remain under the protection
and administrative control of the British Government: that is
to say, the aforesaid districts shall be treated as assigned
districts, and shall not be considered as permanently severed
from the limits of the Afghan kingdom. The revenues of these
districts, after deducting the charges of civil administration,
shall be paid to his Highness the Amir.
The British Government will retain in its own hands the
control of the Khyber and Michni Passes, which lie between the
Peshawar and Jelalabad districts, and of all relations with the
independent tribes of the territory directly connected with
these passes.
(10) For the further support of his Highness the Amir in the
recovery and maintenance of his legitimate authority, and in
consideration of the efficient fulfilment in their entirety
of the engagements stipulated by the foregoing Articles, the
British Government agrees to pay to his Highness the Amir and to
his successors an annual subsidy of six lakhs of Rupees.
Done at Gandamak, this 26th day of May 1879, corresponding with
the 4th day of the month of Jamadi-us-sani, 1296 A.H.
AMIR MAHOMMED YAKUB KHAN.
N. CAVAGNARI, _Major_.
_Letter, dated June 14, 1880, from_ MR. (_afterwards_ SIR LEPEL)
GRIFFIN _to_ ABDUR RAHMAN KHAN.
(After compliments.)
“I am commanded to convey to you the replies of the
Government of India to the questions you have asked.
“_First_, with regard to the position of the ruler of
Kabul in relation to Foreign Powers. Since the British
Government admit no right of interference by Foreign
Powers in Afghanistan, and since both Russia and Persia
are pledged to abstain from all political interference
with Afghan affairs, it is plain that the Kabul ruler can
have no political relations with any Foreign Power except
the English: and if any such Foreign Power should attempt
to interfere in Afghanistan, and if such interference
should lead to unprovoked aggression on the Kabul ruler,
then the British Government will be prepared to aid him,
if necessary, to repel it, provided that he follows the
advice of the British Government in regard to his external
relations.
“_Secondly_, with regard to limits of territory, I am
directed to say that the whole province of Kandahar has
been placed under a separate ruler, except Pishin and Sibi,
which are retained in British possession. Consequently,
the Government is not able to enter into any negotiations
with you on these points, nor in respect to arrangements
with regard to the north-west frontier, which were
concluded with the ex-Amir Mahommed Yakub Khan. With these
reservations, the British Government are willing that you
should establish over Afghanistan (including Herat, the
possession of which cannot be guaranteed to you, though
the Government are not disposed to hinder measures which
you may take to obtain possession of it) as complete and
extensive authority as has hitherto been exercised by any
Amir of your family. The British Government desires to
exercise no interference in the internal affairs of these
territories, nor will you be required to admit an English
Resident anywhere; although, for convenience of ordinary
and friendly intercourse between two adjoining States, it
may be advisable to station by agreement a Mahommedan agent
of the British Government at Kabul.”
_From_ AMIR ABDUR RAHMAN KHAN _to_ MR. GRIFFIN, _dated
June 22, 1880_.
(After compliments.)
“Regarding the boundaries of Afghanistan which were settled
by treaty with my most noble and respected grandfather,
Amir Dost Muhammad, these you have granted to me. And the
Envoy which you have appointed in Afghanistan you have
dispensed with, but what you have left to (be settled
according to) my wish is, that I may keep a Mussulman
Ambassador, if I please. This was my desire and that of my
people, and this you have kindly granted.
“About my friendly relations and communication with Foreign
Powers, you have written that I should not have any without
advice and consultation with you (the British). You should
consider well that if I have the friendship of a great
Government like yours, how can I communicate with another
Power without advice from and consultation with you? I
agree to this also.
“You have also kindly written that should any unwarranted
(improper) attack be made by any other Power on
Afghanistan, you will under all circumstances afford me
assistance; and you will not permit any other person to
take possession of the territory of Afghanistan. This also
is my desire, which you have kindly granted.
“As to what you have written about Herat. Herat is at
present in the possession of my cousin. So long as he does
not oppose me, and remains friendly with me, it is better
that I should leave my cousin in Herat, rather than any
other man. Should he oppose me, and not listen to my words
(advice) or those of my people, I will afterwards let you
know. Everything shall be done as we both deem it expedient
and advisable.
“All the kindness you have shown is for my welfare and that
of my people: how should I not accept it? You have shown
very great kindness to me and my people.”
_Letter from_ MR. GRIFFIN _to_ AMIR ABDUR RAHMAN KHAN,
_dated “July 1880_.”[45]
(After compliments.)
“His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General in Council
has learnt with pleasure that your Highness has proceeded
toward Kabul, in accordance with the invitation of the
British Government. Therefore, in consideration of the
friendly sentiments by which your Highness is animated, and
of the advantage to be derived by the Sirdars and people
from the establishment of a settled government under your
Highness’s authority, the British Government recognises
your Highness as Amir of Kabul.
“I am further empowered, on the part of the Viceroy and
Governor-General of India, to inform your Highness that
the British Government has no desire to interfere in the
internal government of the territories in the possession
of your Highness, and has no wish that an English Resident
should be stationed anywhere within those territories. For
the convenience of ordinary friendly intercourse, such
as is maintained between two adjoining States, it may be
advisable that a Mahommedan Agent of the British Government
should reside, by agreement, at Kabul.
“Your Highness has requested that the views and intentions
of the British Government with regard to the position of
the ruler at Kabul in relation to Foreign Powers should
be placed on record for your Highness’s information. The
Viceroy and Governor-General in Council authorises me to
declare to you that since the British Government admits no
right of interference by Foreign Powers within Afghanistan,
and since both Russia and Persia are pledged to abstain
from all interference with the affairs of Afghanistan, it
is plain that your Highness can have no political relations
with any Foreign Power except with the British Government.
If any Foreign Power should attempt to interfere in
Afghanistan, and if such interference should lead to
unprovoked aggression on the dominions of your Highness,
in that event the British Government would be prepared to
aid you, to such extent and in such manner as may appear to
the British Government necessary, in repelling it; provided
that your Highness follows unreservedly the advice of the
British Government in regard to your external relations.”
_Letter from the_ VICEROY OF INDIA (MARQUIS OF RIPON)
_to the_ AMIR ABDUR RAHMAN.
(After compliments.)
“SIMLA, _June 16, 1883_.
“Your Highness will remember that, at Sir Lepel Griffin’s
interview with you at Zimma on July 31, 1880, he said
that the Government of India could only start your
administration by giving you a grant to pay your army and
officials and your immediate expenses; and that, having
recognised you as Amir, it was anxious to see you strong;
but after you had taken possession of Kabul, you must rely
on your own resources.
“I have always interested myself so much in your Highness’s
success, and have felt so great a desire for the
establishment of a strong and friendly Power under your
Highness’s auspices in Afghanistan, that I have on various
occasions gone beyond the determination then communicated
to you, and have from time to time aided your Highness
with sums of money and arms, besides devoting some lakhs a
year to the support of Afghan refugees and détenus, whose
presence in Afghanistan is, I understand, regarded by your
Highness as dangerous to your power. Still, my view of the
relations to each other of the two countries has throughout
been that, in matters of internal policy and finance, India
should not seek to interfere with Afghanistan, but should
confine herself to the part of a friendly neighbour and
ally. On these conditions, it would be in accordance with
the practice of nations that Afghanistan should regulate
her own finance and bear her own burdens, as she has always
done heretofore.
“As regards matters of external policy, your Highness was
informed in the communication from the Foreign Secretary
to the Government of India, dated July 20, 1880, and again
in my letter of February 22, 1883, that if any Foreign
Power should attempt to interfere in Afghanistan, and if
such interference should lead to unprovoked aggression on
the dominions of your Highness, in that event the British
Government would be prepared to aid you to such extent and
in such manner as might appear to the British Government
necessary in repelling it; provided that your Highness
follows unreservedly the advice of the British Government
in regard to your external relations.
“On consideration, however, of your accounts of the
condition of your north-west frontier, I have been
satisfied that your Highness has to contend with
exceptional difficulties in that quarter. I have understood
that, owing to various untoward circumstances, your
Highness has not yet been able to reduce the important
frontier province of Herat to the orderly and secure
condition so essential for the protection of Afghanistan
as a whole; and therefore that, for the settlement of the
affairs of that frontier, some friendly assistance may be
needful to you. I further observe, with satisfaction, your
Highness’s assurances of good faith and loyalty to the
British Government; and your Highness’s language convinces
me that you realise how much it is to the interest of
Afghanistan to maintain friendly relations with the
Government of India.
“Impressed by these considerations, I have determined
to offer to your Highness personally, as an aid towards
meeting the present difficulties in the management of your
State, a subsidy of twelve lakhs of rupees a year, payable
monthly, to be devoted to the payment of your troops, and
to the other measures required for the defence of your
north-western frontier. I feel that I may safely trust to
your Highness’s good faith and practised skill to devote
this addition to your resources to objects of such vital
importance as those which I have above mentioned.”
_The_ AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN _to the_ VICEROY OF INDIA.
(Extract.)
(After compliments.)
“6th Ramazan, 1300 H. (_July 11, 1883_).
“I have announced the glad tidings of your Excellency’s
determination, which is calculated to conduce to the
well-being of the British Government and of the people of
Afghanistan, and to put in order and keep going my affairs,
to the people of Afghanistan at large, who all offered up
thanks, saying, ‘For many years we, the Afghan nation,
have been suffering from innumerable calamities. Thanks
be to God that a glorious Government like this (British
Government) has befriended us.’
“God willing, the people of Afghanistan will never allow
their heads to swerve from the line of friendship to the
illustrious British Government, and so long as I live I
will not think of making friends with any one but with
the illustrious British Government. I have offered my
prayers to God for the (increased) glory of that powerful
Government.”
_The_ AMIR’S _Speech at the Rawal Pindi Durbar_.
At the great Durbar held by Lord Dufferin on April 8, 1885, the Amir
Abdur Rahman spoke as follows:
“In return for this kindness and favour I am ready with my
arms and people to render any services that may be required
of me or of the Afghan nation. As the British Government
has declared that it will assist me in repelling any
foreign enemy, so it is right and proper that Afghanistan
should unite in the firmest manner and stand side by side
with the British Government.”
_Letter from_ SIR MORTIMER DURAND _to_ ABDUR RAHMAN,
_dated Kabul, November 11, 1893_.
(After compliments.)
“When your Highness came to the throne of Afghanistan, Sir
Lepel Griffin was instructed to give you the assurance
that, if any Foreign Power should attempt to interfere
in Afghanistan, and if such interference should lead to
unprovoked aggression on the dominions of your Highness, in
that event the British Government would be prepared to aid
you to such extent and in such manner as might appear to
the British Government necessary in repelling it, provided
that your Highness followed unreservedly the advice of the
British Government in regard to your external relations.
“I have the honour to inform your Highness that this
assurance remains in force, and that it is applicable with
regard to any territory which may come into your possession
in consequence of the agreement which you have made with me
to-day in the matter of the Oxus frontier.
“It is the desire of the British Government that such
portion of the northern frontier of Afghanistan as has not
yet been marked out should now be clearly defined; when
this has been done, the whole of your Highness’s frontier
towards the side of Russia will be equally free from doubt
and equally secure.”
_Agreement signed at Kabul on November 12, 1893._
Whereas the British Government has represented to his
Highness the Amir that the Russian Government presses for
the literal fulfilment of the Agreement of 1873 between
Russia and England by which it was decided that the river
Oxus should form the northern boundary of Afghanistan from
Lake Victoria (Wood’s Lake) or Sarikul on the east to the
junction of the Kokcha with the Oxus, and whereas the
British Government considers itself bound to abide by the
terms of this Agreement, if the Russian Government equally
abides by them, his Highness Amir Abdur Rahman Khan,
G.C.S.I., Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies, wishing
to show his friendship to the British Government and his
readiness to accept their advice in matters affecting his
relations with Foreign Powers, hereby agrees that he will
evacuate all the districts held by him to the north of
this portion of the Oxus on the clear understanding that
all the districts lying to the south of this portion of
the Oxus, and not now in his possession, be handed over to
him in exchange. And Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, K.C.I.E.,
C.S.I., Foreign Secretary to the Government of India,
hereby declares on the part of the British Government that
the transfer to his Highness the Amir of the said districts
lying to the south of the Oxus is an essential part of this
transaction, and undertakes that arrangements will be made
with the Russian Government to carry out the transfer of
the said lands to the north and south of the Oxus.
H. M. DURAND.
AMIR ABDUR RAHMAN KHAN.
KABUL, _November 12, 1893_.
_Agreement between_ AMIR ABDUR RAHMAN KHAN, G.C.S.I., _and_
SIR HENRY MORTIMER DURAND, K.C.I.E., C.S.I.
Whereas certain questions have arisen regarding the
frontier of Afghanistan on the side of India, and whereas
both his Highness the Amir and the Government of India
are desirous of settling these questions by a friendly
understanding, and of fixing the limit of their respective
spheres of influence, so that for the future there may be
no difference of opinion on the subject between the allied
Governments, it is hereby agreed as follows:
(1) The eastern and southern frontier of his Highness’s
dominions, from Wakhan to the Persian border, shall follow
the line shown in the map attached to this agreement.
(2) The Government of India will at no time exercise
interference in the territories lying beyond this line on
the side of Afghanistan, and his Highness the Amir will
at no time exercise interference in the territories lying
beyond this line on the side of India.
(3) The British Government thus agrees to his Highness
the Amir retaining Asmar and the valley above it, as far
as Chanak. His Highness agrees, on the other hand, that
he will at no time exercise interference in Swat, Bajaur,
or Chitral, including the Arnawai or Bashgal valley. The
British Government also agrees to leave to his Highness the
Birmal tract as shown in the detailed map already given to
his Highness, who relinquishes his claim to the rest of the
Waziri country and Dawar. His Highness also relinquishes
his claim to Chageh.
(4) The frontier line will hereafter be laid down in
detail and demarcated, wherever this may be practicable
and desirable, by joint British and Afghan commissioners,
whose object will be to arrive by mutual understanding at
a boundary which shall adhere with the greatest possible
exactness to the line shown in the map attached to this
agreement, having due regard to the existing local rights
of villages adjoining the frontier.
(5) With reference to the question of Chaman, the Amir
withdraws his objection to the new British cantonment and
concedes to the British Government the rights purchased
by him in the Sirkai Tilerai water. At this part of the
frontier the line will be drawn as follows:
From the crest of the Khwaja Amran range near the Psha
Kotal, which remains in British territory, the line
will run in such a direction as to leave Murgha Chaman
and the Sharobo spring to Afghanistan, and to pass
half-way between the New Chaman Fort and the Afghan
outpost known locally as Lashkar Dand. The line
will then pass half-way between the railway station
and the hill known as the Mian Baldak, and, turning
southwards, will rejoin the Khwaja Amran range,
leaving the Gwasha Post in British territory, and the
road to Shorawak to the west and south of Gwasha in
Afghanistan. The British Government will not exercise
any interference within half a mile of the road.
(6) The above articles of agreement are regarded by the Government
of India and his Highness the Amir of Afghanistan as a full and
satisfactory settlement of all the principal differences of opinion
which have arisen between them in regard to the frontier; and both
the Government of India and his Highness the Amir undertake that any
differences of detail, such as those which will have to be
considered hereafter by the officers appointed to demarcate the
boundary line, shall be settled in a friendly spirit, so as to
remove for the future as far as possible all causes of doubt and
misunderstanding between the two Governments.
(7) Being fully satisfied of his Highness’s goodwill to the British
Government, and wishing to see Afghanistan independent and strong,
the Government of India will raise no objection to the purchase and
import by his Highness of munitions of war, and they will themselves
grant him some help in this respect. Further, in order to mark their
sense of the friendly spirit in which his Highness the Amir has
entered into these negotiations, the Government of India undertake
to increase by the sum of six lakhs of rupees a year the subsidy
of twelve lakhs now granted to his Highness.
H. M. DURAND.
AMIR ABDUR RAHMAN KHAN.
KABUL, _November 12, 1893_.
And on March 11, 1895, the following Agreement between the Governments
of Great Britain and Russia, with regard to the spheres of influence
of the two countries in the region of the Pamirs, and concerning the
position of Afghanistan in that region, was drawn up:
(1) The spheres of influence of Great Britain and Russia to
the east of Lake Victoria (Zor Koul) shall be divided by a
line which, starting from a point on that lake near to its
eastern extremity, shall follow the crests of the mountain
range running somewhat to the south of the latitude of the
lake as far as the Bendersky and Orta Bel Passes.
From thence the line shall run along the same range while
it remains to the south of the latitude of the said lake.
On reaching that latitude, it shall descend a spur of
the range towards Kizil Rabat on the Aksu river, if that
locality is found not to be north of the latitude of Lake
Victoria, and from thence it shall be prolonged, in an
easterly direction, so as to meet the Chinese frontier.
If it should be found that Kizil Rabat is situated to
the north of the latitude of Lake Victoria, the line of
demarcation shall be drawn to the nearest convenient point
on the Aksu river, south of that latitude, and from thence
prolonged as aforesaid.
(2) The line shall be marked out, and its precise
configuration shall be settled, by a Joint Commission of
a purely technical character, with a military escort not
exceeding that which is strictly necessary for its proper
protection.
The Commission shall be composed of British and Russian
delegates, with the necessary technical assistance.
Her Britannic Majesty’s Government will arrange with the
Amir of Afghanistan as to the manner in which his Highness
shall be represented on the Commission.
(3) The Commission shall also be charged to report any
facts which can be ascertained on the spot bearing on the
situation of the Chinese frontier, with a view to enable
the two Governments to come to an agreement with the
Chinese Government as to the limits of Chinese territory in
the vicinity of the line, in such manner as may be found
most convenient.
(4) Her Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Government
of his Majesty the Emperor of Russia engage to abstain from
exercising any political influence or control, the former
to the north, the latter to the south, of the above line of
demarcation.
(5) Her Britannic Majesty’s Government engage that the
territory lying within the British sphere of influence
between the Hindu Kush, and the line running from the east
end of Lake Victoria to the Chinese frontier, shall form
part of the territory of the Amir of Afghanistan, that it
shall not be annexed to Great Britain, and that no military
posts or forts shall be established in it.
The execution of this agreement is contingent upon
the evacuation by the Amir of Afghanistan of all the
territories now occupied by his Highness on the right
bank of the Panjah, and on the evacuation by the Amir of
Bokhara of the portion of Darwaz which lies to the south
of the Oxus, in regard to which her Britannic Majesty’s
Government, and the Government of his Majesty the Emperor
of Russia, have agreed to use their influence respectively
with the two Amirs.
Agreement for laying down the Afghan Boundary from the Hindu Kush Range
to Nawa Kotal; and confirmed by his Highness the Amir of Afghanistan on
December 19, 1895.
AGREEMENT _dated Camp Nashagam, April 9, 1895
= 13th Shawal, 1312_
Forasmuch as, under Article (4) of the Convention concluded
at Kabul on November 12, 1893, between his Highness the
Amir of Afghanistan and Sir Mortimer Durand on behalf
of the Government of India, we the undersigned have been
appointed by our respective Governments for the purpose of
demarcating in concert the frontier of his Highness the
Amir’s dominions on the side of India in this neighbourhood
of Chitrar and Bajaur, it is hereby agreed as follows:
(1) That on the western side of the Kunar River, this
frontier will be the further or eastern watershed of the
stream which in the idiom of Afghans is notorious and known
as the Landai Sin pertaining to the limits of Kafiristan,
and which in the survey map is also written by the name
of Bashgal, so that all the country of which the drainage
falls into the Kunar River by means of this stream belongs,
and will belong, to Afghanistan, and the eastern drainage
of this watershed, which does not fall into the Landai Sin
stream, pertains to Chitrar.
(2) That on the eastern side of the Kunar River, from the
river bank up to the crest of the main range which forms
the watershed between the Kunar River and the country
(_lit._ direction) of Barawal and Bajaur, this frontier
follows the southern watershed of the Arnawai stream, which
falls into the Kunar River close to the village of Arnawai,
leaving to Chitrar all the country of which the drainage
falls into the Kunar River, by means of this stream, while
the southern drainage of this last-mentioned watershed,
which does not fall into the Arnawai stream, pertains to
Afghanistan.
(3) That this frontier line, on reaching the crest of
the main range, which in this neighbourhood forms the
watershed between the Kunar River and the country (_lit._
direction) of Barawal and Bajaur, turns southward along
this watershed, which it follows as far as a point in
the neighbourhood of the Nawa Kotal, leaving all the
country draining into the Kunar River within the limits of
Afghanistan, and all the country draining towards Barawal
and Bajaur outside the limits of Afghanistan; but beyond
the aforesaid point in the neighbourhood of the Nawa Kotal
the frontier has not at present been demarcated.
(4) That on both sides of the Kunar River this frontier,
as described in the three preceding articles, for the most
part requires no artificial demarcation, because it is a
natural boundary following the crests of mountain ranges;
but since, at present, inspection _in situ_ is impossible,
when the ground is examined on the spot, it is probable
that in the places where these mountain ranges abut on
the Kunar River from either side, demarcation by pillars
for a short distance from the water’s edge on both sides
of the river will be found desirable for the purpose
of separating the boundary of Afghanistan from Arnawai
pertaining to Chitrar and the limits of the Kafir country
(_lit._ Kafiristan) of the Landai Sin from Chitrar. In that
case these pillars will be erected along the line of the
watershed described in the first and second articles of
the present agreement, subject to any slight divergencies
from this line which may be necessary to protect the local
rights of villages adjoining the frontier.
(5) That the frontier pillars, wherever considered
desirable, will be erected hereafter by an officer of the
Government of India and an officer of his Highness the Amir
acting in concert.
(6) That these watersheds, forming the frontier agreed upon
as described in the first three articles of the present
agreement, have been marked by a red line on the survey
map attached to this agreement, which, like the agreement
itself, has been signed by us both. In three places--viz.
(i) for a short distance from either bank of the Kunar
River; (ii) in the neighbourhood of the Binshi Kotal; and
(iii) in the neighbourhood of the Frepaman Kotal--this
red line has been broken up into dots, because the exact
position of the watershed in these localities has not
been ascertained with perfect accuracy; but wherever the
watershed may lie the frontier will follow it, subject
only to any slight variations from the watershed which may
be considered necessary under Article (4) of the present
agreement.
(7) That, since on the map attached to the Convention the
Arnawai stream was drawn on the western side of the river
in the place of the Landai Sin of the Kafir country (_lit._
Kafiristan), which has been decided to pertain to the
Afghan Government, and, since after inquiry and inspection
of the same it was clearly ascertained by the survey party
that the aforesaid stream is situated on the eastern side
of the Kunar River, and falls into the river near the
village of Arnawai, and that the drawing of it on the
western side (of the river) in the place of the Landai Sin
was a mistake, this Arnawai stream has (now) been drawn and
marked on the present survey map in its own proper place,
and that stream, which was drawn in the Convention map on
the western side of the river, was the Landai Sin stream of
the Kafir country (_lit._ Kafiristan), which has now been
decided to pertain to the Government of Afghanistan and to
be included in the limits of Afghanistan. Accordingly, in
the present survey map it has been marked with the name
of Landai Sin and has also been written with the name of
Bashgal. Moreover, Sao and Nari and Birkot, and the village
of Arnawai, were not written on the map attached to the
Convention, (but) now in the new survey map the names of
all these four above-mentioned villages have been entered,
the village of Arnawai being written on the Chitrar side of
the boundary line, and Sao, Nari, and Birkot on the side of
the Government of Afghanistan.
(_Signed_) R. UDNY.
(_Signed_) GHULAM HAIDAR KHAN, _Sipah Salar_.
_Letter from_ SIR RICHARD UDNY, K.C.S.I., _Commissioner of Peshawar,
to_ ABDUR RAHMAN, _in respect of occurrences on August 7, 1897_.
(After compliments.)
“I have received instructions by telegram from his
Excellency the Viceroy to inform your Highness that the
Government of India have received information from several
sources that large numbers of Afghan subjects have joined
the Mullah of Adda and taken an active part in the recent
attack on the British frontier post of Shabkaddar and
the burning of the British village of Shankargarh. It is
reported that, notwithstanding the severe losses inflicted
on the Mullah’s gathering by the Border Military Police
holding the Shabkaddar post on the 7th August, and by
British troops on the 9th August, he is still being joined
by large parties of men from all parts of the Jelalabad
Valley, and that the villages of Chardeh, Ambarkhana,
Basawal, Girdi, Sarkani, and Lalpura are keeping rafts
ready for the passage of the various contingents. It has
also been stated that numbers of Afghan sepoys in plain
clothes and Ut Khels from Laughman have joined the Mullah.
It is unnecessary for the Viceroy to dilate upon the
seriousness of this information. His Excellency demands
that you will immediately take steps to recall your
subjects, prevent others from crossing your Highness’s
border with hostile intent, and render it impossible for
them to repeat an offence so exceedingly grave as this
deliberate violation of the British Indian frontier.
The Viceroy in his letter of May 2, 1896, called your
Highness’s attention to the unfriendly conduct of the Sipah
Salar Ghulam Haidar Khan. It is impossible that Afghan
sepoys can have joined in this attack without the knowledge
of the Sipah Salar, and the Viceroy is constrained to warn
your Highness that if you do not control the Sipah Salar,
or withdraw him from his command on the frontier, your
Highness must be held responsible for his actions. For the
rest, may you continue to enjoy good health.
“_Dated August 13, 1897_.”
_Letter from the_ AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN _to the_ COMMISSIONER AND
SUPERINTENDENT, _Peshawar Division, dated Wednesday, 18th
Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H. = 18th August 1897_.
(After compliments.)
“I received and perused your letter of the 13th August 1897
= 13th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H.
“I read your letter in order to acquaint myself with the
circumstances concerning Sipah Salar Ghulam Haidar Khan and
the people under the jurisdiction of Jelalabad about which
you have written. I now write to say that, as regards Sipah
Salar Ghulam Haidar Khan and the regular Afghan army, not
a single man is or will be with the followers of Mullah
Najm-ud-din, and hereafter, too, none will accompany him.
As regards tribesmen you know yourself that for fear of me
they can never openly join such a movement; if any one has
come, he must have gone secretly. You are aware yourself
that a few years ago Mullah Najm-ud-din fled from Kabul
and settled at Jarobi in the Peshawar district, that the
trusted officers of the British Government summoned him to
their presence on several occasions, and, though he did
not attend on them, he was keeping up correspondence with
them and had fled from my country. On account of the evil
acts he had committed, and the many disturbances which he
had created among the people, he was so much frightened at
his own misdeeds that he took refuge near Peshawar. The
Mohmands and the people of Jelalabad and of the mountain
districts of Jelalabad look upon him as their prophet,
and at his bidding and the bidding of the Mullah of Manki
thousands of men are their devoted disciples. Just as in
old days in Europe the Popes used to profess to be the sole
disposers of heaven and hell, and the people also accepted
the word of worthless priests, so, too, these Mullahs
claim to possess the same power; and during these last few
years they have stirred up my own Afghan subjects to rebel
against me, so that in every rising, whether at Kandahar or
in the case of Mullah Mushk-i-Alam or in the case of the
Uzbeg Mullahs who joined Ishak in Balkh, it was the Mullahs
on every occasion who created the disturbance. There is a
village called Hadda, which is inhabited by Chumars, or
leather-tanners, but because it is the residence of this
mischievous Mullah Najm-ud-din, his disciples have named
this impure village Hadda Sharif, that is to say, Hadda
the noble, and his pupils and disciples regard him as a
prophet. What calamities are there that they have not
suffered, and what blood is there that they have not shed
by his senseless commands? He has now taken up his abode
in a country which is independent of Kabul and in the
neighbourhood of Peshawar, and has made himself a notable
personage. Under these circumstances, let the trusted
officers of the British Government themselves look at the
matter impartially and say in what way I could deal with
him, and how am I to arrange for him and his disciples,
who regard him as a prophet and gather round him secretly?
Every Mullah for many years denounced me in various ways
as a Kafir, and at their bidding their disciples fought
against me, and their houses were destroyed and they
themselves were killed. For fourteen years they raised
every part of Afghanistan against me, both in the plain
country and in the hills, till thousands of men perished on
both sides, and several of the Mullah agitators themselves
were killed with thousands of the disciples of these
turbulent priests. Every Mullah raised the people against
me as long as he could, and when he had failed he used to
take shelter within the limits of the British Government,
and, by the magnanimity of that Government, a morsel of
bread used to be given him, upon which these Mullahs used
to maintain themselves. These now are the very same Mullahs
who have fled from me and have settled in territory which
is independent of me near Peshawar. In what way, then,
can I manage them? As regards the Sipah Salar and the
regular army, you may rest assured that no such hostile
act shall ever be committed by them, but as it has been
or may have been reported to you that the regular army or
the Sipah Salar Ghulam Haidar Khan is taking part in this
disturbance, this is all a fabrication, and I myself take
oath that neither the troops nor the trusted officers of
Afghanistan have any part in this matter. Every word that
may have reached the ears of the trusted officers of the
British Government is without foundation. On account of the
proximity to you of these Mullahs who are close to your
country, and have now according to the boundary demarcation
fallen within the limits of the British Government, what
more can I add in this matter to these arguments? For the
rest, by the grace of God, all is well. May the days of
honour be perpetual.”
_From_ HIS HIGHNESS THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN _and its Dependencies
to the Address of_ HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICEROY, _dated the 19th
Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H., corresponding to the 19th August 1897_.
(After compliments.)
“I have the honour to inform your Excellency that I have
received a friendly letter from Mr. R. Udny, Commissioner,
Peshawar, dated the 13th August 1897 (corresponding to the
13th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H.).
“When I received the Commissioner’s letter, I wrote in
reply to him giving true particulars, and writing them to
him in a very sincere and friendly manner....
“If the false utterances and fabricated reports of
self-interested persons be investigated in a friendly
manner, God be pleased, the relations of union and
friendship between these two Governments will always be
considerably strengthened.
“Further, I have to state that I have secured a letter,
written by Mullah Najm-ud-din (of Hadda), which he has
issued as a notification to the people of Ningrahar, and
which is one of the letters of a similar kind which he has
sent to tribesmen in other parts of the country. I send
the original letter of notification issued by the Mullah
in a separate envelope, which is closed and bears on it
my handwriting, enclosed in this friendly letter to your
Excellency. My kind friend, no doubt he has sent such
letters, perhaps hundreds of them, to his disciples among
the tribesmen in Afghanistan. The people also regard him
as holding the position of their Prophet. Such are the
particulars of the Mullah and his disciples.”
_From_ HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICEROY AND GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA
_to_ HIS HIGHNESS THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN, G.C.B., G.C.S.I.,
_dated Simla, August 30, 1897_.
(After compliments.)
“It gave me pleasure to read the letter of your Highness to
the Commissioner of Peshawar, dated the 18th Rabi-ul-Awal,
1315 H. corresponding to the 18th August 1897. The denial
which your Highness has clearly expressed therein, of any
complicity on the part of your Highness’s officials and
sepoys of the regular army, was made in a still more marked
manner by the public utterances of your Highness at the
Durbar held on the previous day. Your Highness may rest
assured that I should not have suggested the possibility
of so grave a breach of the relations that must subsist
between friendly allies had I not had reason to think that
the complaints made to me were well founded. That your
Highness has taken thus early the opportunity to make
public an emphatic repudiation, on behalf of yourself and
your officials, of any complicity with the actions of the
Mullahs, who have been stirring up strife on the borders
of India, justifies the hope that the charges made can be
disproved, and that for the future no doubt will arise of
the loyalty of your Highness’s subjects and servants to the
alliance with the British Government which your Highness
has again so openly professed.
“It is right that I should tell your Highness the
information which I have received which indicates that
tribesmen from your Highness’s territories have joined the
Mullah of Hadda, and have, in other respects, committed
aggression against the British Government. Bodies of men
from Jelalabad district crossed the Kabul River openly
with flags flying and drums beating. After the fight at
Shabkaddar they returned in the same manner, carrying
their dead and helping their wounded. On the side of Khost
numbers of camels stolen from my troops in Dawar have been
taken across the border, and it is even reported that
these camels have been ordered to be collected by Sirdar
Sherindil Khan. Your Highness will no doubt recognise the
propriety of directing the restoration of camels belonging
to the Government of India, which have been stolen and
carried into Afghan territory.
“Your Highness has said that ‘tribesmen can never join such
a movement openly for fear of me. If any one has come he
must have gone secretly.’ What I now ask your Highness, in
accordance with those assurances of friendship which you
have so readily made, is that you will publicly announce
to the tribesmen through your local officers that, if they
cross the border and join in disturbances against the
British Government, they will incur your displeasure. The
belief is entertained by many misguided persons that they
will not incur your Highness’s displeasure by acting in a
hostile manner against the British Government, and this
belief can be dispelled if your Highness’s local officers
will keep watch along the Kabul River and at other places
in order to prevent your Highness’s subjects from crossing
the frontier with hostile intentions, whether secretly or
openly. I ask your Highness, therefore, to issue orders to
this effect.
“I mention, for your Highness’s information, the following
facts regarding the disturbances that have arisen among
the tribes. These disturbances were wholly unprovoked and
cannot be tolerated. I detailed a force of troops to punish
the tribesmen concerned in the attack upon Malakand and
Chakdarra. This force has visited the Upper Swat Valley and
received the submission of the tribesmen there.
“The circumstances of the Afridis are these; they have
been stirred up to break their engagements of many years’
standing with the British Government and to display
hostility. The men who are responsible for this are Mullah
Said Akbar, Aka Khel, and Mir Bashir, Malikdin Khel. Some
of the Afridi tribe in the Khyber have remained true to
their engagements, but they were unable to resist the
attack of the rest of the tribe. The posts have been
burned, and the road is now undefended and closed to the
passage of kafilas. In the present state of the frontier,
the carriage of valuable goods, and especially of warlike
stores, must necessarily be for the time discontinued.
“I shall deal with the Afridis and any other tribe which
attacks the British border or British posts in a manner to
make clear the supremacy of the British Government. I am
glad to learn that your Highness in Durbar characterised
as false and unfounded the story concocted by designing
persons that the troops assembled at Peshawar were intended
for an attack on Kabul. Your Highness is well aware
that, so long as your Highness on your part observes the
obligations you have undertaken to the Government of India,
the Government of India will honourably adhere to its
promise of supporting your Highness’s Government.”
From HIS HIGHNESS THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN _and its Dependencies
to the address of_ HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICEROY, _dated 12th
Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., corresponding to the 10th September 1897_.
(After compliments.)
“I have received your Excellency’s friendly letter, dated
the 30th August 1897, and understood the contents.
“As regards the report which your Excellency had received
to the effect that my subjects had openly collected
together and, forming themselves into separate bands, with
flags flying and drums beating, crossed the Kabul River
and joined Mullah Hadda’s party; that after the fight at
Shabkaddar they returned to their places carrying their
dead and helping their wounded; and as to your Excellency
asking me to order my local officers to prevent my subjects
from crossing the frontier and joining Mullah Hadda with
hostile intentions against the British Government, and
even to appoint guards along the Kabul River and at other
places, to prevent them from crossing, my dear friend,
after your Excellency wrote to me, such a thing has not
occurred, viz., that Afghan subjects openly collected in
such bands and crossed the frontier with flags flying. The
true state of affairs has been what I have communicated to
your Excellency in my former letter, _i.e_., that Mullah
Najm-ud-din, an inhabitant of Jarobi, having spread the net
of his cunning, has made numerous people from the different
Afghan tribes his disciples, and they obey his orders to
the utmost extent. During these times, when he became the
source of mischief and disturbances, he has sent letters
in every direction, and invites all people to join him.
I had secured one of his letters, which I sent for your
Excellency’s perusal, and which your Excellency must have
received some time ago.
“I have ordered the local officers to keep watch on
Afghan subjects to the best of their ability, and prevent
them from joining Mullah Hadda. Thus the inhabitants of
Lamkan (Laughman) had collected a large number of people,
numbering about 30,000 men, and prepared flags; but on
the officers receiving my orders, they used their best
endeavours and succeeded in dispersing them; and they all
returned to their homes. No doubt the news-writers on
the frontier must have communicated this report to your
Excellency.
“No tribesmen from my territories can do such an act in
an open manner. Some of them, however, have great faith
in Mullah Hadda, and it is possible that they may have
joined him during the night, travelling like thieves by
unfrequented roads. How is it possible to keep watch on
thieves during nights along such an extensive frontier?
“Your Excellency writes that guards should be appointed
along the Kabul River and on other roads, so that no one
might be allowed to cross over to the other side.
“My kind friend, such an arrangement could only be possible
by posting about ten thousand soldiers on all the mountain
tops and at all the fords in that district. Then they
will be able to execute properly such an arrangement,
otherwise how would it be possible to stop the people who
are familiar with the country? If the well-known roads be
guarded against them, they can, owing to their knowledge of
the country, find paths, over mountains and through desert
tracts, to cross the frontier. As far as possible, however,
the local officials have been watching and will watch any
open movements of the tribesmen.
“As regards the dead and the wounded whom your Excellency
writes that the tribesmen carried away with them after
the fight at Shabkaddar, I beg to state that, if they
have brought back their dead secretly, they have already,
according to their custom, buried them, and now no trace
can be obtained of them. As to the wounded, if questions be
asked, they explain that they are always engaged in tribal
feuds with one another, and they often kill and wound one
another, and that the wounded men have received their
wounds in such tribal feuds; and, as the witnesses belong
to the people concerned, it is difficult to prove anything
contrary to what they allege.
“Your Excellency has kindly informed me that the
disturbances which have broken out on the frontiers of
India have been wholly unprovoked; that a force of troops
was detailed to punish the tribesmen concerned in the
attack upon Malakand and Chakdarra; that the force visited
the Upper Swat Valley and received the submission of the
tribesmen there; that the Afridis, who have had engagements
for many years’ standing with the British Government, have
been stirred to hostility; that the men who are responsible
for this were Mullah Saiyid Akbar, Aka Khel, and Mir
Bashir, Malikdin Khel; that they have burned some of the
posts in the Khyber; that the road was undefended and
closed to the passage of kafilas; that in the present state
the carriage of valuable goods, and especially of warlike
stores, must necessarily be for the time discontinued;
and that the Afridis and other tribes, who have attacked
British Government posts, would be dealt with in a manner
to make clear the supremacy of the British Government.
“I have understood the facts of the circumstances which
your Excellency has detailed, and I feel certain that
the tribesmen, who have stirred up disturbances and who,
without possessing any warlike materials and appliances,
commenced hostilities against the Government, will be put
to flight and dispersed.
“I saw some of these people, and asked them by way of
advice why they were disobeying the illustrious British
Government, and exposing themselves to slaughter and
loss. They said that their proceedings were undertaken
owing to the hopeless circumstances in which they were
involved, and they gave the particulars as stated below,
_i.e_., that during former years a firm promise was given,
on behalf of the illustrious British Government, to the
frontier tribesmen that they would always be exempted from
the restrictions of Government laws, and would remain
independent in their own country; that when they received
such orders from the great Government, they lived with
perfect assurance of mind, and never paid any taxes to any
one; that subsequently the frontier British officials,
disregarding the orders of the Government of India issued
to them (tribesmen), began to make roads in their country,
and subsequently asked them for revenue and inflicted
fines, &c., upon them and generally treated them in the
same way as the old inhabitants of India were treated.
“That the people inhabiting hilly tracts are generally
poor and possess no property; that they have, therefore,
exposed themselves to destruction, and they desire that
the frontier officials should act in accordance with the
promise which the Government of India had given them.
“I then asked them to produce any Government ‘Sanad’ in
support of their statements, and they produced several
printed notifications, declaring the independence of those
tribesmen, issued by the Exalted Government of India.
“As I have heard the above-mentioned particulars from some
of the said tribesmen, and as I saw the notifications also
which they had in their possession, I have communicated
the above as a piece of information to your Excellency.
Apparently the complaints of these people are against the
local frontier officers of India. It is possible that your
Excellency may have received similar accounts.
“Further, as to the closure of the Khyber road owing to the
instigations of the Mullahs and its remaining unprotected,
your Excellency has informed me about the causes which
have led to the discontinuance of the carriage through the
pass of merchandise, and especially of valuable goods and
warlike stores.
“I am aware that those independent tribesmen do plunder.
Thus, some time ago Sartip Muhammad Hosein, stationed at
Dakka, had entrusted to the charge of the escort party
(Khyber) some packages of raisins and raw goat-skins, but
some mischievous people carried off the above goods. There
was another kafila carrying about six lakhs of rupees,
belonging to merchants, which subsequently reached Dakka;
but the money was called back from Dakka.
“I have, therefore, arranged that any articles which may
be required to be despatched urgently should be sent by
Karachi and Kandahar, until the Khyber road is made safe
again.
“Your Excellency writes further about the story concocted
by designing persons that the troops assembled at Peshawar
were intended for an attack on Kabul, and that the
Government of India will honourably adhere to its promise
of supporting my Government. My dear friend, many men with
interested motives and foolish prattle are to be found
everywhere, and they say whatever comes to their silly
thoughts. No importance has ever been attached to the
foolish statements of such persons who only look to the
surface, and who seek to create mischief.
“Peshawar is a country which is in the possession of the
British Government, who are free to adopt any arrangements
and measures which they may like in it. In this way both
our Governments have authority to adopt measures which they
consider it necessary to take in their own territories.
Further, up to the present, no such thing has occurred
as should lead to the entertainment of such unnecessary
thoughts. Supposing such a thing were to occur, the first
step would be to ask for the cause of it from the side
where it should occur.
“If the matter were such as to require an exchange of
correspondence, correspondence would no doubt take place,
so that the cause of it might come to light. Otherwise,
why should ear be given to the foolish talk of interested
persons?
“In the same way that your Excellency has written, so
long as the British Government retain sentiments of good
friendship and union in regard to friendship and alliance
with the God-granted Government, please God, I will,
with full confidence, adhere to the friendship of the
illustrious British Government in accordance with the terms
of the agreement.
“As regards the camels which the Waziri thieves stole
from the troops in Dawar, and brought to Khost where they
sold them to the inhabitants, I have to state that Sirdar
Sherindil Khan has ordered the owners of the camels to keep
them safe. If your Excellency considers it necessary that
the camels should be taken back from them, then, as the
inhabitants of Khost have bought the camels from the Waziri
thieves, the price current in the country should be given
to them and the camels taken back, so that the people of
Khost may not suffer loss.”
_From_ HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICEROY AND GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA
_to_ HIS HIGHNESS THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN, G.C.B., G.C.S.I.,
_dated Simla, September 6, 1897_.
(After compliments.)
“I have already, in my letter to your Highness of the 30th
August, acknowledged your Highness’s letter of the 18th
Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H., corresponding to the 18th August
1897, to the Commissioner of Peshawar, in which your
Highness has denied any complicity with the disturbances
on the frontier of India. I have now to acknowledge the
receipt of your Highness’s further friendly letter on
the same subject, dated the 19th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H.,
corresponding to the 19th August 1897, which was sent by
way of Quetta in Baluchistan.
“With this letter, your Highness has sent me a copy of the
proclamation issued by the Mullah of Adda to the people
of Ningrahar. I thank your Highness for taking so much
trouble to send me this information. I had already seen
this proclamation, and I was informed that the person from
whom my copy was obtained had himself received the Mullah’s
proclamation from your Highness’s Sartip of Dakka.
“I cordially agree with what your Highness writes that ‘the
false utterances and fabricated reports of self-interested
persons’ should be investigated in a friendly manner, and
with a view to forestalling any such report which might be
made to your Highness, I write this letter to inform you
that my troops are about to enter the Mohmand country in
order to search out the Mullah of Adda and his lashkar, and
to disperse and destroy them. In the letter written by your
Highness on the 18th Rabi-ul-Awal to the commissioner of
Peshawar, your Highness has stated that Mullah Najm-ud-din
‘has now taken up his abode in a country which is
independent of Kabul and in the neighbourhood of Peshawar.’
“Your Highness has also written, ‘what more can I add in
this matter to the foregoing arguments, having regard
to the proximity to you of these Mullahs who are close
to your country and have now, according to the boundary
demarcation, fallen within the limits of the British
Government.’
“It is, no doubt, true that the Mullah has committed
hostile acts within the territory which it has been
agreed falls within the limits of the British Government,
and if my troops meet him there his punishment will be
speedily accomplished. But I am informed that the Mullah
has established his abode in the village of Jarobi, and
though, as your Highness is aware, the country is wild and
unsurveyed, and no permanent boundary pillars have been
erected, it is understood that this village probably lies
within the territory which, according to the arrangement
proposed in my letter of the 12th November 1896, would
fall within the limits of Afghanistan. Your Highness
will agree with me that this man, who has given so much
trouble to your Highness’s Government as well as to the
British Government, must not escape the punishment for his
misdeeds, and if the Mullah retires before my troops to
Jarobi, or to any place similarly situated, my troops will
be authorised to follow him up and destroy him and his
habitation. I do not wish your Highness to regard any such
action on the part of my troops as indicating an intention
to vary or depart from what we have agreed upon as the
dividing-line in the Mohmand country. I have no intention
that my troops should stay in that country, and they will
certainly not go further into it than is necessary in
order to carry out the object with which they are being
despatched. On the other hand, if the Mullah should take
flight across the mountains into the Kunar Valley, my
troops have orders not to follow him beyond the watershed,
but I shall look to your Highness to give orders to your
officers to deal with him as he deserves, and to restrain
him from exciting the foolish tribesmen to further acts of
hostility.
“I have always endeavoured in my correspondence with
your Highness to write frankly and openly so that
misunderstandings may be avoided. Your Highness will, I
hope, recognise that this is my object on this occasion.”
_From the_ AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN _to the address of_ HIS EXCELLENCY
THE VICEROY, _dated September 12, 1897_.
(After compliments.)
“I beg to inform your Excellency that I have received
your friendly letter of the 6th instant. The Mullah will
not come to this country of mine, because he has acted
wrongly, and, should he still come, I will expel him from
my country, so that he may go towards Arabia, because he is
a very wicked person. Your Excellency’s troops, however,
should not advance too far (_lit._ should not make a great
advance), lest some confusion arise within the limits of
Kunar or among the troops which are in Kunar. The Mullah
is a great knave. He should not be allowed to (_lit._ let
it not be that he might) excite the people and troops of
Ningrahar. Precaution is necessary, so that the Army of the
Sublime Government may not raise commotion and tumult in
the neighbourhood, and the Mullah excite the people and be
the source of disturbances.
“As regards the remaining portion of the undemarcated
boundary of that district, your Excellency states that
Jarobi is possibly within Afghan limits. As up to this time
no decision has been come to in regard to those places, it
will, undoubtedly, be as your Excellency has written.”
_From_ HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICEROY AND GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA
_to_ HIS HIGHNESS THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN, G.C.B., G.C.S.I.,
_dated Simla, October 7, 1897_.
(After compliments.)
“Your Highness has probably already heard of the result of
the advance of my troops against the Adda Mullah, which
in my letter of the 6th September 1897, corresponding
to the 8th Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., I told your Highness
was about to be undertaken. The Mullah’s gathering has
been dispersed: my troops followed him to his home at
Jarobi, but he had already fled across the boundary into
your Highness’s territory, and, in accordance with my
promise, my troops did not pursue him further. It is now
for your Highness to fulfil the part which your Highness
in your letter of the 12th September 1897, announced the
intention of taking, in the event of the Mullah entering
Afghanistan. I look to your Highness to prevent him from
concocting further mischief from Afghan territory.
“As an instance of the mischief which the Adda Mullah has
been guilty of, I enclose in original a letter, dated
the 2nd September 1897, from Najm-ud-din to the Mian
Guls of Swat. The Mullah writes: ‘I had written to his
Highness the Amir, Zia-ul-millat-wad-din, on the subject
of jehad. His Highness replied that we should wait: that
his Highness would consult all the military officers,
Khans and Maliks of his Highness’s territory and then
write again in reply, telling me the arrangements and
preparations for jehad.’
“Further on, he adds: ‘Please God, his Highness the
Amir will make arrangements for the jehad and issue a
notification to that effect.’
“In this way, Najm-ud-din has tried to make mischief
between your Highness and the Government of India, and it
is not to be wondered at if, under such circumstances,
people believe that they will not incur your Highness’s
displeasure by acting in a hostile manner towards the
British Government.
“In my letter of the 30th August 1897, equivalent to the
1st Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., I informed your Highness of
the misdeeds of the Afridis, and of my intention to deal
with them in a manner to make clear the supremacy of the
British Government.
“I now have the honour to inform your Highness that a
punitive force under the command of General Sir William
Lockhart, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., will shortly start to march
through the country of the Orakzais and Afridis, and to
compel both tribes to submit to such terms as I decide to
impose upon them.
“I have received a letter from my Agent at Kabul,
enclosing copy of one sent to him by your Highness on
the 25th Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., corresponding to the
23rd September 1897. From this letter I learn that your
Highness has refused to receive or encourage, and has
turned back, the Afridis whose representatives were
on their way to Kabul. I thank your Highness for this
friendly act, which is exactly in accordance with what I
had proposed to ask your Highness to do.
“It is probable that, when the British troops advance, the
tribesmen will follow the example of the Adda Mullah’s
lashkar, and take flight into Afghan territory. I have,
indeed, been informed that they are already sending their
women and property into Ningrahar.
“Your Highness is aware that in December 1895 and in May
last I caused the Kaffir refugees to be disarmed, and took
measures to prevent their causing your Highness annoyance.
“I now ask your Highness to take similar action in regard
to the Orakzais and Afridis, by ordering your local
officers to disarm those who enter your limits and to
prevent them from making Afghan territory a base for
attacks upon my forces.”
From HIS HIGHNESS THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN _and its Dependencies
to the address of_ HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICEROY, _dated the 16th
Jamadi-ul-Awal, 1315 H., corresponding to the 13th October 1897
(received on October 20, 1897)_.
(After compliments.)
“I have received your Excellency’s friendly letter, dated
the 7th October 1897, enclosing a letter from Mullah
Najm-ud-din, the Fakir of Hadda, to the Mian Guls, which I
have perused. I have also understood the contents of your
Excellency’s letter.
“As to the escape of Mullah Hadda from his house before
the British troops reached it, and as to my promise that
I would turn him out from this side of the boundary if
he should enter my territory, I have now to inform your
Excellency that I have issued orders to search for the
said Mullah by day and night in view to arrest him. The
news-reporters appointed for the purpose report that the
Mullah has concealed himself and is secretly moving about.
I have also ordered that his whereabouts should be found
out and a report made. Please God, the said Mullah’s
mischief will be stopped, if he be within the limits of my
territory; but if this mischievous man move about in tracts
which have not been divided yet between the British and
Afghan Governments, the British officials should instruct
the Maliks of such tracts to make arrangements about the
said mischievous man. This man does not pass a single night
at one place. He is in motion like mercury: during night he
is at one place, and during day at another. Such are the
reports made by news-reporters. Notwithstanding this, I am
engaged in endeavouring to arrest him. Your Excellency may
rest assured that, if I succeed in arresting him, I will
turn him out from my territory.
“I have perused the letter which Mullah Najm-ud-din wrote
to the Mian Guls of Swat, and which your Excellency sent to
me. I write to say that whatever the Mullah has written,
he has done so with the object of deceiving the tribesmen.
His object is to excite people to rebel. Some years ago he
became hostile towards me, and excited all his disciples
to rise against me, and made them fight with my troops.
Now in this way he is making the distant people fight with
the British Government. He is mischievous; he says what is
advisable and beneficial in his own interests. If I had
given him the said promise, he was not distant from my
country, and at the outside my troops at Jelalabad were
only two stages away from his residence. Your Excellency
can see from the date of his letter what a lie he has
told. Liars tell lies, but wise persons should distinguish
(between truth and falsehood). I have known these Mullahs
well for years. They are like the priests of the time of
Peter the Great, who created great mischief in Russia.
These Mullahs pretend before the people that Paradise and
Hell are within their power and authority.
“I have understood what your Excellency kindly wrote
for my information about sending British troops for the
chastisement of the Orakzais and Afridis. I have also
learnt about the decision which the high officials of the
British Government have come to in regard to punishing the
said tribesmen and bringing them to obedience.
“I have further understood what your Excellency wrote
about the report which Maulavi Ghafur Khan made to your
Excellency regarding the arrival of the Afridi jirga at
Jelalabad, and my sending them back to their country from
that place; and your Excellency expressing thanks to me for
my action. As the people are seeking their own interests,
their statements cannot be relied upon.
“Your Excellency writes that, if at the time of the
British troops advancing against the Orakzais and Afridis
these tribesmen, being obliged to flee, should enter my
territory, they should be disarmed and prevented from
making any attack on British territory. My dear friend, I
will not, please God, to the best of my power, allow my
subjects to join the tribesmen who have rebelled, in view
to help them in their fights. But when they bring their
families to the houses of their own relatives I will take
no notice of the circumstance, because these people are
mutually related to one another. They have given thousands
of their daughters in marriage to one another. If I were
to prohibit this mutual intercourse and prevent them from
bringing their families to Jelalabad, the tribesmen would
become hostile to me, in the same way that they have become
hostile to the British Government. Their hostility to the
British Government cannot be of much account, because
the British Government is a Great Government. They have
appointed troops for their punishment, composed of English
soldiers, Sikhs, and Hindus. But all my troops consist of
these tribesmen. They will never agree to the destruction
of their own kith and kin; and they will again, under the
orders of the mischievous Mullahs, issue improper edicts
against me.
“It would be better if peace be made between the Tirah
people, Afridis and Orakzais, and the British Government.
But if not, and fight ensues, and these tribesmen should
flee and come to the district of Ningrahar, your Excellency
may rest assured that they will not be able any more
to attack or interfere with your Excellency’s country;
and until they have consented to become subjects of the
illustrious British Government, I will never allow them to
make any interference with British territory. But if they
continue to remain in their own mountains, they will be
beyond my power and control. If they come to my country,
like Umra Khan, they will not behave improperly, and I will
not allow them to do so.
_Treaty signed at Kabul on March 21, 1905, between_ MR.
(_afterwards_ SIR) LOUIS DANE, C.S.I., _and_ HABIB ULLAH, AMIR
OF AFGHANISTAN.
(After compliments.)
His Majesty Siraj-ul-millat-wa-ud-din Amir Habib Ulla
Khan, Independent King of the State of Afghanistan and
its dependencies, on the one part, and the Honourable Mr.
Louis William Dane, C.S.I., Foreign Secretary of the Mighty
Government of India and Representative of the Exalted
British Government, on the other part.
His said Majesty does hereby agree to this, that in the
principles and in the matters of subsidiary importance of
the Treaty regarding internal and external affairs, and
of the engagements which his Highness, my late father,
that is, Kia-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, who has found mercy, may
God enlighten his tomb! concluded and acted upon with the
Exalted British Government, I also have acted, am acting,
and will act upon the same agreement and compact, and I
will not contravene them in any dealing or in any promise.
The said Honourable Mr. Louis William Dane does
hereby agree to this, that as to the very agreement
and engagement which the Exalted British Government
concluded and acted upon with the noble father of his
Majesty Siraj-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, that is, his Highness
Zia-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, who has found mercy, regarding
internal and external affairs and matters of principle or
of subsidiary importance, I confirm them and write that
they (the British Government) will not act contrary to
those agreements and engagements in any way or at any time.
Made on Tuesday, the fourteenth day of Muharram-ul-haram
of the year thirteen hundred and twenty-three Hijri,
corresponding to the twenty-first day of March of the year
nineteen hundred and five A.D.
AMIR HABIB ULLA.
LOUIS W. DANE.
_Circular Despatch addressed by_ PRINCE GORTCHAKOW _to Russian
Representatives abroad: dated November 21, 1864_.
ST. PETERSBURG,
_November 21, 1864_.
The Russian newspapers have given an account of the last
military operations executed by a detachment of our troops,
in the regions of Central Asia, with remarkable success and
important results. It was to be foreseen that these events
would the more attract the attention of the foreign public
that their scene was laid in scarcely known countries.
Our august Master has commanded me to state to you briefly,
but with clearness and precision, the position in which we
find ourselves in Central Asia, the interests which inspire
us in those countries, and the end which we have in view.
The position of Russia in Central Asia is that of all
civilised States which are brought into contact with
half-savage, nomad populations, possessing no fixed social
organisation.
In such cases it always happens that the more civilised
State is forced, in the interest of the security of its
frontier and its commercial relations, to exercise a
certain ascendency over those whom their turbulent and
unsettled character make most undesirable neighbours.
First, there are raids and acts of pillage to be put down.
To put a stop to them, the tribes on the frontier have to
be reduced to a state of more or less perfect submission.
This result once attained, these tribes take to more
peaceful habits, but are in their turn exposed to the
attacks of the more distant tribes.
The State is bound to defend them against these
depredations, and to punish those who commit them. Hence
the necessity of distant, costly, and periodically
recurring expeditions against an enemy whom his social
organisation makes it impossible to seize. If, the robbers
once punished, the expedition is withdrawn, the lesson is
soon forgotten; its withdrawal is put down to weakness. It
is a peculiarity of Asiatics to respect nothing but visible
and palpable force: the moral force of reason and of the
interests of civilisation has as yet no hold upon them.
The work has then always to be done over again from the
beginning.
In order to put a stop to this state of permanent disorder,
fortified posts are established in the midst of these
hostile tribes, and an influence is brought to bear upon
them which reduces them by degrees to a state of more
or less forced submission. But soon beyond this second
line other still more distant tribes come in their turn
to threaten the same dangers and necessitate the same
measures of repression. The State thus finds itself forced
to choose one of two alternatives, either to give up this
endless labour and to abandon its frontier to perpetual
disturbance, rendering all prosperity, all security, all
civilisation an impossibility, or, on the other hand, to
plunge deeper and deeper into barbarous countries, where
the difficulties and expenses increase with every step in
advance.
Such has been the fate of every country which has found
itself in a similar position. The United States in America,
France in Algeria, Holland in her colonies, England in
India--all have been irresistibly forced, less by ambition
than by imperious necessity, into this onward march, where
the greatest difficulty is to know when to stop.
Such, too, have been the reasons which have led the
Imperial Government to take up at first a position resting
on one side on the Syr Daria, on the other on the Lake
Issik-Kul, and to strengthen these two lines by advanced
forts, which, little by little, have crept on into
the heart of those distant regions, without, however,
succeeding in establishing on the other side of our
frontiers that tranquillity which is indispensable for
their security.
The explanation of this unsettled state of things is to
be found, first, in the fact that, between the extreme
points of this double line, there is an immense unoccupied
space, where all attempts at colonisation or caravan trade
are paralysed by the inroads of the robber-tribes; and,
in the second place, in the perpetual fluctuations of the
political condition of those countries, where Turkestan and
Khokand, sometimes united, sometimes at variance, always at
war, either with one another or with Bokhara, presented no
chance of settled relations or of any regular transactions
whatever.
The Imperial Government thus found itself, in spite of all
its efforts, in the dilemma we have above alluded to, that
is to say, compelled either to permit the continuance of
a state of permanent disorder, paralysing to all security
and progress, or to condemn itself to costly and distant
expeditions, leading to no practical result, and with the
work always to be done anew; or, lastly, to enter upon
the undefined path of conquest and annexation which has
given to England the empire of India, by attempting the
subjugation by armed force, one after another, of the small
independent states whose habits of pillage and turbulence
and whose perpetual revolts leave their neighbours neither
peace nor repose.
Neither of these alternative courses was in accordance with
the object of our august Master’s policy, which consists,
not in extending beyond all reasonable bounds the regions
under his sceptre, but in giving a solid basis to his rule,
in guaranteeing their security, and in developing their
social organisation, their commerce, their wellbeing, and
their civilisation.
Our task was, therefore, to discover a system adapted to
the attainment of this threefold object.
The following principles have, in consequence, been laid
down:
(1) It has been judged to be indispensable that our two
fortified frontier lines--one extending from China to
the lake Issik-Kul, the other from the Sea of Aral
along the Syr-Daria--should be united by fortified
points, so that all our posts should be in a position
of mutual support, leaving no gap through which the
nomad tribes might make with impunity their inroads
and depredations.
(2) It was essential that the line of our advanced forts
thus completed should be situated in a country fertile
enough, not only to insure their supplies, but also
to facilitate the regular colonisation, which alone
can prepare a future of stability and prosperity for
the occupied country, by gaining over the neighbouring
populations to civilised life.
(3) And lastly. It was urgent to lay down this line
definitely, so as to escape the danger of being
carried away, as is almost inevitable, by a series of
repressive measures and reprisals, into an unlimited
extension of territory.
To attain this end a system had to be established which
should depend not only on reason, which may be elastic, but
on geographical and political conditions, which are fixed
and permanent.
This system was suggested to us by a very simple fact, the
result of long experience, namely, that the nomad tribes,
which can neither be seized nor punished, nor effectually
kept in order, are our most inconvenient neighbours; while,
on the other hand, agricultural and commercial populations
attached to the soil, and possessing a more advanced social
organisation, offer us every chance of gaining neighbours
with whom there is a possibility of entering into relations.
Consequently, our frontier line ought to swallow up the
former and stop short at the limit of the latter.
These three principles supply a clear, natural, and logical
explanation of our last military operations in Central Asia.
In fact our original frontier line, extending along the
Syr-Daria to Fort Perovski on one side, and on the other to
the Lake Issik-Kul, had the drawback of being almost on the
verge of the desert. It was broken by a wide gap between the
two extreme points; it did not offer sufficient resources to
our troops, and left unsettled tribes over the border with
which any settled arrangement became impossible.
In spite of our unwillingness to extend our frontier, these
motives had been powerful enough to induce the Imperial
Government to establish this line between Lake Issik-Kul and
the Syr-Daria by fortifying the town of Chimkent, lately
occupied by us. By the adoption of this line we obtain a
double result. In the first place, the country it takes in
is fertile, well wooded, and watered by numerous
watercourses; it is partly inhabited by various Kirghiz
tribes, which have already accepted our rule; it
consequently offers favourable conditions for colonisation
and the supply of provisions to our garrisons. In the second
place, it puts us in the immediate neighbourhood of the
agricultural and commercial populations of Khokand. We find
ourselves in presence of a more solid and compact, less
unsettled, and better organised social state; fixing for us
with geographical precision the limit up to which we are
bound to advance, and at which we must halt; because, while,
on the one hand, any further extension of our rule, meeting,
as it would, no longer with unstable communities, such as
the nomad tribes, but with more regularly constituted
states, would entail considerable exertions, and would draw
us on from annexation to annexation with unforeseen
complications. On the other, with such states for our future
neighbours, their backward civilisation and the instability
of their political condition do not shut us out from the
hope that the day may come when regular relations may, to
the advantage of both parties, take the place of the
permanent troubles which have up to the present moment
paralysed all progress in those countries.
Such, Sir, are the interests which inspire the policy of our
august Master in Central Asia; such is the object, by his
Imperial Majesty’s orders, of the action of his Cabinet.
You are requested to take these arguments as your guide in
any explanations you may give to the Government to which you
are accredited, in case questions are asked or you may see
credence given to erroneous ideas as to our action in these
distant parts.
It is needless for me to lay stress upon the interest, which
Russia evidently has, not to increase her territory, and,
above all, to avoid raising complications on her frontiers
which can but delay and paralyse her domestic development.
The programme which I have just traced is in accordance with
these views.
Very frequently of late years the civilisation of these
countries, which are her neighbours on the continent of
Asia, has been assigned to Russia as her special mission.
No agent has been found more apt for the progress of
civilisation than commercial relations. Their development
requires everywhere order and stability; but in Asia it
demands a complete transformation of the habits of the
people. The first thing to be taught to the populations of
Asia is that they will gain more in favouring and protecting
the caravan trade than in robbing it. These elementary ideas
can only be accepted by the public where one exists; that is
to say, where there is some organised form of society and a
government to direct and represent it.
We are accomplishing the first part of our task in carrying
our frontier to the limit where the indispensable conditions
are to be found.
The second we shall accomplish in making every effort
henceforward to prove to our neighbouring states, by a
system of firmness in the repression of their misdeeds,
combined with moderation and justice in the use of our
strength, and respect for their independence, that Russia is
not their enemy, that she entertains towards them no ideas
of conquest, and that peaceful and commercial relations with
her are more profitable than disorder, pillage, reprisals,
and a permanent state of war.
The Imperial Cabinet, in assuming this task, takes as its
guide the interests of Russia. But it believes that, at the
same time, it is promoting the interests of humanity and
civilisation. It has a right to expect that the line of
conduct it pursues and the principles which guide it will
meet with a just and candid appreciation.
(Signed) GORTCHAKOW.
TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND BOKHARA (1873)
Concluded between GENERAL AIDE-DE-CAMP KAUFFMAN, GOVERNOR-GENERAL
OF TURKESTAN, and SEID MOZAFFUR, AMIR OF BOKHARA.
(1) The frontier between the dominions of his Imperial
Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias and his Highness the
Amir of Bokhara remains unchanged.
The Khivan territory on the right bank of the Amu Daria
having been incorporated in the Russian Empire, the former
frontier between Khiva and Bokhara, from the oasis of
Khelata to Gugertli, is abolished. The territory between
the former Bokharo-Khivan frontier on the right bank of the
Amu Daria from Gugertli to Meschekli, and from Meschekli to
the point of junction of the former Bokharo-Khivan frontier
with the frontier of the Russian Empire, is incorporated in
the dominions of the Amir of Bokhara.
(2) The right bank of the Amu Daria being severed from the
Khanate of Khiva, the caravan routes leading north from
Bokhara into the Russian dominions traverse exclusively
the territories of Bokhara and Russia. The Governments of
Russia and Bokhara, each within its own territory, shall
watch over the safety of these caravan routes and of the
trade thereupon.
(3) Russian steamers, and other Russian vessels, whether
belonging to the Government or to private individuals,
shall have the right of free navigation on that portion of
the Amu Daria which belongs to the Amir of Bokhara.
(4) The Russians shall have the right to establish piers
and warehouses in such places upon the Bokharan banks of
the Amu Daria as may be judged necessary and convenient for
that purpose. The Bokharan Government shall be responsible
for the safety of these erections. The final and definite
selection of localities shall rest with the supreme Russian
authorities in Central Asia.
(5) All the towns and villages of the Khanate of Bokhara
shall be open to Russian trade. Russian traders and
caravans shall have free passage throughout the Khanate,
and shall enjoy the special protection of the local
authorities. The Bokharan Government shall be responsible
for the safety of Russian caravans on Bokharan territory.
(6) All merchandise belonging to Russian traders, whether
imported from Russia to Bokhara or exported from Bokhara to
Russia, shall be subject to an _ad valorem_ duty of 2½ per
cent., in the same manner as an _ad valorem_ duty of ⅟40 is
charged in the Russian province of Turkestan. No other tax,
duty, or impost whatsoever shall be imposed thereupon.
(7) Russian traders shall have the right to transport their
merchandise through Bokhara free of transit dues.
(8) Russian traders shall have the right to establish
caravanserais for the storage of merchandise in all
Bokharan towns. The same right is accorded to Bokharan
traders in the towns of the Russian province of Turkestan.
(9) Russian traders shall have the right to keep commercial
agents in all the towns of Bokhara, in order to watch
over the progress of trade and the levying of duties, and
to enter into communications with the local authorities
thereupon. The same right is accorded to Bokharan traders
in the towns of the Russian province of Turkestan.
(10) All commercial engagements between Russians and
Bokharans shall be held sacred, and shall be faithfully
carried out by both parties. The Bokharan Government shall
undertake to keep watch over the honest fulfilment of all
such engagements, and over the fair and honourable conduct
of commercial affairs in general.
(11) Russian subjects shall have the right, in common
with the subjects of Bokhara, to carry on all branches of
industry and handicraft on Bokharan territory that are
sanctioned by the law of Sharigat. Bokharan subjects shall
have a similar right to practise all such occupations on
Russian territory as are sanctioned by the law of Russia.
(12) Russian subjects shall have the right to acquire
gardens, cultivate lands, and own every species of real
property in the Khanate. Such property shall be subject
to the same land tax as Bokharan property. The same
right shall be enjoyed by Bokharan subjects in the whole
territory of the Russian Empire.
(13) Russian subjects shall have the right to enter
Bokharan territory when furnished with permits, signed by
the Russian authorities. They shall have the right of free
passage throughout the Khanate, and shall enjoy the special
protection of the Bokharan authorities.
(14) The Bokharan Government shall not in any case admit
on to Bokharan territory any foreigners, of whatever
nationality, arriving from Russian territory, unless they
be furnished with special permits signed by the Russian
authorities. If a criminal, being a Russian subject, takes
refuge on Bokharan territory, he shall be arrested by the
Bokharan authorities and delivered over to the nearest
Russian authorities.
(15) In order to maintain direct and uninterrupted
relations with the supreme Russian authorities in Central
Asia, the Amir of Bokhara shall appoint one of his intimate
counsellors to be his resident envoy and plenipotentiary at
Tashkent. Such envoy shall reside at Tashkent in a house
belonging to the Amir and at the expense of the latter.
(16) The Russian Government shall in like manner have the
right to appoint a permanent representative at Bokhara,
attached to the person of his Highness the Amir. He shall
reside in a house belonging to the Russian Government and
at the expense of the latter.
(17) In conformity with the desire of the Emperor of All
the Russias, and in order to enhance the glory of his
Imperial Majesty, his Highness the Amir Seid Mozaffur
has determined as follows: The traffic in human beings,
being contrary to the law which commands man to love his
neighbour, is abolished for ever in the territory of
Bokhara. In accordance with this resolve, the strictest
injunctions shall immediately be given by the Amir to all
his Begs to enforce the new law and special orders shall be
sent to all the frontier towns of Bokhara to which slaves
are brought for sale from neighbouring countries, that
should any such slave be brought thither, they shall be
taken from their owners and shall be set at liberty without
loss of time.
(18) His Highness the Amir Seid Mozaffur, being sincerely
desirous of strengthening and developing the amicable
relations which have subsisted for five years to the
benefit of Bokhara, approves and accepts for his guidance
the above seventeen articles composing a treaty of
friendship between Russia and Bokhara. This treaty shall
consist of two copies, each copy being written in the two
languages, in the Russian and in the Turki language.
In token of the confirmation of this treaty and of
its acceptance for the guidance of himself and of his
successors, the Amir Seid Mozaffur has affixed thereto his
seal. Done at Shaar on the 10th day of October 1873, being
the 19th day of the month Shayban of the year 1290.
_Translations of letters_[46] _from_ ADJUTANT-GENERAL VON KAUFFMAN,
GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF TURKESTAN, _to the_ AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN.
TASHKENT, _June 1878_.
_To the_ AMIR OF THE WHOLE OF AFGHANISTAN, SHIR ALI KHAN.
“Be it known to you that our relations with the British
Government are of great importance to Afghanistan and its
dependencies. As I am unable to see you, I have deputed
my trustworthy (official) General Stolietoff to you. The
General is an old friend of mine, and during the late
Russo-Turkish war earned the favour of the Emperor by
his spirit and bravery. He has become well known to the
Emperor. This trustworthy person will communicate to you
what he thinks best. I hope you will pay attention to what
he says, and repose as much confidence in his words as if
they were my own; and that you will give your answer in
this matter through him. In the meantime, be it known to
you that if a friendly treaty will be of benefit to us, it
will be of far greater benefit to yourself.”
_Received through_ GENERAL STOLIETOFF, _August 9, 1878_.
“Be it known to you that in these days the relations
between the British Government and ours with regard to
your kingdom require deep consideration. As I am unable to
communicate my opinion verbally to you, I have deputed my
agent, Major-General Stolietoff. This gentleman is a near
friend of mine, and performed excellent services in the
late Russo-Turkish war, by which he earned favour of the
Emperor. The Emperor has always had a regard for him. He
will inform you of all that is hidden in my mind. I hope
you will pay great attention to what he says, and believe
him as you would myself, and, after due consideration, you
will give him your reply. Meanwhile, be it known to you
that your union and friendship with the Russian Government
will be beneficial to the latter, and still more so to
you. The advantages of a close alliance with the Russian
Government will be permanently evident.”
GENERAL STOLIETOFF sent the following letter, on his return to Tashkent
from Kabul, to the Foreign Minister, WAZIR SHAH MAHOMMED KHAN, dated
September 21, 1878:
“Thank God, I reached Tashkent safely, and at an auspicious
moment paid my respect to the Viceroy (Yaroni Padishah
means ‘half king’). I am trying day and night to gain our
objects, and hope I shall be successful. I am starting to
see the Emperor to-day, in order to inform his Majesty
personally of our affairs. If God pleases, everything that
is necessary will be done and affirmed. _I hope that those
who want to enter the gate of Kabul from the east will
see that the door is closed; then, please God, they will
tremble._ I hope you will give my respects to his Highness
the Amir. May God make his life long and increase his
wealth! May you remain in good health, and know that the
protection of God will arrange our affairs!
“(Signed) GENERAL STOLIETOFF.”
_From_ GENERAL VON KAUFFMAN _to the_ AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN,
_dated Tashkent, October 22, 1878_.
“Be it known to you that your letter, dated 12th Shawal,
reached me at Tashkent on the 16th October, _i.e._, 3rd
Zekada, and I understood its contents. I have telegraphed
an abstract of your letter to the address of the Emperor,
and have sent the letter itself, as also that addressed to
General Stolietoff, by post to Livadia, where the Emperor
now is. I am informed on good authority that the English
want to come to terms with you; and, as a friend, I advise
you to make peace with them if they offer it.”
_From_ GENERAL STOLIETOFF _to_ WAZIR SHAH MAHOMMED KHAN,
_dated October 8, 1878_.
“First of all, I hope you will be kind enough to give
my respects to the Amir. May God make his life long and
increase his wealth! I shall always remember his royal
hospitality. I am busy day and night in his affairs, and,
thank God, my labours have not been without result.
The great Emperor is a true friend of the Amir’s and of
Afghanistan, and his Majesty will do whatever he may think
necessary. Of course, you have not forgotten what I told
you, that the affairs of kingdoms are like a country which
has many mountains, valleys, and rivers. One who sits on a
high mountain can see things well. By the power and order
of God, there is no empire equal to that of our great
Emperor. May God make his life long! Therefore, whatever
our Government advises you, you should give ear to it. I
tell you the truth that our Government is wise as a serpent
and harmless as a dove. There are many things which you
cannot understand, but our Government understands them
well. It often happens that a thing which is unpleasant at
first is regarded as a blessing afterwards. Now, my kind
friend, I inform you that the enemy of your famous religion
wants to make peace with you through the Kaisar (Sultan)
of Turkey. Therefore, you should look to your brothers who
live on the other side of the river. If God stirs them up,
and gives the sword of fight into their hands, then go on
in the name of God (Bismilla), otherwise you should be as a
serpent; make peace openly, and in secret prepare for war,
and when God reveals His order to you, declare yourself. It
will be well, when the Envoy of your enemy wants to enter
the country, if you send an able emissary, possessing the
tongue of a serpent and full of deceit, to the enemy’s
country, so that he may with sweet words perplex the
enemy’s mind, and induce him to give up the intention of
fighting with you.
“My kind friend, I entrust you to the protection of God.
May God be the protector of the Amir’s kingdom, and may
trembling fall upon the limbs of your enemies! Amen.
“Write to me soon, and send the letter to the capital.
Please write in Arabic characters, so that I may be able to
read your letter.”
_From_ GENERAL VON KAUFFMAN _to the_ AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN,
_dated November 26, 1878_.
“I was much pleased to receive your letter, dated 24th
Zekada, 1295 (November 18, 1878), and to hear of your good
health. I have also received a copy of the letter which
you sent to the Governor-General. May God be pleased with
you. The British Ministers have given a pledge to our
Ambassador in London that they will not interfere with the
independence of Afghanistan. I am directed by his Majesty
the Emperor to communicate this news to you, and then,
after forming friendship, to go to his Majesty. I intend
to go to the Russian capital after I have arranged the
affairs of this country (Turkestan). As I do not consider
it advisable to keep your trusted officials, whom you are
in want of, here any more, I send Mahommed Hassan Khan,
Kamuah (Deputy-Governor), and Gholam Haidar Khan, with
two officers, back to you. I hope you will consider me a
well-wisher of your kingdom, and write to me now and then.
I have given instructions that, until my return, every
letter of yours which they receive at Turkestan should be
forwarded to the capital. Your good fortune is a cause
of happiness to me, and if any troubles come upon you, I
also shall be grieved. Some presents have been sent by me
through Mirza Mahommed Hassan, Kamuah; perhaps they may be
accepted.”
_Translation of a letter from_ GENERAL VON KAUFFMAN _to_ GENERAL
VOZGONOFF, _dated December, 1878._
“The Amir knows perfectly well that it is impossible for
me to assist him with troops in winter. Therefore, it
is necessary that war should not be commenced at this
unseasonable time. If the English, in spite of the Amir’s
exertions to avoid the war, commence it, you must then take
leave of the Amir and start for Tashkent, because your
presence in Afghanistan in winter is useless. Moreover, at
such a juncture as the commencement of war in Afghanistan,
you ought to come here and explain the whole thing to me,
so that I may communicate it to the Emperor. This will be
of great benefit to Afghanistan and to Russia.”
_From_ GENERAL VON KAUFFMAN _to the_ AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN,
_dated December 25, 1878_.
“Your letter, dated 27th Zel Hijja (November 20, 1878),
has reached me. I was pleased to hear tidings of your good
health. The Emperor has caused the British Government
to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence. The
English Ministers have promised this. I earnestly request
you not to leave your kingdom. As far as possible, consider
your own interests, and do not lose your independence. For
the present come to terms with the British Government. If
you do not want to go back to Kabul for this purpose, you
can write to your son, Mahommed Yakub Khan, to make peace
with the English as you may direct him. Do not leave the
soil of Afghanistan at this time, because it will be of
benefit to you. My words are not without truth, because
your arrival in Russian territory will make things worse.”
_From_ GENERAL VON KAUFFMAN _to the_ AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN,
_received at Mazar-i-Sharif on January 17, 1879_.
“I have received your friendly letter, dated 13th Zel Hijja
(December 8, 1878). In that letter you asked me to send as
many troops as could be got ready. I have written to you a
letter to the effect that the Emperor, on account of your
troubles, had communicated with the British Government,
and that the Russian Ambassador at London had obtained a
promise from the British Ministers to the effect that they
would not injure the independence of Afghanistan. Perhaps
you sent your letter before you got mine. Now, I have heard
that you have appointed your son, Mahommed Yakub, as your
Regent, and have come out of Kabul with some troops. I have
received an order from the Emperor to the effect that it is
impossible to assist you with troops now. I hope you will
be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God. Believe
me, that the friendship which I made with you will be
perpetual. It is necessary to send back General Vozgonoff
and his companions. You can keep Dr. Yuralski with you if
you please. No doubt the doctor will be of use to you and
to your dependents. I hope our friendship will continue to
be strengthened, and that intercourse will be carried on
between us.”
_From_ GENERAL VON KAUFFMAN _to the_ AMIR SHIR ALI,
_dated December 29, 1878_.
“The Foreign Minister, General Gortchakow, has informed me
by telegraph that the Emperor has directed me to trouble
you to come to Tashkent for the present. I therefore
communicate this news to you with great pleasure; at
the same time, I may mention that I have received no
instructions about your journey to St. Petersburg. My
personal interview with you will increase our friendship
greatly.”
_Letter from_ MAJOR-GENERAL IVANOFF, _Governor of Zerafshan, to
the Heir-Apparent_, MAHOMMED MUSA KHAN, _and others_.
“On the 26th of Rabi-ul-Awul, at an auspicious moment, I
received your letter which you sent me, and understood its
contents. I was very much pleased, and at once communicated
it to General Kauffman, the Governor-General. With regard
to what you wrote about the friendly relations between the
Russian and Afghan Governments, and your own desire for
friendship, I have the honour to state that we are also
desirous of being friends. The friendship between the two
Governments existed in the time of the late Amir, and I
hope that it will be increased and strengthened by Amir
Mahommed Yakub Khan.
“May God change the wars in your country to happiness;
may peace reign in it; and may your Government be
strengthened! I have been forwarding all your letters to
the Governor-General, General Kauffman. May God keep you
safe!
“The Zerafshan Province Governor,
“MAJOR-GENERAL IVANOFF.”
Written and sealed by the General.
Written on March 29, 1879.
Treaty between the Russian Government and Amir Shir Ali Khan, written
from memory by Mirza Mahommed Nabbi.
(1) The Russian Government engages that the friendship of
the Russian Government with the Government of Amir Shir
Ali Khan, Amir of All Afghanistan, will be a permanent and
perpetual one.
(2) The Russian Government engages that, as Sirdar Abdulla
Khan, son of the Amir, is dead, the friendship of the
Russian Government with any person whom the Amir may
appoint Heir-Apparent to the throne of Afghanistan, and
with the heir of the Heir-Apparent, will remain firm and
perpetual.
(3) The Russian Government engages that if any foreign
enemy attacks Afghanistan, and the Amir is unable to drive
him out, and asks the assistance of the Russian Government,
the Russian Government will repel the enemy, either by
means of advice or by such other means as it may consider
proper.
(4) The Amir of Afghanistan will not wage war with any
foreign Power without consulting the Russian Government,
and without its permission.
(5) The Amir of Afghanistan engages that he will always
report in a friendly manner to the Russian Government what
goes on in his kingdom.
(6) The Amir of Afghanistan will communicate every
wish and important affair of his to General Kauffman,
Governor-General of Turkestan, and the Governor-General
will be authorised by the Russian Government to fulfil the
wishes of the Amir.
(7) The Russian Government engages that the Afghan
merchants who may trade and sojourn in Russian territory
will be safe from wrong, and that they will be allowed to
carry away their profits.
(8) The Amir of Afghanistan will have the power to send
his servants to Russia to learn arts and trades, and the
Russian officers will treat them with consideration and
respect as men of rank.
(9) (Does not remember.)
(10) I, Major-General Stolietoff Nicholas, being a
trusted Agent of the Russian Government, have made the
above-mentioned Articles between the Russian Government and
the Government of Amir Shir Ali Khan, and have put my seal
to them.
_Correspondence between the_ BRITISH _and_ RUSSIAN GOVERNMENTS
_Respecting the Exclusion of_ AFGHANISTAN _from the_ RUSSIAN
_sphere of influence, and settling the Russo-Afghan Frontier of
1872 and 1887_.
From time to time the Russian Government has given a series of
assurances that whatever its action in other respects may have been, it
regarded Afghanistan as entirely beyond its sphere of action.
In March 1869, the Earl of Clarendon, then Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, informed the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg that
he had received communication of a despatch addressed by the Russian
Chancellor, Prince Gortchakow, to the Russian Ambassador in London,
containing the following declaration:
“You may repeat to her Britannic Majesty’s Principal
Secretary of State the positive assurance that his Imperial
Majesty looks upon Afghanistan as completely outside the
sphere within which Russia may be called upon to exercise
her influence. No intervention or interference whatever,
opposed to the independence of that State, enters into his
intentions.”
On October 17, 1872, Earl Granville addressed to Lord Loftus,
Ambassador at St. Petersburg, the following letter upon the
Russo-Afghan frontier.
“Her Majesty’s Government I have not yet received from
the Cabinet of St. Petersburg communication of the report
which General Kauffman was long since instructed to draw
up on the countries south of the Oxus, which are claimed
by the ruler of Afghanistan as his hereditary possessions.
Her Majesty’s Government have awaited this communication
in full confidence that impartial inquiries instituted by
that distinguished officer would confirm the views they
themselves take of this matter, and so enable the two
Governments to come to a prompt and definitive decision on
the question that has been so long in discussion between
them. But as the expected communication has not reached
them, and as they consider it of importance, both for the
maintenance of peace and tranquillity in Central Asia, and
for removing all causes of misunderstanding between the
Imperial Government and themselves, I will no longer delay
making known, through your Excellency, to the Imperial
Government the conclusion at which her Majesty’s Government
have arrived, after carefully weighing all the evidence
before them. In the opinion, then, of her Majesty’s
Government, the right of the Amir of Kabul (Shir Ali) to
the possession of the territories up to the Oxus as far
down as Khoja Saleh is fully established, and they believe,
and have so stated to him through the Indian Government,
that he would have a right to defend these territories if
invaded. On the other hand, her Majesty’s authorities in
India have declared their determination to remonstrate
strongly with the Amir should he evince any disposition to
overstep these limits of his kingdom. Hitherto the Amir
has proved most amenable to the advice offered to him by
the Indian Government, and has cordially accepted the
peaceful policy which they have recommended him to adopt,
because the Indian Government have been able to accompany
their advice with an assurance that the territorial
integrity of Afghanistan would in like manner be respected
by those Powers beyond his frontiers which are amenable
to the influence of Russia. The policy thus happily
inaugurated has produced the most beneficial results in the
establishment of peace in the countries where it has long
been unknown. Her Majesty’s Government believe that it is
now in the power of the Russian Government, by an explicit
recognition of the right of the Amir of Kabul to these
territories which he now claims, which Bokhara herself
admits to be his, and which all evidence as yet produced
shows to be in his actual and effectual possession, to
assist the British Government in perpetuating, so far as
it is in human power to do so, the peace and prosperity of
those regions, and in removing for ever by such means all
cause of uneasiness and jealousy between England and Russia
in regard to their respective policies in Asia.
“For your Excellency’s more complete information I state
the territories and boundaries which her Majesty’s
Government consider as fully belonging to the Amir of
Kabul, viz.:
“(1) Badakshan, with its dependent district of Wakhan, from
the Sarikal (Wood’s Lake) on the east, to the junction of
the Kokcha river with the Oxus (or Penjah), forming the
northern boundary of this Afghan province throughout its
entire extent.
“(2) Afghan Turkestan, comprising the districts of Kunduz,
Khulm, and Balkh, the northern boundary of which would be
the line of the Oxus from the junction of the Kokcha river
to the post of the Khoja Saleh, inclusive, on the high road
from Bokhara to Balkh. Nothing to be claimed by the Afghan
Amir on the left bank of the Oxus below Khoja Saleh.
“(3) The internal districts of Aksha, Saripool, Maimana,
Shibherfan, and Andkoi, the latter of which would be the
extreme Afghan frontier possession to the north-west, the
desert beyond belonging to independent tribes of Turcomans.
“(4) The western Afghan frontier between the dependencies
of Herat and those of the Persian province of Khorassan is
well known and need not here be defined. Your Excellency
will give a copy of this despatch to the Russian Minister
for Foreign Affairs.
“I am, etc.,
“GRANVILLE.”
(REPLY)
PRINCE GORTCHAKOW _to_ COUNT BRUNNOW (_communicated to_
EARL GRANVILLE _by_ COUNT BRUNNOW, _February 5, 1873_).
“ST. PETERSBURG,
“_January 31, 1873_.
“M. LE COMTE,--Lord Augustus Loftus has communicated to me
the reply of her Britannic Majesty’s principal Secretary of
State to our despatch on Central Asia of the 19th December.
“I enclose a copy of his document.
“We see with satisfaction that the English Cabinet
continues to pursue in those parts the same object as
ourselves, that of ensuring to them peace, and as far as
possible, tranquillity. The divergence which existed in our
views was with regard to the frontiers assigned to the
dominions of Shir Ali. The English Cabinet includes within
them Badakshan and Wakhan, which, according to our views,
enjoyed a certain independence. Considering the difficulty
experienced in establishing the facts in all their details
in those distant parts, considering the greater facilities
which the British Government possesses for collecting
precise data, and, above all, considering our wish not to
give to this question of detail greater importance than is
due to it, we do not refuse to accept the line of boundary
laid down by England. We are the more inclined to this
act of courtesy as the English Government engages to use
all her influence with Shir Ali in order to induce him to
maintain a peaceful attitude, as well as to insist on his
giving up all measures of aggression or further conquests.
This influence is indisputable. It is based not only on
the material and moral ascendency of England, but also on
the subsidies for which Shir Ali is indebted to her. Such
being the case, we see in his assurance a real guarantee
for the maintenance of peace. Your Excellency will have
the goodness to make this declaration to her Britannic
Majesty’s principal Secretary of State, and to give him a
copy of this despatch. We are convinced that Lord Granville
will perceive in it a fresh proof of the value which our
august master attaches to the maintenance and consolidation
of the most friendly relations with the Government of her
Majesty Queen Victoria.
“(_Signed_) GORTCHAKOW.”
In 1874, after the annexation of Khiva to the Russian dominions, Earl
Granville wrote, on January 7, as follows, to her Majesty’s Ambassador
in St. Petersburg, summing up the previous correspondence which had
passed between the two Governments:
EARL GRANVILLE _to_ LORD A. LOFTUS.
[Extract.]
“FOREIGN OFFICE,
“_January 7, 1874_.
“Her Majesty’s Government see no practical advantage in
examining too minutely how far these arrangements (between
the Russian Government and the Khan of Khiva) are in strict
accordance with the assurances given to me in January
last by Count Schouvalow, as to the intentions with which
the expedition against Khiva was undertaken. They are not
disposed to share in the exaggerated apprehensions which
have at times been expressed in this country as to the
danger to British rule in India which may arise from the
extension of Russian influence in Central Asia.
“At the same time each step of that progress renders
it more desirable that a clear and frank understanding
should continue to exist between the two countries as to
the relative position of British and Russian interests
in Asia, and it is with that object that her Majesty’s
Government think it right on the present occasion to review
the communications which have passed on the subject, and
the position of affairs as they stand in respect of the
future. In so doing they are fulfilling the wish expressed
by Prince Gortchakow, in conversation with Sir A. Buchanan,
on the 2nd of November, 1869, when he begged that Lord
Clarendon might be told that, ‘as both Governments are free
from all _arrière-pensées_, ambitious views, or unfriendly
feelings towards each other, the more fully and frankly all
questions connected with Central Asia are discussed between
them, the more effectually will the ‘mists’ be blown away,
which, through the misrepresentations of over-zealous
subordinate agents, may at any time hang over them.’
“In the spring of 1869 Lord Clarendon, in several
conversations with Baron Brunnow, drew attention to the
rapid progress of the Russian troops in Central Asia, and
made a proposal for the ‘recognition of some territory as
neutral between the possessions of England and Russia,
which should be the limit of those possessions, and which
should be scrupulously respected by both Powers.’
“Prince Gortchakow, to whom Baron Brunnow had communicated
Lord Clarendon’s suggestions, replied that ‘the idea of
maintaining between the possessions of the two Empires
in Asia a zone to preserve them from any contact’ had
always been shared by the Emperor, and he authorised Baron
Brunnow to ‘repeat to her Britannic Majesty’s Principal
Secretary of State the positive assurance that his Imperial
Majesty looks upon Afghanistan as completely outside the
sphere within which Russia may be called upon to exercise
her influence. No intervention or interference whatever,
opposed to the independence of that State, enters into his
intentions.’
“Her Majesty’s Government gladly take this opportunity of
again acknowledging the friendly and conciliatory spirit
shown by the Imperial Government in the acceptance by them
of the views advanced on the part of Great Britain, as to
the frontier line of Afghanistan. Those views were stated,
as you are aware, in my despatch to your Excellency of
October 17, 1872, and the assent of the Imperial Government
to the definition of the Afghan frontier as therein laid
down, will be found in Prince Gortchakow’s despatches to
Baron Brunnow of December 7, 1872, and January 19, 1873.
“Such was the agreement arrived at between the two
countries. On their part, her Majesty’s Government may
fairly claim that it has been faithfully executed to the
full extent of their power.
“It is unnecessary to retrace the series of circumstances
which, in spite of the reluctance of the Russian
Government, led to the recent expedition against Khiva.
In the face of these events it would be unwise not to
contemplate the possibility that considerations of
self-defence, or the necessity of punishing acts of
plunder and hostility, may eventually give occasion for a
Russian expedition against the Turkoman tribes.
“In face of the agreement which exists between the two
countries, it is unnecessary for her Majesty’s Government
to make any profession of their conviction that Afghanistan
is perfectly secure from any hostile designs on the part
of Russia. They think it best, however, to bring the fears
entertained by the Amir to the knowledge of the Russian
Government, and to express their earnest hope that the
question of any further expedition against the Turkoman
tribes may be carefully considered, in conjunction with the
results which the Amir of Kabul apprehends may ensue from
it. They think it right to state candidly and at once that
the independence of Afghanistan is regarded by them as a
matter of great importance to the welfare and security of
British India and to the tranquillity of Asia.”
Prince Gortchakow replied on January 21, 1874, to his Ambassador in
London:
PRINCE GORTCHAKOW _to_ COUNT BRUNNOW (_communicated to_ EARL
GRANVILLE _by_ COUNT BRUNNOW, _February 17_).
[Extract.]
“ST. PETERSBURG, _January 21_.
“I have expressed to the British Ambassador the entire
satisfaction which we feel at the just view taken by her
Majesty’s Government with regard to the questions which we
are called upon to treat together in Asia.
“In my opinion the understanding is complete. It rests not
only upon the loyalty of the two Governments, but upon
mutual political advantages which are palpably evident.
So long as they shall be animated by a spirit of mutual
goodwill and conciliation, no political misunderstanding is
to be apprehended between them.
“For our part, we remain constantly faithful to the
programme traced by mutual agreement, as resulted from
my interviews with Lord Clarendon, and as developed and
defined by the communications between the two Cabinets.
“I have repeated to Lord A. Loftus the positive assurance
that the Imperial Cabinet continues to consider Afghanistan
as entirely beyond its sphere of action.
“If on either side the two Governments exercise their
ascendency over the States placed within the range of
their natural influence in order to deter them from all
aggression, there is reason to hope that no violent
collision will occur to disturb the repose of Central Asia,
and interfere with the work of civilisation which it is the
duty and the interest of the two great Empires to bring to
a favourable issue.
“Be good enough to communicate these observations to Lord
Granville, and to repeat to his Excellency our conviction
that the two Governments have an equal interest in not
allowing their good relations to be disturbed by the
intrigues of Asiatic Khans, and that so long as they
both act together with a feeling of mutual confidence
and goodwill, the tranquillity of Central Asia will be
sufficiently guaranteed against all eventualities.”
On January 28, 1874, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg reported
to Lord Granville a further assurance given to him by the Russian
Chancellor:
LORD A. LOFTUS _to_ EARL GRANVILLE.
[Extract.]
“ST. PETERSBURG,
“_January 19, 1874_.
“As regards Afghanistan, his Highness repeated to me that
the Imperial Government considered that kingdom to be
beyond the sphere of their political action, and that,
happen what might, in the internal state of that country,
the Imperial Government would not interfere.”
In 1876, after the occupation of Khokand by the Russians, Prince
Gortchakoff instructed the Russian Ambassador to communicate the
following despatch to her Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs:
PRINCE GORTCHAKOW _to_ COUNT SCHUVALOFF (_communicated to the_
EARL OF DERBY _by_ COUNT SCHUVALOFF, _February 25, 1876_).
[Extract]
“ST. PETERSBURG, _February 3, / 15, 1876_.
“His Majesty the Emperor has learned with much interest the
contents of the Memorandum accompanying a despatch from
Lord Derby, which Lord A. Loftus read, in my absence, to
the Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs.
“I enclose herewith a copy of this document, which is a
reply to the Memorandum dated the 11th May, 1875, which
your Excellency was instructed to communicate to the
Principal Secretary of State of her Britannic Majesty
regarding the relations of the two Governments in Central
Asia.
“Our august Master has learnt with satisfaction the
friendly desire therein expressed to prevent, by frank
explanations, any cause of misunderstanding between the two
Cabinets. His Majesty appreciates likewise the breadth of
view with which Lord Derby puts on one side discussions of
detail and restrictions which are inapplicable in view of
the ill-defined condition of the countries over which the
two Governments have to exercise their influence.
“Have the goodness to inform his Excellency, by order of
our august Master, that we entirely agree in the conclusion
that, while maintaining on either side, the arrangement
come to as regards the limits of Afghanistan, which is
to remain outside the sphere of Russian action, the two
Cabinets should regard as terminated the discussions
relative to the intermediate zone, which have been
recognised as unpractical; that, while retaining entire
freedom of action, they should be guided by a mutual
desire to pay due regard to their respective interests and
necessities, by avoiding, as far as possible, any immediate
contact with each other, and any collisions between the
Asiatic States placed within the circle of their influence.
“We are convinced that by keeping to this principle, and
cultivating feelings of equity and reciprocal goodwill, the
two Cabinets will succeed in consolidating the friendly
relations so happily established between them, for the
advantage of the general peace in Europe and Asia.
“Your Excellency can renew to Lord Derby the assurance that
he may reckon on our frank co-operation for this purpose.”
After drawing the attention of the Russian Government, at the end of
1876, to the correspondence exchanged between General Kauffman and the
Amir of Kabul, the British Ambassador received the following further
assurance:
M. DE GIERS _to_ LORD A. LOFTUS.
“ST. PETERSBURG, _February 21, / March 5, 1877_.
“The Imperial Government entirely share the opinion of the
British Government that a frank and cordial interchange
of opinions on the question of Central Asia cannot do
otherwise than contribute to the maintenance of the good
and friendly relations at present established between
Russia and England.
“With this view they felt ready to give, in the Notes
of the 19th November / 1st December and the 3rd /
15th December, to which your Excellency refers, the
assurance that Russia had not endeavoured to conclude any
arrangement, commercial or political, with the Amir of
Kabul, and that the rare relations of our authorities in
Central Asia with the latter had never borne any other
character than that of pure courtesy, in conformity
with local usages in the East. While now renewing these
assurances, the Imperial Government hope the British
Government will recognise that practically we have never
swerved from them, whatever may have been the erroneous
interpretations placed by the native Asiatic Governments
on the communications of General Kauffman, and whatever
false importance may have been attributed to the method
of transmission adopted by him. Misunderstandings on this
subject were nearly inevitable, considering the uncertain
character of the native populations of Central Asia,
and their inveterate inclination to intrigue; the only
effective way, in our opinion, of meeting this danger,
lies in the good faith and loyalty which, we are glad to
think, will never cease to influence, on either side, any
interchange of views between us and the British Cabinet.”
The following Notes were exchanged between the Russian Ambassador in
London and Lord Salisbury before General Stolietoff’s final recall from
Kabul after the conclusion of the Congress of Berlin:
COUNT SCHUVALOFF _to the_ MARQUIS OF SALISBURY
LONDON, _December 7, / 19, 1878_.
“You have expressed surprise on learning that the Russian
mission, which you thought had left Kabul, was still there.
You reminded me of the declaration made by M. de Giers to
the British Chargé d’Affaires concerning the provisional
character of this mission, which was despatched under
exceptional circumstances, and at a time when it was to be
feared that war might break out between England and Russia.
“I have received a telegram from Prince Gortchakow, in
which he charges me to ask you whether the arrangements
between Russia and England, such as they existed before the
despatch of the mission, and such as they are recorded in
the correspondence exchanged on this subject between the
two Cabinets, are maintained by her Majesty’s Government,
and whether they retain in their eyes their obligatory
character.
“His Majesty the Emperor is disposed, on his part, to
observe all the arrangements relative to Central Asia
concluded between Russia and England, and to recall
immediately the mission which is at Kabul.”
THE MARQUIS OF SALISBURY _to_ COUNT SCHUVALOFF.
“FOREIGN OFFICE,
“_December 19, 1878_.
“In reply to your letter of this day’s date, I have to
state to your Excellency that the continued presence of
the Russian Mission at Kabul is the sole obstacle to a
full revival of the understanding between the two Powers
expressed in the correspondence which has passed between
them upon the subject of Afghanistan and Central Asia;
and when the Russian Mission is withdrawn, her Majesty’s
Government will consider that all engagements on both sides
with respect to those countries retain their obligatory
character.”
In 1882 the position of the two countries in Asia was again discussed
in connection with the Russian advance to Merv.
EARL GRANVILLE _to_ SIR E. THORNTON.
“FOREIGN OFFICE,
_February 22, 1882_.
“The Russian Ambassador called upon me this afternoon by
appointment. His Excellency told me that he had reported to
his Government the substance of the conversation we had had
on the 2nd instant on the policy of the two Governments in
Asia, as reported in my despatch of that date.
“Prince Lobanow said that he had told his Government that
I had commenced by stating that the present good relations
between Russia and England offered an opportunity, of
which it was desirable to take advantage, for coming to
some further understanding as to the position of the two
countries in Central Asia; that he had thereupon suggested
a renewal of the agreement formerly made with Prince
Gortchakow by Lord Clarendon and me; that to this I had
replied that I looked upon that agreement as still existing
in full force, but that it left certain matters undecided
which it would be well definitely to settle; and that I
had finished by proposing a delimitation of the Persian
frontier from Baba Durmaz to a point in the neighbourhood
of the Hari Rud.
“He had now received the reply of his Government. They
acknowledged the continued validity of the agreement
formerly entered into by Prince Gortchakow, by which
Afghanistan was admitted to be beyond the sphere of Russian
influence. That agreement was, however, as I had said,
incomplete: and they were ready to supplement it by a
settlement of the frontier of Afghanistan, from the point
where it had been left undefined as far as Sarakhs.”
In 1883 the following correspondence took place:
EARL GRANVILLE _to_ MR. J. G. KENNEDY.
“FOREIGN OFFICE,
“_October 2, 1883_.
“A report has reached her Majesty’s Government of an
intended visit of a Russian to Kabul bearing a letter from
the Emperor of Russia to the Amir.
“Such a proceeding on the part of the Russian Government
would be inconsistent with the assurances which they have
given to her Majesty’s Government from time to time on the
subject of Afghanistan.
“I have to instruct you to inquire as to the truth of this
report, and to inform me of the result by telegraph.”
MR. J. G. KENNEDY _to_ EARL GRANVILLE.
“ST. PETERSBURG, _October 3, 1883_.
“I have the honour to state that on receipt to-day of your
Lordship’s telegram of the 2nd instant I immediately waited
on M. de Giers at the Foreign Department, and inquired of
his Excellency whether there was any truth in a report
which had reached her Majesty’s Government that a Russian
intended to go to Kabul, furnished with a letter to the
Amir from the Emperor.
“M. de Giers at once replied that such an event was
impossible. The Emperor was most unlikely to give any
letter addressed to the Amir to any one. No such letter
could be written without M. de Giers’ knowledge, and he
could positively and solemnly assure me that no such letter
had been written by his Imperial Majesty.
“M. de Giers further states that so anxious were the
Emperor and himself to avoid all suspicion of Russian
communication with Afghanistan, that strict orders had been
sent to the Governor-General of Turkestan to desist from
the transmission of letters of ceremony, or even of letters
of recommendation, to the Amir in favour of travellers. In
fact, all possible steps were taken to prevent intercourse
between Russia and Afghanistan, which latter country was
considered to be in England’s ‘orbit.’
“In reply to a suggestion of mine, M. de Giers stated that
no such letter could have been written during the Moscow
Coronation festivities, at which period the Emperor had
been most guarded in all his dealings with the various
Asiatic potentates there assembled.
“M. de Giers also promised to inform me at once whenever
any intention existed of such an improbable event as the
transmission of a letter from his Imperial Majesty to the
Ruler of Afghanistan.”
In 1884, in view of inquiries made by the British Government as to the
reported despatch of a Russian Agent to Maimana, within the frontiers
of Afghanistan, M. de Giers communicated on April 15 / 27 to the
British Ambassador at St. Petersburg the following:
“The Imperial Ministry can, on the other hand, state that
no agent has been sent to Maimana. According to the terms
of the arrangement come to between the two Powers, Maimana
is included in the country of the Amir of Afghanistan, and
the Government of his Majesty the Emperor is resolved to
scrupulously respect, as it has done in times past, all the
engagements it contracted in virtue of the arrangement in
question.”
In 1885 further disquieting reports having arisen with regard to the
proceedings of the Russians on the Afghan frontier, the following
Memorandum was communicated by the Russian Foreign Office to the
British Ambassador at St. Petersburg:
“The Imperial Ministry for Foreign Affairs has taken note
of the Memorandum which was transmitted by the English
Ambassador on the 16th instant, and which contains the
expression of the wish of her Majesty’s Government that
the agitation raised in the two countries by the rumours
about the preparations said to be in progress on both sides
should cease.”
The same Memorandum states that, unless circumstances arise over which
they have no control, which might bring about sudden changes, the two
Governments are in a position which would allow them to arrive at
an arrangement satisfactory and honourable for Russia, the Amir of
Afghanistan, and England!
“The Imperial Cabinet cannot do less than join in this
desire of her Majesty’s Government. They have never
cherished, nor do they cherish, aggressive views on Herat,
or any other part of the Amir’s possessions, and they
only aim at contributing to the establishment of peace
and security there. Resolved, as they are, to respect
scrupulously the rights of Great Britain, as well as those
of the Amir, the Imperial Cabinet hope that her Majesty’s
Government will display the same regard for the rights of
Russia, and they are convinced that the two Governments
will thus succeed in avoiding everything which might
interfere with a satisfactory solution of the question now
under negotiation.
“ST. PETERSBURG, _March 18, 1885_.”
The circumstances which had arisen made the arrangement of a
Russo-Afghan Boundary Convention desirable, and it was agreed at St.
Petersburg on July 10, 1887, that:
“(1) The frontier included between the pillars No. 1 and
No. 19, and the pillars No. 36 and No. 65, should be
considered as definitely settled. The trigonometrical
points on the portion of the frontier line described
above, and included between pillars No. 19 and No. 36,
are likewise admitted as definitive. The description of
this part of the frontier, as well as that of the part to
the eastward of pillar No. 65, may be completed after the
demarcation. The synopsis of pillars attached to Protocol
No. 15, dated the 1st (13th) September, 1886, is admitted
to be correct and definitive as regards pillars No. 1
to No. 19, and No. 36 to No. 65. It will be completed
subsequently by the synopsis of the pillars from No. 20 to
No. 35, and by that of the pillars to the east of No. 65.
“(2) Leaving pillar No. 19, the frontier shall follow a
straight line up to the summit of the hill marked 2740 on
map No. 1, annexed to the present Protocol. This point,
where pillar No. 20 shall be placed, is known under the
denomination of trigonometrical station of Kara Tepe
(latitude 35° 17′ 49″, longitude 62° 15′ 17″). Farther
on the line shall descend the crest of the hills, being
directed from this point towards the confluence of the
Kushk and the Moghur. Pillar No. 21 shall be placed on a
point of this crest, or of its slope, so as to be seen
from the confluence above-mentioned. A straight line shall
connect No. 21 with No. 22, placed in the valley of the
Kushk on the left bank of the river, 900 feet to the north
of the confluence of the Kushk with the Moghur. Leaving
pillar No. 22, the line shall ascend the thalweg of the
Kushk to pillar No. 23, placed 2700 feet above the head of
the new canal, on the right bank of which the water-supply
is situated about 6000 feet to the N.N.E. of the Ziaret of
Chahil-Dukhter. From pillar No. 23 a straight line shall
be traced to the point marked 2925 on map No. 3 annexed to
the present Protocol (latitude 35° 16′ 53″, longitude 62°
27′ 57″). Whence the frontier shall follow the line of the
water-parting, passing through the following points: The
point 3017 (Bandi Akhamar, latitude 35° 14′ 21″, longitude
62° 35′ 48″, pillar No. 26); the point 3198 (latitude
35° 14′ 20″, longitude 62° 41′ 0″, pillar No. 27); and
the point Kalari 2 (latitude 35° 18′ 21″, longitude 62°
47′ 18″); and shall run on to the point marked No. 29 on
map No. 4 annexed to the present Protocol. The frontier
shall cross the valley of the river Kashan in a straight
line between pillars No. 29 and No. 30 (trigonometrical
station of Tori-Scheikh, latitude 35° 24′ 51″, longitude
62° 59′ 43″, map No. 3), where it meets the line of
the water-parting of the Kashan and the Murghab, shall
pass on to this latter, and shall follow it up to the
trigonometrical station of the Kashan (latitude 35° 38′
13″, longitude 63° 6′ 4″, pillar No. 32). From this station
a straight line shall be traced to a point on the Murghab
(pillar No. 35) situated 700 ft. above the canal-head of
the canal Yaki-Yuz or Yaki-Yangi. Further on the frontier,
descending the thalweg of the Murghab, shall join pillar
No. 36 of the frontier demarcated in 1885-86. To the east
of pillar No. 65 the frontier shall follow the line marked
A B C D on map No. 8 annexed to the present Protocol, the
point A being situated at a distance of 3500 ft. south
of the walls of Tinam Nazar; the point B being near Kara
Tepe Khurd-Kak, which remains to the Afghans; the point C
about midway between the east and west walls of Katabadji;
and lastly, the point D about midway between the wells
Ali Kadim and the wells marked Chahi. The wells of Tinam
Nazar, Kara-Tepe-Khurd, West Katabadji and Ali Kadim remain
outside of Afghan territory. From the point D a straight
line shall be traced as far as the commencement of the
local frontier demarcated between Bosagha and Khamiab,
which shall continue to serve as frontier between the two
villages, with the single reservation that the canals of
Bosagha along all their course, that is to say, as far as
Koinli (point H), shall be included in Russian territory.
In other words, the present demarcation will confirm the
existing rights of the two parties on the banks of the Amu
Daria, that is to say, that the inhabitants of Khamiah
shall retain all their lands and all their pastures,
including those which are east of the local frontier marked
E F G on maps Nos. 9 and 10 annexed to the Protocol. On the
other hand, the inhabitants of Bosagha shall retain the
exclusive enjoyment of their canals as far as Koinli, with
the right of repairing and supplying them, in accordance
with the customs in force in regard to those of Khamiab,
when the waters of Amu Daria are too low to supply directly
the canal-heads of Koinli. The officers who shall be
charged to execute on the spot the provisions of the
present Protocol between the above-named pillars shall be
bound to place a sufficient number of intermediate pillars,
taking advantage for this purpose as much as possible of
the salient points.
“(3) The clause in Protocol No. 4 of the 14th (26th)
December, 1885 prohibiting the Afghans from making use of
the irrigating canals in the Kushk valley below Chahil
Dukhter, which were not in use at that time, remains in
force; but it is understood that this clause can only be
applied to the canals supplied by the Kushk. The Afghans
shall not have the right to make use of the waters of the
Kushk for their agricultural works north of Chahil Dukhter;
but the waters of the Moghur belong exclusively to them,
and they may carry out any works they may think necessary
in order to make use of them.
“(4) The clauses in Protocols No. 4 of the 14th (26th)
December, 1885, and No. 15 of the 1st (13th) September,
1886, relative to the construction of a dam on the Murghab,
remain in force. M. Linoview having expressed the wish
that the obligation imposed on the Amir of Afghanistan
to give up for this purpose a tract of land on the right
bank of the Murghab, under the conditions stipulated in
the said Protocols, should be extended to the whole course
of the river below the canal-head of Yaki-Yuz, Colonel
Ridgeway is of opinion that the necessary steps to obtain
the assent of the Amir might delay the conclusion of the
present arrangement; but he is nevertheless convinced
that the assent of the Amir to this cession, under the
same conditions, of a tract of land on the right bank can
be obtained without difficulty, if later on the Imperial
Government should inform her Britannic Majesty’s Government
of their intention of proceeding to the construction of a
dam above the canal-head of Bendi Nadiri.
“(5) The British Government will communicate without delay
to the Amir of Afghanistan the arrangements herein agreed
upon, and the Imperial Government of Russia will enter
into possession of the territory adjudged to them, by
the present Protocol, from the 1st (13th) October of the
present year.
“(6) The frontier agreed upon shall be locally demarcated
by a mixed Commission according to the signed maps. In case
the work of demarcation should be delayed, the line traced
on the maps shall nevertheless be considered binding by the
two Governments.”
[45] This letter, which is generally referred to as the
letter from the Foreign Secretary, dated July 20,
1880, is known to have been sealed by Mr. Griffin and
delivered by him on July 31, 1880.
[46] “Forty-One Years in India.”--ROBERTS.
APPENDIX V
A.--SUMMER SERVICE OF THE OXUS FLOTILLA
KEY:
B: Number of versts from Charjui to Patta Hissar.
C: Cost of transport of 1 pood of baggage from Charjui.
D: Cost of transport of 1 pood of baggage from Patta Hissar.
E: Number of versts from Patta Hissar.
--------------------------------------------------------
Cost of passage Voyage from Charjui
for passengers to Patta Hissar.
B from Charjui. C
---------------- ---------------------------
1 Cl. 3 Cl. Arrive. Depart.
--------------------------------------------------------
R K R K Kop.
56 1 68 -- 56 5,6 Thur. & Mon. Wed. & Sun.
109 3 27 1 09 10,9 ” ” Thur. & Mon.
126 3 78 1 26 12,6 ” ” ” ”
151 4 53 1 51 15,1 Fri. & Tues. ” ”
212 6 36 2 12 21,2 ” ” Fri. & Tues.
233 6 99 2 33 23,3 ⎫
225 7 65 2 55 25,5 ⎬ Wednesday Wednesday
271 8 13 2 71 27,1 ⎭
303 9 09 3 03 30,3
322½ 9 98 3 33 33,25 Thursday Thursday
358½ 10 76 3 59 35,85 Thursday Thursday
385 11 55 3 85 38,5 ⎫ ⎫
399 11 97 3 99 39,9 ⎬ Friday ⎬ Friday
404 12 12 4 04 40,4 ⎭ ⎭
433 12 99 4 33 43,3
--------------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
------------------------------------------------------------------
Voyage from Patta Hissar Cost of passage
Points to Charjui. for passengers
touched at. from Patta D E
Hissar.
---------------------------------------
Arrive. Depart. 1 Cl. 3 Cl.
------------------------------------------------------------------
R K R K Kop.
Charjui ⎫ ⎫ 12 99 4 33 43,3 433
Natizin ⎪ ⎪ 11 31 3 77 37,7 377
Burdalik ⎬ Sat. ⎬ Sat. 9 72 3 24 32,4 324
Polvart ⎪ & Mon. ⎪ & Mon. 9 21 3 07 30,7 307
Bashir ⎪ ⎭ 8 46 2 82 28,2 282
⎧ Karki ⎭ Fri. & Sun. 6 63 2 21 22,1 221
⎨ Kundalem ⎪ ⎫ 6 00 2 00 20,0 200
⎪ Mukri ⎬ Sunday ⎬ Sunday 5 34 1 78 17,8 178
⎩ Ak Kum ⎭ ⎭ 4 86 1 62 16,2 162
Charshangu ⎫ ⎫ 3 90 1 30 13,0 130
Kelif ⎪ ⎪ 3 02 1 01 10,05 100½
Kuyu Kara ⎪ ⎪
Mazar ⎬ Saturday ⎬ Saturday 2 24 - 75 7,45 74½
Chushka-Gisar ⎪ ⎪ 1 44 - 48 4,8 48
Shur Ob ⎭ ⎭ 1 0 - 34 3,4 34
Patta Hissar - 87 - 29 2,9 29
------------------------------------------------------------------
B.--WINTER SERVICE OF THE OXUS FLOTILLA
+-----------------------+-----------------+---------------------+
| Voyage from Charjui | | Voyage from Patta |
| to Patta Hissar. | Points | Hissar Charjui. |
+-----------+-----------+ touched at. +---------------------+
| Arrive. | Depart. | | Arrive. Depart. |
+-----------+-----------+-----------------+----------+----------+
| Monday | Sunday | Charjui | Tuesday | Tuesday |
| Tuesday | Monday | Narizim | Tuesday | Monday |
| Tuesday | Tuesday | Burdalik | Monday | Monday |
| Wednesday | Wednesday | Polvart | Monday | Sunday |
| Friday | Wednesday | Bashir | Sunday | Sunday |
| Friday | Friday | Karki | Sunday | Saturday |
| Saturday | Saturday | Kundalem | Saturday | Saturday |
| Sunday | Saturday | Mukri | Saturday | Saturday |
| Sunday | Sunday | Ak Kum | Friday | Friday |
| Monday | Monday | Charshangu | Friday | Friday |
| Tuesday | Monday | Kelif | Friday | Thursday |
| Tuesday | Tuesday | Kuyu Kara Mazar | Thursday | Thursday |
| Wednesday | Wednesday | Chushka Gisar | Thursday | Thursday |
| Wednesday | Wednesday | Kuyu Shur Ob | Thursday | Thursday |
| Wednesday | Wednesday | Chur Ob | Thursday | Thursday |
| Wednesday | Wednesday | Patta Hissar | Thursday | Thursday |
+-----------+-----------+-----------------+----------+----------+
APPENDIX VI
RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM RUSSIA TO KHORASSAN DURING THE PERIOD
MARCH 21, 1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904, COMPARED WITH 1900-03
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Value. 1903-04.
Articles. ------------------------- -----------
1900-01. 1901-02. 1902-03. Quantity.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
£ £ £
Animals--
Camels 592 858 8,198 Number 293
Donkeys -- 56 832 ” 47
Horses -- 584 2,901 ” 155
Unspecified -- -- 94 ” 1,626
Animal products, crude -- -- -- Lbs. 232,700
Beer, vinegar, and other
fermented beverages 122 221 319 ” 32,273
Butter and other edible
fats 62 195 967 ” 75,754
Candles 2,283 2,139 2,726 ” 59,898
Carpets 506 348 248 ” 5,018
Chemical products -- -- 299 ” 85,593
Cochineal 385 228 573 ” 34,775
Copper and nickel, in -- -- 85 ” 1,697
sheets, bars, &c.
Copper, brass, and -- -- 355 ” 38,279
nickelwork
Cotton, raw -- -- -- ” 6,045
Drugs 226 1,004 160 ” 15,048
Dyes and varnishes 83 171 165 ” 14,600
Earthenware and crockery 2,343 1,236 1,090 ” 123,507
Fabrics of hemp and
flax 4,746 2,764 3,858 ” 302,310
Fish, fresh and salted 61 69 -- ” 1,528
Flour -- -- 232 ” 55,983
Fruits--
Dried -- -- 620 ” 1,242
Fresh 27 51 -- ” 17,167
Furniture 432 839 1,612 ” 76,174
Glass, mirrors, &c. -- -- 1,077 ” 57,585
Glassware 7,127 4,330 1,591 ” 148,909
Gold and silver work -- -- 22 ” 1
Grain, wheat, and barley 556 849 1,430 ” 408,389
Iron in bars, &c., and
scrap-iron 7,084 5,248 4,671 ” 1,084,090
Iron and steel,
manufactured 4,784 3,308 2,483 ” 225,713
Lead, zinc, and tin in
sheets and ingots -- -- 399 ” 32,474
Leather work -- -- -- ” 4,316
Lemonade and fruit syrups 194 261 147 ” 28,966
Matches 573 5,127 2,005 ” 221,423
Mercery and hardware 1,276 7,786 4,697 ” 25,266
Minerals not specified 98 45 16 ” 3,679
Musical instruments -- -- -- ” 410
Oil--
Petroleum 14,847 14,618 14,375 ” 4,007,985
Other 14 37 248 ” 17,889
Papers and wares thereof 1,123 1,928 1,044 ” 71,189
Printed matter -- -- 110 ” 5,480
Provisions 4 7 2,217 ” 6,819
Rice -- 4,247 3,682 ” 2,329,587
Rope, &c. 87 89 134 ” 8,769
Rubber goods -- -- 5 ” 3,195
Silk, raw 72 332 515 ” 4,830
Skins
Untanned 50 633 921 ” 11,206
Other 1,748 2,074 1,532 ” 23,713
Soap 101 88 187 ” 9,322
Spices -- 448 92 ” 531
Spirits 187 227 469 ” 6,176
Stones, precious and
other -- -- -- ” 2,782
Sugar--
Loaf 107,032 118,422 132,090 ” 12,696,665
Other 19,259 26,203 38,444 ” 4,330,320
Tea 961 925 353 ” 110,949
Thread--
Cotton 222 356 177 ” 8,457
Imitation gold and
silver 1,112 -- -- ” 7,326
Other 449 3,565 610 ” 169
Tissues--
Cotton 70,305 115,799 65,521 ” 1,682,447
Silk 1,498 3,978 997 ” 1,245
Woollen 1,405 2,548 3,361 ” 17,383
Other 476 2,600 -- ” 2,009
Tobacco and cigarettes 2,345 1,794 3,634 ” 54,113
Vehicles 82 410 653 Number 111
Vegetables and vegetable
substances -- -- -- Lbs. 28,048
Watches 139 47 79 Number 83
Wearing apparel 1,145 1,350 842 Lbs. 3,811
Wines 98 127 297 ” 3,211
Wood, manufactured -- 126 44 ” 35,516
Miscellaneous 2,523 752 137 ” 293
------------------------------------------
Total £260,844 £341,447 £316,642 -- --
-------------------------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
1903-04.
Articles. -------- Destination of Imports.
Value.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
£
Animals-- Khorassan only, though many of the
Camels 1,806 ⎫ camels go to Azerbaijan.
Donkeys 73 ⎬ Specification of various animals
Horses 649 ⎪ was only kept at Meshed. Those here
Unspecified 6,386 ⎭ entered as “Unspecified” are animals
that entered at Kuchan, and of which
no detail was kept
Animal products, crude 2,926 Khorassan. Chiefly intestines and
some silkworm eggs from France
Beer, vinegar, and other
fermented beverages 360⎫
Butter and other edible ⎬ Khorassan
fats 2,059⎭
Candles 1,836 Khorassan, Seistan, Birjand, Yezd,
Kerman, and Afghanistan
Carpets 618 Khorassan. Chiefly Turkoman carpets
Chemical products 1,086 Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand, and
Seistan
Cochineal 1,377 Khorassan and Birjand
Copper and nickel, in 58 Khorassan, Birjand, and Afghanistan
sheets, bars, &c.
Copper, brass, and 2,669 Chiefly brasswork. Goes to Khorassan,
nickelwork Afghanistan, Birjand, Yezd, Kerman,
Seistan, and samovars (tea-urns)
even to India
Cotton, raw 126 Khorassan
Drugs 640 Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
and Seistan
Dyes and varnishes 321 Khorassan and Birjand
Earthenware and crockery 3,208⎫
Fabrics of hemp and ⎬ Khorassan, Afghanistan, Seistan,
flax 8,026⎭ Birjand, Yezd, and Kerman
Fish, fresh and salted 45⎫
Flour 317⎬ Khorassan
Fruits-- ⎪
Dried 19⎭
Fresh 162 Khorassan. Lemons, oranges, &c.,
brought from Resht _via_ Russia
Furniture 1,994 Khorassan, Birjand, and Seistan
Glass, mirrors, &c. 732⎬ Khorassan, Birjand, Seistan, and
Glassware 3,520⎭ Afghanistan
Gold and silver work 127⎬ Khorassan
Grain, wheat, and barley 1,888⎭
Iron in bars, &c., and
scrap-iron 7,646⎫
Iron and steel, ⎪
manufactured 5,845⎬ Khorassan, Birjand, Seistan, and
Lead, zinc, and tin in ⎪ Yezd
sheets and ingots 972⎪
Leather work 543⎭
Lemonade and fruit syrups 214 Khorassan
Matches 3,616 Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
Seistan, Yezd, and Kerman
Mercery and hardware 2,590 Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
and Seistan
Minerals not specified 61 Khorassan
Musical instruments 269 Khorassan and Birjand
Oil--
Petroleum 19,619 Afghanistan, Khorassan, Birjand,
Seistan, and Yezd
Other 153 Khorassan
Papers and wares thereof 1,908 Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
and Seistan
Printed matter 270⎬ Khorassan
Provisions 120⎭
Rice 22,878 Comes from Resht in Persia _via_
Enzeli and Krasnovodsk to Khorassan,
Afghanistan, Birjand, and Seistan
Rope, &c. 164 Khorassan
Rubber goods 532 Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
Seistan, Yezd, and Kerman
Silk, raw 1,630 Khorassan and Yezd
Skins
Untanned 585⎫ Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
Other 1,186⎬ and Seistan
Soap 352⎭
Spices 40 Khorassan, Birjand, and Seistan
Spirits 245⎫
Stones, precious and ⎬ Khorassan
other 73⎭
Sugar-- ⎫
Loaf 107,978⎬ Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
Other 37,694⎭ Seistan, Yezd, and Kerman
Tea 7,937 Largely Indian tea. Khorassan,
Afghanistan, Birjand, and Seistan
Thread--
Cotton 604⎫
Imitation gold and ⎬ Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
silver 1,325⎪ Seistan, Yezd, and Kerman
Other 66⎭
Tissues--
Cotton 122,522⎫
Silk 1,175⎬ Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
Woollen 4,175⎪ and Seistan
Other 296⎭
Tobacco and cigarettes 3,120 Khorassan, Afghanistan, Birjand,
Seistan, Yezd, and Kerman
Vehicles 844 Khorassan
Vegetables and vegetable
substances 1,134 Khorassan and Birjand
Watches 146 Khorassan and Afghanistan
Wearing apparel 1,223 Khorassan, Birjand, and Seistan
Wines 95 Khorassan
Wood, manufactured 99 Khorassan and Seistan
Miscellaneous 56
--------
Total £405,028
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
APPENDIX VII
RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM KHORASSAN TO RUSSIA DURING THE PERIOD
MARCH 21, 1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904, COMPARED WITH 1900-03
--------------------------------------------------------
Value.
Articles. ------------------------------
1900-01. 1901-02. 1902-03.
--------------------------------------------------------
£ £ £
Almonds and pistachio
nuts 3,017 1,166 1,639
Animals--
Camels 540 -- 94
Cattle 1,719 7,913 13,702
Donkeys -- -- 19
Horses -- -- 136
Sheep 429 2,008 1,905
Unspecified 2 201 313
Animal products, crude -- -- --
Butter and other edible
fats -- 3 --
Carpets 20,855 15,600 32,958
Charcoal 15 -- 134
Copper-work -- -- 317
Cotton, raw 162,318 74,330 121,906
Drugs 270 212 245
Dyes 2,783 1,918 1,999
Earthenware and crockery 146 61 35
Fodder -- -- 23
Fruits, dried and fresh 5,219 10,281 2,966
Glassware 16 1 40
Gold and silver work -- -- 6
Grain 696 765 2,378
Gums 279 14 151
Gut 233 627 195
Indigo 717 352 241
Iron, manufactured 39 11 580
Mercery and hardware 365 1,823 656
Minerals, not specified 273 418 57
Oils 128 286 89
Opium 36 6,681 2,975
Precious stones 492 595 5,592
Provisions, fresh and
preserved 96 37 302
Raisins 2,948 20,483 37,041
Rope, &c. 6 51 37
Shawls 12,763 16,579 12,833
Silk, raw 361 204 278
Skins--
Untanned 29,006 26,466 18,951
Other 2,270 6,070 3,448
Spices 914 443 240
Sugar--
Loaf -- -- 1,029
Other 326 2,683 71
Tea 25,197 34,062 10,255
Thread--
Cotton 201 340 56
Silk 211 ⎬ 480 ⎨ 425
Wool 10 ⎭ ⎩ 59
Timber 106 38 175
Tissues--
Cotton 15,721 21,110 13,703
Silk 3,540 10,129 11,255
Woollen 291 1,874 2,853
Other 39 199
Tobacco and cigarettes 462 152 181
Vegetables and vegetable
substances -- -- 1,929
Wearing apparel 1,032 372 1,403
Woodwork -- -- --
Wool 62,770 34,498 68,121
Miscellaneous 1,078 3,415 170
------------------------------
Total £359,935 £304,951 £376,166
--------------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
-------------------------------------------------------
1903-04.
Articles. ---------------------
Quantity. Value.
-------------------------- ---------------------
£
Almonds and pistachio
nuts -- -- --
Animals--
Camels Number 8 46
Cattle ” 5,764 8,496
Donkeys ” 14 18
Horses ” 43 199
Sheep ” 22,879 8,434
Unspecified ” 8,947 178
Animal products, crude Lbs. 38,590 505
Butter and other edible ” 2,919 114
fats
Carpets ” 66,125 6,233
Charcoal ” 421,512 928
Copper-work ” 1,846 149
Cotton, raw ” 10,839,589 196,081
Drugs ” 4,921 135
Dyes ” 89,245 1,280
Earthenware and crockery ” 1,547 99
Fodder ” 132,392 91
Fruits, dried and fresh ” 10,244,286 54,716[47]
Glassware -- -- --
Gold and silver work Lbs. 2 30
Grain ” 33,365 163
Gums ” 13,462 181
Gut -- -- --
Indigo Lbs. 761 53
Iron, manufactured ” 1,243 73
Mercery and hardware ” 9,438 1,859
Minerals, not specified ” 1,287 74
Oils ” 1,950 24
Opium ” 18,532 8,553
Precious stones ” 1,638 4,597
Provisions, fresh and
preserved ” 15,457 1,245
Raisins -- -- --
Rope, &c. Lbs. 130 4
Shawls ” 45,065 6,134
Silk, raw ” 72,326 5,074
Skins--
Untanned ” 1,841,815 48,164
Other ” 29,029 1,509
Spices ” 32,050 684
Sugar--
Loaf ” 114,862 1,302
Other ” 41,757 293
Tea ” 170,840 11,569
Thread--
Cotton ” 345 21
Silk ” 1,547 561
Wool ” 13,429 218
Timber ” 460,025 320
Tissues--
Cotton ” 142,578 12,615
Silk ” 460,764 28,030
Woollen ” 27,399 5,253
Other
Tobacco and cigarettes Lbs. 559 36
Vegetables and vegetable -- -- --
substances ” 893,009 5,372
Wearing apparel ” 11,025 1,167
Woodwork ” 7,781 154
Wool ” 5,477,771 104,166
Miscellaneous ” 1,378 52
-----------------------------
Total £527,252
-------------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Articles. Remarks.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Almonds and pistachio
nuts Included in “Fruits, dried”; separate
figures not obtainable
Animals--
Camels
Cattle
Donkeys
Horses
Sheep
Unspecified Poultry, &c.
Animal products, crude
Butter and other edible
fats
Carpets For Constantinople, American, and
European markets
Charcoal Exported chiefly from Sarakhs district
Copper-work Chiefly basins, ewers, and trays
Cotton, raw Some for European, greater part for
Russian, markets
Drugs
Dyes Chiefly henna and a dye made from the
pistachio-tree and used for dyeing
skins
Earthenware and crockery
Fodder
Fruits, dried and fresh
Glassware
Gold and silver work
Grain
Gums
Gut
Indigo Entered as “Animal products, crude”
Iron, manufactured Entirely Indian
Mercery and hardware
Minerals, not specified
Oils
Opium
Precious stones Principally turquoises
Provisions, fresh and
preserved
Raisins Included in “Fruits, dried”; separate
figures not obtainable
Rope, &c.
Shawls Chiefly from Khorassan, some from
Kerman
Silk, raw
Skins--
Untanned
Other
Spices Almost entirely Indian
Sugar--
Loaf
Other
Tea Entirely Indian tea
Thread--
Cotton
Silk
Wool
Timber
Tissues--
Cotton Chiefly turbans. Coarse locally made
cloth
Silk From Khorassan chiefly, but also from
Yezd and Kerman
Woollen
Other
Tobacco and cigarettes
Vegetables and vegetable
substances
Wearing apparel
Woodwork
Wool Largely Afghan wool, _vide_ “Imports
from Afghanistan”
Miscellaneous
Total
----------------------------------------------------------------
[47] Chiefly raisins.
APPENDIX VIII
RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM AFGHANISTAN TO KHORASSAN AND SEISTAN DURING
THE PERIOD MARCH 21, 1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904, COMPARED WITH 1900-03
-------------------------------------------------
Value.
Articles. ------------------------
1900-01.1901-02.1902-03.
-----------------------------------------------
£ £ £
Almonds and pistachio
nuts 404 3,297 1,479
Animal products, crude 22 68 25
Butter and other fats 2,070 14,100 6,486
Camels -- 188 351
Carpets 1,291 1,091 2,524
Cattle -- 357 --
Cotton, raw 18 388 358
Drugs 1,759 741 1,189
Fruits, fresh and dried 16 171 15
Grain 594 889 671
Gum 5 -- 21
Horses -- 33 1,116
Indigo 77 161 231
Iron, manufactured -- -- 17
Leather work -- -- --
Mercery and hardware 229 819 391
Oils 47 118 --
Opium 682 865 197
Packing materials 164 630 1,015
Provisions -- 436 650
Raisins 1 440 201
Rice 5,791 5,737 2,426
Rope -- 43 24
Sheep -- 2,039 12,223
Skins--
Tanned 3,493 1,635 8,638
Untanned 1,548 1,640 7,526
Spices 24 1,347 305
Thread 62 113 702
Tissues 1,062 1,703 774
Tobacco 230 307 174
Wearing apparel 781 1,184 1,120
Wool 11,245 29,156 45,113
Miscellaneous 37 420 156
------------------------
Total £31,652 £69,759 £96,475
-----------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
-------------------------------------------------
1903-04.
Articles. -------------------
Quantity. Value.
------------------------------------------------
£
Almonds and pistachio
nuts -- -- --
Animal products, crude -- -- --
Butter and other fats Lbs. 38,318 1,231
Camels -- -- --
Carpets Lbs. 18,857 1,285
Cattle -- -- --
Cotton, raw Lbs. 57,779 1,061
Drugs ” 78,072 1,742
Fruits, fresh and dried ” 69,999 607
Grain ” 4,355 56
Gum ” 131 7
Horses -- -- --
Indigo Lbs. 6,747 720
Iron, manufactured ” 3,419 58
Leather work ” 208 58
Mercery and hardware ” 2,399 400
Oils -- -- --
Opium Lbs. 104 46
Packing materials -- -- --
Provisions Lbs. 28,756 285
Raisins -- -- --
Rice Lbs. 74,302 731
Rope -- -- --
Sheep Number 8,388 2,048
Skins--
Tanned Lbs. 11,363 833
Untanned ” 324,617 8,235
Spices ” 87,126 1,060
Thread ” 2,783 380
Tissues ” 6,815 271
Tobacco ” 1,762 22
Wearing apparel ” 1,534 275
Wool ” 3,240,692 90,366
Miscellaneous ” 80 3
-------------------------
Total £111,780
------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
-------------------------------------------------------------
Articles. Remarks.
-------------------------------------------------------------
Almonds and pistachio
nuts Included in “Fruits, dried”; separate
figures not obtainable
Animal products, crude
Butter and other fats Decrease of importation in 1903-1904,
due to mortality among the sheep
owing to drought
Camels
Carpets
Cattle
Cotton, raw Re-exported to Russia
Drugs Partly Indian
Fruits, fresh and dried
Grain
Gum
Horses
Indigo This is entirely indigo come through
Afghanistan from India
Iron, manufactured
Leather work
Mercery and hardware
Oils
Opium Decrease due to heavy increase of
duty under new tariff
Packing materials These are woollen sacks for packing
wool, &c.
Provisions
Raisins Included in “Fruits, dried”
Rice
Rope
Sheep Decrease due to mortality among the
sheep
Skins--
Tanned These are chiefly postins (sheep-skin
coats)
Untanned Large part re-exported to Russia
Spices Come chiefly from India
Thread
Tissues
Tobacco
Wearing apparel
Wool Re-exported to Russia, and to United
Kingdom and America _via_ Russia
Miscellaneous
Total
-------------------------------------------------------------
APPENDIX IX
RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM KHORASSAN AND SEISTAN TO AFGHANISTAN
DURING THE PERIOD MARCH 21, 1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904, COMPARED WITH
1900-03
-------------------------------------------------------
Value.
Articles. ------------------------------
1900-01. 1901-02. 1902-03.
-------------------------------------------------------
£ £ £
Animal products, crude -- --
Camels -- -- 120
Candles 50 32 139
Carpets -- -- 28
Cattle -- -- --
Chemicals -- -- 67
Copper in bars -- -- 2
” work -- -- 125
Drugs 39 120 158
Dyes 5 298 205
Earthenware and crockery 71 27 197
Fruits, fresh and dried 36 23 145
Glass, mirrors, &c. -- -- 166
Glassware 102 2 170
Gold and silver work -- -- 39
Grain 1 -- 2
Hardware 248 51 1,324
Horses -- -- 19
Indigo 72 71 572
Iron in sheets, &c. 260 152 38
” and steel,
manufactured 108 128 101
Leather-work -- -- --
Oil--
Petroleum 31 27 428
Other -- -- 273
Paper 10 106 102
Provisions -- -- 162
Sheep -- 2 4
Silk, raw 66 -- 96
Skins--
Furs -- -- --
Tanned and untanned 100 180 54
Spices 255 524 801
Sugar--
Loaf 3,747 -- 4,925
Other 1,982 450 2,600
Tea 1,155 802 1,898
Thread--
Cotton -- 144 266
Imitation gold and ⎫ ⎧
silver -- ⎬ 601 ⎨ 9
Silk 42 ⎭ ⎩ 2,547
Tin and lead in ingots -- -- 51
Tissues--
Cotton 9,588 12,713 24,550
Silk -- 622 1,865
Woollen 5,102 336 97
Turquoises -- -- --
Vegetables -- -- --
Vehicles -- -- 24
Wearing apparel 2 162 94
Wood, manufactured -- 4 63
Miscellaneous 215 204 129
------------------------------
Total 23,287 18,245 44,655
-------------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
------------------------------------------------------
1903-04.
Articles. ---------------------
Quantity. Value.
-----------------------------------------------------
£
Animal products, crude Lbs. 12,670 196
Camels Number 7 43
Candles Lbs. 4,713 154
Carpets ” 12,428 989
Cattle Number 8 15
Chemicals Lbs. 2,425 52
Copper in bars ” 1,950 27 ⎫
” work ” 9,562 475 ⎭
Drugs ” 12,883 228
Dyes ” 3,003 27
Earthenware and crockery ” 3,081 96
Fruits, fresh and dried ” 24,649 192
Glass, mirrors, &c. ” 2,340 40 ⎫
Glassware ” 11,213 364 ⎭
Gold and silver work ” 5 34
Grain ” 14,359 73
Hardware ” 17,986 1,248
Horses Number 34 115
Indigo -- -- --
Iron in sheets, &c. Lbs. 28,900 229 ⎫
” and steel, ⎬
manufactured ” 5,259 151 ⎭
Leather-work ” 1,287 120
Oil--
Petroleum ” 137,163 818
Other ” 3,553 87
Paper ” 780 15
Provisions ” 1,346 8
Sheep Number 1,067 195
Silk, raw Lbs. 2,977 1,580
Skins--
Furs ” 13 33
Tanned and untanned ” 1,742 91
Spices ” 20,753 602
Sugar--
Loaf ” 615,180 7,743 ⎫
Other ” 357,494 4,751 ⎭
Tea ” 1,112 88
Thread--
Cotton ” 3,458 182
Imitation gold and
silver ” 533 115
Silk ” 423 175
Tin and lead in ingots ” 2,301 192
Tissues--
Cotton ” 387,777 29,792
Silk ” 9,065 4,635
Woollen ” 17,108 2,843
Turquoises ” 384 591
Vegetables ” 4,589 117
Vehicles Number 2 84
Wearing apparel Lbs. 2,460 221
Wood, manufactured ” 1,755 37
Miscellaneous ” 468 40
---------------------------
Total -- -- 59,903
----------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
----------------------------------------------------------------
Articles. Remarks.
----------------------------------------------------------------
Animal products, crude
Camels
Candles Entirely Russian candles
Carpets
Cattle
Chemicals
Copper in bars ⎬ Comes from Russia and is made into
” work ⎭ trays, water vessels, &c., in
Khorassanand exported to Afghanistan
Drugs
Dyes
Earthenware and crockery Comes from Russia
Fruits, fresh and dried
Glass, mirrors, &c. ⎬ Comes entirely from Russia
Glassware ⎭
Gold and silver work
Grain
Hardware Lamps, boxes in wood and metal,
needles, &c., buttons and beads;
mostly from Russia
Horses
Indigo Indian. Export ceased owing to heavy
customs duty in Persia
Iron in sheets, &c. ⎫
” and steel, ⎬ Comes entirely from Russia
manufactured ⎭
Leather-work Both Russian and Indian
Oil--
Petroleum Entirely from Russia
Other
Paper Chiefly Russian
Provisions Butter, flour, and salt
Sheep
Silk, raw
Skins--
Furs
Tanned and untanned
Spices Almost entirely from India
Sugar--
Loaf ⎬ Entirely Russian
Other ⎭
Tea Indian green tea
Thread--
Cotton
Imitation gold and
silver
Silk
Tin and lead in ingots Russian
Tissues--
Cotton Chiefly Russian
Silk ” Persian
Woollen
Turquoises
Vegetables
Vehicles Two Russian carriages exported for
Commander-in-Chief, Herat
Wearing apparel
Wood, manufactured
Miscellaneous
Total
----------------------------------------------------------------
APPENDIX X
RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM INDIA TO KHORASSAN _VIA_ THE
SEISTAN ROUTE DURING THE PERIOD MARCH 21, 1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904
---------------------------------------------------------------------
Value. 1903-04.
--------------------------------------------
Articles. Khorassan and Seistan. Khorassan only.
--------------------------------------------
1900-01.1901-02.1902-03. Quantity. Value.
---------------------------------------------------------------------
£ £ £ Lbs. £
Camels -- -- 246 -- --
Candles -- 115 19 -- --
Drugs 9 150 45 -- --
Dyes -- 32 21 -- --
Earthenware and crockery -- 83 35 1,750 37
Fruits, dried 2 -- 389 -- --
Glassware -- 1,508 34 -- --
Indigo 1,825 8,226 3,575 47,097 5,531
Iron and brass in bars
and sheets -- 96 3 1,120 64[48]
Leather work -- -- -- 3,250 409
Machinery -- -- 121 -- --
Mercery, &c. -- 2,487 840 3,350 2 9[49]
Provisions, preserved -- 113 69 -- --
Rice -- -- 102 -- --
Skins 89 195 721 10,925 1,463[50]
Spices -- 556 183 7,345 236
Sugar -- 64 131 -- --
Tea -- 9,011 434 79,579 4,134[51]
Thread (cotton) and yarn -- 2 101 6,500 818
Tissues--
Cotton -- 4,427 3,281 -- --
Silk -- 155 -- -- --
Woollen -- 206 109 -- --
Tobacco -- 83 109 840 74[52]
Wearing apparel -- 245 464 -- --
Wines -- -- -- 728 49
Miscellaneous -- 148 71 227 26
--------------------------------------------
Total £1,925 £27,902 £11,103 £13,060
---------------------------------------------------------------------
[48] Entirely brass sheets used for manufacturing tea-urns.
[49] Chiefly palm-leaf fans.
[50] Largely fox-skins, which are mostly re-exported to
Russia.
[51] Of this, £517 worth was green tea and the rest black.
[52] Entirely snuff.
APPENDIX XI
RETURN OF ARTICLES EXPORTED FROM KHORASSAN TO INDIA _VIA_ THE
SEISTAN ROUTE DURING THE PERIOD MARCH 21, 1903, TO MARCH 20, 1904
--------------------------------------------------------------------
Value. 1903-04.
------------------------ -------------------
Articles. Khorassan and Seistan. Khorassan only.
------------------------ -------------------
1900-01.1901-02.1902-03. Quantity. Value.
------------------------------------------- -------------------
£ £ £ Lbs. £
Almonds and
pistachio nuts 261 44 37 ” 87,750 1,039[53]
Butter (_ghi_) -- 1,039 -- ” -- --
Carpets -- 134 273 ” -- --
Copper, brass, and
nickel work -- -- -- ” [54] 10
(tea-urns)
Drugs 153 507 316 ” -- --
Earthenware and
crockery -- -- 32 ” 700 94
Fruits, dried -- 62 8 ” 10,400 87[55]
Grain -- -- 179 ” -- --
Horses 862 2,493 3,631 Number 192 1,792
Mules 338 162 -- ” -- --
Silk, raw -- -- -- Lbs. 312 218
Skins, untanned -- -- 429 ” -- --
Tissues--
Cotton 50 -- 55 ” -- --
Silk 1,255 2,046 7,336 ” 7,598 3,658
Woollen -- 2 106 ” -- --
Turquoises -- -- ” 180 326
Miscellaneous -- 179 32 ” -- 32
-------------------------------------------------
Total £2,919 £6,668 £12,434 £7,256
--------------------------------------------------------------------
[53] Almonds only.
[54] Not stated.
[55] Plums.
APPENDIX XII
TRADE VALUE OF THE SEISTAN ROUTE COMPARED WITH COMPETING ROUTES
------------------------------------------------------------
By the--
-------------------------------------------------
Year. Quetta-Seistan Route. Bunder Abbas Route.
-------------------------------------------------
Imports. Exports. Total. Imports. Exports. Total.
------------------------------------------------------------
£ £ £ £ £ £
1900-01[56] 1,925 2,919 4,844 [57] [57] --
1901-02[56] 27,902 6,668 34,570 85,813 [57] --
1902-03[56] 11,103 12,434 23,537 108,319 [57] --
1903-04[58] 13,060 7,256 20,316 80,261 38,165 118,426
------------------------------------------------------------
[TN: Table continues]
--------------------------------------------------------------
By the--
----------------------------------------------------
Year. Trebizond-Tabriz-Teheran Baghdad-Kermanshah-Teheran
Route. Route.
----------------------------------------------------
Imports. Exports. Imports. Exports.
--------------------------------------------------------------
£ £ £ £
1900-01[56] [57] [57] [57] [57]
1901-02[56] 18,060 -- [57] [57]
1902-03[56] -- -- [57] [57]
1903-04[58] 21,780 -- 20,800 --
--------------------------------------------------------------
[56] For Khorassan and Seistan.
[57] Not recorded.
[58] For Khorassan only.
APPENDIX XIII
AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM
AND JAPAN
_Signed at London, August 12, 1905_
PREAMBLE.
The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, being desirous of replacing
the Agreement concluded between them on January 30, 1902, by fresh
stipulations, have agreed upon the following Articles, which have for
their object--
(_a_) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in the
regions of Eastern Asia and of India;
(_b_) The preservation of the common interests of all Powers in China
by ensuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire and
the principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of
all nations in China;
(_c_) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the High Contracting
Parties in the regions of Eastern Asia and of India, and the defence of
their special interests in the said regions:--
ARTICLE I.
It is agreed that whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or
Japan, any of the rights and interests referred to in the preamble of
this Agreement are in jeopardy, the two Governments will communicate
with one another fully and frankly, and will consider in common the
measures which should be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or
interests.
ARTICLE II.
If by reason of unprovoked attack or aggressive action, wherever
arising, on the part of any other Power or Powers either Contracting
Party should be involved in war in defence of its territorial rights
or special interests mentioned in the preamble of this Agreement, the
other Contracting Party will at once come to the assistance of its
ally, and will conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual
agreement with it.
ARTICLE III.
Japan possessing paramount political, military, and economic interests
in Korea, Great Britain recognises the right of Japan to take such
measures of guidance, control, and protection in Korea as she may deem
proper and necessary to safeguard and advance those interests, provided
always that such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal
opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations.
ARTICLE IV.
Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns the
security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognises her right to take
such measures in the proximity of that frontier as she may find
necessary for safeguarding her Indian possessions.
ARTICLE V.
The High Contracting Parties agree that neither of them will, without
consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements with another
Power to the prejudice of the objects described in the preamble of this
Agreement.
ARTICLE VI.
As regards the present war between Japan and Russia, Great Britain
will continue to maintain strict neutrality unless some other Power or
Powers should join in hostilities against Japan, in which case Great
Britain will come to the assistance of Japan, and will conduct the war
in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with Japan.
ARTICLE VII.
The conditions under which armed assistance shall be afforded by either
Power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in the present
Agreement, and the means by which such assistance is to be made
available, will be arranged by the Naval and Military authorities of
the Contracting Parties, who will from time to time consult one another
fully and freely upon all questions of mutual interest.
ARTICLE VIII.
The present Agreement shall, subject to the provisions of Article VI.,
come into effect immediately after the date of its signature, and
remain in force for ten years from that date.
In case neither of the High Contracting Parties should have notified
twelve months before the expiration of the said ten years the intention
of terminating it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one
year from the day on which either of the High Contracting parties shall
have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its expiration
arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance shall,
_ipso facto_, continue until peace is concluded.
In faith whereof the Undersigned, duly authorised by their respective
Governments, have signed this Agreement and have affixed thereto their
Seals.
Done in duplicate at London, the 12th day of August, 1905.
LANSDOWNE.
(L.S.) TADASU HAYASHI.
APPENDIX XIV
CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF AFGHAN HISTORY
1747.--Nadir Shah, a Turcoman bandit, conquers Persia with an army
composed largely of Afghans. Sacks Delhi and is assassinated in camp on
return from India.
Sirdar Ahmed Khan, an Afghan cavalry general of the Saddozai section
of the Abdali Afghans, seizes the treasure near Kandahar and has
himself crowned king of the Durani with the title of Ahmed Shah, Duri
Duran. With Ahmed commences history of Afghan nation as an independent
kingdom. He builds Kandahar shortly afterwards, calling it Ahmed
Shahior Ahmed Shahr. (These events occur about 1747.) Ahmed Shah reigns
twenty-six years. He replenishes his treasuries by frequent invasions
of India. He is succeeded by his son Timour Shah.
1773.--Timour Shah’s succession to the throne. He removes the seat of
government from Kandahar to Kabul. He reigns twenty years and dies
1793, leaving three sons:
(1) Zaman Shah, who reigns four years, living chiefly at Peshawar. He
is deposed by his half-brother, Mahommed, and blinded as retaliation
for having caused to be executed Wazir Surfaraz Khan Barakzai (called
Paindah Khan).
(2) Mahommed, who is attacked and imprisoned by
(3) Shah Shujah, full brother of Zaman Shah. He ascends the throne of
Kabul, but lives principally at Peshawar.
1800.--Proposed invasion of India by the emperors Paul and Napoleon.
1807.--Scheme of Indian invasion by the emperors Alexander and Napoleon.
1809.--News having been received that Emperor Napoleon and Tsar
Alexander had agreed to invade India through Persia, Mr. Elphinstone
is sent as an ambassador to Kabul, meets Shah Shujah at Peshawar, and
concludes a treaty.
1809.--Fateh Khan, son of murdered Wazir Surfaraz Khan, releases
Mahommed and places him on the throne. Flight of Shah Shujah from
Peshawar to take refuge with Ranjit Singh at Lahore, the latter
extracting from him the famous Koh-i-Nur diamond, but refusing to
protect him.
1818.--Murder of Fateh Khan by order of Shah Mahommed and his son
Kamran. Country again convulsed with anarchy. Mahommed and Kamran
retire to Herat, the rest of the country being divided between the
brothers of Fateh Khan, the murdered Wazir, amongst whom Dost Mahommed
Khan got Kabul, Jelalabad, and Ghazni.
1826.--Accession of Dost Mahommed, Amir of Afghanistan.
1832.--Lieutenant A. Burnes’ journey to Kabul, Bokhara, Merv, and
Meshed.
1833.--Unsuccessful Persian expedition against Herat.
1837.--Persia, instigated by Russia, marches against Herat.
1837.--Siege of Herat and defence by Eldred Pottinger, November 1837,
to June 1838.
1837.--Mission of Sir Alexander Burnes to Kabul to make peace between
Dost Mahommed and Ranjit Singh, September 1837.
1837.--Russian agent, Vitkievitch, at Kabul, December 1837.
1838.--Wood explores the Upper Oxus to Lake Siri-kol.
1838.--Rupture of relations with Dost Mahommed. Recall of Burnes.
1838.--Beginning of first Afghan War, November 1838.
1839.--Capture of Kandahar.
1839.--Capture of Kabul, flight of Dost Mahommed, and restoration of
Shah Shujah (August).
1840.--Rising of Dost Mahommed (September).
1840.--Defeat and surrender of Dost Mahommed at Bamian (November).
1841.--Assassination of Sir A. Burnes at Kabul (November).
1841.--Murder of Sir W. Macnaghten at Kabul (December).
1842.--Siege of British forces in Kabul (December 1841, to January
1842).
1842.--Retreat and massacre of British army (January).
1842.--Advance of British relief column under General Pollock (April).
1842.--March of General Nott from Kandahar to Kabul (August to
September).
1842.--General Pollock re-enters Kabul (September).
1842.--Evacuation of Afghanistan (October).
1842.--Dost Mahommed restored to throne.
1854.--Meeting between Ghulan Hydel, Envoy of Dost Mahommed and Sir
John Laurence at fort Abbotabad to discuss question of alliance.
1855.--First treaty between Great Britain and Dost Mahommed (January).
1856.--Surrender of Herat to the Persians (October).
1857.--Meeting between Sir John Laurence and Dost Mahommed at Peshawar.
1857.--Second treaty between Great Britain and Dost Mahommed (January).
1857.--Grant of subsidy to Dost Mahommed of 12 lakhs.
1857.--Mission of Major Lumsden to Kandahar (March to April).
1857.--War between Great Britain and Persia upon behalf of Afghanistan
(November 1856, to March 1857).
1857.--Appointment of British agent to Kabul. Removal to Kandahar.
1857.--Treaty of Paris between Great Britain and Persia (March).
1858.--Recall of Kandahar Mission: agent remains.
1858.--Russian Mission of Khanikoff to Herat.
1858.--Death of Ghulam Hyder, son of Dost Mahommed; and Shir Ali
nominated successor to Dost Mahommed.
1863.--Death of Dost Mahommed (June). Accession of Shir Ali; return to
Kabul with British Agent from Kandahar.
1863.--Requests recognition of Mahommed Ali; treaty of peace, and grant
of 6000 rupees.
1863-1868.--Civil War in Afghanistan.
Consequent upon the nomination of Shir Ali, serious dissension occurred
in the family of Dost Mahommed. Upon the succession of Shir Ali,
rebellion broke out, and Azim, brother to Shir Ali by a different
mother, fled into British territory. Afzal, the brother of Azim,
serving as Governor of Balkh, also revolted. Shir Ali defeated Afzal,
imprisoning him in August 1864. Abdur Rahman, the son of Afzal, was
pursued by Shir Ali. Abdur Rahman was joined by Azim, the two marching
on Kabul, released Afzal and attacked Kabul in 1866. Shir Ali fled to
Kandahar, Afzal entering Kabul as Amir on May 21, 1866. Recognised by
the Government of India, he died suddenly in 1867. He was succeeded by
Azim, who was never recognised officially by the Government of India.
Shir Ali then marched against Azim in 1869, defeating him. Azim died
in flight to Teheran, the final triumph and the concluding act of the
rebellion being the accession to the throne of Shir Ali Khan in 1869.
1865.--Mahommed Ali killed.
1869.--Flight of Abdur Rahman Khan to Samarkand.
1869.--Shir Ali endeavours to obtain recognition by British Government
of his son Abdullah Jan as successor. Refused.
1869.--Umballa Conference between Lord Mayo and Shir Ali (March).
1869.--First overtures from Lord Clarendon to Prince Gortchakow about
Afghanistan.
1872.--Gortchakow-Granville Agreement as to boundaries of Afghanistan
(October).
1872.--Seistan Boundary Commission.
1873.--Evidences of estrangement of Shir Ali from Government of India.
1873.--Abdullah Jan proclaimed heir-apparent. Yakub Khan revolts.
Flight to Herat.
1874.--Imprisonment at Kabul of Yakub Khan.
1876.--Cool reception of Mission from Lord Lytton to Kabul.
1876.--Quetta occupied.
1877.--Abortive Conference at Peshawar between Sir L. Pelly and the
Prime Minister of Shir Ali, Nur Mahomet Shah (February).
1877.--Estrangement of Shir Ali completed.
1878.--Kauffman threatens invasion of Afghanistan and India (June).
1878.--Pamir column despatched under General Abramoff (June).
1878.--Arrival of Stolietoff mission at Kabul (July).
1878.--Refusal of Shir Ali to allow the Mission under Sir Neville B.
Chamberlain, Commander of the Madras army, to enter Afghanistan. Major
Cavagnari and party threatened with attack at Ali Musjid if progress
through Khyber Pass maintained (September 20 and 21).
1878.--Advance continued, November 21.
1878.--Colonel Grodekoff’s ride from Samarkand to Herat (October to
November).
1878.--Denunciation of alliance with Dost Mahommed by Lord Lytton
(November 21).
1878.--Second Afghan War begun (November).
1878.--Flight of Shir Ali from Kabul and release of Yakub Khan.
1879.--Death of Shir Ali in February and accession of Yakub Khan
(February).
1879.--Treaty of Gandamak with Yakub Khan (June 8).
1879.--Assassination of Sir L. Cavagnari at Kabul, Dr. Ambrose Kelly,
Lieut. Hamilton, and Mr. Jenkins and others (September 3 and 4).
1879.--Third Afghan War begun (September 6). March of General Roberts
on Kabul.
1879.--General Roberts arrives at Kabul (September 28), and occupies
Dakka (September 22).
1879.--Execution of murderers of Sir L. Cavagnari (October 20-24).
1879.--Twenty-five thousand Afghans defeated by Generals Roberts and
Gough (December 23).
1879.--Kabul deserted by Afghans; re-occupation by British (December
26).
1879.--Yakub Khan deported to India (December).
1880.--Recognition of Abdur Rahman Khan as Amir (July).
1880.--Disaster of Maiwand (July 27). Defeat of General Burrows by Ayub
Khan.
1880.--March of Sir F. Roberts to the relief of Kandahar (leaving Kabul
August 8, arriving Kandahar August 31).
1880.--Rejection of Ayub’s terms by Sir F. Roberts and defeat of Ayub
at Mazra (or Battle of Kandahar on September 1).
1881.--Evacuation of Kandahar and entry of Abdur Rahman (September 30).
1882-1883.--Surveys of Lessar.
1882.--Moslim agent appointed to represent British Government at Kabul.
1882.--Quetta district handed over on a rent to the British.
1882.--Prince Lobanoff converses with Lord Granville _re_ Prince
Gortchakow’s circular of 1873.
1883.--Occupation by Russia of Tejend oasis (October).
1883.--Quetta district ceded to Great Britain.
1883.--Shignan and Roshan occupied by Abdur Rahman Khan.
1883.--Abdur Rahman passes a law concerning the status of women.
1883.--Subsidy of 12 lakhs, granted by Lord Ripon to Abdur Rahman, due.
1884.--Frontier negotiations between Great Britain and Russia. Sir
Peter Lumsden proceeds with British Mission to Herat to demarcate
Northern Boundary of Afghanistan.
1884.--Recommencement of Quetta Railway.
1884.--Sir P. Lumsden sent as British Boundary Commissioner (October
1884).
1884.--The Russians occupy Pul-i-Khatun (October).
1885.--The Russians occupy Zulfikar and Akrobat, and advance upon
Pendjeh (February).
1885.--Fight between the Russians and Afghans at Tash-Kepri on the
Kushk (March 30).
1885.--Rawal Pindi conference between Lord Dufferin and Abdur Rahman
Khan. Amir received K.C.S.I. (April).
1885.--War scare in Great Britain (April).
1885.--Sir P. Lumsden recalled. Colonel West Ridgeway remains on the
scene of activities of Mission.
1885.--British and Russian Boundary Commissioners meet again. First
boundary pillar formally erected (November 12).
1886.--Bolan Railway constructed to Quetta.
1886.--Demarcation of Afghan boundary up to separation of Commission
(September).
1886.--Return of British Commission through Kabul to India (October).
1887.--Occupation of Karki by Russia (May).
1887.--Negotiations at St. Petersburg continued and concluded (July).
1887.--Final settlement and demarcation of Afghan frontier (winter).
1887.--Escape of Ayub Khan from Persia; failure of rebellion in
Afghanistan.
1887.--Surrender of Ayub Khan to General Maclean, Viceroy’s Agent at
Meshed, and detention in India.
1888.--Quetta Railway continued to Kila Abdulla (January).
1888.--Revolt of Is-hak Khan against Abdur Rahman Khan (July to
September).
1888.--Retreat of Is-hak Khan to Samarkand.
1889.--War scare on the Oxus boundary (February to March).
1891.--Abdur Rahman introduces the Oath of Allegiance on the Koran
among his councillors.
1891.--Abdur Rahman appoints Habib Ullah to hold public Durbars.
1893.--Sir Mortimer Durand goes to Kabul to explain drift of
negotiations between Great Britain and Russia in connection with
Northern frontier and Pamir region.
1893.--Durand Agreement.
1893.--Increase of subsidy granted to Abdur Rahman by six lakhs, and
permitted to import munitions of war as required.
1893.--Abdur Rahman recognises British protectorate over Chitral and
agrees to respect Bajaor and Swat.
1893.--New Chaman occupied as railway terminus.
1894.--Abdur Rahman invited to England by Queen Victoria; unable to
accept.
1895.--Abdur Rahman abolished slavery in Afghanistan.
1895.--Oath of Allegiance accepted from whole of the State of
Afghanistan by Abdur Rahman.
1895.--Abdur Rahman adopts title Zia-ul-Millat-ud-Din.
1895.--Visit of Nasr Ullah Khan, second son of Abdur Rahman, to England.
1901.--Death of Abdur Rahman (October 1). Habib Ullah proclaimed
(October 3).
1902-1903.--Re-erection of boundary pillars on Perso-Afghan border.
1903.--Construction Quetta-Nushki Railway begun.
1903-1904-1905.--McMahon Mission for delimitation of Seistan boundary.
1904.--Opening of the Orenburg-Tashkent Railway.
1904.--Visit of Sirdar Inayat Ullah to India.
1904-1905.--Mission of Sir Louis Dane to Kabul.
1905.--Opening of the Quetta-Nushki Railway (November).
1905.--Resignation of Lord Curzon of Kedleston. Appointment of Earl
Minto as Viceroy of India. Kitchener-Curzon controversy.
1905-06.--Extension of railway to Dakka.
1906.--Shah rejects the award made by McMahon Mission in respect of the
waters of the Helmund.
1906.--Rumours of autumn. Visit of Habib Ullah to India.
[Illustration: MAP OF AFGHANISTAN
BY
Angus Hamilton
Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society
London: H. Heinemann. _Stanford’s Geogˡ Estabᵗ London_]
INDEX
Abdur Rahman, 91, 152, 247, 253, 258, 355-356, 433
Accession of Habib Ullah and, 432
Administrative system of, 269, 272
Afridi Elders and, 421-422, 424
Army under, 318-321, 325
Chitral crisis and, 415
Decline and death of, 432-434, 439
Lord Dufferin and, 401
Sir M. Durand and, 406
Lord Elgin and, 416, 418, 420
Europeans employed by, 394
Fiscal policy of, 231, 290-291
Foreign relations, 356-357, 403, 446
Frontier disturbances, 419, 422, 424
Gifts to, 402
Gun-running, 397
Sir Lepel Griffin and, 400
Imports of munitions, 407
Indian Government and, 419-425
Invited to England, 409
Mobilisation scheme, 432
Mullahs and, 415-416, 442
Queen Victoria, 433
Reception of Turkish visitor by, 416
Recognition of, as Amir, 400
Refusal to visit India, 403
Refusal to receive Roberts Mission, 405
Lord Ripon and, 400
Shir Afzal, 413, 414
and South African War, 432
Subsidy, 407
Swat-Tochi rising, 417
Theological studies of, 415
Treaties, 406, 412, 455
Tribal affairs, 270-271, 443, 447
Visits Afghan-Turkestan, 402
Warns Viceroy, 409
Western therapeutics and, 389
Abramoff, General, 40
Adiz Abad, 69
Afghan Turkestan, 94, 242, 262
Area of, 247
Coal deposits in, 396
Subjugation of, 250
Visited by Abdur Rahman, 402
Afghan War, First, 148
Second, 151, 152, 448
Afghanistan, administrative system of, 269-287
British relations with, 147-149, 155-156, 187-189, 220, 250, 356,
373, 375, 446, 455, 457, 458
Climate of, 261, 262
Currency of, 283
Ethnographic distribution, 262-263, 267-268
Khanates of, 250-253
Laws of, 275-280
Minerals of, 304
Orology of, 259, 260
Products and manufactures, 298-307
Provinces of, 242-247
Revenue of, 282-287
Rivers in, 260-276 (_See_ Rivers)
Russian relations with, 121-122, 356, 440, 443, 447, 457-458
Trade of, 236, 288-298, 306
Afridis, 264, 408, 417, 418, 419, 423, 446
Agerskski valley, 14
Agreements (_See_ Treaties)
Ahmed Khan, Sirdar, 189
Ahmed, Shah, tomb of, 190, 193
Akcha, 247, 258
Akrobat, 401
Aktash, 174
Ak-Tepe, 117
Aktinbinsk, 6, 7, 9, 13, 14
Alai mountains, 25, 26, 30
Alayar Khan, 62
Alcock, Surgeon-Captain A. W., 156
Alexander II., 60
Alexander of Macedon, 58, 62, 109
Alexandrovski, 18
Alexeieffski, 120, 124
Alichm Pamir, 174
Ali Mardan Khan, 377
Ali Masjid, 419 (_See also_ Khyber)
Ali Yai Khan, remarks of, 445
Alvar, 259
Amir Ullah Khan, 362, 436
Ampthill, Lord, 452
Amritsar, 202
Amu Daria (_See_ Oxus)
Amu Daria flotilla, 74, 75, 96, 97, 98, 102-104
Anardara, 204
Anderab, 244, 253
Anderson, Mr., 409
Andijan, 6, 11, 43, 49, 59, 110
Andkhui, 173, 242, 247, 258-259
Anglo-Afghan Boundary Mission, 155
Anglo-Russian Boundary Mission, 138, 141
Annenkoff, General, 7, 76
Annenkovo, 76, 77
Aral sea, 10, 16, 95, 96
Ardewan pass, 126, 157
Aris, 11
Army, 308-326
Under Abdur Rahman, 318-321, 325
Under Dost Mahommed, 308-311
Under Habib Ullah, 321-324
Under Shir Ali, 311-318
Askhabad, 3, 4, 5, 11, 70, 103, 173
Aslam Khan, Colonel, 419
Asmar valley, 403, 408, 425
Auckland, Lord, 1, 148
Aulie-ata, 8
Ayub Khan, 152, 187
Baber, 346
Badakshan, 242, 243, 244, 250-253, 405
Badghis, 156
_Bad-i-sad-o-bist roz_, 223
Badjira, 129
Baghdad, 237, 238
Baglan, 253
Bairam Ali, 77, 78, 79
Bajaur-Mohmands, 408, 412, 413, 414, 417
Bakhtiaris, 204
Bakwa plain, 181
Bala Murghab, 119, 135, 142
Balfour, Mr. A. J., speeches of, 457
Balkan hills, 96
Balkash, 8
Balkh, 173, 177, 242, 247, 250, 256-257, 260, 310-311
Balkh-Herat route, list of marches, 329-330
Baluchis, 204, 226, 227, 228, 241
Baluchistan, 189
Bam, 237
Bamian, 182, 243, 247
Band-i-Turkestan, 258
Bangash, Upper, 243
Bannu, 429
Barak pass, 228
Barakail, 250
Barkhani, 76
Barnaul, 8
Baroghil pass, 244
Barton, Captain, 419
Basawul, 359
Basra, 238
Basra-Baghdad-Kermanshah-Teheran route, comparison of, with
Nushki-Seistan route, 237, 238
Belgian customs in Seistan, 235
Beetroot in Chimkent district, 19
Bell, Captain R. C., 241
Bellew, _cited_, 197
Benadar Kalan, 185
Benn, Major, 232
Ber Kazan, 10
Bibi Halima, 360, 361, 366, 369
Biggs, General Yeatman, 419
Binket (_See_ Tashkent)
Bird, Major, 357, 358, 394, 395
Bird, General Corrie, 416
Bish Agatchski, 49
Black Sands of Bokhara (_See_ Kara Kum)
Blood, General Sir Bindon, 417, 425
Bodorodski, 59
Bokhara, Khanate of, 25-39
City, 2, 6, 30, 36-39, 49, 52, 70-71, 104
Bazaars, 34, 44
Commercial relations, 70, 71
Imports from Kandahar, 203
Irrigation, 94
Masjid-i-Jama, 36
Medjidi Kalyan, 35
Medresse Mir-i-Arab, 36
Minai Kalan, 36
Population, 26, 29, 30, 33
Products, 29-30
Registan, 34
Soil, 29-30
Submission to Russia, 150
Walls of, 30
Water difficulty, 25, 26, 33, 72
Women in, 33, 34
Bolan pass, 230
Bombay, imports from, into Kandahar, 201-202
Bori valley, 260
Bozai Gumbaz, 85
British agent in Kabul, 374
Agent at Koh-i-Malik-Siah, 234
Interests in Persia, 220 in Seistan, 241
Merchants at Bunder Abbas, 237
Relations with Afghanistan, 147, 148, 149, 155, 156, 220, 250,
373-375, 446, 454, 457, 458
Relations with Russia, 1-3, 187, 188, 189, 448
Support of Abdur Rahman as Amir, 356
Brett, Lieutenant, 241
Brodrick, Mr. St. John, 452
Brooke, Captain Victor, 453
Brown, The Misses, 354, 395, 399
Bruce, Mr., 409
Buluna Khel, 408
Bunder Abbas, 234, 237
British merchants at, 237
Rate of camel-hire, 234
Buner, 408
Burnes, Alexander, 147-148
Burrows, General, 152, 187
Bushire, 237
Bustan, 69
Butkhak, 243
Cameron, Mr., 394
Campbell, Lieutenant, 310-311
Canals:
Angar, 48
Balungar, 65
Bos Su, 11, 59
Emperor Nicholas I., 59
Khani Yab, 114
Russki, 61
Shari Rud, 33, 73
Tchüli, 18
Tokhtamish, 79
Tumen, 10
Caspian Sea, 4, 95, 96
Cavagnari, Sir Louis, 347
Central Asian railway, 8, 11, 15, 18, 70, 75, 103, 155, 173
Chageh, 231, 232, 234, 408
Chahil Dukteran, 112, 125
Chakdara, 414, 417
Chakmakchak, 182
Charasia, 152
Chardar, 67
Charhardeh valley, 346
Charjui, 8, 74, 75, 76, 96, 97, 98, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109
Charog, 86, 90, 91, 174
Chasma Sabz, 126
Chelyabinsk, 23
Chemen-i-Bed, 120
Chernaieff, General, 20, 48, 60, 61
Chernaievo, 59, 60, 61
Chigman, 49
Chilas, 408
Chiltan hills, 226
Chimkent, 6, 16, 18, 19, 20, 23
Chitral, 408, 413, 414, 415
British occupation of, 403
Military establishments of, 427
Relief of, 414
Shir Afzal, Mehtar of, 413, 414
Christie, _cited_, 169
Chushka, 173
Cidj Duvan, 69
Clarendon, Lord, 445
Clarke, Mr., 406
Clements, Mr., 394
Cleveland, Major, 394, 399, 354, 399
Mrs., 354, 399
Coldstream, Lieutenant, 410
Coal, 14, 396
Communications, 91, 92, 93, 329-341
Connaught, T.R.H. Duke and Duchess of, 401
Connolly, _cited_, 169
Copper, 14
Cotton, 30, 69, 73, 78, 117
Court, _cited_, 197
Cranbourne, Lord, 451
Currency, 436
Curzon, Hon. George Nathaniel, M.P., 427
Literary works of, 427
Visits Kabul, 427
Curzon of Kedleston, Lord, 426, 439, 452
Abdur Rahman’s death and, 440
Dane Mission, 453, 454, 455
Habib Ullah, 451
N.-W. F. Province, 431, 432
Reforms of, 427
Customs, Belgian, in Seistan, 235
Dakka, 359, 429
Daly, Mrs., 391, 392, 394, 395
Dane, Sir Louis, 453, 454-456
Mission, 189, 348, 353, 357, 360
Treaty, 373, 455, 456
Darband, 90
Darwaz, 25, 29, 30, 93, 244
Dawar valley, 260
Dasht-i-Margo, 221
Daulatabad, 129
Deane, Major, 425
Dehdadi, 177, 257
Dera Ismail Khan, 409, 429
Dera Ismail Khan-Kandahar, list of marches between, 335-337
Deregez valley, 129
Dersai, 89
Deserts:
Bolshiye sands, 9
Bolshiye Barsuki sands, 12, 13, 14
Golodnaya, 62
Kara Kum, 1, 6, 18, 44, 73, 76, 77, 96, 129, 156
Maliye Barsuki, 9
Desert shrubs (_See_ Saxaoul)
Dir, 408, 417
Mir of, 413
Diseases:
Cholera, 450
Malaria, 18, 33, 50, 61, 114, 117, 124, 135
_Filaria Medinesis_, 33
Diwal Khol, 182
Djilgi valley, 11
Djulek, 10, 18
Djuma, 66
Dobbs, Mr. H. R., 453
Donald, Mr., 406
Donovan, Mr., 354, 394
Dost Mahommed, 169, 249, 269, 250
Afghan army under, 308, 311
Death of, 150
and Great Britain, 149
Dress, 379-384
Dufferin, Marquess of, 401, 402, 403
Durand, Major E. L., 155
Sir Mortimer, 405, 406, 446
Durani, Ahmed Shah, 249, 263, 264
Duranis, 178, 197, 263, 264, 344
Nurzai, 179
Durbadam, 129
Edrisi, 96
Education, 388-389
Edwards, Mr., 394
Elgin, Earl of, 409
Abdur Rahman, 416, 418, 420
Administration of, 439
Elles, Major-General Sir Edmond, 417, 418, 419
Ellis, Colonel, 406
Elphinstone, 348
_cited_, 197
Erivan, 130
Ersaris, 29, 111, 264
Europeans in Kabul, 394
Faizabad, 177, 242, 244, 253
Farab, 73, 74, 75, 96, 101, 103, 104, 129
Farah, 178, 180, 181, 182, 186, 249, 250
Strategic importance of, 181
Farkhar, 244
Fazindaz, 182
Fenn, Major, 406
Feramorz Khan, 162
Ferghana, 65
Ferozkhois, 264
Ferrier, _cited_, 169, 197
Ferries on the Oxus, 108
Festivals:
Asad, 388
Barat, 387
Id, 387, 416
Nauroz, 387, 415
Ramasan, 387
Fever, Kushk valley, 124
Murghab valley, 135
(_See_ Malaria)
_Filaria Medinesis_, 33
Finlayson, Mr., 347, 354, 394
Fishing industry, Aral basin, 16
Firuza, 129
Fleischer, Mr., 392, 394
Murder of, 358-360
Fleischer, Mrs., 360, 397-398
Forts, list of, 326-328
Fowler, Sir Henry, 409, 415
Frontier, N.-W.: activity on, 403
Province, 429, 430, 431
Galkin, Colonel, 156
Gandamak, 402
Treaty of, 151
Gardan Diwar, 182
Garmab, 182
Gee, Mr., 416
Gerard, Major-General M. G., 155
Germany, antagonism of, 217, 218
Misrepresentations of Press, 218, 219
Ghaoch Khol, 182
Gharan, 90, 91, 93, 244
Ghazis, 388
Ghazni, 243, 260, 262, 305, 343-345
Ghilzais, 197, 263-264, 344
Trade with Kabul, 243
Ghorband, 243
Ghori, 244, 253
Ghorian, 248
Ghulam Ali Khan, Sirdar, 177, 247
Ghulam Haidar Khan (Sipah Salar) 403, 406, 412, 413, 414, 415, 417,
425
Abdur Rahman and, 410
Kafiristan, 413
Umra Khan, 413
Ghulam Hussein (Sipah Salar), 453
Giers, M. de, 445
Gilgit, 414
Agency, 427
Military establishment of, 427
Girdi Tallao, 228
Girishk, 178, 182, 185, 186, 187, 250
Girishk-Seistan, list of marches between, 341-342
God-i-Zirreh, 211
Gold, 14
Goldsmid, Sir Frederic, 212
Mission, 213, 216, 217, 218
Golodnaya steppe, 59, 62
Gomul pass, 343, 344, 345
Gomul valley, 260, 413, 429
Gore, Captain St. George, 155
Gortchakoff, Prince, 445
Grant, Mr., 394, 409
Gray, Dr. J. A., 389, 391, 392, 394, 395
Griffin, Sir Lepel, 400
Gulriz, 369
Gumesli, 123
Gun-running, 397
Guthrie, Mr. T. B., 375
Guzar, 173
Habib Ullah, Amir, 355, 360, 361, 362, 415, 432, 446
Abdur Rahman and, 433, 450
Accession, 434, 435, 436
Afghan envoys, 452
Army under, 321-324
Border tribes and, 446, 447
Dane Mission and, 454, 456, 457
Death of Abdur Rahman, 434
Europeans employed by, 394 received by, 354-358
Gun accident to, 357, 358, 394
Hadda Mullah and, 441, 442, 443, 448
Harem of, 362-369
Id festival and, 439
Inayat-Ullah and, 452
Islamism, 387
Khawas Khan and, 447
Nazr Ullah and, 338, 447
Pedigree of, 365
Policy of, 247, 291, 370-371, 388, 397
Priestly influence upon, 362
Quetta-Chaman Railway, 441
Russia, 440-441, 444, 457
Shiahs and, 386
Subsidy, 441, 446, 450
Sunnis and, 386
Hadda Mullah, 415, 417, 422, 425, 441, 442, 443, 446, 448
Hafiz Ullah Khan, 253
Haibak, 243, 254
Haji Khak pass, 182
Hamilton, Lord George, 431, 445, 448
Miss Lillias, 389, 390, 391, 394
Hardinge, Sir Arthur, 219
Hastings, Mr. C., 410
Hari Rud, valley of, 156
Hayat Ullah Khan, 247, 362, 369
Hazaras, 169, 243, 264, 344, 402, 403, 405
Hazrat Ali, 82, 257
Imam, 253
Helmund river, 107, 178, 182, 185, 260-261
Fords and ferries, 185
Seistan boundary and, 211, 213, 214, 215, 216
Herat City, 110, 111 119, 124, 125, 130, 166, 169, 178, 180, 181
Citadel of, 161
Defences of, 157-162
Description of, 157, 158
Deterioration of, 170
Garrison of, 162
Population of, 169, 170
Strengthening of, 401
Herat:
Expedition to, 147, 148, 149
Independence of, declared, 148
India and, 136
Persia and, 148, 149, 249
Restoration of, to Afghanistan, 149
Russia and, 162, 165, 173
Strategic position of, 173
Trade of, 170, 173
Trans-Afghan Railway and, 189
Herat-Balkh, list of marches between, 329
Herat-Kandahar route, list of marches, 331-335
Herat-Maimana, list of marches between, 341
Herat, province of, 156, 248-249
Hindu Kush mountains, 1, 89, 90, 92, 242, 243, 244, 247, 259, 260
Hindus, 29, 33, 169, 197, 198, 230, 255, 256, 259, 344, 379
Hissar, 173
Holdich, Colonel Sir Thomas, 410, 413, _cited_, 197
Colonel T. H., 155
Major T. H., 155
Hough, _cited_, 197
Hunza, 403
Husseinabad, 223, 224
Huzar, 129
Ibrahim Khan, Sirdar, 362
Id festival, 387, 439
Idgah mosque, 387, 439
Igdy wells, 96
Ikan, 11
Ikram-ul-Mul, 129
Ilek, 7
Iletsk, 8, 13
Mines, 13
Ilijik, 104
Ilyan Uta defile, 62
Imam Baba, 117
Kuli, 129
Nasar, 129
Inayat Ullah Khan, 357, 362, 369
Visit to India, 452
Indekki palace, 406
Indian Government, border tribes, 447
Correspondence with Abdur Rahman, 401, 406, 416, 418-425
Claims of, 408
Relations with Kabul, 148-149, 250, 373-375, 446, 454, 457-458
Indian plague and Seistan, 235
Trade with Afghanistan, 295-297
Trade with Seistan, 235
Indus river, 260, 261, 429
Irghiz, 16
Iron, 14, 244
Irvine, Major W., 241
Isazais, 403
Ishkashim, 86, 90, 91, 93, 244
Ivanoff, General, 39
Jagdalik, 242
Jamshidis, 136, 169, 264
Jandol, Khan of, 413
Jan Mahommed, 169
Jelalabad, 243, 261, 408, 410
Jerome, Monsieur, 394
Jews, 29, 33, 114, 119, 169, 256, 259
Jizak, 43, 61, 62
Julfa, 130
Jusufzais, 264
Kabadian, 253
Kabir Jan Khan, 362
Kabul, 416
Arms traffic, 396-397
Bala Hissar, 347, 348
Bazaars of, 376-380
British agent in, 374
British occupation of, 148, 152
Cholera, 450
Europeans employed in, 394
European medical advisers, 390-395
Evacuation of, 1842, 148
Nauroz festival, 440, 442, 443
Industries:
Leather Factory, 396
Ordnance yards, 396
Postin, 305
Tanning yards, 396
Workshop, 396
Military Academy, 388
Palaces:
Dekusha, 347
Durbar Hall, 353
Erg, 348, 349
Indekki, 353
Shah Ara, 353
Russian emissary visits, 444, 445
Russian influence at, 148
Russian Mission, 148, 150, 151
Russian representative at, 448
Secret Intelligence Branch established at, 443
Shirpur cantonment, 346, 348
Situation of, 345-346
Temperature, 262
Trade of, 170, 203, 294, 345
University, Lahore College and, 388
Kabul-Kandahar, list of marches between, 338
Kabul-Oxus river, list of marches between, 338-340
Kabul-Peshawar, list of marches between, 340
Kabul province, 242-243
Kafarkala, 259
Kafiristan, 415
Kagan, 70
Kainar, 234
Kaisar, 259
Kakuris, 197, 204
Kala Bar Panja, 81, 82, 91, 173, 174, 176
Drosh, 414
Kala-i-Zist, 185
Kala-i-Mor, 119
Kala Kafir, 129
Kala Nao, 138, 249
Panja, 81, 82, 89, 176
Wamar, 174
Wanj, 174
Kandahar, 178, 180, 181, 187, 189, 190, 193, 242, 250
Area of, 250
Bazaars of, 197-198
British occupation of, 148
Intervention in, 250
Beggars in, 198
Climate of, 208-210
Connection with proposed railway, 187, 189
Defences, 190
Description of, 189-194
Diseases prevalent in, 210
Fruit industry of, 345
Horse trade of, 204, 207
Population, 194, 197
Products of, 298, 304-306
Relief of, 152
Revenue of, 250
Strategic importance of, and situation, 189, 190
Temperature, 262
Trade of, 198-208, 294
Kadahar-Dera Ismail Khan, list of marches between, 335-337
Kandahar-Herat route, list of marches, 331-335
Kandahar-Kabul, list of marches between, 338
Kara Kliss, 130
Kul, 30, 73
Kum, 1, 6, 18, 44, 73, 76, 77, 93, 94, 96, 129, 156
Teppe, 124
Karabyl hills, 117
Karategin, 93, 94
Karaul Kuyu, 76
Karawal Khana, 138
Karez, 235
Karki, 8, 43, 97, 98, 102, 109, 129, 173
Karmakchi, 10, 15
Karshine oasis, 26
Kashan valley, 119, 137
Kashtalinski, Colonel, 146
Kataghan, 93, 244
Katta Kurgan, 66, 67
Kauffman, General von, 47, 48, 58, 68
Kauffmanskaya, 58
Kaunchi, 59
Kazalinsk, 6, 7, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18
Keane, Lord, 148
Kelat, Khan of, 232
Kelat-i-Ghilzai, 250, 342
Kelif, 96, 97, 98, 102, 109, 173
Kelly, Colonel, 414
Kennedy, Mr., 445
Kerbela, 238
Kerman, 237
Kermanshah, 237
Kermine, 69
Kettechinar, 129
Khanabad, 247, 254
Kharkoff, 5, 19
Khash, 250
Khawas Khan, Habib Ullah and, 447
Khidarzais of Zhob, 403
Khiva, 6, 8, 15, 75, 81, 94, 96, 101, 147
Russian conquest of, 151
Khokand, 6, 11, 43, 49, 173
Khan of, 48
Khoja Daolet, 73
Kul, 14
Khojakand, 259
Khojand, 43
Khorassan, 124, 203, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 239, 240
Khost, 260, 433
Khudadad, 358
Khulm, 242, 247, 254, 260
Khudrud, 182
Khurram Sarbag, 254
Khwaja Amran, 402, 403
Sala, 109, 247
Khwaja-ali, 215
Khyber pass, 417, 418, 419, 428, 429, 446
Abandonment of, 417
Afridi attack upon, 418
Militia in, 417, 419
Khyber Rifles, 428, 454
Kieff, 5
Kila Abdulla, 402
Kin Asu defile, 14
King, Mr., 409
Kirghiz, 13, 14, 15, 18, 29, 33
Steppe, 1, 6
Kirshul, 59
Kishingi, 229
Kishm, 244
Kizil Rabat, 174
Steppe, 69
Kluchevi fortress, 61
Kohak, 213, 232
Kohat pass, 429
Koh-i-Malik-i-Siah, 213, 215, 232, 234
Koh-i-Mulla Khwaja, 157
Kohistan, 262
Kokcha valley, mines of, 244
Kok Tash, Samarkand, 43
Komaroff, Lieut.-General, 118
Konevski, Staff-Captain, 39
Konnogvardeiski, 59
Konstantinovitch, Grand Duke Nicholas, 59
Kopal, 8
Krasnovodsk, 11, 59, 70, 74, 79, 111, 155
Kuchan, 129
Kah-i-Khwajah, 213
Kukchinski, 49
Kulab, 93, 253
Kum Asu pass, 9
Kunar, 243
Krutorogin, Captain, 156
Kunduz, 173, 253, 260
Kungrad, 8, 96, 97
Kurak, 249
Kurban Kala, 77
Kurgan, 23
Kur Kulduk, 58
Kuropatkin, General, 62, 118, 120, 173, 440
Kuropatkino, 62, 65
Kurram Valley, 260, 414, 429
Militia, 429
Kushk (Afghan), 137
Valley, 80
Extent and population of, 136-137
Irrigation of, 137
Prevalence of fever in, 124
Trade of, 137
Kushkinski Post, 5, 111, 112, 124, 173, 187
Russian garrison at, 120-123
Station, 119, 120, 123, 125, 126
Strategic value of, 124
Kuyu Mazar, 69
Lakes:
Berkazan, 10
Chakmaktin, 82, 91
God-i-Zirreh, 211
Hamun, 180, 182, 211, 212, 213, 218, 260
Issyk-Kul, 8
Koss Kue, 13
Sara Kamish steppe, 96
Tchelkar, 9, 14
Victoria, 82, 85
Landon, Lieutenant C. P., 241
Langar Kisht, 85, 86, 89, 90, 174
Lansdowne, Marquess of, 402, 403, 406, 409
Lapis-lazuli mines, 244
Lash, 180
Liebertziet, Frau, 397
Lockhart, General Sir William, 413, 423, 424
Logar, 243
Lomakin, General, 61
Lomakino, 61
Low, General Sir Robert, 414
Lughman, 243
Lumsden, Sir Peter, 155, 401
Lundi Khana, 358
Dane Mission arrives at, 453
Udny Mission at, 409
Lundi Kotal, 359, 419
Lytton, Lord, 431
Macdonald, Sir John, 147
Macnaghten, Sir William, 377
Macpherson, Captain, 223
Mahommed Afzul Khan, 310, 311
Akbar Khan, 250, 253
Alum Khan, 250, 253
Mirza Shah, 147
Mahmud Shah, 253
Mahsud-Wagiri operations, 439
Mai Libash, 10
Maimana, 173, 242, 247, 253, 258-260
Maimana-Herat, list of marches between, 341
Maitland, Captain, 155
Maiwand, 152, 187
Malakand, 414, 417
Military establishment of, 427
Malaria in:
Bokhara, 33
Imam Baba, 117
Kushk region, 124
Merv, 50
Perovski, 18
Murghab valley, 112, 117
Jizak, 61
Malleson, Major W., 453
Mangan defile, 142
Manners-Smith, V.C., Captain, 406
Mardar, not Mirdar, 226
Margelan, 43, 49, 173
Martin, Mr. F. A., 358, 392, 394
Sir Acquin, 375, 394
Maruchak, 138, 141, 142, 173
Valley, 138
Masjid-i-Jama, 36
Masson, _cited_, 197
Mastang, 231
Maude, Fort, 419
Mayo, Lord, 150
Mazar-i-Sharif, 177, 247, 257, 369, 440, 451
Mazar-tepe, 85
McDermot, Mr., 283, 394
McMahon, Captain H. (_See_ Colonel Sir Henry)
Colonel Sir Henry, 214, 215, 241, 406
McNabb, Surgeon-Captain, 410, 413
McSwiney, Captain E. F. H., 155
Measures, table of Afghan, 306-307
Medjidi Kalyan, 35
Medresse, Mir-i-Arab, 36
Menzikoff, Prince, 147
Merv, 4, 5, 11, 50-56, 80, 110, 173, 440
Annexation of, 155, 401
District of, 76
Old, 52, 78, 114
Station of, 79, 111, 112
Merv-Herat road, 156-157
Meshed, 3, 52, 129, 130, 203, 234, 239
Russian commercial influence in, 236
Various routes to, 236-239
Meshed-Askakbad, proposed railway, 129
Meshed-Bunder Abbas, rate of camel-hire, 234
Middleton, Mr., 394
Mikhailovsk, 96
Miller, M., Russian Consul at Nasratabad, 214
Misrepresentation of, 217, 218, 219
Milyautinskaya, 62
Minar Kalan, 36
Mineral deposits of Afghanistan, 304
Minerals:
Coal, 14, 396
Copper, 14
Gold, 14
Iron, 14, 244
Lapis-lazuli, 244
Salt, 13, 244
Saltpetre, 181
Sulphur, 244
Mines of Aktinbinsk, 14
Iletsk, 13
Minjan, 244
Miranzai valley, 403
Mirza, Abbas, 147
Mahommed, 147
Missions:
Afghan Boundary, 1884; 155, 401, 402, 405
British visit to Jelalabad, proposed, 403-404
Bruce, 409, 413
Cavagnari, 151, 152, 347
of Condolence, 436, 440, 441
Dane, 453, 454, 455
Durand, 405, 406, 407
Goldsmid, 213, 216, 217, 218
Pamir Boundary, 155, 407, 415
Pamirs, 155
Roos-Keppel, 452
Roberts, proposed, 405
Udny, 409, 414, 452
Mitana Pefshanba, 67
Mohmands, 264, 408-409, 412-413, 425
Mongols, 264
Moscow, 4, 5
_Bourse Gazette_, statements of, 444
Mountains:
Alai, 25, 26, 30
Asmai, 345, 346
Badakshan, 91
Bend Chengurek, 120
Chupan Ata, 39, 65
Djaksi, 14
Djaman, 14
Gilkoh, 343
Go Um Tau, 65
Hindu Kush, 1, 89, 90, 92, 242-244, 247, 259, 260
Hissar, 25, 29, 30, 43, 44
Kara, 120
Kara Tau, 73
Karatavski, 23
Koh-i-Baba, 156, 182, 242, 259, 260
Kizi Kurt, 11
Mirdah, 226
Mugodjarski, 9, 12
Mustagh, 243
Nura Tau, 6, 62
Nuratinski, 62
Paropamisus, 120, 125, 156, 157
Sarikol, 243
Siah-koh, 213, 216
Sufed Koh, 242
Takht-i-Shah, 345
Tian Shan, 47
Trans Alai, 25, 93
Mouravieff, Count, 431
Mullagori country, 429
Mullah Powindah, 442
Said Akbar, 442
Multan, 202
Muminabad, 253
Munitions of war, 403, 407, 432, 433, 449, 450
Murad, Amir, 78, 146
Khan, 228, 229
Murgak, 72
Murghab Imperial estate, 78
River, 76, 80, 91, 93, 107, 111-114, 117, 119, 131, 136, 138, 146,
156
Valley, 80, 117, 131-146, 260
Prevalence of fever, 124
Railway, 3, 110, 111, 112, 120, 130
Trade of, 137
Murghabi, Fort, 174
Nadejdinski, 59
Nagornaya, 66
Naizar marsh, 211, 213
Namagut, 90
Namangan, 43
Naphtha, 14, 60
Narmashir, 237
Nasratabad, 179, 214, 217-219, 223-225
Garrison of, 225, 226
Russian Consul at, 214, 217, 218, 219, 224
Nasratabad-Nushki route, 226, 231-232
Naus, M., and Persian Customs, 235
Nawagai, 413
Nazr Ullah Khan, 360, 369, 386, 388, 415, 433, 436, 443, 447
Neh, 237
New Bokhara, 70
Chaman, 187, 189
Nialbash, 58
Ni-Amat Ulla, Shah; Wani of Kirman, 122
Nijni Volinski, 59
Nikolævski, 59
Nikolski, 49
Ningrahar valley, 408
North-W. F. Province, 429, 431
Novo Astrakhanski, 18
_Novoe Vremya_, statement of, 443-444
Nukus, 94, 96
Nushki, 229, 230, 429
Nushki-Quetta trade route, 226-229
Railway, 226
Nushki-Seistan trade route, 226, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235
Camel-hire, revision of charges, 234, 335
Comparison of, with alternative routes, 236, 237, 238, 239
List of marches, Nushki-Nasratabad, 233
Trade facilities of, 234
Returns, 233
Nut, 89
Obeh, 249
Obi, 8
Siab ravine, 65
Obrutcheff, General, 61
Obrutchevo, 61
Obyetovanni, 59
Odessa, 5
Old Tashkent (Stari Tashkent), 58
Merv, 78
Omar Khan, Sirdar Mahommed, 360, 361, 366, 369, 436
Omsk, 8
Orakolow, Lieutenant, 156
Orakzais, 264, 403
Orenburg, 6, 8, 12, 15, 23
Orenburg-Tashkent, old post-road, 6, 7
Railway, administration of, 12
Alternative schemes to, 7, 8
Branch line to Syr Daria, 10
Construction of, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 16, 50
Double track proposed, 11
Markets of Central Asia, 23, 24
Opened by General Kuropatkin, 440
Route followed by, 7, 8
Water-supply, 9, 13, 14, 16
Orsk, 6
Osh, 3, 4, 6, 43, 49, 173
Otrar, 11
Oxus flotilla, 74, 75, 96-98, 102-104
Region, temperature, 262
River, 8, 25, 26, 29, 43, 73, 74, 75, 76, 95, 96, 260, 261
Fall of, 98
Ferries and fords, 107, 108
Mines in valley of, 244
Mouths of, 94, 95
Navigation of, 96, 98, 104, 107
Russian and Afghan communications along, 91, 92
Russian military disposition along, 174, 175
Proposed railway to, 129
Source of, 81, 82
Trade upon, 104, 107
Upper, 82 (_See_ Panja)
Oxus-Kabul, list of marches between, 338-340
Pack, Mr. E. T., 375
Paghman hills, 182, 346
Paiwar Kotal, 151
Palankoh route, 234
Pamir, Alichur, 405
Boundary Mission, 4, 155
Fort, 405
Great, 82
Little, 82
Sarez, 405
Pamirs, 4, 25, 81, 82, 91, 92, 405, 407
Afghan position in, 407
Russian force in, 174
Panafidine, M., 156
Panja River, 81, 82, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93
Paropamisus mountains, 120, 125, 156, 157
Parsiwans, 197
Pathans, 263, 264 (_See also_ Ghilzai)
Patta Hissar, 75, 96, 97, 98, 102, 107, 173
Peacocke, Captain, 155
Pendjeh, 110, 111, 112, 119, 129, 145, 156, 173, 401
Fight at, 405
Pendjeh-Tanur-Sangi branch line, 80
Perovski, 6, 7, 10, 16-18
Count, 17
Fort, 17
Persia:
Designs upon Herat, 148, 149
Interests in Seistan, 213, 214
Obstruction to Seistan Boundary
Commission, 215, 216
Relations with Afghanistan,
Great Britain, and Russia, 147-149, 214
Perso-Afghan War, 147, 148, 149
Persians, 29, 33, 111, 114, 119, 198, 258, 264
Peshawar, 149, 429, 440, 449, 453
Peshawar-Kabul, list of marches between, 340
Pesski, 176
Petro-Alexandrovsk, 75, 96, 108
Pitniak, 94
Plague, Seistan and Indian, 235
Pollock, General, 377
Poltavski, 120, 124
Polytimætus (_See_ Zerafshan)
Postins, manufacture of, 305-306
Practitioners, native, 392, 393
European, 394
Ptuk, 86
Pul-alak, 185
Pul-i-Khatun, 129, 401
Pul-i-Khisti, 117
(_See_ Tash Kepri)
Pukhtun (_See_ Pathans)
Pyne, Mr. (_See_ Sir Salter)
Sir Salter, 373, 394, 396, 405, 408
Quetta, 187, 189, 215, 226, 228, 429
Railway, extension of, to New Chaman, 402
Quetta-Nushki railway, 226, 230, 231, 234
Route, 226-229, 291
Ragh, 244
Railways:
Across Persia, 130
Askhabad-Meshed, 129
Central Asian, 8, 11, 15, 18, 70, 75, 103, 155, 173
Indian, Kabul river, 429
Khyber, 429
Nowshera-Dargai, 428
Quetta-Chaman, 402, 441
Sakkur-Sibi, 401
Thau-Kushalgarh, 429
Murghab valley, 3, 110-130
Orenburg-Tashkent, 3-50
Russian, in Afghanistan, 457, 458
Saratoff-Uralsk, 8
Trans-Afghan, 189
Trans-Siberian, 7, 8, 11
Ramasan, 387
Ramsay, Captain, 241
Rang, 85, 86, 89
Ranjit Singh, British alliance with, 148
Ravania, 76, 77
Registan, Bokhara, 34
Samarkand, 40
Religion, 386-387, 388
Repetek, 76
Riches, Mr., 394
Ridgeway, Colonel Sir West, 155
Ripon, Marquess of, 400, 403
Rivers:
Ab-Dilawar, 182
Ab-i-Siah, 182
Ab-i-Wakhan, 82, 85
Abs-i-Panja, 82, 85, 93
Aksarai, 94
Ak-su, 19, 82, 91, 93
Alabass, 14
Argand-ab, 185, 260
Arghesan, 260
Arisi, 11, 19
Atrek, 129
Badam, 19
Balkh, 256
Bartang, 91, 93
Bolshoi, 9
Bugun, 19
Buraldai, 19
Burdjar, 19
Burgutai, 85
Burl, 14
Burt, 14
Chirchik, 47, 48, 49, 58, 59
Darban, 94
Djus, 14
Doaba, 255
Donguz, 13
Elshanka, 13
Embi, 9, 13
Farah Rud, 180, 211, 260
Farkhan, 254
Ghazni, 343
Ghori, 94
Ghund Daria, 90, 91, 174
Hari Rud, 130, 156, 248, 260, 261
Harud, 178, 211
Helmund, 107, 178, 182, 185, 211, 213, 214, 215, 216, 222, 260, 261
Ilek, 7, 13
Irtish, 8
Khargosh, 85
Kabul, 260, 261, 345, 346, 429
Kafirnahan, 94
Kaisar, 229
Karanzyak, 10
Kashan, 131, 137
Kashka, 25, 26
Keless, 11
Keshef Rud, 129, 130
Khabd, 14
Khanabad, 94
Khash, 211
Kizil-su, 94
Kokcha, 94, 247, 260
Krash, 221
Kuban, 14
Kubele, 9, 13
Kulab, 94
Kulden, 13
Kuljur, 9, 14
Kunar, 260
Kunduz, 94, 101, 108, 254
Kushk, 111, 113, 117, 119, 120, 131, 137, 138
Kutchuk-sai, 14
Little Pamir, 85
Logar, 260, 345
Mali Karagandi, 9
Maloi Khabd, 14
Murghab, 76, 80, 91, 93, 107, 111-114, 117, 119, 131, 136, 138,
146, 156
Narpai, 67, 68
Obi, 8
Oxus (_See_ Oxus)
Pamir, 82, 85, 86
Panja, 81, 82, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93
Panj-Kola, 414, 425
Panjsher, 242, 260
Salar, 11, 58
Sangalak, 258
Sanzar, 61, 62, 65
Shakh Dana, 91
Sherinab, 228
Suchan Daria, 91, 93
Surkan, 29, 94
Syr Daria, 10, 11, 15, 16, 18, 20, 59
Taldik, 94, 95
Tchayan, 19
Tejend Rud, 130
Temir, 9, 13
Teress Butak, 14
Tezin, 182
Ulkan, 94
Ural, 7, 8, 9, 13
Wakhan Daria, 85
Wakhan-su, 85
Wakh-jir, 82, 85
Waksh, 29, 94
Yani Su, 94, 95
Zerafshan, 25, 26, 33, 39, 65, 67-69, 72, 73
Zirreh, 211
Robat, 232
Roberts, General Sir Frederick (_See_ Lord Roberts)
Lord, 151, 152, 403, 404, 405, 408
Robertson, Dr. Sir George, 414
Romanovski, 89
General, 61, 62
Roos-Keppel, Major, 452, 453
Rosebery, Earl of, 409
Roshan, 25, 253
Rostovtseff, Count, 65
Rostovtsevo, 65
Rubies, 244
Rudbar, 213
Russia:
Afghanistan and, 121-122, 148-150, 151, 162, 165, 173, 356, 405,
440, 441, 443, 444, 447, 452, 457, 458
Agents of, 444
and Great Britain, 1-4, 147, 187, 188, 189, 448
Imperial Bank of, 70, 129
Khorassan in, 236
in Mid-Asia, 2, 3-4, 5, 55-57, 149, 150, 174, 401
Oxus river and, 91, 149-150, 174, 175
Pamirs in, 405
Persia and, 147, 158
Seistan and, 214, 215, 217, 219, 236, 241
Russian Railways:
Askhabad-Meshed, 129, 130
Murghab Valley, 110-130
Railway schemes, 1, 126, 129,188, 189, 237
Trade with Afghanistan, 179, 295-298
Russo-Chinese Bank, 70
Russo-Persian War, 147
Rustak, 93, 244, 253
Saad-ud-Din Khan, 362
Sabzawar, 178, 179, 181, 186, 240, 249
Safi Mullah, 442
Said Akbar, 415
Saids of Peshin, 204, 207
_St. Petersburg Bourse Gazette_, 444
Sais Khaneh ravine, 62
Sakhir, 182
Sakis, 58
Salaam Khana, 387
Salisbury, Marquess of, 431
Salt, 13, 244
Saltpetre, 181
Samana, 414, 418, 429
Rifles, 429
Samara, 7
Samarkand, 3, 5, 6, 11, 39-44, 49, 52, 65, 110, 155, 173
Bazaars of, 43, 44
Bibi Khanum, 43
Capture of, by Russia, 149
Gur Amir, 43
Ivanovski Square, 39
Kok Tash, 43
Old town, 40, 43
Population, 39, 40
Registan, 40
Shir Dar, 40
Station of, 66
Tillah Kori, 40
Tomb of the Shah Zindeh, 43
of Timur, 43
Trade of, 40, 43, 66
Ulug Beg, 40
Urda, 43
Samchan, 89, 90
Samungli, 228
Sand shrubs (_See_ Saxaoul)
Saraghari, fort, 423
Sarakhs, 111, 129, 130, 156, 401
Saratoff-Uralsk railway, 8
Sarhad river, 82, 85, 247
Sari Agatch pass, 11
Saripal, 258
Sari Tchegonak, inlet, 10
Yazi, 117, 145
Sarlor Fakir, 415, 417
Sarshela ravine, 211
Sarts, 29, 111, 114
Sarwar Khan, Shahgassi Mahommed, 361, 362
Sauran, 20
Saxaoul, (desert shrub), 73, 75, 76, 77
Sayid Mozaffrar Eddin, Amir, 68
Sazan Bulak, 91
Seistan, 179, 186, 211, 212, 213, 214, 240, 241, 242
Afghan, 250
Afghan interests in, 213, 214
Belgian customs and, 235
Boundary Mission, 215, 216, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222, 241
British interests in, 241
Indian plague in, 235, 236
Irrigation of, 222
Persian interests in, 213-214
Population of, 213
Russian interests in, 214, 215, 236
Taxes and revenue of, 222, 223
Trade with India, 235
Seistan-Girishk, list of marches between, 340-341
Seistan-Nushki, overland route, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235
Sekuha, 213
Semipalatinsk, 8
Semut, 86
Shabkaddar, 417
Shah Maksud, 306
Zindeh, tomb of, Samarkand, 43
Shaikhantaurski, 49
Shakhri oasis, 26
Shar-i-Sabz, 129, 173
Shezand, 230
Shiahs, 169, 258, 386, 387
Shibirghan, 247, 258
Shignan, 25, 82, 91, 203
Shikarpur, 230
Shinwaris, 264
Shirabad, 129
Shir Afzal, 413-414
Ali, 150, 151, 250, 269-270
Conference with Lord Mayo at Umballa, 150
Refusal to admit British representatives to Kabul, 151
Reform of Afghan army by, 311-318
and Stolietoff Mission, 448
Dar, Samarkand, 40
Darwaza, Mrs., 345, 346
Shirtar, 86, 89
Shiwa, 244
Shoemaker, _cited_, 51
Shujah, Shah, 1, 48
Shuturket, 59
Shveikovski, Major-General Povalo, 156
Sibzyarski, 49
Sikandur Khan, 444
Si Khanah, 89
Simpheropol, 5
Skobeleff, 7, 10
Skobelevski, 18
Slave trade in Kandahar, 207-208
Slee, Mr., 231
Sokovnin, Colonel, 39
Somatash, 405
South African War, 439
Spies, Russian, in Mazar-i-Sharif, 451
Staal, M. de, 431
Stari Tashkent (Old Tashkent), 58, 59
Stewart, Lieutenant-General Sir Donald, 151, 152, 400
Lieutenant A. E., 241
Mr., 394
Stolietoff Mission, 448
Strabo, 95
Stroieff, M., 129
Sulphur, 244
Sultan-i-band, 114, 146
Sundukli, 73
Sunnis, 258, 386, 387
Superstitions, Afghan, 385-386
Swat, 408, 417, 427
Syabz oasis, 26
Syr Daria, 10, 11, 15, 16, 18, 20, 59
Province, 81
Darinskaya, 59
Tabriz, 130, 237, 239
Tagis, 433
Taimanis, 169, 180, 264
Tajiks, 29, 30, 244, 258, 259, 264, 344
Takhta Bazar, 118, 119
Takht-i-pul, 173, 177, 257
_Takht-i-rawan_, 446
Talbot, Captain the Hon. M. C., 155
Talikhan, 253
Talkhatan Baba, 113
Tamerlane, Ark of, 65 (_See also_ Timur)
Gates of, 62 (_See also_ Timur)
Tanur Sangi, 80, 112, 119, 138, 173
Tarnak, 189, 260
Tartars, 18, 119
Tashkent, 4-7, 11-13, 15, 16, 20, 23-24, 43-50, 74, 79, 110, 173, 440
Alexandrovski Park, 48
Angar canal, 48
Capture of, by Russians, 60
Cathedral, 44, 47
Climate, 47, 49
District, 23
Population, 16
Dukhovskaya, 48
Fortress Esplanade, 49
Gospitalnaya, 48
Irrigation of, 12
Kailuski Prospekt, 48
Konstantinovski Square, 47
Native quarter, 49
Oasis of, 12
Old (_See_ Stari Tashkent)
Orenburg-, railway (_See_ Orenburg-Tashkent railway)
Population, 49, 50
Romanovski Street, 48
Russian garrison, 48-49
Quarter, 44, 48, 49
Sobornaya Boulevard, 48
Station of, 11
Town revenues, 48
Trade returns, 24
Turkestan Public Library, 48
Water difficulty, 48
Tash Kepri, 117-119, 135, 401
Tashkurgan, 174, 242, 247, 254, 255
Population of, 255
Tasker, Mr., 394
Tate, Mr., 241
Teheran, 130, 147, 237-239
Routes to, 237-239
Tejend, 111, 129, 156
Tekkes, 77, 114, 117
Temir Utkul, 13
Termes, 3, 8, 97, 129, 173
Thana, 417
Thornton, Mr. E. T., 354, 392, 394
Tian Shan mountains, 47
Tiflis, 130
Tigris river, 237
Tillah Kori, Samarkand, 40
Tilleri, 228
Timur, 11, 40, 43, 249 (_See also_ Tamerlane)
Tomb of, Samarkand, 43 (_See also_ Tamerlane)
Tirah operations, 423, 425, 426
Tirogkhoi plateau, 259
Tochi, 414, 416, 429
Torashekh, 119
Torkhana, 453
Trade of Afghanistan, 288-298, 306
Traku, 185
Trans-Afghan railway, proposed, 187
Trans-Atai mountains, 25, 93
_Trans-Caspian Gazette_, 218-219
Trans-Caspian railway, 3-6, 110, 111
Trans-Siberian railway, 7, 8, 11
Treaties:
Anglo-Russian, 1873, 406
Dost Mahomed and British, 149
Durand, 231, 373, 407, 408, 412, 446
Gandamak, 402
Khyber, 481
Trebizond-Tabriz-Teheran route, comparison of, with Nushki-Seistan
route, 239
Trench, Major, 223, 232
Tribal affairs, 270-271, 443, 447
Troitzki, 49
Tuckatoo hills, 2260
Turbat, 237
Turbat-i-Naidari, 235
Turcomans, 29, 33, 52, 258, 264
Turkestan, 7, 10-11, 20, 23, 179
Afghan (_See_ Afghan Turkestan)
Cotton Company, 67
Public Library, Tashkent, 48
Russian, 11, 20, 23, 39, 44, 47, 68
Turgai province, 13
Turkish Emissary to Abdur Rahman, 416
Turkoman Expedition, 61
_Twakim-ud-Din_, 415
Uch Udja, 76
Udny, Mr. (_See_ Sir Richard Udny)
Sir Richard, 410, 412, 417-419, 452
Proclamation, 410, 412, 413
Ulia Jancah, 362
Ulug Beg, Samarkand, 40
Ulyanin, Colonel, 111
Umra Khan, 413, 425
Upper Oxos (_See_ Panja river)
Ural Cossacks, 18
Uralsk, 8
Urda, Samarkand, 43
Urt plateau, 182
Urta Chul steppe, 30
Urumbai, 59
Usef Khan Barakzai, 362
Ushturket, 59
Utch Tubeh, 59
Uzbegs, 30, 33, 258, 259, 264
Uzboi channel, 96
Vaganzi, 69
Vambéry, _cited_, 169, 170
Vani Kurgan, 20
Venice Sanitary Congress, 235
Verevkin, General, 20
Verkhni, 59
Verni, 8, 11, 20
Victoria, lake, 82, 85
_Viedomosti_, statements of, 444
Vrevskaya, 58
Wahab, Lieutenant-Colonel R. A., 155
Wakhan, 91-93, 242, 244, 247, 253
Valley, 85, 86
Wakh-jir pass, 82, 85
Walter, Mr., 394
Walters, Major H. F., 241
Wanliss, Major, 453
Wano, 345, 413, 414, 416
War, Afghan, First, 148
Second, 151, 152, 448
Perso-Afghan, 148-149
Ward, Mr., 241
Ware, Captain Webb, 232
Waziris, 264
Waziristan, 408, 413, 416, 429, 439
Weights, Afghan, 307
Welman, Doctor, 156
Women in Afghanistan, 197, 383-385
in Bokhara, 33, 34
Wood, Lieutenant, 82, 85
Wood’s Lake (_See_ Victoria Lake)
Woodside, Mr., 231
Yaghistan, 408
Yaims, skirmish at, 407
Yakatut, 72
Yakshi Kargach river, 14
Yakub Khan, 151, 152
Yarkand, 255
Yate, Colonel A. C., 182, 449
_cited_, 170
Lieutenant A. C., 155
Major C. E., 155
Yezd, 237
Yonoff, Captain, 405
Young, Mr., 231
Yulatan, 111, 113, 114, 145, 146
Zakka Khels, 446
Zamindawar, 178, 186
Zangi-ata, 58
Zarghun hills, 226
Zarghim, 226
Zebak, 244
Zerafshan river, 25, 26, 33, 39, 65, 67-69, 72, 73
Ziadin, 68, 69
Zirabulak, 68
Zhob valley, 260, 403
Zulfikar, 129, 401
Zung, 86, 89
Printed by BALLANTYNE & CO. LIMITED
Tavistock Street, London
Transcriber’s Note:
Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like
this_; those in bold by equal signs, =like this=. Footnotes were
renumbered sequentially and were moved to the end of the chapter.
Footnotes [27], [56] and [57] have multiple anchors. A few anchors are
positioned at the beginning of the sentence.
Words may have multiple spelling variations or inconsistent
hyphenation in the text. Obsolete and alternative spellings were left
unchanged. Misspelled words were corrected. Where spelling varies
between an index entry and the text of the book, the index entry was
adjusted to match the text. Obvious printing errors, such as
backwards, upside down, or missing letters and punctuation, were
corrected. Use of italics was made consistent in various lists. Final
stops missing at the end of sentences and abbreviations were added.
The variance between Julian and Gregorian dates in Appendix IV are
displayed separated by a slash, e.g. December 1 / 13.
Very wide tables were split into sections to fit electronic screens.
Follow-on sections are preceded by [TN: Table continues].
Some tables may not display completely on small handheld devices.
The pedigree chart in Chapter XIV was converted to a descendant format
to fit electronic screens. Spouses are indented between the male's
name and their children.
There may be a digit not printed in Appendix X, last column for entry
of Mercery, &c.
Mimosa, _Acacia_ was changed to Mimosa, _Albizia_
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Afghanistan" ***
Copyright 2023 LibraryBlog. All rights reserved.