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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 09 of 55 - 1593-1597
Author: Blair, Emma Helen, -1911 [Editor], Bourne, Edward Gaylord, 1860-1908 [Annotator], Robertson, James Alexander, 1873-1939 [Editor]
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 09 of 55 - 1593-1597" ***
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century
Volume IX, 1593-1597
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
Contents of Volume IX
Preface 9
Documents of 1593
The second embassy to Japan. G. P. Dasmariñas, and others;
April-May. ... 23
Two letters to Felipe II. G. P. Dasmariñas; Manila,
June 20. ... 58
Memorandum of troops required in the Philippines. [Unsigned
and undated; 1593?]. ... 74
Letter to the king of Camboja. G. P. Dasmariñas; Manila,
September 27. ... 76
Documents of 1594
List of Philippine villages reduced by the
Spaniards. [Unsigned and undated; 1594?]. ... 81
Letter to king of Canboja. Luis Perez Dasmariñas; Manila,
February 8. ... 86
Investigation of the hospital. Hernando de los Ríos,
and others; Manila, February-April. ... 88
Report concerning the Filipinas Islands, and other
papers. Francisco de Ortega, O.S.A.; [1594]. ... 95
Decree for despatch of missionaries. Felipe II; Aranjuez,
April 27. ... 120
Reply to the Japanese emperor's letter. L.P. Dasmariñas,
and others; Manila, April 22--28 ... 122
Three letters to Felipe II. L.P. Dasmariñas; Manila,
June 15--23 ... 137
Documents of 1595
Letter to Felipe II. Pedro Gongalez de Carbajal;
[1595?] ... 147
Formation of new dioceses. Felipe II; Madrid, June 17
... 150
Letter to Felipe II. Antonio de Morga; Manila, June 25
... 154
Expedition to Camboja. Gregorio da Cruz, and others;
August 1--3 ... 161
Instructions to Figueroa. L.P. Dasmariñas; Manila,
November 13--16 ... 181
The Audiencia of Manila reëstablished. Felipe II; El Pardo,
November 26 ... 189
Letter to Felipe II. L.P. Dasmariñas; Manila, December
6 ... 193
Documents of 1596
Coat-of-arms of the city of Manila. Felipe II; Aranjuez,
March 20 ... 211
Decree regarding the bishopric of Nueva Segovia. Felipe
II; Ateca, May 15 ... 216
Instructions for Governor Tello. Felipe II; Toledo,
May 25 ... 218
Letter to Felipe II. L.P. Dasmariñas; Manila, June 30
... 259
Letter to Felipe II. Antonio de Morga; Manila, July 6
... 263
Letter to Felipe II. Francisco Tello; Manila, July 17
... 274
Documents of 1597
Pacification of Mindanao. Juan de Ronquillo; Tanpaca,
May 10 ... 281
Memorial on navigation and conquest. Hernando de los Rios;
Manila, June 27 ... 299
Letter to Felipe II. L.P. Dasmariñas; Manila, June 28
... 315
Bibliographical Data ... 327
Illustrations
Autograph signature of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor of the
Philippine Islands; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla ... 69
Coat-of-arms of the city of Manila (two representations);
photographic facsimiles from original MSS. (dated 1683 and 1748)
in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 213
Map of islands of Luzón and Hermosa, with part of China;
photographic facsimile of MS. map by Hernando de los Rios Coronel
(dated June 27, 1597), in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla
... 305
Preface
The events related in the present volume (1593-97) conclude the first
quarter-century of the history of Manila as a Spanish settlement. That
city, although small, is gaining in importance and prosperity; it is
fairly well fortified, and its public institutions are increasing; it
is now the seat of an archbishop, and three dioceses are formed to be
under his care. Restless spirits among the Spaniards desire to conquer
neighboring lands; this is partially accomplished in Mindanao, but that
island proves to be of little value. An expedition is sent nominally
in aid of Camboja against Siam, but is unsuccessful. Meanwhile,
the Spaniards are not free from danger: the emperor of Japan is
apparently plotting their subjection; and the natives of the islands,
although nominally pacified, are inclined to rebel. The increasing
numbers of the Chinese in the islands render them dangerous, and
various restrictions are imposed upon them. Governor Dasmariñas,
slain by his Chinese oarsmen, is succeeded _pro tempore_ by his son
Luis Pérez; but the latter is too young for so important a post,
and the king reestablishes the Audiencia at Manila. Its president,
Francisco Tello, is also governor of the islands.
In 1593 another ambassador arrives at Manila from the Japanese
ruler Hideyoshi. This is Faranda, who furnishes a full account of
the manner in which Fray Juan Cobos had been received in Japan the
year before, and of his own appointment from the emperor as envoy
to the Spaniards, on which errand he departed with Cobos. The latter
perished by shipwreck, Faranda arriving safely at Manila. He professes
a desire for peace and friendship between the Japanese and Spaniards,
instead of the subjection of the latter; and asks that Franciscan
missionaries be sent to his country. Since he brings no credentials,
except letters from Fray Cobos, the governor orders an official inquiry
into the whole matter, and examines witnesses about it. Juan de Solis,
a Spanish captain who happened to be in Japan when Fray Cobos arrived
there, thinks that the emperor is sincere in asking only the friendship
of the Castilians. Solis relates the events of the father's stay there,
confirming the account given by Faranda. A similar deposition is made
by Antonio Lopez, the Chinese convert who comes with Faranda. But
there follows a long account, apparently obtained from conversations
held with this Antonio and several others, of intrigues and plots
among the Japanese to subdue the Philippines, as they have done
with Corea. The Spaniards are warned against the Chinese who are in
Manila. Much of this is apparently the gossip of the Parián; but it
affords curious side-lights on the relations between the Japanese,
Chinese, and Spaniards. A letter from Dasmariñas to the Japanese
emperor (May 20, 1593) announces his despatch of another envoy,
the Franciscan priest Pedro Baptista.
Governor Dasmariñas writes (June 20, 1593) to King Felipe,
reporting the present state of affairs in he islands. He asks
for more missionaries, and states the qualifications that they
should possess. He intends to found a new Spanish colony in the
recently-pacified district of Tuy. All Luzon has now been explored
and pacified. The fortifications of Manila are now in good condition;
accordingly, the city is safe from outside enemies, and the natives
can see that the Spanish occupation is a permanent one. The cathedral
is so nearly completed that worship is celebrated therein; and the
convent of Sancta Potenciana is well under way. Galleys are patrolling
the coast to watch for enemies; but the clergy have so opposed the
efforts of the governor to man the galleys that he could not equip
them as well as he desired. The permission given to the Indians to
pay their tributes in produce or in coin, as they might choose, is
leading to the ruin of the country; for the natives are in consequence
neglecting their industries and manufactures, and prices are much
higher. The royal officials, therefore, now collect the tributes
in produce only. Again the governor complains of the marriages of
wealthy widows to adventurers, who have thus "defrauded several
very honorable and worthy captains and soldiers who serve here;"
he recommends that heiresses be not allowed to marry without the
king's consent. He also advises that all collections of tributes be
made by the royal officials, who should pay the encomenderos their
dues. Another letter of the same date is especially interesting,
as containing the earliest data thus far available on the first
printing in the Philippines. Dasmariñas desires the king to provide
some suitable design for the coat-of-arms of the city of Manila. He
protests against the heavy duties levied in Mexico on goods exported
from the islands. These letters are followed by a memorandum--unsigned
and undated, but probably written about 1593--of "the troops required
in the Philippines;" this is itemized, and gives a total of 1,517. On
September 27, 1593, Dasmariñas sends a friendly letter, with gifts,
to the king of Camboja, who is threatened by the king of Siam; and
he offers to be arbitrator of their differences. An unsigned list
(1594?) is given of the villages reduced by the Spaniards under an
officer named Berramontano.
Luis Perez, son of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, who has succeeded
to his father's office, writes to the king of Camboja (February
8, 1594) renewing his father's proffers of friendship for that
ruler. At this time Hernando de los Rios, administrator of the
royal hospital at Manila, demands from the government more aid for
that institution. Witnesses testify that there is much sickness and
mortality among the Spanish soldiery in the islands; and that the
hospital, as their only resource for care when ill, should receive an
increase of its present inadequate income, and new buildings should
be constructed for its use.
In 1594 Francisco de Ortega, Augustinian visitor-general in the
Philippines, presents a number of reports and petitions to the
king. The abstracts of these papers which are preserved in the Sevilla
archives are here presented. The first of these documents contains a
list of the islands, with a brief account of their size and population,
of the number of religious already at work in them, and of the number
yet needed. Next, Ortega asks for certain grants from the royal bounty
for his order: a fixed sum for the building of the burnt monastery; an
increased allowance for the yearly support of the religious, as prices
have risen; allowances of wine, oil, and medicine for the Augustinian
convent at Manila; and an increase in the number of religious provided
for it. He complains that the Dominicans are, by their mission to the
Chinese, intruding upon the rights of the Augustinians, and prays for
the establishment of a convent of Recollect Augustinians in a place
proposed by him. Ortega urges upon the king the temporal and spiritual
importance of providing religious ministers, of striving to gain an
entrance to China, of accepting the advances of the Japanese king
of Firando, of conquering Ternate, of resisting the Japanese tyrant,
and of pacifying Mindanao. He asks that more troops be sent to Cébu;
that the Spanish settlement there be raised to the rank of a city; that
the regidors be crown appointees; and that its people be permitted to
send their exports directly to Nueva España. He also advises that the
port of Cavite be more strongly fortified. A royal decree (April 27)
orders that one hundred religious be sent to the islands.
On April 22, 1594, a council of war is held at Manila, to agree
upon the reply which shall be made to an arrogant despatch from the
Japanese emperor, ostensibly peaceful, but containing covert threats
and accepting certain gifts as tokens of vassalage. He then reads a
draft of reply, which is criticized as likely to cause unnecessary
offense by some expressions therein; an amended reply is read and
adopted by the council, a few days later.
Luis Perez Dasmariñas asks (June 15, 1594) from Felipe II aid for
two charitable institutions in Manila--the girls' seminary of Sancta
Potenciana, and the Confraternity of La Misericordia; also for the
establishment and support of a temporary lodging-house for colonists,
and of a hospital for the servants of Spaniards. In another letter
(June 22) the governor commends to Felipe's favor Carbajal, the
captain who had gone to Japan; the latter is now sent to Spain with
Hideyoshi's letter. On the next day, Dasmariñas advises the king of
further news and despatches from Japan, sent by the envoy Fray Pedro
Baptista. The Japanese emperor professes friendship, but Dasmariñas
does not trust him, and has done all in his power to fortify Manila.
Carbajal, the captain who conveyed the Franciscans to Japan,
writes (1595?) to the king, to inform him of the prosperity and
importance of that country, and the attitude of its ruler toward the
Spaniards. The emperor has treated the Franciscans kindly. Carbajal
recommends that the Spanish trade in China should be diverted to
Japan. In 1595 the diocese of Manila is elevated to an archdiocese,
and three new bishoprics are created--those of Cébu, Nueva Cáceres,
and Nueva Segovia. The king of Spain, in the decree (June 17) making
provision for this, also appoints incumbents for these posts.
Dr. Antonio de Morga, sent to the Philippines in place of Rojas,
reports to Felipe II (June 25, 1595) his arrival and inauguration as
lieutenant-governor, and urges the necessity of an investigation (which
was accordingly decreed) of the royal treasury of the islands. He
encloses the various official papers establishing his appointment and
inauguration in due form. In August of that year, Luis Dasmariñas is
persuaded to send aid to the king of Camboja against the Siamese. This
is requested in his behalf by Diego Veloso, a Portuguese adventurer
who has spent ten years in that country, and who states that its
ruler has protected the Christian missionaries in his kingdom and now
should be aided by the Spaniards. Certain stipulations are proposed
to be fulfilled by the king of Camboja in return for Spanish aid,
and Veloso accepts them in his behalf.
Instructions are given to Figueroa (November 13, 1595) regarding the
conquest of Mindanao. On November 26 following, the king issues a
decree reestablishing the Audiencia of Manila, and appointing as its
president the new governor of the islands, Francisco Tello--sending
him detailed instructions as to the ceremonies to be observed in
receiving the royal seal, "which are to be the same as would be
observed in the reception of my royal person."
Luis Pérez Dasmariñas writes to Felipe II (December 6, 1595) giving
a general report of external conditions in the province. After a
reference to the progress of various religious missions, he reports
that Figueroa has gone to pacify Mindanao, although a dispute whether
he is to be subordinate to the Manila government is unsettled. He
gives an account of the projects of Veloso for assisting the king of
Camboja; and states that he, with the consent of both religious and
military authorities, has decided to make an attempt first against
Champa, but to send a representative to Camboja in order to keep the
friendship of its king. He urges the sending of a moderate force
against Siam, to be provided by the home government. He announces
that he is planning to send an embassy to China, with gifts; and
he prays the king to reimburse him for expenses connected with the
sending of this embassy. Toward the end of the letter he discusses
the gifts most acceptable in China.
Felipe II grants (March 20, 1596) the city of Manila a coat-of-arms
more satisfactory to the Spaniards than the one which had been
previously used. A royal decree, dated May 15, 1596, regulates the
status of the bishoprics suffragan to the archdiocese of Manila. Ten
days later, the king issues instructions for the new governor,
Francisco Tello. He is earnestly charged to further in every possible
way the interests of religion, especially in the instruction of the
natives, and the completion and equipment of the cathedral; and to work
in harmony with the archbishop. He is to provide liberally for the
maintenance of the hospitals, and oversee their management. He must
give the king full information regarding the number of missionaries
now in the islands, and those needed there, etc.; and shall make
arrangements with the superiors of the various orders for the most
advantageous distribution of the missionaries who shall be sent each
year. Every effort must be made to convert the heathen Indians. Tello
is strictly charged not to meddle with ecclesiastical affairs, and to
maintain friendly relations with both clerics and friars. No minister
of religion shall be permitted to collect from the natives any fees for
burials, marriages, etc. Tello is ordered to leave some missionaries
at the Ladrones Islands, for the instruction of the natives. Tribute
must be collected from all the pacified Indians, whether converts
or heathen. The ecclesiastics must not meddle with the collection of
tributes, or oppose the governor's authority; for any reforms which
they may desire, they must consult with their superiors and prelates,
and send applications to the king. Tithes must be paid more fully
than hitherto. The duties which the citizens ask to have repealed
must still be levied. Certain provisions are made for an income for
the municipality of Manila. Tello is directed to see that the Chinese
be removed to quarters outside the city. No duties shall be levied on
provisions and munitions brought to Manila by foreigners. Various other
clauses are practically the duplicates of instructions given to Gomez
Dasmariñas. Agriculture must be encouraged in every way. The convent
for girls is to be aided and encouraged. Encomiendas may not be sold
or transferred to other holders, but should be made large enough to
support both the encomendero and the instruction of the natives. The
Indians should be settled in "reductions" like those of the American
colonies, where they may be sufficiently instructed. Justice is not to
be severe, and litigation is not to be encouraged. Religious will be
provided as needed, and hence the priests are to publish no objections
to the taking of tributes. Soldiers are to be well employed, receiving
pay only when they have no other income, and being exempt from arrest
for debt. Captains have authority only over soldiers, and the military
must treat the Indians kindly. The forts and fortifications must be
maintained, and a watch kept constantly against enemies, who are
enumerated, "especially the English Lutherans." Reports as to the
possibility of new conquests are desired, but no such enterprises
must be undertaken without circumspection and justification. As
the soldiers are now fairly paid, there is no need of spoliation in
conquests. The regions nearest Manila must be conquered, for there
is rebellion now in the heart of Luzón. Encouragement is given to
extend conquests from the Liu Kiu Islands to Java, Borneo, and the
Moluccas. The expense is to be borne by the royal exchequer, so far
as shall be necessary, although the plan of rewarding the conquerors
from the conquered territory is to be followed. The Indians are to have
the right of paying their tributes in any goods at their own option,
to avoid extortion. The religious must not go to China or elsewhere,
but must do the work among the Indians for which they were sent to the
islands. The Chinese suffer oppression and extortion from the customs
officers; this must be corrected. Encomenderos and citizens are not
to leave the islands without permission, on pain of confiscation of
encomiendas. Trade between the islands and China is not to be given up,
in spite of objections made by the Portuguese. Effort shall be made to
teach the Castilian language to the Indians. The governor must maintain
cordial relations with the new Audiencia and with the ecclesiastics.
Luis Perez Dasmariñas prays the king (June 30, 1596) for permission
to lade a small vessel for Peru, that he may make enough to pay
off his debts. An answer is deferred until after the residencia
in his case and his father's be taken. Morga writes to Felipe II
(July 6, 1596) a general report. The country in general is at peace,
and fears from Japan have been removed by the calming influence
of the Franciscans there. Figueroa has been killed in Mindanao,
leaving an estate sufficient to carry on the expedition, and infant
heirs to his prospective rewards. The expedition to Camboja has
gone--the tone of Morga's report evidently disapproving this;
and an expedition to China has been forced to return. There has
been uneasiness as to the presence of so many Chinese, and many
have been sent out of the country. The lines of Manila have been
newly drawn, making it easier of defense. Financial affairs require
complete reform. The officials of the treasury are under suspension,
pending investigation; and the revenue has been wasted for needless
salaries and sinecures. The soldiery devote themselves to trade,
losing their military efficiency and interfering with the business
of the citizens. The city of Manila is well provided with funds,
and the fiscal arrangements are just. Internal affairs are in a bad
way, because of the facility and youth of Luis Perez Dasmariñas, and
the lack of a regularly-appointed governor. Morga complains of the
meddlesomeness of ecclesiastics. He prays for the reëstablishment
of the Audiencia; and reports that the country is all pacified,
needing now mainly religious. He praises the plan of educating the
sons of the natives at the Jesuit college. He reports the arrival
of vessels from the unsuccessful exploring expedition of Mendaña
to the islands of the South Pacific. In conclusion, he prays that,
in consideration of his poor health and the death of his children,
he may be permitted to return to Spain.
Tello writes to Felipe II (July 17, 1596) a letter upon his arrival. He
is pleased with Manila, although many public requirements are not
attended to. The Chinese near the city require watching. The archbishop
has remained in Mexico. Trade has fallen off; and soldiers should
be sent yearly to make up for deaths and losses. He recommends the
continuation of the Mindanao pacification at the expense of the
heirs of Figueroa. In a postscript he reports bad news from the
Camboja expedition.
The pacification of Mindanao (begun by Figueroa) is continued by
Juan de Ronquillo. He sends a report (May 10, 1597) of the campaign
to Governor Tello. After a fierce contest with the natives, in which
neither side gains the victory, a treaty of peace is negotiated. Great
distress ensues for lack of food, among both Spaniards and Indians;
and aid from Manila is asked. Mindanao is a poor country, and will be
of very little use to Spain. Ronquillo urges that supplies of troops,
ammunition, and provision be sent from Manila, for the Mindanaos will
certainly rebel as soon as tribute is exacted from them; and it is
best to complete their conquest promptly. The missions in this island
have been assigned to the Jesuits; but only one priest is now there,
and more are needed at once. The encomenderos to whom Mindanao has been
assigned ought to aid in its subjugation, and should be sent at once
with troops to the island. A brief outline of the campaign is added,
unsigned and undated.
A memorial by Hernando de los Rios (June 27, 1597) to the king
of Spain urges the importance of conquering surrounding countries,
notably the island of Formosa. He describes certain routes, more direct
than those hitherto followed, between Spain and the Philippines, and
also complains of the number of Chinese who infest Manila. Luis Perez
Dasmariñas urges on Felipe II (June 28, 1597) the evils resulting from
the presence in the islands of so many heathen Chinese, with their
vices, cunning, and danger to the state. "Except for self-interest,
we are mutually contrary and hateful." He recommends a number of
severe measures limiting their activity, and placing obstacles in the
way of their employment; and adds various notes recommending specific
regulations for them.
_The Editors_
November, 1903.
Documents of 1593
The second embassy to Japan. G. P. Dasmariñas, and others;
April-May.
Two letters to Felipe II. G. P. Dasmariñas; June 20.
Memorandum of troops required in the Philippines. [1593?]
Letter to the king of Camboja. G. P. Dasmariñas; September 27.
_Sources_: These translations are all obtained from MSS. in the
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: Part of the first document is translated by Consuelo
A. Davidson; the rest of this, and the remaining documents in this
group, by James A. Robertson.
The Second Embassy to Japan
[_Statement by Faranda_]
My lord the emperor Conbacondo [1] sends me as his ambassador to your
Excellency, as the representative of King Philippe, to ask that we
maintain hereafter the peaceful relations required by the close bond of
true friendship and fraternity, for which reason I, in the name of my
lord the emperor Conbacondo and as his ambassador, ask his Majesty King
Philippe and your Excellency to accept and receive that friendship,
as my lord the emperor desires. The letter brought by Gaspar, my
vassal, was in order to ascertain whether your Excellency and the
other Spaniards were friends or foes, and not, as had been imagined or
understood here, that you should become vassals of my lord the emperor,
and render him obedience and submission. Having learned the truth,
my lord the emperor sent this embassy, ordering me to put on the
garment which I am wearing, which means friendship and fraternity;
for if we had come for war, as was thought, my garments would have
been different, and I would have come in a different manner. It would
have greatly pleased me if it had been possible for father Fray Juan
Cobos to come, to present the sword which, as a token of friendship and
true brotherhood was given to him to be presented to your Excellency;
and to describe the kind reception accorded to him there and the love
shown to him, so that I might have been more cordially received by
your Excellency. Your Excellency, not being acquainted with the many
things said in this city concerning my visit, is very kind to receive
me in this manner, not knowing even who I am, which could have been
explained by father Fray Juan Cobos if he had come.
Will your Excellency be pleased to order that a reply be given to me
as soon as possible, that I may go away and take the other Xaponese
who are here, because it is time to do so, and because the Xaponese
who have come heretofore from Xapon are not of the higher classes,
but are very low. Your Excellency should decide whether you do not wish
them to go, as people of this sort are a shame to the kingdom of Xapon;
and, in case provisions or anything else are required from my country,
I will send them with merchants duly registered. For that purpose I ask
your Excellency to give me a seal, and I will leave here one of mine,
so that all our procedures may be uniform and harmonious; for it would
not be right to have the people from the kingdom of Xapon come here
to rob the land and occasion scandals, thus giving a bad name to our
country, and especially in a country with which we have established
close friendship and with whom we are at peace. I also ask that when
the emperor needs the Spaniards in the wars which he may wage, your
Excellency will bind yourself to send him reënforcements of men,
and he will do the same at any time when your Excellency shall see
fit to send to his kingdom of Xapon for soldiers.
Everything that I have asked from your Excellency herein is in the
name of my lord the emperor. Your Excellency has doubted my authority,
because I did not present letters from my lord the emperor. They
are in the possession of father Fray Juan Cobos and give me ample
authority to negotiate with your Excellency in regard to everything
required to establish peace and amity. I will wait until I reach my
emperor's presence and I will then send the agreements written by
his own hands, and signed with my name, as a proof of my veracity.
[_Authentication_]
We, the undersigned religious, state that the ambassador did sign
this memorial; and I, Fray Gonzalo Garcia, certify that everything
contained herein was dictated to me to be written for your Excellency
in the Spanish language by his order; and I as interpreter had it
written by one of the religious who here sign our names. Dated in
this city of Manila, the twenty-seventh of April, one thousand five
hundred and ninety-three.
_Fray Gonçalo Garcia_
_Fray Geronimo Vazquez_
_Fray Andres del Spiritu Santo_
[_Statement by Faranda_]
Last year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-two, Conbacondon,
the emperor of the realm of Xapon, commanded me to come to these
islands to negotiate for peace and amity with your Excellency and
the Spaniards residing here, your Excellency having agreed to it as
the representative here of his Majesty King Don Philipe. In order
to carry out my emperor's orders I went as far as the province of
Sanchuma, [2] to a seaport, whence I was to sail; but while making
preparations for my departure, I was attacked by sickness. Then, in
order not to lose the opportunity or to disobey said orders on account
of my illness, I decided to send in my place my vassal Gaspar, whom I
greatly esteem, believing that he would execute the commission well,
as he is a man experienced in all matters pertaining to these Islands,
having been in them before; and in consequence I sent him, giving
him the letter from the emperor my lord. He came and delivered it;
but, as there was no interpreter, it was not understood, and he was
discredited because of the little authority he had, as he was not an
ambassador. For that reason your Excellency decided to send father Fray
Juan Cobos and Captain Lope de Llano, who were to visit the kingdom
of Xapon and ascertain the truth concerning the embassy which my said
subject brought. When Fray Juan Cobos arrived in Satisma he wrote two
letters, one to the emperor, my lord, and another to me as the person
to whom the embassy sent to these islands had been entrusted. The said
two letters were tied together, and I received them in the town of
Mengoya, where the court of my lord the emperor is established. [3]
For the sake of courtesy, I did not separate mine, but took both
and delivered them to the emperor my lord, who read his and gave me
mine--ordering a captain and myself, one by land and the other by sea,
to go to meet father Fray Juan Cobos. We departed at once, I going by
sea; and I met him at Geto, a place between Firando and Mangasatte,
[4] where I received him with great pleasure, and brought him to the
court where my lord the emperor then was. Upon being notified of his
arrival, the emperor ordered one of his nobles to give him hospitality
in his own home, so that Father Juan Cobos could rest there until
a house could be adorned with gold, to shelter him with more pomp,
because he was the envoy of so great a governor and because he is a
father, and known to be a learned man, and that all his royal city
might see how grand a reception was accorded to him. Twenty-five
days afterward, when everything was ready to receive him, I sent six
hundred of the principal men, nobles and gentry, to convey him to the
emperor's presence, sending a beautifully decorated litter, on which
the father was carried on their shoulders. Everyone was amazed to see
such a reception, the like of which had never before been accorded to
any other ambassador, although many had come to my lord the emperor,
some to offer obedience, others to negotiate peace treaties. It was
because the emperor knew that the Spaniards are a warlike nation,
valiant and honored above all other people, that he gave them such
a reception; and so it was known over all the court.
My lord the emperor was inside the fortress, and when father Fray Juan
Cobos reached the palace he was bidden to enter the audience-chamber
where the emperor was waiting for him, and where he received him with
the greatest honor and show of affection ever shown to any man, seating
him next to himself. Father Fray Juan Cobos presented him with the
letter, which upon being read, showed how doubts had arisen regarding
the embassy sent by the emperor the year before. My lord the emperor
called me, and asked me why I had not fulfilled his orders--to which
I replied that I had gone to do so, but that, while at the seaport,
I had been taken sick; and in order not to miss sending his embassy,
I had entrusted it to one of my vassals, a Christian. Then my lord
the emperor ordered me to go with father Fray Juan Cobos to visit your
Excellency in his name, and to deliver my letters and try to establish
lasting relations of friendship and amity; and finally sent me away,
after having given me full instructions as to what I was to say and
do. To father Fray Juan Cobos my lord the emperor gave a sword of great
worth and value, as a token of friendship, for your Excellency; and a
letter, wherein it was written that we were to be friends and brothers.
Father Fray Juan Cobos and I departed for the port, but on arriving
there he would not embark on my vessel. So we set sail, he on his
vessel and I on mine. Upon leaving I told father Fray Juan Cobos that
it would be better to wait for the tide, and until the moon came out;
but he answered: "Your people do not know or understand the sea." I
am a pilot, and, seeing that the high tide was against us, I waited
until the moon arose; but the father would not wait, and so left,
and I have never since seen him. The advice I gave him before leaving
was so that the emperor my lord might not ask me why I had not advised
him, and so that the father himself might not have reason to complain
against me. I gave him two of my kinsmen to accompany him, since he
would not sail on my vessel. Before he left, I asked the father to
give me a letter for your Excellency, because the ocean was not safe;
and I asked also for some one who would come with me to these islands,
and who could tell who I was, and state the reasons why I came. He
gave me Antonio, a Christian Sangley. The said Antonio asked the
father for a letter to your Excellency, and he gave it to him; and
so we separated, in the manner above described.
I, Faranda Quiemon, ambassador of the emperor of the realms of
Xapon, state that the people of the said realms are heathen, but have
already begun to accept the gospel law, and wish to become Christians;
and if this desire and belief has not spread more, it is because of
the lack of ministers and priests. I know that my emperor desires
me to bring back some fathers, provided they are of the order of
St. Francis, because this is an order and habit new to him; and our
Lord Jesus Christ and he will be well pleased that I should do them
this service. If your Excellency will order this to be done, you will
confer a favor upon the said emperor and myself.
I beg your Excellency to favor me by commanding that ten fathers of
the above-mentioned Franciscan order be sent to accompany me from this
city to Xapon for the said object--the said ten fathers to be Fray
Pedro Baptista, Fray Vicente Vermeo, Fray Blas de la Madre de Dios,
Fray Juan Pobre, Fray Diego Portero, Father Gonzalez, Fray Francisco
Parilla, Fray Joseph, Fray Francisco Ribero, and Fray Andres (an
unsettled priest). Besides the fact that we shall all take as a favor
the service done our lord, I promise in the name of the emperor and
on his royal word that they shall be well received and well treated,
and that no harm shall be done them; and if they become unwilling
to stay, and are disinclined to do the work for which they have been
taken thither, I promise to send them back to this city as they came.
[_Letters from Fray Juan Cobos_]
The bearer of this is Faranda Quiemo, a Xaponese, who goes in a
new vessel, which has some red pictures painted on the poop. She
is a staunch ship, carrying one hundred and twenty men, Chinese and
Xaponese. It carries as a signal a red pennant at the stern. Given
at Cuxi, a port of Xapon, on October 29, 1592.
_Fray Juan Cobos_
[_Addressed_: "To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor and captain-general
of the Filipinas Islands, at Manila."]
Because of the uncertainty of the ocean, I send this note by another
vessel which sails together with ours from this port, so that in
case it reaches your Excellency before us you will not be alarmed on
our account. Our trip has been very prosperous, and, should the Lord
preserve our health, we shall, as soon as we find ourselves in Manila,
report to your Excellency how well we were received by the emperor and
how well attended, thus honoring our lord the king, your Excellency,
and our nation. Nothing more at present, as I am writing these lines
only in case our ship should prove less speedy. From Xapon, province
of China, [5] port of Cuxi, November 4. Captain Lope Llanos kisses
your Excellency's hands; he is very ill with quartan ague.
_Fray Juan Cobos_
[_Addressed_: "To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the Order of
Santiago, governor and captain-general of the Felipinas Islands."]
The bearer is Antonio Lopez, a Chinese, who sails on the vessel of
the Japanese Faranda as a token of peace, and to protect the vessel,
so that no harm may be done to it.
_Fray Juan Cobo_
May Jesus be always with your Excellency. It was found necessary that
Antonio Lopez, the Chinese, depart in the vessel of Faranda Quiemo,
who is the master of the Faranda who carries these letters and was
the source of all these messages. Although I leave the port in Xapon
before him, the fortunes of the ocean are various, and he may arrive
there first. Glory be to God that our voyage has been very prosperous,
as your Excellency will learn. As this letter is only intended as a
safe-conduct for its bearers (for which we are hostages), and as a
permit to Antonio Lopez, I say nothing more except that I recommend
your Excellency, in case he shall arrive before I do, to give them a
kind reception, because we were well received by the emperor. It is
worth while for your Excellency to send here for copper and hemp, on
the king's account, as I shall report to you at my arrival. Captain
Lope de Llanos kisses your Lordship's hands; he is very ill with
quartan ague. He is not writing, because this letter is intended only
for the purpose above mentioned. From the realm of Xapon, province
of Chaxuma, at the port of Cuxi, November 4, 1592.
_Fray Juan Cobo_
Addressed to Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the order of Santiago,
and governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands.
_Decree_
In the city of Manila, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of May,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, I, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas,
knight of the Order of Santiago, and captain-general of these islands,
declare in the name of the king, our lord, that whereas last year
some letters and an ambassador claiming to come from the king of
Xapon were received here, and, moved by suspicion and fearing war,
I sent the father Fray Juan Cobos with letters for the emperor;
and whereas it is over a year since the said father left here, and,
notwithstanding I have received letters from him meanwhile, making
known his safe arrival and the prompt execution of his mission, I
am anxious because he does not return; three Xaponese vessels having
arrived, and in one of them a man by the name of Faranda, a Xaponese
who claims to be the ambassador; and as I wish to be informed what
sort of a man this Faranda is, and to learn whether Father Cobos
arrived there and how he was received and sent away, and the purpose
that Faranda has in coming, and what are the intentions and objects of
the said emperor, and whatever else it is expedient to ask in order to
disperse and clear away the prevalent uncertainties, and know whether
we are to have safety and peace with that king: I hereby order that
the following investigation be made, the proceedings of which shall
be attached to the original letters sent by father Fray Juan Cobo
and to the memorial submitted by Faranda; and I sign it with my name.
_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_
Before me: _Juan de Cuellar_
[_Testimony_]
In [6] the city of Manila, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of
May, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, the said governor
and captain-general, Gomez Perez Das Marinas, summoned Captain
Joan de Solis to his presence, in order to make the above-mentioned
investigation. He took the oath before God and on the sign of the
cross, in due form, and promised to answer truthfully the questions
asked him. The tenor of the questions having been read to him, he said
that, as one who had just come from the kingdoms of Xapon, and reached
this port and bay but yesterday, and who was in Xapon when father Fray
Joan Cobos arrived there--where this witness was building a ship (the
one in which he came hither), and work on which he left and abandoned,
in order to go to see, protect, and serve the said father Fray Joan
Cobo, and to instruct him in the customs and usages of the country,
as the father came in behalf of his Majesty--he will relate here what
he knows. While this witness was in the kingdoms of Xapon last year,
the emperor resolved to send an embassy here. This he entrusted
to Faranda Queymon, but as the latter fell sick at the time of his
intended departure from that country, he sent in his stead a Christian
Xaponese, named Gaspar, otherwise called Faranda. This witness says
that what he heard and was told regarding that matter--not only by
the emperor himself, with whom he conversed several times, but by
other personages and nobles of the emperor's court--was always that
the intention of the king of Xapon was only to ascertain, by means
of this embassy, whether these Philippines Islands were friendly or
hostile to him; for if they were friendly, then he wished friendship
and alliance with the governor and the Spaniards, and trade and
intercourse. If they were not friendly, then he would consider them
as enemies, and would attack them. This was the object of the embassy,
and the emperor's intention, as he himself declared three or four times
in the presence of this deponent, in the following formal language:
"It is true that I sent Quiemon on that embassy, for, as a man who
knows that land, he gave me an account of it. But what I wished was
friendship, and trade and intercourse with the Castilians, as I have
been informed of the good treatment given to my Xaponese there. I do
not want silver, gold, soldiers, or anything else, but only to keep
them as friends." This witness, as he knew the emperor's nature, and
his veracity, and the punctiliousness with which he keeps his word,
thinks that he does not claim vassalage, tribute, or any recognition
from this community and kingdom, nor does he intend to commit any wrong
toward this kingdom; but rather this witness believes and knows that
the emperor will aid this kingdom with soldiers, and whatever else
might be asked from him. Therefore he thinks that he who interpreted
the letter could not read or interpret it, if he asserted that the
emperor demanded vassalage; for the characters used in their writing
are difficult to understand. Likewise this witness declared, in regard
to the arrival of father Fray Joan Cobo in the kingdoms of Xapon, that
he saw that Father Cobo went from the port of Chandomar to Nangoya,
where the emperor was residing, and that this witness accompanied
and entertained him through the entire journey--about one hundred
leguas. This witness saw with his own eyes that the city of Nangoya
is a city of one hundred thousand or more inhabitants. This city was
built and settled in five months. It is three leguas long, and nine
leguas in circumference. It was built by order of Quambaco, by which
his power was manifest. As soon as Father Cobo had arrived and was
about to disembark in the port of the said city of Nangoya, a nobleman
of the court came to receive him, bearing three letters--one for the
said father, another for Captain Lope de Llano, and the third for the
present witness. They [the father and the two captains] were borne
on the shoulders of men to the house of the man who came to receive
them. There lodging had been prepared by order of Cuambac. Within
a week, Cuambac had the father summoned; as soon as the latter had
entered the palace, the emperor bade him be seated, and received the
messages that he bore. Then he made the above assertion to him with
indications of great pleasure. After that he ordered a collation spread
for the father, and asked him if he would like some tea to drink. The
father replied that he kissed his Highness's hands. As he rose to go,
the emperor ordered him to be taken to the Chanayu--a small house
where the most privileged go for recreation and to drink tea [7]
with the emperor. This house is well provided with gilded tables,
vessels, sideboards, and braziers; and the cups and basins, and the
rest of the service, are all of gold. There the emperor ordered a very
fine banquet to be spread for him, and had wine carried to him. He
again repeated the words above mentioned, two or three times, and
then sat down. After a moment's conversation, he took leave of the
father. Thirteen days after that, he sent the father a _catana_ or
sword, which is held in high estimation there in his kingdom, because
of its fineness and adornments; and a letter for the governor. This
letter was written on a large sheet of gilt paper resembling damask,
in letters of gold. This witness saw it, and took it in his hand,
and had it read many times. In brief, it contained these words:
"I sent Quiemon, as he is a man of intelligence, and as he had given
me a relation of that country, and the good treatment shown to my
vassals there; but I do not desire silver, gold, or soldiers, or
anything else, but only fast friendship with your nation, for I hold
everything under my sway. In Coray [Corea] my captains have already
taken the king prisoner, and are now near Lanquin, and about to seize
China. I am sending you a sword now, in order that you may have some
remembrance from me in that country. You shall have this written to
your king, and shall send me his reply. To the lioccata of Manila,
Huye Çama," (that is to say, "the great captain") The honor shown
to father Fray Joan Cobo was never shown to any foreigner or native,
according to the assertion of this witness, as one who has a thorough
understanding of the customs and laws of that country. From all of
the above it can be understood that the said father was received and
his business despatched with great honor. And, as to the father not
having come to this country, this witness declares that be knows that
the father embarked, after receiving many presents and supplies. The
vessel on which he embarked was in poor repair, and the season the
very depth of winter. The sea was in great turmoil, and the winds
contrary. On this account he thinks that the father perished at
sea. As to the person of the ambassador Faranda, he knows him to
be a man of influence in Xapon, who was recently created a lord by
the emperor of that country. The emperor ordered him to come here
in attendance on father Fray Joan Cobo, as one who was held in high
estimation. For this reason, this witness thinks that his coming is
without any duplicity, or cause for suspicion--beyond a little vanity,
to show that he is a lord, and one whom the emperor chooses for things
as important as this. Therefore this community has no grounds for fear
of any wrong being done by that country; but should, on the contrary,
esteem highly the friendship made with the said emperor; and as the
latter is a friend so powerful and important, his ambassador should
be served and entertained in the manner that seems most desirable to
the governor. This witness asserts the above, by the oath he took,
to be what he knows and what he has heard. He is thirty-eight years
old. He affixed his signature to the above.
_Joan de Solis_
Before me:
_Joan De Cuellar_
In the city of Manila, on the first of June, one thousand five hundred
and ninety-three, for the investigation of the aforesaid matter, an
oath was received in due form of law, before God and on the sign of the
cross, from Antonio Lopez, a Chinese Christian, an interpreter. He took
the oath, and promised, under charge thereof, to tell the truth. Being
questioned regarding the matter, this witness declared that he went
to the kingdoms of Xapon last year with Father Cobo. He saw that the
father was very courteously received by the emperor upon his arrival
there; for he saw Father Cobo enter [the palace] and go to meet the
emperor. He saw that Father Cobo appeared very happy and cheerful,
and heard him say that after a few days he was to go back with his
business well despatched. He saw the father embark well and happy,
with a present from the emperor of a very fine _catana_, or sword,
for the governor of the Philippinas. Father Cobo gave this witness
a letter, which he brought to the governor, for he sailed in the
ambassador's ship, by order of Father Cobo. This witness knows
that the emperor was very friendly to the Spaniards, and that the
ambassador Faranda Queimon came to make a treaty of peace. The latter
is the same man whom they saw enter and go with Father Cobo to meet
the emperor. Queimon is not hostile, but friendly. This is the truth
and nothing else, on his oath. He is about forty years old. He signed
the above, according to his custom.
Before me:
_Joan de Cuellar_
Collated with the original:
_Juan de Cuellar_
[_Endorsed_: "Matters discussed with the governor by Faranda,
ambassador from Japon."]
Antonio said that he heard that the emperor of Japon gave the conquest
of these islands to Kunquyn. He also heard the soldiers of the house
of Kunquyn say that they would like to come to these islands; and
they asked him if the people of Cagayan were subdued. Upon Antonio
replying "yes," they said "no," and that they knew it. He has heard
that the king of Japon gave the conquest of the island of Ermosa to
a Japanese; and that, when this man shall come to these islands, he
will come through them, island by island, and that they had already
set out. The greatest distance between any of these islands is about
two days' sail by sea, and one or two nights. The Xaponese laughed
when they heard Antonio say that these islands contained four or five
thousand Spaniards. They said that the defense of these islands was
merely a matter for jest, for one hundred of the Japanese were worth
two or three hundred of us; and that, therefore, the conquest of these
islands presented no difficulty. They declared that the natives of
Cagayan were ill-disposed toward us; and that the Japanese would no
sooner land in Cagayan, than the natives would deliver the Spaniards
to them. Antonio declared further that three large ships were being
built in Japon; and he could not understand why, unless for these
islands, as they had no need of them for other purposes.
Antonio Lopez declares further that he heard in Japon that the king
ordered this ambassador to return with the news, if the people of
Luçon should submit. But if they did not submit, then he should order
none of the Japanese here to return to Japon; as he would kill those
who did return, for he wished them to live here. Antonio thinks that
caution regarding the Japanese here should still be maintained--for,
as I understand, there are three hundred or more Japanese here,
and one hundred and fifty came in the ambassador's ship. According
to Antonio's opinion, no confidence should be placed in the infidel
Sangleys; for many of them have been in Japon, and those most evil and
most opposed to the Chinese are those very Chinese. He declares that
a Japanese, named Don Baltasar, conspired with Don Agustin at the time
of the revolt. This was told to Antonio Lopez by a Christian Sangley in
Firando. He declares that there are many of the Japanese here who came
to Cagayan seven years ago, and that the pilot who has just arrived in
this ship also went to Cagayan, to plunder. He has many times heard
the Japanese say that they would go to Ciuteui, thence to Cagayan;
and that the king of Japon ordered the inhabitants of Liutai not to
render homage any longer to China. They recognized that country to
the extent that, when the reigning king died, his successor had to be
approved by China. All the trees in Japon are assigned to the king;
and no one may cut them without his permission. Antonio declares
that little confidence can be placed in the Sangleys, in the Parian;
for many of them, having been promised some vassals by the Japanese,
are in rebellion. In Japon there is universal talk of the abundance
of gold in this land. On this account, the soldiers are anxious to
come here; and are coming, as they do not care to go to Core, which
is a poor country. Those who come from Core say: "Formerly when we
were going to plunder their country, the Chinese immediately united
with us; but now there is no one in Core who cares for our friendship,
but all love the Chinese even unto death."
Antonio thinks also that "the infidel Sangleys should not be allowed
to go to the Visayas, nor a Christian with many other infidels,
as is the custom, but that only Christians go, on account of the
acts of treachery and revolt that the Chinese, instigated by the
Japanese, may attempt." He declares further that three or four Japanese
asserted, in the king's court, that if they should go to Manila, the
natives themselves would deliver to them the Spaniards dead. As he
understands, because of this and of other things, Father Juan Cobo
said that when he returned here he would confer with the governor
as to the advisability of not permitting a single Japanese to remain
in the country. Antonio declares that Father Juan Cobo left Japon so
quickly, and at a so inopportune season, because of his fears of the
Japanese; and that he had previously agreed with this Antonio Lopez
to send him to Hroguyaca, on the pretext that he was going to China,
but with instructions to change his course at sea, and return here.
Antonio declares that Juan Sami, a master of Chinese letters, who
accompanied father Fray Juan Cobo, read the letter given to this
Faranda by the Japanese emperor. It contained injunctions to subdue
the inhabitants of these islands, and oblige them to recognize him as
lord. If the Spaniards should not do that promptly, he [the emperor]
would come soon; and had it not been for the dangerous sea for half
of the distance, he would have come already.
Juan Sami, master of Chinese letters, declared that he accompanied
father Fray Juan Cobo to Japon. There the father met Juan de Solis,
a Castilian, who was much persecuted by the Portuguese. This same
master presented a petition to the Japanese king, by order of father
Fray Juan Cobo. This petition complained of the injuries that Juan
de Solis had received from the Portuguese, who had stolen from him
a quantity of gold, silver, and other property. He presented this
petition to the king of Japon, on the day when he met him. The latter
accordingly ordered one of his captains to return all the stolen
articles; but as yet only five hundred pesos are paid.
Francisco de Loadi de Oñate declares that he knows Juan de Solis;
who is a captain of the king, our sovereign. This captain went, at
the order of the Audiencia of Panama, to Macan, in order to purchase
copper and other articles; but the Portuguese seized all his money
and his vessel. They sold the ship very cheaply, and sent the crew
as prisoners to Goa. From sheer pity, he entered his pulpit one day,
and there complained of the injuries done to the captain--among
others, maiming one of his arms. After this the aforesaid Solis,
in company with a father of the Society, [8] who was about to go to
Japon as visitador, went to the said kingdom. Without the knowledge
of the father visitador, Solis, as soon as he arrived at Japon,
presented [to the king] a rich gift, which according to various
estimates cost seven or ten thousand ducados. He also presented
certain letters in the name of the king our sovereign, whereupon
he was very kindly received by the Japanese king. The latter gave
Solis a letter ordering the refunding of all that had been taken from
him, with interest. After this Solis obtained permission to build a
vessel, which was already completed, all but stepping the masts. The
boatswain was found dead one morning, and the ship scuttled. Solis,
after the Portuguese and Theatins had denied that they had done this,
went to Meaco. When the king of Japon asked him why he did not go,
he told him what had happened; and recounted to him what the father
visitador had done. Thereupon, the king began to persecute the Theatin
fathers. The witness declares further that the said king gave the
said Captain Solis a letter ordering that no Portuguese or any other
person should dare or attempt to oppose him any further.
_Francisco de Lorduy_
Juan Sami declared that he saw and read a letter from the king of
Xapon to the governor of these islands. Its substance was as follows:
"Formerly I was a man of little renown. Now all who live beneath the
sky recognize me and are my vassals. I ordered the king of Core to
render me homage. At his refusal, I sent my captain to war upon him,
and seize his land even to the confines of Liauton. [9] This Liauton
is a land with many Chinese soldiers, near which resides the king of
China. I have seized the fortress of Partho, which I have subdued, and
it is very devoted to me, because I love the people of that fortress
as fathers and mothers love their children. Those who recognize my
authority I do not ill-treat, but I send my captains to war upon
whomsoever shall refuse to submit to me. I am writing this letter
to thee, so that it may prove a token, signal, and reminder. Thou
shalt write these things to the king of Castilla quickly, so that
he may be informed thereof. Do not delay, but write at once. I send
thee that sword, which is called _quihocan_." He declares that this
letter was given to the father while in the court; and that when
the father was about to leave, he received a second of like tenor,
written later than the above. In it the emperor stated that he was
sending this Faranda as ambassador.
In what pertains to Corean matters, he declares that the Japanese did
indeed conquer the kingdom at first, but that many soldiers came from
the country of Liacaton, who harassed the Japanese greatly. After many
of the Japanese had died by sword and disease, the Chinese recovered
this fortress of Partho and other districts.
He declares moreover, that father Fray Juan Cobo asked him: "Why dost
thou fear to have the Japanese go to China?" He answered him that the
Chinese did not fear them, as there were many soldiers; and even if
the Japanese should kill many of them at first, many others would come
afterwards. When he asked the father if he were afraid to have them
come here, to Luçon, he said that the father answered: "No, even if
many hundreds of Japanese should come." He declares that it was after
the father had talked with the king that the churches were destroyed.
Antonio Lopez declares that father Fray Juan Cobo showed the king of
Japon the kingdoms of our king on a globe. He gave this to the king,
with the names of the kingdoms written in Chinese characters, with
the distances between them. The occasion for this arose, because
when the king of Xapon read the letter written from this country,
he saw so many kingdoms, whereupon he asked to have them pointed
out to him in detail, with their size and the distances between
them. The father told him that the Portuguese were subjects of the
king of Castilla. The father wrote this to Hunquin, who requested
it from him in the name of the king. Antonio Lopez says that he
does not know whether it was on the occasion of Hunquin asking the
father why he did not acknowledge subjection to him, or on the other
occasion of the father coming to say that the present which he had
taken to the king of Japon was not sent in the name of our king (for
he did not acknowledge any superior), but that it would be from the
Theatin fathers; but after the father had conversed with the king,
on his return they found the churches destroyed.
Moreover, he says that at some time during this month Luis, a servant
of Joan de Solis, will come here. This man served as interpreter
between the father and the king of Japon, and also Hunquin.
Moreover, Antonio declares that when he was accompanying father Fray
Juan Cobo one day, as they journeyed together, he asked the father:
"Father, shall we have war in Luçon this year?" The father answered:
"No, we shall not." The father said that he was going to Castilla
this year to discuss some matters that only he could discuss there,
as he alone had seen them; and that it would be advisable to send
fathers of St. Francis to Japon this year, for the fathers do not
desire money. The Japanese are tractable in disposition, and they
greatly desired the fathers. The father said it would be advisable
for him to continue diverting them for four years, when the fortresses
in Manila would be completed; and then there would be war.
_Letter from the emperor of Japon to the governor of Luçon_
Formerly I was an insignificant man and held in but little esteem;
but I set out to conquer this round expanse under the sky, and those
who live beneath the sky upon the earth are all my vassals. Those who
do homage to me have peace and security, and live without fear. But I
immediately send my captains and soldiers to those who do not render
homage to me, to make war upon them, as has recently happened to
the king of Core. Because he refused homage to me, I have seized his
kingdom even to the confines of Liauton, located near the court of the
Chinese king. Already have I seized the fortress and district of Parto,
and have pacified it thoroughly. Although the kingdoms were in revolt
and about to make war, I gave them by means of my good plans, thought
out in one, two, or three days, one after another, laws and decrees,
whereby I pacified them; for I love my vassals as parents love their
children. The kings of other nations are not as I; for although they
give me but little, still I receive them. In that paper I am sending
thee those words, in order that they may serve as a reminder. Thou
shalt write the following at once to the king of Castilla: "Those who
insult me cannot escape, but those who hearken to me and obey me live
in peace and sleep with security." I send thee this sword, called
quihocan, as a present. Talk with Tuquy at once, and do not delay.
Antonio declares that Firanda's clerk said to him yesterday: "Antonio,
see that thou tellest the truth. It matters little that we Japanese
are about. Thou shalt tell the truth." Antonio answered him that he
would indeed tell the truth, and what was not true, he would not say.
Antonio declares that when he asked a Japanese friend of his, who
brings a few cotton articles, why he served Faranda, and if it were
better for his trading, this Japanese answered that Faranda was their
ruler, and without his leave not one of them could return to Japon. If
Faranda did not obtain a favorable message this year, then he would not
return to Japon; but if they treated him well he would return. Antonio
declares that this good treatment means obedience to the king of Japon.
Moreover he declared that Faranda's brother told him that four months
are needed to go from Mexico to Luçon, and from there at Luçon to
Mexico another four; and on this account but few soldiers could come
from Mexico. Japan is not more than twenty days' journey distant,
and therefore it would be well for us to appreciate this fact. Antonio
declares that he told this to Father Juan Cobo and to Captain Llanos.
Antonio says that one Usangro, a great friend of Faranda, took him,
while in Japon, to his house. This man is now sick in the ship. Antonio
says it will be advisable for him to take Usangro to his house, in
order to repay his hospitality. He says that he will try to find out
from this man how affairs stand.
He declares that those who accompanied Faranda assert that the latter
came to become governor of Manila. All those of the ship say this, and
he heard it said likewise in Japon. He did not know whether Faranda
were to govern only the Japanese, or the Tagals, or the Spaniards
as well.
He asserts also that Faranda's servants told the Sangleys to be careful
of their actions, for their master Faranda was to govern them also
here at Manila.
He says that what he understands of Faranda's purpose is, that the
latter promised the king of Japon that he would plan how these islands
should render the king homage. His intention is to take a certain rich
present with him, in order that he might say in Japon that he brings
recognition. But now, as the father has not come, and as he believes
that he will not obtain the present that he seeks, he is sad; and thus
he will be very low-spirited, compared to his previous state of mind.
He says also that when Don Agustin, a Tagal of Tondo, and Don Baltazar,
a Japanese, conspired together to seize Manila, Don Agustin gave the
latter a hat, and Don Baltasar gave the said Don Agustin a morion
and some cuirasses. This Antonio says also that father Fray Juan Cobo
conferred with him upon the advisability of our concerting with China
against Japon, in the following manner: If the Japanese should attack
China, we would aid the latter; and if they attacked these islands,
then the Chinese should aid us.
He asserts that the father once told him that Faranda, as he had
lost his property, was about to come to these islands to confer
with the governor, so that his two vessels might engage in trade
between these islands and Japon. When Antonio said to the father:
"Take care that thou dost not reveal the design of this man, namely,
to wrest Manila from you Spaniards," the father responded that Faranda
did not dare do it. Antonio says that he does not know whether the
father told this to Faranda to test him, for well he knows it, but
it is certain that the father knows that the Japanese are trying to
have the people of Manila render homage to them.
Miguel Onte says that he has heard it reported that, about forty years
ago, the Japanese were trading in China. Then they were very mild,
and feigned to be very humble. But after they had learned the passages,
rivers, and entrances, they came to China to plunder; and thirty-four
years ago they robbed him and many others who were with him.
He says that in the time of Santiago de Vera, the Chinese said to
the latter: "Take care, sir, do not allow the Japanese to come here;
for if a few come now, and receive hospitable treatment, more of them
will come tomorrow, and continually more, so that what happened to
us will happen to you Spaniards."
He says that he has heard it reported that the father of this Faranda
requested the conquest of these islands from the king of Japon a
number of years ago. To this end he requested five thousand soldiers;
and the king of Japon promised him ten thousand. He has felled trees
and prepared timber to build vessels.
Moreover, he declares that two other vessels are about to come here
now. Before the coming of the Japanese this year, there were four
hundred Japanese here. These two vessels have brought almost three
hundred, and another three hundred will come in the ships that are
coming. Therefore much caution must be employed.
He says also that many of the Sangleys who came with Faranda declare
that this Faranda wants a share in these islands, and that they do
homage to him. Miguel says that he cannot understand what Faranda
wants here, unless it is this thing. If something is not given him,
he will not return to Japon, but will send for troops.
He declares further that, when the Japanese made their first assault in
China, they were living there peacefully. One night they set fire to
the town that they inhabited, and captured and robbed all the people
whom they could find. Many of the Sangleys fear lest this be enacted
here. For why has Faranda come here to Manila, unless for this? It
is said that he is gloomy because of the non-arrival of the troops.
He declares further that what he understands of the Chinese is, that
if the Spaniards, when war should break out, would make arrangements
with the Chinese to give them money and the heads of all the Japanese
that they might kill--giving them a certain sum for each head, and
allowing them to take it to China afterwards--many of the Chinese
would fight with good courage. Two or three thousand soldiers could
be found, who would fight very bravely.
He says that it would be advisable to go to Patan and Sian for
saltpeter and lead. Sangley Christians could go for this in their
own vessels. He declares further that, in case of necessity, they
might bring from the Atarrayas, whose habitations extend from here
to Palañaque, more than thirty picos of lead.
I, Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir, declare that I have learned, through
a very certain and indubitable medium, that one of the Japanese who
accompanied Faranda, and who is in his immediate service, told a
certain individual that Faranda was coming to these islands in order
that they might render him homage. If they should refuse it, he would
not dare return to Japon; as the king of that country would hang him,
if he returned without taking Manila, or its fort. There were five
hundred Japanese here for the accomplishment of this. In testimony
of the truth of the above, I affix my signature. April twenty-four,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
_Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir_
Antonio says that he heard it said in Hunquin's house in Japon that
ten _bañes_ of soldiers (one hundred thousand Japanese) would come
here. When this Antonio told them that these islands contained only
five or six thousand soldiers, and that here at Manila there were
no more than three or four thousand soldiers, the Japanese said that
so many troops would be unnecessary; and therefore that ten thousand
would be sufficient.
He asserts further that his guest said, about three days ago, that
three days would be sufficient for five or six thousand men to come
here to Manila.
He says also that the clerk of Faranda and of the ship (who was
arrested yesterday), while talking today with Pablo Rroman, told the
latter that twenty Japanese were equal to twenty of us.
Antonio Lopez says also that on the night when his Lordship
granted him leave to go to his house--the night of the feast of the
Resurrection--Pablo Rroman was in the ship. This was told Antonio by
the Sangleys, in particular by one of his cousins. Therefore they
could ascertain from the father the intentions of Faranda. He says
that he heard that he was going for copper.
This Antonio says also that, while he was in Faranda's house, Faranda
ordered Don Pedro Leon, a Japanese, to ask a Spaniard present to fence
with him. The Spaniard fenced, whereupon Faranda remarked that he
was skilful. This he said in sarcastic comment on us, as was gathered
from his manner of saying it.
He says also that the Sangleys who came in Faranda's ship complained
that Faranda does not allow them to remove their possessions from it,
and that none of them are willing to return with him.
He says also that the distance from Japon to Liutue is three hundred
Japanese leguas, which are equal to two hundred Castilian leguas. In
his opinion, and he says the father thought the same, ten Japanese
leguas are equivalent to eight of ours.
He says also that a Japanese threatened Antonio Melo, a Christian
Sangley, that, if he sold the vessel which he had brought from Japon,
he would speak to Cunbaço, who would crucify the Sangley.
He says also that one sails from Luiteui [Liukiu?] to the island of
Hermosa, whence he strikes Sioabuetabo, where the men go naked. If
the weather is favorable, this voyage takes two days and one night,
but if not, the only ports are in these islands of Liuitiui above
mentioned. This Liuitiui consists of seven islands. He asked this
in Japon.
He declares further that his guest told him that, if no fathers are
sent to Japon this year, there will be war next year. If the governor
sends a present to Cuanbaco, Faranda and Cuanbaco will be very glad;
but if not, then there will be war. Father Fray Juan Cobo had discussed
the same thing with this Antonio.
Antonio asserts, moreover, that he suspected in Japon that Hunquin
would not allow Juan de Solis's ship to sail. He remarked this to Juan
Sami, his comrade, a Christian Sangley, who had gone to Japon with
him and father Fray Juan Cobo. He based this assertion on the fact
that when this Antonio wished to bring the ship in which the father
had come, Hunquin must have prevented its sailing; for, until this
Faranda left, a servant of Hunquin remained at the port. Although
this man was poor, yet Faranda respected him, feasted him, and gave
him a garment when he left. His name was Hirobio.
Moreover, he says that his host told him that four or five thousand
men would come in large vessels to conquer these islands, and that
this number was sufficient. Only ten ships would be needed for this.
He declares that, in his opinion, it would be an advisable plan for
the governor to contrive to despatch a couple of Japanese vessels
without telling Faranda that he would give him any present, or any
fathers to accompany him. He should show signs that he wishes to
detain Faranda, in order to ascertain his intention in this way;
for the latter has said that his ship must leave these islands first.
He asserts also that the Japanese emperor admits in his letter that
the sword which he sent by means of the same Japanese, is called
_guihoccan_. This is a Chinese word, which, being translated
into our language, signifies: "I am sending thee that token of
brotherly love. Cross the sea, so that thou mayst render submission
to me." This letter _gi_, or word _gui_, signifies "love," and a
token of the love which exists between brothers. This word _hoc_
signifies subjection. Finally this word _can_ signifies sea. Thus
"the sword guihoccan" admits of the above explanation.
He declares also that his guest told him that the ships would not
come to this bay; but that the soldiers would march here by land.
Miguel Onte declares that many Sangleys would buy catanas, but they
did not dare, for fear lest the governor would take them away. He
says the Chinese would like to sail five days ahead of the Japanese.
Antonio Lopez says that the helmsmen of the ship have told him that
they and the pilot had consulted together as to the way of reaching
Manila in the quickest time, and says that they will come by way
of Liuteui. He declares also that he thinks that the Japanese have
detained Pedro Solis's vessel and another one, which were about
to sail; for surely, had they not been detained, they would have
arrived. He says also that the reason why the helmsmen do not wish
to return is because they know that the Japanese are coming next
year, and that the latter will force them to bring them here. On
this account, they wish to remain here and return to China. He
says, too, that great care should be taken; for, in his opinion,
it would be very advisable to detain the Japanese, and not allow
them to return. For it is certain that they will try to subdue us;
but if these do not return, the Japanese in Japon will be as though
blind. He says further that Faranda told him yesterday that affairs
were turning out well, and that they and we would be friends; and
that it was very well that the governor had invited them. He also
said that because the inhabitants of Core refused their friendship,
and endeavored to fortify themselves, the Japanese retreated, in
such manner as their knowledge of the country permitted--not being
acquainted with the routes in the fortified part of the country,
but only with those where it was not defended.
[_Endorsed_: "Ancient fears of Japon, 1593."]
_Copy of the letter written by Gomez Perez Dasmariñas to the emperor
of Xapon._
Last year I wrote to your Grandeur through father Fray Juan Cobo,
in reply to a letter given to me here in your royal name, although I
had good reason to doubt the authenticity of the embassy as well as
the meaning of the words, and I have waited almost a year to receive
your statement and reply; and have only received a very short and
general letter from Father Cobo, stating that he sailed away from
there six months ago, highly favored and with his mission expedited
by your royal hands, which I kiss therefor. Two Xaponese vessels,
which have been hospitably received by me, have arrived here--one
of them bringing Faranda, who claims to be your ambassador, but who
brings neither a chapa nor your letter, nor an answer to mine, nor
anything to clear up my doubt. And now, considering the uncertainty
of the sea-voyage, and the fact that Father Cobo has not come, I am
more in the dark than ever, and more desirous of learning your royal
intentions and wishes. For, although Faranda brings me no credentials,
yet I cannot believe that a vassal of your Grandeur, and one to all
appearance so honored, would dare to appropriate and use your royal
name without your order. Therefore, in such uncertainty, I cannot do
otherwise than hear him and speed him in his mission. I answered a
memorial which he gave me, as he will show you. At present, to clear
up the doubt and uncertainty, I am sending father Fray Pedro Baptista,
who is a most serious man, of much worth and character, with whom I
counsel and advise in the affairs most important to my king; in short,
he is my comfort and my consolation, as he is to all the people of this
state. He carries with him the letters which have passed between us,
and the copy of Faranda's memorial, and my answer thereto, so that he
may there consider the whole affair with your royal person and bring
back to me the explanation and certainty and decision which are to
be hoped from your royal heart. He has power from me to accept and
establish the peace and amity which are offered in your royal name and
requested from us by Faranda; and the treaty shall be held in force and
observed until such time as the king my lord, advised of the facts,
shall order me what to do. I trust that all will come out as you
desire. I, for my part, shall do all I can to further this. May God
keep your royal person and grant much prosperity to you. From Manila,
on the twentieth of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and
ninety-three since our Lord's birth.
I was particularly inclined to send this despatch by one who, besides
the high esteem in which he is held by me, is a member of the holy
order of St. Francis, as Faranda requested this in his memorial
addressed to me, wherein he said that it would greatly please you
to see there fathers of this blessed order. This man is one of most
strict and holy life, which alone would make him worthy of veneration.
Two Letters from Gomez Perez Dasmariñas to Felipe II
Sire:
Last year, 1592, I gave your Majesty an account, in various letters
(written in duplicate), of the condition of matters in this country,
and of everything that had occurred up to that time of which I should
advise you, and at greater length. Now I repeat that information
sending with the present letter a brief summary or memorandum of the
various points about which I wrote, so that, being thus reminded of
what required deliberation, your Majesty may be pleased to order that
all these matters be examined and suitable action taken. But lately
(April 27), on the arrival at this port of a vessel from Mexico,
I received no letter from your Majesty or your councils, because no
fleet went hence to Mexico this year. Consequently I shall note here
only what has happened since last year. Since I have had, this year,
no news of your Majesty's health, may it please His Divine Majesty,
that when this letter reaches you, it will find your Majesty enjoying
the health needed by the interests of Christendom, and the prosperity
for which we, your Majesty's vassals and servants, pray; and may this
continue so for many long and happy years, so that the disturbed and
embarrassed condition of affairs which now generally prevails may be
reduced to order.
As I have written to your Majesty of our need here of ministers to give
Christian instruction, I have great hopes that your Majesty has done us
the favor to send a great force of missionaries to this vineyard and
to this new field of Christendom, which so sorely needs them. I hope,
too, that these laborers will not come from Mexico, but from España,
and that they will be among those who are most needed there; for this
land, so new and so distant from your Majesty's royal sight, demands
such men. Likewise they should be humble, peaceful subjects, loving God
and your Majesty, and attentive to their ministry of preaching the holy
gospel and the salvation of souls. They should not be men with selfish
interests, or have special objects or pretensions in view which would
divert them from their chief aim. I am hoping for them chiefly because
of the great need for them in the province of Tuy. This province was
rendered obedient to your Majesty without bloodshed and voluntarily,
by means of the fathers. At that time they paid some beads, and rice,
and some small articles of little or no value, only as a slight token
of recognition. I thought it better, according to our promises to them,
not to collect any tribute from them inside of one year; and although
this time has expired, still I have not thought it proper to collect
the tribute, because of our lack of ministers to instruct them, and
because I am thinking of founding a Spanish settlement there. This
latter I propose doing, on account of the fertility of that region,
and its superior climate, as well as the robustness of the Indians,
and their great vigor and intelligence. They have large villages
and houses, abundance of rice, cattle, fruit, cotton, anise, ginger,
and other products. In that region fifteen thousand tributarios are
subject to your Majesty's obedience. When the year, as above stated,
had expired, I sent to Tuy, about five months ago, thirty soldiers
under their leader, for the sole purpose of visiting those villages
and ascertaining whether they were obedient to your Majesty's service
and friendly to us. I sent them some beads, hawk's bells, and other
trifles of slight value, although these things are highly esteemed
among them. The people were found to be quite peaceful, obedient,
and friendly, and were willing to pay the tribute to your Majesty
at that time, as you will see by the accompanying information. I
was unwilling to have the tribute collected until we have fathers
to instruct them--or at least, until we institute justice among them
and found a settlement there. For this last-named purpose I have no
men, because many have died of disease during the past year. I am
considering whether I shall make the settlement in Tuy, as it is the
capital, or between Tuy and Cagayan; upon the arrival of the vessels,
and after I have ascertained the fitness of the troops (for this
vessel brought but few), we shall determine what is best.
The same need of ministers is felt in the provinces of Cagayan. And
although all these provinces are so truly pacified, and the Indians
therein very friendly and well satisfied, and all pay tribute, still
the fourth part of the tribute is not collected, because of the
lack of ministers. There is a countless number of villages needing
instruction, and all ready to become Christians, and for this reason
also I am awaiting ministers. I enclose information concerning the
excellent condition of that region.
I have written your Majesty before of the good condition of the
Zambales' affairs, and the severe punishment meted out to them, and
the lack of ministers for the recent settlements made in pacifying
them. Because of this lack, we have been unable to establish these
settlements, as fully as is desirable--although the highways are
safe and open, while in the mountain districts disturbances are but
slight; so that the good condition prevails that your Majesty will
see by the inclosed account. In Pangasinan and Ylocos, the tributes
have been lately increased, and the whole district enjoys peace
and tranquillity, as is apparent by the other account enclosed. In
all these transactions in the above districts, there has resulted
no confusion; on the contrary, there is universal tranquillity and
accord. The same peace and tranquillity reigns in the provinces of
Pintados, Cibu, and Camarines; and although, at my arrival here, on
the opposite coast there were some things that needed attention and
adjustment, as well as in other parts of these islands of Luzon and
all this kingdom, there is now no quarter that has not been explored
and that does not render peaceful homage to your Majesty.
Your Majesty will have learned from my letters of the satisfactory
completion of the enclosure and fortification of this city, since it
was already walled from the new fort on the point along the whole
stretch of seacoast to the round fort of Nuestra Señora de Guia
["Our Lady of Guidance"]. This fort having fallen, not having been
properly constructed, and so that it was of little or no use, I have
reduced it to such shape that it will be of use, by joining to it a
defense of cut stone, about as high as the fort, and a rampart that
commands all the country and part of the sea. On the other side,
I have built another rampart, small and low, for the defense of the
principal gate of the city, which has been built there under the
shelter and defense of the projection of the high fortification; so
that fort is now safe and useful. Afterward the work will be completed
on the other side. I am sending an account of this. From this gate,
the wall is being continued along the land side toward the river as
far as its entrance, with the same thickness, height, and shape as
the other wall, and each with its traverses.
And now this city is enclosed by sea and land, so that only one small
portion fronting on the river is open between that and the fort of the
point. This has not been enclosed, because that open space is so small,
and it fronts on the river between the fort of the point and another
cavalier named Sanct Gabriel which has been built there. As these two
are opposite each other and within easy distance, it is evident that no
danger will enter by that place, for it is the best guarded and most
secure. And, too, as this wall and fort have been built at so little
or no cost to your Majesty, except from the two per cent tax levied
once, and from your Majesty's monopoly of the sale of playing-cards,
I ran so short of funds that I was compelled to leave this bit of
the shore unenclosed. But, God be praised, the work in its present
condition is so far advanced, that no enemy who attacks me can give me
any cause for anxiety. Your Majesty may see what has been done since
my arrival here, by the accompanying plan. [10] This wall has had no
less effect for the undeceiving of the natives. Hitherto they have
hoped that the occupation and settlement of the Spaniards here was not
to be permanent, as was observed in a joint meeting of the religious
orders and myself, held in your Majesty's fort about one month ago. At
that time Fray Christoval, who was managing this bishopric, said that,
less than one month previous, some chiefs of La Laguna (which is five
leagues from this city) had asked him when the Castilians were going
to leave. They will have been already undeceived in this regard,
and the insolent and audacious designs of the hostile mestizos and
foreigners will have received a heavy blow when they see this city
enclosed and defended by land and sea.
Although the cathedral church was being finished when the vessels
left, after the portal was built--although with opposition and a
suit, as your Majesty will see by the accompanying papers--I had
your Majesty's arms placed upon it. Truly, that was sufficiently
contrary to the will of these priests here, who--just as if your
Majesty were some foreigner, and not the sovereign, as you are,
of all this land--declare that, wherever the arms of St. Peter are
placed, those of your Majesty are unnecessary, to such a state has the
insistence and license of the ecclesiastics here come. Finally, as to
the building of the church, it is so far advanced that, notwithstanding
the little still to be done, the divine offices are celebrated therein
with due propriety. The canons receive their pay from their stipends,
and are content therewith. There is need of a prelate--who, as I have
written your Majesty, should be not a theologian, but a canonist,
in order to serve suitably God and your Majesty. The work on the new
convent of Sanct Andres and Sancta Potenciana for the shelter and
training of girls is well under way, although for lack of money not
so far advanced as I would like. However, the girls are being cared
for in the house first assigned them.
As I have written to your Majesty, I have four galleys fitted up,
which are actually patrolling the coast, and acting as a defense to
these islands whenever needed, although they cost me abundance of
complaints, both in and out of the pulpit, from these blessed fathers,
who have compelled me to make the enclosed inquiries; and yet, with the
rumors and dangers current at the present time, these four seem but
few to the theologues. My only regret is my inability to provide and
fit them with all the things that they lack, as I wrote your Majesty.
In accordance with clause 7 of your Majesty's instructions, whereby
I was ordered to allow the Indians to pay their tribute in land
products or in money, as they chose, your order has been observed
hitherto. Experience has shown that the carrying of this measure
farther means the ruin of the country; for since the Indian sees
that he can pay his tribute with ten reals, which he makes in one
day's gain, all the rest of the year he makes merry and spends his
time in idleness and leisure, drunkenness and _magabalijas_, which
are his sources of income. Therefore they do not sow their fields,
raise animals, or weave their cloth, or cultivate the fruits of the
earth. On this account no rice is found, nor one mata or lampote, [11]
which is worth more than three from China. There is no cotton, wax,
gold, or other article of exchange; and all the trade here in these
things has been lost, as well as the great cheapness of these things
when the Indians paid their tribute in produce, and not as they might
choose. When it became evident that the country was falling into ruin,
and the pressure brought to bear by the encomenderos in opposition to
the religious orders, and the injuries and annoyances resulting from
this method of collecting the tribute were seen, it was determined
that it should be collected in produce, as your Majesty will see by
the resolution taken there. Therefore we shall collect the tribute
in accordance with this decision, until your Majesty shall be pleased
to order otherwise.
The bishop of Malaca wrote me the letter that I enclose herewith. And
although I answered him so briefly, and without making a decision
(as you will see by the enclosed copy of the letter), because I
did not like to say what I thought without first consulting your
Majesty, now, because of some news and information given me in
regard to matters of the commerce and navigation of those regions
and of these, I lay before your Majesty, in the enclosed paper, the
drawbacks and advantages on either side that I find in this matter,
so that, after examining them, your Majesty may be pleased to order
in all these matters what is most suitable.
I have written to your Majesty concerning the great annoyances
resulting from the unsuitable marriages of widows and minors, who are
wealthy encomenderas of this country. It is a fact that within the last
few days, three cases of very great inequality and irregularity have
occurred in the marriages of the widows of very respectable captains,
with an income of more than four or five thousand pesos. One of them
was of advanced age, and quite unfitted for marriage. They all married
youths with little or no money, who have employed evil methods to
obtain this end, and have defrauded several very honorable and worthy
captains and soldiers, who serve here, and for whom such encomiendas
were especially established. These women inherited these encomiendas
from their husbands or fathers. This abuse will result in the complete
destruction of this country, and the discouragement of its soldiers
and conquistadors, unless your Majesty remedy it. This can be done
by ordering that these marriages shall not be made here without
communicating with you, under penalty of loss of such encomiendas;
and it should be provided that the governor should not make this an
opportunity whereby to accommodate and provide for his relatives and
servants. Your Majesty will act according to your pleasure.
The encomenderos and soldiers of this country, who have grown old
and married here, say, whenever I summon them for certain matters in
your Majesty's service--whether for actual service, or only to confer
with them--that they are old, that they have served sufficiently, and
that they are embarrassed with wives and children. Thus I find them
disinclined to any service; but, if I do not summon them, they assert
that I give them nothing to do, and do not consult them at all. The
worst of it all is that they all imagine themselves capable of giving
counsel. Those who are capable know very well that I employ them,
and consult them in matters about which I think they have something to
say. For those who would complain, I leave the door open, so that they
may present their arguments in regard to the mistakes made hitherto.
Having ascertained very carefully the extortions and injuries
inflicted on the Indians by the encomenderos and their collectors,
in the collection of their tributes, I have thought that it might be
a good plan to have the tributes of all the encomiendas collected
in your Majesty's name, and placed in the royal treasury; then
they could be paid out from it to the encomenderos. By this method
innumerable acts of tyranny and insolence would be avoided, which
can not be remedied, especially in encomiendas distant from here one
hundred, one hundred and fifty, or two hundred leguas. Not one case
of punishment has occurred in these encomiendas, although there are
wrongs. We must go there with the authority of the law. Thus all the
encomiendas would have but one master and true proprietor--namely,
your Majesty. The collectors would be appointed by one person, and
would be men of merit, and conscientious and moral. The estate of
the temporal [12] encomenderos would be managed for them at less cost
than they themselves would incur therein, and all the tributes would
be collected without any care or trouble on their part. Although this
might be somewhat severe on those who already possess encomiendas,
it might at least be adopted for those in the future who are granted
favors and new appointments (just as if the encomienda were vacant),
so that this so commendable usage might be introduced. In reality
the value of the encomienda would be given to them, minus the cost of
collection; and the instruction, would be much better paid, although
this latter is regulated as carefully as possible. By this method,
too, certain soldiers who are poor and still in service could be
appointed to make these collections. May our Lord, etc. From Manila,
June xx, 1593.
_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_
Sire:
Because of the great need, I have granted in your Majesty's name a
license for this once for the printing of the "Christian Doctrine,"
copies of which I enclose herewith--one in the Tagal language, which
is the native and the best language of these islands, and the other
in the Chinese language. [13] I hope that great benefits will result
therefrom in the conversion and instruction of the people of both
nations. And because the countries of the Yndias are on a larger scale
in everything, and because things are more expensive in them, I have
set the price at four reals apiece until your Majesty is pleased to
decree what is to be done.
On certain of the buildings of this city upon which it is advisable to
have the city's arms placed--as the houses of the cabildo, the prison,
and others built at the expense of the city--I have not allowed
the arms to be placed; for the arms which are now on some cloths
[14] on its cabildo, which are those used at the discovery of this
country, seem to me to have more meaning and to be more pleasing to
the natives of the country than to the Spaniards who settled it. For
they represent a bark or frigate in a river, with a shore lined with
cocoa-palms, which is a fruit of this country. If some memorial of
some king imprisoned, or some notable deed were to be placed on them,
they [the Spaniards] would consider them suitable. But of them, I say,
that should the Indians seek for a coat of arms as a memorial of their
native place and country, they could find none more suitable. Therefore
I believe that the city will adopt with ready compliance such design
as your Majesty may ordain. For this purpose, I have ordered that, on
the façades of the principal gate of this city, and in other places,
where I have had your Majesty's arms placed, collateral stones be
placed for those of the city, as yet left blank, until your Majesty
shall determine what shall be decreed in the matter.
The procession made here on Corpus Christi day, with the assent of the
bishop, passed before his residence; and although but twenty or thirty
paces from the royal buildings, the procession did not go to them,
which they could have done at the cost of so little time and space,
and would not, on that account, have been prevented from returning
to the house of the bishop. Will your Majesty order in this regard
according to your pleasure.
The city is concerned, and I believe I wrote to your Majesty, about
the ten per cent duty imposed in Mexico recently on merchandise from
this country; and although I desire nothing so much as that there be
found a way to provide for the pressing need in which your Majesty
finds yourself in these necessitous times, still, with your Majesty's
permission, I will say only concerning this, that, although it is
true that the profits of this merchandise, if well administered,
might endure this duty, yet the citizens of this country are poor,
the money and capital are restricted, and the land is new; and at
the beginning these gains were larger than now, since, because of
the heavy expenses, the net profit obtained is much less. Likewise
it appears that the same statement is true of the natives, who feel
keenly so many burdens, and who are suspicious that we are gradually
increasing them. Therefore they say the Castilians have good words
but few deeds, and those evil. Those who might better carry this
burden are the Chinese, because of the great profit and gain that
they make and obtain here in so little time. But I fear also that if
they are annoyed, they will not come and will abandon the trade, by
which this country lives and increases. I do nothing but put both of
these considerations before your Majesty, so that you may ordain in
everything what is most to your service. May our Lord preserve your
Majesty for many happy years as Christendom has need, and as we, the
vassals and servants of your Majesty, desire. Manila, June 20, 1593.
[_Endorsed:_ "Filipinas. Copy of a letter written by Governor Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas."]
Memorandum of Troops Required in the Philippines.
The soldiers necessary to guard the city of Manila, and the redoubts,
galleys, forts of Cagayan and Çebu, and presidios erected against
the Zambales:
------
TABLE
For Cagayan, seventy soldiers are needed for the defense of the city,
and thirty for the fort and presidio of San Pablo, near Cagayan,
the total amounting to one hundred
100
For the town of Arevalo, in Otton, one hundred
100
For Camarines, one hundred
100
For Ylocos, one hundred
100
For Çebu--that is, the city of Santissimo Nombre de Jhesus--one hundred
100
For the settlement of the provinces of Tuy, recently explored,
one hundred
100
For the presidios among the Çambales--namely, the presidio de San
Andres de Mexico, thirty; the presidio of Tarla, thirty; the presidio
of San Phelippe de Malabuc, thirty; the presidio of La Playa Honda,
thirty: the total amounting to one hundred and twenty soldiers
120
For the guard of Mariveles, eight soldiers.
8
For the guard and defense of this city of Manila, we shall need one
thousand men--or, at the very least, six hundred.
600
For the new fort on Point Sanctiago, ten gunners and twenty soldiers
30
For the fort of Nuestra Señora de Guia, eight gunners and twenty
soldiers
28
For the cavalier of San Gabriel, six soldiers and one corporal 7
For the fort at the port of Cavite, twenty-four soldiers
24
For four galleys to guard these coasts, to each one twenty-five
soldiers, a total of one hundred
100
Total, one thousand five hundred and seventeen men
1517
------
With this number this kingdom would have some assurance of security,
both from the natives and from surrounding peoples. It should be
taken for granted that reënforcements be sent each year to maintain
this number; for, because of the unhealthfulness of this country,
many are constantly dying.
[_Endorsed:_ "Troops necessary in those Philippinas Islands."]
Letter from Gomez Perez Dasmariñas to the King of Camboja
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Sa[n]ctiago, governor
and captain-general of Luson: For the king of Castilla, my sovereign,
I wish you health and prosperity. I received the embassy and letter
of the king of Camboja [15] with great happiness; with these, as well
as with the elephant and the friendship that you send me, I am greatly
pleased--as also with the inclination that you manifest for the service
and devotion of the king, my sovereign. I shall inform the latter
of this, and it will be esteemed highly. I have grieved sorely over
the wars and hostilities between the kings of Camboja and Sian; for I
would much prefer that perfect harmony, accord, and peace should reign
between two such kings and neighbors (both of whom are our friends),
for without it is neither advantage nor happiness. I would grant the
king of Camboja the aid and reënforcement that he begs against the king
of Sian, but that king would marvel at it. He is also a servant of
mine, and our friend. Therefore I wish to know the cause and grounds
for these animosities, and the justice and reason on either side, for
thus can I come to a just decision. In the meanwhile, since the result
of wars (even when they are victorious ones), is for the most part
ruin, death, destruction, and depopulation of kingdoms and vassals;
and my good will and affection toward the king of Camboja binds me to
desire to see him freed from these difficulties and this uneasiness,
so that he may live tranquilly, and that we may have intercourse
and friendship, and that commerce and harmony may increase among
all of us everywhere, to the common advantage of all--I have tried
to provide the easiest and best method. This is for me to become
arbitrator, in order to try to adjust these differences. Therefore
I have written a letter and sent an ambassador to the king of Sian,
without informing him that the king of Camboja is in need of aid and
has begged it from me, and I think that he will accept. If so just
a cause should fail, then your and my cause is more reasonable and
justifiable, in order to do what you beg of me. In any event, you
can be certain of my being a friend to the king of Camboja--as your
ambassador, who is returning well-treated and happy, will tell you
in greater detail. Let us consult and discuss over the road already
opened. Those of Camboja will always receive the same hospitable
treatment as in their own land. I am sending you some emeralds, and
a horse, which is an excellent animal, in token of affection, besides
some hunting dogs, for Belosso told me that they were much esteemed in
Camboja. Because of the lack of certain Spanish curiosities, I am not
sending such; but I shall procure them for another time. If another
rose diamond from this country would be acceptable, I shall be very
glad to give it to you. To fulfil more completely our friendship,
I am sending you the copy of the letter that I wrote to the king of
Sian. May God preserve and prosper you. From Manila, September 27,
in the year 1593 since our Lord Jesus Christ's birth.
_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_
[_Endorsed_: "1594. Copy of a letter to the king of Camboja from
Governor Gomez Perez."]
Documents of 1594
List of Philippine villages reduced by the Spaniards. [1594?]
Letter to king of Canboja. Luis Perez Dasmariñas; February 8.
Investigation of the hospital. Hernando de los Rios, and others;
February-April.
Report concerning the Filipinas Islands, and other
papers. Francisco de Ortega.
Decree for despatch of missionaries. Felipe II; April 27.
Reply to the Japanese emperor's letter. L.P. Dasmariñas, and
others; April 22--28.
Three letters to Felipe II. L.P. Dasmariñas; June 15--23.
_Sources_: The royal decree of April 27 is taken from Santa Inés's
_Crónica_, ii, p. 607; the remaining documents are obtained from
MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: The sixth document is translated by Consuelo
A. Davidson; the first two letters in the seventh, by José M. and
Clara M. Asensio, and Arthur B. Myrick, respectively; all the remaining
matter, by James A. Robertson.
List of Philippine Villages Reduced by the Spaniards
List of the villages reduced to the service of his Majesty, and the
names of the chiefs who have made peace, since Captain Ffernando de
Berramontano went to those provinces as chief and leader of the troops,
at the order of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor and captain-general
of these Philipinas Islands.
Potol and its allies--chiefs, Atano, Anguilo, and Ffucao.
Village of Cataguram--chief, Manipas.
Village and river of Tulaque--chief, Apavao.
Village and river of Massi--chief, Seriban.
Village of Gatara--chief, Lipagam.
Valley of Sinabanga--chief, Amangapa.
River of Bangal--chief, mother of Sseriban.
River of Pata--chiefs, Amanbacay and Manipaz.
River of Cabrasinga--chiefs, Lumboy and Ffucman.
River of Maguin--chief, Seriban.
Estuary of Bacto--chief, Sivican.
Bulay-chief, Macapito.
Village of Magamon--chiefs, Higoran and Maramossi.
Village of Higuy-chief, Hivigan.
Village of Carlanga--chiefs, Maguigal and Agarrao.
Village of Linga--chief, Palatao.
Village of Lobo--chief, Dalapiao.
Village of Arangay--chief, Abugam.
Village of Pras--chief, Agarrao.
Village of Gumay--chief, Saguin.
Village of Tarugo--chief, Valigot.
Village of Gadu--chief, Balagua.
Village of Taban--chief, Baloy.
Village of Catabagam--chief, Banagua.
Village of Tapayacan--chief, Vanga.
River and towns of Nabunga, belonging to his Majesty--chief, Tabuga.
Village of Calabatan--chief, Bacu.
Village of Maguin--chief, Baligot.
Village of Malapil--chief, the same.
Village of Tuao--chief, the same.
Village of Canoran--chief, the same.
Village of Agat--chief, Lahizio.
Estuary of Malaguit and village of Sinagan--chief, Calaz.
Village of Doga--chief, the same.
Village of Cabicumga--chief, the same.
Village of Gabutan--chief, the same.
Village of Taramin--chief, the same.
Village of Lines--chief, the same.
Village of Massi--chief, the above.
Village of Nagugan--chief, the above.
Village of Gumoy--chief, the same.
Village of Talapa--chief, Çiroy Babalino.
Village of Pelitan--chief, Sibay.
Village of Lubutan--chief, Magalate.
Village of Batagua--chief, Ladaran.
Village of Tubigarao and its allies--chief, Lahinaman Darrey.
Village of Maguila--chief, Batoninam.
Village of Calabatan--chief, Matalo.
Village of Care--chief, Alu.
Village of Duli--chief, Duli.
Village of Bolo--chiefs, Manoto and Sino.
Village of Masepni--chief, Seriban.
Village of Guinoya--chief, Sinanagua.
Village of Balissi--chief, Matalaguan.
Village of Purrao--chief, Zuaduban.
Village of Bual--chief, Mamagua.
Estuary of Nalaguan--chiefs, Tagabassi, Pasigan and Sima.
Village of Carrima--chief, Urragam.
Village of Taporagua--chief, Sidagay.
Village of Cacaguayan--chief, Zalope.
Village of Talamas--chief, Marratan.
Village of Alata--chief, Vaguigo.
Village of Tabagan--chief, Basugumi.
Village of Bugarro--chief, Pigol.
Estuary and villages of Dumon.
Durangua.
Tinapanga.
Gabemta.
Balogo--chief, Bengel.
Village of Camalayuga--chief, Litagua.
Village of Daludu--chief, Jseamalaza.
Village of Tocolana--chief, Mandarelac.
Province of Yugan, but lately conquered, with seven villages.
Villages of La Lamona and Mandaya, seven in all.
The chief river, named Tazo.
Camalayuga, Segovia, Tocolana, Pantao, Camanao, Gotate, Tagay, River
of Maguin, Calimotan, Dumon, Durango, Tinaponga, Gabemta, Bolaryo,
Balobo, Galitan, Dulaga, village of Mapanga, Locon, Masepin, Estuary
of Arolo, Pagaman, Amoran, Agopan, Estuary of Bacto, Yamaguam, Mangua,
Bagan, Goran, Magano, Higuy, Batana, Cacomigan, Arrimanao, Cataessaman.
Catadar, Estuary of Maguila, Cacomigan, Cabugao, Mapapala, Boboo,
Estuary of Bagam, Tubigarao, Abas, Louba, Nota, Botoan, Lulu, Lapugan,
Vical, Estuary of Malagui, Nalaguam, Ungagui, Carrama, Ymaniz, Quinoyo,
Marranate, Batagua, Boluye, Lulutam, Estuary of Batagua, Amiguibay,
Bugarro, Bonoay, Bugao, Bungal, Alu, Alagua, Bolabic, Togote.
Cugan, Alate, Roge, Fugao, Inlet of Purrao, Bolo, Tingar, Pipin,
Purrao, Dala, Bicum, Malata, Duyusan, Bacuam, Baga, Upland of Lapazada,
Nabotas, River of Çimbuey, Pelitam, Alata, River Atam, Paguyamapi,
Luday, Lama, Babayugom, Malin, Casiyam, Agutane, Maguilo, Parbuam,
Tabussi, Capay, Minaga, Balaga, Malopi, Matudo, Loquillo, Beledeca,
Cagavian, Bagu, Guto, Labu, Tongolan, Talogua, Talaona.
Gumitan, Lubutan, Ligon, Baporago, River of Baporago, Cabalaratan,
Gamoy, Abazague, Passacoy, Biao, Malay, Bulagua, Plains of Llobo,
Madulango, Cari, Duli, Marañon, Tapie, Nabunge, Bangal, Ulagua,
Tarugo, Gadu, Ylagua, Pras, Tarro, Taban, Carlanga, Yagam, Ramoron,
Pagamal, Agunge, River of Llobo, Tabagam, Pipi, Gumabi, Capayam,
River of Palmarez ["palm-groves"], Malabit, Arangay, Lobor, Valley
of Palmarez, Estuary of Gacare, Jataro, Talapo, Talapanze, Mandayo.
La Lamona, Potol, Sinabange, Cabunuam, Jacatay, Tocol, Alibumga,
Maperi, Manaco, Paracam, Duludu, Ladugo, Minalam, Batal, Batatas,
Balissi, Estuary of Latupe, River of Lulaque, Simayo, Massin, River
Bangal, Bangal, Pata, Cabicumga.
Letter from Luis Perez Dasmariñas to the King of Canboja
To the king of Canboja:
Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the order of Alcantara, governor
and captain-general of Luzon, for the king of Castilla, my sovereign,
wishes you health and prosperity.
After the governor, my father, had despatched Captain Diego Belosso,
your ambassador, and had given him the enclosed letter, God our Lord,
in whose hand and divine providence are life and death, was pleased
to take my father to himself. [16] I succeeded him in his duties,
and in the good-will and friendship with which he was ready to aid,
in every way, the desire and service of the king of Canboja. I shall
continue the same in all sincerity, as the bearer of this will inform
you. And as proof of this, in order that Diego Belosso [17] may not go
unaccompanied, I am sending Diego de Villanueva with this reply. He
is an honored nobleman, of excellent qualities; and he might be of
some service and use to you there in mining matters, for he has much
knowledge thereof, as well as in the working of metals. You may discuss
with him what you wish, and anything pertaining to the good of your
kingdom. You may credit anything that he may say and represent in my
name. I shall be very glad to establish intercourse and communication
between us; for the people of Canboja will ever meet, when they
come here, hospitable reception and fatherly love from me. Truly I
wish that I had here some Spanish curiosities to send to the king of
Canboja, in token of love and friendship; but on a second journey,
God pleasing, I shall be better prepared. In the meanwhile I shall
inform the said king, my sovereign, of this new friendship, and of
the pathway opened for trade and communication between us, which is so
useful and agreeable to all, and from which I hope will result glory
for our great God, and many beneficial results. The king, my sovereign,
will heartily commend and favor this, and will rejoice exceedingly
that it shall result in every way to your satisfaction and approval,
an object which I shall forward whenever opportunity presents. May
our Lord God preserve and prosper you. Manila, February 8, 1594.
Considering that the king of Canboja wishes to advance Diego de
Belosso, and that he is a deserving man, I have given special orders
that he should go, as he does, free from restrictions, and with
satisfactory equipment.
[_Endorsed_: "+1594+. Copy of the letter to the king of Canboja from
Governor Don Luis Perez."]
Investigation of the Hospital
I, Hernando de los Rios, administrator of the royal hospital of
this city, declare that, because of the small amount of income and
alms received by the said hospital, the needs of the sick are not
provided for. It is impossible to give them everything requisite
for their health, inasmuch as there are many sick there, both of
the ordinary troops and the mercenary soldiers, to whom his Majesty
gives medicines, and for whom he supplies a physician, as he is
bound to do. The same provision is made for the other poor and needy
inhabitants and citizens to whom his Majesty is under obligations,
as they are old soldiers and settlers who have served for many years
in this country without any pay. Many of them fall sick from the great
sufferings that they undergo, because of the unhealthfulness of this
country, both in food and climate, and from other causes. However,
these would be much more numerous, if there were no place in which to
succor their necessities. As is well known, not one of the sick has
(and there is not in this city) any other place where they can go
except to this hospital. It is well known how much more it costs his
Majesty to transport a man from Nueva España than to sustain him after
having brought him here; and for the common welfare of this community
and its conservation, it is necessary to have men here. Hence, and
since charity to the sick is so great a service to God our Lord,
I beg and entreat your Lordship to be pleased to assign to the said
hospital from the royal exchequer what is necessary for its efficient
administration and maintenance, in consideration of the fact that
the income apportioned to it is inadequate, because of its heavy
expenses. If necessary, I am ready to undergo investigation, and I
take oath in due form that this petition is made with no ill intent,
and I beg justice.
_Hernando de Los Rios_
February 16, 1594: Investigation shall be made in regard to the
contents of this petition. The witnesses whom the administrator of
the hospital shall present in the course of the legal verification
which he has been ordered to make shall be examined in accordance
with the following interrogatory.
1. First: Whether they are acquainted with the said hospital.
2. _Item_: Whether they know that there is no other hospital in
these islands and city where the Spanish, especially the soldiers,
can be treated.
3. _Item_: Whether they know that the majority of the soldiers
serve for pay, and that there are, as a rule, fifty or sixty sick,
or even more.
4. For the fourth question: Let them state whether they know that,
by failing to give them the necessary attention, his Majesty would
be put to greater expense and cost, and this community would suffer
great harm and loss, because of the death of many, and because of the
much greater expense to the king, our sovereign, in transporting one
soldier here than in supporting two.
5. _Item_: Let them state whether they know that, because of the
small pay and the dearness of food, and because of their discomfort
and their heavy toil in mounting guard and in sentinel duty, many
fall sick daily and die; and that for this reason, the said hospital
always contains more sick men than it can take care of.
6. _Item_: Let them state whether they know that many of the old
sailors and soldiers, who have served his Majesty here, are poor and
needy; that these men are useful in this country, because they are,
like the others, ready for whatever occasions arise; that they have
no other place to go to except the said hospital, when they become
sick; and that his Majesty is under obligations to provide them with
a hospital, as he has not rewarded their services.
7. For the seventh question: Whether they know that the hospital
possesses an income of but little more than one thousand five hundred
pesos, and that the gifts to it are very few.
8. For the eighth question: Whether they know that the said hospital
needs more than six thousand pesos for its maintenance, since its
expenses are high, and since there is no other food in this country
that can be provided for the sick than fowls, which are valued at
excessive rates--as, for instance, two reals, or two and one-half or
three reals.
9. The ninth: Let them state whether they know that the said hospital
uses many drugs from Castilla and other regions, which are very
dear, because they are brought from so great a distance as those who
know say.
10. For the tenth question: Let them state whether they know that
the said hospital is in great need of buildings for the service of
the poor, and the accommodation of the others who work in the said
hospital; since it has but one corridor, where the said sick are poorly
accommodated and crowded; and that therefore the said hospital needs
four more buildings.
11. For the eleventh question: Let them state whether they know that,
in addition to the things enumerated above, the said hospital has
need of a very large force of attendants, as brethren and slaves,
and of other services from Indian men and women, upon whom a great
sum of money is necessarily spent, both in wages and food; and that
they are badly accommodated, because they have no adequate house.
12. For question twelve: Whether they know that all the aforesaid is
public and well known.
_Hernando de Los Rios_
_Evidence on the part of the hospital_
In the city of Manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of April, one
thousand five hundred and ninety-four, Colonel Hernando de los Rios,
steward of the Spanish hospital of this city, in answer to the contents
of the petition and interrogatory above set forth, presented as witness
Fray Diego Muñoz, prior of the convent of Sant Pablo de San Agustin
of Manila, and commissary of the Holy Office. Oath was taken from
him _in verbum sacerdotis_, and he promised to tell the truth. Being
interrogated in accordance with the inquiry, he deposed as follows:
1. To the first question he answered that he knew of the royal hospital
of this city of Manila from the time of its establishment by Doctor
Santiago de Vera. This was his answer.
Being asked the usual questions prescribed by law, he said that he
was thirty-four years old and competent to be a witness.
2. To the second question, he answered that he knew there is no other
hospital for treating Spaniards throughout these islands except
that of the said city of Manila. Therefore Spaniards from all the
islands, especially ordinary soldiers and mercenaries, go there for
treatment. This was his answer.
3. To the third question he answered that he knew the number of
patients in the said hospital, as he had been in it many times. He
thought it contained ordinarily fifty or sixty sick soldiers. This
was his answer.
4. To the fourth question he answered that he knew that by not giving
proper attention to the sick, his Majesty would suffer greater expense
and cost in being compelled to send other men in their place to this
country. This will be a great expense to his Majesty, because of the
high cost of transporting each of those who go to the said islands;
besides, on account of the great distance of the country, and the
difference of its climate from that of our España, many men die. This
was his answer.
5. To the fifth question he answered that his reply was the same as
to the preceding question.
6. To the sixth question he answered that besides the mercenaries and
ordinary soldiers who are treated in the said royal hospital, many
others are also treated--namely, sailors, and old and poor Spanish
soldiers, who because they have not the means to be treated, have
recourse to the said hospital. These his Majesty is under obligation
to assist, because of their services. This was his answer.
7. To the seventh question he answered that he referred to the
attestation and certifications given by the officials of the royal
exchequer of these islands, and that he knew that the income is
insufficient for the heavy expense incurred by the said royal
hospital--as this witness and the other superiors of the religious
orders of this city have written to his Majesty, begging him to assist
the said royal hospital by increasing its income, since it is not
sufficient. This was his answer.
8. To the eighth question he answered that his reply was the same as
to the preceding question.
9. In answer to the ninth question he declared that he believed that,
since so many sick persons are treated in the said hospital, many
drugs must necessarily be used which are not products of this country,
and which must be brought from Nueva España and other regions. This
was his answer.
10. In answer to the tenth question he declared that he knew that the
hospital needs more buildings than it has, for the sick are many and
crowded. This was his answer.
11. In answer to the eleventh question he declared that he did not
know; but that he thought that for so many people as are there usually,
many servants are necessary. This was his answer.
12. In answer to the twelfth question, he declared, on his oath,
that the aforesaid is the truth and is public and well known; and he
affixed his signature to it.
_Fray Diego Muñoz_
Before me:
_Martin Sanchez de Leyba_, royal notary.
[In like manner, depositions were taken from Fray Alonso Jimenez,
provincial of the Order of St. Dominic; Father Antonio Sedeño, superior
of the Society of Jesus; Captain Pedro de Chaves, master-of-camp;
Diego Velazquez de Mercado, dean of the cathedral of San Pedro de
Manila; and Gaspar de Ysla, former steward of the hospital. Their
testimony is much the same as the one given above, nothing new being
brought out. The document ends as follows:]
In regard to this work I certify, in so far as I may, as to its
necessity and justice, for the welfare and amendment of all this
country and community; and that it is a work worthy the royal heart of
his Majesty, that it needs his royal and generous protection and favor,
and that God our Lord through His poor, will be greatly served in it.
_Luis Perez Dasmarinas_
Therefore I affixed my seal in testimony of accuracy.
_Gaspar de Azebo_
[_Endorsed_: "Inquiry in regard to the great advantage derived from
the royal hospital of Manila, and in regard to the affirmation that
the poor cannot be supported with its income."]
Report Concerning the Filipinas Islands, and other Papers
A Report Concerning the Filipinas Islands, which it is Advisable to
Settle and Pacify; and other Matters
Most potent Sire:
Fray Francisco de Ortega [18] of the order of St. Augustine,
visitor-general of the province of the Philipinas, and prior of the
convent of the city of Manila, with desire and zeal for the service of
God our Lord, and of your Highness, in order to inform you concerning
the nature of the Philipinas Islands, which have rendered obedience
to your Highness, and of what is advisable for their welfare and
increase, and for the relief of your Highness's royal conscience,
makes the following declaration.
1. That it will be of much import for your Highness to order the island
of Mindanao, which is four hundred leguas in circuit, to be pacified
and settled. It is said that there are many people there who, when
pacified, will need, according to the report made, at least eighty
ministers for the conversion of those natives. This said island lies
to the south. It produces a great quantity of cinnamon, which, if
cultivated, will prove a source of great profit to the royal exchequer
of your Highness. This island is quite near those of Maluco, and the
occupation of it will be very advantageous, because of what is said
of the trade and commerce of the said Malucas Islands, of which we
would thus gain practical knowledge.
2. The island of Leyte lies in the same southern region. It is sixty
leguas in circumference. It is apportioned to eight encomenderos,
who have about five thousand Indians as tributarios. The latter have
up to this day never seen ministers of the gospel, and they have been
paying tribute for over twenty years. It is advisable, for the relief
of the conscience of those encomenderos and the royal conscience of
your Highness, that ministers be furnished. For the conversion of those
natives, ten ministers will be needed, counting one minister to each
five hundred tributarios. These latter will amount to ten thousand
souls, but more rather than less, counting the women and children.
3. The island called Negros, which has been so called by the Spaniards
because in this island there are more than the usual proportion of
a race called Negrillos; they are not, however, as black as those of
Guinea. They live separate from the natives of the island, which is
something like one hundred leguas in circumference. Four thousand
five hundred Indians pay tribute in this island, which is allotted
to eight encomenderos. These, as well as the encomenderos of Leyte,
above mentioned, have repartimientos of Indians in other places. For
the conversion of these natives, nine or ten more ministers of the
gospel will be needed. According to the above report, there are some
twenty thousand souls there.
4. The island of Panay has twenty-five thousand Indians as tributarios,
or about one hundred thousand souls, rather more than less. It is one
hundred leguas in circumference, and has sixteen encomenderos, and
fourteen religious of the order of St. Augustine, in six monasteries
founded there--one on the river of Panay, which is in the royal crown
lands of your Highness, and the other five monasteries in villages of
the encomenderos. All the other villages of this island, which is the
best in that land, after Luzon, are without ministers. To comply with
the obligation and relief [of the conscience] of the encomenderos,
thirty-six ministers are needed, in addition to the aforesaid; for the
island, as I have said, contains about one hundred thousand people,
great and small, requiring the ministry of instruction.
5. The island of Cubu, which was the first in this archipelago to
render obedience to your Highness, and where the first settlement of
Spaniards was established, is one hundred leguas in circumference,
or thereabouts. The number of Indians in the southern part, is not
known with accuracy, because it has not been visited. Four thousand
Indians pay tribute to eight encomenderos. It has no ministers of
the gospel, but there is a monastery of the order of St. Augustine,
established in the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and they have
in charge a village of the natives near by, with about one thousand
two hundred inhabitants. All the rest are without instruction. Six
ministers, besides the three in the said monastery, are needed for
the conversion of those natives.
6. The island of Bool is twenty-four leguas in circuit, with one
thousand Indian tributarios, or about four thousand souls. They
have never had, nor have they now, any instruction, and they have
paid tribute for eighteen years. They need two ministers for their
conversion.
7. The island of Cuyo is twelve leguas in circumference. It has one
thousand Indians paying tribute, but, for want of ministers, none
of it is christianized; for they have never had them and have not
now. They have been paying tribute as long as those of the island of
Bool. Two ministers are needed for the instruction of these natives.
8. The island of Mindoro is eighty leguas or so in circuit, and lies
to the south. It is but scantily populated; although much of it has
not been visited, in the known parts there are about two thousand
Indian tributarios. The chief village of this island, which belongs
to your Highness, has one minister. There is need of six ministers
of the gospel, counting the one priest that it has.
9. And further, the said father Fray Francisco de Ortega says that,
in addition to the islands named above, are other small islands,
whose names follow. Ybabao is twelve leguas in circuit, has eight
hundred tributarios, and is an encomienda. Samal has three thousand
Indian tributarios, or something above ten thousand souls, and a
circuit of about fifteen leguas. Capul is ten leguas in circuit, and
has three hundred and fifty tributarios. The island of Maripipe has
a like number, and is fifteen leguas in circumference. Camanguian,
ten leguas in circuit, and one hundred and fifty tributarios;
Cubuyan, eighteen leguas in circuit, and two hundred and fifty
tributarios; the island of Cabras, a like number, and is eight
leguas in circuit. Vanton is about ten leguas in circumference,
and has about three hundred tributarios. That of Marinducq is thirty
leguas in circuit, and has eight hundred Indian tributarios; Romblon,
eight leguas in circuit, and one hundred and fifty Indian tributarios;
Tablas, eighteen leguas and two hundred and fifty tributarios. The
island of Ambil is five leguas in circuit, and has one hundred and
fifty Indian tributarios; Buracay, six leguas, and two hundred and
fifty tributarios. That of Helin is about eight leguas in circuit,
and has three hundred Indian tributarios; Calamianes, sixty leguas
in circuit, or thereabout, and thus far is known to have six hundred
tributarios; Caguayanes, eighteen leguas in circumference, and about
five hundred Indians; Mazbate, twenty-five leguas and five hundred
and fifty tributarios. The island of Fuegos is nine leguas in circuit,
and has two hundred tributarios; Ymaras, fourteen leguas in circuit,
and three hundred and fifty tributarios.
10. All the above islands, and four other small ones, each of about
eighty or one hundred Indians at the most, have no ministers of
the gospel, nor are there any Christians in them, although all are
apportioned into encomiendas. One encomendero holds five or six islands
as an encomienda; and, because they are not easily accessible, these
natives are almost without possibility of ever having ministers, or of
attaining to a knowledge of God our Lord. However, if they should have
ministers, and if these dwelt in some of the best populated islands,
they could visit the others, since they are near one another. By this
means, those souls might be helped.
11. The island of Catanduanes, which lies north, near the island
of Luçon, is about thirty leguas in circuit, and has four thousand
Indian tributarios. It is apportioned to four encomenderos. Eight
ministers of the gospel are needed for the conversion of those people,
who number about sixteen thousand souls.
12. The island of Luzon, whereon is located the city of Manila,
is the best and most thickly populated, most abundant in food and
richest in gold mines. It is three hundred leguas in circumference,
and is all apportioned among encomenderos. The villages in the chief
places of the provinces belong to your Highness's royal crown. In
this and other parts, your Highness has thirty thousand tributarios or
thereabout. Although they all pay tribute in the villages under charge
of encomenderos, many of them have no instruction; and they have paid,
and there has been collected from them, tribute for more than sixteen
years. That this may be quite evident to your Majesty, he says that,
in the province of Camarines, located eighty leguas from the city of
Manila in the said island, in the vicinity of the volcano of Albay, are
four encomenderos, who collect more than three thousand tributes, and
there are no ministers of the gospel. This means twelve thousand souls
to be converted, for not one of them is a Christian, for the reason
given above. For their conversion, six ministers will be necessary.
13. Further in the above province are four other encomenderos, who
collect tribute from the island of Capul (which lies four leguas
away), and from the bay of Ybalon. They collect almost three thousand
tributes, and they likewise have no minister of the gospel. There
are some two [19] thousand souls, and they will need six ministers
for their conversion.
14. In the above province is an islet of about two or three leguas
in circuit. It is apportioned to two encomenderos, who collect one
thousand two hundred tributes. This means four thousand souls, and
will require two ministers.
15. _Item_: In the said province, near the volcano of Albay, is
a village called Yguey, with seven hundred Indian tributarios,
and not one a Christian, for lack of ministers. It belongs to one
encomendero. There are about three thousand souls, more or less,
who need two ministers of the gospel for their conversion.
16. In the same island of Luzon, toward the north, in the province of
Cagayan, are some allotted Indians, who, although they pay tribute,
are not baptized for lack of ministers. Their encomenderos are twelve
in number, and the Indians in their encomiendas, ten thousand four
hundred, or more than forty thousand souls. In proportion to the
others, they will need twenty ministers for their conversion.
17. In the same island of Luzon, in the provinces of Ylocos and
Pangasinan are twelve encomenderos, with sixteen thousand Indians
paying tribute, which means about seventy thousand souls. Very few of
these, not eight thousand, are baptized. They need thirty ministers
for their conversion and instruction.
18. Besides the above, in the same island, another thickly-inhabited
province in this region, one week's journey from Manila, was explored
two years ago, by order of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmarinas. According
to the report given to the said Fray Francisco de Ortega by friars of
his order, at least forty ministers are needed there for the welfare,
assistance, and conversion of those natives. Thus, all together, two
hundred ministers of the gospel are necessary for the administration
and conversion of the natives of those islands--which are under the
protection and dominion of your Highness, to whom they have rendered
obedience and whom they recognize as king and sovereign. This number is
in addition to those who are there now, reckoning among these latter
the descalced fathers of the order of St. Francis, who sailed in the
fleet now on the way for Nueva España, in order to go to the said
islands. And in order that your Highness may consider as excellently
employed all that you have spent from your royal exchequer in the
furtherance of this apostolic and sovereign work of conversion, he
[Ortega] gives a report as to the monasteries of religious and the
ministers of the three orders there, and the great results produced
by the preaching of the gospel among those natives. This is to the
great merit of your Highness, since they [the monasteries] have been
the chief instrument of the relief and salvation of the Indians.
19. There is one monastery with four religious of his order of
St. Augustine, in the island of Cubu. They have baptized about six
thousand, large and small, of the Indians in their charge there.
20. There is another monastery of the same order in another small
island, called Batayan. It has two religious, who have baptized three
thousand souls.
21. In the island of Panay, the best island after that of Luzon, are
six monasteries of his order. The island has sixteen ministers, who
have baptized more than thirty thousand persons, large and small. Each
day the conversion extends farther and it is through lack of ministers
that more are not baptized.
22. In the island of Luzon, where the city of Manila is located, in
a province called Pampanga, in a territory of eighteen leguas, are
twelve monasteries of his order. These have twenty-nine religious,
all priests. This district has twenty-three thousand five hundred
tributarios, or ninety thousand souls--more, rather than less--for
they are a people who multiply rapidly. Of all this number, there
are but few unbaptized.
23. In the same province (I mean island) of Luzon, is another
province, called Ylocos, and another, Pangasinan, where his order
of St. Augustine has eleven monasteries; and another in a Spanish
settlement on the Cagayah River, where there are twenty-eight
religious, all priests. In all this territory are twenty thousand
tributarios, or about eighty thousand souls, of whom fifty-five
thousand are baptized, while the rest are daily becoming converted.
24. In another province, called Bombon, where there are two large
lakes, the shores of which are all settled, within a territory twenty
leguas from the city of Manila are established eleven monasteries
of his order of St. Augustine. Here there are nineteen thousand five
hundred tributarios, or more than eighty thousand souls. Of these more
than sixty thousand are baptized, while the rest are regularly being
converted. The said monasteries have twenty-six religious, all priests.
25. The monasteries belonging to the order of St. Augustine in those
islands in the villages of the Indians number forty-three, with one
hundred and five ministers, who have in their charge, as reported,
two hundred and eighty-nine thousand souls, of whom two hundred and
forty-four thousand are baptized, while the remaining forty-five
thousand are being converted daily. In addition there is another
monastery in the city of Manila, with twenty-five ministers--ten
of them priests, and the others without sacerdotal orders. This
is in addition to novices, of whom there are usually some in the
monastery. The members of the convent have in charge certain Indians
near the city along the seacoast. Thus there are forty-four monasteries
with one hundred and thirty ministers.
26. The monasteries of the order of St. Francis in Indian villages in
those islands, number twenty-three. They have forty-nine ministers
in these; and in the city of Manila they have another monastery of
their order, with fifteen religious--priests and brethren, laymen and
choristers. He [Ortega] does not know the exact number of Indians in
their charge, although he thinks that they have baptized something
like thirty thousand persons.
There are four monasteries of the order of St. Dominic in Indian
villages, and two in Manila--one among the Chinese settled there,
and the other among the Spaniards. All six convents have eighteen
ministers, and he thinks they have baptized something like fourteen
thousand souls.
Fray Francisco de Ortega presents this report to your Highness, as
one who has an experience of twenty-four years in those islands, and
what remains from thirty-nine years in Nueva España. He presents
the report with all sincerity, so that your Highness may have
detailed information, and may deem yourself to be well served by
his order. His hope is that the necessity of ministers--both for
preaching to the natives already converted, and for the conversion of
so vast a multitude of people still to be converted--being evident,
your Highness, with your royal and usual kindness, may have a great
number of ministers of the gospel sent; since God is sending the
remedy that is drawing this people from their blindness, by the hands
of your Highness, for whom He is keeping the reward of so noble and
sovereign a work as this of converting a new world to the knowledge
of God our Lord.
[_Endorsed:_ "Fray Francisco de Ortega of the order of St. Augustine."]
What He Begs for the Monasteries of His Order
+
Sire:
Fray Francisco de Ortega, visitor-general of his order of
St. Augustine, and prior of the convent of the city of Manila, in
the name of that province, and by the authority which he has for that
purpose, humbly begs and beseeches the following from your Majesty.
1. That your Majesty be pleased to bestow, as a grant and as alms for
the building of the monastery of that city, a fixed sum for a certain
period, as you did in past years for the building of the church of
the said monastery. In that case were assigned for the period of
ten years one thousand ducados annually. This grant is asked in
consideration of the fact that it has been burned twice, and has
been in part rebuilt from the alms that the religious have acquired
with great difficulty. Another ground is the many services performed
by his order in that country for your Majesty from the beginning,
when it was settled, with innumerable hardships which they endured
when engaged in implanting the faith, and in the service and relief
of the royal conscience of your Majesty--there being then no other
ministers there except them alone, as is quite well and commonly known,
and as will appear by the evidence which he adduces thereof. Finally,
a third ground for the grant is the fact that the monastery of Manila
is very poor, so that it cannot continue the work undertaken, and
therefore the religious are much inconvenienced by the narrowness of
their quarters. This is a house where great strictness and austerity
are observed; and in the bestowal upon them of this grant and alms by
your Majesty God our Lord will be served abundantly, and his [Ortega's]
order will receive benefit and favor thereby. Questions 20 to 24 and
the opinion. [_In the margin_: "Let the father declare the nature and
extent of the favor which he desires, and let the decree referred to
be brought." "A copy of the decree mentioned is brought."]
2. _Item_: That in consideration of the fact that when your Majesty's
first governor in those islands, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, assigned one
hundred pesos (of eight reals to the peso) and fifty fanegas of rice
annually for the support of each religious, goods were very cheap,
while now they are worth twice as much, and the religious cannot
be supported with this alms, he begs and beseeches your Majesty to
have the goodness to order that the alms for the food and clothing
of each religious be annually one hundred pesos de minas, or at
least Castilian ducados, and the usual amount of rice. This is a
very moderate request, since the religious possess no income or
chaplaincies, and it will bring but little additional expense upon
your Majesty's royal exchequer, as the monasteries sustained by your
royal crown are but few; and if your Majesty gives commands to this
effect, they will be much advantaged and favored. [_In the margin_:
"Let the governor give information of conditions in this matter,
and what he deems best for the future. Let him make a report of
everything in minute detail."]
3. _Item_: The said father Fray Francisco de Ortega declares that
fourteen years ago, when he came from those islands the first time,
your Majesty at his request and supplication granted favor to that
province, by ordering your royal officials to give annually, to
each religious who was a priest, two arrobas of wine for the mass,
and to each convent of his order in the province six jars of oil for
the lamp of the most holy sacrament, as was done throughout Nueva
España. This was not fulfilled, because before the arrival of the
time for the royal officials to give this alms the said convent of
St. Augustine was burned; and among the property and papers destroyed
was your Majesty's royal decree, bestowing the said favor. He begs and
entreats your Majesty, in confirmation of the said favor and alms,
to issue your royal decree, inserting the first decree therein, so
that henceforth the said grant may take effect; and to direct the
officials of the royal treasury in Mexico to send the things granted
in kind to the royal officials of Manila, so that the latter may
give them to the monasteries of the said order, in pursuance of and
conformity with your Majesty's commands. By so doing the decree will
be fulfilled and the expense to your Majesty's royal exchequer will
also be diminished. [_In the margin_: "Have this decree renewed."]
4. Further, he declares that at the convent of San Augustin de Manila
the novices are taught, and that the arts and theology have been and
will be regularly studied there. It is a seminary whence they go, and
will continue to go, to other districts to preach to and convert those
natives, and to instruct those already converted, and to administer
the sacraments of our holy Catholic faith. There they receive and lodge
the religious going to those islands from this kingdom to engage in the
apostolic work of the conversion of those natives. The house is poor,
so that with its present resources it is impossible to support eight
friars, without the alms that your Majesty ordered to be given for
four-there being, as a general rule, more than twenty religious in the
said convent. He begs and entreats your Majesty, in consideration of
the aforesaid, to order the grant increased to the number of twelve
religious, more or less, as may be your Majesty's pleasure. They
will receive this as a great help and bounty. [_In the margin_:
"That which is provided for the second section above."]
5. _Item_: He begs and entreats your Majesty, in consideration of the
aforesaid and of the fact that the convent at Manila is an infirmary
for all that province, where all those engaged in the conversion
and administration of the sacraments in the Indian villages come for
treatment when sick, to grant bounty and alms to the said convent,
by ordering that the physician and the medical supplies necessary for
the treatment of the said religious be at the cost of your Majesty's
royal exchequer, as your Majesty has done in the kingdom of Peru. [_In
the margin_: "Let him be given the decree in accordance with the
declaration made."]
6. The said father Fray Francisco de Ortega informs your Majesty that
the bishop of those islands, of his own notion and at his own pleasure,
placed religious of his own order of St. Dominic in a settlement of
Sangleys (natives of the kingdom of China) near the city of Manila,
and across a river that flows through it. From the beginning when
that island was gained and settled, the religious of the order of
St Augustine have had the said Chinese and natives in charge, to
whose conversion and baptism they have paid special attention. From
the monastery of his order to the place where the Dominican fathers
have settled the distance is but two shots of an arquebus. This is in
direct opposition to your Majesty's orders and the commands of your
royal decrees--namely, that wherever the monastery of one order is
established, no other shall be placed except at the distance appointed
by your Majesty. As most of the Chinese settled there are idolatrous
heathen, it is a great disadvantage for them to be mingled with the
newly-converted Christian Indians, the natives of another race; and
from this mingling arise many offenses against God our Lord. In order
to avoid these, it would be advisable for your Majesty to have those
Chinese removed thence to the place where the rest of their nation
have settled, leaving those natives free. It would be well also to
decree that the Dominican fathers there shall settle in another place
where there is greater need for them; and that your Majesty entrust
the execution of all the above to the governor of those islands,
[_In the margin_: "Have the governor examine and provide for this."]
7. Further, he says that some three years ago father Fray Mattheo de
Mendoza, of his order, implored and entreated your Majesty, in the name
of that province, to be pleased to grant permission for the founding
of a monastery of Recollet friars of his order, in a hermitage called
Nuestra Señora de Guia, located in a place about one-quarter of a
legua from the city of Manila. Your Majesty ordered your royal decree
to be issued to the effect that the governor and bishop should make
investigations as to whether it would be useful and advantageous to
have the said hermitage granted for the said purpose, and that they
should send their report, together with their opinion on the matter,
to the royal Council of the Yndias. In fulfilment of this direction,
the said governor has sent the said documents to your Majesty. He
[Ortega] entreats you to have it examined and, in accordance with it,
to provide and order what is deemed of most advantage to the service
of God our Lord, and of your Majesty--considering that, if the said
Recollet religious are established there, from their good instruction,
life, and example great results will be obtained, both among the
natives, and from the devotion of the Spaniards. [_In the margin_:
"Let the governor undertake the establishment of whatever religious
of the order of St. Augustine he thinks advisable."]
[_Endorsed:_ "+ Fray Francisco de Ortega, of the order of
St. Augustine."]
Advice on Fourteen Points of Great Import for the Service of God and
His Majesty, and the Increase of His Royal Estate
Sire:
Fray Francisco de Ortega, of the order of St. Augustine,
visitador-general of his order in the Philipinas Islands, by apostolic
authority, and by the royal authority of your Majesty, and the
authority of his general, declares that he has spent thirty-eight years
in the Yndias--sixteen of them in Nueva España and the rest in the
Philipinas Islands--preaching the word of God, and administering the
holy sacraments to Spaniards and Indians. In this period is reckoned
the time spent in voyaging to and fro between this kingdom and those
districts twice (and with this last time, thrice) to your Majesty as
a suppliant, and voyaging twenty-two thousand leguas and undergoing
many dangers and hardships to inform your Majesty of the condition
of those islands, and of what, in his opinion, by reason of his long
experience in that country, was fitting for the service of God our
Lord, and that of your Majesty. His purpose was that, with your royal
clemency and magnanimity and most Christian zeal, you might decree a
reform, and provide what should be most convenient for the aforesaid
objects--which reform your Majesty decreed, and it has been placed
in execution. He has conducted the religious whom your Majesty bade
him take for the conversion of those natives--forty in number, except
for those who died on the voyage; he has founded twelve monasteries
beside the ones already there--in all, forty-three; he has visited
the province and executed your Majesty's commands. And now lastly,
in the service of God and your Majesty, by the advice and consent
of the governor of those islands, under the persuasion and with the
sanction of the religious of that province, he comes again the third
time, bowed down with years and labors, and with thought for the
future, but disdaining the perils of this long and dangerous voyage,
to inform your Majesty of what is advisable for your royal service,
and for the welfare, increase, and conservation of that country. His
declaration follows:
1. That it will be very advisable for the service of God our Lord,
the merit of your Majesty, the welfare and relief of the natives of
those islands, the establishment and increase of the country, and the
relief of your Majesty's royal conscience that you have a large number
of religious provided for the conversion of those to be baptized,
and the maintenance in the faith of those already Christians; for,
because of lack of ministers, many fail to receive baptism, and to
acquire a knowledge of God our Lord. Further, for temporal welfare and
increase, they [the religious] are those who are of most importance;
for, wherever they are, the people are orderly and quiet, even if
not all converted, and there is a constant tendency for wealth to
increase. But where there are none, things tend toward waste and
the dissipation of wealth, which fact ample experience attests in
all parts of the Yndias. It is quite sure and certain that a hundred
ministers of the gospel effect more temporal and spiritual good than
a thousand soldiers.
2. That it would be very advantageous for the service of God our Lord,
and that of your Majesty, and for the welfare and relief of so infinite
a number of people as there are in the great kingdom of China, that
you order the continuation of that which you ordered twelve years ago,
and the execution of which was begun, although the effect attempted
was not followed up nor attained because of the hidden judgment
of God. This was for your Majesty to write to the king of China,
sending him, in token of affection and friendship, certain articles
of the products of this kingdom, which that kingdom does not have,
with a request for him to give audience to the ministers of God,
whom your Majesty should send him; to give license or permission
for ministers of the gospel to enter his kingdom and preach our holy
faith freely; and to grant that the Spaniards and Chinese should have
trade and commerce, the former being assigned some maritime port,
such as has been assigned to the Portuguese in Macan. For there is
a long experience from the time when father Fray Martin de Herrera
of his order of St. Augustine went there, up to the present time,
that in no other way will they admit the ministers of the orders
in those islands, who have gone there to strive for their relief
and salvation; because, beside imprisoning and ill-treating them,
and prohibiting them from residing there, they have sent them back to
the city of Manila. Humanly speaking, there is no other remedy, or no
remedy more mild and better suited to the justification of your Majesty
than this. He regards it as beyond question that what previously had
no effect your Majesty will in your most Christian conscience command
to be carried out, since by this command you run risk of little loss,
and there is a clear possibility of gaining much. [_In the margin_:
"Have the papers brought that were lately examined, and what was done
in this matter."]
3. The said Fray Francisco de Ortega informs your Majesty that,
within sight of the mainland of China, is an island called Nao, lying
toward the south, where is grown and where there is a great quantity of
pepper. Its inhabitants have trade and commerce with the Chinese, and
although the island is not large, it is said to contain fifteen cities,
most of which have from twelve to fourteen thousand citizens. They
are a dull-witted race, and are given over to many kinds of vice
and licentiousness. This is an argument that the entrance to this
island will be easier; and therefore the information is given that
one thousand Spaniards would suffice for its pacification. If there
were a justifiable ground for seizure, this would be a position of
great advantage for communicating with and entering the great kingdom
of China.
4. Likewise he says that in his opinion it will be of great importance
for your Majesty to write to Xapon, to the king of Firando, as he
declares his wish to become a Christian and asks for religious of the
order of St. Augustine, as appears by a letter written by a father of
the said order there, Fray Francisco Manrique by name. This latter says
that the king is very desirous of becoming a vassal of your Majesty;
and, if he does so, it will be very advisable to have him for a friend,
for whatever opportunities may arise for your Majesty's service.
5. _Item_: He declares that, in his opinion, it will be very
advantageous to the service of our Lord, and to that of your Majesty,
that an attempt, by order and command of your Majesty, should be made
to conquer and settle with Spaniards one of the Maluco Islands, namely
the best and chiefest, by name Terrenate, settled by the natives,
and by Moros, Turks, and Javanese, who have been brought there for
its security and protection--and where the doctrine of Mahoma holds
sway. This would be of very great advantage to the salvation of those
souls, and would prevent the inhabitants from leaving there to preach
the doctrine of Mahoma in the surrounding islands, as he is informed
they are doing in the island of Mindanao, which is under your Majesty's
dominion and protection. In addition, your Majesty's royal exchequer
would gain greatly, for your Majesty would be master of all the cloves
that are taken to Persia, and to many parts of the world, besides
those which come to España by way of Portuguese Yndia. From there
a great quantity of the spices in that island might be exported to
Nueva España, and thence to this kingdom in quicker time and at less
cost than are required by way of Eastern Yndia and Lisboa--although
the trade and commerce by way of Yndia ought not to cease, as that
would not be advantageous to your Majesty's service.
6. _Item_: He declares that, in his opinion, it would be very
undesirable for the Japanese tyrant to put into execution his
proposed expedition to Manila, of which he insolently wrote to your
Majesty's governor in that city; and this matter might be entrusted
to Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, as he is a very valorous and
resolute soldier. He by his valor and prudence will succeed in the
undertaking; and had Doctor Santiago de Vera, your Majesty's governor,
sent, years ago, a captain of the energy, valor, and mettle of the
present governor, that island and those near by would be gained and
pacified, to the great gain of your Majesty's royal exchequer.
7. _Item_: He declares that, in order to effect the above, it will
be very advisable for your Majesty to order the island of Bindanao
conquered and settled. This island is located about eighty leguas from
the island of Terrenate and from the others, which are separated from
one another by not more than two or three leguas; and some are even
nearer. Besides being advisable for the above purpose, the island
is very large, and thickly populated, and contains a very abundant
supply of cinnamon, which, if cultivated, will bring great gains to
your Majesty's royal exchequer.
8. _Item_: He declares that it would be advisable to reënforce the
city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, on the island of Cubu, with more
troops, for its security, as well as that of the other islands near
by and those of Maluco, as it is a way station between Maluco and
Nueva España, and one of the best ports as yet known in those islands.
9. _Item_: The said father Fray Francisco de Ortega, in the name of
that city and the island of Cubu, by virtue of the specific and general
authorization given him for that purpose, humbly begs and entreats
your Majesty that its title of city, given it by the governors who
have ruled in that island, be confirmed by your Majesty by your
royal decree, in consideration of the fact that it is the first
settlement made in those islands, the place where the natives began
to be converted, and where the inhabitants first rendered obedience
to your Majesty; and by this they will be advantaged and favored. [_In
a different hand_: "Let it be given the title of city."]
10. _Item_: He begs and entreats your Majesty to be pleased to
order that the regidors of that city hold office for life, and not
for one year, as now; and that their appointment be entrusted to
the governor, so that he may appoint them in your Majesty's name;
for thus the regidors will be the oldest and most deserving men,
and that community will be governed better.
11. _Item_: He begs and entreats your Majesty to be pleased to give
license that the inhabitants of that city [Santisimo Nombre de Jesus]
may build a vessel of about two hundred and fifty toneladas, in order
that the said ship may be sent with the vessels sailing from Manila
to Nueva España, with the wax, cotton cloth, and the other cloth made
from banana leaves, called medriñaque--in which products tributes are
collected by all those of this island and by the encomenderos of the
island of Panae. The reason for this request is that in taking these
things to Manila there is great risk and danger from the natives,
because each Spaniard who goes to Manila is forced to take forty
or fifty Indians, whence it happens that there are more than four
hundred Indians in Manila for three months of each year and longer,
who are outside their native place. This is to the great damage and
loss of the natives, and if your Majesty grants this permission,
it will be avoided. [_In the margin_: "Let this be referred to the
governor, so that if there is no special disadvantage, and it does
not conflict with his present orders, he may grant permission for
the sailing of this vessel."]
12. In what pertains to the island of Luçon, where the city of Manila
has been founded, and the other islands of that archipelago, the said
Fray Francisco de Ortega declares that everything is improving since
the arrival of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas in that country; for he
is very vigilant and painstaking in all matters touching the service
of God our Lord, and of your Majesty. Thus all things are peaceful
and tranquil; and by his prudence, good example, and good government,
that state and the spread of the holy gospel are increasing rapidly.
13. Likewise, with zeal for the service of God and of your Majesty,
according to what he saw, learned, and heard asserted by persons
zealous for the service of your Majesty, he declares that the galleys
that are [at] the Havana [20] are of little use and advantage, and
a great expense to the royal exchequer, because they cost annually
forty-two thousand ducados. And since they are there, they have
been of no effect at all--although occasions have arisen when they
might have been useful--because they were not well equipped, and
lacked soldiers. Therefore it will be advisable either that they be
strengthened and disposed as is necessary for the occasion that may
arise, or that such excessive expenses without any profit accruing
from them be avoided. [_In the margin_: "Already provided for."]
14. _Item_: That the port on the point at the entrance to Havana
[Cavite?] is very important for the guard and defense of the entrance
to the port; but it must be strengthened with more pieces of artillery,
for it has very few for the defense of the entrance by sea and land,
if a large force of enemies should come; and that the fort built on
the headland in front of the point is very good, exceedingly strong,
and very important for its object. Nevertheless, according to what
he saw, learned, and heard said by military men, the work must be
made smaller, for it covers a great deal of space; and, unless it be
retrenched, a much greater garrison must be supplied, besides a great
deal of artillery for its guard and defense, and for the object for
which it was built.
[_Endorsed_: "+ Father Francisco de Ortega of the order of
St. Augustine."]
Decree for Despatch of Missionaries
The King: To Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, knight of the order of Santiago,
my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands. After reading
what you wrote me recently in regard to the need of those islands for
religious to carry out our obligation to the conversion and instruction
of the natives, I have ordered the needful despatch put thereto,
so that at the present one hundred religious are going there--to
wit, forty Augustinians, twenty-four Dominicans, eighteen descalced
Franciscans, and eighteen of the Society. Furthermore, additional
missionaries shall be sent until the need is met. Now because I have
learned that better results will be obtained by assigning each order
to a district by itself, and more emulation will ensue among them
without their embarrassing one another, or their work overlapping,
as might happen if they were assigned to districts regardless of
order, I command you, together with the bishop of those islands,
to divide the provinces, for the said instruction and conversion,
among the religious of the orders, in such a manner that where
Augustinians go there shall be no Franciscans, nor religious of the
Society where there are Dominicans. Thus you will proceed, assigning
each order to its province; taking note that the province allotted to
the Society must have the same manner of instruction as the others;
for this same obligation rests upon them there as upon the others,
and it does not at all differ from them. Given at Aranjuez, April 27,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-four.
_I The King_
Countersigned by Don Luis de Salazar and approved by the Council.
Reply to the Japanese Emperor's Letter
In the city of Manila, on the twenty-second day of April, one
thousand five hundred and ninety-four, Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas,
knight of the order of Alcantara, governor and captain-general
of the Philipinas Islands, ordered a council of war, held in his
presence in the royal houses and attended by Licentiate Pedro de
Rojas, lieutenant-governor; the Master-of-camp Diego Ronquillo;
Captain Gomez de Machuca, factor and treasurer; Captain Don Juan
Ronquillo; Captain Pedro de Chaves; Captain and Sargento-mayor Juan
Xuares Gallinato; Captain Joan de Villegas; Captain Pedro de Arceo
Cuevasruvias; Captain Jhoan de Laxara; Captain Francisco de Mercado
Andrade; Captain Juan Esquerra; Captain Christoval de Axqueta; Captain
Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos; Captain Pedro Sarmiento; Captain Diego de
Castillo; Captain Antonio de Canedo; Captain Augustin de Urdiales;
Captain Antonio Rodriguez Chacon; Captain Don Francisco de Mendoza;
and Captain Gaspar Perez. The said governor communicated to them that
Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, his late father (who is in heaven),
sent to Japon father Fray Pedro Bauptista and other Franciscan fathers,
together with Pedro Gonçalez. The latter returned from that kingdom
of Xapon a few days ago, and brought for the said governor a letter
from the king, which was shown to them, and its contents read, after
it was translated into the Spanish language. It was as follows:
_Letter from the Emperor of Xapon_
Father Pedro brought me letters from which I learned the customs of
your country, as also from what Father Pedro told me particularly,
and from what Father Cobo had stated before. When I was born, the sun
shone on my breast; and this is a miracle, and portends that I was
destined from the beginning to be lord of all between the rising and
the setting sun, and that all kingdoms must render me vassalage and bow
down before my door; and unless they do it, I will destroy them with
war. I have conquered all the kingdom of Xapon, and that of Coria,
and many of my commanders have asked my permission to go and capture
Manila. Learning this, Faranda and Funguen told me that ships went
there from here, and came back, and so the people there appeared not to
be enemies, for which reason I did not send troops. I made war against
the Koreans and conquered as far as Meaco, because they failed to keep
their word. Afterward my soldiers killed many Chinese and many nobles
who came to help the Koreans. In view of this they humbled themselves,
and sent an ambassador who asked that we send some of our people to
Coria, and said that the Chinese desired eternal friendship with the
kingdom of Xapon. I have sent many of our people to Coria to occupy the
fortresses and await the embassy. Should they break their word again,
I will go in person to make war upon them; and after going to China,
Luzon will be within my reach. Let us be friends forever, and write
to that effect to the king of Castilla. Do not, because he is far
away, let him slight my words. I have never seen those far lands, but
from the accounts given I know what is there. You were very discreet
in coming immediately, and this pleased me greatly. I received your
present. I will never fail in my friendship. Those who come from your
country may come safely over land and sea without any wrong being done
them, or their property being stolen. You may believe everything that
the man who came with the father says, because he has seen my country
and the hospitality which I tendered. Write to the king of Castilla
that he is waiting there. Tell him to send a man of position so that
our friendship may be stronger. The rest I have entrusted to Funguen.
The above letter being read, the governor told them that it was
true that the king, on the face of the letter, offered peace and
friendship to this country and ratified what Faranda negotiated with
the governor's father. Yet it was also plain, the governor said,
from his arrogant words, that the peace and friendship were to
last only for an indefinite period; those words did not accord with
the authority and good name of our king and the Christian name and
reputation of the Spanish nation, because of the pride and arrogance
with which he referred to his birth and his personality, saying:
"I am a man destined from the beginning to be lord of all from the
rising to the setting sun, to whom all kingdoms must render vassalage
and bow down before my door; and, unless they do it, I will destroy
them." Again, as the governor declared, not satisfied with this,
he threatened us with his desire to capture the land, by saying:
"Many of my commanders have asked my permission to take Manila;"
and then by referring to the manner in which he humbled the Chinese
in the war with Coria, to their sending him an ambassador, and to his
reply that if they broke their word, he would go in person to China
and would make war against it, in which case Luzon would be within his
reach. From all this it was difficult to draw any meaning not ominous
for us; and what sounded the worst was when he gave us to understand,
deceiving himself into that belief, that the embassy and presents taken
by father Fray Pedro Bautista were sent as tokens of obedience--"You
were discreet in coming immediately, and this pleased me greatly. I
received the present which came as specified in the letter," etc. Then
the governor said that this friendship would be too dearly bought,
if it cost us one atom of reputation or authority; and seeing that
he must not and could not hide from our sovereign the receipt of the
said letter, with which the emperor of Japan was acquainted, knowing
well its contents and purpose, he deemed it fitting to answer said
letter in a manner that would undeceive him in this important matter;
and for that purpose he had dictated a reply which he would have read
to them afterward. It begins by giving the emperor an account of the
death of his father and of other events which he would be bound to
learn, but which might be reported to him in a distorted form. After
this he thanks him for the confirmation of amity; and then, with
some heat and no less truth, calls his attention to the uncertainty
of the prophecy concerning his rule over the world, enlightening him
by the way as to some matters of our holy faith. In conclusion, with
reference to the acknowledgment of subjection which he had supposed
us to make, the letter states that our trust was wholly in God and in
our obedience to Him, while our allegiance to our most Christian king
admitted of no other allegiance, and of no other subjection, dominion,
or acknowledgment of vassalage. And finally, in order to appease him
somewhat at the end of the letter, a complete confirmation of peace and
amity is offered him; and he is told that the king will be notified,
and that in this, and in sending someone hence, and receiving persons
from there, and in other tokens of friendship, good treatment, and
a good understanding, his subjects would find this peace and amity
here and on the part of his Majesty. The answer was immediately read,
and is as follows:
_Reply to the letter_
The letter addressed by your Grandeur to my father was received by
me as the person left in charge of the government of this land at
his death, which occurred on the way to Maluco. He was treacherously
killed while sleeping one night, without apprehension or precaution,
as one who did not dream of having enemies or traitors with him. The
traitors were the Sangleys, whom he took with him to work his
galley. Like the ineffably low, vile, and cowardly people that
they are, they killed my father because he trusted them and set
them loose for their own comfort. The news of this event reached
me far from the place of its occurrence, while I was awaiting him
with the fleet and troops, that we might depart. Although after his
death I endeavored to continue my journey, I was prevented because
of several events and considerations. I came back here desirous of
hearing news from your Grandeur, and of seeing your letter replying
to those sent by my father through Father Fray Pedro. Although two
vessels arrived here from Xapon, they could not give me the desired
news. The arrival of Pedro Gonçalez has pleased me greatly, especially
in view of the fact that I was unable to understand his delay, and
of the rumor here that your Grandeur was going to send your armies,
a report very different from the agreement made in your name with
my father by your ambassador and servant Faranda, which was for firm
peace and full amity. Through the letter brought by Pedro Gonçalez,
I have learned that it is your royal desire that such relations be
continued; and this has greatly pleased me, for it is to be hoped
that as the kings are great, great will be the friendship, and greater
still the fruits of it. Equally great is my desire that hereafter we
treat each other in every way like friends, with less formality and
more frankness than in your royal letters hitherto received; because
to say that the sun at your royal birth promised you the whole world
and its sovereignty, I believe can only be the saying of someone
who wishes to please and flatter you with such a prophecy--which
is in no wise possible or practicable, for many reasons. The first
is that the very power which according to your Grandeur's statement
is to give you that dominion is unable to do it, since the sun is,
just like the sky, the earth and everything else created, the work
of our true God and therefore it can neither promise nor fulfil such
a promise. The sun has no more life or power than what God gave it,
and this does not go to the extent of taking or giving away kingdoms,
which can only be done by God himself. It is to this great God and
Lord that thanks are due for all our life and power; and it is He who
has such power, and not the sun or anything else which, as already
stated, is an object created by Him. From the above-stated truth it
must be inferred that it was flattery and nothing practicable that
those learned men said. In this prophecy they have shown themselves
to be in the wrong; because, even if no other obstacles were to be
encountered, it would be impossible to fulfil the prophecy when it is
considered what a long time it would require to do so, and how short
our life is, especially so when the greater part of it is past. After
this obstacle a greater one arises, and that is that, even if so many
and powerful kings as the world holds were to be subjugated, my king
would suffice to overthrow all these prophecies. And because it is
right that I do so, and in order that your Grandeur be not deceived
by what is nothing else than the false flattery of ignorant people,
I acquaint you with the fact that my king's power is such, and the
kingdoms and countries under his royal and Christian rule are so many,
that his power and greatness is beyond compare with that of many
kings and lords, though they be most powerful, each by himself. His
dominions here are but a corner, and my king's possessions cannot
be judged by his dominion here. Now, returning to what I was saying,
since our lord and king is so powerful as he is, and only one of the
many kings of this world, it can be easily imagined that all the rest
of them will not obey one man alone, and that no human power could
control so much. Even were every one of them to render you obedience,
it is not to be thought that either our king or his subjects would do
it; but on the contrary, were it not that our divine and Christian
laws prevent us from taking unjustly from any one that which does
not belong to us, and if affairs were in accordance with power and
strength, my king only would be the one obeyed and acknowledged as
such ruler. In all other matters we put our trust not in human power,
which does not and cannot extend beyond God's divine wishes, but
in Him whom we acknowledge as our true Lord and God, as well as the
God of everything created. Under His omnipotent care we feel safe;
and this feeling of safety and trust is not imagined, but real and
proved by wonderful and miraculous deeds and events. Having such
men near you as father Fray Pedro and others, your Grandeur could
gain information--if for no other reason, merely for curiosity,
since your Grandeur is so desirous of learning about greatness;
and once having learned the greatness of our omnipotent Lord, you
will see how wise we are in putting our trust and confidence in Him,
who is almighty. I have said all this not to displease your Grandeur,
but in order that you may realize why we do not render obedience to
other dominion, other power or other lord, than Jesus Christ, almighty
and true God and Lord, and our most Christian king Don Phelipe. As
regards the friendship that your Grandeur says we ought to maintain
forever, we, on our side, will observe it; and I feel certain that
your Grandeur will keep it on your part, since it is so declared in
your royal letters. I will advise my king and lord at the earliest
opportunity of the peace and friendship established, so that he may
ratify it from there; and I trust in the Lord that everything will
be done as desired by your Grandeur, whom I wish to serve and please
as the friend of my king and our own. In order to do so, I should
have been glad if I had some curious things from Castilla, to send
as presents to your Grandeur; but I cannot do it now, and will send
them later, when they come. Should your Grandeur wish that as friends
we send each other men of rank and station so that our intercourse
might be more friendly and informal--not that the religious who have
gone are not among us here respected and highly esteemed as servants
of God, and are not sufficiently high in station--but from now on a
layman could be sent of higher rank than that of those who have gone
heretofore. Should your Grandeur desire to send someone to visit the
court of my king and see its splendor and the power and dominion of his
Majesty, he will be sent on from here, and will be well received and
highly favored by my king, because he is very fond of receiving and
entertaining foreigners, and especially such as might come from your
Grandeur, who would receive especial favor. Your Grandeur can advise
me of your decision in regard to this as well as the other matters;
and may the Lord keep you and enlighten you with His divine light.
Then the governor said that because of the duty which, as a Christian,
he owed to the Lord, and because of his duty to the king as his servant
and subject, and because of the strict account which he must render
sooner or later, he thought this a very serious case which could not
be ignored or passed by. He said that it required just such an answer
as the one he had decided to send; and that he would have answered
the emperor with more decision and heat, were it not for the danger
incurred by the fathers and the Christians residing in that kingdom,
and the danger to these islands, if the emperor were to be openly
provoked and displeased to the extent of declaring war. Because of the
above-mentioned reasons, and taking into consideration the service
of the Lord, and the welfare of those people, and the growth of the
new gospel so pleasing to the Lord and so earnestly desired by his
Majesty, and notwithstanding his judgment and belief that the said
answer should be sent just as read here, he desired to call together
these grave and important persons and inform them of this affair,
so that, having examined the said letter, they could give their
opinion. If they approved of it, it would be sent; but should they,
for any reasons or considerations, desire it to be otherwise, they
should give signed statements of their opinions, with the reasons
therefor, and this opinion, together with his letter, and a copy
of the letters from Japon and the reply which they think suitable,
will be sent to his Majesty for the protection of the governor in the
future, as in this matter he would not do anything but what might be
resolved upon, and decided to be most beneficial to the service of God
and of the king our lord, and to the good name of the Spanish nation.
Then the licentiate Pedro de Rojas, lieutenant-governor, said that
the substance of the reply to the king of Xapon's letter, as read,
was very prudent and discreet, and that its warmth and spirit were
proper in view of the arrogant words written by the emperor in his
letter; but that in his opinion, it would be well to follow the
reserved and dignified style generally used among such personages,
and to leave out some words, especially in that part referring
to the falsity of the prophecies, where other arguments could be
advanced. The master-of-camp and other captains present were of the
same opinion. The decision of the question was, therefore, postponed
until the next day, when an amended reply would be presented. This
resolution was signed, by the licentiate Pedro de Rojas, Diego
Ronquillo, Juan Xuarez Gallinato, Gomez de Machuca, Pedro de Chaves,
Don Juan Ronquillo, Diego de Castillo, Pedro de Arceo Cuevasruvias,
Juan Esquerra, Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos, Don Francisco de Poça,
Francisco de Mercado Andrade, Christoval de Azqueta, Juan de Alcega,
Don Diego Jordano, Antonio Decanedo, Gaspar Perez.
Before me:
_Juan de Cuellar_
In the city of Manila, on the twenty-eighth day of April, one thousand
five hundred and ninety-four, the master-of-camp and captains who
attended the preceding council of war met a second time at the royal
house by order of and in the presence of Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas,
governor and captain-general, to decide concerning the reply to be sent
to the letter of Cuambaco, the emperor of Xapon, as had been agreed
upon the day before. It had then been decided to omit from the said
reply some of the arguments, and to substitute others, briefer and
less likely to provoke or annoy him, leaving in it only such things
as are required for the fulfilment of our duties as Christians,
and as subjects of our king, and for the sake of our good name. In
conformity with this decision, the letter having been so amended, the
governor ordered it to be read aloud, so that the said master-of-camp
and captains could give their opinion as to whether it was proper
and desirable to send it; and it was read as follows:
_The Letter_
The letter addressed by your Grandeur to my father was received by
me as the person left in charge of the government of this land at his
death, which occurred on the way to Maluco. He was treacherously killed
while sleeping one night, without apprehension or precaution, as one
who did not dream of having enemies or traitors with him. The traitors
were the Sangleys, whom he took with him to work his galley. Like
the ineffably low, vile, and cowardly people that they are, they
killed my father because he trusted them, and set them loose for
their own comfort. The news of this event reached me far from the
place of its occurrence, while I was awaiting him with the fleet and
troops, that we might depart. Although after his death I endeavored
to continue my journey, I was prevented because of several events
and considerations. I came back here, desirous of hearing news from
your Grandeur and of seeing your letter replying to those sent by my
father through father Fray Pedro. Although two vessels arrived here
from Xapon, they could not give me the desired news. The arrival of
Pedro Gonçalez has given me great pleasure, especially in view of
the fact that I was unable to understand his delay, and of the rumor
here that your Grandeur was going to send your armies, a report very
different from the agreement made in your name with my father by your
ambassador and servant Faranda, which was for firm peace and full
amity. Through the letter brought by Pedro Gonçalez, I have learned
that it is your royal desire that such relations be continued, and
this has greatly pleased me; for it is to be hoped that as the kings
are great, great will be the friendship, and greater still the fruits
of it. Equally great is my desire that hereafter we treat each other
in every way as friends, with less formality and more frankness than
in your royal letters hitherto received. Since your Grandeur speaks
of vassalage, I wish your Grandeur to understand that my king's power
is so great and so extensive, and the kingdoms and states ruled by
his Christian hand are so many, that they are beyond compare with
the greatness of many kings, though these be most powerful each by
himself. His dominions here are nothing but a corner, and my king's
possessions are not to be judged by his dominions here. The reason
that they are so small is, that our Christian and divine laws do not
permit us to do injury or damage to anyone by taking away that which
belongs to him. I say this to your Grandeur that you may know that,
although we are in a confined and narrow region, we do not recognize
other ruler, other power, other dominion, or other lord, than Jesus
Christ, the almighty and true God and Lord, and our most Christian king
Don Phelipe. Concerning the friendship that your Grandeur suggests we
ought to maintain forever, it will be kept by us; and I feel assured
that your Grandeur will keep it on your part, since it is so declared
in your royal letters. I will advise my lord and king at the earliest
opportunity of the peace and friendship established, so that he may
ratify it from there; and I trust in the Lord that everything will be
done as desired by your Grandeur, whom I wish to serve and please as
the friend of my king and our own. For such purpose I should have been
glad if I had some curious things from Castilla to send as presents
to your Grandeur; but I cannot do it now, and will send them later
when they come. Should your Grandeur wish that as friends we send
each other men of rank and of a high station, so that our intercourse
might be more friendly and informal--not that the religious who have
gone are not among us respected and highly esteemed as ministers
of God, or are not sufficiently high in station--but from now on a
layman could be sent of higher rank than that of those who have gone
heretofore. Should your Grandeur desire to send someone to visit the
court of my king and see its splendor, and the power and dominion of
his Majesty, he will be sent on from here, and will be well received
and highly favored by my king, because he is very fond of receiving
and entertaining foreigners--especially such as might come from your
Grandeur, who would receive especial favor. Your Grandeur can advise
me of your decision in regard to this as well as the other matters;
and may our Lord keep and enlighten you with His divine light.
After the letter thus amended was read, the above-mentioned persons
unanimously and of one accord stated that it was a good and proper
reply to the letter of the king of Xapon, and that the said reply
complied with what was required by the good service of the Lord and of
his Majesty, and with the good name and repute of the Spanish nation;
and it was, accordingly, signed by Licentiate Pedro de Rojas, Diego
Ronquillo, Gomez de Machuca, Juan Xuarez Gallinato, Pedro de Chaves,
Don Juan Ronquillo, Pedro de Arceo Cuevasrubias, Diego de Castillo,
Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos, Francisco de Mercado Andrade, Don Francisco
de Poça, Juan Ezguerra, Christoval de Axqueta, Jhoan de Alcega, Antonio
de Cañedo, Don Diego Jordano, Gaspar Perez, Agustin de Urdiales.
Before me:
_Juan de Cuellar_
Letters from Luis Perez Dasmariñas to Felipe II
Sire:
The seminary for girls of Sancta Potenciana which was commenced by
my father in pursuance of your Majesty's orders is now finished,
thanks be to God. It is one of the most splendid buildings of this
city, and for some days the cloister has been occupied by the mother
superior and by some good women of this town, who with holy zeal and
in the desire of serving God in retreat and solitude, have entered
there. Their sincerity and integrity of life was proved before their
entering the convent, which is thereby greatly benefited. By the good
example of these women, and the influence of their virtue, retirement,
and modesty, I have no doubt that the girls who are now there, and
those who shall enter hereafter, will be greatly benefited and improved
in the service of God. The advantage of such good surroundings must aid
in their improvement and help them in marriage, thus accomplishing the
end for which the holy zeal of your Majesty was striving in founding
this work so pleasing to God. In this connection it should be said,
that since this establishment is so meritorious and necessary in
this commonwealth, which is young and poor, and greatly in need of
a general fund for the public honor and welfare, its maintenance and
perpetuity should be assured. The establishment entails little expense,
and the work has been carried on according to your Majesty's orders,
without burdening the royal exchequer; and hence the gain has been
great. The opportunity is no less favorable which is now offered your
Majesty to employ your liberal and royal hand in favoring and aiding
this seminary with an income. Thus by its increase will God our Lord,
be glorified, by the exercise of charity. Daily prayers are held
there for your Majesty, that God may grant you many happy years of
this life, and life everlasting. There are now about thirty persons
in the seminary, and others are entering every day.
Another holy work has, by the favor of the Lord, been established
in this town in these days; and I hope that His Divine Majesty is no
less pleased by it, than by that which I have just described. It is
very similar to that and is a confraternity of mercy in which there
have entered as brethren the most illustrious and prominent persons
of this city. The object thereof, in conformity with its appellation
of mercy, is to exercise the latter in all the works and occasions
which may arise, of which there is no lack, as this land of yours is
so poor. As I say, this confraternity is occupied in feeding all the
worthy poor, of whom there are many; and in arranging marriages for
orphan girls, the daughters of the conquistadors and of persons who
have served your Majesty and died in the royal service, leaving their
children without inheritance, in poverty and bereavement. These are
persons to whom your Majesty owes a recompense; and any favor to this
confraternity is granted to them and to all this community. It also
persuades people to come willingly to settle here from other parts,
as they see that they may find here a refuge and relief for their
needs. The land has hitherto been discredited for the little comfort
which poor men, both married and single, find here in a country
new, unknown, and of scanty resources. Even these resources are
under obligation to be given to others who have settled the place
and served your Majesty; and for them alone there is not enough,
much less for those newly arrived. For their relief there should be
a lodging-house, so that poor married men may be sheltered there and
given what is necessary, until they find it convenient to go out and
support themselves. In addition to all the aforesaid institutions,
another no less important one must be mentioned. A hospital should
be established for the treatment of all the servants and slaves
of the Spaniards. This is a very necessary undertaking and a work
of exceeding charity; for there are many of these servants who die,
as they have nowhere to go for treatment. Even their souls suffer, as
there is some neglect in administering the sacrament to them. Although
there are two hospitals--the royal, and that for the natives--the
servants are received in neither, on account of the poverty of the
hospitals, and the many sick who are usually there, and the lack
of conveniences for so many. As I have written in a former letter,
your Majesty should also favor these hospitals, and in particular
this holy confraternity of mercy. Thus I beg your Majesty to do so,
in the name of our good God and Lord. His Divine Majesty will reward,
as is His wont, all that is done for His love and service. In the name
of this state, and the poor, and for my own sake, I humbly beg this of
your Majesty; and if there be anything of sufficient worth in me to be
presented before the royal presence of your Majesty as deserving reward
and recompense; I should but ask for favor for these two hospitals,
which are so needy, and particularly for this holy confraternity of
mercy. There should also be provided means according to the income,
to provide dowries for a certain number of the girls who are sheltered
every year in the Seminary of Sancta Potenciana. Thus it is evident
that the state will be totally healed of its evils; and these works
of charity will, I believe, be glorious in the eyes of God, especially
if your Majesty will look upon them with your royal and compassionate
eyes, and encourage them with your royal aid. May our Lord preserve
your Majesty for many long years, as Christendom has need. At Manila,
June 15, 1594.
_Luis Perez Dasmariñas_
Sire:
In the papers I send your Majesty by these vessels, I give an account
of Japanese affairs and suspicions. In this letter I shall content
myself with saying that when my father made answer to the second
Japanese embassy, he sent with father Fray Pedro Baptista, to accompany
and take care of the fathers, and with further orders to treat with
that king, one Pedro Gonçalez, a man who, by trade and commerce, had
acquired some knowledge of that land, and acquaintance with some of its
inhabitants. He went and performed his mission well. The Japanese king,
either because he is a man of unusual good-will, or because he harbors
designs, tells me in his original letter that he wishes to have your
Majesty see it, and to have the same Pedro Gonçalez, who brought it,
take it with him to España, together with an account of what he saw
in that kingdom. He indicates with some insistence that he wishes
this, and I am advised by letters from there that, if it be not sent,
as he knows everything that is done here, he will be vexed and take
it as a pretext for making an earlier declaration of war. Therefore
in my opinion his wishes ought to be observed since no harm will be
done. Pedro Gonçalez carries the original letter and its translation,
together with the reply which was sent from here. Although, as I say,
the bearer goes ostensibly only to comply with the wishes of the king
of Japon (for I have already written to your Majesty respecting this
matter), yet your Majesty may, if such be his pleasure, hear from
Pedro Gonçalez certain peculiarities of that kingdom which he has
observed. So, because he is an honorable man, prudent, straightforward,
of good reputation and abilities, and because he labored and incurred
heavy expenses on these voyages, kindly grant him some favor; for
he has deserved it, on account of the affection, good-will, and care
that he has displayed in everything which he has been ordered to do
in your Majesty's service. May our Lord preserve your Majesty for
many prosperous years. Manila, June 22, 1594.
_Luis Perez Dasmariñas_
Sire:
After despatching a letter to your Majesty in the vessel "Sant
Phelippe," which it was thought best to send first, as it was in
Çibu, I had other letters from Japon from father Fray Pedro Baptista,
the originals of which I send herewith. From these letters, and from
one from the emperor of Japon, a copy of which is enclosed, we can
easily infer how little security is assured us by his friendship and
promises, and be sure that any slight occasion would induce him to
break them. But I am continuing to treat with him, in order to gain
time to complete the fortifications of this city. I am showing kindness
to the Japanese ships that put in here. And, although I am sending
the emperor, as answer to his letter, the one which I transmitted
to your Majesty in the vessel "Sant Phelippe" (a duplicate of which
I enclose herewith), I am thinking of sending him a present because
of the treaty of amity he has made with us. In this way, as I say,
I shall dissimulate and keep him in good humor. For this purpose I am
striving to spread the rumor here that the peace is firm; but I am not
slackening work on the fortifications. On the contrary, I am speeding
them forward with added watchfulness. God be praised, the wall is now
completed, and the forts are in fair condition for defense. I hope,
God willing, that the enemy will find this quite different from what
they must be congratulating themselves that they will find. It is
decidedly important to have a large contingent of troops sent from
Mexico. This is the most pressing need, and the viceroy of Nueva
España should be urgently ordered to attend to it. For if the Japanese
come, they may be able, in case help does not arrive, to gain the
land after a long siege and with a large force, and thus put us to
great straits. But to whatever extremities we come, we here will not,
at least, be found to lack the necessary energy and determination,
and we will give your Majesty a good account of your land and our
obligations. We trust matters to the omnipotent hand of our God and
Lord. May He ordain what is most befitting His service and the glory
of His sacred name. May He preserve your Majesty for many long years,
as Christendom has need. Manila, June 23, 1594.
_Luis Perez Dasmariñas_
[_Addressed_: "To the king, our sovereign. In his royal Council of
the Yndias."]
[_Endorsed_: "Philippinas. To his Majesty. Luis Perez Dasmariñas,
1594, June 23."]
Documents of 1595
Letter to Felipe II. Pedro Gonzalez de Carbajal; [1595?]
Formation of new dioceses. Felipe II; June 17.
Letter to Felipe II. Antonio de Morga; June 25.
Expedition to Camboja. Gregorio da Cruz, and others; August 1--3.
Instructions to Figueroa. L. P. Dasmariñas; November 13--16.
The Audiencia of Manila reëstablished. Felipe II; November 26.
Letter to Felipe II. L.P. Dasmariñas; December 6.
_Sources_: The second document is taken from _Doc. inéd. Amér. y
Oceania_, xxxiv, pp. 86--94; all the others are obtained from MSS. in
the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: The first document is translated by Arthur B. Myrick,
of Harvard University; the second, by Frederic W. Morrison, of Harvard
University; the third and part of the seventh, by José M. and Clara
H. Asensio; the fourth and fifth, by Robert W. Haight; the sixth and
part of the seventh, by James A. Robertson.
Letter from Pedro de Carbajal to Felipe II
Sire:
It is well known that the emperor of Japon is powerful in men and arms,
and that his people are of great courage. He was making ready two
hundred ships, and casting quantities of artillery. Japon is distant
from the realm of the Philipinas four hundred leagues, which is a
voyage of fifteen or twenty days by sea. On his friendship depends
the preservation of the Philipinas, and of two hundred thousand
Christians in that same kingdom of Japon, as well as of the rest
of its people, who are being christianized from day to day. We have
great hopes that all of them will become Christians, because it is
known surely that many of the principal people of Japon would become
Christians, if they were not hindered by their fear of the said
emperor's indignation. He ordered me [21] to say to your Majesty,
on his part, that, if your Majesty would make friends with him,
he would always provide the governor of the Philipinas with what
assistance was necessary, even to ten thousand men. When the governor
of Meaco (who is the person who governs all that kingdom) delivered
me the letter which he brought for your Majesty, he told me to tell
your Majesty that the emperor was your friend, and that on his part
the friendship would not fail; and that your Majesty should not,
because he was so far away, consider it as of little account. Gomez
Perez de Las Marinas, governor of the Philipinas, sent me with
father Fray Pedro Baptista and three other fathers of St. Francis,
to take a letter to that emperor in response to the one which he had
written. We went with this arrangement, that the fathers would remain
in Japon (as they did) and that I should return with the answer that
the governor desired. Having delivered the letter to the emperor,
when he learned from the letter that the governor of the Philipinas
wished to notify your Majesty of this emperor's intentions, he said,
without giving me an answer, that since the governor wished to advise
you, he could not do it better than through me. That I might be the
better able to do so, he ordered that I should examine his fortresses,
cities, and rich palaces, and the indications of his great power, so
that I could give your Majesty a good account of it all, as well as of
the kind treatment that was always given to me, and to the Franciscan
fathers who remained there. These fathers asking him for a small piece
of ground on which to build a house and church, he told them that he
would give them a large piece in the place where they were, and also
furnish them food. Then he ordered that the site and house that they
might select should be given to them. And because the land was so cold,
he ordered the fathers (who are barefooted) to be shod and clothed;
and said that he would give them these things and would treat them
as his children if they would obey him as their father. He sent me
word to say that he would await your Majesty's answer. While we were
in Japon at that time, the fathers and myself knew for certain that
some of the Japanese chiefs asked the emperor's permission to go to
subjugate the Philipinas, and make him lord of them, without any cost
to him. The latter replied that he would have nothing to do with it,
until he saw your Majesty's response. It is quite necessary that your
Majesty should send an order to the bishop of Great China at Macan, and
the fathers of the Society of Jesus, to the effect that all the ships
should leave there and go to Japon. These should investigate, and look
to it that they carry no people who have not a good understanding of
Christianity and fidelity; because that emperor is desirous of meeting
people who will teach him to construct ships and artillery in our
manner. All this will be of considerable harm and inconvenience; for,
although he has artillery and ships, they are less effective than ours.
They tell me that on this coast is father Fray Miguel de Venavides,
[22] of the order of St. Dominic, by whom your Majesty can be very
well informed of all these matters, because he has dealt with some
Japanese, and has gone through Great China.
_Pedro Gonzalez de Carbajal_
Formation of New Dioceses
The King: To my cousin, the Duke. My zeal and desire have always
been, and are, to procure and provide throughout all the provinces,
divisions, and localities of the Western Indias, whether already
discovered or to be discovered hereafter, the propagation and
extension of our holy Catholic faith and Christian religion; and
for that purpose I endeavor to provide the necessary prelates and
ministers, through whose agency the natives of those parts, blinded
by their hideous idolatry, may come into knowledge of the true faith;
and, together with those already converted, may be enlightened and
instructed so that they may enjoy salvation, partaking of the copious
fruit of our redemption. Hence at my supplication, archbishoprics
have been established in those districts and places where it seemed
necessary. For, in spite of the fact that a bishopric was founded in
the city of Manila in the island of Luzon in the Philipinas, situated
in the great archipelago of China, very near the mainland of that
country--yet, inasmuch as that district is very large, and contains
numerous islands with a large native population--a single prelate
cannot easily and under ordinary circumstances visit his diocese as
he should, fulfil the pontifical decrees, and provide for spiritual
affairs with the necessary despatch. It has been shown by those who
have had experience that many inconveniences result; and after this
was investigated by the members of my royal Council of the Indias,
and counsel taken upon it, with the object of correcting these evils,
it has seemed to me both fitting and necessary for the fulfilment
of the obligation that I am under of procuring the salvation of the
souls of those my subjects--according as I am enjoined by the holy
apostolic see and bidden by my conscience--that the cathedral church
of the said city of Manila be elevated into a metropolitan see and
its territory into an archbishopric; and that three new bishoprics
be created and established suffragan to it, so that they may hold
their synods according to the orders of the holy Council of Trent, and
without coming to Nueva España, as the bishop of Manila, who was the
suffragan to the archbishop of Mexico, was compelled to do. From one
region to the other, the journey is more than three thousand leguas;
and, besides, it is evident that those islands could thus be better
and more fittingly governed in spiritual affairs.
Therefore I command you upon receipt of this despatch, to propose to
his Holiness, and supplicate him, in my name, that he may be pleased to
elevate into a metropolitan see the said cathedral church of Manila,
and to create the three bishoprics aforesaid--one in the church of
the city of Nueva-Segovia in the province of Cagayan in the island
of Luzon, under the protection of the Conception of Our Lady; one in
the city of Cáceres in the territory of Camarines, in the same island,
under the protection of St. John the Evangelist; and the other in the
aforesaid city of Santísimo Nombre de Xesus, in the island of Cebú,
of that archipelago, under the protection of the guardian angel. In
this way each one may exercise in his diocese the pastoral office; and
the metropolitan archbishop, together with the bishops, may labor with
jurisdiction, authority, and power in the conversion and instruction
of the said natives; and he and they may provide for other spiritual
matters which may seem desirable for the maintenance of divine worship
and the salvation of souls. But for the present, and until affairs
be more settled in those regions and tithes established, no cathedral
churches shall be erected, or dignitaries or canonries provided for,
except that the bishops shall dwell privately in the monasteries of
their order which are situated in the aforesaid cities. Nevertheless,
in order that the said cathedral churches may be erected in due time,
and that for the present, definite territories may be assigned to the
aforesaid archbishopric, and to the bishops, you must thus entreat his
Holiness, in my name, to give me power to add to or to change the said
territories, when and in such wise as may seem most fitting to me. At
the same time, you will present and nominate to his Holiness, in my
name, Fray Ygnacio de Santibañez, [23] of the order of St. Francis,
as archbishop of the aforesaid church of Manila, in place of the late
Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the order of St. Dominic, the first and
last bishop of that city; for the bishopric of Nueva-Segovia, Fray
Miguel de Benavides, of the order of St. Dominic; for the bishopric
of the city of Santísimo Nombre de Xesús, in the island of Cebú,
Fray Pedro de Agurto, of the order of St. Augustine; and for the
bishopric of the city of Cáceres, Fray Luis Maldonado, of the order
of St. Francis. By these presents I nominate them and offer them as
candidates to his Holiness, in order that by this nomination--which I
make as patron of all the churches of the Indias--he may bestow upon
them these churches and the aforesaid archbishopric and bishoprics;
for from the favorable accounts that I have of the goodness, learning,
virtue, and exemplary lives of the aforesaid religious, I trust that
our Lord will be well served by these provisions and the churches
well governed and administered. Moreover, in according me this, his
Holiness will confer upon me a special favor and kindness, which
you will therefore make known to him. You will also tell him that
in the absence of tithes, I have endowed the archbishopric with an
annuity of three thousand ducats, drawn from my royal exchequer,
and each of the bishops with five hundred thousand maravedis [24]
annually. You will see to it that the bulls [25] on the whole matter
be sent out with the utmost promptitude in order to reach the first
fleet that sails. From Madrid, on the seventeenth day of June, one
thousand five hundred and ninety-five.
_I The King_
Letter from Antonio de Morga to Felipe II
Sire:
On the tenth of this month of July [_sic_], I arrived at port in
these Philipinas Islands with the fleet of your Majesty, and the
reënforcements that were sent to this place by the viceroy Don Luis
de Velasco, under my command. I found the land at peace, and more
free from suspicions of enemies than it has been hitherto. There
is great hope that if moderate diligence be shown, our Lord may be
pleased to open the door to the preaching of the gospel among the
heathen. This is proved by the harvest gathered by the four descalced
friars of the order of St. Francis, who went hence to Xapon last
year. I found Don Luis Dasmariñas governing this land, on account
of the death of his father, as your Majesty will have been fully
informed ere this. I will serve according to your Majesty's orders
in the office of lieutenant-general of these islands with as much
care as my strength will permit, until your Majesty may be pleased
to order otherwise. I humbly beseech your Majesty that the method of
procedure that is to be followed here be sent to this kingdom with
the utmost despatch. May those who live here be granted reward, for
they have served your Majesty with much care and fidelity; and if the
land is not burdened with taxes, the maintenance and advancement of it
are likely to bring about great improvements even in the neighboring
kingdoms, to the service of God and of your Majesty.
I shall commence the residencia which your Majesty orders me to take
in the case of Licentiate Pedro de Rojas, my predecessor, and of other
ministers, as soon as these ships for Nueva España have sailed. In
order not to hinder their despatch, it has seemed best to postpone
this work; but by the first ships I shall do as your Majesty bids me
in this matter.
I was inaugurated into my office as soon as I arrived at this city,
and concerning the inauguration I send the accompanying report to
your Majesty. As I have come so recently I give no report in detail
as to what should be done in this region. From what I have seen,
however, it seems to me that I ought to remind your Majesty of
what I wrote from Mexico. Your Majesty's treasury in these islands
has been administered at a great loss to your Majesty's exchequer,
and it is very necessary for your Majesty to send someone to make
investigations and set things in order for the future. In that way
your Majesty will be enabled to meet the expenses incurred, without
providing therefor from Nueva España, as is done now. Everything is
greatly in arrears. May our Lord preserve the royal person of your
Majesty for many long years, as is needed by universal Christendom,
and as we your Majesty's servants desire. Manila, June 25, 1595.
_Dr. Antonio Morga_
[_Order by the council_: "Let a decree be issued for the governor of
the Philipinas to have these accounts taken. They shall be taken by
Doctor Antonio de Morga. The results shall be sent to this council,
with an account of everything that is done, and his opinion of what
is meet to be done. A complete report shall be made of the royal
property in that treasury."]
[_Endorsed:_ "Considered May 27, 1596. Decree enclosed."]
This is a true and faithful copy taken from a royal decree and issued
by the royal Council of the Indias, which Doctor Antonio de Morga,
assessor and lieutenant to the governor in the judicial cases in
these Ffilipinas Islands, presented before Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas,
governor and captain-general thereof. Its contents are as follows:
Don Felipe, by the grace of God king of Castilla, [here follows the
usual list of his dignities and titles]:
Appreciating what you, Doctor Antonio de Morga, have done in my
service, and your good qualities, learning, and efficiency, it is
my will to choose and appoint you as I hereby do, my assessor and
lieutenant to my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas,
in place of Licentiate Pedro de Rojas, who at present serves in
said office, and whom I have promoted as criminal alcalde of my
royal Audiencia of the City of Mexico. It is my will that you
be lieutenant-general of said governor and captain-general, with
jurisdiction in affairs of government and war, to act as such; and,
for the time that I may so desire, you shall exercise said offices in
the affairs and cases which may arise in said islands, and relating
to and bearing on them, in the fulness and manner exercised by former
lieutenant-generals, and by him who at present fills that office in the
provinces of Chile, in the affairs of government and war. The governor
shall not appoint or have any other lieutenant; and in prosecuting,
determining, and closing the cases which may occur, take place,
or arise, in said islands, you shall proceed in the form and order
which is contained and declared in the decree signed by my hand on
the seventeenth day of the month of January of the present year,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. As concerns the cases
and suits about the Indians which may arise in those islands, you
shall proceed according to the decree of Malinas and the declarations
thereof, a copy of which will be given you, signed by Joan de Ledesma,
my court secretary, of that which I have issued for the said provinces
of Chile. I have therefore sent my letter to my said governor and
captain-general of said islands, and as soon as it shall be shown
to him, he shall take and receive from you, the said Doctor Antonio
de Morga, the oath and the formalities prescribed in such cases and
required from you. This having been done, you shall be received and
regarded as lieutenant for matters of government and war and assessor
for matters of justice; and you shall fill the said offices in every
case and affair touching or pertaining thereto, as has been said. As
soon as you shall have been received into the said offices, and shall
have had delivered to you the rod of my justice, no other lieutenant
whatever shall be permitted to exercise it, under the penalty
incurred by persons who exercise public and royal offices without
holding power and license therefor. After you have taken the said
rod of my justice, he and all the citizens and inhabitants, and the
captains, officers, and troops of the cities, towns, and settlements
of said islands shall have and hold you as such lieutenant-general
and assessor of the said government in government, war, and judicial
affairs. They shall cause to be exercised the functions of the said
offices in your person as herein provided, and shall observe and cause
to be observed for you all the honors, favors, civilities, licenses,
exemptions, preeminences, prerogatives, privileges, and other things,
and each and every one thereof which by reason of the said offices
you should have and enjoy. I, by these presents, receive you, and
hold you received into the use and exercise of the said offices; and
I give you power and authority to use and exercise them in case the
said governor, or any of the aforesaid persons, should not receive
you. It is my pleasure that you have and receive as yearly salary
for the said offices two thousand pesos of four hundred and fifty
maravedis each. I order the officials of my exchequer of the said
islands to give and pay you this salary from the day when you sail
from one of the two ports, Barrameda or Cadiz, on the way to assume
your duties in the said office. In the future your salary shall be
paid you, as long as you are in my service, at the times and terms
which were followed in the payment of the said licentiate Pedro de
Rojas. Your receipts, a sworn statement of the day of your sailing,
as aforesaid, and a copy of this my decree shall be entered in the
books of the officials. I order that the maravedis given and paid
for this reason be receipted and charged on account with no other
warrant whatsoever. Given at San Lorenço, on the eighteenth day of
August in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
_I The King_
I, Joan de Ybarra, secretary of our lord the king,
have written this at his command.
The licentiate _Hinojosa_
_Doctor Pedro Diaz de Tudanco_
The licentiate _Benito de Caltadano_
The licentiate _Bartolome de Toledo_
Registered: _Pedro de Ledesma_
For the chancellor: _Pedro de Ledesma_
This commission and royal decree was entered in the books of the
India House of Trade, of this city of Sevilla, on the eleventh of
January in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
_Doctor Gutierrez Flores_
_Ochoa de Orguiza_
_Fernando de Porras_
At Manila, the thirteenth day of June of the year one thousand five
hundred and ninety-five, before Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas, governor
and captain-general of these Ffilipinas Islands, by order of our
lord the king, and in the presence of me, the undersigned notary,
Doctor Antonio de Morga presented this royal decree and petitioned
for its execution. When the said governor heard this, he took the
decree, kissed it, and placed it above his head, as a decree of his
king and natural lord (may our Lord preserve him with increase of
better kingdoms and seigniories!); and in token of his readiness
to give commands in fulfilment of his Majesty's orders. Then the
said governor took and received him on his oath before God, our
Lord, and on a sign of the cross made by the right hand of the said
Doctor Antonio de Morga, that he would execute his trust and office
of lieutenant-general and assessor to the said governor truly and
faithfully, as was declared and contained in this decree in conformity
with the orders, commands, and decrees which in any manner refer or
pertain to the said office and trust. After he had so sworn before the
said governor, there was delivered to him the rod of royal justice,
in order that he might enjoy and exercise the said office. To this
were witnesses: The licentiate Pedro de Rojas, Estevan de Marquina.
_Luis Perez Dasmariñas_
Before me:
_Gaspar de Asebo_
The said copy was made, copied, corrected, and collated from the
government records under my charge. It is a true and faithful copy
of the records. The witnesses were Diego de Ffuentes, and Alonso de
Aguilar. Given at Manila, on the twenty-third of June in the year one
thousand five hundred and ninety-five. Therefore I affixed my seal,
in witness of its accuracy.
_Gaspar de Asebo_
Expedition to Camboja
Information, Petitions, and Stipulations Concerning Sending Aid to
the Kingdom of Camboja
_Petition of Diego Beloso, ambassador of the king of Camboja_
I, Captain Beloso, appear before your Lordship and say that I have
lived ten years in the kingdom of Camboja, where the king of that
country has always shown me great graces and favors, since I was
acquainted with his language, and has appeared highly satisfied with
me, as well in the conducting of matters of peace as in matters of
war and government. For these reasons I am under great obligations to
him, and likewise because he is a person bound by close ties to the
Spaniards, and who consents and desires that there should be in his
kingdom churches and Christians. He also maintains their ministers, as
appears from the two orders of the Dominicans and Franciscans which he
has in his country, whom he is providing with provisions and personal
service; and he has not only maintained them but has sent to Malaca and
Macan a great deal of rice and wine, and other presents. He has always
held all Spaniards as his friends, and received them in his courts
and lands with great friendship and graciousness. He has lent aid to
them in their need, as appears from the case of Captain Gregorio de
Bargas, and Blas Rruys, who in the year of ninety-two sailed from the
city of Canton in the land of China, with the intention of going to
the said kingdom of Canboja in order to examine and explore the said
country, and to bring about communication between the said king and
this city, for they were already aware of his desire and his friendly
disposition. During the voyage the king of Chanpan, like the tyrant
and pirate that he is, treacherously robbed and captured them, and
held them in that captivity until they were obliged to leave in flight,
with much cunning and craft, alone and taking nothing with them. After
suffering immense hardships, they arrived at his city poor and in ill
condition. The said king of Canvoja received them kindly, treated them
well, and lent aid to their needs. He was much pleased with them when
he found that they were from this country, and that they had intended
to come to his. He was greatly pained to learn of their captivity and
loss, and had much pity for them when he found what misery and hardship
they had endured. For their coming was a thing which he desired much
on account of the many things which I often told him, because he had
always been interested in them, and because of the many conversations
which I had with him. I recounted to him the greatness of his Majesty
and of this city, whereupon he showed a lively pleasure in all, and
was led to wish to communicate with the city, of which communication
he was already greatly desirous. With the arrival of the said persons
and what they told him, he completed his information concerning the
matters that he had learned from me. At that time he was suspicious
of the king of Ssian, who was his bitter enemy, as well as the enemy
of Christianity and of the Spanish nation, and with whom he was in
a state of open warfare. He preferred to avail himself of aid from
the Christians rather than from the heathens or Moros who dwelt in
the neighborhood, if he could do so. He gave entire credit to what
we had told him, and what we were then telling him. He confirmed by
deed the love which he had shown to all of us Spaniards, and decided
to send an embassy to the governor of these islands, seeking aid
for the conflict in which he feared he would soon find himself. This
embassy he entrusted to me and to Captain Gregorio de Vargas, placing
more confidence in us than in any of his own subjects. The said Blas
Rruiz he kept in his service to satisfy the wishes of some of his own
subjects, who, because they do not like him, opposed the voyage and the
embassies. He wrote to the said governor a letter, written on a leaf
of beaten gold, and sent as a present an elephant, slaves, and other
articles, as appears by the said embassy, to which I refer you. This
embassy we carried out, on arriving at this city, delivering the letter
and the presents, and were engaged in it many days, beseeching the
last governor to send the king some aid, in order to redeem him from
the utter ruin which afterward happened. As this country was on the
point of sending an expedition to Maluco, the governor deferred the
aid. After your Lordship succeeded to the government, you despatched
me and gave me an answer for the said king, sending him a Castilian
horse with trappings, and a rich jewel of emeralds. When I arrived at
the said kingdom of Canvoja I sent a soldier named Pantaleon Carnero
to give the news to the king, and to take measures to learn the state
in which the country was--all of which is explained more at length by
this information which I am presenting, and which I drew up in Sian
before the religious, together with the persons who went with me,
to clear myself and in order that it might appear thereby that the
embassy was accomplished. I petition that it be examined, and a copy be
given me as a safeguard for my exoneration in all particulars. In fact
the Sianese robbed and captured us and we were carried as prisoners
to the city of Judea, [26] which is in the kingdom of Sian. Here we
found the fathers and other Christians, who had come from Canvoja,
and who were in a sad and unfortunate captivity; they were allowed
no churches or provisions, but must seek their food as alms from the
heathen, so that the affliction and misfortune which they undergo is a
most pitiable thing. When we were all joined together and saw what we
must suffer, we decided to seek some remedy. We considered the state
of that kingdom, and that the king had expended his substance and had
few Sianese troops, on account of the many who had died in the war
with Camboja and the war which he was carrying on with Pegu--who had
sent a great army against him, so that there were none left in the
city except children and women; and that he is a very cruel tyrant
and a persecutor of the holy Catholic faith, and will consent to no
Christian place of worship in his kingdom, but rather destroys them,
and burns those which he may find in other kingdoms. He receives
in his kingdom the worship of Mahoma, which is preached with his
consent, and he gives permission to his subjects to turn Moors. We
also considered the king of Canboja was such a friend of ours that
he protected our faith, and that he was so placed that he would be
heartily pleased to aid the Spaniards with all his power against that
tyrant, because the latter would then be destroyed and put in the
power of the Spaniards. For this is what he wishes, even although he
should help the Spaniards to win all the kingdoms in the neighborhood,
of which there are more than twelve; for I have always heard this from
him, and further that he wishes to be a Christian and that his whole
kingdom should be Christian. Accordingly, pondering over what means we
could use to advise your Lordship of all this--as you are a person so
jealous of the honor of God and the service of his Majesty, and are in
a position to remedy it all; and, with so good and certain an ally,
would win all those rich kingdoms and reduce to the holy Catholic
faith so many thousands of souls, which are being lost, not by their
own fault--we noticed that the king of Sian had been much pained by
the death, before he had seen it, of the horse which was brought from
your Lordship. And, considering the great pleasure which he took in a
philosopher's stone, we promised him that if he would send me to this
country I should bring him back a large horse and mare for breeding,
and a philosopher's stone a cubit long, which he had said he would
prize much. Out of desire for these things, he ordered that I be sent
back; and told the fathers that they on his behalf should write to
your Lordship--for he is so arrogant that he even sets no store by
writing. He ordered to be given to me, to present to your Lordship,
two elephants and an ivory tusk, which I have already delivered to your
Lordship. After I set out upon the voyage I underwent many hardships,
as I arrived at Malaca with ill weather, and when the chief captain
found what message I was carrying and learned my intentions in the
matter, he wished to interfere with me and detain me and stop the
voyage. He attempted to take the elephants from the junk, in order to
send them to Goya, and to take me prisoner. And in fact I suffered in
the said city and fortress of Malaca, more hardships and hindrances
than among the heathen before I was sent on the road with these
letters to bring to your Lordship, as appears more at length by the
information which I have given your Majesty for the remedy of all this.
In the name of the king of Canvoja, whose ambassador I am, and on
behalf of the religious and other Christians who are in captivity
in the kingdom of Ssian, and on my own behalf, as ambassador to your
Lordship, I petition and beseech that you be pleased to attend to the
giving of the aid which has been sought by him. And now I petition
in the name of this poor and much-beset king of Canvoja, who is so
friendly to our nation and to Christianity, more especially at present,
when he has been ruined and is in danger of a return of the king of
Sian against him (who would make complete the ruin and desolation of
his country), so good a friend of ours, who has no one to aid him. And
especially will this aid now be of profit and of immense importance,
as the king of Sian is without troops of war and has them scattered;
and each day he is becoming more powerful and is possessing himself
of the kingdom of Pegu--whose king likewise is a very close friend
of the Christians--and he is destroying Christian lands and churches
which lie within that kingdom, in large numbers. If the aid which
your Lordship would send were joined to the power of Canvoja, the
principal city of Sian might easily be taken; and then the other
kingdoms could immediately and easily be won, for when this one is
undone the others have no spirit to defend themselves singly. As the
said king of Canvoja continues always to favor and help the Spaniards,
as it is certain that he will do, Yndia cannot come to aid in this as
it has so many enemies at its gates; and, if your Lordship lend this
most just aid, you will add greatly to the service of God our Lord,
and it will redound to the great increase of the Christian religion,
and will augment the royal crown of the king our lord--besides being
a work of charity to succor the man who cries for favor and help,
that he may become a Christian. For when he becomes so it will be very
easy to bring all those of his kingdom over, with some little effort
to see that so good a desire is realized. There are a number of other
things which your Lordship can examine and consider in the letters
sent by the bishop of Malaca, and those of the religious who remain
in Ssian. Beside this there would result an important entrance onto
the mainland whence great increase and wealth might result. As to the
doubt which exists as to the state in which the king of Canvoja is,
I will say that at the time when I was about to leave the city of
Ssian there arrived some Sianese soldiers of the number who were in
the garrison in Canvoja; and they said that the king thereof had come
down from the mountains where he was, and had killed and captured all
the Sianese who were there, except some few who had escaped into the
mountains; and that they had killed his brother, who had favored the
Sianese in Canvoja so that the natives should come to him. The virrey
which had remained there had surrendered to the king of Canvoja, who
was already possessed of all his lands. This was quite generally known
in Ssian, and the king learned of it; and, fearing lest he of Canvoja
should come to that country by sea, while he had no troops, he sent
three oared vessels to act as sentinels at the mouths of the rivers,
to see if he of Canvoja should come, and to advise him thereof. At the
time when I went down the river the other three vessels went down,
and at the mouth met a Sianese ship which was coming from Canvoja,
and they told me that the king thereof was lord of his land and sea,
and that they had escaped with much difficulty. They said that there
was not at present a Sianese in Canvoja who was not captured. With
this second news they confirmed that in the city. When this was
learned by the people in the three ships who were acting as sentinels,
they went back to tell the king of it, that he might send more men
to the sentinel ships, so that they should not be easily overcome,
since the king of Canvoja was lord of his lands. I have no doubt that
if the king of Sian were gone with all his army, he of Canvoja would
wage war; and the Sianese without their king are a people who have no
spirit, or arms for their defense, for they possess nothing more than
machetes, small bucklers, and javelins made of cane, all of which is
a mere trifling armament. The men of Canvoja have many arrows and are
very skilful with them. If the king was conquered at first it was
because of the little confidence which he had in his own subjects;
for, in short, it has since transpired that the larger part of them
went over to the side of the king of Sian to his own brother, whom he
afterwards killed, as I have said. I assure you that the Canvojans, in
company with the Spaniards whose aid they would have, are a stronger
nation than in all the rest of the country on the field, owing to
the advantage in arms which they have over all the other nations in
those regions. Accordingly I beseech you not to lose such a friend and
helper, and that your Lordship should not permit that through lack of
reënforcements, since they can be given, he and his subjects should
again become heathens and lose their souls. I remind your Lordship
that in the instructions which his Majesty has sent to this city he
instructs you that the neighboring kingdoms should be favored, and
especially that of Canvoja, for he knows that that is friendly. Again I
beseech your Lordship as respectfully as I can, since it is a matter
of so great importance which should not be lost, nor should such
a wonderful chance be allowed to pass and no advantage taken of it,
and of so great a benefit as it promises. I would remind your Lordship
that, in the sending of this aid, promptness is above all necessary,
in order that it may have a prosperous and successful result. It
would be best that it should leave here sometime during the month of
September of this year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-five,
for that is the best time of the year to follow up these enterprises
in favorable weather, since we have ready for it a well-supplied place
of residence in which to live and remain secure. In short I petition
everything which can be petitioned in such a matter, and which is
fitting and could be done, and would result in profit and utility
for my parties and for the persons for whom I speak; and above all
I plead for justice in asking the aid which of right should be given.
Furthermore I say that in the name of the king of Canvoja, as his
ambassador, I am prepared to draw up with your Lordship stipulations,
and I declare that what shall be agreed to in his name he will comply
with, without in any wise failing. For in this whole matter I hold
his authority to speak, which is the same as is in practice among
us, and which he gave me at my leave-taking, when he told me to use
every means to bring him help, and in his name to do and promise
everything which should appear best to me, for he should be pleased
to comply with all of them. He said that his final aim was to be
a Christian, and that this I should tell the governor; and further
that he wished to lend all his power to the Spaniards, so that they
could conquer the surrounding kingdoms and possess them. As for him
and his children, he wished no more than his own kingdom, converted
to the faith. Accordingly I am ready to make in his name whatever
stipulations may be just, and to bind him thereto as his ambassador,
since I am doing it for his sake. On account of this desire, I beg
your Lordship, in case this does not take place by reason of some
insurmountable difficulty, to order given to me a testimonial of all
these matters in such wise as will give them credit; for I intend to
go therewith and present myself before his Majesty, seeking justice.
_Diego Beloso_
In the city of Manila, on the first day of August of the year
one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, before Don Luis Perez
Dasmarinas: Have this petition and information presented, and let
Captain Diego Beloso present a memorial of the number of troops and
of other things which he desires and seeks as ambassador of the king
of Canvoja, so that, having been examined by his Lordship, he may make
the necessary provision. Likewise let him propose the stipulations to
be complied with by the king of Canvoja, and carried out, providing
the aid which he seeks is sent. Accordingly I have pronounced and
signed this.
Luis _Perez_
Before me:
_Estevan de Marquina_
_Brief memorial by the ambassadors of the king of Canvoja_
We, Captain Diego Beloso and Captain Gregorio de Vargas, declare
that for the better understanding of this petition of the king of
Canvoja for aid, there must be considered the matters which the said
king told me, Diego Beloso, for the governor of Manilla, and which
are now given in writing. And we beg that they be examined with the
rest in connection with this solicitation.
1. In the first place that the king's verbal instructions to Diego
Beloso be examined, as they contain the substance of the embassy.
2. In the second place the aid is sought to carry on offensive
operations against no neighboring country, but only through this means
to become Christian, and to defend himself, and keep the people in
subjection; for, if the king were baptized without having Spaniards
in the country, it would cause rebellion and desertion to Sian. If
he has Spaniards his own subjects will be obliged to join the faith,
and neighboring kingdoms will abandon Mahoma.
3. In the third place it must be considered that the said king is
powerful and independent; and when he sent for this aid he was in
all prosperity, and did not greatly fear the king of Sian, for he
had beaten him before. But he was merely sending for the Christians
to declare his faith, and the contents of the letter of embassy were
meant to satisfy his nobles. He will be content with his kingdom alone,
and will leave the Spaniards all that they may conquer, offering them
his power in the future.
4. [_Summarized_: Likewise should be considered the great faith which
he has so long maintained, having supported religious of two orders,
the Dominicans and Franciscans, in his country for thirty years with
necessaries and servants, and sending occasionally to Malaca and
Macan for Spanish messengers. He has always helped all the Spaniards
and other Christians who were in his country, and given the fathers
license to preach over all the land. He has exempted all converts
from tribute, and bidden them give recognition to the fathers. He
has always listened to the wishes of the fathers and has sought to
gather a number of Christians--ordering all vessels which leave his
country to try to bring Spaniards and other Christians back; and,
if they found them captives, to ransom them at any price. In this
way he got several together in his country, and favored them more
than his own subjects. The larger part of his guard of arquebusiers
were Christians, although not Spaniards; and he paid them well, and
favored them so much that they dared to kill his other subjects. He
gave money to the Spaniards and treated them much better than his
own nobles, who were accordingly aggrieved. In the year 93, I,
Gregorio de Vargas, and Blas Rruiz, my companion, arrived there,
as we had heard of him in Macan. We determined at the risk of our
lives and the cost of our goods to procure him a communication with
this city and make him an ally. We told him of ourselves, and as he
believed us, he sent this embassy, seeking aid. And this we seek that
such an important country be not lost for the lack of so little aid;
and because it is for the service of God our Lord, and of his Majesty,
and will add to the Spanish renown, and the faith of Jesus will be
established on the continent, where it may extend through all those
great and powerful heathen countries to His honor and glory.]
This is the truth of what we know and think in this matter, according
to our best knowledge, through God and on our conscience; and we
swear it by God and upon the cross, and sign it with our names.
_Gregorio de Vargas_
_Diego Velosso_
I, Captain Diego de Veloso, ambassador of the king of Canvoja, declare
that in a petition which I gave in the name of the said king, your
Lordship, decreeing thereon, ordered me to give a memorial concerning
the articles necessary for the help which I seek; and in compliance
with the command of your Lordship I would say that for the said aid
to be effective, and in order that the said king shall be able to
defend his kingdom therewith, and win back that of the tyrant, from
which it is to be taken, the following things are necessary:
In the first place, the largest possible number of Spaniards that
your Lordship can send with the said aid, including arquebusiers and
musketeers, being veteran and well armed and disciplined soldiers--of
whom there should be no less than three hundred.
_Item._ As many as possible of native Indians who have gone on
expeditions with the said Spaniards, and are well drilled, so that
being mixed with the said Spaniards, and as far as possible being
arquebusiers, they will be effective on the field.
_Item._ A galley without slaves, with full sail, oars, and artillery.
_Item._ The vessel "Nuestra Señora del Rosario," and the little vessel
which went to China, called "Santiago," and the necessary fragatas
for the troops, with all the artillery which can be spared.
_Item._ Eight caracoas and virreys, without crews.
All of which, as I have said to your Lordship, is the least which
can be sent for the said help, whereby the said king would receive
a gracious favor.
_Diego Veloso_
At Manilla, on the third of the month of August in the year one
thousand five hundred and ninety-five, before the governor and
captain-general of these islands, Don Luis Perez das Marinas, was
presented this petition, and having examined it he spoke. Having
examined it, his Lordship commanded that it be placed with the other
papers, and that Diego Veloso appear before his Lordship, to come
to an agreement over the conditions which are to be agreed upon and
concluded by the king of Canvoja and the undersigned, in case the
aid which he seeks should be granted.
_Luis Perez Dasmarinas_
Before me: _Estevan de Marquiña_
In the city of Manila, on the third of August, in the year one thousand
five hundred and ninety-five, Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the
order of Alcantara, governor and captain-general in this country, did
graciously cause to appear Captain Diego Beloso and Gregorio de Vargas
Machuca, residents in this city, who said that they, as ambassadors
of the king of Canvoja, had come before his Lordship to examine the
stipulations which he proposed as the effect and object of his embassy,
and contingent upon the aid which they had come to seek--so that,
having seen and copied them, a resolution might be reached.
Having been examined by his Lordship, he proposed to them that, in
case the aid which they sought were accorded, the king of Canvoja
must swear and promise to keep and comply with the stipulations, and
that at no time shall he or his successors break them or violate them.
_Stipulations_
1. In the first place the king of Canvoja, his wife and children,
and his household must be baptized, and must receive the faith and
gospel of Jesus Christ our very God and Lord; and he must allow it
freely to be preached in his country and realm, and lend all his
favor and help to it and to the building of churches, protecting and
favoring the said fathers, and ministers.
2. So soon as the Spaniards have arrived in his country he must give
them for their accommodation a port, and a good site for settlement
and fortification, which settlement and fortification he must aid
to construct with his men, with all haste, and at his own expense
for the first time, since it is for his defense, protection, and
greater safety.
3. He must pay the troops and camp people, soldiers, captains,
commander, and other officers of war, so long as, and during the time
while they shall not have any repartimientos or other certain sources
of income whereby to maintain themselves; this pay must be punctual,
and fully paid by thirds of a year, and likewise he must supply the
camp with provisions, in such wise that they shall not suffer need
or lack the necessary supplies.
4. In the matters in which he seeks our favor and help we shall only be
bound to give them when those matters are justified and right, and as
such permitted by our holy faith, and of no other kind. Consequently,
for this favor and help which is accorded to him he must swear to
be a perpetual and faithful friend of our king and lord Don Felipe
II, and of the prince our lord, his son, Don Felipe III, and of his
other successors in the kingdom; and as such, whenever occasion shall
arise which makes it necessary for defense or offense, and to carry
expeditions into other neighboring kingdoms and lands, he will aid
with his troops, elephants, and vessels, in so great number as he
conveniently can without embarrassment, conformably to the power and
forces which he shall have at that time available therefor, without
binding or obliging himself in case of evident lack or need therefor.
5. In the expeditions which the king of Canvoja shall with justice
undertake against other kingdoms and lands in which the Spaniards may
help him, if they are victorious, he must share with his Majesty what
may be won of such lands and kingdoms, that it may be placed under
his royal ownership, and that he may do with them as with his own,
whatever he may please. Furthermore, of the spoils and gains from
the sacking of such lands, cities, and kingdoms he must give to the
soldiers who shall go to aid him in such expedition, if he does not
pay any other salary or wages, a third thereof; and, if he does pay
other wages, a fourth.
6. _Item_. The Spaniards who go must be subject to their superior
commander, who takes them in his charge, and who shall be appointed
by me. They are to be punished by him for any wrong-doing which they
commit, and the same must hold true in the expeditions which they
make; and the colors must not be lowered to any other persons except
those customary among ourselves, nor to any other ensign, standard,
or person; but, in whatever place and occasion they may be, they must
keep their due and just place.
7. The king and his sons, or he who shall succeed him in the kingdom,
must swear that never, after the Spaniards shall be in their country
and kingdom, and shall preach the gospel of Jesus Christ our God and
Lord, will they receive therein or consent to any false doctrine,
or allow any other faith to be obeyed or publicly preached, or that
there shall be set apart for it houses, persons, or public places.
8. In case that he shall lack children or legitimate successors, and
must name a successor in the kingdom, it should be with the advice
of persons deputized and commanded by the Spaniards, and with that
of the superior or superiors of the religious and the orders which
may be in his country. He must not appoint or leave as successor in
the kingdom any one who is not a Christian, or who will not swear to
keep and comply with these stipulations as he does. In case that he
should lack relatives or other persons to whom rightly and justly the
succession of the kingdom should fall, and he has to name some outside
person, it must be our king and lord Don Felipe, or the legitimate
successor who may be reigning at that time.
These said eight stipulations just given were proposed by his Lordship
to the said Diego Beloso and Gregorio de Vargas, ambassadors of the
said king of Canvoja, that they might examine them and confer together,
and promise in the name of the said king that if the said aid were sent
he would formally and duly swear to keep, accept, and comply with them,
according as their tenor demanded, without breaking or violating them,
or any part thereof at any time--neither he, nor his successors and
heirs, under penalty that if they should break or violate them, or
any part of them, from that time on the Spaniards remained freed and
no longer bound to the aid and help which they are to give if these
stipulations are complied with; and they may freely do what seems
best to them.
The said stipulations having been examined by the said Diego Beloso
and Gregorio de Vargas, and having discussed and conferred in regard
to them as to what was expedient, they said that the king of Canvoja
would accept them all and comply with them; for they have learned from
him that very willingly will he receive them, and swear to carry them
out for himself and for his successors. This they have understood and
regard as the truth, considering the eagerness with which they have
seen him seek for and desire the friendship of the Spaniards, and
their presence in his land, beside the matters which he has mentioned
and communicated to them very particularly. They consider it certain
that at present his desires will be the stronger on account of what
has happened to him; they except in all the above only two things,
one of which is that he should not be obliged in any way to force his
wife and children immediately to become Christians, but that he without
doubt would do so. The other is that he also should not bind himself to
pay and maintain the troops of war who go there to aid him; since for
this the said king will give one of the best provinces of his kingdom,
so that out of the tributes and profits thereof the said troops may
be maintained and paid. With these two exceptions and declarations,
in all the rest they promise and bind themselves, as ambassadors of
the said king of Canvoja, so far as they can and ought to be bound;
and as further evidence thereof they give their word and bond for him
that he will do and fulfil what they therein agree upon and promise in
his name, that he will accept, comply with, and keep, and swear to keep
and comply with the said stipulations, and that at no time shall he or
his successors break them or violate them, or any part thereof, under
the penalties provided for and incurred by those who shall violate
the faith and loyalty which they promise in so great and important
matters. Accordingly, if the aid which is sought be furnished them,
he on his part will comply with that which is asked from him, without
in any manner failing. They as his ambassadors, with all the power
which they hold and as best they can and should, bind the said king
and swear in his name to its fulfilment, through God our Lord, with
the sign of the cross and upon the holy gospels, in legal form. They
signed it with their names, to which the undersigned notary attests;
and likewise they promised under the said oath that, in the effecting
and execution of the aforesaid, they will act as they ought and are
bound to do, as faithful and loyal vassals of the king our lord.
_Diego Beloso_
_Gregorio de Vargas Machuca_
Before me:
_Estevan de Marquina_
Instructions to Figueroa
In the city of Manila, on the thirteenth day of November, one
thousand five hundred and ninety-five, Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas,
knight of the order of Alcantara, governor and captain-general of
these Filipinas Islands for our lord the king, declares that he
has considered the documents and official acts hitherto made and
issued in regard to the settlement and pacification of the island of
Mindanao by Captain Rodriguez de Figueroa, as stated in the report
and account sent by the alcalde-mayor of Oton concerning the present
invasion of the province of Pintados by hostile caracoas. The said
governor has also considered the pleas offered in the same matter
by Don Francisco de Poça y Guevara y Conçortes for himself and the
other encomenderos of the said island of Mindanao; and also the recent
discussion, consultation, and conference upon the said expedition and
the results thereof. I declare that I ought to direct, and do direct,
that Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa shall be notified to make
the said expedition, pacification, and settlement of the said island
of Mindanao after the following manner.
First: He shall observe and comply with the commands of our lord the
king as laid down in two sections of a royal letter dated at Madrid
June 11, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, the tenor of
which is as follows:
"I have considered the directions given by you to Captain Estevan
Rodriguez de Figueroa as to the pacification of Mindanao, and approve
thereof. I sanction the carrying of these provisions into effect,
provided that the third part which he is directed to set off by itself,
to be distributed in encomiendas, shall not in income exceed fifteen
thousand pesos of eight reals. It is understood that this is allowed
for the pacification of the entire island, and that a proportionate
allowance is made for a partial pacification. You are also empowered
to offer him that the title of mariscal of the said island will be
given him as soon as he shall report that the said island is pacified,
and that he has complied with the agreement, and has imposed laws;
and to bid him to observe the ordinances and instructions made for
the said pacification, without exceeding them.
"I take advantage of this opportunity to charge you anew that in this
exploration and in all the others that shall be made you shall see to
it that the aforesaid instructions and ordinances for new explorations,
entrances, and collections of tribute, and the other laws governing
these matters be observed, taking care that they are not transgressed
in any particular."
These two articles are to be held to be included in the regulations
laid down by the late governor and captain-general of these islands,
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, for the government of the said Captain
Estevan Rodriguez, in the city of Manila, May 12, 1591, before Juan
de Cuellar, his notary; and by virtue of the said letter of the king
our lord I offered the said Captain Estevan Rodriguez to give and
transmit to him in his royal name the title of mariscal of the said
island of Mindanao as soon as he should report that he had pacified
it and complied with the stipulations agreed upon; and I also charged
and I charge him to fulfil the other matters contained in the said
articles, and I acquaint him with their contents, all with a view to
his observing and complying with the contents thereof.
Likewise in the interim before our lord the king is advised of that
which is done and happens on the said expedition and pacification, and
until he replies transmitting a statement as to what must be observed
and performed, in order that some inconveniences which may arise in
the said interim may be brought to an end, the said Captain Estevan
Rodriguez is required to promise and to offer his person and goods
as security that, in so far as concerns the persons whom he shall
judge proper to receive encomiendas in the said island of Mindanao,
and who may receive damage if the said encomiendas are taken from
them, or others assigned to them, they shall keep and maintain the
same status in such encomiendas. The encomiendas which are to be
assigned and those which have been assigned and allotted with the
bulk of Indians who are not pacified, and from whom no tribute has
been collected, shall be assigned by the said captain, conformably
to the provision. As for the encomiendas which have revolted after
tributes have been collected from them, whose encomenderos are on
the way or have been sent to that country (they having been women
and minors at the time of this pacification), when they have taken
citizenship and complied with the other commands of his Majesty,
the said Captain Estevan Rrodriguez shall give them over as soon
as pacified to the said encomenderos. When such encomiendas have
a certain number of Indians, that number must be furnished. But if
located in valleys, provinces, or rivers, without a settled number
of Indians, they must be allotted in an equitable number according
to the character and services of the encomenderos, so that there
may be enough for all. The encomiendas which are peaceful and where
tributes are collected, such as those of Butuan, and others similar,
shall remain entirely in the possession of those who hold them; and
they shall not be obliged to aid in the pacification or in any other
matter, and shall enjoy their possession. As for the actual number of
tributes, it appears best at present that the patrons should collect
and hold them only from the pacified Indians, and no others. If they
should wish to go or send, as has been said, to this pacification,
the said Captain Estevan Rrodriguez must assign and give to them
shares in the same pacified encomiendas, beside what they possess and
collect at present, and as many Indians as shall appear most just,
according to their rank and services, and the number which they have
on their encomiendas. This must be expedited and executed by the said
Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, who will keep this matter in
mind, and comply and follow it in this wise for the present until his
Majesty shall provide and command otherwise (when he will immediately
be informed), without prejudice to the service of the parties to the
said encomiendas; and, in case they should feel aggrieved, they shall
appeal to his Majesty in their own behalf, if they so desire.
2. Likewise he shall neither receive nor welcome any outlawed
delinquent, or any other person, who shall go without license from
the governor to the island of Mindanao; and those who shall so go,
he shall deliver over or send back, as this is necessary for the
safety and quiet of this commonwealth, and in order to avoid great
inconveniences, evils, and injuries which might occur, and would
work ill to the service of God and his Majesty, and injury to this
commonwealth.
3. _Item_. He shall allow no intercourse whatsoever with Nueva España,
nor send any boat or vessel thither, without communicating and
informing us in this city and commonwealth, in order that the trade
and intercourse shall be on the terms and in the manner which it is
most fitting that it should be, so that there may result therefrom
no injury, damage, or loss to this commonwealth; and no such thing
should be done without its consent, unless by the commission and
express order of his Majesty.
4. _Item_. In case this colony should be surrounded and beset with
any enemy, or should be in any need or conflict, so that aid should
be necessary, when the said Captain Estevan Rrodriguez learns and is
aware thereof, or is informed of it, he shall come with the greatest
haste and the largest force possible to its aid, without attempting
to exempt or excuse himself, or neglecting to do this in any way,
for any reason, nor in any manner. And likewise when there is any
necessity of the forces at Maluco and Anbueno being reënforced, he
shall aid them in the best manner possible. He shall be intent upon
the interests of his Majesty, and other just and pious causes and
interests pertaining to the service of God and of his Majesty which
should influence him; and because he is so near and accessible he
can render aid with the utmost convenience.
5. _Item_. He shall not engage in, commence, or carry out any other
expedition or entry into any realm or island, far or near, without the
special commission and order to be secured therefor from his Majesty.
6. _Item_. He shall keep and comply with the said ordinances and
commands, which his Majesty directs the said governor to impose upon
him and cause him to comply with, in this and other discoveries,
without exceeding, changing, or violating them, or neglecting to
comply with and keep each and every one of them. And if he shall
execute any sentence in any cause or suit to anyone's prejudice,
damage, or grievance, he shall pay, as damage for the party, the
losses which were undergone and suffered by the parties through him.
All this that has been said the said Captain Estevan Rrodriguez
must promise to keep and comply with, under the said obligation of
his person and goods. Having accepted, as above stated, the said
expedition, the said Captain Estevan Rrodriguez de Figueroa was
informed and made aware of the agreement contained herein concerning
the said expedition and pacification, by virtue of the empowering
instrument which he holds to that effect, and of the resolve and
determination that it should have and has entire and complete force,
as his Majesty permits and commands. He said that he was ready to
allow all necessary provision to be made for the said expedition,
that it might be immediately put in execution, as is necessary. And
if the parties interested wish to bring it to trial, they shall do so
before his Lordship, so that they may carry it on to his Majesty; and
the royal offices in this city should be notified if they have anything
to petition, which they seek for. Thereupon he protested to the said
Captain Estevan Rrodriguez what he had before said and protested to
this effect, and which is most practical and convenient. Accordingly
I decree, command, and petition, with testimony, jointly and in
accord with the opinion of Doctor Antonio de Morga, my counselor
and lietutenant-general.
_Luis Perez Dasmarinas_
_Don Antonio de Morga_
Before me:
_Gaspar de Acebo_
_Notifications_
The said act has been brought to the notice of the said Captain Estevan
Rrodriguez, and of the royal officials, and of the city government
of Manila, so that each may petition as they see fit.
_Acceptance of the expedition to Mindanao_
In the city of Manila, on the sixteenth day of the month of November
in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, before me,
the undersigned notary, appeared in person Captain Estavan Rodriguez
de Figueroa, who, some three days more or less before, had been
notified by me, the present notary, of an act of the governor and
captain-general of these islands relating to the expedition and
pacification of the island of Mindanao. Having answered to this that
he would take it, he now responds that from the instant and hour when
he was notified of the said act he accepted it, and, in compliance
therewith, has paid the troops of war and incurred other expenses;
and now he again accepts it and agrees to the terms contained in the
said act, and obliges himself to it, and to be bound by everything
in it, and promises and binds himself accordingly to keep and comply
with it in every way and in every manner, and he will bind himself
formally. Accordingly he signed it, witnesses being Luis Bagado and
Geronimo Suares, and he signed it with his name.
_Estevan Rrodriguez de Figueroa_
Before me:
_Gaspar de Acebo_
In compliance with his answer, he has formally bound himself with
his person and goods, all of which is provided by the acts issued in
this matter.
The Audiencia of Manila Reëstablished
To Don Francisco Thello, my governor and captain-general of the
Philipinas Islands. Through God's grace, the affairs of those
islands are daily assuming greater proportions--both because of
the many exploring expeditions by which that island and the others
of that great archipelago are becoming settled; and because of the
Chinese trade and commerce, which likewise are a cause of increase
in the consequence of affairs there. Hence, in matters of justice,
there should be such expedition as is desirable, without its being
necessary for the parties to go to the City of Mexico, in order to
carry on their cases--thus spending and consuming their means in these
long voyages, or else running risk of losing their rights. And also,
if you are disengaged from matters pertaining to justice, you will
have more time for matters of government and war; or in important
and arduous cases you may find it advisable to have those with whom
to take counsel, that matters may be considered with the requisite
continuity and by a sufficiently large body of advisers. For these
reasons, I have decided to reëstablish an audiencia in that city of
Manila, as in former years. You shall be president thereof, holding
this office with the offices of my governor and captain-general. My
purpose in advising you thereof is that, having taken note of it, you
may do all that is requisite for the establishment of the Audiencia and
the receiving of my royal seal. This must follow the same procedure
which would be observed in the reception of my royal person. [27]
Accordingly, as soon as you shall hear of its arrival, you shall go
to receive the seal, accompanied by the auditors, the fiscal, all the
soldiers in military array, the citizen encomenderos, my officials,
and all others in public positions. The said seal will be contained in
a box borne under a canopy, the supports of which shall be carried
by the regidors of the city. The box will be borne by a horse,
richly caparisoned, and having on the two sides of its hangings,
which must be of brocade or silk, two shields bearing my royal arms,
the face [of the horse] being covered with cloths [a frontal] of the
same [material]. You, with your retinue, shall precede the canopy,
and the soldiers in military array, with their captains, under rule
and command of the master-of-camp as general, shall follow it. All
of you shall go straight to the cathedral with bared heads, where
the archbishop will be waiting, clad in his pontifical vestments,
together with all his clergy. He shall go to the door, where you and
all the people shall stop. Then you shall take the box in both hands,
and shall approach the altar, near which in the principal chapel
there shall be a chair of state. There you shall place the box, and
the archbishop shall repeat his prayers, beseeching our Lord to direct
the founding of the said Audiencia for His good service, and the pure
administration of justice. After the ceremony, the archbishop and his
assistants, and the clergy, shall remain there, while you shall take
the box again and place it on the horse, which must always be led by
the chief constable of the Audiencia, in person and on foot, and with
head bared. You shall then proceed with the same assemblage to my royal
houses, where you shall deposit the said seal in a suitable place. Then
you shall enter upon the proceedings for installing the Audiencia, and
together with the auditors and fiscal you shall establish it. This day
shall be occupied solely with examining the ordinances of audiencias,
with taking the oath from the said auditors, fiscal, and assistants,
and with an address from you, in which, in my name, you shall charge
them to exercise their offices faithfully, and to maintain peace
and harmony among themselves; and you shall enjoin the inferiors
to observe respect, secrecy, and diligence. Thenceforth you shall
proceed according to the usual form of the other audiencias of these
kingdoms and of the Yndias. Given at El Pardo, November twenty-sixth,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-five. [28]
_I The King_
By order of the king:
_Juan Ybarra_
Signed by the president and members of the
Council.
[_In the margin at the beginning of this document_:
"To Don Francisco Tello, governor of the Philipinas Islands, in
regard to the establishment of the Audiencia, and the receiving of
the royal seal."]
Letter from Luis Perez Dasmariñas to Felipe II
Sire:
By the ships which sailed for Nueva España in July of this year 95,
I wrote at length to your Majesty, giving account of some things
which, in my poor judgment and opinion, would be to the glory and
service of God and of your Majesty; and very necessary, important,
and fitting for the common good, preservation, and increase of these
towns. Therefore I felt myself urged and obliged to break silence;
and I would not now refrain from referring to those matters, if I did
not fear and doubt that this present letter would not reach the royal
hands by this way, and did I not believe that several of those I have
written by another way, namely by Nueva España, have arrived there.
The present occasion for writing to your Majesty is to inform you
of the arrival of the religious and ministers whom your Majesty
was pleased to send here. This was of great moment and importance,
because of our great need of them. I am writing also to say that
the fathers of the Society of Jesus have taken under their charge
the island of Leyte, one of the Pintados, which has hitherto had no
instruction. Although but four fathers went there, so great good
has resulted from their labors, within six months or so, that two
days ago the father vice-provincial told me that he had received a
letter saying that the fathers now preach to the Indians in their own
language. The good results and benefits are so great that there are now
more than five thousand four hundred catechumens--who, without being
at all compelled to do so, have themselves destroyed and cast down
their false idols. This gives no little encouragement and occasion
to praise God; and shows how important, necessary, and beneficial is
the presence here of good ministers.
Moreover, the fathers of the Order of St. Dominic have taken
charge of the province of Cagayan, where there has been no lack of
disturbances among the natives, with no little tumult and danger to
the fathers and to us also. The arrival of the fathers there has been
of much importance and benefit in that province, both temporally and
spiritually; and has helped in the pacification of the Indians. Please
God their mission may prosper and extend as far as possible.
By a ship which came from Japon in the month of November of this year,
I received a letter from father Fray Pedro Bautista and Fray Juan de
Jhesus, wherein they advise me of the good condition in which God is
pleased to maintain the things pertaining to His glory and service,
and to the good of His creatures and of this state. Affairs are quiet
there, as little has taken place, and their hopes are such as are more
particularly referred to in the account of father Fray Juan de Jhesus,
a copy of whose letter accompanies this.
Likewise I have to write concerning your Majesty's reply about
the agreement made by my father with Captain Esteban Rodriguez in
regard to the pacification of the island of Mindanao. When we were
discussing this matter it was suggested to consider Captain Esteban
Rodriguez in an undertaking in a light which seemed very clear and
plain. He, however, thought that he should not be subordinate to this
government, but free and exempt from obedience thereto. Over this
point conferences and discussions were held with grave and learned
persons, and it was decided that the said captain should go on said
expedition as a subordinate and in no other way, for many causes and
reasons offered, agreed upon, and established as very important and
of universal application; and that he ought to consider the great
difficulties which might arise should he go without being subordinate
to this government, as well as the universal and public danger and
loss that might ensue to this state, and especially to some of its
inhabitants; and, further, the injury to the service of God and of
your Majesty. Of all of this your Majesty will be informed at greater
length, and will understand it by the papers and writs concerning this
case. Therefore I shall make no further reference to it, leaving the
report thereof to be sent by a more safe and certain way than this. In
regard to the rest of the case however I say, Sire, that although
Captain Esteban Rodriguez possesses the qualities of discretion,
valor, ability, competence, and much experience in this work, and
is courageous and of honorable estate, yet he is in my opinion very
stiff, unchangeable, independent, and fixed in his determination and
opinion. Thus he did not wish to discuss or to say anything whatever
in regard to this question of subordination. Thereupon, as it was not
judged convenient to permit him to make the journey independently,
the plans were abandoned, and everything was left until your Majesty
should be advised thereof. At that time, however, news came for the
second time that some hostile bands from Terrenate and Mindanao,
in some very light vessels propelled by oars, called caracoas,
had landed on the coast of Cebu. They committed many depredations,
such as murders, the taking of captives, and robberies, among the
Indians. Although Rodriguez Ronquillo, alcalde-mayor of Cibu, sent
some soldiers to attack them, who, after finding one of their vessels,
seized it, and killed or captured its crew, this victory only brought a
thicker cloud of enemies, dangers, and misfortunes. Although a captain
of infantry was despatched immediately with a contingent of troops to
pursue and look for them, yet, for the security, aid, and defense of
that coast, it was finally judged and considered best, and a more wise,
important, and fitting relief, for Captain Esteban Rodriguez to make
his expedition. Thereby those dangers, or the majority of them, would
be checked and relieved, as well as others which would grow or increase
by inattention. Thus matters were arranged with him in the form that
your Majesty will see by the copy accompanying this letter. As he
will have plenty to do on this expedition, your Majesty, having been
advised in the meantime, will be able to order and declare the best
method to be pursued in this matter. To Captain Esteban Rodriguez
have been given troops, artillery, ammunition, and other supplies
on his account; and he will depart on his expedition within three
months, more or less, God willing. Besides this, report is due to your
Majesty of the despatch of letters and certain articles for the king
of Canboja by means of Diego Veloso. The former sent this man on an
embassy to my father when the latter was on his way in the expedition
to Maluco. When about to enter the harbor of Canboja, he [Veloso]
met the army and part of the fleet of the king of Sian who had begun
hostilities against the king of Canboja. The king of Sian inflicted
great damage upon the people and country of the king of Canboja,
causing him to withdraw to the mountains, as has been reported. Thus
Diego Veloso, and the others with him, had been captured and carried
away. But afterward God was minded to move the said king of Sian to
free him, and to send him with a ship and two elephants (male and
female), and a large tusk of another elephant, which were brought to
me. The king wrote me through a father of the Order of St. Francis,
[29] who was a captive there in Canboja with others, a letter, a copy
of which accompanies the present, and to which I will not refer,
in order not to make this letter longer. Occasion was offered by
this for the same ambassador, despatched now by the king of Sian,
and formerly by the king of Canboja, again to negotiate and ask for
help from me for the king of Canboja, for he had heard that the king
of Sian had repeated the past injuries; and as I did not acquiesce,
he gave me many causes and reasons which I shall not mention here,
but God willing, will state in a letter by way of Nueva España. As
the affair seemed urgent to me and very important, serious, and of
weighty consideration and promise, and one fitting to bring about
great things in the noble service of the divine majesty of God our
Lord, and of your Majesty, I discussed this matter, and considered
whether it would not be a better plan to make an expedition to Chanpa,
[30] as this is a very important passage and post. It is occupied by
a cruel and pernicious tyrant who commits and causes iniquities,
cruelties, and unheard-of treacheries. In the opinion of certain
persons who have been there, the capture of this place would be
very easy, with two hundred Spaniards and five hundred Indians; or
at the most, success is assured with three hundred Spaniards. Both
on account of the facility and importance of this expedition,
and the tyrannical deeds, treacheries, and iniquities of that king,
investigations have been made, and the matter submitted to the prelates
and other clerical persons, in order that they might consider whether
it were just. Although there were some reservations and conditions,
they decided that the expedition was just. This was submitted to
a council of war, together with the question of aid to the king
of Canboja, in order to determine which matter it would be better
to undertake. However it was resolved definitely in favor of the
expedition to Chanpa for certain reasons and considerations. But
at the same time it was also resolved to send someone to Canboja to
ascertain the king's condition, and what were his determination, wish,
and intention in respect to the help requested by him, and in his
name by Diego Veloso. Now we must determine and decide what will be
best for the service of God and of your Majesty. God willing, Captain
Juan Juarez Gallinato, a man of talents, discretion, and experience,
and well fitted for this occasion and the contingencies that may arise
(which are of no little consideration, importance, and weight), will
take charge of this expedition. He will have two ships and some troops,
and is under orders to proceed according to the weather, opportunity,
and disposition and state of affairs which are in his opinion most
fitting. He is to discuss certain matters with the Siamese king,
and to procure the release of the religious and other persons whom
the latter holds captive. Especially he is to establish friendship
with the king of Canboja, who, as it seems, is desirous thereof,
inasmuch as he has asked for it so repeatedly and with so great
earnestness. Thus for this and many other reasons, in the opinion
of those who regard and view matters with some consideration, this
expedition is a work prompted and incited by the Holy Spirit. May
God grant that matters may be directed in the best way for His
service. The spiritual and temporal benefits to be derived from it,
to the glory of God and the good and conversion of His creatures,
will not be few, if His Divine Majesty will grant a beginning of
His light and knowledge in this great kingdom, which is surrounded
by so many others, so great, rich, and powerful--where, with but
little difficulty, God willing, His Divine Majesty can be so exalted,
recognized, and magnified, and your Majesty served. Thus considering
the greatness, natural advantages and opportunities which God has
given to affairs here, together with other things, I am prompted to
write to your Majesty of the great importance of this garrison and
post. I do not say this in undue exaggeration but with sincere love
and desire that your Majesty may esteem, recognize, and know it for
such, and provide and appoint for it a person of the requisite valor,
Christianity, sufficiency, and talents, demanded by the greatness and
importance of affairs here at this time, and which each day may be
presented in their full import. God has provided these things here,
and perhaps some of them are reserved for the happy days and times of
your Majesty, so that even in this life you may enjoy the reward of
the height to which your Majesty has procured and advanced His glory,
honor, and service, and in the life hereafter the greater rewards
and crown. In resuming discussion of the expedition to Canboja, I
will say that I find myself ill-prepared for it; for I should like,
considering the great import it may have, more resources and force for
it than I have at present. For, if God should be pleased to grant the
success hoped for at this time in regard to this kingdom, the effort
would be lost, as affairs would take shape and increase in extent;
and because a sufficient number of troops could not remain from the
first in the kingdom and land of Canboja, who could, in any event,
sustain themselves in that post, until your Majesty should be pleased
to reënforce them and assure its safety. But I desire this most
earnestly for I foresee and desire the great blessings and benefits,
and the spiritual and temporal advancements, which may be increased
and hoped for. Likewise, because the voyage thither is but short,
we can send help and reënforcements twice a year, and maintain there
a moderate force and garrison. Moreover, if this friendship with the
king is brought about, many greater and more important undertakings
will follow, which can be attempted, attained, and expected to follow,
with the aid of His Divine Majesty. Therefore I have had the boldness
and audacity to be so prolix, and to beg your Majesty to have the
goodness to provide that if perchance this effort is not successful
now, this peace, friendship, and understanding with this king may be
attempted and brought about in the future; and if they be just and
possible, some of the expeditions to Sian or Chanpa may likewise be
effected. For the evils, cruelties, and tyrannies of these two kings
are great, and war might be justifiable. With a moderate amount of
power and force, either of these expeditions could be effected, for I
have already stated what is said in regard to that of Chanpa. I have
received this information and that concerning Sian from the bishop
of Malaca, who is surely of holy zeal, and desirous of the glory of
God and the service of your Majesty, as I have recognized and been
convinced of by his letters which prove this. In a set of charts which
he sent me from Sian, he says that that expedition can be made with a
thousand men; and there are even people who say that it could be done
with a less number. It is true that to hear of the great number of
troops that this king and others place in the field causes hesitation,
and makes one consider and believe nonsensical, inconsiderate, and rash
the pretense that so great matters may be effected and attempted with
so small a force; yet we should consider that this is God's cause, and
should take into account the importance of gaining and establishing
friendship with the king of Canboja, who can aid us so powerfully,
because of his hostility to Sian on account of the war made against him
for years, and of his recent injury and damage. This, together with
other circumstances, such as the inhabitants' feebleness of heart,
courage, and weapons; their awkwardness and lack of skill in handling
the most important and injurious weapons; their barbarism and discord;
the lax discipline observed and kept among them and the hatred and
dislike toward these barbarous tyrants felt by many of their own
subjects and neighbors, to whom their deeds are most prejudicial and
damaging--all these considerations make the attempt much less difficult
than it seems. These are the marvel and greatnesses of God, and surely
they cause wonder and fear, and move the hearts and desires of those
who behold and consider them, on seeing that His Divine Majesty should
have placed in so many kingdoms, so great, populous, and wealthy,
and so densely inhabited by so infinite multitudes of people, so great
weakness, and the power, through another kingdom, to effect an entrance
into some of them. This incites and makes us desire their conversion
to the knowledge of God, and we desire all that said power, means,
and gateway which His Divine Majesty has left and placed for this
attainment in these districts and region, choosing and selecting your
Majesty as the instrument for blessings and grandeurs, such as, with
His grace, can be attained, and appointing this port and garrison as
the gateway, staircase, and entrance for it. Therefore these and other
considerations give occasion for recommending earnestly and signifying
to your Majesty the importance thereof, in order that your Majesty
may send such a person as this matter requires and demands, who shall
attempt zealously and strive to see the name of God our Lord, and His
glory and honor, much amplified and increased, and your Majesty well
served, since there is so great opportunity and occasion therefor. Were
your Majesty eager and desirous of furthering your own particular
advantage and interests, you would have also plenty of opportunity
for it, as this place is exceedingly well fitted therefor. I beseech
your Majesty to pardon my prolixity and daring, to which I am forced
by the great importance of these matters, and by the obligation,
love, and desire that I owe the service of God and of your Majesty;
and by my having so few opportunities to write, and those so far apart.
In regard to Chinese affairs, I wrote your Majesty this year, that I
was thinking of sending my cousin, Don Ffernando de Castro, with the
father prior of the convent of San Domingo, with some presents and
letters to the king. This I thought fitting because of the condition
in which the father prior (or, to say better, God) had left matters
there; and under cover of this cause and pretext, I hoped they might
try, at this time, to see the king, if such a thing were possible,
and to offer to him certain presents together with the letter. This
was written with much affection, respect, consideration, and vigor,
and in it I bore in mind, as far as possible, your Majesty's holy zeal,
aim, and desire for the conversion of this great kingdom. In the last
part of it I referred to past events, so that in turn both matters
might be discussed. The attempt was made accordingly. I purchased and
collected some articles--namely, two swords well and curiously wrought
and beautifully adorned in gold and silver; some articles of gold
and precious stones; and some plate, although but a little. These,
together with other things that we could find, approximated about
eight thousand pesos or so, according to the value and appraisal made
of them. All of this sum, together with the amount necessary for the
voyage, I succeeded in obtaining without taking anything whatever
from the royal treasury; for there was nothing there for it. I was
confident that your Majesty would consider this to be for your service,
and would order this sum paid, especially as it seemed fitting and
of great possible importance. Although for such a matter and for one
who owes so much as myself to the service of God and your Majesty, it
seems small and of a mean, vile, and selfish mind, to discuss payment,
yet His Divine Majesty knows that my present great need, obligations,
and debts force me to say this, for I am obliged to pay out more than
thirty-eight thousand pesos. And God knows that all I have and can
call mine outside of the present sum, that which I shall have ready
at the end of this year toward the day when God and your Majesty
will be no longer served by me, and the little coming to me from the
sale of my father's estate--a very small sum indeed--all the rest,
I say, without omitting anything of money value, will amount, in my
opinion, to something like five thousand pesos, and even that sum
may not be reached. For, although, as I wrote and told your Majesty
in former letters, it seemed--and when I wrote I believed--that I
should have something to leave instead of so much to pay, yet matters
have happened and fallen out in this way, and thus I find myself in
my present condition. I am not grieving much over any need that may
come to me, for by the mercy and goodness of God, if I had paid my
debts and had nothing, I should be very rich in the pleasure of this
knowledge. However, I am not without obligations to have some property,
and I have very little and owe much that must be paid; and besides
I have to give account both for myself and my father. My present
declaration is not artifice, subterfuge, or a change of purpose from
what I have previously expressed to your Majesty, as to my king and
sovereign, but the truth and my earnest desire to see myself free from
this burden and obligation of debt; and is intended that your Majesty
might know that this least of your servants has these obligations and
so little to pay them, in a country so distant and remote from his
own. But leaving this in the hands of God and your Majesty, I say,
Sire, that Don Ffernando set sail with the father prior upon the
voyage; but, as it was late in the season, and the ship was Chinese,
they put into port again, and thus I do not know if the voyage can be
made and the reply received in time to advise your Majesty thereof by
the ships which leave here in June, if perchance it can be made at
all. Because I am so forced by necessity, I beseech your Majesty to
please order the payment of the expenses of the voyage and the cost
of the presents. The latter should not be charged to this treasury,
which I fear could not meet the payment, thus forcing me to pay it,
God knows with what or how. As a servant desirous that God be known
and served in so great a kingdom as China, I venture to say that, if
your Majesty would send this king some curiosities, that act might,
according to the posture and condition in which God has now placed
matters, be of great importance, benefit, and profit for the service of
His Divine Majesty, the merit of your Majesty, and the good of so many
souls as are lost and condemned there. I bear well in mind past events,
Sire, from which if appears that there is neither merit nor room for
this favor and present; but, King and Sire, the blood of Christ and
the conversion of so many souls is of most importance. Much harm might
also be suffered by this new state without traffic with this nation,
this being its nerve and support. Even though it should be desired to
treat of past events, and it should be considered best for the service
of your Majesty to deal severely with this king, it would not be a
bad idea to offer friendship at the same time. With this excuse,
a present might be well received and be of considerable use. If,
perchance, God should move your Majesty to this, I may say that,
in my opinion, the presents which in years gone by your Majesty was
pleased to have taken to this king, were and would be very appropriate
and sufficient. Although it is true that he is a great, rich, and
powerful monarch, the curiosity, novelty, and different fashion of the
things that we use are greatly admired by those people. The velvets,
however, have lost the value they had formerly, for many of them are
manufactured in China. A good Flemish tapestry wrought with stories and
figures, would be, I think, of particular novelty for them. Besides it
would also be advantageous with the king's relatives, who also have
influence in this kingdom. There should also be good and excellent
paintings, and two suits of splendid armor. In this, Sire, I well
see that I am bold and venturesome; but my intention is not evil,
and the great importance of the aforesaid, and your Majesty's holy
zeal, urge me thereto, as also the belief that it not contrary to the
service of God and to your Majesty. May His Divine Majesty preserve
your Majesty for as many long and happy years of life as possible, and
as we your Majesty's vassals need. Manila, the sixth of December, 1595.
_Luis Perez Dasmariñas_
Documents of 1596
Coat-of-arms of the city of Manila. Felipe II; March 20.
Decree regarding the bishopric of Nueva Segovia. Felipe II; May 15.
Instructions for Governor Tello. Felipe II; May 25.
Letter to Felipe II. L. P. Dasmariñas; June 30.
Letter to Felipe II. Antonio de Morga; July 6.
Letter to Felipe II. Francisco Tello; July 17.
_Sources_: The two royal decrees are taken from _Doc. inéd. Amér. y
Oceania_, xxxiv, pp. 95--98, 101--103; all the others are obtained
from original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: The first two documents are translated by Frederic
W. Morrison, of Harvard University; the third and sixth, by James
A. Robertson; the fourth and fifth, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio.
Coat-of-Arms of the City of Manila
Don Philipe, by the grace of God, etc.
Inasmuch as you, Captain Agustin de Arce, in the capacity of
procurador-general of the Filipinas Islands, have informed me that
the inhabitants of the city of Manila did render me service in
its discovery, and remain there continuing this work; and inasmuch
as you have entreated me--in consideration of the said facts, and
because the said city of Manila is the capital and principal city of
the said islands, and it was therefore commanded that an audiencia
be again established there, and its cathedral church elevated into
a metropolitan church, by which the city will be ennobled--that I
should order a coat-of-arms to be bestowed upon the city, such as
is possessed by other cities of the Indias; and considering that my
council on the affairs of the Indias, after consultation with me,
has favored the above request; it has seemed to me fitting to grant
it. By these presents I assign, as the special coat-of-arms of the
said city of Manila in the Filipinas Islands, a shield which shall
have in the center of its upper part a golden castle on a red field,
closed by a blue door and windows, and which shall be surmounted
by a crown; and in the lower half on a blue field a half lion and
half dolphin of silver, armed and langued gules--that is to say,
with red nails and tongue. The said lion shall hold in his paw a
sword with guard and hilt. This coat-of-arms shall be made similar
to the accompanying shield, painted as is indicated above.
I bestow these arms upon the said city of Manila, as its own, and as
its appointed and recognized device, so that it may and shall bear and
place them upon its banners, shields, seals, flags, and standards,
and in all other parts and places desired and considered fitting,
according to, and following the same form and manner as the other
cities of my kingdoms to which I have given arms and device place
and possess them. And by this my decree, I charge the most serene
prince, Don Philipo, my very dear and well beloved son, and the
kings succeeding to me, and I order the infants, prelates, dukes,
marqueses, counts, and grandees; the masters, priors, commanders
and sub-commanders of the orders; the governors of castles, forts,
and open districts; the members of my council, and the president
and auditors of the same royal audiencias; the alcaldes, constables
of my house, court, and chanceries; all the councils, corregidors,
asistentes, governors, _veinte e cuatros,_ [31] regidors, and jurors;
and the knights, squires, officials, and freemen of all the cities,
towns, and villages of these my kingdoms and seigniories, and of my
said Indias, islands, and Tierra Firme of the Ocean Sea--both in the
present and future, and each and every one of them in his jurisdiction,
who shall be notified of this--that they observe and regard, and cause
to be observed and regarded the said grant of the said arms which I
thus bestow upon the said city of Manila in the Filipinas Islands, so
that they be allowed to place and possess them in the said city. And I
order that no obstruction or impediment be offered to this concession
or to any part of it, and that no one shall consent to place any
obstruction whatever thereto, under penalty of my displeasure, and of
a fine of ten thousand maravedis, to be paid to my exchequer, laid upon
any person who shall act contrary to this order. Given in Aranxuez, on
the twentieth day of March, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six.
_I The King_
Decree Regarding the Bishopric of Nueva Segovia
To the reverend father in Christ, the Bishop of Nueva Segovia in
the province of Cagayan, in the island of Luzon, and member of my
council: Inasmuch as his Holiness at my supplication did see fit to
elevate the cathedral church of Manila into a metropolitan see, and
to appoint three other bishops, one of them in that city, the purpose
thereof having been that there should be prelates who might care for
the instruction and teaching of the Indians, the administering of
the sacraments, the exercise of episcopal acts, and the visitation
of their districts, all which a single prelate could not easily do;
I have seen fit to inform you that, for the present, so long as
affairs are undeveloped, and until a better arrangement is made,
no cathedral church shall be erected in that city, nor dignities or
prebends provided for. You are to dwell privately in the monastery of
your order in that said city, and remain there as prelate for such time
as may please you. That bishopric shall be suffragan to the archbishop
of Manila, and you shall have the latter as your metropolitan bishop
and shall repair to that city for the synods and other matters arranged
by the canons and councils. It is my will that you shall have what is
necessary for your sustenance and the maintenance of your episcopal
dignities. The tithes in your district are at present to be gathered
into one amount, and you are to have all that pertains to the prelates
and to the prebendaries, dignitaries, and canons. In case this is not
sufficient, you will repair to the officials of my royal exchequer in
those islands, whom I command, upon establishment by evidence that
all the aforesaid does not reach five hundred thousand maravedis
yearly, that they shall grant and pay you such deficit from my royal
exchequer. And with the said testimony, and with a copy of this my
decree and your receipt, I order that what is thus granted and paid
you be received and audited. Done in Ateca, the fifteenth of May,
in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six.
_I The King_ [32]
Instructions for Governor Tello
What you, Don Francisco Tello, knight of the order of Santiago, whom
I have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas
Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia, which I have ordered to
be reëstablished there, are to do in the service of God, and my own,
and for the good government of those islands, is as follows:
Infinite praises must be given to our Lord, and I accordingly
offer them to Him, for the great blessing that He has been pleased
to grant me, inasmuch as, during the time that I by His mercy and
will am king, He has chosen me as the instrument for the discovery
of islands so remote and unknown; and because, after those peoples
have lived for so many years in the blindness of their heathendom,
the gospel has recently been published in them, the Catholic faith
planted therein and received, and so many native Indians converted,
who enjoy the teaching of the gospel. And thanks are due to God also
for the natural expectation and hope that may and ought to exist that,
by the same mercy of God, He must be pleased that the preaching of
His gospel should be spread farther, and that all the other islands,
of that vast archipelago, which extends through more than nine hundred
leguas of latitude, and more than five hundred of longitude--exclusive
of the great surrounding kingdoms of the mainland, round about those
islands, namely China, Cochina, Cochinchina, Chanpa, Canboja, Sian,
Patan, Joor, and others--by receiving Him and the faith, may come
into the true knowledge of the faith.
Therefore, notwithstanding that all my will and desire is that, by the
aid of the good spiritual and temporal government in what is explored
of the said islands, and the care that must be had in the reduction
of the rest, the end be attained to which the grace that God has shown
me and is now showing me, constrains me so straitly; still, until He,
in His infinite providence, shall dispose it, the most advisable thing
is to watch carefully over the sure preservation and increase of what
has been reduced and pacified at so great expense. I charge you that
you strive for this end, considering the condition in which you find
affairs and the great importance and advisability of bringing them to
perfection and placing foundations so firm and secure that not only
will there be naught to fear from the many enemies surrounding that
part explored, but that it shall be preserved and increased.
Since there is nothing which will have so much influence over all
affairs as the care that you are to exercise, I charge you with rigor
that those new plants be instructed in the teachings of the gospel and
of Christianity by the ecclesiastics whom I have sent, and am sending,
for that purpose, with so great trouble and expense; and in civil and
moral matters, by the temporal ministers, protecting them so that they
may receive good treatment, and maintaining them in peace and justice,
so that their labors may be satisfied. Therefore a most important means
will be the care that you and the prelates are to observe in having
divine worship celebrated with the greatest devotion and solemnity
possible, at least on Easter and the holy days that the church is
accustomed to solemnize and observe. You shall have especial care that
the places of worship are kept in order and well served, and all this
with due propriety, especially the cathedral church, inasmuch as it is
the principal and archiepiscopal church, whose example must induce the
same results in the other churches. Inasmuch as I was informed that
things were quite to the contrary; and that the said church, besides
being poorly roofed with wood and straw, was not properly served; and
that it needed and lacked what it should have--a thing to which the
former governors should not have consented--I charged your predecessor,
Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, strictly that, immediately upon his arrival
at the islands, he should have the said church rebuilt. I assigned
for this work the sum of twelve thousand ducados in three parts: one
from my royal exchequer, another from the encomenderos, and the third
from the Indians. These said twelve thousand ducados were to be spent
on the said building within four years, at the rate of three thousand
ducados annually. In order that it might be done more easily, I gave
an anticipatory order for two thousand ducados on the account of my
third, on the treasury of Nueva España, whence the said Gomez Perez
took them. Notwithstanding that he wrote to me in his last letters
that the work was nearing completion, and although I think it ought to
be finished now, yet, because it is in the gaze of so many enemies,
idolaters, and Mahometans, it is advisable that they should see, not
only that there is no lack in this matter, but also that the church
shall be an example of the solemnity of the divine ecclesiastical
ceremonies, that should arouse and persuade them to enter the fold of
the church. As soon as you shall have arrived at that country, you
shall inspect the said church, and find out whether the building is
finished. If there is anything wanting, you shall finish it. Likewise
you shall see that it is provided with ornaments, chalices, crosses,
and other things pertaining to its service, so that it may be fully
provided with the articles for the celebration of divine worship,
with the authority, pomp, and propriety suitable to the edification
of the faithful, and the conversion of those who are unconverted. For
this you shall make use of an additional two thousand ducados, which
I ordered assigned by thirds after the completion of what pertains
to the building, in accordance with the terms of the decree which
shall be given you in duplicate. Besides this, you shall endeavor
to furnish what is most necessary, and what you think needful and
advisable, by the methods and means which appear most suitable, so
that in any event this matter shall be well attended to. You shall
keep me informed of the progress of the matter; and you shall send
me a minute and specific report of the condition in which you find
the building and edifice of the church, its service of ornaments,
and everything needful for it, so that, by knowing this thoroughly,
I may learn how well it is improved and placed in the condition which
is fitting, and which I so much desire, in your term of office. And
I charge you that you do all this with the knowledge and advice of
the archbishop, since this care rests on him. In this, and in all
the rest, you shall maintain good relations with the latter.
The city of Manila has two hospitals, one for Spaniards, and the
other for Indians. As I was informed that both were in want, and that
it was desirable to preserve them, I ordered the said Gomez Perez
to apply to the Spanish hospital, from the first repartimientos
that should fall vacant in the said islands, enough to furnish an
annual income of one thousand pesos; and to the Indian hospital,
five hundred ducados, taken from the increase in the tributes of the
same Indians--so that both should enjoy the said incomes as long as
I should determine. Inasmuch as this is a work of so great charity,
and to the service of our Lord, I charge you, immediately upon your
arrival at the said city, to inspect the hospitals. You shall examine
there the care and attention given to the sick; you shall endeavor to
have the accounts kept with due care. You shall audit the accounts of
the possessions of each hospital, by virtue of and in accordance with
the decree that was sent, of which a duplicate will be given you. If
the said Gomez Perez did not endow them with the above named incomes,
you shall do it as soon as possible. First, you shall provide that
all the necessary buildings be erected, so that the sick may have a
place wherein to be sheltered and to avoid the inclemencies of the
weather. I have been informed that this is especially necessary. At
times when other business gives room for it, you shall attend to the
inspection of the hospitals, both yourself and the auditors of the
Audiencia which is about to be reëstablished. You shall do this in
turn, so that when those at the head of the hospitals see the care
that you take, they will fulfil their duties without any lack or
neglect, or any possibility of the like. And in order that it may be
known that no such lack or neglect occurs during your term of office,
you shall advise me immediately of the condition in which you find
the buildings of the said hospitals; the arrangements made in them
in respect to administration, hospitality, treatment, and reception
of the poor; and the new ordinances that you shall enact.
As I was informed that those islands were in great need of ministers
of instruction, and that some Indians were dying without baptism;
that, because of the same need, other islands were not being conquered
and converted; and that to cause this condition to cease, it would
be advisable to send religious of the orders established there--I
designated and ordered one hundred and fifty-four religious to
go there last year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four,
and they actually went. Although one hundred and ten others,
chosen from all the said orders are going this year, nevertheless,
in order that religious may be sent continually, until there is
no lack of them, but a sufficient force to attend to the ministry
of the preaching of the gospel, and the conversion of those heathen
(which I so much desire), and so that those recently converted may be
taught and instructed, I charge you to confer over this matter with
the archbishop and Audiencia. You shall advise me of the number of
religious, their convents, and their orders, their manner of living,
and the number whom it would be advisable to send now, the districts
to which they should especially be sent, and the orders to which they
should belong. In the meantime, you shall come to an understanding
with all the superiors, so that all the religious there at present,
and those who shall be sent in the future, shall be so distributed
that adequate instruction may be given in all necessary districts,
as doubtless can be done if all engage in the ministry for which
chiefly they are sent. They are likewise sent for the conversion and
instruction of the natives who are pacified and have acknowledged my
service and obedience; and they shall not go elsewhere without your
permission and that of the said superiors. Through the latter, you
shall ascertain the results obtained in their respective districts,
and their lack of instruction, in order that, having this certain
knowledge, you may be able to advise me more clearly and precisely. And
so that everything may be done better and with greater quietness,
I charge you to maintain good relations with the superiors, so that,
taking example from your harmony, those who are subordinate may also
be in accord among themselves, and produce the result that I desire.
One of the things that have given rise to uneasiness among some
of the religious, who have been divided among different opinions,
and that have caused great doubts among the Spaniards, is the fact
that the religious instruction of the newly-explored places was not
looked after as it should have been; for in this regard the plan to
be followed among them was explained specifically and explicitly,
so that if it were observed, there could be no ground for doubt in
regard to the justification of the beginning and continuing of the
exploration in accord with my intention, will, and desire. Again
I declare this to be that the said religious instruction must be
looked after in every place pacified during your term; and that
you shall not consent that it be transgressed, in whole or in part,
or that any pacification be made by any other means or method, so
that in regard to this there may be the peace and harmony among all
which I desire. Putting an end to all past scruples, those already
converted must receive good treatment; and those not converted must
be converted with the mildness with which it is advisable that the
gospel be preached and received, and the Catholic faith believed and
confessed, from which the desired happiness and gain will result.
Bishop Don Fray Domingo de Salazar complained that the governors
did not allow him to exercise his jurisdiction. This, he said, was
one of the things that made him come here. And because it is not
proper that those going now should do this, or that in the future
the governors should meddle with ecclesiastical matters, as such
is contrary to my will and desire, I charge you that you shall not
meddle with the jurisdiction of the prelates. On the contrary you
shall aid and protect them, so that they may occupy themselves with
the matters which, in accordance with my ordinances and decrees,
can and ought to occupy their time and attention, provided this does
not oppose my royal jurisdiction. This latter it is proper that you
and they preserve and respect, as well as what concerns the right of
my patronage, which you shall cause to be observed according to the
concession granted to the Castilian sovereigns by apostolic authority,
and declared in the instruction which you will find there, which I
am writing in like terms to the said prelates. Once more I charge
you to maintain thoroughly good relations with the latter.
The bishop petitioned also that, in the appraisement of the revenues
that were to be given to the curates of Indian villages, it should
be considered that the said Indians were not accustomed to pay fees
for burials, marriages, or other ecclesiastical ministrations; and
that it should be ordered that all the religious, in charge of and
entrusted with instruction, should not collect the said fees, and
that this extend also to the secular ecclesiastics. Inasmuch as he
had ordered the same, under penalty of spiritual censure, and as it
seemed quite proper to me, I declared and ordered that this custom
be kept inviolate by both the seculars and regulars throughout that
entire district, as you will see by the decree that was despatched
in accordance with this. You shall cause this to be observed and
fulfilled. You shall advise me specifically of the fulfilment of this
decree and its results.
It seems an inhuman thing, and contrary to all Christian charity, to
have left the Indians of the Ladrone Islands without instruction, since
all who go to the Philipinas make port in their lands; and since after
receiving help from them, and no resistance or injuries, the governors
and prelates have passed by those people without furnishing them any
instruction. This is a great cause of grief, and a bad example. In
order that it may be rectified, since you and the archbishop are
going together, you shall examine the disposition of the land,
and you shall leave there, from the religious who are sailing now,
those who seem suitable for the conversion and instruction of those
natives. If it seems advisable, you shall also leave with them some
soldiers for their protection, and as a defense from the dangers
of those barbarians, in accordance with the ordinance regarding new
discoveries. You shall advise me of what is done in this.
The bishop and some of the religious were of opinion that tributes
could not be collected from the heathen Indians, and that the Indians
could not be compelled to pay them until they were Christians. When
the bishop came here, one of the matters, together with instruction,
petitioned for by him was, that it should be ordered that no tributes
be levied on the said heathen Indians. After conference and discussion
regarding this in my Council of the Indias, in presence of the said
bishop and other religious, it was resolved that tributes should be
collected throughout, without any exceptions, from all the Indians who
were pacified, even though they were not Christians; and that among
those Indians who should not have any instruction, the portion to be
applied to that purpose should upon collection be kept in a separate
account for some hospitals as a means of benefit for the said Indians,
and so that they may also be furnished instruction therefrom. A
decree was sent in accordance with this, and its duplicate will be
given you, so that after you shall have examined and understood it you
shall cause its contents to be observed to the letter. And with that
prudence which I expect from you, you shall see that the religious
orders and the religious observe this matter. If, notwithstanding,
they think that the ordinance is inadvisable and requires revision,
they shall suspend revision until they have informed me thereof. They
should be assured that my will in this, as in all other matters, is
that all things be carried on with the most complete justification. You
shall request this from them, and charge them with it in my name,
in order that no disputes may arise among them for this cause or any
other. Inasmuch as they all have the same aim, it is but just and
necessary that they aid one another, for by so doing will their end
be more certainly attained.
Great annoyances and troubles have resulted from the expressed opinions
of the religious, which have been uttered in the pulpit and spoken
in public. As is notorious, this has been the cause of disturbing
and offending the town, and the Spaniards have become confused with
doubts; and some have died without any hope, and without receiving
from the religious any consolation to satisfy their consciences. For
the religious demand nothing less from them than the restoration of
everything acquired in the discovery and pacification--an impossibility
for them. Then too, the religious impose difficulties in the collection
of the tributes in the encomiendas, saying that some of the encomiendas
do not have the adequate instruction, and assigning other reasons for
other encomiendas. Thus the religious meddle in nearly everything,
just as they did in opposing the _pancada_ [33] and the assessment
that was levied for the walls and fortifications of Manila. The
bishop took part in some of these matters by declaring the governor
excommunicated. This has caused all to live, and they still live, with
no hope. Inasmuch as great moderation and consideration must be shown
in all actions, without allowing the people to live in so great anxiety
and embarrassment, you shall confer with the secular and regular
superiors, so that they may advise their subordinates--the preachers
and confessors--not to offend the people with such propositions; and
that whenever the latter think it advisable to make any reform, they
shall confer with the same superiors, as these are men of learning, who
by right should discuss and procure the reform. They shall communicate
this matter to you, in order that you may enact whatever reform is
advisable and possible. You shall advise me of what is most suitable
for reform, in order that the matter may be examined and determined
here. If any of the said preachers or confessors shall not observe
this order, or shall offend people by any new proposition of doubts,
or in matters of government, you shall advise their superior thereof,
in order that he may correct and reform it. Should the latter not
attend to this, then you shall enact what you think advisable for
the welfare and tranquillity of the country. You shall discuss such
matters with the archbishop and Audiencia, in order that success,
as is so important, may be more surely obtained. You shall advise me
of whatever is done.
Gomez Perez was also ordered to enact and provide that the encomenderos
pay tithes according to the method, habit, and custom in Mexico; for,
inasmuch as the church did not have any bishop, curate, or organized
government before that time, the tithes were not paid. Inasmuch as it
is proper that this be determined, executed, and observed according
to the precepts of the church, you shall order all the Spaniards to
pay tithes on their farm and stock products. You shall proceed rather
with care and prudence than with rigor, and also with the knowledge and
opinion of the archbishop and Audiencia. As I have been petitioned, in
the name of the said city of Manila, to order that the three per cent
duty imposed by Don Gonzalo Rronquillo be not paid in the city, because
the country is very poor and needy, and the citizens have many other
expenses for the city, I answered that I should be very glad to relieve
them of it, but that, on account of the very heavy expenses that were
requisite for the preservation of those islands, I was forced to avail
myself of what could be reasonably obtained therefrom. Accordingly I
charged the said Gomez Perez to order the collection of the said three
per cent, and directed that the proceeds therefrom be kept separate,
for the purpose of paying the military forces. You shall exercise
the same care, and shall attend to the matter with the mildness and
efficient means that I expect from you. While en route through Nueva
Spaña, you shall request the viceroy to order that the speedy and
efficient collection of the duties at Acapulco be attended to, and
that he send the proceeds from them to those islands with the least
possible delay--because of the need there of whatever duties are at
Acapulco--in accordance with the terms of the separate decree that
will be handed you with these instructions, so that you may give it
to the viceroy, and take the requisite action in this.
I was petitioned, in behalf of the said city, to have some public
property assigned to it, in order that it might attend to matters of
peace, war, government, and other things touching its preservation,
defense, and any suits that might be brought against it. I assigned
the city for six years one-half of the fines and penalties applied to
my treasury, and the revenues from the warehouses and shops wherein
the Chinese merchandise is traded. When Gomez Perez arrived there,
he wrote me that the fines adjudged to the treasury had been assigned
to the city; but that the sum raised by this means amounted to very
little, and that there were no warehouses. He wrote, however, that
there were a number of Sangley shops in the Parian, the rent from which
was given to the judge who governed the Sangleys. Now, inasmuch as I
purpose to bestow favor upon the said city, I have continued the said
fines from the treasury for another ten years. In the matter of the
shops, you shall manage and try to procure by gentle means that the
Sangleys may voluntarily pay the salary of their judge. If this be
done, then you shall also assign the rents from the shops as public
property to the said city. Failing in this, then, together with the
Audiencia, you shall investigate and determine what other thing can be
given in its place as said public property, without encroaching on my
treasury. You shall try to arrange this as conveniently as possible,
and I shall consider myself well served in this matter.
I have been told that the said Sangleys formerly lived in the city,
but that Gomez Perez removed them from it; and that recently they
left the location that he had assigned them, and returned to the
city. There they carry on trade in private houses. It does not seem
advisable to allow this, for, as I have been told, not any of them
are Christians, and therefore it would be advisable to assign them
another separate settlement near the city. This matter requires careful
consideration, and immediately upon your arrival at those islands,
you, the archbishop, and the Audiencia shall investigate and determine
what site outside of the city can be assigned them as a lodging with
the best security against the troubles that might result from a race
in whom, at present, we can place but little confidence. You shall
take into consideration also their comfort, and shall assign them the
site that you think most suitable, with the ratification of the city
itself, and without any prejudice to anyone else.
On petition of the said city of Manila, I enacted and ordered that
no foreigners who come to the ports of the said islands--Chinese,
Portuguese, Japonese, Cianese, Borneans, or any others--shall pay
duties, especially on food, ammunition, and materials for making
ammunition. Inasmuch as my will is that the said collection be set
aside, you shall not allow them to demand or levy the said duties
on the said articles, until such time as I order the contrary. In
order that all people may know that they may go thither with the said
articles, and that they may enjoy the said exemption, you shall cause
to be proclaimed the decree regarding this matter that will be given
you. You shall advise me of the general benefit that shall result from
this, as well as the advantage which, without causing injury thereto,
might be drawn from these goods for my treasury.
Inasmuch as the good administration of distributive justice is one
of the things on which principally depends the good government of
the community, and the happiness of its people and of the districts
composing it, I order you to grant what offices and posts of the
country are at your disposal to meritorious men, and for services
and capacity. You shall grant the offices in such a way that they
be filled by the old inhabitants who have lived in the country at
least three years, and have become citizens of it. You shall grant
the encomiendas to soldiers who shall have lived in the islands in
actual military service and duty, always giving the preference to
those who merit it with most cause. You shall take into consideration
their length of residence, the quality of their services, and all
other circumstances of their services, greater and lesser, in the
country. These men must not be sons, brothers, relatives, servants,
of friends of yours, or of the auditors or other officials of the
Audiencia; for you are warned not to grant encomiendas of Indians to
such men, or appoint them to offices--and to this end a sufficient
salary is paid you to enable you to support them--and also it is not
right that those who go last should profit by the sweat of another's
labor. Moreover, if rewards are dealt out where they are due, all
will serve assiduously, as they will hope to attain like rewards. My
will is that this order be observed, and that it be kept so rigidly,
that, now and henceforth, the said sons, brothers, and servants of
yours are declared incapable of holding the said encomiendas and
offices. Inasmuch as certain men who already hold encomiendas in
the said islands and have therein a sufficiency of what they need,
are begging for further bounty, you are advised not to grant them
anything more, until many others have been provided and rewarded with
encomiendas and other posts and rewards. These others, as I have been
informed, are as old residents, and as meritorious as they, and have
performed many more services in conquering and maintaining the country
than those who are begging now; and yet they have not been rewarded. On
this account they are poor, irritated, and querulous. However, if when
any good repartimiento falls vacant, you think it advisable to grant
it to one who, because he has an encomienda already, deserves it less,
you may do it, providing you deprive him of the one he had before,
so that you may grant it in the form above stated.
You shall provide for and reward all these men, according to the
seniority, merits, and capacity of each one. You shall prefer such
men to any others who do not possess these requisites, in the said
allotment of encomiendas and governmental and military positions, and
all other rewards of the country. I charge and order you to observe
the same in regard to commissions and appointments on land and sea,
particularly in the appointment of masters and officials of vessels;
for, the grant will be made to those who have worked, and deserve the
appointment, and will give hope to the others, and, will persuade
those who are absent to return. Thus the country will be settled
and will grow, your government will be so much more mild and easy,
and a condition of general and individual happiness will exist.
As I was informed that it would be desirable not to allow Chinese
or other foreign vessels to sell at retail the merchandise that they
might bring to the said islands, or those of the country to buy them,
publicly or secretly, under heavy penalties, it was resolved that
as many persons of the requisite qualifications as were necessary
should be deputed and chosen to purchase the said merchandise in the
bulk. They were to buy at wholesale all the goods brought in the ships,
and afterward to distribute them to the Spanish, Chinese, and Indian
inhabitants justly and fairly, at the cost price. Now, since in regard
to this matter, I ordered the said Gomez Perez, in his instructions,
to enact what he judged fitting, without allowing anyone except those
assigned by his orders, to go to the vessels, notwithstanding that
he wrote me afterward that many difficulties stood in the way of the
execution of this plan, since the religious opposed it, I caused him
to be ordered by my decree, dated June 11, of last year--the duplicate
of which will be given you--that in spite of that he should continue
the plan, according to instructions, of selling by wholesale. This is
what is termed _pancada_ there. And inasmuch as it appears advisable
now, you shall continue the same order. You shall endeavor to traffic
for the said merchandise with other products of the islands, so that
the exportation of so much coin as is taken to foreign kingdoms may
be avoided as far as possible. However, since it is my royal purpose
and will to have the government of the islands adjusted in this, as
in all else, in the manner most conducive to their sure conservation,
and desired advancement, I charge you to discuss this matter with
the Audiencia and those persons who possess the greatest prudence and
experience in those islands. The latter must be quite disinterested,
and anxious to serve God and myself. After their opinions and yours
shall have been heard and considered, you shall advise me specifically
of them, so that the most advisable steps may be taken.
This plan in regard to the pancada seems so much more fitting and to
be desired, as by means of it, the stay there of Indian retailers who
store and retail the goods, will be avoided. Also many other injuries,
expenses, scarcities, secret sins, and witchcrafts, will be avoided,
which, as I have been told, are taught there, especially in their
shops. It is said that these shops are necessary for retail trade,
and from year to year. They could be handed over to Spaniards, in
order that the profits therefrom may remain among the Spaniards,
and in order that the latter may be led to become citizens there in
greater numbers. The Chinese Christians who live there, and other
old inhabitants, who are not transients, nor primarily traders, but
workmen--mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, or other producers
of food--might be allowed to remain. Altogether this seems worthy
of consideration, and hence you are advised to fulfil carefully the
decree in regard to the heathen Chinese traders who go there for
purposes of trade, not remaining there; and to take care that not
so many of them become citizens in those islands. This latter might
be the cause of some trouble. If you deem it advisable to grant
permission and leave to the inhabitants of those islands to go to
Japon, Macan, and the other Portuguese or pagan kingdoms and posts,
in order to engage in commerce, you may do so, with the opinion and
advice of the Audiencia. You shall be very careful, so that those to
whom you grant the said permission be such persons that no trouble
or danger is caused to the said trades by their departure.
You shall endeavor to have the Indian chiefs and timaguas make just
contracts and divisions with the farmers in order that they may become
fond of, and learn our method of farming; and that the Spaniards may
have those who can aid them with men and other necessities. Those
Indians are shrewd, and will know how to keep their contracts with
the farmers, especially if the latter are simple men, as has been
said. You shall be very careful to procure the introduction of tilling
and cultivation of the soil.
Upon the departure of Gomez Perez from this country, he took my decree
to hand to the viceroy of Nueva España, in which I ordered the latter
to send to the islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty-four cows,
and two bulls. Inasmuch as I do not know yet whether or not they
have been taken there, you shall investigate the matter in the said
Nueva España. If it has not been done, you shall request the viceroy,
as I write him, to have those animals taken in the vessels in which
you sail from Acapulco to the said islands.
I was petitioned, on behalf of the said islands, to order that
encomiendas be granted with the condition and obligation upon the
encomenderos that some patch of ground should be cultivated, and that
the farmers and Indians should be aided so that they also may till
and cultivate. I charged Gomez Perez straitly in his instructions with
this, and now I charge you too. You shall grant lands and homesteads,
cattle and horses for breeding and farming, both to the Indians,
and to the settlers and farmers. Inasmuch as the execution of this
is important, you shall advise me of the condition of former days
and what ordinances you shall enact, so that what is advisable may
be done during your term.
The said Gomez Perez Dasmarinas was advised urgently in his
instructions to endeavor to establish a convent for the shelter of
girls, as soon as he should arrive at those islands, in order that
both those who should sail from this country, and those born in the
islands, might be kept therein. There they would live respectably,
and be well instructed. They would leave the convent in order to marry,
so that the necessary increase in population might be assured. The said
Gomez Perez wrote me in his last letters that he had established the
said convent in a parish of the city called San Andres, quite to the
liking and satisfaction of the cabildo and citizens. He said that one
citizen had granted the convent a certain estate, with which, together
with other alms, a few girls were being supported. He reported that
the convent was beginning to show good results, in accordance with
the purpose of its foundation. Since this matter is so important
to our Lord's service and the welfare of that country, I charge you
to prosecute what has been commenced. You shall procure its further
progress, strengthening it and aiding it as far as possible. You shall
examine and cause its' rules to be observed. These rules were sent,
and declare the method of governing and controlling the girls of that
retreat. You shall advise me of the condition in which you find the
retreat, and hereafter shall do the same on all occasions that might
arise. You shall act in this with the care that I expect from you.
You shall fill the vacant posts of the said islands, as aforesaid,
with the most worthy men, and those who have served me best. They
shall be appointed with the obligation to send within a certain period,
fixed by you, to obtain my confirmation. Then you shall advise me of
the nature and character of the offices filled. For, although the said
offices be of such a nature that they could be sold, as is done in the
other parts of the Yndias, yet I consider it best not to discuss this
at present, but only to have you dispose of them freely, in my name,
to those who deserve them most, and who will prove of the greatest
utility for the public benefit.
I have received a report from the said islands, that in so far as the
nature of the country and the settlement of the Indians may permit,
it would be advisable to order that no encomiendas of less than eight
hundred or one thousand Indians be granted, in order that they might
furnish tithes for religious instruction and a livelihood for their
owners; and that those having but few Indians be allowed, if they so
wish, to transfer or sell them to a neighboring encomendero, so that
by uniting the two encomiendas a greater one would result, from which
it would be possible to furnish the tithes and a livelihood. I ordered
Gomez Perez in his instructions that, in matters touching the sale,
exchange, or transfer of the said repartimientos, he should not permit
this, as it is contrary to my laws. I ordered him, however, to exercise
great care, so that the repartimientos might prove sufficient for
the instruction and the livelihood of the said encomenderos; and also
to continue the endeavor to settle the said Indians in fixed abodes,
where they should be provided with ample instruction. Inasmuch as this
is the most important matter there, and one to which you must attend
with special care and attention, as it concerns the welfare of souls
and the Christianity of the Indians--and it is fitting that you give
it preference over all other things--you shall note that when these
small encomiendas fall vacant, you shall unite them, if possible, in
order that the above petition may have effect. Whenever the products
and revenues of any encomienda do not suffice for the encomendero and
for the instruction, you shall give the preference to the instruction,
even though the encomendero be left without resource. In accordance
with the above, I have sent my decree, of which a duplicate will
be given you. This decree provides carefully and assiduously for
the reduction of the said Indians in settlements in very convenient
districts, hamlets, and localities, as has been done in those of Peru,
and as in being done in those of Nueva España.
As the suits and controversies between the citizens and between the
Indians themselves constitute one of the things most conducive to
the waste of property, cause difficulties, and may cause harm in a
country so new, because of the ill-will and anger resulting from them,
I charged the said Gomez Perez, in his instructions, that although my
will was to preserve full justice for both classes, yet that he should,
as far as he could do so in a proper manner, endeavor to settle the
controversies and suits that should arise, without recourse to law,
or proceeding by the ordinary terms, or penalizing the parties with
money fines. Now in order that all may enjoy the blessings which must
follow from a government so mild; so that all may live in tranquillity
and ease; and so that the great purposes that, God willing, are to be
attained hereafter, may not be hindered or disturbed--I charge you and
the Audiencia that, in all that you shall do, you shall act with the
prudence advisable in the cases and affairs, and bring about results
that can end only in the happiness and welfare of my vassals, together
with the spread and knowledge of the faith and gospel that I desire.
As I was informed that the said islands had but little instruction,
and that great difficulty was encountered in providing it--a difficulty
that was rendered much greater because of the nature of the country,
as it consists entirely of islands, most of which are so small that
they contain from three to five hundred islanders and above, while some
contain but one or two hundred; and likewise it is hindered by the long
and dangerous voyage, the heat, rains, and poor roads of the country--I
ordered and commanded the said Gomez Perez in his instructions that,
upon his arrival at the said islands, he should investigate very
carefully matters in regard to the outlook for instruction. I ordered
him to confer with the bishop (whom he should charge in my name to
aid him on his part), and, in accordance with his advice, to provide
what was most advisable, so that the instruction might be distributed
even to the bounds of the sea, to the extent possible in all parts. I
charge you likewise that this be accomplished with all the promptness
and security demanded by its importance. You shall endeavor to secure
the reduction of the Indians into settlements, as well as possible,
in the manner aforesaid. You shall confer with the superiors, whom
this matter concerns chiefly, so that--as I am writing to them--they
may apportion the instruction where it is lacking. In the meantime,
more men shall be sent for this purpose, as has been done, and will
be done, in accordance with the advices that are received from you,
and from them, of the number needed and required. Inasmuch as I have
done for my part the utmost possible, as I shall continue to do, there
is no room or plausible reason for the scruples that certain religious
have raised about the tributes which are levied. You shall endeavor,
with the requisite prudence, to put an end to the past scruples;
and if occasion arises for like scruples, or others, you shall order
that, without any public offense or disputing, they advise me of their
causes, in so far as they know them. If these causes are just, then
they shall be set right, in order that God our Lord may be served,
as I desire.
You shall take most especial care for the well-being of the soldiers,
and see that they are well paid, employed, and disciplined. You shall
endeavor to keep them useful and of service. Those holding offices
or other means of gain you shall not permit to draw pay. You shall
observe and cause to be observed for the said captains, officers,
and soldiers, their exemption from arrest for debts contracted during
the period of their service. Nor shall execution be taken against the
weapons, horses, or anything else needful and peculiar to the military.
Whenever you shall send any captain with men upon any commission or
duty that may arise, you shall order that his privileges be observed
also--namely, what pertains to his ordinary power and requisite
authority to order and punish inferiors, and to regulate all other
military matters. You shall see that these privileges are conceded
to them, and that they exercise them, but shall declare that their
jurisdiction extends solely to their soldiers. You shall charge them
to treat the Indians well, and to fulfil their command in such a way
that the Indians receive no injury. You shall exercise great care to
punish openly any excess in this direction.
It is my will that you have a retinue of twelve halberdiers as a
bodyguard; the said halberdiers shall draw the same pay as soldiers,
and shall have a chief or captain, who shall draw fifteen pesos
monthly. Although their principal duty must be to act as a retinue, and
this is done and ordered on account of what pertains to the authority
and dignity of your offices, you are advised that they must likewise
perform military service whenever occasion demands.
Inasmuch as I have been informed that many of the soldiers sent
from Nueva España to the said islands are lads, mestizos, and some
Indians; that they have no weapons; and that a portion of them are
pages and servants to the captains and other persons, who, together
with their masters, under the pretext and name of soldiers draw their
pay--I charge and order you, now and henceforth, not to receive or
admit as soldiers any Indians from Nueva España. On the contrary,
the viceroy [of New Spain] must be informed that he is not to send
them; and the Indians, that they shall not be received or admitted;
and of the mestizos only those who merit it, and whom you think
very well fitted for it. None of the others shall be sent who has
not attained the age of sixteen years and over, and a soldier shall
not be the page or servant of any person; for while he acts in such
capacity, he shall not receive soldier's pay. In all of the above,
I charge you to take strict account, so that nothing may be done,
nor shall you permit it, to the contrary.
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas left the city of Manila walled with stone
wherever it was necessary, and constructed a fort and tower in those
parts where he was ordered. Because of the importance of keeping
that citadel well defended, you shall, as soon as you shall arrive,
inspect the said forts and wall, and shall see that they are kept in
order and well maintained. If they are incomplete, you shall finish
them, and advise me of everything.
The said Gomez Perez was likewise ordered to construct another fort
in Yllocos or Cagayan as a protection against the Indian, Japanese,
and Chinese robbers; another in Çebu, as a protection against the
Borneans and Malucos; and another in Panpanga, as a protection
against the Çambales. He was instructed to maintain the continual
care and vigilance required for the preservation of lands so new,
remote, and surrounded by enemies. He was ordered especially to
beware of the natives of the country, who are numerous, and have
but little endurance and permanence in the faith; of four or five
thousand Chinese who live there, and go to and fro upon their trading
voyages; of the Japanese who resort there regularly; of the Malucos
and Borneans, who are irritated, and have vaunted themselves boldly
and openly; and most especially of the English Lutherans, who go to
those coasts. Although I have been told that the said Gomez Perez
had constructed the said forts, whereby to check the incursions of
those nations, I charge you that, if they have been constructed, you
look carefully to their maintenance. If they need anything for their
completion, you shall complete them. You shall proceed cautiously,
and keep ever on the watch, since you see what happened to the said
Gomez Perez by trusting to the apparent good faith of the Sangleys.
The said Gomez Perez was charged also to construct a moderate-sized
coasting fleet of a few galleys or fragatas to guard and cruise along
the coasts, and prevent the thefts and damages that the Japanese were
wont to inflict throughout them, especially in the districts of Gagaian
and Yllocos. There they were wont to capture the Chinese vessels that
bring food and merchandise to the said islands. This was the cause
of great loss, and an impediment to commerce and plenty. Likewise the
fleet could be used to prevent the Chinese, on their return to their
country, from harming the natives of the above-mentioned islands,
to afford protection against Chinese and Bornean pirates, and to
oppose any other acts or attempts of foreigners. In conformity with
this order, the said Gomez Perez had eight galleys built, which he had
well manned. They were of great use for the protection and defense of
those lands. Therefore it is desirable that they be maintained. Hence
I order you to see that they are well manned and provisioned. You
must keep close watch over the conscripts, so that the fate of Gomez
Perez may not occur again. You shall have another galley built to
replace the one lost. Inasmuch as you must maintain the roll of men
complete, you are advised that if you find that the scruples raised by
certain men, in regard to the Indian slaves bought by the said Gomez
Perez in order to man the said galleys, as there were no other men
available for them, are still in force, then it will be advisable
for you and the archbishop, together with those persons whom you
both think advisable, to discuss this matter, and to determine how
the galleys can be maintained and manned without the said scruples;
or that those who have those scruples, may tell how the land may be
made secure without them. You shall advise me of everything and of
the account given to you by the commander and officers of the said
galleys, as to their condition, adequacy, and services.
Upon your arrival at those islands, and when you shall have taken
charge of your office, you shall investigate the new method and
conditions by which new invasions and pacifications may be lawfully
made; also the smallness of the number of men, the slight cost, and the
great ease and advantage with which they should be made, because of the
division of the country into many islands and among many petty rulers,
who easily come to blows among themselves, and ally themselves with
the Spaniards, and hence can be preserved with but few soldiers. Since
the petition in regard to the pay and number of the soldiers there
was conceded--and you must keep the soldiers in good discipline, and
satisfied and well-paid--you shall make the said expeditions of entry
and pacification with great forethought and justification. You shall
observe the ordinances in the instructions for new discoveries, which
shall be given you, and shall not transgress them one jot or tittle in
regard both to what is pacified during your term, and to conserving
that, as well as what shall have been pacified before; for in both
cases you must do this without any sort of violence or ill treatment,
but with the kind treatment by which friends must be preserved. Thus
if there has been any excess in this--which has been done contrary to
my will and orders--it must entirely cease in whatever shall be done
during your term. By this I lighten my conscience and charge yours.
The great need for the said pacification in the said islands has
been reported, especially in those very districts where the Spaniards
live, and which they frequent. These districts are all in rebellion
and unsubdued, because of the lack of soldiers. Report has been made
also of the injuries and vexations caused by the soldiers there to
the natives. And inasmuch as things are come to such a pass there,
according to report, that the island of Lucon has many provinces
which have never been subdued, or if subdued, are in rebellion--as
for instance, Cagayan, Panga[sinan?], Onçian, Çambales, Valenses,
and others, all in the midst of the pacified provinces, and near
and contiguous to Manila, and all in confusion and lack of any
regulation--as soon as you reach the said islands, with the advice and
opinion of the Audiencia, you shall ordain what is most advisable in
this matter. You shall begin, as may be reasonable and most desirable,
by attending to the general improvement of these conditions, and with
especial care and assistance; for evil might come upon the distant
places, if the part at your very doors is left under suspicion and
unsubdued. Besides there is the obligation to try to secure the
continuation of the instruction of so many people as are already
converted, and under my royal protection. Because these do not have
the peace and tranquillity required, they suffer great hardships
and wrongs from those who are in rebellion and unpacified. Daily
the latter harass, kill, and assault them, and burn their crops. On
this account, and because they kill many Spaniards also, not only is
there no advance made in conquests, but that portion conquered is
being daily diminished. In order to reform this state of affairs,
you shall give commands, in accordance with what has been said
above, with great consideration and justification. You shall always
observe, as aforesaid, the ordinances set forth in the instructions
for discoveries, pacifications, and the introduction of the gospel,
without violating them in any point.
Beside the said provinces that are in rebellion in places, among
the Spaniards and Indians already converted, there are others, which
although they do not lie so near, yet, in respect to their distances
and the nature of their inhabitants, cannot be termed new discoveries,
as they are already known and considered--as, for instance, Babuyanes,
the island of Hermosa, the island of Caballos, Lequios, the islands of
Ancion, Jabas, Burney, Pacaguan, Calanyanes, Mindanao, Sido, Maluco,
and many others. Since, as it is reported, the condition of these
provinces is daily becoming worse, and it is advised that it would be
necessary to pacify them for the welfare and safety of the Spaniards,
and that delay might make that task more difficult, you shall inform
yourself as to how the said pacification and conquest can be best and
most quickly made. You shall perform it with the advice and opinion
of the Audiencia, in the form and manner most advisable. You shall
always observe in everything the form above mentioned, and no other.
As I have thought it advisable that you, whom I trust so completely,
should, with the advice and opinion of the Audiencia, have power and
authority to make the said expeditions of entry and pacifications at
the cost of my royal exchequer, in consideration of the fact that,
if you in lands so remote were compelled to await a reply from here,
important opportunities and occasions might be lost, I have resolved
to empower you for this purpose. Accordingly I give you this power,
and I order the officials of my royal exchequer of the said islands to
honor all your orders on them for the said purpose, from the moneys
in their power. But you are to take note that you shall exercise the
said power only in the most important matters that arise. You shall
beforehand communicate regarding these, not only with the Audiencia,
as above stated, but also with ecclesiastical or secular persons,
or such of them as you shall deem suitable and of greatest merit and
experience, in order that whatever is done be concurred in by all and
the expense be no greater than what is unavoidable. You shall endeavor
to make as safe as possible the regions pacified and subdued. You
shall advise me, with the minuteness and circumspectness required
by the importance of this matter and my desire for its execution,
of what you do, of what is pacified, the means that you employ,
and the condition in which it shall be placed and left.
In order that this may be done better and at the least expense, I
authorize you, after having resolved upon the expeditions of entry
and the new pacifications that it is advisable to make, in the form
above mentioned, to covenant and agree with captains, encomenderos,
and any others, in regard to the said expeditions of entry and
pacifications. They shall make them wholly or partly at their own cost,
as you may deem more advisable. These men shall be given title as
governors of the islands or provinces that they discover or pacify,
and for a limited time as captains and masters-of-camp. However,
you shall not grant them title as adelantados or mariscals; but,
when anyone claims such a title, you shall refer the matter to
me, with a relation of the services, character, and merits of the
claimant. The said contracts and covenants that you shall make, may,
with the concurrence and advice of the Audiencia, remain in force
until I approve them, in order to gain time, but on the condition
of referring everything to me. For this, in conformity with it, you
shall bind the parties to produce the said confirmations within a
certain brief period fixed by yourself. They shall bind themselves
to observe in their pacifications the said orders and instructions
given by me for making the said pacifications and new discoveries,
and, after they are made, for conserving them; for in this matter you
must make no exemptions, nor shall I make any in any case, nor shall
any contract be kept with those who do not observe and keep the above.
I have been informed also that there has been, and is at present,
much irregularity in the collection of the tributes from the Indians,
because the former governors of the said islands made the appraisements
in a very confused and haphazard manner. For, although each Indian's
tribute is worth eight reals, paid in whatever the Indian possesses,
yet on account of certain words in the said appraisals and of the
articles which are assigned for tribute--such as cotton cloth,
and other products of the country--occasion is given for the said
irregularity. This has resulted in each one's collecting whatever he
wished, to the great offense and wrong of the said Indians; for when
gold is plentiful, their encomenderos demand money, and when the
latter is abundant and gold scarce, they demand gold, even though
the said Indians have to seek and buy it. In short, they always
demand the said tributes in those things that are scarce. Thus for
the tribute of eight reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty,
twenty-five, thirty, and more, according to the value of the products
that they demand, which they cause the Indians to seek and bring
from other districts, to their great distress and affliction. As it
is advisable to remedy this disorder and excess, I charge you that,
with the concurrence and advice of the Audiencia, you shall endeavor
to have the decree followed in regard to the payment by the said
Indians of their tribute in money, gold, or land products--as they
choose, without being forced or urged to pay it in any other thing
or product whereby they suffer the said wrong, or any similar wrong;
this shall be observed in the payment of the said tributes.
In regard to the lawlessness that has existed and exists, in the
departure of the said religious from the said islands to the mainland
of China and other places, without permission from the governor or
archbishop (declaring that, because of their universal power, they will
excommunicate those who prevent them) I have previously made known
what was regarded as advisable--namely, that the religious should
go to the said Philipinas Islands fully resolved to settle there,
and not to go to any other place without your permission and that
of the said archbishop; for I am sending them for this purpose, and
they go there at so great expense to me, in order that my obligation
to furnish instruction might be fulfilled. It is not right that,
when they go there, they should frustrate all the above for their own
individual ends and purposes, in order that they might secure and enjoy
the privileges on which they are established; without being bound to
their ministry, which they have no right to abandon. This must be
understood as affecting the religious who go there for the purpose
of settling and remaining in the islands, and not those who have my
permission to go farther to other districts; for, when the latter is
given or granted them, it will be after weighty consideration.
I have been informed also that, in order to correct the license that
has existed, and the wrongs that have resulted from the departure
of some from the said islands for China and other countries without
order or permission, it would be advisable to ordain, under severe
penalties, that no Spanish layman may leave the islands for any place,
or to attend to any business, or give fragata, supplies, or any
other aid to any of the said religious, except by my special order,
or by your permission and that of the said archbishop. Inasmuch as
this is coördinate with the contents of the preceding section, you
shall note what is provided therein, for the same must be understood
in what touches this matter, which it covers completely.
I have been informed that wrongs are inflicted on the heathen Chinese
Indians who go to trade at the said islands, both in permitting
the guards stationed by my royal officials on their vessels to take
bribes (which are brought from China to give to private individuals,
in order to allow them to do certain things), and in the conduct of
those who register the vessels, who seize and take from them all the
best merchandise, and leave them only the worst. This they pay for
only at the price brought by the rejected merchandise. The Chinese,
because they fear lest those who register their vessels should take
their merchandise from them at the time of appraisal, value them at
prices much in excess of their true value. The result of this is that,
as the goods are sold afterward at very low rates, the Chinese pay
my duties at the rate of valuation. Moreover, the masts are taken
from their vessels in order to place them in Spanish vessels, as
they are light; and in exchange they are given others, which are
so heavy that they are lost. This is not right and ought not to be
permitted. Therefore I charge you not to allow it, or to permit any
wrong to be inflicted upon the said Indians. On the contrary, both
you and the said Audiencia shall take special care to remedy the said
wrongs, and to punish those who inflict them. You shall show all kind
treatment and attention, both to the above and to all others who went
there before for trade and commerce. You shall expedite them in every
way and treat them well, as is advisable--not only so that they may
continue the trade, but also so that they may be led to abandon the
idolatry and blindness in which they live, and to receive instruction
in the law of the gospel.
Because of the importance of attention to duties of citizenship on the
part of citizen encomenderos--both for the conservation and defense
of the said islands, and for their settlement and increase--I charge
you to grant leave to no encomendero, under any considerations,
to absent himself from the said islands, even if he should have
permission from the viceroy and Audiencia of Nueva España. If anyone
should absent himself without permission from me, or unless you
shall have granted him permission for unavoidable reasons, you shall
deprive him of his encomienda, and bestow it upon another and more
deserving citizen. Inasmuch as Mariscal Gavriel de Rivera, Captain
Juan Pacheco Maldonado, and other citizens went to Nueva España by
permission of former governors, and although they have petitioned me
for a prolongation of their stay there, not only have I not conceded
this to them, but I have answered them bidding them to return. They
were warned that their encomiendas would be declared vacant, as the
time granted by their permission is already expired, unless they
should have returned within the period by which they were bound. If
you ascertain, upon your arrival at Nueva España, that they have not
returned to the said islands, then you shall deprive them of the said
encomiendas, and give the same to others. You shall admit no objection
or excuse, for whatever you do contrary to this, now and henceforth,
I hereby declare as invalid and null and void.
As I was petitioned, in behalf of the said islands, to grant them a
concession ordering exemption from the duties on the first sale of the
goods that they send to the port of Acapulco and other places, and also
that the twelve pesos per tonelada of freight shipped by the citizens
of those islands be not collected at the said port of Acapulco--this
is the duty imposed by Don Gonçalo Ronquillo--answer was made them
that the proceeds from these duties were very necessary in order to
pay the soldiers and for other expenses. Accordingly Gomez Perez was
ordered in his instructions to have them collected for the above-named
purpose, and you shall do the same, until I ordain and order otherwise.
Much has been reported of the disadvantages arising from the trade
between those islands and China. The Portuguese have complained
of this, and declared it to be of great harm to them in their
trading. They allege other reasons, in order to persuade me that
this trade should be prohibited. But other reasons, proving the
contrary, have not been lacking here, the first and foremost (and
it is true) being that, by this means, the land already discovered
can be conserved, and the gospel can be introduced into other lands
farther on--a matter that under any other régime would be difficult and
almost impossible; and although the Portuguese offer other important
arguments, this is what most influences me. Therefore, in order
to adopt the method which will best harmonize these difficulties,
my council discussed the matter, and advised what you will see in
the decrees which have been despatched on this occasion, and which
shall be given you. I order you to have them observed and obeyed to
the letter. However, if any disadvantages should result, or if there
are any other more desirable methods, you shall advise me of all,
so that after investigation, the advisable steps may be taken.
Because of my great desire that the contents of section seventeen
be obeyed to the letter, I charge and order you that, whenever
you write me and send me despatches, you shall send a minute and
exact relation of all the meritorious persons who claim reward for
services that they have performed in the reduction, pacification,
and conservation of that land, with the character, seniority, and
other circumstances concerning each of them. You shall send also a
list of those whom you shall reward, with the means, method, reason,
and justification of the reward that you shall have given them. This
shall include both the vacant encomiendas that you shall have allotted,
and the posts that you shall have filled, or any other means that you
shall have employed in granting the said rewards. For if I have this
information regarding them all, then the reason for the complaints and
grievances of certain men can be investigated, who assert that they
do not receive the reward and remuneration that they demand. In order
to bind them more closely to the fulfilment of the aforesaid, a decree
of like tenor shall be sent you, and you shall examine and obey it.
As you will find out, especial care has been taken that the
ecclesiastics and friars who present themselves to give instruction
should learn the language of the Indians whom they are to teach
and instruct; and that chairs should be established where the said
language may be taught, so that there may be plenty of priests
and ministers who know the language, in order to fulfil the above
purpose. But inasmuch as this method has not proved, nor is it now,
a sufficient aid by which the Indians may be taught and instructed in
the Christian faith and religion, so that they may receive as much
benefit therefrom as is advisable and desirable--and as they would
have received had the same care been taken to teach all the Indians
Castilian, by which plan more and better ministers would have been
had for their teaching and instruction, and they would have fallen
into fewer errors, or none, on account of their idolatries and other
former vices and superstitions--it has been deemed advisable to
provide in this regard the decree [34] that will be given you with
these instructions. Accordingly, after you shall have caused that
decree to be proclaimed in the usual public places, with the necessary
solemnities and other ceremonies, you shall meet with the Audiencia
and secular and regular ecclesiastical dignitaries, and all together
you shall decide and ordain how the contents of the said decree may
be observed, obeyed, and executed exactly and to the letter, both in
that city and in all the other cities of those islands and provinces,
so that all its contents may be fulfilled and executed. You shall
have the care in this that I expect from you, and as is demanded
by its importance. Thus will our Lord be very greatly served, and
the souls of the Indians advantaged. Whenever opportunity offers,
you shall advise me of what shall be ordained for its fulfilment,
and the manner and method of executing it.
And inasmuch as I have ever exercised especial care in maintaining
all the kingdoms and provinces subject to me in peace, tranquillity,
and justice, for this same purpose and object I established an
audiencia in that said city and province, in order that everything
might be governed by means of it, and justice administered with the
universal equality, mildness, and satisfaction desirable. After its
establishment I ordered it to be suppressed, as experience proved
it to be unnecessary in a land so new and unsettled. In its place I
sent a governor; and although his administration was excellent, yet,
inasmuch as that community has grown and, it is hoped, will continue
to grow, I have thought it advisable to found and establish the said
Audiencia again. Accordingly, after having appointed you in the place
of Gomez Perez, your predecessor, I have determined to establish the
said Audiencia again. It shall be located in those districts, in order
that their government may be similar to that of the other kingdoms
under my dominion. I have appointed for it persons as auditors, a
fiscal, and other officials. I have renewed the former ordinances
[35] by which that said Audiencia was founded. You shall examine
those ordinances, in order to have them observed and obeyed with the
exactness that I expect from you. You shall mamtain the necessary peace
and harmony with those acting as auditors, so that your government
may be all that is needful and as I desire for the consolation,
relief, and happiness of that community, and of its inhabitants,
and my vassals therein. You on both sides [governor and Audiencia]
shall administer the government with care, understanding--especially
those of you who might be the cause of disturbing the peace, harmony,
and friendly relations with which you, on both sides and jointly,
must carry on the government--that I shall consider myself well served
in the accomplishment and execution of this. I charge this upon you,
and expect you to accomplish it with the good example that is due
from you in everything.
You shall exercise great care not to send judges on special commissions
except in necessary and unavoidable cases, in order to avoid the harm
that they generally cause to communities. This must be avoided there,
chiefly because that community has been settled so recently. It is
advisable to act with greater caution in this matter, as in everything
else, for the better conservation and increase of that community.
You shall exercise the same and greater care to maintain thorough
harmony and unity with all the ecclesiastical dignitaries, both
secular and regular, and with all the ecclesiastical estate; for many
consequences, very important for the general and individual good of
all that land and all those provinces, can be expected from the good
example resulting from this. At Toledo, on the twenty-fifth day of May,
in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six.
_I The King_
By order of the king, our sovereign:
_Joan de Ybarra_
Signed by the president and members of the Council.
Letter from Luis Perez Dasmariñas to Felipe II
Sire:
With some misgiving and anxiety, Sire, I have considered whether
or no I should write this to your Majesty, but necessity and not my
wish obliges me. For some reasons I would like to leave it unwritten,
particularly because I do not care to contradict myself and appear,
in what I am about to write and ask of your Majesty, to change my
ground from what I have written to your Majesty before about some of
my affairs. I cease not to fear and dread that the reason of this may
appear from what I write now and what has before been written, to be
an invention, artifice, or plot. It is not so, although I confess it
does in some wise appear so. Speaking with frankness and truth, Sire,
which is the way in which I have concluded to write this, and as one
should always write, particularly to your Majesty, the fact is, Sire,
that my affairs have taken a different turn from what I expected when
I wrote to your Majesty. By the compassion and grace of God I have no
longer that wish, intent, and desire, which I have expressed in other
letters to your Majesty, concerning my wish and desire of obtaining
a state more quiet and safe and less disturbed, and less dangerous
for my past and present salvation. In order not to tire or occupy
your Majesty with an affair of so little weight and moment, although
it means much to me, I declare, Sire, that, according to my desire
and intention, I wrote to your Majesty exempting myself and bidding
farewell to human and temporal pretensions, thinking that they were
not necessary for me, and rather desiring to assist with what I had,
some persons in need, debt, and obligation. Since then my affairs here
have gone in the usual and ordinary way of the world, which is unlike,
even contrary to, human project, plan, and judgment. Many times things
are planned very differently from what actually happens afterwards,
as is verified by my case. For I thought to have something to leave,
and I am obliged to ask for aid; and I may truly say that it is
not for myself, but for those whom I owe and am under strict and
just obligations to satisfy and pay. The debts are such and so many,
that no calculation can be made. In December, when I wrote to your
Majesty by way of Malaca, according to my understanding the debts were
somewhat more than thirty-eight thousand pesos. Although it is true
that some were paid later, I have not adjusted or liquidated my debts
so that I can state the amount; yet I can assure your Majesty that
altogether I owe a very large sum at present. God knows how overcome
with confusion I am when I consider my debts and obligations and the
little I have to satisfy them. Thus, Sire, your Majesty cannot fail
of the assistance which is necessary for one who has so little and
owes so much, and who has to pay it and, moreover, answer and give
account for his father and himself. Besides what was paid and spent
by my father, after his death were contracted debts not far from
twenty-five or twenty-six thousand pesos, and in addition to the
aforesaid, there are other things not yet cleared up of which the
amount is not known. On account of all this I have ventured to give
a report to your Majesty, so that, knowing the burden of obligations
and the plight of this least of your Majesty's servants, who is in this
land so distant and far from his own, your Majesty may be pleased with
your royal and most pious compassion to take pity upon and show mercy
to this, his most insignificant servant. For his relief, after God,
he depends on the royal graciousness and aid of your Majesty, as from
his king and lord, from whom and from whose magnanimity, after God,
depends my weal, succor, and liberty. As necessity teaches those who
suffer to seek plans and modes for relief, I shall propose to your
Majesty what seems to me the most convenient and speedy remedy. I
desire that your Majesty may be pleased but to grant me grace and
license to send and despatch to Peru, if perchance it be expedient,
and I am able so to do, a ship of two hundred and fifty or three
hundred toneladas, with articles and goods from China--although I do
not know what I can do with my small capital and means. Yet it is to
be considered that here a ship is made and built at much less cost
than elsewhere; and, if it were of no more than the said tonnage,
it might be done in some way or other. This would be exceeding grace
and relief for this least of your Majesty's servants, who humbly begs
that it be so done. I ask it not with designs, plans, and desires
for greater profits and riches, to be held and enjoyed; but for the
relief and payment of so great necessities and strict obligations,
and in behalf of others. If there should be anything left over after
fulfilling these obligations, and should your Majesty be pleased to
grant me this grace according to my plan, there might result profit to
this commonwealth. The cargo sent there could at the same time bring
aid to me and relief to the commonwealth--or, as I say, convenience
and profit. A ship of so little tonnage sent only once to Peru cannot
take an excessive or inordinate cargo. For this reason also, I beseech
your Majesty to grant me this grace; and although I have many excuses
wherewith to move and incline the royal heart and compassion of
your Majesty, by referring to several of my affairs and services,
I omit to do so. I only supplicate your Majesty most humbly by the
royal magnanimity and the necessity of this least of your Majesty's
servants. May your Majesty be pleased to grant me this grace. Above
all, I beseech the Divine Majesty of God our Lord that, if this be not
meet for His glory or service, or if there may result therefrom some
damage or prejudice to His cause or that of your Majesty, His Divine
Majesty will move your Majesty not to permit or concede me this grace
which I ask. May His Divine Majesty preserve your Majesty as He is
able, and as we all desire and need. Amen: Manila, June 30, 1596.
_Luis Perez Dasmariñas_
[_Endorsed_: "Manila. To his Majesty, 1596; Don Luis Dasmariñas,
June 30." "Keep this letter until the report of the residencia which
is to be taken in his case and that of his father shall be received."]
Letter from Doctor Antonio de Morga to Felipe II
Sire:
At the close of the past year, ninety-five, I wrote to your Majesty
via Malaca, giving a full account of some affairs of this place. The
duplicate of that letter accompanies this, and I refer you to the same.
Every day the peace of this land is becoming more secure. Xapon is
kept quiet by the presence of the Franciscan religious whom we have
there. They have built churches and hospitals; and in March they
wrote to us again, telling how they preached publicly and have made
a large number of converts. They are fearful lest the fathers of the
Society of Jesus will insist that they leave that country. Such a
change would disturb everything, for the king loves them on account
of their poverty and charity. If they did so, we should return to
the former days of uneasiness.
Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa set forth on the first of last
April on the expedition for the pacification of Mindanao, with about
fifty sail, large and small, two hundred and fourteen Spaniards, one
thousand five hundred armed Indians, and a good store of artillery,
ammunition, and supplies. In a week's time he came to the mouth of
the river of Mindanao. The king and his people had retired twenty-five
leguas up the river to a village named Buhayen, where they fortified
themselves. Governor Esteban Rodriguez followed them with the fleet,
and landed the majority of the troops, whereupon an engagement took
place there. The governor went with a few troops to arrange for an
agreement, and an armed Indian assailed him. The captain received so
severe a cut on the head with a carmpilan that he became unconscious
and died within thirty hours, without having declared a successor to
the government. The camp and fleet were fortified in a convenient
place and a city was founded, which was called Murcia. The cabildo
thereof elected as governor Captain Juan de Laxara, a captain of
infantry of this camp, who had accompanied Estevan Rodriguez and the
troops here assigned to the latter, and whom Estevan Rodriguez had
appointed submaster-of-camp. He is in the said city, fortifying it,
and claims to carry on the government thereof without being subject
to this or any other, for he is a bold man. He asks aid, and it will
be sent in due time. In the meanwhile steps are being taken to mollify
him so that he will come to reason and not become petulant, on account
of the inconveniences which might arise therefrom to the service of
your Majesty, and the peace and welfare of this state. Since there
is doubt as to what will happen, it will be even more desirable than
when Estevan Rodriguez was living that your Majesty now give definite
commands in respect to this matter. The said island of Mindanao is
very large and rich, and is inhabited by many people. There is a steady
increase in the number of those who submit to the sway of your Majesty,
in addition to those already pacified. It is the first of these islands
to recognize your Majesty, and is the most important for their security
and the conquest of Maluco and other countries. By the papers which
the governor sent in regard to the agreement that I had made with
the said Captain Estevan Rodriguez, your Majesty will find that he
is obliged to conclude the pacification and settlement, and maintain
everything for one year, at his own expense. Your Majesty gave him the
government and a certain repartimiento for two generations. He left
a very considerable estate with which to carry out the agreement,
and your Majesty will not go beyond your right in taking charge of
it. There are left here two daughters, his heirs, the elder being
four years old, by whom and their guardians efforts are being made
that the undertaking may be carried out and aided as far as possible,
until they become of age. To enjoy its control and favors, it would
be well for the estate to be administered from this city. Upon this
point your Majesty will provide according to the royal pleasure.
The governor persisted in his determination to carry out the expedition
to Camboja, and at the beginning of this year despatched one ship
and two junks, with men, artillery, and ammunition, under command
of Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato. Thus far we have received no word
whatever from them. The governor is sending the document referring
thereto; and, although it is rumored that but few troops were taken by
them, in fact two hundred men left this city, and artifice was used,
in order that the real number should not appear at the departure. They
had, in truth, gone ahead some days earlier and awaited the vessels
outside.
At the same time, he sent another expedition to China; but as those
who set out returned here, it seems as if God had, for the present,
closed the door for that voyage; and so it stands.
This year so many Chinese have come under pretext of trading, that
we have been very cautious, and suspicious of an uprising. For by
these expeditions we have been left so greatly in need of troops,
that there was good cause to be fearful and on the watch. I undertook
to put the Chinese out of the country, and by this time more than
twelve thousand have embarked. About as many more remain, and much
diligence is being observed. They are a people with whom one must live
with much watchfulness and caution, of which but little has hitherto
been exercised. The city has been cut down in size, extending from
the border of the fort and royal house by the garrison, furnishing a
retreat in case of necessity for the few people here and the women and
children. In fact the whole change is only setting the city aright;
for the fortifications were wrongly planned from the beginning.
Your Majesty's exchequer has suffered so much damage and loss
by the mismanagement of the officials, that, although various
gentle means were taken to relieve and repair it, they were of no
effect. Consequently, when the governor saw himself so hard pressed, he
commenced to investigate the accounts; and the officers are suspended
from the exercise of their duties until the state of their offices
shall be ascertained. They are alike in their bitter enmities and
difficulties with one another, making the despatch of the matter
impossible. The papers are sent in order that your Majesty may see
what has been done, and the condition of affairs here at present,
which if investigated thoroughly will be found to contain other things
of much moment in the matter. Your Majesty will decree in everything
what will be most expedient for your service. I assure your Majesty
that had any other means been found of dealing with the said officials
besides the one used, until your Majesty should be advised thereof,
this final measure would not have been taken--which was necessary,
since no other effectual means were at hand.
Your Majesty has yet in this kingdom a revenue amply sufficient for
all the expenses thereof, if it be administered with fidelity and care,
and if many present superfluous expenses be suppressed. There are not
more than a hundred paid soldiers in camp, and six captains of infantry
and their officers draw salaries. The forts are without garrisons;
but for more than a year the wardens thereof have been improperly
drawing salaries. Your Majesty has no galleys whatever, and there
is one commander, who, though unemployed, draws a yearly salary of
eight hundred pesos; and there are many officers who get a salary
in the same manner. There are many garrisons of soldiers, sailors,
artillerymen, and others in various capacities who draw pay from
your Majesty's exchequer; and they are of no service, nor will they
ever in their lives be of any use, except as servants and attendants
upon the officers and other persons, who pay them from your Majesty's
revenues. In this way much of your Majesty's revenue is being spent
and wasted. It would be necessary to institute a reform, and to make
many investigations of the accounts of your Majesty's debtors and the
collectors of your Majesty's revenue, in order to regain much property
which is lost. Every day more will be wasted unless your Majesty orders
a speedy remedy, with punishment of the guilty, which shall serve as a
warning for the future. In the meanwhile much suffering will be felt
here, as at present; and even a large part of your Majesty's estate
in Nueva España will not suffice to meet the needs here.
There are very few in these islands capable of handling the arquebus,
although they used to be the best and most skilful soldiers in the
Yndias. The cause of this is that they have so devoted themselves
to trade that they have no desire for anything else. Nevertheless,
your Majesty ordered, in the instructions given to Gomez Perez, when
he came here to govern, that those who drew pay from your Majesty as
fighting men should not be allowed to trade. Afterward in a clause of
the letter of January, 1593, replying to another of his, your Majesty
ordered the same thing. This has not been complied with, however,
and as the captains and higher officers are rich and rewarded by
their salaries and grants, it is not just that they be merchants,
as is the case. They are so diverted from military exercise that they
are as useless as if they were in Toledo; and elsewhere they engross,
by their large shipments, the space required for the merchandise and
freight of the citizens. Your Majesty therefore spends the revenue on
them and their soldiers uselessly; and it is necessary that this be
corrected, in order that affairs may return to their normal condition.
The city was sufficiently supplied with public endowments, because
in addition to what the governor held, he made a grant to it, in
the name of your Majesty, of the shops and rents of a new parián,
which had been built after my arrival for the Chinese, outside the
walls, on the border of Sant Gabriel. Consequently there comes in
from the property more than four thousand pesos annually, which is
fully sufficient for necessary expenses, and in the future should be
used for public buildings, which are needed. None such have ever been
attempted, except the wall and fortifications which were built by the
governor Gomez Perez. In respect to the traffic of the citizens of
these islands and the administration of their commerce, your Majesty
made suitable provisions by a decree of the same month of January,
ninety-three. This is as is necessary; and since the returns from
all the merchandise from Nueva Spaña come to them without limitation,
there is left them no just ground for complaint. When I came here I
found that, although the said decree is so precise, the execution of it
was so far forgotten here that, when I took steps for its observance,
it was ill received, as will appear by the accompanying reports
thereof. Nevertheless, the execution of the decree will be attended
to on my part, until your Majesty may decree otherwise. There is no
doubt that by this is decreed what is expedient for this kingdom; and
if the officials took proper care to execute your Majesty's orders,
these difficulties would be obviated. But, as I have before written,
it is not done with due exactness.
Governor Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas was daily expecting a change in
this government and his removal, and owing to this and his mildness
of disposition, affairs in general suffer. Although he is a man of
good intentions and of much virtue, he is governed in everything
by the friars, and particularly by the Dominicans, who are enjoying
this favorable opportunity and make use of it to advance their own
interests and those of their friends. The youth and inexperience
of the governor does not permit of anything else. Now with the news
that your Majesty is to send Don Francisco Tello to this government,
it seems as if everything would take on new life; for, if there is
more delay, it would be at the cost of the service of your Majesty,
and the welfare of these islands. Everything has declined greatly from
the condition in which matters were left by his father; and although
I have done what I could it is but little, on account of my slight
and inadequate authority. Nevertheless, some of the most important
things have been looked after with more spirit than at first. The
people of this land cannot be pleased with everything, for they are
fond of liberty; and for this reason there are some complaints. But
I endeavor only to further the service of God and of your Majesty,
not to consult their tastes or to manage affairs so that they may
write to your Majesty in approbation of me. As things have happened,
there may be a lack of persons to approve my proceedings; but this
does not vex me, because I expect that, with God's help, time will
show the truth; and no other reward is needed than to satisfy your
Majesty, as is my earnest desire.
The jurisdiction of your Majesty in this kingdom is so hampered by that
of the ecclesiastics that on no occasion can we have our own way. As
there is no one to withstand them much damage is experienced; and we
see ourselves in great troubles and hardships, tied hand and foot,
because the ecclesiastics and religious interfere in everything. They
rebel against and hinder the accomplishment of your Majesty's
commands; and even among themselves they have many dissensions and
disagreements. It is a pitiable state of affairs, and even if it were
for no other purpose than to moderate these excesses and licenses of
powerful persons, it would be best to have here the royal Audiencia,
which your Majesty ordered to be suppressed. I beseech your Majesty,
as I likewise urged from Nueva Spaña, in the report which your Majesty
already has, that in case the royal Audiencia is not reëstablished, a
remedy be provided. There should be someone to oppose the ecclesiastics
in a land so far away from the Audiencia of Mexico; for, no matter
what question is sent there for decision, at least two years must
elapse before despatches can be returned.
The bishop is very much missed in this land by all the ecclesiastics;
and it would be very beneficial for the future if he should come
this year with the arms sent from Nueva Spaña. May God bring them,
although they are already late in arriving. If they should fail to
come, great need would be felt everywhere. All these islands are
now pacified, and the only need is for ministers of the gospel,
on account of the many heathen who are without instruction. Many
of the Spaniards who people the land and come here for its defense,
die here. Thus we are in need, as I have said.
The college [36] founded by the fathers of the Society for the
education of Spaniards in this city, at the expense of your Majesty's
exchequer, is now closed, by the new contract which was made with
Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa regarding the patronage which
was given him from this house and college. According to the wish of
your Majesty, this work was changed into a college for natives which
they wished to found. The same income of one thousand pesos a year has
been assigned them, in addition to the fourth of the tribute paid where
there is no instruction, and other sums from similar sources. I think
it would be well to further this work; for besides the receiving of
a good education by the sons of natives, which would strengthen them
greatly in the things of the Christian religion and right living, it
would be a hidden blessing to have the sons of the principal natives
in this college, for our safety is thereby assured on any occasion
whatever. The papers in this matter are sent, in order that your
Majesty may have provision made according to your pleasure.
At the beginning of this year, a galleon arrived at these islands from
Piru, and later a small fragata in its convoy, wherein it appears
that Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña had set out from Piru in April of
last year to discover the western islands in the Southern Sea. This he
did not succeed in doing, and lost his flagship and afterward another
fragata. He formed a settlement on another island near Nueva Guinea,
where the men quarreled among themselves, and the said adelantado
died with many of his people. [37] His wife inherited that settlement,
and arrived at these islands in great need and after many hardships,
where she married Don Fernando de Castro, cousin of the governor,
and returned to Piru with her ship. I am sending your Majesty the
report of the matter which has been received, and an account of their
voyage and adventures, which are therein stated at greater length.
After such long voyages I am left in very poor health, and with
little hope of recovery, on account of the climate of this country. I
am very poor and spent, with fewer children than those I brought
with me, for they have died on the way. Therefore I strongly desire
that your Majesty grant me grace if it be possible, and permit me
to go to España, and be pleased to provide for this garrison. With
this I should feel well paid and satisfied after all my hardships
and wanderings. Even though I do not deserve the rewards of my
predecessors, I shall live content in returning to my home and
fireside, God willing, to give your Majesty a true account of the
many things I have seen, and of what would be best for the better
service of your Majesty. I humbly beseech your Majesty to grant me
this favor as soon as possible. May our Lord preserve for many years
the royal person of your Majesty, as is necessary to Christendom and
your Majesty's servants. Manila, July 6, 1596.
_Dr. Antonio de Morga_
Letter from Francisco Tello to Felipe II
Sire:
Through God's help, I entered the channel of these islands on the
third of June of this present year, 1596. As the weather was bad,
it was was necessary for me to make port at Ybalon, where I was
forced to remain several days, because of contrary winds. Considering
that this condition of affairs might endure longer, I determined
to go overland to Manila; and did so, although with considerable
hardship, as the country was completely overflowed on account
of the heavy rains. However, I derived some advantage from this,
for I thus saw a portion of the country and its products. It was
of advantage in enabling me to master the affairs of the country,
and to know what things it is advisable to provide to put it in good
condition. I entered Manila on the fourteenth of July. As this letter
is being written only three days after my arrival in this city,
I cannot inform your Majesty thoroughly of the condition of this
community. But my first sight of it has honestly pleased me very
much. God and your Majesty must be thanked fervently, that in lands
so remote and obscure the name and religion of God exists, and the
authority and power of your Majesty; and this with so great hopes
and disposition of being able to work great things, worthy the royal
soul and heart of your Majesty. For this object I think we shall need
troops, arms, and money, which is the common strength. Also I found
the colony somewhat weak both in its forces and in the faulty system
and arrangement of its fortifications. I found also great need of
royal buildings, and buildings for the cabildo, a slaughter-house,
a prison, clean streets, and other public works. This may be because
of the smallness of means. I shall remedy what I can, and give your
Majesty a more detailed account of it later.
I find this kingdom safe from all fears of the Japanese at present,
although not from the swarms of Chinese who resort hither in a
haphazard and disorderly manner, unless we maintain the caution and
foresight demanded by the little trust that we can place in their
companionship and fidelity.
In respect to the person of Don Luys Perez Dasmariñas, whom I found
acting as governor, I assure your Majesty that all his thought and
life is dedicated to God and virtue. However, in matters of government
I do not know what will be the outcome of some things, which I find
very confused and remiss. I shall give you a more detailed account
of them in a later letter, for now this vessel is on the point of
sailing, and is outside the port.
The archbishop of this country remained in Mexico. This does not fail
to cause a want, because of the great scarcity of prelates here.
I hear that the trade of this country, upon which its perpetuation
chiefly depends, has greatly decreased, not only on account of the
low prices of merchandise in Mexico, and the unprofitable exchanges
and other misfortunes suffered by commerce, but also because of the
numerous impositions and duties levied; so that I find this community
much discouraged and disheartened. I shall try to repair this as well
as possible, and will give your Majesty a more detailed account,
both in this matter and in what concerns the two communities of
Indians and Chinese, and whatever else there is to relate.
A founder of artillery is very much needed here. I entreat your Majesty
to have one provided, as well as the fifty farmers mentioned in your
Majesty's instructions. Above all, I entreat your Majesty, since this
new plant and undertaking depends so much upon your Majesty in person,
that you will have the kindness to consent to have soldiers sent
to us annually; for, Sire, the hospital (where many die) takes its
share every year, and another part is taken by certain expeditions
and reënforcements that are sent out. As for those who are left,
your Majesty should consider, if the ship from Mexico fails to come
for even one year, how surrounded by so many fears of enemies is this
country. Therefore I beseech your Majesty to order that the viceroy
of Mexico shall be careful to provide troops each year, and that they
be sent armed, of which there is little care.
As Captain Esteban Rrodriguez died while pacifying Mindanao, and left
it almost reduced, and settled with about two hundred Spaniards, and
as the country was being brought to your Majesty's obedience, it will
be desirable for your royal service to continue the work. From what
I have learned in these few days, I believe that your Majesty will be
served by ordering that this pacification be continued at the expense
of the heir of Esteban Rrodriguez, and with the latter's possessions,
as they are sufficient, until the agreement be completely fulfilled. By
so doing your Majesty's treasury will be eased, and I think the reward
of this work will be obtained by him who most deserves it--namely,
the successor of the man who perished in it, since he left it to him,
although he did not name him. It only remains for your Majesty to
be pleased to declare, in favor of this kingdom, the subordination
of that pacification to this one, since the latter proceeds from the
former, and is, as it were, filial to it. There are other conveniences
and arguments that favor this plan; and in the contrary plan there
are many inconveniences, of which I understand that your Majesty is
advised by these vessels. Now in the meantime, I am considering what
it will be best to provide in the service of God, and of your Majesty,
whom may our Lord preserve, etc. Manila, July 17, 1596.
Since the above was written, news has come of the expedition [to
Camboja] which was made here. It is not such as we wished to hear,
for of the three vessels that were taking part in it, one [_illegible
in MS._] a storm, and fell into the hands of the king of Cian. No
news has been heard of the two others, although it is believed that
Captain Gallinato still remains [_illegible in MS._].
According to my understanding, it is very desirable that there
always be galleys in this land for defense from its ills, and the
conservation of its reputation from so many enemies by whom we are
surrounded. Inasmuch as those here are found to be quite dilapidated
and useless, I have deemed it fitting to your Majesty's service to
build three or four.
_Don Francisco Tello_
Documents of 1597
Pacification of Mindanao. Juan de Ronquillo; May 10.
Memorial on navigation and conquest. Hernando de los Rios; June 27.
Letter to Felipe II. L.P. Dasmariñas; June 28.
_Sources_: All these documents are obtained from original MSS. in
the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson;
the second, by Robert W. Haight; the third, by José M. and Clara
M. Asensio.
The Pacification of Mindanao
_Letter from Juan de Ronquillo Governor Tello_
[This report of Ronquillo's is in places abridged, as he repeats
many of his statements. He set sail (from Oton) on February 8, 1597,
the earliest date possible after the receipt of supplies. Two virreys
had been sent ahead under Francisco de Torres, with orders to coast
from island to island, in order to avoid the dangers of the open sea;
they had not yet been heard from. At the port of La Canela (_i.e._,
"cinnamon;" modern Cáuit) Ronquillo found Captain Juan Pacho, who had
gone for fish and salt for his command; and, as the men were scattered
in Zamboanga and Taguima, there was a delay of three days in getting
them together. Pilots from these forces were placed in each vessel to
guide the ships to the river. Ronquillo then embarked on his fragata
and ordered the Sangley vessel and those of the Indian chiefs from
Danganlibor to follow. The brisas or northeasters were dead ahead,
and to avoid the force of the winds he took his course inside of
some islets. The Sangley vessel did not enter, as its draught was
so great that the navigators feared to make the attempt. Since the
Sangley vessel seemed to be in difficulties, he sent a captain to it;
but he came back with the report that all was well. Ronquillo then
sent directions as to their course. He had been informed by the
sailor whom he sent as pilot in the Sangley vessel that there was
water enough in the strait of Mangayao; but, if this should not be so,
they were to keep outside. They remained outside, and the rest of the
fleet sailed safely on to the point of Las Flechas ("the Arrows"),
twelve leguas from the river (Rio Grande, in Mindanao, where the
letter was written). The wind being heavy and the vessels old and
deep in the water, he anchored in a river never before entered, so
far as was known, cutting away trees and branches to do so. When the
fragata was safe, he sent the master-of-camp for the galleys, which
were sinking because of their rottenness. At the same time a virrey
was sent to look for the Sangley vessel. The virrey returned without
news; and though Ronquillo was very anxious he kept on to the river
toward which he was sailing, all assuring him that he would find the
Sangley ship here. A fire was seen at night, apparently a signal that
the vessel would go to La Canela for water, being unable to make the
river because of the winds. After taking in water they left port, and
the next night the Chinese crew mutinied, and killed the Spaniards. The
Chinese had been disarmed, and committed the deed with clubs and
wooden hatchets. Ronquillo asserts that all possible care had been
taken. The vessel carried the bulk of their provisions, clothing,
tow, and some ammunition. In spite of this loss the expedition had
been very successful. Upon reaching the river whence he writes, he
spent five days in repairs upon the fleet; and then, after completing
the fort of Tampaca (modern Tabaca) and storing the ammunition and
food in it, he ascended the river, leaving a guard of thirty-four
men under Sargento-mayor Diego de Chaves, one of whose legs had been
cut off. The force which went up the river numbered two hundred and
thirty, including sailors and gunners. The enemy retired behind some
parapets as soon as the artillery opened upon them, and brought some
artillery to bear on the flagship (one of the galleys), but could
not retard the Spanish advance. Continuing, Ronquillo writes:]
I answered their fire with so great readiness that I forced them to
withdraw their artillery. But, as if they were goblins, they remained
here behind a bush or a tree, firing at us, without being seen. Thus
did they keep us busy until one o'clock at night. I remained three
days without landing, awaiting the arrival of Lumaquan--a chief of
the tingues [_i.e._, hill-people], the best Indian of this island,
and our best friend--and five hundred Indians, who were coming to aid
us. On the very day of his arrival I landed in the following order. I
formed a square of twelve ranks of thirteen men each, closing front,
side, and rear guards with halberds and pikes. There were two captains
in the van-guard, one in the rear-guard, and two at the sides, so that,
wherever the enemy should attack, the soldiers could, by facing about,
fight without at all breaking ranks. I detailed two files of forty
arquebusiers and two captains to go ahead to discover ambushes. Under
cover of their arquebuses went the pioneers to clear the way. As
I heard, according to reports, that the enemy would halt upon this
day, I went ashore and marched straight forward at the head of the
squadron, at times going through the ranks to see if anything was
needed. Upon that day, we busied ourselves until sunset in clearing
the way as fully as great toil and diligence would allow, without the
square being thrown into any confusion, or any man falling out. But
as we could not come in sight of the fort, I returned to pass the
night in the fleet, for until the road should be open and known, and
its distance, I did not care to land my artillery, as I had so few
men. Besides those who were clearing the path, I had no men to fire
the artillery. Immediately on the following day I continued my plans
in the same order. As one of my legs pained me, because of a fall
backward two days previously down the hatchway of the galley--and by
good luck I did not break my neck--from which I am still suffering,
I did not go ashore. Also, I thought that, since the enemy had not
attacked us in the most dangerous places, they would not do so in
places not to their advantage. Thus the path was cleared, upon this
day, without encountering any enemy or sighting their fort. Again
the men returned to the fleet for the night. On the third day,
as the work of reconnoitering was proceeding, a large ambuscade of
Indians attacked us in the open near a palm-grove. As was learned
later, they numbered about two thousand. They attacked us with the
greatest fury and determination, in small bodies of skilful troops. As
the soldiers were ordered immediately to form their square, when the
enemy arrived in front of it, and saw it so well ordered and bristling
with halberds, they did not dare to break it, but turned and fled. In
the assault five of their men were killed with arquebus-shots, and
several others wounded. Among those killed were two of their bravest
and most esteemed men. One was from Terrenate and was a _casis_
[38] who instructed them in their religion. Of a truth, they showed
clearly that they were brave; for I do not believe that there are
many peoples who would attack with so gallant a determination, when
they were armed with nothing but shields and canpilans. They killed
five of my Indians who were clearing the path, who did not use good
judgment in retiring. This took place quite near their fort. As soon
as I was advised of this occurrence, for I had not gone ashore on this
day also, I sent at once as many men as possible from the galleys,
with axes, shovels, spades, and wicker baskets. I ordered them to
entrench themselves in as advanced a position as possible.
_They commenced to attack the fort. The enemy begged for peace on
the second day._ [39] The next day I landed my artillery, and went
with it to attack the enemy's fort. As the distance was quite great,
I moved my entrenchments nearer twice, and with great difficulty,
for the enemy never ceased shooting at us. They wounded three gunners
and several other men; surely they were very lucky shots. Finally I
planted my battery of eight pieces somewhat over one hundred paces
from the fort. Although I battered the fort hotly, I could not effect
a breach through which to make an assault. All the damage that I did
them by day, they repaired by night. Immediately on the following
day they began to call from their walls. When I asked them what they
wanted they said that they wished to be friends. I was very short
of ammunition, for I had only three thousand arquebus-bullets left,
and very few cannon-balls; and both would be spent in one day's
fighting, during which, should we not gain the fort, we would be
lost--and with no power to defend ourselves while withdrawing our
artillery and camp. At the same time, I reconnoitered the fort
and its situation, for it is located at the entrance of a lagoon,
thus having only water at the back, and swampy and marshy ground
at the sides. It has a frontage of more than one thousand paces,
is furnished with very good transversals, and is well supplied with
artillery and arquebuses. Moreover, it has a ditch of water more
than four brazas wide and two deep, and thus there was a space of
dry ground of only fifteen paces where it was possible to attack;
and this space was bravely defended, and with the greatest force of
the enemy. The inner parts were water, where they sailed in vessels,
while we had no footing at all. Again, I reflected that those who
had awaited us so long, had waited with the determination to die
in defense of the fort; and if they should see the contest ending
unfavorably for them, no one would prevent their flight. Further,
if they awaited the assault it would cost me the greater part of
my remaining ammunition, and my best men; while, if the enemy fled,
nothing would be accomplished, but on the contrary a long, tedious,
and costly war would be entered upon. Hence, with the opinion and
advice of the captains I negotiated for peace; and told them that I
would admit them to friendship under the following conditions:
_Treaty of peace and conditional covenants_
First, that first and foremost, they must offer homage to his Majesty,
and pay something as recognition.
_Obligation to return their prisoners to his Majesty_. That all
the natives who had been taken from the Pintados Islands last year,
must be restored.
_To break friendship with Terrenate._ That they must break the peace
and confederation made with the people of Terrenate, and must not
admit the latter into their country.
_Friendship with those who were friends formerly._ That they must
be friends with Danganlibor and Lumaquan, chiefs of this island,
who have rendered homage to his Majesty; and must not make war on
any of their vassals.
That all the chiefs must go to live in their old villages.
They accepted all the conditions, and Raxa Mura, Sala, Silonga,
and the other chiefs swore to keep the peace on these conditions,
and paid homage to his Majesty, paying a certain sum in gold as
recognition. Inasmuch as they had taken the Vizcayans whom they
had enslaved to a great distance, so that they should not escape,
they paid another like sum of gold as pledges that they would deliver
them to the Spaniards. As the friendly Indians said that the end for
which I was making peace was, under pretext of it, to seize the chief
men and hang them and separate them from the others, the chiefs did
not venture to come immediately. However, they said that when they
should ascertain our treaty, and if our purpose was not as aforesaid,
they would come. Although such a thing had not even entered my mind,
as I shall not make any promises in his Majesty's name that cannot be
fulfilled, it was true that the friendly Indians said it; for they
wished to break trie peace, in order to see if they could not rob
these people at our cost.
After making this treaty and securing this result (which, of a truth,
your Lordship may regard as most felicitous and of great importance,
and as the beginning of much good), I retired to my fleet. Next day the
chiefs came to the river-bank, and I made them friends with Danganlibor
and Lumaquan, and they embraced each other. Some of them boarded the
galleys, and began thus to lose their fear gradually. Already some of
the chiefs have started to go to their villages, and have collected
their people in order to settle them. I hope, God willing, that
everything will assume a settled and quiet condition. And albeit that
my toil and my service rendered to your Lordship in this affair do not
equal my desire, still your Lordship can represent it to his Majesty
as one of the greatest that have been rendered in these islands. I
am not going to leave them; so, when any greater opportunity arises,
your Lordship may entrust it to me. I assert that if this occasion
had not had the almost unexpected favorable ending, and if our Lord
had not evidently been pleased to lend His aid, your Lordship would
suffer great anxiety and all the islands would be in great straits;
for, with the alliance that they had formed with Terrenate, there
would be no safety in the entire district.
[The victorious troops were in the greatest need. There were many
messes of four or five with only one shirt among them, which they wore
by turns. There was only ammunition enough for two hours. There was
only rice enough to allow fifteen gantas a month to Spaniards and
ten to Indians; and even this ration would only last till the end
of August. They had no meat or fish. Ronquillo had "set a dragnet,"
and taken the rice of all the people within reach, beginning with
himself. Then he sent out officers in fragatas to search for rice,
giving them four hundred pesos for the purpose, and directing them to
pay as long as the money lasted, and then to take provisions in any
way in which they could get them. They were, if necessary, to use force
to obtain supplies from encomenderos or Indians, for their pay giving
them orders on the charges of the land (_situado_), or the tribute,
or to be paid when possible. As for the other parts of the island,
the very chiefs were perishing of hunger, because of the war, and came
daily to beg for rice. This they received, in order that they might be
bound to the Spaniards. Accordingly Ronquillo asks for assistance and
supplies from Manila until the stress should be over in Mindanao. He
gives honorable mention to his officers and troops, many of whom were
wounded. He looks forward to great difficulties as soon as any attempt
shall be made to collect tributes. The leading chiefs collect tribute
from their vassals; and the only demand hitherto has been for open
friendship and the recognition of the sovereignty of Spain. If these
men--Raxa Mura, Sala, Silonga, and Lumaquan--are now told that they
must not collect tribute, but that all the tribute must be paid to
his Majesty and to individuals, "it will be a very bitter draught for
them to swallow." These Indians, Ronquillo says, are not like those
in Luzon, but are accustomed to power and sovereignty. Some collect
five or six thousand tributes. If the tributes are to be collected,
two hundred more soldiers and a large quantity of ammunition will be
necessary, or much additional time. The troops have not been paid
what Figueroa owed them; and it is plain that no profit is to be
expected in the island for a long time to come. When it does come,
the encomenderos, who have fraudulently remained at leisure in Manila,
will get it. Hence the soldiers have petitioned that the property
of Figueroa in the island be sold and the proceeds applied to their
payment. Fourteen hundred pesos of worked silver was sold; and the
soldiers received six pesos each. The captains also asked and received
some compensation. The discontent was so great that Ronquillo declares
that no resolution can command men so ragged and starving, penniless
and unpaid; and that they are already saying that they cannot eat good
words. He concludes this section by asking for twenty thousand pesos
and eight hundred Indian rowers, and for some exchanges of his men.]
_That the country is not such as it has been painted, and not so
excellent as has been reported._ Hitherto it has not been possible
to tell your Lordship anything certain of this country, except that
it will be of but little advantage to his Majesty, but a source of
great expense. It has far fewer inhabitants than was reported, and
all are very poor, so that their breakfast consists only in cleaning
their arms, and their work in using them, and not in cultivating the
land, which is low and swampy in this river. There is no chief who
can raise twenty taes of gold. Rice is very scarce; in the tingues is
found a small amount, which is used for food by the chiefs only. They
are some swine, and a few fowls that are very cunning, and less
fruit. It abounds in fish in some districts, but this river contains
only eels. They are as good as those of España. They are not found
all the year round, but only during the rainy season. The climate
does not differ much from that there. It has very dense fogs. I have
been unable to make a complete map of the island. I am sending your
Lordship only that of this river, made with exactness, with all its
arms and estuaries, and their settlements. The arithmetical symbols
represent the number of people in each, and the letters the names
of the chiefs. I have corrected it with all care. We have already
examined almost everything from the coast of La Canela, Dapitan,
and Botran [Butúan?]. There is a full report there which may be filed
with this map.
_The island of Matheo is excellent, and a better expedition could
be made there._ Concerning the island of Matheo, I have been able to
learn from men who have been there that it is very fertile, thickly
populated, and rich in food products, including rice. The inhabitants
are not very warlike. Would to God that your Lordship had expended
there what was left here, for with less effort we would have gained
more. Terrenate has some dealings with this island. [I say this]
in case anything is to be done before it has more. Of Maluco I have
not ascertained anything new, except that things are in their usual
condition.
_He has not effected a settlement, as he has not found a convenient
site. He is awaiting the pleasure of your Lordship, and [a more
favorable] season._ As yet I have not effected any settlement,
as I have not found a suitable and convenient location for it, for
all the river above is swampy; and, if we were to look for dry land
along its course, it is so far away that it would take a week to
reach it from the mouth of the river. Although beyond this river,
toward La Canela, there is a good place for a settlement, yet it
is not advisable to leave this river now until matters are more
settled and quiet. This river is the residence of the chief men of
the island. Accordingly I shall wait the result of this rainy season;
and if the discomfort be not too great, I shall settle on the site
where I am now established, which is in a very good position, and
here I shall await your Lordship's decision.
_That the Indians are warlike and have fortified themselves, with
their forces now there, and others that they will collect, when the
proposal is made that they must pay tribute. Hence, reënforcements
of soldiers, ammunition and food are necessary, and time._ Although
things have so fortunate a beginning as I have related, it is by way
of peace. All the chiefs retain their full complements of artillery
and arquebuses, so that, whenever they wish to defend themselves,
they may do so. Beyond any doubt, on the day that tribute is demanded
from them, not only our new friends, but Danganlibor and Lumaquan as
well, who rendered homage of their own free will, will rebel. For the
speedy subjection of them all, we need a large force. Hence I repeat
to your Lordship, in order that you may not be deceived by certain
opinions of persons who have not seen this region for many years--for
it is not as of yore, and they did not know it, and the inhabitants
are Indians only in name--that a great force of soldiers is needed,
as well as ammunition, in order to make them pay tribute. This matter
is of prime importance. I would not be complying with my obligation
unless I entreated your Lordship to consider this matter deeply. You
should consider whether this enterprise must be given up or sustained,
for it is very costly, and we must not allow odds to be taken of us
when we have our best opportunity. Thus I think that we can finish this
matter at one time, and that your Lordship should send two hundred
men in one summer. With this number we can overrun all districts,
take away the natives' artillery, and collect tribute. This manner
of proceeding would be very economical.
_All the men, counting those maimed, number two hundred and sixty._
The number of men that I found in this island and those who should
be brought from Zibu fell far short of what I expected. All that I
could gather together--gunners, sailors, and maimed men--do not number
more than two hundred and sixty-four men. Some of them have died. I
am sending there the crippled and maimed, who are useless, so that I
shall have left in this river a trifle above two hundred men, many of
whom are sick, because of past hardships and their wretched existence.
_That medicines and delicacies be provided._ The master-of-camp
is sick, and I fear lest, with the advance of the rainy season,
the sickness will continue to increase; for it cannot be alleviated
by medicines and delicacies, because we have none. This is a great
pity. I entreat your Lordship to have medicines and some delicacies
provided for the sick, and clothing for the hospital.
_That religious are not going there to furnish instruction_. Father
Chirinos [40] came to this island with the sargento-mayor, and on
his first sight of it was so discontented that for no other reason,
he turned his back upon it, and was in so great a hurry to return that
he declared that if a vessel were not given him immediately in which
to leave, he would swim away. He went away speaking ill of this place,
and has caused great annoyance and wrong to these poor soldiers. If
a religious who ought to be happy with a hard life, and who ought
to seek hardships in which to serve God better, refused those which
might be offered him here, the soldiers, who are less perfect and less
filled with God, will do but little. Father Juan de Sanlucar asked
me for leave likewise to go there with this vessel, in order to go to
get a companion, as he could not stay here alone. I did not grant it
him. If the fathers of the Society are to have this place in charge,
it will be right for them to send religious. If not, then they should
say so, and your Lordship should request the ecclesiastical government
to provide ministers. The one here at present has labored to our great
approbation and has set a good example. But he is greatly grieved at
being alone, and he is not without reason, for he has no one to whom
to make his confession.
The ration given to these people is so small that it can only be
endured in times of great stress. Indeed it is doubtful whether a
Spaniard could live on only one-half ganta of rice, without anything
else; and even the Indian is unable to do so without having some fish
with it. For the future we need abundance of provisions; for, as I
have noted, we cannot expect this land to furnish them, because it
does not have any. Your Lordship must have them provided in accordance
with the accompanying memorandum.
_That it is advisable to send hither the encomenderos, and from there
to give the soldiers and captains some gratification and pay._ All the
captains and soldiers of this camp perform their duties grumblingly,
since the encomenderos enjoy the fruits of their labor. Through false
representations the encomenderos have remained behind, instead of
coming here on this pacification. If each encomendero has to live on
his encomienda, and the heirs of Estevan Rodriguez in some part of the
island, there is nothing left for the captains and soldiers. The owners
should come, therefore, to reduce their encomiendas to subjection,
since they take the gain. They do not go very far upon the road,
and it is not a good argument to say that each one will pacify his
own encomienda; for so long as this river is unpacified, nothing
is pacified. Your Lordship should order all of them, without any
exception, to come in person, and to bring some soldiers at their own
cost, with sufficient food for a year's maintenance. In this way,
something will be done; for an encomienda cannot be pacified with
only one soldier, paid by an encomendero. I entreat your Lordship to
decide quickly upon the course to be taken, and, with the same haste,
to send me immediate advice by a birey. The route is open, and the
virey can come here any time in June; thus I may be advised in advance
of your Lordship's orders as to the course to pursue here, and this
needy people may be encouraged with the hope of speedy relief. Your
Lordship should write to them, thanking them for their labors, and
encouraging them with their pay, to continue their work. May God
preserve your Lordship many years, with the increase of dignities
that we your servants desire. Tanpaca, May 10, 97. Your Lordship's
most humble servant.
_Don Juan Ronquillo_
[_Endorsed:_ "Mindanao, 1597. General Don Juan Rronquillo."]
_The campaign_
The sargento-mayor of the city of Manila left for Mindanao on the
thirtieth of December of ninety-six, and arrived at the city of Zebu
on the fourteenth of January. He left there for La Caldera [41]
on the twenty-ninth of the said month, and arrived at La Caldera
on the second of February, where he found the fleet of Mindanao,
which had gone away for lack of supplies. The whole fleet left La
Caldera on the sixth of said month, in the direction of Mindanao;
and on the eleventh Captain Torivio de Misa was sent forward with a
galliot and two lapis, as he suspected that the unfriendly Indians
had surrounded the friendly natives from Tanpacon. On the fourteenth
he sent Sargento-mayor Diego de Chaves with two galleys, and other
light vessels, to follow up Torivio de Miranda; and he remained
behind with the three fragatas, which, as they were heavy vessels,
could not follow the rest of the fleet.
On the fifteenth of December, Captain Graviel Gonzales, who was
on board one of the lapis which accompanied Torivio de Miranda,
was drowned while passing Las Flechas, at the edge of the river of
Mindanao. On the seventeenth, Captain Torivio de Miranda entered
the river, where he found that the enemy had drawn a blockade about
our friends of Tanpacon, and had killed more than seventy of them;
but at his arrival they raised the blockade, and retired to their
fort in flight.
On the eighth of January, Captain Chaves arrived with his fragatas
at the river, and on the twelfth planned and founded the fort of
Tanpacan near this settlement of our friends. On the twenty-fifth,
the sargento-mayor sailed for the river of Simay to capture certain
vessels belonging to the enemy, in which they were going to seek
aid from Terrenate. During a certain battle which they had there
with the enemy, he had a leg cut off, well toward the thigh, and
recived a shot in the helmet above the ear. One of his comrades, who
was fighting at his side, had his right leg cut off. On the tenth of
March, the master-of-camp arrived; and, on the twenty-first, General
Don Juan Ronquillo.
On the tenth of April the enemy's fleet came up, and on the seventeenth
they landed, sweeping along the allies in front of them, together
with forty arquebusiers, who were escorting them in their line, and
on their right wing. A few days ago the enemy made an attack from
ambuscade, with more than two thousand men. They came on, closing
in until they reached the squadron, where they encountered the
resistance of arms to their advance, and retired fleeing. They left
some of their bravest dead, together with a few Terrenatans, without
doing any damage to us, except killing five Visayans. Accordingly our
squadron, which consisted of a hundred and sixty-nine men, on the
fourth day intrenched themselves as best they could; and little by
little moved the intrenchments forward until they were a hundred and
sixty-six paces from the enemy. During this time the enemy defended
themselves with a park of small artillery and two large guns. On
the twenty-fifth, the general sent to consult Sargento-mayor Diego
de Chaves, who was in the fleet; and by his opinion a traverse was
built as a half-moon, where were stationed seven pieces of artillery,
with which they battered the fort of the enemy.
On the twenty-eighth, when the enemy saw the damage which our artillery
was doing them, they rendered obedience and sued for peace; and on the
twenty-ninth peace was agreed upon with the following conditions: They
were to return the Visayan slaves whom they hold, and pay tribute,
and must not receive Terrenatans in their country. They were to
give obedience to his Majesty, and the chiefs were to give oath;
and in pledge of this they gave a golden chain. They are all going
back to their villages, and gathering up the Visayan slaves. It will
be well to reënforce the Spaniards with troops and money this year,
so that matters may remain settled and they shall not try to create
a disturbance again.
Memorial on Navigation and Conquest
[This memorial, addressed to Felipe II by Hernando de los Ríos,
is prefaced by a letter from Luis Perez Dasmariñas, as follows:]
Sire: In these islands resides a person named Hernando de los Ryos,
a colonel, a man of much information concerning important matters,
and particularly learned in mathematics and astrology, and possessed of
such virtue and such uprightness of life, and so zealous and desirous
of the service of God and your Majesty, and of the common welfare,
that I know not if there be a man in these parts to exceed him in
this; and may it please our Lord to give us many who shall succeed
in being so disinterested in worldly things and earthly claims. At
any rate, in the secular estate, in my opinion and perhaps that of
many good men, I know not if you will find in this country, or even
for the most part in others, a man of more learning, respectability,
and virtue, accompanied by other good qualities and gifts with which
God has graced him, and which are so well employed and profited by, as
in himself. For his sole object is to serve God and desire his service
and that of your Majesty, and the great good which can be accomplished
in these regions; and he is not interested in the occupations and
advantages of office, although it would be well indeed if all those
who hold them had the qualifications that he has for them. At any rate,
he has refused and rejected some of the best offices of this country,
particularly an offer to be a royal official of the royal exchequer
of your Majesty, when I desired him to be so during my government,
as I understood that he was a fit man for the service of God and
of your Majesty. It was impossible, however, to persuade him. His
intention, as I have understood, is to become a priest. He has made
a very peculiar instrument of general usefulness in many curious and
important ways, particularly in navigation, for getting bearings and
taking measurements, which are rendered very easy. I do not send one
to your Majesty, because he has not finished a book of description
and explanation of this instrument. I have persuaded him to send
one to your Majesty, as I also shall do, as I consider it well that
your Majesty should have information of the learning, virtue, and
parts which are found in him, as it may be of use and importance for
the service of God and your Majesty--whom may our Lord protect many
years of life, according to His power and the desire and need of us
all. Manyla, June 27, 1597.
_Luys Perez Das Marinas_
_Memorial_
Indeed, the desire which possesses me of serving your Majesty
and ending my life in your service, as I am a humble vassal of
your Majesty, was too mixed with awe to allow of this boldness,
if Don Luis Perez de las Marinas, former governor of these islands,
had not encouraged me and persuaded me to give information to your
Majesty of several matters concerning these parts, as a person who has
spent nine years here. I could wish that it was with better reason,
if time had been given me to finish a book which treats of the use
of an astrolabe, very important for the service of your Majesty,
for use in the art of navigation. This I would send you this year,
with an ample relation of various matters, if Don Francisco Tello,
governor of these islands, had not occupied me in ridding them of a
great number of Chinese and Japanese Sangleys, who, under pretense
of being merchants, were seeking to remain in this country, and
with whom there is no manner of safety. They know how to set about
so cunningly to gain the good-will of the citizens that it appears
almost impossible, if your Majesty does not send and order a remedy,
to better the matter here, although I have used all possible diligence
in it. The reason for this is that each particular citizen defends
those whom he needs, as they are a people who are cunning at all
crafts. Accordingly they keep them in their houses, and hide them;
so that they sleep inside the city at night, to the number of about
two thousand. There are more than five thousand who remain this year
with the governor's license in the service of the colony, for they
tell the governor that this is exoedient. It appears to me that three
thousand is enough, and even with this number more care and precaution
could be taken than is done here, and there should be no more of the
infidels. I give this account ... [42] as a person who has them in
his charge, in other matters touching ... that which Don Luis Perez
de las Marinas gives your Majesty ... I have informed him so that,
being so Christian and zealous a knight in the service of your Majesty,
he will give a true and certain relation of all.
With this astrolabe, which, with the aid of God, I have discovered,
can be found the altitude from the pole, and the latitude of any
region whatsoever at any hour of the day, and at the same time it
will tell the hour, in the same way that it gives directions at night
by any known star more easily than the mariners usually take it at
midday. Besides this, it also serves like other astrolabes at midday,
to indicate the various points of the compass, and show and verify
with precision the deviations and deflection of the needle from
the pole. In this way it serves to give the longitude where one is
sailing, on whatever parallel to the equinoctial. Likewise it shows
the position of the stars, even when all their latitudes [_i.e.,_
altitudes?] and declinations are unknown, so easily that even the
most uninstructed can in a short time learn it. It is of use in other
curious, useful, and important ways, for the perfection of this art,
which can by its aid be verified. As it is an article so curious and
useful, the said Luis Perez de las Marinas persuaded me to give an
account of it to your Majesty, with a brief relation and discourse
concerning the information which I have of these parts.
Although your Majesty has so little profit from these islands,
we can see that it is a place of much importance for the service
of your Majesty, and the spread of the most holy Catholic faith,
since it has as neighbors, and surrounding it, many extremely rich
and fertile countries. The disposition of matters is ... that they
are propitious for your Majesty easily to make himself master of
those lands. Your Majesty will see that this is so by the relations
which the governor of these islands, and likewise Don Luis Perez de
las Marinas, formerly governor of them, have sent you.
It is very necessary and expedient that several expeditions and
conquests should be made in these parts for the service of your
Majesty in view of the advantages that the Castilians would gain if
they held a good post on the mainland--such as the kingdom of Sian,
which is very rich and abounds in many things, and could be conquered
and kept with a thousand men, according to everyone who has been
there; or the kingdom of Canboxa, which is seeking our friendship,
and offers to maintain troops at its own expense, and furnish them to
us on occasions when aid may be necessary; or the kingdom of Chanpa,
which could be conquered and maintained with three hundred men, and
is the pass for this archipelago, and the key to Cochinchina, which
is a very rich and fertile country, and could be conquered with a
thousand or fifteen hundred men. The latter is more to the east than
the said kingdoms between Chanpa and China, close to these islands,
and with everyone ... of them on account of the many wars and enmities,
which exist among them, this ... would be easy to spread the royal
sovereignty of your Majesty with great ... so that all would seek for
our friendship and alliance; for ... said, and with a little shrewdness
and cunning a great deal of it might be gained ... with our protection
and oversight the ministers and preachers ... could spread over all
those parts in safety; to convert those souls and bring such a great
multitude of heathen to the true knowledge of our Lord God. It is no
little shame to consider that among those peoples, by way of Burnei and
other Mahometans the venom and poison of their false doctrine is being
scattered--although this is of so great importance, as your Majesty
must see by the accounts which are sent you, and to which I refer.
But for the present the thing which appears very expedient and
necessary, and should be attended to at once, is to take a port on
the island of Hermosa, which lies distant from the farthest part of
this island (which is the province of Cagaia), thirty-six leagues in a
northwesterly direction. In circumference it measures about two hundred
leagues, and stretches in the same direction from the twenty-second
to the twenty-fifth degree. From there to the mainland of China is not
more than twenty leagues. ... informed by a person who has been there
that it is fertile and inhabited by a people similar to the natives of
these islands, who rob and kill those who go there in vessels, as it
is the necessary route from China to this city, from Japon here, and
to other parts. The country is well supplied with provisions. It has
few ports, but there is one which lies at the head of it, on the side
which faces toward Japon, which is very well formed and strong. It
is named Keilang, and at present has no defense. If three hundred
men were placed there with a fort, all the power of those parts would
not be sufficient to dislodge them; for the entrance is very narrow,
and with artillery they could resist any efforts which were made
against them. It is a large port with deep water, and the entrance is
closed by an island on the northeast part, inhabited by about three
hundred Indians. I have sent a carefully traced sketch of this to
your Majesty with this letter. The reason why it is very necessary to
occupy this port is for the safety of these islands; for it is known
to a certainty that ... that if a fort is built at ... which is very
... will be able to send it from there without great difficulty,
and being installed there, would make us anxious at all times, and
harry the land, without there being any help for it, For they are
a warlike and numerous people. The other reason is because all the
trading ships which sail for this city from China make land there,
and will not dare sail from their own country. They are very much
afraid of those people, and will cease their trade with this city,
and thus that will be lost--even more than the great wealth which
the ship "San Felipe" [43] carried, which arrived in their country
in the past year, ninety-six. That wealth made them covetous of it;
and perhaps their principal intention is to come here and attack
these islands. It is not worthy of the Spanish reputation to allow
this barbarian to use us thus, without experiencing our power through
some injury. It would be a great loss to him to take that passage from
him; and, for any purpose that your Majesty may desire, it will be a
very important station; since, if your Majesty sends a large number
of troops by way of Nueva España or of India, that is so difficult
an undertaking, and entails so much expense and the death of so many.
It is of no less importance to give an account to your Majesty of
two routes which can be explored at little expense and are short
and easy. The first is by the strait which is called Danian [_i.e._,
Anian], which lies between the farthest land of China and the regions
of Nueva España ... a relation which I [received] there, which was left
in manuscript by Fray Martin de Rada, of the order of St. Augustine,
a great mathematician, of whom your Majesty had information in this
... of the letter.
A worthy Vizcayan, named Juanes de Ribas, a native of San Sebastian,
told me that while he was going after whales to Terranova [_i.e._,
Newfoundland] he received information that in the year forty-five
some Bretons were carried [by storms] from the cape of Breton,
which lies about eighty leguas west of the cape of Bacallaos, which
lies in forty-nine or fifty degrees of latitude. He said that in
latitude fifty-two degrees, after sailing to the northwest a hundred
leguas, they encountered a strait. And, according to this relation,
some Portuguese came to India and China; they say that in forty-five
days they arrived from Ucheo at Lisboa; and, believing that the king
would show them favor, they gave him an account of it. But he threw
them into prison, and they died there. One of the Portuguese who
went in that ship afterward came to Nueva España and accompanied
Francisco de Ivarra in the exploration of Nueva Viscaya. [44] The
said Francisco de Ivarra intended to go to explore this strait,
but there were difficulties in the way, and they, did not accomplish
it. This Vizcayan and the Portuguese became friendly and told to each
other what each one had seen and knew. They said that from the cape
of Breton they go to the northwest until they reach the mainland and
afterwards coast down toward the southwest, as the coast runs in this
direction, and they come upon the entrance which, although it seems
very small, yet is large and deep. Then sailing to this sea of China
to the west-southwest, they said that at the mouth of the strait,
toward the South Sea as toward the North Sea, there are many small
islands, although more ... in the direction of the north, coming
from China outside of ... which to Manil .... The country of China
is very high, and wooded with pine trees and ... partly lower, also
with forests. He said that in the strait they use no wind at all,
but that the currents take them in and float them through. They
said that those who consider that the island of Bacallao is all
one are wrong; for it consists of several small islands in a chain,
reaching to Cape Gata, which is in sixty-two degrees, and where there
is a deep channel which enters into the great bay. They say that the
point of Vacallaos is in fifty degrees, and they run along the coast
of this island as far as Cape Breton, about eighty leguas. Those who
place Cape Breton on the maps should put it on the same large island,
and it lies nearer to the point of Vacallaos than to Cape Gata. [45]
It may also be inferred that these seas communicate with each other,
because on the coast of Nueva España those who are coming from these
islands in forty-two degrees latitude see a great number of whales,
who must enter by that strait to winter in a warm climate. Accordingly
your Majesty can send as many troops as you wish in this way with
ease, and become lord of these parts. Although this voyage being in
so high a latitude appears to entail some difficulty, there will be
none, in view of the fact that by leaving España at the end of March,
when they arrive in the high latitudes it is the hot season, and the
days are long and the weather is fair; and the winds are brisas,
as is necessary. Thus they will come here very easily, and in the
island of Hermosa, in this port of Kielang, your Majesty may send
and have stationed a considerable fleet, safe and well provisioned;
for the country is fertile, and productive of food stuffs, rice,
meat, and so much fish that they load every year two hundred ships
for China--especially as the coast of China is so near, where for
money ... what they wish in abundance; and also from Japon they can
... examine.
The other route for navigation is through Nuevo Mexico, in forty-five
degrees of latitude. This was related to me by a friar named Fray
Andres de Aguirre, of the order of St. Augustine, who died about
three years ago, being prior of the convent of his order in this
city. He was learned in cosmography. He said that in his presence,
at the time when Don Luis de Velasco the elder was governor of Nueva
España, a Vizcayan gave an account of this route, who said that he
had seen it while he was sailing with a French pirate. They entered
through an arm of the sea above the main coast opposite Florida, and
after sailing west for many days they found that the said arm ended
in a bay. They saw straightway a half a league distant another arm
of the sea, and building a brigantine they went through it sailing
for several days, and came upon a very populous city, where they were
furnished with whatever they needed, and had built for them some wooden
houses on the shore, until, on account of a certain difficulty which
one of them had with a woman, they were driven out of the country,
and went back. From this it may be inferred that in that region,
which they said lay in forty-five degrees of ... From here having
ships there, rather ... of this. Father Antonio Sedeño, rector of
the Society of Jesus of this city, who died about two years ago,
said that it was told him many times by Pero Melendez in Florida. [46]
These two explorations will be very easy to make, at little expense,
from these islands rather than from España. For their entrances from
that side are difficult to find, and from this side one cannot go
astray, nor is there any obstacle. The first year after Gomez Perez
de las Marinas arrived in this country as governor, he conferred
with me about sending me to explore the strait of Danian. By reason
of the expedition which he intended to make to Maluco, he deferred
the other; and when he was so unfortunately killed it put an end to
the project. He, I believe, would have far advanced the affairs of
these parts if he had lived, and would have done good service for
your Majesty, judging by the valor and zeal which he showed; and his
absence, and the need for him, have brought this city to a sense of
what they owe him, and now they deplore his loss.
I have given this brief account to your Majesty, begging humbly
that you will pardon my boldness (which zeal for your royal service
and the good of these regions has caused) in advising your Majesty,
that you may see how glorious opportunities our Lord God has kept
for you to extend and widen out the holy Catholic faith. But it is
necessary that your Majesty should entrust this to a person of high
rank and great worth, and that he should not come for a limited time,
with the intention of gathering riches and the fruit of the land, and
then returning; for those who have this intention will not be watchful
for its welfare, nor zealous for the honor of God and for the service
of your Majesty. I have informed the governor of these islands, Don
Francisco Tello, of this, so that he may write to your Majesty and
make use of the opportunities which are offered him. I know not what
he will do. May our Lord God, for whom we labor, protect your Majesty
many years, according to the needs of Christendom, and augment your
estate with greater lands and majesty, for His glory and the good of
... may it prosper. Manila, June 27, 1597.
[_Endorsed_: "Examined on the thirteenth of September of 1599. As
to what he says of the astrolabe, have a copy made and delivered
to Cespedes, that he may examine it and give his opinion in regard
to it. As for the rest, join everything in regard to this matter,
and have all the papers brought in a bundle."]
[_Memoranda at beginning of document_: "Memorial addressed to the king,
dated at Manila on June 27, 1597, by Colonel Hernando de los Rios,
which gives an account of a book which he is engaged in composing,
concerning the approved usage and art of navigation, and of the
importance of taking a port on the mainland of China, and particularly
in the island of Hermosa, of which he gives a very circumstantial
description, accompanying it with his map, and finally a very
valuable discourse on the two routes which are the most expeditious
and direct for navigation from Spaña to those kingdoms, that can be
found. The first is through a channel or narrowing of the sea which
enters Nuebo Mexico above Florida at forty-five degrees latitude,
according to the information received from Father Federico of the
Society of Jesus, and from a friar of the order of St. Augustine,
who was very learned in cosmography, and who died in that city. The
other is through the strait called Anian. There is inserted in the
said memorial a relation which was left written by Fray Martin de
Rada, of the order of St. Augustine. It was received from a Vizcayan
named Juanes de Rivas, a native of San Sevastian, wherein he sets
forth that various Portuguese have passed by that way to Yndia and
China, and by way of Ucheo returned to Lisboa in forty-five days of
voyage. He gives a condensed description of the ship's courses, and
the navigation which must be accomplished until they have arrived in
the harbor, either here or in China, etc., etc.
Memorial directed to the king of España by Benito Escoto, a Genoese
noble, in the year 1616, giving an account of a certain method which
he had discovered of putting together certain tables of longitudes in
maritime voyages and navigation, etc.; and to find that navigation
which, up to that time, so many serious men and mariners had sought
and had not found--namely, the passage by the northern part of China,
Japon, Malucas, and Philipinas, with a condensed discourse concerning
the advantages which will accrue from the proposed action. And in
continuation a letter from the prior of the convent of Santa Maria,
written to ... in recommendation of the good circumstances and worthy
qualities both of the author and his work."]
Letter from Luis Perez Dasmariñas to Felipe II
Sire:
Although the duties and obligations of my office are ended, I have no
less obligation as a private individual for the service of God and
your Majesty. That service and recognition is due while life shall
last, and therefore it does not seem as if I were fulfilling my duty
by keeping silent and not informing your Majesty of some things which
have been proposed and set forth elsewhere. I beseech your Majesty
to be pleased to regard and consider them as things very important
to the service of God and of your Majesty.
What I have thought fit to submit particularly to your Majesty are the
injuries, hindrances, contradictions, and great disturbances which are
experienced here, whence follow results very offensive and contrary
to the service of God our Lord, and of your Majesty. They are also
prejudicial to the common spiritual and temporal good of this land,
and the quiet, safety, and preservation of these districts and islands,
and of the vassals who live and serve your Majesty here. One (and
a general) injury is the unrestricted presence of a great number
of Sangleys or Chinese heathen who live and mingle freely with
us and the natives of these islands in their trading occupations,
and business. They serve but to consume, make scarce, and enhance
the price of both supplies and money, and to cause uneasiness,
fears, and distrust. Of all the aforesaid we have had experience,
and the particular instances are not referred to, in order to avoid
prolixity. On occasions when there are expeditions, or when it may
be expedient to make them, there are some persons who do not desire
to do so--either for their own interests or convenience, or for
other considerations, ends, and motives which they have for opposing
the accomplishment of the expedition. They say that there are many
Sangleys in the land who are inclined or are able to revolt. This and
other things they say in excuse; but although this consideration and
caution should not be condemned but praised, together with everything
else which may be classed under the name and title of preservation, I
doubt whether they are always most advantageous to the service of God
and of your Majesty. I am only certain that it is of great importance
to be rid of these disturbances and contradictions, which are contrary
to all good. These heathen are the whole year living on, and, little
by little, consuming and obtaining, the goods and money of the state
in their traffic, business, and occupations. This does not take into
account the sale and profitable trade in merchandise which takes place
every year. All the money goes and passes to China, and remains there
from year to year and in fact always. Although it is true that the
profitable trade and sale of merchandise is the sinew and support
of this state, and very necessary, and cannot nor should be checked,
nevertheless, it would at least be fitting for the Christians to gain
what is gained by the heathen from year to year in these islands and
state, in their damaging trades and occupations. Thus would a great
part of the poverty and necessity of the Christians be done away with,
and they would be relieved, maintained, and aided. They could live
more comfortably, and there would be avoided the inconveniences of
discontent, murmuring, and offense, which exist when the people see
themselves so little favored, helped, and appreciated. They become
discouraged with the condition of affairs when they see that the
heathen are much more favored and treated more kindly by us than they
themselves, solely for the advantage arising from what they give,
and greed for it. They carry on their pretensions and business with
us while we ourselves fail in many respects to give an example of
Christian charity which should be observed, and to show the zeal and
consideration which is due to the service of God our Lord and the
common good. The evils which may result from trading are very common,
and these heathen secure many things which they desire, and obtain
by means of payment and reward. In doing this, although they are
exceedingly avaricious, yet in behalf of their vices, unchastity,
and abominations, and for their wishes and desires, for the sake of
gain and profit, they do not stop at trifles; nor are they stingy and
careless, but open-handed and generous, and endeavor and negotiate in
a thousand ways to procure what they purpose and desire. The Spaniards
themselves favor, intercede and negotiate for them for the sake of
their own private interest and their gain in doing so. This manner of
carrying on affairs has been continued until they are now accustomed
to it and perhaps confident therein because of their experience in
conducting business in this way. In addition to this, there has been
negligence and laxity in enforcing decrees in their cases, thereby
causing the heathen to hold the orders given them in but little
estimation, and with good reason to mock and jest, and make sport
of our mode of government and our decrees. It is almost impossible,
or exceedingly difficult, to enforce or execute the latter, or to
remedy the very great inconveniences which result and are caused by
these heathen, because of the many defenders whom they have and find
for their pretensions. Two things in regard to these people are most
worthy of consideration. One is that, as these people mingle so freely
and at large among the natives in these islands for their trading and
business, they can very easily under this pretext and appearance with
all safety, security, and freedom, investigate and note the ports,
islands, and settlements; they can also see how careless and negligent
the forces have become, and can observe the lack of troops, forces,
and defense from which we suffer. Thus they may dare to interfere,
and can bring to these islands any enemy or enemies whatsoever,
who are covetous of the islands; or they may plan some alliance and
deviltry with the natives. The latter being aggrieved, querulous,
and dissatisfied can be moved by their persuasions, or inclined
and persuaded toward their traffic, modes, and customs of more
gain, comfort, and liberty, with less subjection, oppression, and
ill-treatment, than are suffered and received by many. Consequently,
there is no little cause, disposition, and opportunity for any evil
whatsoever, since we are so confident and these Sangleys are a people
very covetous, cunning, and treacherous--as has been experienced in
the mutiny on a ship and the killing of the Spaniards who were on
their way to the province of Cagayan, a few days ago. There was also
the rebellion of Cayalera, so costly, severe, and injurious, and which
hindered so greatly the service of God and of your Majesty, which was
to have been accomplished. There was afterward the case of another ship
of Portuguese and religious, which was bound for Malaca; and now this
year, but a few days ago, a ship, with about thirty Spaniards aboard,
was going to the island of Mindanao. Many were killed, and the few
who escaped were wounded and injured. The second point is that, in
addition to what has been said about this nation, they have unchaste,
shameless, and abominable ways of life and customs. Besides having
enough proof and experience to be able to say this, I certify to the
truth of having heard this from a religious--a man very zealous in the
service of our Lord and a minister who has charge of the Sangleys at
present. The Christian Sangleys who had acquired sufficient knowledge
and experience before conversion, tell of the habits, customs, and mode
of life of the heathen. Those who were born, or reared from childhood,
in these islands have heard and noted this. They say that they would
dare to certify or swear that at a certain age all, from the sons of
great mandarins down to the lowest class, are guilty of one vile and
abominable sin. There is a wicked rumor here that even their king
himself is no exception. That this evil exists among this people,
is not only declared, but it is a thing which has been proved,
and investigated on complaint, and has at times been punished by
justice. This is the case, Sire, and the number of infidels here is
very great; for in the past year, ninety-six, more than twenty-four
thousand persons were said to have come. Thirteen thousand were sent
away from the country, and the number would have been greater if the
ships from Castilla had arrived, thus supplying means for deporting
more. These people come to these islands and settlements, and trade
very freely with the natives, who are naturally weak and covetous; and,
too, they remain constantly with us. Many of them live and sleep within
the city and in the houses of the Spaniards, whose wives, children, men
and women servants--and of these last, not a few--are there also. Even
if there were no more evils and opportunity for wrong than for these
women and children to be eyewitnesses of what happens in houses where
there are people so vile, bold, vicious, and shameless--who are,
although generous, covetous, cunning, and treacherous--these alone are
sufficient evils and causes for Spaniards not to permit the Sangleys,
or consent, as they do, to their staying in their houses. This they
allow on account of the gain, rent, and payments given them, and for
greater convenience and shortening of their own labors. Consequently,
these people are not separated on account of their aforesaid customs,
nor of the danger and opportunity offered them for connivance and
knavery. They could burn the city in a night; and should they rise,
they could before the blow was felt kill with their weapons many of the
persons who keep and permit them to stay in their own houses, finding
them asleep and unaware; and they know very well how to do it, to our
cost and injury. But neither this injurious and painful experience,
nor all the aforesaid dangers, are sufficient to check or remedy this
grave evil. It is greed which is the road and means of perdition, and
which destroys, corrupts, perverts, and hinders everything; this it is
that jeopardizes and has, perhaps, embarrassed, checked, diminished,
and restricted the service of God and of your Majesty, and the welfare,
honor, and prosperity of your vassals in this land. Thereby have been
retarded in this new world the good and fruitful spiritual and temporal
results which would, perhaps, have been realized ere this, were the
desire for money less, and the love, zeal, and desire for the service
and glory of our Lord greater. There should be more interest in the
common good and less self-interest, which is the loss, impediment,
and ruin of everything. Indeed, this greed and covetousness is the
knot, tie, and strong bond between us and this nation, so different,
injurious, and contrary to our own, as experience and past events have
shown. It is an expedient of the devil that this people shall obtain
all or nearly all that they want. As their communication, presence,
and trade is so prejudicial, and as from it and their interest and
greed result so many common evils and great sins, abominations, and
offenses to our Lord, it seems as if His Divine Majesty were taking
a hand in this and punishing the offenses of those who are in this
land, as also our neglect of correcting them, and our lack of zeal
for His honor and service--both by our great loss of property, and
by this nation, and the injuries that we have received from them,
and our mishaps with them, since thus we lay ourselves open and
deserve to be punished. It seems that He punishes them too with us,
by the injuries, afflictions, and annoyances that they suffer. And
thus His Divine Majesty is punishing both nations. For except for
self-interest as a medium, we are mutually contrary and hateful.
[The rest of the letter is badly torn, but a sufficient amount
remains for the general meaning to be discovered. The writer calls
for the expulsion of the Sangleys so far as this is possible. The
city desires them to remain only from avarice, desiring the rents
from their shops, and the profits arising from their business. The
Sangleys have corrupted some of the most illustrious persons in the
country. Severity is requisite.]
June 28, 1597.
_Luis Perez Dasmarinas_
_Notes regarding the Sangleys_
First, it is meet that the governor order, with all care and
exactness, an investigation and exact and unexaggerated calculation
to be made of the number of Sangleys who are needed in the ordinary
and necessary occupations for the service of the commonwealth, in
this city of Manila, and in Cagayan and Cibu. This done, it should
be ordered and brought about that the Christians occupy and serve in
those occupations which they understand and formerly filled. Thus
it will follow that fewer heathen will serve in these occupations;
and that the Christians will profit thereby, and will be occupied
and provided for, and many other difficulties and injuries would
thus cease. And then, having diminished the number of Christians
who understand and can be used in occupations, and having left,
as is necessary to the service of the commonwealth the required
number of heathen, who are not imprudent or gamblers (for there are
many who are too dangerous and cunning to be permitted to remain),
all the other heathen Sangleys of these islands should be collected,
put on vessels, and sent back to their own lands, with great care,
rigor, and despatch. This diligence should last until this country
is cleansed and freed from people so injurious to it.
But I must also say, in order to relieve my conscience, that the person
to whom this business and the execution thereof is entrusted should
be worthy of the greatest confidence, and as good a Christian as can
be found. He should claim no temporal interests, but look only to the
service of God our Lord, and that of your Majesty, and to the common
welfare of this land. If he be not such a one, no better opportunity
could be imagined for large thefts and substantial bribes, involving
thousands of pesos, thus failing to provide the relief which is meet
and due.
_Item_: That every year, as some Sangleys are converted and made
Christians, care be taken that they be given occupation, and an equal
number of heathen who have hitherto filled positions be expelled.
_Item_: That in the trading-ships which come every year, it be not
permitted to bring more than the sailors necessary for the care of the
vessels (according to the capacity and tonnage of the ship), and the
merchants who come with their property. The latter must return to their
land that same year after the sale of their goods, and must not remain
in the country; nor shall they be permitted to do so for any reason
whatever. The ship shall return with all the persons whom it brought,
together with those who came before and had remained in the country.
_Item_: In no case shall license or permission be given for heathen
Sangleys to carry on trade and contracts, sales, and business in these
islands and at large among the natives. The Christians, however,
shall be allowed such occupation for their convenience and greater
safety, and in order to avoid many distrusts, dangers, and troubles.
_Item_: No Sangley who is not a Christian should be allowed to go
inland more than two leguas from the city, or remain or trade in the
settlements of the natives, especially those of Christians, under a
severe penalty for doing so, and one much greater to the magistrate
who should consent thereto.
_Item_: It is meet that the religious do not keep or aid heathen
Sangleys, in their convents and districts, by giving them advantages
and employments; for these may be accomplished by the natives, without
employing the Sangleys, thus avoiding no few inconveniences, as can
be seen and understood. It is scarcely less (and perhaps even more)
to the service of our Lord that these works be postponed somewhat,
or that some of them which are less urgent be abandoned; as it is
not meet that for neatness or greater excellence in the work, the
Sangleys live as they do at present.
_Item_: That to no heathen Sangley should be given license to make
rice-wine as so much of this is consumed. If license be granted
it should be to some poor Christians, in order to aid and relieve
their necessity.
_Item_: It is of great importance that neither consent nor permission
be given to any Sangleys to enjoy or exercise any occupation whatever,
outside of the parian and the public place assigned to them and
to the service of the state. They should not be allowed either to
live and remain during the day, or to sleep at night, in the city,
in any convent or in any house of any citizen of whatsoever rank,
under a heavy penalty. Upon the citizen who should consent to and
conceal this act, it is meet that a greater penalty be imposed and
executed. It would even be proper to add to the penalty incurred by
him in person and estate the penalty for treason to the service of your
Majesty, and to punish the guilty person as a traitor. Thus would this
evil be corrected and remedied; for it is a pity, sorrow, and shame,
that it should exist and be permitted for the aforesaid causes and
reasons. Consequently, it is meet that the penalty be executed with
more severity on the citizens, since--as they are responsible for
the greatest injury, and are most to blame--from them must emanate
the remedy, which consists of applying severity and chastisement.
_Luis Perez Dasmarinas_
Bibliographical Data
The royal decree of April 27, 1594, is taken from Santa Inés's
_Crónica_, ii, p. 607; those of June 17, 1595, and March 20 and May
15, 1596, from _Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía_, xxxiv, pp. 86-98 and
101-103. All the other documents in this volume are obtained from
original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, their respective
pressmarks being as follows:
1. _Second embassy to Japan._--First part: "Simancas--Secular;
Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y espedientes del gobernador de
Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6,
leg. 6." Second part: "Simancas--Filipinas; descubrimientos,
descripciones y poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas; años de 1582 á
1606; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3|25, ramo 50."
2. _Letters from G.P. Dasmariñas._--June 20: The same as No. 1,
second part (but no ramo). September 27: "Simancas--Filipinas; cartas
y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dha Audiencia vistos en el
Conscio; años de 1583 á 1600; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18."
3. _Memorandum of troops._--The same as No. 2, first part.
4. _List of Philippine villages._--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dha
Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; años de 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6,
leg. 18."
5. _Letter to king of Camboja, 1594_.--The same as No. 4.
6. _Investigation of the hospital_.--The same as No. 2, first part.
7. _Report by Ortega_.--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de religiosos misioneros de Filipinas
vistos en el Consejo; años 1569 á 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37."
8. _Reply to Japanese emperor_.--The same as No. 1, first part.
9. _Letters from L.P. Dasmariñas, June, 1594_.--The same as No. 4
(except that of June 22, the same as No. 1, first part).
10. _Letter from Carbajal_.--The same as No. 1, first part.
11. _Letter from Morga, 1595_.--The same as No. 4.
12. _Expedition to Camboja, and Instructions to Figueroa_.--The same
as No. 2 (letter of June 20).
13. _Reëstablishment of Audiencia_.--"Audiencia de Filipinas; registros
de oficio y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades y
particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años de 1568 á 1605;
est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11, libro 2, fol. 100a-101b."
14. _Letter from Dasmariñas, December 6, 1595_.--The same as No. 4.
15. _Instructions for Tello_.--The same as No. 13 (except
fol. 146--170).
16. _Letters from Dasmariñas and others, June-July, 1596_.--The same
as No. 4.
17. _Pacification of Mindanao_.--The same as No. 2 (letter of September
27). The last section (headed, "The campaign"): "Simancas--Filipinas;
cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia
vistos en el Consejo; años de 1600 á 1606; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19."
18. _Memorial by Los Rios_.--The same as No. 17, second part.
19. _Letter from Dasmariñas, June 28, 1597_.--The same as No. 4.
NOTES
[1] Another corruption of Kuwambaku (see _Vol_. VIII, note 42).
[2] The province of Satsuma, in the southern part of Kiushiu Island,
the most southern of the main Japan group.
[3] Miako (more generally known by its Chinese name, Kiôto) was the
capital of the Japanese emperors from the year 794 until 1868. Mengoya
is probably the same as the modern Nagoya, an important city in the
province of Owari; in the other MS. the name is Nongoya.
[4] Firando is now Hirado; and Mangasatte is apparently a corruption
of Nangasaki.
[5] Evidently an error in the MS. (which seems to be a duplicate copy
of the original); the other MS. has "Chaxuma"--_i.e._, Satsuma.
[6] From this point we follow the second and fuller account given
in the other MS. (see Bibliographical Data at end of volume). The
two agree nearly to the end of Solis's deposition; then follows,
in the first, a brief statement by Antonio Lopez, and a letter from
Dasmariñas to the Japanese emperor (which we shall give at the close
of the second report).
[7] In the original, _cha_, a word of Chinese origin.
[8] The Christian religion was first introduced into Japan by the
preaching of the great Jesuit St. Francis Xavier, in 1549. Favored by
the Japanese ruler Nobunaga, the Jesuit missions rapidly increased; and
by 1581 "they reckoned nearly one hundred and fifty thousand adherents
in all classes of society, and over two hundred churches." (Rein's
_Japan_, pp. 265-271.)
[9] Liao-Tung, a province of Manchuria which lies between Korea and
the Chinese province of Chi-Li (in which is Pekín); the former is
also known as Mukden, from the name of its capital city.
[10] This plan is not in the Archivo de Indias.
[11] A textile fabric of cotton made by the natives of the Philippines;
see Zúñiga's _Estadismo_ (Retana's ed.), ii, 88, where the word is
spelled _lompote_.
[12] Spanish, _encomenderos temporales_; apparently referring to grants
of encomiendas made for a limited time, or to those which were held
subject to an annual pension.
[13] It has been generally supposed that the first book printed in
the Philippines was the _Arte y reglas de la lengua Tagala_ (Bataan,
1610). J.T. Medina cites the _Historia eclesiastica_ of Fray Alonso
Fernandez (Toledo, 1611--but he cites p. 100 of edition of 1693),
to show that in 1602 a book was published at Manila concerning Our
Lady of the Rosary. But this letter of Dasmariñas proves conclusively
that printing in the islands goes back to at least as early a date as
1593. It was published by Retana in _Política de España en Filipinas_
(October 23, 1899); and in part by Medina, who conjectures that the
"Christian Doctrine" there mentioned was composed by Fray Juan de
Plasencia. Aduarte states explicitly (_Historia,_ ed. 1640, i, p. 108,
and ii, p. 16) that the first printer in the islands was Juan de Vera,
a Chinese convert, in the Dominican convent at Manila; and that he
was incited to do this work by the Dominican friar Francisco de San
Joseph. But he also states that the latter came to the Philippines with
Benavides (1595). For further accounts of printing in the islands, see
Medina's _Imprenta en Manila_ (Santiago de Chile, 1896), pp. v-lxxvi;
Retana's _Zúñiga_, ii, pp. 93*-100*; and Middleton's _Notes on
Bibliography of Philippines_ (Philadelphia, 1900), pp. 27--37.
[14] Apparently meaning pieces of canvas on which the arms were
painted.
[15] According to Morga, this king was named Prauncar (Phra
Uncar) Langara; and his ambassador was Diego Belloso (Veloso),
a Portuguese. On returning to Cambodia with this letter to its king,
the envoy found that country conquered by the Siamese. He was captured
by them and carried, with the presents that he bore from Dasmariñas,
to Siam. Later, he aided in the restoration of the exiled royal
family of Cambodia to power; and for these services a province was
given to him. See Morga's _Sucesos_ (Hakluyt Soc. trans., London,
1878), pp. 44--52.
[16] Regarding Dasmaríñas's death, see note 44, _Vol_. VIII. He was
succeeded by his son, Luis Perez, the writer of this letter; he acted
as governor until the summer of 1596.
[17] Belloso secured aid from Luis Perez Dasmariñas for the exiled
king of Cambodia; but Morga says (p. 46) that this was done against
his advice and that of other leading officers.
[18] Francisco Ortega (thus Pérez; but de Ortega in the MSS. which we
follow) made profession in the Augustinian order, at Toledo--in 1564,
according to Pérez, but various allusions in this document render
1554 a more satisfactory date. Two years later he went to Mexico,
and thence (about 1570) to the Philippines. In 1575, when he was a
missionary in Mindoro, he barely escaped death at the hands of the
natives, and was then appointed prior of the convent of Manila. In
1580 he went to Spain as commissary for the Philippine province of
the order; and ten years afterward returned to the Philippines with
a considerable body of missionaries. In 1597 Ortega was transferred
to Mexico, where he died in 1601.
[19] In MS. _dos_ (two); evidently an error for _doce_ (twelve).
[20] In the original, _las galeras que estan la Havana_. It must be
remembered that these Ortega papers are in abstract only--apparently
summarized for the use of the royal council by some clerk, who may
have been more familiar with affairs in Nueva España than in the
Philippines. _La Havana_ is probably his error or conjecture for
_á Cavite_.
[21] Carbajal was the captain in whose ship sailed Pedro Bautista,
envoy of Dasmariñas to Japan (_Vol_. VIII, note 33). A full account
of this embassy is given by La Concepción in _Hist. de Philipinas_,
ii, pp. 341--376.
[22] Miguel de Benavides (born about 1550) came to the Philippines as
a member of the first Dominican mission band (1587). Three years later
he went to China as a missionary; returning to Manila, he accompanied
Salazar to Spain (1592). He was created the first bishop of the new
diocese of Nueva Segovia, and afterward archbishop of Manila; he died
in that city on July 26, 1605. To him was due the foundation of the
college of Santo Tomás.
[23] Ignacio de Santibañez, a Franciscan, was appointed first
archbishop of Manila; he then went to Nueva España, where he was
consecrated in 1596, but did not take possession of his see until
1598. His term of office lasted less than three months, for he died
on August 14 of the same year.
[24] The maravedi was a money of account; thirty-four made a real (see
_Vol_. III, p. 177). A royal decree dated June 14, 1595, granted to
Santibañez an annuity of 500,000 maravedis from Salazar's death until
such time as his successor should enter upon his duties as archbishop.
[25] By bulls given at Rome, August 14, 1595, the bishoprics of
Nueva Segovia, Cebú, and Nueva Cáceres were established. The right
of changing the boundaries of the dioceses was reserved to the
papal nuncio in Spain; and the patronage was granted (as in the new
archbishopric of Manila) to the king of Spain.
[26] Better known as Yuthia (a name corrupted from the Sanscrit);
it was the ancient capital of Siam, and lies on the river Meinam,
fifty-four miles above Bangkok.
[27] See the detailed account of the ceremonies with which the
royal seal of the Audiencia was received on its arrival at Manila,
as related by Morga in his _Sucesos_ (Hakluyt Soc. trans.), pp. 89--91.
[28] The archbishop of Manila, in a letter to the king dated August
15, 1624, makes the following interesting observation on the state
of affairs in Manila after the suppression of the Audiencia: "The
principal motive that influenced Philippo Second, our sovereign, to
reëstablish, in the time of the governorship of Don Francisco Tello,
the royal Audiencia in these islands, which had been suppressed some
years before, was that, in districts so remote and distant from his
royal presence, the governors might not be so absolute, but that there
might be a superior arm to check them, and not allow extortions upon
an innocent people."
[29] The letter here mentioned is found in a group of papers in
the Sevilla archives (see Bibliographical Data for "Instructions to
Figueroa"), and is (in somewhat condensed form) as follows: "Since
writing the letter of embassy, the king has ordered me to write another
for your Lordship, as the former was not necessary on account of the
embassy which Diego Beloso was conducting for the king of Canvoxa,
whose kingdom the king of Sian has taken. Accordingly he would have
your Lordship send the first embassy, or allow commerce, since the road
is open to all vessels and persons who desire to go thither from Sian,
for he will do the same for that trade as for Malaca. He desires from
your Lordship a horse and mare for breeding, and will take it as a mark
of esteem from you. He orders Captain Diego Beloso to command this
junk, and the latter will negotiate with your Lordship. He carries
a number of presents for your Lordship. I recommend Captain Diego
Beloso to you, although I know it to be unnecessary after what he
has done in Canvoja. He is carrying to your Lordship two elephants,
male and female, at his own suggestion, together with a beautiful
piece of ivory. Done on October 8, 1594.
_Fray Gregorio da Cruz_."
[30] Champa (Chanpa) was the Malay name of Cambodia (Camboja); it was,
however, first applied to a Malay settlement on the eastern coast
of the Gulf of Siam. Later, the province of Champa was a part of the
kingdom of Anam, and is now part of French Cochin-China.
[31] _Veinte e cuatros_, literally "twenty-fours," aldermen or regidors
in the town councils of certain towns in Andalusia.
[32] A decree of like import, and couched in exactly the same language,
was issued at the same place and on the same date _in re_ the bishopric
of Nueva-Cáceres. This decree is published in _Doc. Inéd. Amér. y
Oceania_, xxxiv, pp. 99--101.
[33] Contract for disposing of goods by wholesale.
[34] As early as 1550 a decree was issued that, "when possible,
schools should be established for the instruction of the Indians
in the Castilian language" (_Recop. leyes Indias_, lib. vi, tit. i,
ley xviii); but apparently this was not fully enforced.
[35] See the document here referred to, at the end of _Vol_. V,
and completed in _Vol_. VI.
[36] Figueroa, "before leaving Iloilo, made his will, endowing
the Jesuit college at Manila with two thousand pesos of income;
and directed that in case his daughters should die their inheritance
should pass to that college of San José" (Montero y Vidal's _Piratería
en Mindanao_, i, p. 140).
[37] See _Discovery of the Solomon Islands_ (Hakluyt Soc. publications,
2d series, nos. 7, 8; London, 1901); this contains Mendaña's and
other narratives of his expeditions in the southern Pacific Ocean.
[38] A title given among Mahometans to certain persons of religious
profession.
[39] This and other italic headings to paragraphs in this document are,
in the original MS., marginal notes in another handwriting--probably
made by a clerk, for convenience of reference.
[40] When Figueroa began the conquest of Mindanao (1596) he was
accompanied thither by two Jesuits--Juan del Campo, a priest;
and Gaspar Gómez, a lay brother. The former was carried off by a
fever, dying on August 10, 1596, at the age of thirty years, after
little more than a year's stay in the islands. In his place, Juan
de Sanlúcar and Pedro de Chirino accompanied Ronquillo's expedition
in the following year. Sanlúcar entered the Jesuit order in 1570,
and came to the Philippines in time to join the Mindanao expedition;
he died at Palápag, April 26, 1612.
Pedro de Chirino entered the Jesuit order in 1580, and arrived
at Manila ten years later. He died there on September 16, 1635,
at the age of seventy-eight. His noted work, _Relacion de las Islas
Filipinas_ (Roma, 1604), will be presented in subsequent volumes of
this series. La Concepcion says of him (_Hist. de Philipinas_, v,
p. 198): "A man of great industry and of studious habits, who devoted
to study and books all the time which was not occupied by his ministry
to souls."
[41] _La Caldera_, "the Caldron"--a port in the extreme south of
Mindanao, not far from Zamboanga; its primitive name, Cauite.
[42] The original MS. of this document is illegible or torn in many
places: these are indicated by leaders (...).
[43] This ship was wrecked on the coast of Japan, driven thither by
tempests; and its rich cargo was seized by the Japanese. Detailed
accounts of this event and its consequences are furnished by Morga
in his _Sucesos_ (Hakluyt Soc. trans.), pp. 75--79; Santa Inés,
in the _Crónica_, ii, pp. 252--272; and La Concepcion, in _Hist. de
Philipinas_, iii, pp. 106--119, 143--148.
[44] Francisco de Ibarra was a prominent Spanish officer in Mexico
(1554--72); he subjected to the dominion of Spain the province of
Copala, which he named Nueva Vizcaya, founding therein the cities of
Durango, Sinaloa, and others.
[45] For accounts of early explorations on North American coasts, see
the following works: On the northeastern coast, Winsor's _Narrative and
Critical History of America_, iv, pp. 33--102. On the Pacific coast,
H.H. Bancroft's _History of the Northwest Coast_, i, pp. 1--136. The
voyages mentioned in this document are regarded by Bancroft as
apocryphal. Bacallaos ("cod-fish") was an early designation of the
island of Newfoundland, but was afterward extended to the mainland of
eastern Canada. The cape of Breton evidently refers to Cape Breton,
on the island of that name.
[46] Sedeño, as vice-provincial of his order in the islands, governed
all its missions there. On a journey of inspection he suffered greatly
from the hardships of a stormy voyage, and died at Cebú on September
1, 1595. La Concepcion gives an interesting sketch of his life and
labors, in _Hist. de Philipinas_, iii, pp. 7--12. Before coming to
the Philippines, Sedeño had accompanied the expeditions of Pedro
Melendez in Florida.
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