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Title: A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume I.
Author: Bryant, Jacob, 1715-1804
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.

*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume I." ***

Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: they
are listed at the end of the text.












Observations and Inquiries relating to various
Parts of Antient History;







       *       *       *       *       *







       *       *       *       *       *

The earliest authentic account we can obtain of the birth of this learned
and celebrated writer, is from the Register Book of Eton College, in which
he is entered "of Chatham, in the county of Kent, of the age of twelve
years, in 1730,"--consequently, born in 1718.

Whence a difference has arisen between the dates in this entry, and the
inscription on his monument, hereafter given, we are unable to explain.

The two royal foundations of Eton, and King's College, Cambridge, justly
boast of this great scholar and ornament of his age. He received his first
rudiments at the village of Lullingstone, in Kent; and was admitted upon
the foundation, at Eton College, on the 3d of August, 1730, where he was
three years captain of the school, previous to his removal to Cambridge. He
was elected from Eton to King's College in 1736; took the degree of
Bachelor of Arts in 1740; and proceeded Master in 1744.

He attended the Duke of Marlborough, and his brother, Lord Charles Spencer,
at Eton, as their private tutor, and proved a valuable acquisition to that
illustrious house; and, what may be reckoned, at least equally fortunate,
his lot fell among those who knew how to appreciate his worth, and were
both able and willing to reward it. The Duke made him his private
secretary, in which capacity he accompanied his Grace during his campaign
on the continent, where he had the command of the British forces; and, when
he was made Master-General of the Ordnance, he appointed Mr. Bryant to the
office of Secretary, then about 1400l. per annum.

His general habits, in his latter years, as is commonly the case with
severe students, were sedentary; and, during the last ten years of his
life, he had frequent pains in his chest, occasioned by so much
application, and leaning against his table to write; but, in his younger
days, spent at Eton, he excelled in various athletic exercises; and, by his
skill in swimming, was the happy instrument in saving the life of the
venerable Dr. Barnard, afterwards Provost of Eton College. The doctor
gratefully acknowledged this essential service, by embracing the first
opportunity which occurred, to present the nephew of his preserver with the
living of Wootton Courtney, near Minehead, in Somerset; a presentation
belonging to the Provost of Eton, in right of his office.

Mr. Bryant was never married. He commonly rose at half past seven, shaved
himself without a glass, was seldom a quarter of an hour in dressing, at
nine rung for his breakfast, which was abstemious, and generally visited
his friends at Eton and Windsor, between breakfast and dinner, which was
formerly at two, but afterwards at four o'clock. He was particularly fond
of dogs, and was known to have thirteen spaniels at one time: he once very
narrowly escaped drowning, through his over eagerness in putting them into
the water.

Our author must be considered as highly distinguished, beyond the common
lot of mortality, with the temporal blessings of comforts, honour, and long
life. With respect to the first of these, he enjoyed health, peace, and
competence; for, besides what he derived from his own family, the present
Duke of Marlborough, after his father's death, settled an annuity on Mr.
Bryant of 600 l. which he continued to receive from that noble family till
his death.

He was greatly honoured among his numerous, yet chosen friends and
acquaintance; and his company courted by all the literary characters in his
neighbourhood. His more particular intimates, in his own district, were
Doctors Barford, Barnard, Glynn, and Heberden. The venerable Sir George
Baker, he either saw or corresponded with every day; likewise with Dr.
Hallam, the father of Eton school, who had given up the deanery of Bristol,
because he chose to reside at Windsor. When he went into Kent, the friends
he usually visited were the Reverend Archdeacon Law, Mr. Longley, Recorder
of Rochester, and Dr. Dampier, afterwards Bishop of that diocese. Besides
the pecuniary expression of esteem mentioned above, the Duke of Marlborough
had two rooms kept for him at Blenheim, with his name inscribed over the
doors; and he was the only person who was presented with the keys of that
choice library. The humble retreat of the venerable sage was frequently
visited by his Majesty; and thus he partook in the highest honours recorded
of the philosophers and sages of antiquity. Thus loved and honoured, he
attained to eighty-nine years of age, and died, at Cypenham, near Windsor,
Nov. 13, 1804, of a mortification in his leg, originating in the seemingly
slight circumstance of a rasure against a chair, in the act of reaching a
book from a shelf.

He had presented many of his most valuable books to the King in his
life-time, and his editions by Caxton to the Marquis of Blandford: the
remainder of this choice collection he bequeathed to the library of King's
College, Cambridge, where he had received his education.

He gave, by will, 2,000 l. to the society for propagating the gospel, and
1,000 l. to the superannuated collegers of Eton school, to be disposed of
as the provost and fellows should think fit. Also, 500 l. to the parish of
Farnham Royal. The poor of Cypenham and Chalvey were constant partakers of
his bounty, which was of so extensive a nature, that he commissioned the
neighbouring clergy to look out proper objects for his beneficence.

Mr. Bryant's literary attainments were of a nature peculiar to himself;
and, in point of classical erudition he was, perhaps, without an equal in
the world. He had the very peculiar felicity of preserving his eminent
superiority of talents to the end of a very long life; the whole of which
was not only devoted to literature, but his studies were uniformly directed
to the investigation of truth. The love of truth might, indeed, be
considered as his grand characteristic, which he steadily pursued; and this
is equally true as to his motive, whether he was found on the wrong or
right side of the question. A few minutes before he expired, he declared to
his nephew, and others in the room, that "all he had written was with a
view to the promulgation of truth; and, that all he had contended for, he
himself believed." By truth, we are to understand religious truth, his firm
persuasion of the truth of Christianity; to the investigation and
establishment of which he devoted his whole life. This was the central
point, around which all his labours turned; the ultimate object at which
they aimed.

Such are the particulars we have been able to collect of this profound
scholar and antiquary. But the life of a man of letters appears, and must
be chiefly sought for in his works, of which we subjoin the following

The first work Mr. Bryant published was in 1767, intituled, "Observations
and Inquiries relating to various Parts of antient History; containing
Dissertations on the Wind Euroclydon, (see vol. v. p. 325.); and on the
Island Melite, (see vol. v. p. 357.), together with an Account of Egypt in
its most early State, (see vol. vi. p. 1.); and of the Shepherd Kings."
(See vol. vi. p. 105.) This publication is calculated not only to throw
light on the antient history of the kingdom of Egypt, but on the history
also of the Chaldeans, Assyrians, Babylonians, Edomites, and other nations.
The account of the Shepherd Kings contains a statement of the time of their
coming into Egypt; of the particular province they possessed, and, to which
the Israelites afterwards succeeded. The treatise on the Euroclydon was
designed to vindicate the common reading of Acts, xxvii. 14. in opposition
to Bochart, Grotius, and Bentley, supported by the authority of the
Alexandrine M.S. and the Vulgate, who thought EUROAQUILO more agreeable to
the truth.

His grand work, called, "A New System, or, an Analysis of Antient
Mythology," was the next; "wherein an attempt is made to divest Tradition
of Fable, and to reduce Truth to its original Purity." This was published
in quarto, vol. i. and ii. in 1774, and vol. iii. in 1776.

In 1775 he published "A Vindication of the Apamean Medal, (see vol. v. p.
287.) and of the Inscription ΝΩΕ; together with an Illustration of another
Coin struck at the same Place in honour of the Emperor Severus." This
appeared in the fourth volume of the Archæologia, and also as a separate
quarto pamphlet.

"An address to Dr. Priestley, on the Doctrine of Philosophical Necessity
illustrated," 1780. A pamphlet, octavo.

"Vindiciæ Flavianæ; or, a Vindication of the Testimony given by Josephus
concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ." A pamphlet, octavo. 1780.

"Observations on the Poems of Thomas Rowley; in which the authenticity of
these Poems is ascertained." Two duodecimo volumes, 1781. In this
controversy Mr. Bryant engaged deeply and earnestly, and was assisted in it
by the learned Dr. Glynn of King's College, Cambridge. Our author in this,
as in his other controversial writings, was influenced by a spirit of sober
inquiry, and a regard for truth. The leading object he had in view, in his
Observations on the poems ascribed to Rowley, was to prove, by a variety of
instances, that Chatterton could not be their author, as he appeared not to
understand them himself. This plea appears specious, yet it is certain the
learned author failed egregiously in his proofs, and this publication added
little to the reputation he had already acquired. The best way of
accounting for Mr. Bryant's risking his well-earned and high character in
the literary world in this controversy, and for the eagerness with which he
engaged in it, is from the turn of his studies. "He had," to borrow the
words of Mr. Mason, "been much engaged in antiquities, and consequently had
imbibed too much of the spirit of a protest antiquarian; now we know, from
a thousand instances, that no set of men are more willingly duped than
these, especially by any thing that comes to them under the fascinating
form of a new discovery."

"Collections on the Zingara, or Gypsey Language." Archæologia, vol. vii.

"Gemmarum antiquarum Delectus ex præstantioribus desumptus in Dactylotheca
Ducis Marlburiensis," Two vols, folio, 1783, &c. This is the first volume
of the Duke of Marlborough's splendid edition of his invaluable collection
of Gems, and was translated into French by Dr. Maty. The second volume was
done in Latin by Dr. Cole, prebendary of Westminster; the French by Mr.
Dutens. The Gems are exquisitely engraved by Bartolozzi. This work was
privately printed, and no more copies taken than were intended for the
crowned heads of Europe, and a few of his Grace's private friends; after
which the coppers for the plates were broken, and the manuscript for the
letter-press carefully reduced to ashes.

"A Treatise on the Authenticity of the Scriptures, and the Truth of the
Christian Religion." Octavo, 1792.

"Observations upon the Plagues inflicted upon the Egyptians; in which is
shewn the Peculiarity of those Judgments, and their Correspondence with the
Rites and Idolatry of that People; with a prefatory discourse concerning
the Grecian colonies from Egypt." Octavo, 1794.

The treatise on the authenticity of the Scriptures was published
anonymously, and the whole of the profits arising from its sale given to
the society for the Propagation of the Gospel. It contains a good general
view of the leading arguments for Divine Revelation.

"Observations upon a Treatise, intituled, Description of the Plain of Troy,
by Mons Le Chevalier," Quarto, 1795.

"A Dissertation concerning the War of Troy, and the Expedition of the
Grecians, as described by Homer; shewing that no such Expedition was ever
undertaken, and that no such City in Phrygia ever existed." Quarto, 1796.
The appearance of this publication excited great surprise among the
learned, and made few proselytes to the doctrine it inculcates; and even
his high authority failed in overturning opinions so long maintained and
established among historians, and supported by such extensive and clear
evidence. He is a wise man indeed who knows where to stop. Mr. Bryant had
wonderfully succeeded in his famous Mythology, in "divesting Tradition of
Fable, and reducing Truth to its original Purity," and this seduced him, as
his antiquarian pursuits had done before, in the case of Rowley, to proceed
to unwarrantable lengths in the Dissertation on the War of Troy. It was
remarked on by Mr. Falconer, and answered in a very rude way by Mr. Gilbert
Wakefield in a letter to Mr. Bryant. J. B. S. Morrit, Esq. of Rokeby Park,
near Greta-Bridge, undertook to vindicate Homer, in a style and with
manners more worthy of the subject and of a gentleman, and was replied to
by Mr. Bryant.

"The Sentiments of Philo Judæus concerning the ΛΟΓΟΣ, or Word of God;
together with large Extracts from his Writings, compared with the
Scriptures, on many other essential Doctrines of the Christian Religion."
Octavo, 1797.

"Dissertations on Balaam, Sampson, and Jonah," also, "Observations on
famous controverted Passages in Josephus and Justin Martyr," are extremely
curious, and such perhaps as only he could have written.

       *       *       *       *       *

"The New System, or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology," here presented to
the public, is a literary phenomenon, which will remain the admiration of
scholars, as long as a curiosity after antiquity shall continue to be a
prevailing passion among mankind. Its author was master of the profoundest
erudition, and did not come behind the most distinguished names of the last
century, for their attention to the minutest circumstance that might cast a
ray of light upon the remotest ages. Nothing in the antient Greek and Roman
literature, however recondite, or wherever dispersed, could escape his
sagacity and patient investigation. But we are not to confine our
admiration of the work before us to the deep erudition discoverable in it;
this elaborate production is equally distinguished for its ingenuity and
novelty. Departing with a boldness of genius from the systems of his
predecessors in the same walks of literature, he delights by his ingenuity,
while he astonishes by his courage, and surprises by his novelty. In the
last point of view, this work is indeed singularly striking; it departs
from the commonly-received systems, to a degree that has not only never
been attempted, but not even thought of by any men of learning.

The subject, here undertaken by Mr. Bryant was one of uncommon difficulty;
one of the most abstruse and difficult which antiquity presents to us; the
information to be obtained concerning it must be collected from a vast
number of incidental passages, observations and assertions scattered
through antient authors, who being themselves but imperfectly acquainted
with their subject, it is next to impossible to reconcile. This, however,
our author has attempted; and though, in doing this, the exuberances of
fancy and imagination are conspicuous, and some may entertain doubts,
concerning the solidity of some of his conjectures, yet, even such are
forced to allow that many parts of the author's scheme are probable, and
deserving the highest attention.

His method of proceeding by etymology was not a little hazardous; men of
the greatest abilities have often failed in the use of it, while those of
weak judgment have, by their application of it, rendered it the source of
the greatest absurdities, and almost led the unthinking to connect an idea
of ridicule with the term itself. But the judicious use which Mr. Bryant
could make of this science is apparent in every part of his work: he
derives from it the greatest and only light which can be cast upon some of
his inquiries, and that in a way that will draw the admiration of those who
have a proper acquaintance with the subject; that is, such as have a
knowledge of the Oriental languages sufficient to enable them to trace them
through the Greek, Latin, and other tongues, as they relate to the names of
things, which in almost every country carry evidence of their being derived
from the East; from whence it is certain mankind themselves are derived.
The sagacity and diligence with which our author has applied his helps
obtained from the scattered passages of antient authors and etymology, have
enabled him to clear up the history of the remotest ages, and to elucidate
objects hitherto surrounded with darkness and error. Upon the whole, it
will be allowed by all who are capable judges of the subject, that the
plausibility of his hypothesis is frequently apparent, his scheme great,
and his discoveries extraordinary.

_Viro plusquàm octogenario, et_ Etonæ _Matris Filiorum omnium superstitum
Ætate jam grandissimo,_ JACOBO BRYANT, S.

       *       *       *       *       *

  Nomen honorati sacrum mihi cùm sit amici,
    Charta sit hæc animi fida ministra mei:
  Ne tamen incultis veniant commissa tabellis,
    Carminis ingenuâ dicta laventur ope.
  Quem videt, è longá sobolem admirata catervâ,
    Henrici[1] à superis lætiùs umbra plagis?
  Quem pueris ubicunque suis monstrare priorem
    Principe alumnorum mater Etona solet?
  Quem cupit eximiæ quisquis virtutis amator,
    Seriùs  ætherei regna subire poli?
  Blande Senex, quem Musa fovet, seu seria tractas,
    Seu facili indulges quæ propiora joco;
  Promeritos liceat Vates tibi condat honores,
    Et recolat vitæ præmia justa tuæ:
  Præparet haud quovis lectas de flore corollas,
    Sed benè Nestoreis serta gerenda comis.
  Scriptorum ex omni serie numeroque tuorum,
    Utilitas primo est conspicienda loco:
  Gratia subsequitur; Sapientiaque atria pandit
    Ampla tibi, ingeniis solùm ineunda piis.
  Asperitate carens, mores ut ubique tueris!
    Si levis es, levitas ipsa docere solet.
  Quo studio errantes animos in aperta reducis!
    Quo sensu dubios, quâ gravitate mones!
  Si fontes aperire novos, et acumine docto
    Elicere in scriptis quæ latuere sacris,
  Seu Verum è fictis juvet extricare libellis,
    Historicâ et tenebris reddere lumen ope,
  Aspice conspicuo lætentur ut omnia cœlo,
    Et referent nitidum solque jubarque diem!
  Centauri, Lapithæque, et Tantalus, atque Prometheus,
    Et Nephele, veluti nube soluta suâ,--
  Hi pereunt omnes; alterque laboribus ipse
    Conficis Alcides Hercule majus opus.
  Tendis in hostilem soli tibi fisus arenam?
    Excutis hæretici verba minuta Sophi[2]?
  Accipit æternam vis profligata repulsam,
    Fractaque sunt validâ tela minæque manu.
  Cui Melite non nota tua est? atque impare nisu
    Conjunctum à criticis Euro Aquilonis iter?
  Argo quis dubitat? quis Delta in divite nescit
    Quà sit Jösephi fratribus aucta domus?
  Monstra quot Ægypti perhibes! quæque Ira Jehovæ!
    Quâm proprié in falsos arma parata deos!
  Dum fœdis squalet Nilus cum fœtibus amnis,
    Et necis est auctor queîs modo numen erat.
  Immeritos Danaûm casus, Priamique dolemus
    Funera, nec vel adhuc ossa quieta, senis?
  Fata Melesigensæ querimur, mentitaque facta
    Hectoris incertas ad Simoëntis aquas?
  Eruis hæc veteris scabrâ è rubigine famæ,
    Dasque operis vati jusque decusque sui,
  Magna tuis affers monumentaque clara triumphis,
    Cum Trojâ æternum quòd tibi nomen erit!
  Ah! ne te extremâ cesset coluisse senectâ,
    (Aspicere heu! nimiæ quem vetuere moræ,)
  Qui puer, atque infans prope, te sibi sensit amicum,
    Eque tuis sophiæ fontibus hausit aquas!
  Imagis, et, puræ quæcunque aptissima vitæ
    Præmia supplicibus det Deus ipse suis,
  Hæc pete rite seni venerando, Musa; quod Ille
    Nec spe, nec famâ, ditior esse potest.
  Innumeris longùm gratus societur amicis,
    Inter Etonenses duxque paterque viros:
  Felix intersit terris: superûmque beato
    Paulisper talem fas sit abesse choro.

       *       *       *       *       *






       *       *       *       *       *



Collegii Regalis apud Cantabrigienses Olim Socii
Qui in bonis quas ibi hauserat artibus
excolendis consenuit.
Erant in eo plurimæ literæ
nec eæ vulgares,
Sed exquisitæ quædam et reconditæ,
quas non minore Studio quam acumine
ad illustrandam S.S veritatem adhibuit:
Id quod testantur scripta ejus gravissima,
tam in Historiæ sacræ primordiis eruendis
quam in Gentium Mythologiâ explicandâ versata.
Libris erat adeo deditus
Ut iter vitæ secretum
iis omnino deditum;
Præmiis honoribusque
quæ illi non magis ex Patroni nobilissimi gratiâ
quam suis meritis abunde præsto erant,
usq; præposuerit.
Vitam integerrimam et verê Christianam
Non sine tristi suorum desiderio, clausit
Nov. 13. 1804.
Anno Ætatis suæ 89.

       *       *       *       *       *


Ναφε, και μεμνασ' απιστειν· αρθρα ταυτα των φρενων.----EPICHARMUS.

It is my purpose, in the ensuing work, to give an account of the first
ages, and of the great events which happened in the infancy of the world.
In consequence of this I shall lay before the reader what the Gentile
writers have said upon this subject, collaterally with the accounts given
by Moses, as long as I find him engaged in the general history of mankind.
By these means I shall be able to bring surprising proofs of those great
occurrences, which the sacred penman has recorded. And when his history
becomes more limited, and is confined to a peculiar people, and a private
dispensation, I shall proceed to shew what was subsequent to his account
after the migration of families, and the dispersion from the plains of
Shinar. When mankind were multiplied upon the earth, each great family had,
by [3]divine appointment, a particular place of destination, to which they
retired. In this manner the first nations were constituted, and kingdoms
founded. But great changes were soon effected, and colonies went abroad
without any regard to their original place of allotment. New establishments
were soon made, from whence ensued a mixture of people and languages. These
are events of the highest consequence; of which we can receive no
intelligence, but through the hands of the Gentile writers.

It has been observed, by many of the learned, that some particular family
betook themselves very early to different parts of the world, in all which
they introduced their rites and religion, together with the customs of
their country. They represent them as very knowing and enterprising; and
with good reason. They were the first who ventured upon the seas, and
undertook long voyages. They shewed their superiority and address in the
numberless expeditions which they made, and the difficulties which they
surmounted. Many have thought that they were colonies from Egypt, or from
Phenicia, having a regard only to the settlements which they made in the
west. But I shall shew hereafter, that colonies of the same people are to
be found in the most extreme parts of the east; where we may observe the
same rites and ceremonies, and the same traditional histories, as are to be
met with in their other settlements. The country called Phenicia could not
have sufficed for the effecting all that is attributed to these mighty
adventurers. It is necessary for me to acquaint the Reader, that the
wonderful people to whom I allude were the descendants of Chus, and called
Cuthites and Cuseans. They stood their ground at the general migration of
families; but were at last scattered over the face of the earth. They were
the first apostates from the truth, yet great in worldly wisdom. They
introduced, wherever they came, many useful arts, and were looked up to as
a superior order of beings: hence they were styled Heroes, Dæmons, Heliadæ,
Macarians. They were joined in their expeditions by other nations,
especially by the collateral branches of their family, the Mizraim,
Caphtorim, and the sons of Canaan. These were all of the line of Ham, who
was held by his posterity in the highest veneration. They called him Amon:
and having in process of time raised him to a divinity, they worshipped him
as the Sun; and from this worship they were styled Amonians. This is an
appellation which will continually occur in the course of this work; and I
am authorised in the use of it from Plutarch, from whom we may infer, that
it was not uncommon among the sons of Ham. He specifies particularly, in
respect to the Egyptians, that when any two of that nation met, they used
it as a term of honour in their[4] salutations, and called one another
Amonians. This therefore will be the title by which I shall choose to
distinguish the people of whom I treat, when I speak of them collectively;
for under this denomination are included all of this family, whether they
were Egyptians or Syrians, of Phenicia or of Canaan. They were a people who
carefully preserved memorials of their ancestors, and of those great events
which had preceded their dispersion. These were described in hieroglyphics
upon pillars and obelisks: and when they arrived at the knowledge of
letters, the same accounts were religiously maintained, both in their
sacred archives, and popular records. It is mentioned of Sanchoniathon, the
most antient of Gentile writers, that he obtained all his knowledge from
some writings of the Amonians. _It was the good fortune of Sanchoniathon_,
says [5]Philo Biblius, _to light upon some antient_ _Amonian records, which
had been preserved in the innermost part of a temple, and known to very
few. Upon this discovery he applied himself with great diligence to make
himself master of the contents: and having, by divesting them of the fable
and allegory with which they were obscured, obtained his purpose, he
brought the whole to a conclusion_.

I should be glad to give the Reader a still farther insight into the system
which I am about to pursue. But such is the scope of my inquiries, and the
purport of my determinations, as may possibly create in him some prejudice
to my design; all which would be obviated were he to be carried, step by
step, to the general view, and be made partially acquainted, according as
the scene opened. What I have to exhibit is in great measure new; and I
shall be obliged to run counter to many received opinions, which length of
time, and general assent, have in a manner rendered sacred. What is truly
alarming, I shall be found to differ, not only from some few historians, as
is the case in common controversy, but in some degree from all; and this in
respect to many of the most essential points, upon which historical
precision has been thought to depend. My meaning is, that I must set aside
many supposed facts which have never been controverted; and dispute many
events which have not only been admitted as true, but have been looked up
to as certain æras from whence other events were to be determined. All our
knowledge of Gentile history must either come through the hands of the
Grecians, or of the Romans, who copied from them. I shall therefore give a
full account of the Helladian Greeks, as well as of the Iönim, or Ionians,
in Asia: also of the Dorians, Leleges, and Pelasgi. What may appear very
presumptuous, I shall deduce from their own histories many truths, with
which they were totally unacquainted, and give to them an original, which
they certainly did not know. They have bequeathed to us noble materials, of
which it is time to make a serious use. It was their misfortune not to know
the value of the data which they transmitted, nor the purport of their own

It will be one part of my labour to treat of the Phenicians, whose history
has been much mistaken: also of the Scythians, whose original has been
hitherto a secret. From such an elucidation many good consequences will, I
hope, ensue; as the Phenicians and Scythians have hitherto afforded the
usual place of retreat for ignorance to shelter itself. It will therefore
be my endeavour to specify and distinguish the various people under these
denominations, of whom writers have so generally, and indiscriminately,
spoken. I shall say a great deal about the Ethiopians, as their history has
never been completely given: also of the Indi, and Indo-Scythæ, who seem to
have been little regarded. There will be an account exhibited of the
Cimmerian, Hyperborean, and Amazonian nations, as well as of the people of
Colchis; in which the religion, rites, and original of those nations will
be pointed out. I know of no writer who has written at large of the
Cyclopians. Yet their history is of great antiquity, and abounds with
matter of consequence. I shall, therefore, treat of them very fully, and at
the same time of the great works which they performed; and subjoin an
account of the Lestrygons, Lamii, Sirens, as there is a close
correspondence between them.

As it will be my business to abridge history of every thing superfluous and
foreign, I shall be obliged to set aside many antient law-givers, and
princes, who were supposed to have formed republics, and to have founded
kingdoms. I cannot acquiesce in the stale legends of Deucalion of Thessaly,
of Inachus of Argos, and, Ægialeus of Sicyon; nor in the long line of
princes who are derived from them. The supposed heroes of the first ages,
in every country are equally fabulous. No such conquests were ever achieved
as are ascribed to Osiris, Dionusus, and Sesostris. The histories of
Hercules and Perseus are equally void of truth. I am convinced, and hope I
shall satisfactorily prove, that Cadmus never brought letters to Greece;
and that no such person existed as the Grecians have described. What I have
said about Sesostris and Osiris, will be repeated about Ninus, and
Semiramis, two personages, as ideal as the former. There never were such
expeditions undertaken, nor conquests made, as are attributed to these
princes: nor were any such empires constituted, as are supposed to have
been established by them. I make as little account of the histories of
Saturn, Janus, Pelops, Atlas, Dardanus, Minos of Crete, and Zoroaster of
Bactria. Yet something mysterious, and of moment, is concealed under these
various characters: and the investigation of this latent truth will be the
principal part of my inquiry. In respect to Greece, I can afford credence
to very few events, which were antecedent to the Olympiads. I cannot give
the least assent to the story of Phryxus, and the golden fleece. It seems
to me plain beyond doubt, that there were no such persons as the Grecian
Argonauts: and that the expedition of Jason to Colchis was a fable.

After having cleared my way, I shall proceed to the sources, from whence
the Grecians drew. I shall give an account of the Titans, and Titanic war,
with the history of the Cuthites and antient Babylonians. This will be
accompanied with the Gentile history of the Deluge, the migration of
mankind from Shinar, and the dispersion from Babel. The whole will be
crowned with an account of antient Egypt; wherein many circumstances of
high consequence in chronology will be stated. In the execution of the
whole there will be brought many surprising proofs in confirmation of the
Mosaic account: and it will be found, from repeated evidence, that every
thing, which the divine historian has transmitted, is most assuredly true.
And though the nations, who preserved memorials of the Deluge, have not
perhaps stated accurately the time of that event; yet it will be found the
grand epocha, to which they referred; the highest point to which they could
ascend. This was esteemed the renewal of the world; the new birth of
mankind; and the ultimate of Gentile history. Some traces may perhaps be
discernable in their rites and mysteries of the antediluvian system: but
those very few, and hardly perceptible. It has been thought, that the
Chaldaic, and Egyptian accounts exceed not only the times of the Deluge,
but the æra of the world: and Scaliger has accordingly carried the
chronology of the latter beyond the term of his artificial[6] period. But
upon inquiry we shall find the chronology of this people very different
from the representations which have been given. This will be shewn by a
plain and precise account, exhibited by the Egyptians themselves: yet
overlooked and contradicted by the persons, through whose hands we receive
it. Something of the same nature will be attempted in respect to Berosus;
as well as to Abydenus, Polyhistor, and Appollodorus, who borrowed from
him. Their histories contained matter of great moment: and will afford some
wonderful discoveries. From their evidence, and from that which has
preceded, we shall find, that the Deluge was the grand epocha of every
antient kingdom. It is to be observed, that when colonies made anywhere a
settlement, they ingrafted their antecedent history upon the subsequent
events of the place. And as in those days they could carry up the genealogy
of their princes to the very source of all, it will be found, under
whatever title he may come, that the first king in every country was Noah.
For as he was mentioned first in the genealogy of their princes, he was in
aftertimes looked upon as a real monarch; and represented as a great
traveller, a mighty conqueror, and sovereign of the whole earth. This
circumstance will appear even in the annals of the Egyptians: and though
their chronology has been supposed to have reached beyond that of any
nation, yet it coincides very happily with the accounts given by Moses.

In the prosecution of my system I shall not amuse the Reader with doubtful
and solitary extracts; but collect all that can be obtained upon the
subject, and shew the universal scope of writers. I shall endeavour
particularly to compare sacred history with profane, and prove the general
assent of mankind to the wonderful events recorded. My purpose is not to
lay science in ruins; but instead of desolating to build up, and to rectify
what time has impaired: to divest mythology of every foreign and unmeaning
ornament, and to display the truth in its native simplicity: to shew, that
all the rites and mysteries of the Gentiles were only so many memorials of
their principal ancestors; and of the great occurrences to which they had
been witnesses. Among these memorials the chief were the ruin of mankind by
a flood; and the renewal of the world in one family. They had symbolical
representations, by which these occurrences were commemorated: and the
antient hymns in their temples were to the same purpose. They all related
to the history of the first ages, and to the same events which are recorded
by Moses.

Before I can arrive at this essential part of my inquiries, I must give an
account of the rites and customs of antient Hellas; and of those people
which I term Amonians. This I must do in order to shew, from whence they
came: and from what quarter their evidence is derived. A great deal will be
said of their religion and rites: also of their towers, temples, and
Puratheia, where their worship was performed. The mistakes likewise of the
Greeks in respect to antient terms, which they strangely perverted, will be
exhibited in many instances: and much true history will be ascertained from
a detection of this peculiar misapplication. It is a circumstance of great
consequence, to which little attention has been paid. Great light however
will accrue from examining this abuse, and observing the particular mode of
error: and the only way of obtaining an insight must be by an etymological
process, and by recurring to the primitive language of the people,
concerning whom we are treating. As the Amonians betook themselves to
regions widely separated; we shall find in every place where they settled,
the same worship and ceremonies, and the same history of their ancestors.
There will also appear a great similitude in the names of their cities and
temples: so that we may be assured, that the whole was the operation of one
and the same people. The learned Bochart saw this; and taking for granted,
that the people were Phenicians, he attempted to interpret these names by
the Hebrew language; of which he supposed the Phenician to have been a
dialect. His design was certainly very ingenious, and carried on with a
wonderful display of learning. He failed however: and of the nature of his
failure I shall be obliged to take notice. It appears to me, as far as my
reading can afford me light, that most antient names, not only of places,
but of persons, have a manifest analogy. There is likewise a great
correspondence to be observed in terms of science; and in the titles, which
were of old bestowed upon magistrates and rulers. The same observation may
be extended even to plants, and minerals, as well as to animals; especially
to those which were esteemed at all sacred. Their names seem to be composed
of the same, or similar elements; and bear a manifest relation to the
religion in use among the Amonians, and to the Deity which they adored.
This deity was the Sun: and most of the antient names will be found to be
an assemblage of titles, bestowed upon that luminary. Hence there will
appear a manifest correspondence between them, which circumstance is quite
foreign to the system of Bochart. His etymologies are destitute of this
collateral evidence; and have not the least analogy to support them.

In consequence of this I have ventured to give a list of some Amonian
terms, which occur in the mythology of Greece, and in the histories of
other nations. Most antient names seem to have been composed out of these
elements: and into the same principles they may be again resolved by an
easy, and fair evolution. I subjoin to these a short interpretation; and at
the same time produce different examples of names and titles, which are
thus compounded. From hence the Reader will see plainly my method of
analysis, and the basis of my etymological inquiries.

As my researches are upon subjects very remote, and the histories to which
I appeal, various; and as the truth is in great measure to be obtained by
deduction, I have been obliged to bring my authorities immediately under
the eye of the Reader. He may from thence be a witness of the propriety of
my appeal; and see that my inferences are true. This however will render my
quotations very numerous, and may afford some matter of discouragement, as
they are principally from the Greek authors. I have however in most places
of consequence endeavoured to remedy this inconvenience, either by
exhibiting previously the substance of what is quoted, or giving a
subsequent translation. Better days may perhaps come; when the Greek
language will be in greater repute, and its beauties more admired. As I am
principally indebted to the Grecians for intelligence, I have in some
respects adhered to their orthography, and have rendered antient terms as
they were expressed by them. Indeed I do not see, why we should not render
all names of Grecian original, as they were exhibited by that people,
instead of taking our mode of pronunciation from the Romans. I scarce know
any thing, which has been of greater detriment to antient history than the
capriciousness of writers in never expressing foreign terms as they were
rendered by the natives. I shall be found, however, to have not acted up
uniformly to my principles, as I have only in some instances copied the
Grecian orthography. I have ventured to abide by it merely in some
particular terms, where I judged, that etymology would be concerned. For I
was afraid, however just this method might appear, and warrantable, that it
would seem too novel to be universally put in practice.

My purpose has been throughout to give a new turn to antient history, and
to place it upon a surer foundation. The mythology of Greece is a vast
assemblage of obscure traditions, which have been transmitted from the
earliest times. They were described in hieroglyphics, and have been veiled
in allegory: and the same history is often renewed under a different
system, and arrangement. A great part of this intelligence has been derived
to us from the Poets; by which means it has been rendered still more
extravagant, and strange. We find the whole, like a grotesque picture,
blazoned high, and glaring with colours, and filled with groups of
fantastic imagery, such as we see upon an Indian screen; where the eye is
painfully amused; but whence little can be obtained, which is satisfactory,
and of service. We must, however, make this distinction, that in the
allegorical representations of Greece, there was always a covert meaning,
though it may have escaped our discernment. In short, we must look upon
antient mythology as being yet in a chaotic state, where the mind of man
has been wearied with roaming over the crude consistence without ever
finding out one spot where it could repose in safety. Hence has arisen the
demand, που στωι, which has been repeated for ages. It is my hope, and my
presumption, that such a place of appulse may be found, where we may take
our stand, and from whence we may have a full view of the mighty expanse
before us; from whence also we may descry the original design, and order,
of all those objects, which by length of time, and their own remoteness,
have been rendered so confused and uncertain.

       *       *       *       *       *





Through the whole process of my inquiries, it has been my endeavour, from
some plain and determinate principles, to open the way to many interesting
truths. And as I have shewn the certainty of an universal Deluge from the
evidences of most nations, to which we can gain access, I come now to give
an history of the persons who survived that event; and of the families
which were immediately descended from them. After having mentioned their
residence in the region of Ararat, and their migration from it, I shall
give an account of the roving of the Cuthites, and of their coming to the
plains of Shinar, from whence they were at last expelled. To this are added
observations upon the histories of Chaldea and Egypt; also of Hellas, and
Ionia; and of every other country which was in any degree occupied by the
sons of Chus. There have been men of learning who have denominated their
works from the families, of which they treated; and have accordingly sent
them into the world under the title of Phaleg, Japhet, and Javan. I might,
in like manner, have prefixed to mine the name either of Cuth, or Cuthim;
for, upon the history of this people my system chiefly turns. It may be
asked, if there were no other great families upon earth, besides that of
the Cuthites, worthy of record: if no other people ever performed great
actions, and made themselves respectable to posterity. Such there possibly
may have been; and the field is open to any who may choose to make inquiry.
My taking this particular path does not in the least abridge others from
prosecuting different views, wherever they may see an opening.

As my researches are deep, and remote, I shall sometimes take the liberty
of repeating what has preceded; that the truths which I maintain may more
readily be perceived. We are oftentimes, by the importunity of a
persevering writer, teazed into an unsatisfactory compliance, and yield a
painful assent; but, upon closing the book, our scruples return, and we
lapse at once into doubt and darkness. It has therefore been my rule to
bring vouchers for every thing, which I maintain; and though I might upon
the renewal of my argument refer to another volume, and a distant page, yet
I many times choose to repeat my evidence, and bring it again under
immediate inspection. And if I do not scruple labour and expense, I hope
the reader will not be disgusted by this seeming redundancy in my
arrangement. What I have now to present to the public, contains matter of
great moment, and should I be found to be in the right, it will afford a
sure basis for the future history of the world. None can well judge either
of the labour, or utility of the work, but those who have been conversant
in the writings of chronologers, and other learned men, upon these
subjects, and seen the difficulties with which they were embarrassed.
Great, undoubtedly, must have been the learning and perspicuity of a
Petavius, Perizonius, Scaliger, Grotius, and Le Clerc; also of an Usher,
Pearson, Marsham, and Newton. Yet it may possibly be found at the close,
that a feeble arm has effected what those prodigies in science have

Many, who have finished their progress, and are determined in their
principles, will not perhaps so readily be brought over to my opinion. But
they who are beginning their studies, and passing through a process of
Grecian literature, will find continual evidences arise; almost every step
will afford fresh proofs in favour of my system. As the desolation of the
world by a deluge, and the renewal of it in one person, are points in these
days particularly controverted; many, who are enemies to Revelation, upon
seeing these truths ascertained, may be led to a more intimate acquaintance
with the Scriptures: and such an insight cannot but be productive of good.
For our faith depends upon historical experience: and it is mere ignorance,
that makes infidels. Hence it is possible, that some may be won over by
historical evidence, whom a refined theological argument cannot reach. An
illness, which some time ago confined me to my bed, and afterwards to my
chamber, afforded me, during its recess, an opportunity of making some
versions from the poets whom I quote, when I was little able to do any
thing of more consequence. The translation from Dionysius was particularly
done at that season, and will give the reader some faint idea of the
original, and its beauties.

I cannot conclude without acknowledging my obligations to a most worthy and
learned[7] friend for his zeal towards my work; and for his assistance both
in this, and my former publication. I am indebted to him not only for his
judicious remarks, but for his goodness in transcribing for me many of my
dissertations, without which my progress would have been greatly retarded.
His care likewise, and attention, in many other articles, afford instances
of friendship which I shall ever gratefully remember.

       *       *       *       *       *


Πειθους δ' εστι κελευθος, αληθειη γαρ οπηδει.----PARMENIDES.

The materials, of which I purpose to make use in the following inquiries,
are comparatively few, and will be contained within a small compass. They
are such as are to be found in the composition of most names, which occur
in antient mythology: whether they relate to Deities then reverenced; or to
the places, where their worship was introduced. But they appear no where so
plainly, as in the names of those places, which were situated in Babylonia
and Egypt. From these parts they were, in process of time, transferred to
countries far remote; beyond the Ganges eastward, and to the utmost bounds
of the Mediterranean west; wherever the sons of Ham under their various
denominations either settled or traded. For I have mentioned that this
people were great adventurers; and began an extensive commerce in very
early times. They got footing in many parts; where they founded cities,
which were famous in their day. They likewise erected towers and temples:
and upon headlands and promontories they raised pillars for sea-marks to
direct them in their perilous expeditions. All these were denominated from
circumstances, that had some reference to the religion, which this people
professed; and to the ancestors, whence they sprung. The Deity, which they
originally worshipped, was the Sun. But they soon conferred his titles upon
some of their ancestors: whence arose a mixed worship. They particularly
deified the great Patriarch, who was the head of their line; and worshipped
him as the fountain of light: making the Sun only an emblem of his
influence and power. They called him Bal, and Baal: and there were others
of their ancestry joined with him, whom they styled the Baalim. Chus was
one of these: and this idolatry began among his sons. In respect then to
the names, which this people, in process of time, conferred either upon the
Deities they worshipped, or upon the cities, which they founded; we shall
find them to be generally made up of some original terms for a basis, such
as Ham, Cham, and Chus: or else of the titles, with which those personages
were, in process of time, honoured. These were Thoth, Men or Menes, Ab, El,
Aur, Ait, Ees or Ish, On, Bel, Cohen, Keren, Ad, Adon, Ob, Oph, Apha, Uch,
Melech, Anac, Sar, Sama, Samaïm. We must likewise take notice of those
common names, by which places are distinguished, such as Kir, Caer,
Kiriath, Carta, Air, Col, Cala, Beth, Ai, Ain, Caph, and Cephas. Lastly are
to be inserted the particles Al and Pi; which were in use among the antient

Of these terms I shall first treat; which I look upon as so many elements,
whence most names in antient mythology have been compounded; and into which
they may be easily resolved: and the history, with which they are attended,
will, at all times, plainly point out, and warrant the etymology.


The first of the terms here specified is Ham; at different times, and in
different places, expressed Cham, Chom, [8]Chamus. Many places were from
him denominated Cham Ar, Cham Ur, Chomana, Comara, Camarina. Ham, by the
Egyptians, was compounded Am-On, Αμων and Αμμων. He is to be found under
this name among many nations in the east; which was by the Greeks expressed
Amanus, and [9]Omanus. Ham, and Cham are words, which imply heat, and the
consequences of heat; and from them many words in other languages, such as
[10]Καυμα Caminus, Camera, were derived. Ham, as a Deity, was esteemed the
[11]Sun: and his priests were styled Chamin, Chaminim, and Chamerim. His
name is often found compounded with other terms, as in Cham El, Cham Ees,
Cam Ait: and was in this manner conferred both on persons and places. From
hence Camillus, Camilla, Camella Sacra, Comates, Camisium, [12]Camirus,
Chemmis, with numberless other words, are derived. Chamma was the title of
the hereditary [13]priestess of Diana: and the Puratheia, where the rites
of fire were carried on, were called Chamina, and Chaminim, whence came the
Caminus of the Latines. They were sacred hearths, on which was preserved a
perpetual fire in honour of Cham. The idols of the Sun called by the same
[14]name: for it is said of the good king Josiah, that _they brake down the
altars of Baalim--in his presence; and the Chaminim_ (or images of Cham)
_that were on high above them, he cut down_. They were also styled
Chamerim, as we learn from the prophet [15]Zephaniah. Ham was esteemed the
Zeus of Greece, and Jupiter of Latium. [16]Αμμους, ὁ Ζευς, Αριστοτελει.
[17]Αμμουν γαρ Αιγυπτιοι καλεουσι τον Δια. Plutarch says, that, of all the
Egyptian names which seemed to have any correspondence with the Zeus of
Greece, Amoun or Ammon was the most peculiar and adequate. He speaks of
many people, who were of this opinion: [18]Ετι δε των πολλων νομιζοντων
ιδιον παρ' Αιγυπτιοις ονομα του Διος ειναι τον Αμουν, ὁ παραγοντες ἡμεις
Αμμωνα λεγομεν. From Egypt his name and worship were brought into Greece;
as indeed were the names of almost all the Deities there worshipped.
[19]Σχεδον δε και παντα τα ουνοματα των Θεων εξ Αιγυπτου εληλυθε ες την
Ἑλλαδα. _Almost all the names of the Gods in Greece were adventitious,
having been brought thither from Egypt._


Chus was rendered by the Greeks Χυσος, Chusus; but, more commonly, Χρυσος:
and the places denominated from him were changed to Χρυσε, Chruse; and to
Chrusopolis. His name was often compounded [20]Chus-Or, rendered by the
Greeks Χρυσωρ, Chrusor, and Chrusaor; which, among the Poets, became a
favourite epithet, continually bestowed upon Apollo. Hence there were
temples dedicated to him, called Chrusaoria. Chus, in the Babylonish
dialect, seems to have been called Cuth; and many places, where his
posterity settled, were styled [21]Cutha, Cuthaia, Cutaia, Ceuta, Cotha,
compounded [22]Cothon. He was sometimes expressed Casus, Cessus, Casius;
and was still farther diversified.

Chus was the father of all those nations, styled [23]Ethiopians, who were
more truly called Cuthites and Cuseans. They were more in number, and far
more widely extended, than has been imagined. The history of this family
will be the principal part of my inquiry.


Canaan seems, by the Egyptians and Syrians, to have been pronounced Cnaan:
which was by the Greeks rendered Cnas, and Cna. Thus we are told by
Stephanus Byzantinus, that the antient name of Phenicia was Cna. Χνα, ὁυτος
ἡ Φοινικη εκαλειτο. το εθνικον Χναιος. The same is said by Philo Biblius,
from Sanchoniathon. [24]Χνα του πρωτου μετονομασθεντος Φοινικος. And, in
another place, he says, that Isiris, the same as Osiris, was the brother to
Cna. [25]Ισιρις--αδελφος Χνα; the purport of which is conformable to the
account in the Scriptures, that the Egyptians were of a collateral line
with the people of Canaan; or, that the father of the Mizräim and the
Canaanites were brothers.


This person is looked upon as the father of the Egyptians: on which account
one might expect to meet with many memorials concerning him: but his
history is so veiled under allegory and titles, that no great light can be
obtained. It is thought, by many learned men, that the term, Mizräim, is
properly a plural; and that a people are by it signified, rather than a
person. This people were the Egyptians: and the head of their family is
imagined to have been, in the singular, Misor, or Metzor. It is certain
that Egypt, by Stephanus Byzantinus, is, amongst other names, styled Μυαρα,
which, undoubtedly, is a mistake for Μυσαρα, the land of Musar, or Mysar.
It is, by [26]Eusebius and Suidas, called Mestraia; by which is meant the
land of Metzor, a different rendering of Mysor. Sanchoniathon alludes to
this person under the name of [27]Μισωρ, Misor; and joins him with Sydic:
both which he makes the sons of the Shepherds Amunus and Magus. Amunus, I
make no doubt, is Amun, or Ham, the real father of Misor, from whom the
Mizräim are supposed to be descended. By Magus, probably, is meant Chus,
the father of those worshippers of fire, the Magi: the father, also, of the
genuine Scythæ, who were styled Magog. The Canaanites, likewise, were his
offspring: and, among these, none were more distinguished than those of
Said, or Sidon; which, I imagine, is alluded to under the name of Sydic. It
must be confessed, that the author derives it from Sydic, justice: and, to
say the truth, he has, out of antient terms, mixed so many feigned
personages with those that are real, that it is not possible to arrive at
the truth.


It is said of this person, by Moses, that he was the son of Cush. [28]_And
Cush begat Nimrod: he began to be a mighty one in the earth: he was a
mighty hunter before the Lord: wherefore it is said, even as Nimrod, the
mighty hunter before the Lord. And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel._
His history is plainly alluded to under the character of Alorus, the first
king of [29]Chaldea; but more frequently under the title of Orion. This
personage is represented by Homer as of a gigantic make; and as being
continually in pursuit of wild [30]beasts. The Cuthite Colonies, which went
westward, carried with them memorials of this their ancestor; and named
many places from him: and in all such places there will be found some
peculiar circumstances, which will point out the great hunter, alluded to
in their name. The Grecians generally styled him [31]Νεβρωδ, Nebrod: hence
places called by his name are expressed Nebrod, Nebrodes, Nebrissa. In
Sicily was a mountain Nebrodes, called by Strabo in the plural [32]τα
Νεβρωδε ορη. It was a famous place for hunting; and for that reason had
been dedicated to Nimrod. The poet Gratius takes notice of its being
stocked with wild beasts:

  [33]Cantatus Graiis Acragas, victæque fragosum
  Nebrodem liquere feræ.

And Solinus speaks to the same purpose: [34]Nebrodem damæ et hinnuli
pervagantur. At the foot of the mountain were the warm baths of Himera.

The term Νεβρος, Nebros, which was substituted by the Greeks for Nimrod,
signifying a fawn, gave occasion to many allusions about a fawn, and
fawn-skin, in the Dionusiaca, and other mysteries. There was a town
Nebrissa, near the mouth of the Bætis in Spain, called, by Pliny, Veneria;
[35]Inter æstuaria Bætis oppidum Nebrissa, cognomine Veneria. This, I
should think, was a mistake for Venaria; for there were places of that
name. Here were preserved the same rites and memorials, as are mentioned
above; wherein was no allusion to Venus, but to Nimrod and Bacchus. The
island, and its rites, are mentioned by Silius Italicus.

  [36]Ac Nebrissa Dionusæis conscia thyrsis,
  Quam Satyri coluere leves, redimitaque sacrâ

The Priests at the Bacchanalia, as well as the Votaries, were habited in
this manner.

  [37]Inter matres impia Mænas
  Comes Ogygio venit Iaccho,
  Nebride sacrâ præcincta latus.

Statius describes them in the same habit.

  [38]Hic chelyn, hic flavam maculoso Nebrida tergo,
  Hic thyrsos, hic plectra ferit.

The history of Nimrod was, in great measure, lost in the superior reverence
shewn to Chus, or Bacchus: yet, there is reason to think, that divine
honours were of old paid to him. The family of the Nebridæ at [39]Athens,
and another of the same name at Cos, were, as we may infer from their
history, the posterity of people, who had been priests to Nimrod. He seems
to have been worshipped in Sicily under the names of Elorus, Belorus, and
Orion. He was likewise styled [40]Belus: but as this was merely a title,
and conferred upon other persons, it renders his history very difficult to
be distinguished.


Theuth, Thoth, Taut, Taautes, are the same title diversified; and belong to
the chief god of Egypt. Eusebius speaks of him as the same as Hermes.
[41]Ὁν Αιγυπτιοι μεν εκαλεσαν Θωυθ, Αλεξανδρεις δε Θωθ, Ἑρμην δε Ἑλληνες
μετεφρασαν. From Theuth the Greeks formed ΘΕΟΣ; which, with that nation,
was the most general name of the deity. Plato, in his treatise, named
Philebus, mentions him by the name of [42]Θευθ. He was looked upon as a
great benefactor, and the first cultivator of the vine.

  [43]Πρωτος Θωθ εδαη δρεπανην επι βοτρυν αγειρειν.

He was also supposed to have found out letters: which invention is likewise
attributed to Hermes. [44]Απο Μισωρ Τααυτος, ὁς ἑυρε την των πρωτων
στοιχειων γραφην.----Ἑλληνες δε Ἑρμην εκαλεσαν. Suidas calls him Theus; and
says, that he was the same as Arez, styled by the Arabians Theus Arez, and
so worshipped at Petra. Θευσαρης τουτ' εστι Θεος Αρης, εν Πετρᾳ της
Αραβιας. Instead of a statue, there was λιθος μελας, τετραγωνος, ατυπωτος,
a black, square pillar of stone, without any figure, or representation. It
was the same deity, which the Germans and Celtæ worshipped under the name
of Theut-Ait, or Theutates; whose sacrifices were very cruel, as we learn
from Lucan.

  [45]Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro


Ab signifies a father, similar to אב of the Hebrews. It is often found in
composition, as in Ab-El, Ab-On, Ab-Or.


Aur, sometimes expressed Or, Ur, and Our, signifies both light and fire.
Hence came the Orus of the Egyptians, a title given to the Sun. [46]Quod
solem vertimus, id in Hebræo est אור, Ur; quod lucem, et ignem, etiam et
Solem denotat. It is often compounded with the term above, and rendered
Abor, Aborus, Aborras: and it is otherwise diversified. This title was
often given to Chus by his descendants; whom they styled Chusorus. From
Aur, taken as an element, came Uro, Ardeo; as a Deity, oro, hora, ὡρα,
Ἱερον, Ἱερευς. Zeus was styled Cham-Ur, rendered Κωμυρος by the Greeks; and
under this title was worshipped at Halicarnassus. He is so called by
Lycophron. [47]Ημος καταιθων θυσθλα Κωμυρῳ Λεων. Upon which the Scholiast
observes; (Κωμυρος) ὁ Ζευς εν Ἁλικαρνασῳ τιμᾳται.


El, Al, Ηλ, sometimes expressed Eli, was the name of the true God; but by
the Zabians was transferred to the Sun: whence the Greeks borrowed their
Ἡλιος, and Ηελιος. El, and Elion, were titles, by which the people of
Canaan distinguished their chief Deity. [48]Γινεται τις Ελιουν, καλουμενος
ὑψιστος. This they sometimes still farther compounded, and made Abelion:
hence inscriptions are to be found [49]DEO ABELLIONI. El according to
Damascius was a title given to Cronus. [50]Φοινικες και Συροι τον Κρονον
Ηλ, και Βηλ, και Βολαθην επονομαζουσι. _The Phenicians and Syrians name
Cronus Eel, and Beel, and Bolathes._ The Canaanitish term Elion is a
compound of Eli On, both titles of the Sun: hence the former is often
joined with Aur, and Orus. [51]Elorus, and Alorus, were names both of
persons and places. It is sometimes combined with Cham: whence we have
Camillus, and Camulus: under which name the Deity of the Gentile world was
in many places worshipped. Camulus and Camillus were in a manner antiquated
among the Romans; but their worship was kept up in other countries. We find
in Gruter an inscription [52]DEO CAMULO: and another, CAMULO. SANCTO.
FORTISSIMO. They were both the same Deity, a little diversified; who was
worshipped by the Hetrurians, and esteemed the same as Hermes. [53]Tusci
Camillum appellant Mercurium. And not only the Deity, but the minister and
attendant had the same name: for the priests of old were almost universally
denominated from the God whom they served, or from his temple. The name
appears to have been once very general. [54]Rerum omnium sacrarum
administri Camilli dicebantur. But Plutarch seems to confine the term to
one particular office and person. [55]Τον ὑπηρετουντα τῳ Ἱερῳ του Διος
αμφιθαλη παιδα λεγεσθαι Καμιλλον, ὡς και τον Ἑρμην· ὁυτως ενιοι των Ἑλληνων
Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας προσηγορευον. He supposes the name to have been
given to Hermes, on account of the service and duty enjoined him. But there
is nothing of this nature to be inferred from the terms. The Hermes of
Egypt had nothing similar to his correspondent in Greece. Camillus was the
name of the chief God, Cham-El, the same as Elion, ὁ ὑψιστος. He was
sometimes expressed Casmillus; but still referred to Hermes. [56]Κασμιλλος
ὁ Ἑρμης εστιν, ὡς ἱστορει Διονυσιοδωρος. The Deity El was particularly
invoked by the eastern nations, when they made an attack in battle: at such
time they used to cry out, El-El, and Al-Al. This Mahomet could not well
bring his proselytes to leave off: and therefore changed it to Allah; which
the Turks at this day make use of, when they shout in joining battle. It
was, however, an idolatrous invocation, originally made to the God of war;
and not unknown to the Greeks. Plutarch speaks of it as no uncommon
exclamation; but makes the Deity feminine.

  [57]Κλυθ' ΑΛΑΛΑ, πολεμου θυγατερ.

Hence we have in Hesychius the following interpretations; αλαλαζει,
επινικιως ηχει. Αλαλαγμος, επινικιος ὑμνος. Ελελευ, επιφωνημα πολεμικον. It
is probably the same as הלל in Isaiah, [58]_How art thou fallen, Halal,
thou son of Sehor._

ON and EON.

On, Eon, or Aon, was another title of the Sun among the Amonians: and so we
find it explained by Cyril upon Hosea: Ων δε εστιν ὁ Ἡλιος: and speaking of
the Egyptians in the same comment, he says, Ων δε εστι παρ' αυτοις ὁ Ἡλιος.
The Seventy likewise, where the word occurs in Scripture, interpret it the
Sun; and call the city of On, Heliopolis. [59]Και εδωκεν αυτῳ την Ασενεθ
θυγατερα Πετεφρη Ἱερεως Ἡλιουπολεως. Theophilus, from Manetho, speaks of it
in the same manner: [60]Ων, ἡτις εστιν Ἡλιοπολις. And the Coptic Pentateuch
renders the city On by the city of the Sun. Hence it was, that Ham, who was
worshipped as the Sun, got the name of Amon, and Ammon; and was styled
Baal-Hamon. It is said of Solomon, that he _had a vineyard at
[61]Baal-Hamon;_ a name probably given to the place by his Egyptian wife,
the daughter of Pharaoh. The term El was combined in the same manner; and
many places sacred to the Sun were styled El-on, as well as El-our. It was
sometimes rendered Eleon; from whence came ἡλιος, and ἡλιον. The Syrians,
Cretans, and Canaanites, went farther, and made a combination of the terms
Ab-El-Eon, Pater Summus Sol, or Pater Deus Sol; hence they formed Abellon,
and Abelion before mentioned. Hesychius interprets Αβελιον, Ἡλιον· Αβελιον,

Vossius thinks, and with good reason, that the Apollo of Greece and Rome
was the same as the Abelion of the East. [62]Fortasse Apollo ex Cretico
Αβελιος· nam veteres Romani pro Apollo dixere Apello: ut pro homo, hemo;
pro bonus, benus; ac similia. The Sun was also worshipped under the title
Abaddon; which, as we are informed by the Evangelist, was the same as
Apollo; or, as he terms him, Απολλυων: [63]Ονομα αυτῳ Ἑβραϊστι Αβαδδων, και
εν τῃ Ἑλληνικῃ Απολλυων.


Another title of Ham, or the Sun, was Ait, and Aith: a term, of which
little notice has been taken; yet of great consequence in respect to
etymology. It occurs continually in Egyptian names of places, as well as in
the composition of those, which belong to Deities, and men. It relates to
fire, light, and heat; and to the consequences of heat. We may, in some
degree, learn its various and opposite significations when compounded, from
antient words in the Greek language, which were derived from it. Several of
these are enumerated in Hesychius. Αιθαι, μελαιναι. Αιθειν, καιειν.
Αιθαλοεν (a compound of Aith El), κεκαυμενον. Αιθινος, καπνος. Αιθον,
λαμπρον. Αιθωνα (of the same etymology, from Aith-On) μελανα, πυρωδη.
[64]Αιθος, καυμα. The Egyptians, when they consecrated any thing to their
Deity, or made it a symbol of any supposed attribute, called it by the name
of that attribute, or [65]emanation: and as there was scarce any thing, but
what was held sacred by them, and in this manner appropriated; it
necessarily happened, that several objects had often the same reference,
and were denominated alike. For, not only men took to themselves the sacred
titles, but birds, beasts, fishes, reptiles, together with trees, plants,
stones, drugs, and minerals, were supposed to be under some particular
influence; and from thence received their names. And if they were not quite
alike, they were, however, made up of elements very similar. Ham, as the
Sun, was styled [66]Ait; and Egypt, the land of Ham, had, in consequence of
it, the name of Ait, rendered by the Greeks Αετια: Εκληθη (ἡ Αιγυπτος) και
Αερια, και Ποταμια, και Αιθισπια, και [67]ΑΕΤΙΑ. One of the most antient
names of the Nile was Ait, or Αετος. It was also a name given to the Eagle,
as the bird particularly sacred to the Sun: and Homer alludes to the
original meaning of the word, when he terms the Eagle [68]Αιετος αιθων.
Among the parts of the human body, it was appropriated to the [69]heart:
for the heart in the body may be esteemed what the Sun is in his system,
the source of heat and life, affording the same animating principle. This
word having these two senses was the reason why the Egyptians made a heart
over a vase of burning incense, an emblem of their country. [70]Αιγυπτον δε
γραφοντες θυμιατηριον καιομενον ζωγραφουσι, και επανω ΚΑΡΔΙΑΝ. This term
occurs continually in composition. Athyr, one of the Egyptian months, was
formed of Ath-Ur. It was also one of the names of that place, where the
shepherds resided in Egypt; and to which the Israelites succeeded. It stood
at the upper point of Delta, and was particularly sacred to אור Ur, or
Orus: and thence called Athur-ai, or the place of Athur. At the departure
of the shepherds it was ruined by King Amosis. [71]Κατεσκαψε δε την Αθυριαν

As Egypt was named Aith, and Ait; so other countries, in which colonies
from thence settled, were styled Ethia and Athia. The sons of Chus founded
a colony in Colchis; and we find a king of that country named Ait; or, as
the Greeks expressed it, Αιητης: and the land was also distinguished by
that characteristic. Hence Arete in the Orphic Argonautics, speaking of
Medea's returning to Colchis, expresses this place by the terms ηθεα

  [72]Οιχεθω πατρος τε δομον, και ες ηθεα Κολχων.

It is sometimes compounded Ath-El, and Ath-Ain; from whence the Greeks
formed [73]Αθηλα, and Αθηνα, titles, by which they distinguished the
Goddess of wisdom. It was looked upon as a term of high honour, and
endearment. Venus in Apollonius calls Juno, and Minerva, by way of respect,

  [74]Ηθειαι, τις δευρο νοος, χρειω τε, κομιζει;

Menelaus says to his brother Agamemnon, [75]Τιφθ' ὁυτως, Ηθειε, κορυσσεαι;
And [76]Τιπτε μοι, Ηθειε κεφαλη, δευρ' ειληλουθας, are the words of
Achilles to the shade of his lost Patroclus. Ηθειος, in the original
acceptation, as a title, signified Solaris, Divinus, Splendidus: but, in a
secondary sense, it denoted any thing holy, good, and praiseworthy.
[77]Αλλα μιν Ηθειον καλεω και νοσφιν εοντα, says Eumæus, of his long absent
and much honoured master. _I will call him good and noble, whether he be
dead or alive._ From this antient term were derived the ηθος and ηθικα of
the Greeks.

I have mentioned that it is often compounded, as in Athyr: and that it was
a name conferred on places where the Amonians settled. Some of this family
came, in early times, to Rhodes and Lemnos: of which migrations I shall
hereafter treat. Hence, one of the most antient names of [78]Rhodes was
Aithraia, or the Island of Athyr; so called from the worship of the Sun:
and Lemnos was denominated Aithalia, for the same reason, from Aith-El. It
was particularly devoted to the God of fire; and is hence styled Vulcania
by the Poet:

      [79]Sumnmis Vulcania surgit
  Lemnos aquis.

Ethiopia itself was named both [80]Aitheria, and Aeria, from Aur, and
Athyr: and Lesbos, which had received a colony of Cuthites, was
reciprocally styled [81]Æthiope. The people of Canaan and Syria paid a
great reverence to the memory of Ham: hence, we read of many places in
those parts named Hamath, Amathus, Amathusia. One of the sons of Canaan
seems to have been thus called: for it is said, that Canaan was the father
of the [82]Hamathite. A city of this name stood to the east of mount
Libanus; whose natives were the Hamathites alluded to here. There was
another Hamath, in Cyprus, by the Greeks expressed Αμαθους, of the same
original as the former. We read of Eth-Baal, a king of [83]Sidon, who was
the father of Jezebel; and of [84]Athaliah, who was her daughter. For Ath
was an oriental term, which came from Babylonia and Chaldea to Egypt; and
from thence to Syria and Canaan. Ovid, though his whole poem be a fable,
yet copies the modes of those countries of which he treats. On this
account, speaking of an Ethiopian, he introduces him by the name of
Eth-Amon, but softened by him to Ethemon.

                  [85]Instabant parte sinistrâ
  Chaonius Molpeus, dextrâ Nabathæus Ethemon.

Ath was sometimes joined to the antient title Herm; which the Grecians,
with a termination, made Ἑρμης. From Ath-Herm came Θερμαι, Θερμος,
Θερμαινω. These terms were sometimes reversed, and rendered Herm-athena.


Ad is a title which occurs very often in composition, as in Ad-Or, Ad-On;
from whence was formed Adorus, Adon, and Adonis. It is sometimes found
compounded with itself; and was thus made use of for a supreme title, with
which both Deities and kings were honoured. We read of Hadad, king of
[86]Edom: and there was another of the same name at Damascus, whose son and
successor was styled [87]Benhadad. According to Nicolaus Damascenus, the
kings of Syria, for nine generations, had the name of [88]Adad. There-was a
prince Hadadezer, son of Rehob, king of [89]Zobah: and Hadoram, son of the
king of [90]Hamath. The God Rimmon was styled Adad: and mention is made by
the Prophet of the mourning of Adad Rimmon in the valley of [91]Megiddo.
The feminine of it was Ada; of which title mention is made by Plutarch in
speaking of a [92]queen of Caria. It was a sacred title, and appropriated
by the Babylonians to their chief [93]Goddess. Among all the eastern
nations Ad was a peculiar title, and was originally conferred upon the Sun:
and, if we may credit Macrobius, it signified _One_, and was so interpreted
by the Assyrians: [94]Deo, quem summum maximumque venerantur, Adad nomen
dederunt. Ejus nominis interpretatio significat unus. Hunc ergo ut
potissimum adorant Deum.--Simulacrum Adad insigne cernitur radiis
inclinatis. I suspect that Macrobius, in his representation, has mistaken
the cardinal number for the ordinal; and that what he renders _one_ should
be _first_, or _chief_. We find that it was a sacred title; and, when
single, it was conferred upon a Babylonish Deity: but, when repeated, it
must denote greater excellence: for the Amonians generally formed their
superlative by doubling the positive: thus Rab was great; Rabrab signified
very great. It is, indeed, plain from the account, that it must have been a
superlative; for he says it was designed to represent what was esteemed
summum maximumque, the most eminent and great. I should, therefore, think
that Adad, in its primitive sense, signified πρωτος, and πρωτευων: and, in
a secondary meaning, it denoted a chief, or prince. We may by these means
rectify a mistake in Philo, who makes Sanchoniathon say, that Adodus of
Phenicia was king of the country. He renders the name, Adodus: but we know,
for certain, that it was expressed Adad, or Adadus, in Edom, Syria, and
Canaan. He, moreover, makes him βασιλευς Θεων, King of the Gods: but, it is
plain, that the word Adad is a compound: and, as the two terms of which it
is made up are precisely the same, there should be a reciprocal resemblance
in the translation. If Ad be a chief, or king; Adad should be superlatively
so, and signify a king of kings. I should therefore suspect, that, in the
original of Sanchoniathon, not βασιλευς Θεων, but βασιλευς βασιλεων was the
true reading. In short, Ad, and Ada, signified _first_, πρωτος; and, in a
more lax sense, a prince or ruler: Adad, therefore, which is a reiteration
of this title, means πρωτος των πρωτων, or πρωτευοντων; and answers to the
most High, or most Eminent.

Ham was often styled Ad-Ham, or Adam contracted; which has been the cause
of much mistake. There were many places [95]named Adam, Adama, Adamah,
Adamas, Adamana; which had no reference to the protoplast, but were, by the
Amonians, denominated from the head of their family.

EES and IS.

Ees, rendered As and Is, like אש of the Hebrews, related to light and fire;
and was one of the titles of the Sun. It is sometimes compounded Ad-Ees,
and Ad-Is; whence came the Hades of the Greeks, and Atis and Attis of the
Asiatics; which were names of the same Deity, the Sun. Many places were
hence denominated: particularly a city in Africa, mentioned by
[96]Polybius. There was a river [97]Adesa, which passed by the city Choma
in Asia minor. It was, moreover, the name of one of the chief and most
antient cities in Syria, said to have been built by Nimrod. It was,
undoubtedly, the work of some of his brotherhood, the sons of Chus, who
introduced there the rites of fire, and the worship of the Sun; whence it
was styled Adesa, rendered by the Greeks Edessa. One of the names of fire,
among those in the East, who worship it, is [98]Atesh at this day. The term
_As_, like Adad, before mentioned, is sometimes compounded with itself, and
rendered Asas, and Azaz; by the Greeks expressed Αζαζος and [99]Αζιζος. In
the very place spoken of above, the Deity was worshipped under the name of
Azizus. The Emperor Julian acquaints us, in his hymn to the [100]Sun, that
the people of Edessa possessed a region, which, from time immemorial, had
been sacred to that luminary: that there were two subordinate Deities,
Monimus and Azizus, who were esteemed coadjutors, and assessors to the
chief God. He supposes them to have been the same as Mars and Mercury: but
herein this zealous emperor failed; and did not understand the theology
which he was recommending. Monimus and Azizus were both names of the same
God, the Deity of Edessa, and [101]Syria. The former is, undoubtedly, a
translation of Adad, which signifies μονας, or [102]unitas: though, as I
have before shewn, more properly primus. Azizus is a reduplication of a
like term, being compounded with itself; and was of the same purport as
Ades, or Ad Ees, from whence the place was named. It was a title not
unknown in Greece: for Ceres was, of old, called Azazia; by the Ionians,
Azesia. Hesychius observes, Αζησια, ἡ Δημητηρ. Proserpine, also, had this
name. In the same author we learn that αζα, aza, signified ασβολος, or
sun-burnt: which shews plainly to what the primitive word [103]related.
This word is often found combined with Or; as in Asorus, and Esorus, under
which titles the Deity was worshipped in [104]Syria, [105]Sicily, and
Carthage: of the last city he was supposed to have been the founder. It is
often compounded with El and Il; and many places were from thence
denominated Alesia, Elysa, Eleusa, Halesus, Elysus, Eleusis, by apocope
Las, Lasa, Læsa, Lasaia; also, Lissa, Lissus, Lissia. Sometimes we meet
with these terms reversed; and, instead of El Ees, they are rendered Ees
El: hence we have places named Azilis, Azila, Asyla, contracted Zelis,
Zela, Zeleia, Zelitis; also Sele, Sela, Sala, Salis, Sillas, Silis, Soli.
All these places were founded or denominated by people of the Amonian
worship: and we may always, upon inquiry, perceive something very peculiar
in their history and situation. They were particularly devoted to the
worship of the Sun; and they were generally situated near hot springs, or
else upon foul and fetid lakes, and pools of bitumen. It is, also, not
uncommon to find near them mines of salt and nitre; and caverns sending
forth pestilential exhalations. The Elysian plain, near the Catacombs in
Egypt, stood upon the foul Charonian canal; which was so noisome, that
every fetid ditch and cavern was from it called Charonian. Asia Proper
comprehended little more than Phrygia, and a part of Lydia; and was bounded
by the river Halys. It was of a most inflammable soil; and there were many
fiery eruptions about Caroura, and in Hyrcania, which latter was styled by
the Greeks κεκαυμενη. Hence, doubtless, the region had the name of
[106]Asia, or the land of fire. One of its most antient cities, and most
reverenced, was Hierapolis, famous for its hot [107]fountains. Here was
also a sacred cavern, styled by [108]Strabo Plutonium, and Charonium; which
sent up pestilential effluvia. Photius, in the life of Isidorus, acquaints
us, that it was the temple of Apollo at Hierapolis, within whose precincts
these deadly vapours arose. [109]Εν Ἱεραπολει της Φρυγιας Ἱερον ην
Απολλωνος, ὑπο δε τον ναον καταβασιον ὑπεκειτο, θανασιμους αναπνοας
παρεχομενον. He speaks of this cavity as being immediately under the
edifice. Four caverns of this sort, and styled Charonian, are mentioned by
[110]Strabo in this part of the world. Pliny, speaking of some Charonian
hollows in Italy, says, that the exhalations were insupportable.
[111]Spiracula vocant, alii _Charoneas_ scrobes, mortiferum spiritum
exhalantes. It may appear wonderful; but the Amonians were determined in
the situation both of their cities and temples by these strange phænomena.
They esteemed no places so sacred as those where there were fiery
eruptions, uncommon steams, and sulphureous exhalations. In Armenia, near
[112]Comana, and Camisena, was the temple of [113]Anait, or fountain of the
Sun. It was a Persic and Babylonish Deity, as well as an Armenian, which
was honoured with Puratheia, where the rites of fire were particularly kept
up. The city itself was named Zela; and close behind it was a large nitrous
lake. In short, from the Amonian terms, Al-As, came the Grecian ἁλος, ἁλας,
ἁλς; as, from the same terms reversed (As-El), were formed the Latine Sal,
Sol, and Salum. Wherever the Amonians found places with these natural or
præternatural properties, they held them sacred, and founded their temples
near them. [114]Selenousia, in Ionia, was upon a salt lake, sacred to
Artemis. In Epirus was a city called Alesa, Elissa, and Lesa: and hard by
were the Alesian plains; similar to the Elysian in Egypt: in these was
produced a great quantity of fossil [115]salt. There was an Alesia in
Arcadia, and a mountain Alesium with a temple upon it. Here an antient
personage, Æputus, was said to have been suffocated with salt water: in
which history there is an allusion to the etymology of the name. It is true
that Pausanias supposes it to have been called Alesia, from Rhea having
wandered thither; [116]δια την αλην, ὡς φασι, καλουμενον την Ῥεας: but it
was not αλη, but ἁλας, and ἁλος, sal; and the Deity, to whom that body was
sacred, from whence the place was named. And this is certain from another
tradition, which there prevailed: for it is said that in antient times
there was an eruption of sea water in the temple: [117]Θαλασσης δε
αναφαινεσθαι κυμα εν τῳ Ἱερῳ τουτῳ λογος εστιν αρχαιος. Nor was this
appellation confined to one particular sort of fountain, or water: but all
waters, that had any uncommon property, were in like manner sacred to
Elees, or Eesel. It was an antient title of Mithras and Osiris in the east,
the same as [118]Sol, the Sun. From hence the priests of the Sun were
called Soli and Solimi in Cilicia, Selli in Epirus, Salii at Rome, all
originally priests of fire. As such they are described by Virgil:

  Tum Salii ad cantus incensa altaria circum.

In like manner the Silaceni of the Babylonians were worshippers of the same
Deity, and given to the rites of fire, which accompanied the worship of the

The chief city of Silacena was Sile or Sele, where were eruptions of fire.
Sele is the place or city of the Sun. Whenever therefore Sal, or Sel, or
the same reversed, occur in the composition of any place's name, we may be
pretty certain that the place is remarkable either for its rites or
situation, and attended with some of the circumstances
[119]above-mentioned. Many instances may be produced of those denominated
from the quality of their waters. In the river [120]Silarus of Italy every
thing became petrified. The river [121]Silias in India would suffer nothing
to swim. The waters of the [122]Salassi in the Alps were of great use in
refining gold. The fountain at [123]Selinus in Sicily was of a bitter
saline taste. Of the salt lake near [124]Selinousia in Ionia I have spoken.
The fountain Siloë at Jerusalem was in some degree [125]salt. Ovid mentions
Sulmo, where he was born, as noted for its [126]cool waters: for cold
streams were equally sacred to the Sun as those, which were of a contrary
nature. The fine waters at Ænon, where John baptized, were called
[127]Salim. The river Ales near Colophon ran through the grove of Apollo,
and was esteemed the coldest stream in Ionia. [128]Αλης ποταμος ψυχροτατος
των εν Ιωνιᾳ. In the country of the Alazonians was a bitter fountain, which
ran into the [129]Hypanis. These terms were sometimes combined with the
name of Ham; and expressed Hameles, and Hamelas; contracted to Meles and
Melas. A river of this name watered the region of Pamphylia, and was noted
for a most cold and pure [130]water. The Meles near Smyrna was equally
admired. [131]Σμυρναιος δε ποταμος Μελης· ὑδωρ εστι καλλιστον, και σπηλαιον
επι ταις πηγαις. The Melas in Cappadocia was of a contrary quality. It ran
through a hot, inflammable country, and formed many fiery pools. [132]Και
ταυτα δ' εστι τα ἑλη πανταχου πυριληπτα. In Pontus was Amasus, Amasia,
Amasene, where the region abounded with hot waters: [133]Ὑπερκειται δε της
των Αμασεων τα τε θερμα ὑδατα των Φαζημονειτων, ὑγιεινα σφοδρα.

It is wonderful, how far the Amonian religion and customs were carried in
the first ages. The antient Germans, and Scandinavians, were led by the
same principles; and founded their temples in situations of the same
nature, as those were, which have been above described. Above all others
they chose those places, where were any nitrous, or saline waters.
[134]Maxime autem lucos (or lacus) sale gignendo fæcundos Cœlo propinquare,
precesque mortalium nusquam propius audiri firmiter erant persuasi; prout
exemplo Hermundurorum docet testis omni exceptione major [135]Tacitus.


The most common name for the Sun was San, and Son; expressed also Zan, Zon,
and Zaan. Zeus of Crete, who was supposed to have been buried in that
Island, is said to have had the following inscription on his tomb:

  [136]Ὡδε μεγας κειται Ζαν, ὁν Δια κικλησκουσι.

The Ionians expressed it Ζην, and Ζηνα. Hesychius tells us, that the Sun
was called Σαως by the Babylonians. It is to be observed that the Grecians
in foreign words continually omitted the Nu final, and substituted a Sigma.
The true Babylonish name for the Sun was undoubtedly Σαων, oftentimes
expressed Σωαν, Soan. It was the same as Zauan of the Sidonians; under
which name they worshipped Adonis, or the Sun. Hesychius says, Ζαυανας,
θεος τις εν Σιδωνι. Who the Deity was, I think may be plainly seen. It is
mentioned by the same writer, that the Indian Hercules, by which is always
meant the chief Deity, was styled Dorsanes: Δορσανης ὁ Ἡρακλης παρ' Ινδοις.
The name Dorsanes is an abridgment of Ador-San, or Ador-Sanes, that is
Ador-Sol, _the lord of light_. It was a title conferred upon Ham; and also
upon others of his family; whom I have before mentioned to have been
collectively called the Baalim. Analogous to this they were likewise called
the Zaanim, and Zaananim: and a temple was erected to them by the antient
Canaanites, which was from them named [137]Beth-Zaananim. There was also a
place called Sanim in the same country, rendered Sonam[138], Σωναμ, by
Eusebius; which was undoubtedly named in honour of the same persons: for
their posterity looked up to them, as the Heliadæ, or descendants of the
Sun, and denominated them from that luminary. According to Hesychius it was
a title, of old not unknown in Greece; where princes and rulers were styled
Zanides, Ζανιδες, Ἡγεμονες. In [139]Diodorus Siculus mention is made of an
antient king of Armenia, called Barsanes; which signifies the offspring of
the Sun. We find temples erected to the Deity of the same purport; and
styled in the singular Beth-San: by which is meant the temple of the Sun.
Two places occur in Scripture of this name: the one in the tribe of
Manasseh: the other in the land of the Philistines. The latter seems to
have been a city; and also a temple, where the body of Saul was exposed
after his defeat upon mount Gilboa. For it is said, that the Philistines
[140]_cut off his head, and stripped off his armour--and they put his
armour in the house of Ashtoreth, and they fastened his body to the wall of
Bethsan_. They seem to have sometimes used this term with a reduplication:
for we read of a city in Canaan called [141]Sansanah; by which is signified
a place sacred to the most illustrious Orb of day. Some antient statues
near mount Cronius in Elis were by the natives called Zanes, as we are told
by Pausanias: [142]Καλουνται δε ὑπο των επιχωριων Ζανες. They were supposed
to have been the statues of Zeus: but Zan was more properly the Sun; and
they were the statues of persons, who were denominated from him. One of
these persons, styled Zanes, and Zanim, was Chus: whose posterity sent out
large colonies to various parts of the earth. Some of them settled upon the
coast of Ausonia, called in later times Italy; where they worshipped their
great ancestor under the name of San-Chus. Silius Italicus speaking of the
march of some Sabine troops, says,

      [143]Pars Sancum voce canebant
  Auctorem gentis.

Lactantius takes notice of this Deity. [144]Ægyptii Isidem, Mauri Jubam,
Macedones Cabirum--Sabini _Sancum_ colunt. He was not unknown at Rome,
where they styled him Zeus Pistius, as we learn from Dionysius of
Halicarnassus: [145]Εν Ἱερῳ Διος Πιστιου, ὁν Ῥωμαιοι Σαγκον καλουσι. There
are in Gruter inscriptions, wherein he has the title of Semon prefixed, and
is also styled Sanctus.


Semon (Sem-On) signifies Cœlestis Sol.

Some of the antients thought that the soul of man was a divine emanation; a
portion of light from the Sun. Hence, probably, it was called Zoan from
that luminary; for so we find it named in Macrobius. [147]Veteres nullum
animal sacrum in finibus suis esse patiebantur; sed abigebant ad fines
Deorum, quibus sacrum esset: animas vero sacratorum hominum, quos Græci
ΖΩΑΝΑΣ vocant Diis debitas æstimabant.


Another common name for the Deity was Dis, Dus, and the like; analogous to
Deus, and Theos of other nations. The Sun was called Arez in the east, and
compounded Dis-arez, and Dus-arez; which signifies Deus Sol. The name is
mentioned by Tertullian[148]. Unicuique etiam provinciæ et civitati suus
Deus est, ut Syriæ Astarte, Arabiæ Dysares. Hesychius supposes the Deity to
have been the same as Dionusus. Δουσαρην τον Διονυσον Ναβαταιοι (καλουσιν),
ὡς Ισιδωρος. There was a high mountain, or promontory, in [149]Arabia,
denominated from this Deity: analogous to which there was one in Thrace,
which had its name [150]from Dusorus, or the God of light, Orus. I took
notice, that Hercules, or the chief Deity among the Indians, was called
Dorsanes: he had also the name of Sandis, and Sandes; which signifies Sol
Deus. [151]Βηλον μεν τον Δια τυχον, Σανδην τε τον Ἡρακλεα, και Αναϊτιδα την
Αφροδιτην, και αλλως αλλους εκαλουν. Agathias of the people in the east.
Probably the Deity Bendis, whose rites were so celebrated in Phrygia and
Thrace, was a compound of Ben-Dis, the offspring of God. The natives of
this country represented Bendis as a female; and supposed her to be the
same as [152]Selene, or the moon. The same Deity was often masculine and
feminine: what was Dea Luna in one country, was Deus Lunus in another.


The Sun was likewise named Kur, Cur, Κυρος. [153]Κυρον γαρ καλειν Περσας
τον Ἡλιον. Many places were sacred to this Deity, and called Cura, Curia,
Curopolis, Curene, Cureschata, Curesta, Curestica regio. Many rivers in
Persis, Media, Iberia, were denominated in the same manner. The term is
sometimes expressed Corus: hence Corusia in Scythia. Of this term I shall
say more hereafter.


Cohen, which seems, among the Egyptians and other Amonians, to have been
pronounced Cahen, and Chan, signified a Priest; also a Lord or Prince. In
early times the office of a Prince and of a Priest were comprehended under
one character.

  [154]Rex Anius, Rex idem hominum, Phœbique Sacerdos.

This continued a great while in some parts of the [155]world; especially in
Asia Minor, where, even in the time of the Romans, the chief priest was the
prince of the [156]province. The term was sometimes used with a greater
latitude; and denoted any thing noble and divine. Hence we find it prefixed
to the names both of Deities and men; and of places denominated from them.
It is often compounded with Athoth, as Canethoth; and we meet with
Can-Osiris, Can-ophis, Can-ebron, and the like. It was sometimes expressed
Kun, and among the Athenians was the title of the antient priests of
Apollo; whose posterity were styled Κυννιδαι, Cunnidæ, according to
Hesychius. Κυννιδαι, γενος εν Αθηνῃσιν, εξ ὁυ Ἱερευς του Κυννιου Απολλωνος.
We find from hence, that Apollo was styled Κυννιος, Cunnius. Κυννιος,
Απολλωνος επιθετον. Hence came κυνειν, προσκυνειν, προσκυνησις, well known
terms of adoration. It was also expressed Con, as we may infer from the
title of the Egyptian Hercules.[157] Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα την Αιγυπτιων
διαλεκτον ΚΩΝΑ λεγεσθαι. It seems also to have been a title of the true
God, who by [158]Moses is styled Konah, קנה.

We find this term oftentimes subjoined. The Chaldeans, who were
particularly possessed of the land of Ur, and were worshippers of fire, had
the name of Urchani. Strabo limits this title to one branch of the
Chaldeans, who were literati, and observers of the heavens; and even of
these to one sect only. Εστι δε και των Χαλδαιων των Αστρονομικων γενη
πλειω· και γαρ [159]Ορχηνοι τινες προσαγορευονται. But [160]Ptolemy speaks
of them more truly as a nation; as does Pliny likewise. He mentions their
stopping the course of the Euphrates, and diverting the stream into the
channel of the Tigris. [161]Euphratem præclusere Orcheni, &c. nec nisi
Pasitigri defertur in mare. There seem to have been particular colleges
appropriated to the astronomers and priests in Chaldea, which were called
Conah; as we may infer from [162]Ezra. He applies it to societies of his
own priests and people; but it was a term borrowed from Chaldea.

The title of Urchan among the Gentile nations was appropriated to the God
of fire, and his [163]priests; but was assumed by other persons. Some of
the priests and princes among the Jews, after the return from captivity,
took the name of Hyrcanus. Orchan, and Orchanes among the Persic and Tartar
nations is very common at this [164]day; among whom the word Chan is ever
current for a prince or king. Hence we read of Mangu Chan, Cublai Chan,
Cingis Chan. Among some of these nations it is expressed Kon, Kong, and
King. Monsieur de Lisle, speaking of the Chinese, says, [165]Les noms de
King Che, ou Kong-Sse, signifient Cour de Prince en Chine. Can, ou Chan en
langue Tartare signifie Roi, ou Empereur.


Of this Amonian term of honour I have taken notice in a treatise before. I
have shewn, that it was to be found in many Egyptian [166]names, such as
Petiphra, Petiphera, Petisonius, Petosiris, Petarbemis, Petubastus the
Tanite, and Petesuccus, builder of the Labyrinth. Petes, called Peteos in
Homer, the father of Mnestheus, the Athenian, is of the same original:
[167]Τον γαρ Πετην, τον πατερα Μενεσθεως, του στρατευσαντος εις Τροιαν.
φανερως Αιγυπτιον ὑπαρξαντα κτλ. All the great officers of the Babylonians
and Persians took their names from some sacred title of the Sun. Herodotus
mentions [168]Petazithes Magus, and [169]Patiramphes: the latter was
charioteer to Xerxes in his expedition to Greece: but he was denominated
from another office; for he was brother to Smerdis, and a Magus; which was
a priest of the Sun. The term is sometimes subjoined, as in Atropatia, a
province in [170]Media; which was so named, as we learn from Strabo,
[171]απο του Ατροπατου ἡγεμονος. In the accounts of the Amazons likewise
this word occurs. They are said to have been called Aorpata, or, according
to the common reading in Herodotus, Oiorpata; which writer places them upon
the Cimmerian Bosporus. [172]Τας δε Αμαζονας καλεουσι Σκυθαι Οιορπατα·
δυναται δε το ουνομα τουτο κατ' Ἑλλαδα γλωσσαν ανδροκτονοι Οιορ γαρ
καλεουσι τον ανδρα, το δε πατα κτεινειν. This etymology is founded upon a
notion that the Amazons were a community of women, who killed every man,
with whom they had any commerce, and yet subsisted as a people for ages. I
shall hereafter speak of the nations under this title; for there were more
than one: but all of one family; all colonies from Egypt. The title above
was given them from their worship: for Oiorpata, or, as some MSS. have it,
Aor-pata, is the same as [173]Petah Or, the priest of Orus; or, in a more
lax sense, the votaries of that God. They were Ανδροκτονοι; for they
sacrificed all strangers, whom fortune brought upon their coast: so that
the whole Euxine sea, upon which they lived, was rendered infamous from
their cruelty: but they did not take their name from this circumstance.

One of the Egyptian Deities was named Neith, and Neit; and analogous to the
above her priests were styled [174]Pataneit. They were also named Sonchin,
which signifies a priest of the Sun: for Son, San, Zan, are of the same
signification; and Son-Chin is Ζανος ἱερευς. Proclus says, that it was the
title of the priests; and particularly of him, who presided in the college
of Neith at Saïs.


Bel, Bal, or Baal, is a Babylonish title, appropriated to the Sun; and made
use of by the Amonians in other countries; particularly in Syria and
Canaan. It signified Κυριος, or Lord, and is often compounded with other
terms; as in Bel-Adon, Belorus, Bal-hamon, Belochus, Bel-on; (from which
last came Bellona of the Romans) and also Baal-shamaim, the great Lord of
the Heavens. This was a title given by the Syrians to the Sun: [175]Τον
Ἡλιον Βεελσαμην καλουσιν, ὁ εστι παρα Φοινιξι Κυριος Ουρανου, Ζευς δε παρ'
Ἑλλησι. We may, from hence, decypher the name of the Sun, as mentioned
before by Damascius, who styles that Deity Bolathes: [176]Φοινικες και
Συροι τον Κρονον Ηλ, και Βηλ, και Βολαθην επονομαζουσι. What he terms
Bolathes is a compound of Bal-Ath, or Bal-Athis; the same as Atis, and
Atish of Lydia, Persis, and other countries. Philo Biblius interprets it
Zeus: Damascius supposed it to mean Cronus; as did likewise Theophilus:
[177]Ενιοι μεν σεβονται τον Κρονον, και τουτον αυτον ονομαζουσι Βηλ, και
Βαλ, μαλιστα ὁι οικουντες τα ανατολικα κλιματα. This diversity amounts to
little: for I shall hereafter shew, that all the Grecian names of Deities,
however appropriated, were originally titles of one God, and related to the


Keren signifies, in its original sense, _a horn_: but was always esteemed
an emblem of power; and made use of as a title of sovereignty and
puissance. Hence, it is common with the sacred writers to say [178]_My horn
shalt thou exalt--[179]his horn shall be exalted with honour--[180]the horn
of Moab is cut off:_ and the Evangelist[181] speaks of Christ as _a horn of
salvation_ to the world. The Greeks often changed the nu final into sigma:
hence, from keren they formed κερας, κερατος: and from thence they deduced
the words κρατος, κρατερος: also κοιρανος, κρεων, and καρηνον; all relating
to strength and eminence. Gerenius, Γερηνιος, applied to Nestor, is an
Amonian term, and signifies a princely and venerable person. The Egyptian
Crane, for its great services, was held in high honour, being sacred to the
God of light, Abis (אב אש) or, as the Greeks expressed it, Ibis; from
whence the name was given. It was also called Keren and Kerenus: by the
Greeks Γερανος, the noble bird, being most honoured of any. It was a title
of the Sun himself: for Apollo was named Craneüs, and [182]Carneüs; which
was no other than Cereneüs, the supreme Deity, the Lord of light: and his
festival styled Carnea, Καρνεια, was an abbreviation of Κερενεια, Cerenea.
The priest of Cybele in Phrygia was styled Carnas; which was a title of the
Deity, whom he served; and of the same purport as Carneus above.


Oph signifies a serpent, and was pronounced at times and expressed, Ope,
[183]Oupis, Opis, Ops; and, by Cicero, [184]Upis. It was an emblem of the
Sun; and also of time and eternity. It was worshipped as a Deity, and
esteemed the same as Osiris; by others the same as Vulcan. Vulcanus
Ægyptiis Opas dictus est, eodem Cicerone [185]teste. A serpent was also, in
the Egyptian language, styled Ob, or Aub: though it may possibly be only a
variation of the term above. We are told by Orus Apollo, that the basilisk,
or royal serpent, was named Oubaios: [186]Ουβαιος, ὁ εστιν Ἑλληνιστι
Βασιλισκος. It should have been rendered Ουβος, Oubus; for Ουβαιος is a
possessive, and not a proper name. The Deity, so denominated, was esteemed
prophetic; and his temples were applied to as oracular. This idolatry is
alluded to by Moses,[187] who, in the name of God, forbids the Israelites
ever to inquire of those dæmons, Ob and Ideone: which shews that it was of
great antiquity. The symbolical worship of the serpent was, in the first
ages, very extensive; and was introduced into all the mysteries, wherever
celebrated: [188]Παρα παντι των νομιζομενων παρ' ὑμιν Θεων ΟΦΙΣ συμβολον
μεγα και μυστηριον αναγραφεται. It is remarkable, that wherever the
Amonians founded any places of worship, and introduced their rites, there
was generally some story of a serpent. There was a legend about a serpent
at Colchis, at Thebes, and at Delphi; likewise in other places. The Greeks
called Apollo himself Python, which is the same as Opis, Oupis, and Oub.
The woman at Endor, who had a familiar spirit, is called [189]אוב, Oub, or
Ob; and it is interpreted Pythonissa. The place where she resided, seems to
have been named from the worship there instituted: for Endor is compounded
of En-Ador, and signifies Fons Pythonis, the fountain of light, the oracle
of the God Ador. This oracle was, probably, founded by the Canaanites; and
had never been totally suppressed. In antient times they had no images in
their temples, but, in lieu of them, used conical stones or pillars, called
Βαιτυλια; under which representation this Deity was often worshipped. His
pillar was also called [190]Abaddir, which should be expressed Abadir,
being a compound of Ab, אוב, and Adir; and means the serpent Deity, Addir,
the same as Adorus. It was also compounded with On, a title of the same
Deity: and Kircher says that Obion is still, among the people of Egypt, the
name of a serpent. אוב, Ob Mosi, Python, vox ab Ægyptiis sumpta; quibus
Obion hodieque serpentem sonat. Ita [191]Kircher. The same also occurs in
the Coptic lexicon. The worship of the serpent was very antient among the
Greeks, and is said to have been introduced by Cecrops. [192]Philochorus
Saturno, et Opi, primam in Atticâ statuisse aram Cecropem dicit. But though
some represent Opis as a distinct Deity; yet [193]others introduce the term
rather as a title, and refer it to more Deities than one: Callimachus, who
expresses it Oupis, confers it upon Diana, and plays upon the sacred term:

  [194]Ουπι, ανασσ' ευωπι.

It is often compounded with Chan; and expressed Canopus, Canophis,
Canuphis, Cnuphis, Cneph: it is also otherwise combined; as in Ophon,
Ophion, Oropus, Orobus, Inopus, Asopus, Elopus, Ophitis, Onuphis, Ophel.
From Caneph the Grecians formed Cyniphius, which they used for an epithet
to Ammon:

  [195]Non hic Cyniphius canetur Ammon,
  Mitratum caput elevans arenis.

On the subject of serpent worship I shall speak more at large in a
particular treatise.


Ain, An, En, for so it is at times expressed, signifies a fountain, and was
prefixed to the names of many places which were situated near fountains,
and were denominated from them. In Canaan, near the fords of Jordan, were
some celebrated waters; which, from their name, appear to have been, of
old, sacred to the Sun. The name of the place was [196]Ænon, or the
fountain of the Sun; the same to which people resorted to be baptized by
John: not from an opinion that there was any sanctity in the waters; for
that notion had been for ages obliterated; and the name was given by the
Canaanite: but [197]_John baptized in Ænon, near to Salim, because there
was much water there: and they came, and were baptized_. Many places were
styled An-ait, An-abor, Anabouria, Anathon, Anopus, Anorus. Some of these
were so called from their situation; others from the worship there
established. The Egyptians had many subordinate Deities, which they
esteemed so many emanations, αποῤῥοιαι from their chief God; as we learn
from Iamblichus, Psellus, and Porphyry. These derivatives they called
[198]fountains, and supposed them to be derived from the Sun; whom they
looked upon as the source of all things. Hence they formed Ath-El and
Ath-Ain, the [199]Athela and Athena of the Greeks. These were two titles
appropriated to the same personage, Divine Wisdom; who was supposed to
spring from the head of her father. Wherever the Amonian religion was
propagated, names of this sort will occur; being originally given from the
mode of worship established[200]. Hence so many places styled Anthedon,
Anthemus, Ain-shemesh, and the like. The nymph Œnone was, in reality, a
fountain, Ain-On, in Phrygia; and sacred to the same Deity: and, agreeably
to this, she is said to have been the daughter of the river [201]Cebrenus.
The island Ægina was named [202]Œnone, and Œnopia, probably from its
worship. As Divine Wisdom was sometimes expressed Ath-Ain, or Αθηνα; so, at
other times, the terms were reversed, and a Deity constituted called
An-Ait. Temples to this goddess occur at Ecbatana in Media: also in
Mesopotamia, Persis, Armenia, and Cappadocia; where the rites of fire were
particularly observed. She was not unknown among the antient Canaanites;
for a temple called Beth-Anath is mentioned in the book of [203]Joshua. Of
these temples, and the Puratheia there established, accounts may be seen in
many parts of Strabo.

I have mentioned, that all springs and baths were sacred to the Sun: on
which account they were called Bal-ain; the fountains of the great Lord of
Heaven; from whence the Greeks formed Βαλανεια: and the Romans Balnea. The
southern seas abounded formerly with large whales: and it is well known,
that they have apertures near their nostrils, through which they spout
water in a large stream, and to a great height. Hence they too had the name
of Bal-Ain, or Balænæ. For every thing uncommon was by the Amonians
consecrated to the Deity, and denominated from his titles. This is very
apparent in all the animals of Egypt.

The term Ουρανος, Ouranus, related properly to the orb of the Sun; but was
in aftertimes made to comprehend the whole expanse of the heavens. It is
compounded of Ourain, the fountain of Orus; and shews to what it alludes,
by its etymology. Many places were named Ees-ain, the reverse of Ain-ees,
or Hanes: and others farther compounded Am-ees-ain, and Cam-ees-ain,
rendered Amisene, and Camisene: the natural histories of which places will
generally authenticate the etymology. The Amonians settled upon the Tiber:
and the antient town Janiculum was originally named [204]Camese; and the
region about it Camesene: undoubtedly from the fountain Camesene, called
afterward Anna Perenna, whose waters ran into the sacred pool
[205]Numicius: and whose priests were the Camœnæ.

I am sensible, that some very learned men do not quite approve of terms
being thus reversed, as I have exhibited them in Ath-ain, Bal-ain, Our-ain,
Cam-ain, and in other examples: and it is esteemed a deviation from the
common usage in the Hebrew language; where the governing word, as it is
termed, always comes first. Of this there are many instances; such as
Ain-Shemesh, Ain-Gaddi, Ain-Mishpat, Ain-Rogel, &c. also Beth-El,
Beth-Dagon, Beth-Aven, Beth-Oron. But, with submission, this does not
affect the etymologies, which I have laid before the reader: for I do not
deduce them from the Hebrew. And though there may have been of old a great
similitude between that language, and those of Egypt, Cutha, and Canaan:
yet they were all different tongues. There was once but one language among
the sons of men[206]. Upon the dispersion of mankind, this was branched out
into dialects; and those again were subdivided: all which varied every age,
not only in respect to one another; but each language differed from itself
more and more continually. It is therefore impossible to reduce the whole
of these to the mode, and standard of any one. Besides, the terms, of which
I suppose these names to be formed, are not properly in regimine; but are
used adjectively, as is common almost in every language. We meet in the
Grecian writings with [207]Ἑλληνα στρατον, Ἑλλαδα διαλεκτον, εσβεσεν Ἑλλαδα
φωνην. Also νασον Σικελαν, γυναικα μαζον, Περσην στρατον, ναυτην δρομον,
Σκυθην οιμον. Why may we not suppose, that the same usage prevailed in
Cutha, and in Egypt? And this practice was not entirely foreign to the
Hebrews. We read indeed of Beer-sheba, Beer-lahoiroi, &c. but we also read
of [208] Baalath-Beer, exactly similar to the instances which I have
produced. We meet in the sacred writings with Beth-El, and Beth-Dagon: but
we sometimes find the governing word postponed, as in Elizabeth, or temple
of Eliza. It was a Canaanitish[209] name, the same as Elisa, Eleusa, Elasa
of Greece and other countries. It was a compound of El-Ees, and related to
the God of light, as I have before shewn. It was made a feminine in
aftertimes: and was a name assumed by women of the country styled Phenicia,
as well as by those of Carthage. Hence Dido has this as a secondary
appellation; and mention is made by the Poet of Dii morientis [210]Elizæ,
though it was properly the name of a Deity. It may be said, that these
names are foreign to the Hebrews, though sometimes adopted by them: and I
readily grant it; for it is the whole, that I contend for. All, that I want
to have allowed, is, that different nations in their several tongues had
different modes of collocation and expression: because I think it as
unreasonable to determine the usage of the Egyptians and antient Chaldeans
by the method of the Hebrews, as it would be to reduce the Hebrew to the
mode and standard of Egypt. What in Joshua, c. 19. v. 8. is Baaleth, is, 1
Kings, c. 16. v. 31. Eth-baal: so that even in the sacred writings we find
terms of this sort transposed. But in respect to foreign names, especially
of places, there are numberless instances similar to those, which I have
produced. They occur in all histories of countries both antient and modern.
We read of Pharbeth, and Phainobeth in Egypt: of Themiskir, and
[211]Tigranocerta, which signifies Tigranes' city, in Cappadocia, and
Armenia. Among the eastern nations at this day the names of the principal
places are of this manner of construction; such as Pharsabad, Jehenabad,
Amenabad: such also Indostan, Pharsistan, Mogulistan, with many others.
Hence I hope, if I meet with a temple or city, called Hanes, or Urania, I
may venture to derive it from An-Eees, or Ur-Ain, however the terms may be
disposed. And I may proceed farther to suppose that it was denominated the
fountain of light; as I am able to support my etymology by the history of
the place. Or if I should meet with a country called Azania, I may in like
manner derive it from Az-An, a fountain sacred to the Sun; from whence the
country was named. And I may suppose this fountain to have been sacred to
the God of light, on account of some real, or imputed, quality in its
waters: especially if I have any history to support my etymology. As there
was a region named Azania in Arcadia, the reader may judge of my
interpretation by the account given of the excellence of its waters.
[212]Αζανια, μερος της Αρκαδιας--εστι κρηνη της Αζανιας, ἡ τους γευσαμενους
του ὑδατος ποιει μηδε την οσμην του οινου ανεχεσθαι. Hanes in [213]Egypt
was the reverse of Azan; formed however of the same terms, and of the same
purport precisely.

In respect to this city it may be objected, that if it had signified, what
I suppose, we should have found it in the sacred text, instead of חנס,
expressed עין אש. If this were true, we must be obliged to suppose,
whenever the sacred writers found a foreign name, composed of terms not
unlike some in their own language, that they formed them according to their
own mode of expression, and reduced them to the Hebrew orthography. In
short, if the etymology of an Egyptian or Syriac name could be possibly
obtained in their own language, that they had always an eye to such
etymology; and rendered the word precisely according to the Hebrew manner
of writing and pronunciation. But this cannot be allowed. We cannot suppose
the sacred writers to have been so unnecessarily scrupulous. As far as I
can judge, they appear to have acted in a manner quite the reverse. They
seem to have laid down an excellent rule, which would have been attended
with great utility, had it been universally followed: this was, of
exhibiting every name, as it was expressed at the time when they wrote, and
by the people, to whom they addressed themselves. If this people, through
length of time, did not keep up to the original etymology in their
pronunciation, it was unnecessary for the sacred Penmen to maintain it in
their writings. They wrote to be understood: but would have defeated their
own purpose, if they had called things by names, which no longer existed.
If length of time had introduced any variations, those changes were
attended to: what was called Shechem by Moses, is termed [214]Σιχαρ or
Συχαρ by the [215]Apostle.


Fire, and likewise the God of fire, was by the Amonians styled Apthas, and
Aptha; contracted, and by different authors expressed, Apha, Pthas, and
Ptha. He is by Suidas supposed to have been the Vulcan of Memphis. Φθας, ὁ
Ηφαιστος παρα [216]Μεμφιταις. And Cicero makes him the same Deity of the
Romans. [217]Secundus, (Vulcanus) Nilo natus, Phas, ut Ægyptii appellant,
quem custodem esse Ægypti volunt. The author of the Clementines describes
him much to the same purpose. [218]Αιγυπτιοι δε ὁμοιως--το πυρ ιδιᾳ
διαλεκτῳ Φθα εκαλεσαν, ὁ ἑρμηνευεται Ἡφαιστος. [219]Huetius takes notice of
the different ways in which this name is expressed: Vulcano Pthas, et
Apthas nomen fuisse scribit Suidas. Narrat Eusebius Ptha Ægyptiorum eundem
esse ac Vulcanum Græcorum; Patrem illi fuisse Cnef, rerum opificem. However
the Greeks and Romans may have appropriated the term, it was, properly, a
title of [220]Amon: and Iamblichus acknowledges as much in a [221]chapter
wherein he particularly treats of him. But, at the same time, it related to
fire: and every place, in the composition of whose name it is found, will
have a reference to that element, or to its worship.

There was a place called Aphytis in Thrace, where the Amonians settled very
early; and where was an oracular temple of Amon. [222]Αφυτη, η Αφυτις,
πολις προς τῃ Παλληνῃ Θρᾳκης, απο Αφυος τινος εγχωριου. Εσχε δε ἡ πολις
μαντειον του Αμμωνος. _Aphyte, or Aphytis, is a city hard by Pallene, in
Thrace; so called from one Aphys, a native of those parts. This city had
once an oracular temple of Ammon_.

It stood in the very country called Phlegra, where the worship of fire once
particularly prevailed. There was a city Aphace; also a temple of that name
in Mount Libanus, sacred to Venus Aphacitis, and denominated from fire.
Here, too, was an oracle: for most temples of old were supposed to be
oracular. It is described by Zosimus, who says, [223]that near the temple
was a large lake, made by art, in shape like a star. About the building,
and in the neighbouring ground, there at times appeared a fire of a
globular figure, which burned like a lamp. It generally shewed itself at
times when a celebrity was held: and, he adds, that even in his time it was
frequently seen.

All the Deities of Greece were αποσπασματα, or derivatives, formed from the
titles of Amon, and Orus, the Sun. Many of them betray this in their
secondary appellations: for, we read not only of Vulcan, but of Diana being
called [224]Apha, and Aphæa; and in Crete Dictynna had the same name:
Hesychius observes, Αφαια, ἡ Δικτυννα. Castor and Pollux were styled
[225]Αφετηριοι: and Mars [226]Aphæus was worshipped in Arcadia. Apollo was
likewise called [227]Αφητωρ: but it was properly the place of worship;
though Hesychius otherwise explains it. Aphetor was what the antient
Dorians expressed Apha-Tor, a [228]fire tower, or Prutaneum; the same which
the Latines called of old Pur-tor, of the like signification. This, in
aftertimes, was rendered Prætorium: and the chief persons, who officiated,
Prætores. They were originally priests of fire; and, for that reason, were
called [229]Aphetæ: and every Prætor had a brazier of live coals carried
before him, as a badge of his office.


Ast, Asta, Esta, signified fire; and also the Deity of that element. The
Greeks expressed it Ἑστια, and the Romans, Vesta. Plutarch, speaking of the
sacred water of Numicius being discovered by the priestesses of this Deity,
calls them the virgins of [230]Hestia. Esta and Asta signified also a
sacred hearth. In early times every district was divided according to the
number of the sacred hearths; each of which constituted a community, or
parish. They were, in different parts, styled Puratheia, Empureia,
Prutaneia, and Prætoria: also [231]Phratriai, and Apaturia: but the most
common name was Asta.

These were all places of general rendezvous for people of the same
community. Here were kept up perpetual fires: and places of this sort were
made use of for courts of judicature, where the laws of the country,
θεμισται, were explained, and enforced. Hence Homer speaking of a person
not worthy of the rights of society, calls him [232]Αφρητωρ, αθεμιστος,

The names of these buildings were given to them from the rites there
practised; all which related to fire. The term Asta was in aftertimes by
the Greeks expressed, Αστυ, Astu; and appropriated to a city. The name of
Athens was at first [233]Astu; and then Athenæ of the same purport: for
Athenæ is a compound of Ath-En, Ignis fons; in which name there is a
reference both to the guardian Goddess of the city; and also to the
perpetual fire preserved within its precincts. The God of fire, Hephaistus,
was an Egyptian compound of Apha-Astus, rendered by the Ionian Greeks

The [234]Camœnæ of Latium, who were supposed to have shewn the sacred
fountain to the Vestals, were probably the original priestesses, whose
business it was to fetch water for lustrations from that stream. For
Cam-Ain is the fountain of the Sun: and the Camœnæ were named from their
attendance upon that Deity. The Hymns in the temples of this God were sung
by these women: hence the Camœnæ were made presidents of music.

Many regions, where the rites of fire were kept up, will be found to have
been named Asta, Hestia, Hestiæa, Hephæstia; or to have had cities so
[235]called. This will appear from the histories of Thessaly, Lycia, Egypt,
Lemnos; as well as from other countries.

From Asta and Esta come the terms Æstas, Æstus, Æstuo, Αστυ, Ἑστια,


Shem, and Shamesh, are terms, which relate to the heavens, and to the Sun,
similar to שמש שמיס שום, of the Hebrews. Many places of reputed sanctity,
such as Same, Samos, Samothrace, Samorna, were denominated from it. Philo
Biblius informs us, that the Syrians, and Canaanites, lifted up their hands
to Baal-Samen, the Lord of Heaven; under which title they honoured the Sun:
[236]Τας χειρας ορεγειν εις ουρανους προς τον Ἡλιον· τουτον γαρ, φησι, θεον
ενομιζον μονον ΟΥΡΑΝΟΥ ΚYΡΙΟΝ ΒΑΑΛ-ΣΑΜΗΝ καλουντες. Ephesus was a place of
great sanctity: and its original name was [237]Samorna; which seems to be a
compound of Sam-Oran, Cœlestis Sol, fons Lucis. We read of Samicon in Elis,
[238]χωριον Σαμικον, with a sacred cavern: and of a town called [239]Samia,
which lay above it. The word Σεμνος was a contraction of Semanos, from
Sema-on; and properly signified divine and celestial. Hence σεμναι θεαι,
σεμνη κορα. Antient Syria was particularly devoted to the worship of the
Sun, and of the Heavens; and it was by the natives called Shems and Shams:
which undoubtedly means the land of Shemesh, from the worship there
followed. It retains the name at this [240]day. In Canaan was a town and
temple, called Beth-Shemesh. What some expressed Shem and Sham, the Lubim
seem to have pronounced Zam: hence the capital of Numidia was named Zama,
and Zamana, from Shamen, Cœlestis. This we may learn from an inscription in


Ham being the Apollo of the east, was worshipped as the Sun; and was also
called Sham and Shem. This has been the cause of much perplexity, and
mistake: for by these means many of his posterity have been referred to a
wrong line, and reputed the sons of Shem; the title of one brother not
being distinguished from the real name of the other. Hence the Chaldeans
have by some been adjudged to the line of [243]Shem: and Amalek, together
with the people of that name, have been placed to the same account. His
genealogy is accordingly represented by Ebn Patric. He makes him the son of
Aad, and great grandson of Shem. [244]Fuitque Aad filius Arami, filius
Shemi, filius Noæ. The author of the Chronicon Paschale speaks of
[245]Chus, as of the line of Shem: and Theophilus in his treatise to
Autolycus does the same by [246]Mizraïm. Others go farther, and add Canaan
to the [247]number. Now these are confessedly the immediate sons of
[248]Ham: so that we may understand, who was properly alluded to in these
passages under the name of Shem.


This was a sacred title given by the Amonians to their Gods; which often
occurs in the Orphic hymns, when any Deity is invoked.

  [249]Κλυθι, Μακαρ Παιαν, τιτυοκτονε, Φοιβε Λυκωρευ.

  [250]Κλυθι, Μακαρ, πανδερκες εχων αιωνιον ομμα.

Many people assumed to themselves this title; and were styled [251]Μακαρες,
or Macarians: and various colonies were supposed to have been led by an
imaginary personage, Macar, or [252]Macareus. In consequence of this, we
find that the most antient name of many cities and islands was Macra,
Macris, and [253]Macaria. The Grecians supposed the term Macar to signify
happy; whence Μακαρες θεοι was interpreted ευδαιμονες: but whether this was
the original purport of the word may be difficult to determine. It is
certain that it was a favourite term; and many places of sanctity were
denominated from it. Macar, as a person, was by some esteemed the offspring
of [254]Lycaon; by others, the son of [255]Æolus. Diodorus Siculus calls
him [256]Macareus, and speaks of him as the son of Jupiter. This term is
often found compounded Macar-On: from whence people were denominated
Μακαρωνες, and [257]Μακρωνες; and places were called Μακρων. This,
probably, was the original of the name given to islands which were styled
Μακαρων νησοι. They were to be found in the Pontus Euxinus, as well as in
the Atlantic. The Acropolis of Thebes in Bœotia was, in like manner, called
[258]Μακαρων νησος. It was certainly an Amonian sacred term. The inland
city, Oäsis, stood in an Egyptian province, which had the [259]same name:
so that the meaning must not be sought for in Greece. This term was
sometimes expressed as a feminine, Macris, and Macra: and by the Grecians
was interpreted _longa_; as if it related to extent. It was certainly an
antient word, and related to their theology; but was grown so obsolete that
the original purport could not be retrieved. I think we may be assured that
it had no relation to length. Eubœa was, of old, called Macris; and may be
looked upon as comparatively long: but Icarus, Rhodes, and Chios, were
likewise called so; and they did not project in length more than the
islands in their [260]neighbourhood. They were, therefore, not denominated
from their figure. There was a cavern in the Acropolis of Athens, which was
called Macrai, according to Euripides.

  [261]Προσβοῤῥον αντρον, ἁς Μακρας κικλησκομεν.

The same author shews, manifestly, that it was a proper name; and that the
place itself was styled Macrai. This was a contraction for Macar-Ai, or the
place of Macar:

  [262]Μακραι δε χωρος εστ' εκει κεκλημενος.

All these places were, for a religious reason, so denominated from Macar, a
title of the Deity.


Melech, or, as it is sometimes expressed, Malech, and Moloch, betokens a
king; as does Malecha a queen. It was a title, of old, given to many
Deities in Greece; but, in after times, grew obsolete and misunderstood:
whence it was often changed to μειλιχος, and μειλιχιος, which signified the
gentle, sweet, and benign Deity. Pausanias tells us that Jupiter was styled
Μειλιχιος, both in [263]Attica and at [264]Argos: and, in another part of
his work, he speaks of this Deity under the same title, in company with
Artemis at Sicyon. [265]Εστι δε Ζευς Μειλιχιος, και Αρτεμις ονομαζομενη
Πατρῳα. He mentions that they were both of great antiquity, placed in the
temple before the introduction of images: for, the one was represented by a
pyramid, and the other by a bare pillar: Πυραμιδι δε ὁ Μειλιχιος, ἡδε κιονι
εστιν εικασμενη. He also speaks of some unknown Gods at Myonia in Locris,
called Θεοι Μειλιχιοι; and of an altar, with an inscription of the same
purport, [266]βωμος Θεων Μειλιχιων.

Rivers often had the name of Melech. There was one in Babylonia, generally
expressed Nahar Malcha, or the royal stream: these too were often by the
Grecians changed to Μειλιχοι. The foregoing writer gives an instance in a
[267]river of Achaia. Malaga in Spain was properly Malacha, the royal city.
I take the name of Amalek to have been Ham [268]Melech abbreviated: a title
taken by the Amalekites from the head of their family. In like manner I
imagine [269]Malchom, the God of the Sidonians, to have been a contraction
of Malech-Chom, βασιλευς Ἡλιος: a title given to the Sun; but conferred
also upon the chief of the Amonian [270]family.


Anac was a title of high antiquity, and seems to have been originally
appropriated to persons of great strength, and stature. Such people in the
plural were styled Anakim; and one family of them were to be found at
[271]Kirjath-Arba. Some of them were likewise among the Caphtorim, who
settled in Palestina. Pausanias represents Asterion, whose tomb is said to
have been discovered in Lydia, as a son of Anac, and of an enormous size.
[272]Ειναι δε Αστεριον μεν Ανακτος· Ανακτα δε Γης παιδα--οστα εφανη το
σχημα περιεχοντα ες πιστιν, ὡς εστιν ανθρωπου· επει δια μεγεθος ουκ εστιν
ὁπως αν εδοξεν. We may from hence perceive that the history of the Anakim
was not totally obliterated among the Grecians. Some of their Deities were
styled ανακτε, others ανακτορες, and their temples ανακτορια. Michael
Psellus speaking of heresies, mentions, that some people were so debased,
as to worship Satanaki: [273]Αυτον δε μονον επιγειον Σατανακι
ενστερνιζονται. Satanaki seems to be Satan Anac, διαβολος βασιλευς.

Necho, Nacho, Necus, Negus, which in the Egyptian and Ethiopic languages
signified a king, probably was an abbreviation of Anaco, and Anachus. It
was sometimes expressed Nachi, and Nacchi. The buildings represented at
Persepolis are said to be the work of Nacki Rustan; which signifies the
lord, or prince Rustan.

ZAR, and SAR.

Sar is a rock, and made use of to signify a promontory. As temples were
particularly erected upon such places, these eminences were often
denominated Sar-On, from the Deity, to whom the temples were sacred. The
term Sar was oftentimes used as a mark of high honour. The Psalmist
repeatedly addresses God as his Rock, [274]the Rock of his refuge; the Rock
of his salvation. It is also used without a metaphor, for a title of
respect: but it seems then to have been differently expressed. The sacred
writers call that lordly people the Sidonians, as well as those of Tyre,
[275]Sarim. The name of Sarah was given to the wife of Abraham by way of
eminence; and signifies a [276]lady, or princess. It is continually to be
found in the composition of names, which relate to places, or persons,
esteemed sacred by the Amonians. We read of Serapis, Serapion, Serapammon:
also of Sarchon, and Sardon; which is a contraction for Sar-Adon. In Tobit
mention is made of [277]Sarchedonus; the same name as the former, but with
the eastern aspirate. The Sarim in Esther are taken notice of as persons of
high [278]honour: the same dignity seems to have been known among the
Philistim, by whom it was rendered [279]Sarna, or Sarana: hence came the
[280]Tyrian word Sarranus for any thing noble and splendid. In the prophet
Jeremiah are enumerated the titles of the chief princes, who attended
Nebuchadnezzar in his expedition against Judea. Among others he mentions
the [281]Sarsechim. This is a plural, compounded of Sar, and Sech, rendered
also Shec, a prince or governor. Sar-Sechim signifies the chief of the
princes and rulers. Rabshekah is nearly of the same purport: it signifies
the great prince; as by Rabsares is meant the chief [282]Eunuch; by Rabmag,
the chief of the Magi. Many places in Syria and Canaan have the term Sar in
composition; such as Sarabetha, Sariphæa, Sareptha. Sardis, the capital of
Crœsus, was the city of Sar-Ades, the same as Atis, the Deity of the

High [283]groves, or rather hills with woods of antient oaks, were named
Saron; because they were sacred to the Deity so called. Pliny takes notice
of the Saronian bay near Corinth, and of the oaks which grew near it.
[284]Portus Cœnitis, Sinus Saronicus olim querno nemore redimitus; unde
nomen. Both the oaks and the place were denominated from the Deity Sar-On,
and Chan-Ait, by the Greeks rendered Σαρων, and Κοινειτις, which are titles
of nearly the same purport. Saron was undoubtedly an antient God in Greece.
[285]Lilius Gyraldus styles him Deus Marinus; but he was, properly, the
Sun. Diana, the sister of Apollo, is named [286]Saronia: and there were
Saronia sacra, together with a festival at [287]Trœzen; in which place Orus
was supposed to have been born. [288]Ωρον γενεσθαι σφισιν εν γῃ πρωτον.
Orus was the same as Sar-On, the Lord of light. [289]Rocks were called
Saronides, from having temples and towers sacred to this Deity: just as
groves of oaks were, of which I took notice above. This interpretation is
given by [290]Hesychius; and by the Scholiast, upon the following verse of

  [291]Η πολλας ὑπενερθε Σαρωνιδας ὑγρος Ιαων

As oaks were styled Saronides, so likewise were the antient Druids, by whom
the oak was held so sacred. Hence Diodorus Siculus, speaking of the priests
of Gaul, styles them [292]Φιλοσοφοι, θεολογοι--περιττως τιμωμενοι, ὁυς
ΣΑΡΩΝΙΔΑΣ ονομαζουσι. This is one proof, out of many, how far the Amonian
religion was extended; and how little we know of Druidical worship, either
in respect to its essence or its origin.


Uch, Υκ, expressed also Ach, Och, Οχα, was a term of honour among the
Babylonians, and the rest of the progeny of Chus; and occurs continually in
the names of men and places which have any connection with their history. I
have shewn, in a former [293]treatise, that the shepherds who ruled in
Egypt were of that race, and that they came from Babylonia and Chaldea.
Eusebius informs us, that their national title was [294]Υκουσος; or, as it
was undoubtedly expressed by the people themselves, Υκκουσος, Uc-Cusus. It
is a term taken notice of by Apion and Manethon, and they speak of it as a
word in the sacred language of the country, which signified a king: [295]Υκ
καθ' ἱεραν γλωσσαν βασιλεα σημαινει. I wonder that this word has been
passed over with so little notice; as it is of great antiquity; and, at the
same time, of much importance in respect to etymology. Uc-Cusus signified
the royal, or noble, Cusean: and, as it was a word in the sacred language
of Egypt, we may from hence learn what that language was; and be assured
that it was the primitive language of Chus, the same as the antient
Chaldaïc. It was introduced among the Mizraïm by the Auritæ, or Cuthites,
together with their rites and religion: hence it obtained the name of the
sacred language. Diodorus Siculus affords [296]evidence to the same
purpose: and it is farther proved by Heliodorus; who says that the sacred
characters of Egypt and those of the Cuthites in Ethiopia were the
[297]same. This term occurs very often among the titles of which the
Babylonish names arc composed; such as Ochus and Belochus. Among the
Egyptians it is to be found in Acherez and Achencherez; which are the names
of two very antient princes. Acherez is a compound of Ach-Ares, Magnus Sol;
equivalent to Achorus, another name of the same Deity, assumed in like
manner by their kings. The latter was sometimes expressed [298]Achor,
Achoris. Ochuras, Uchoreus; which are all the same name, diversified in
different ages and by different writers. As priests took the titles of the
Deities whom they served, Lucan has, very properly, introduced a priest of
Egypt under the name of Achoreus:

                  [299]quos inter Achoreus,
  Jam placidus senio, fractisque modestior annis.

The name of Osiris seems to have been Uc-Sehor, and Uc-Sehoris. According
to Hellanicus, if a person had in Egypt made inquiry about the term Osiris,
he would not have been understood: for the true name was [300]Usiris. Philo
Biblius, from Sanchoniathon, calls the same Deity [301]Isiris; and adds,
that he was the brother of Cna, or Canaan; and the inventor of three
letters. Ισιρις, των τριων γραμματων ἑυρετης, αδελφος Χνα του Φοινικος. I
take Isiris and Usiris, as well as Osiris, to be all Uc-Sehoris softened,
and accommodated to the ears of Greece.

The Sun was styled El-Uc, which the Grecians changed to Λυκος, Lucos; as we
learn from [302]Macrobius. He was also styled El-Uc-Or, which was changed
to Λυκωρευς; and El-Uc-Aon, rendered Lycaon[303], Λυκαων. As this personage
was the same as El-Uc, Λυκος, it was fabled of him that he was turned into
a wolf. The cause of this absurd notion arose from hence: every sacred
animal in Egypt was distinguished by some title of the Deity. But the
Greeks never considered whether the term was to be taken in its primary, or
in its secondary acceptation; whence they referred the history to an
animal, when it related to the God from whom the animal was denominated.
Λυκος, Lucos, was, as I have shewn, the name of the Sun: hence, wherever
this term occurs in composition, there will be commonly found some
reference to that Deity, or to his substitute Apollo. We read of
[304]Λυκιου Απολλωνος ἱερον: of [305]Lycorus, a supposed son of Apollo: of
[306]Lycomedes, another son: of [307]Lycosura, the first city which the Sun
beheld. The people of Delphi were, of old, called [308]Lycorians: and the
summit of Parnassus, [309]Lycorea. Near it was a [310]town of the same
name; and both were sacred to the God of light. From Lucos, in this sense,
came lux, luceo, lucidus, and Jupiter Lucetius, of the Latines; and λυχνος,
λυχνια, λυχνευω, of the Greeks; also Λυκαβας, and αμφιλυκος, though
differently expressed. Hence it was that so many places sacred to Apollo
were styled Leuce, Leuca, Λυκια, Leucas, Leucate.

  Mox et Leucatæ nimbosa cacumina montis,
  Et formidatus nautis aperitur [311]Apollo.

Hence also inscriptions [312]DEO LEUCANIÆ: which term seems to denote,
Sol-Fons, the fountain of day. The name Lycophron, Λυκοφρων, which some
would derive from Λυκος, a wolf, signifies a person of an enlightened mind.
Groves were held very sacred: hence lucus, which some would absurdly derive
a non lucendo, was so named from the Deity there worshipped: as was Ἁιμος,
a word of the same purport among the Greeks.

This people, who received their theology from Egypt and Syria, often
suppressed the leading vowel; and thought to atone for it by giving a new
termination: though to say the truth, this mode of abbreviation is often to
be observed in the original language, from whence these terms are derived.
Κυρος, the name of Cyrus, seems to have suffered an abridgment of this
nature. It was probably a compound of Uch-Ur, the same as Achor, and
Achorus of Egypt, the great luminary, the Sun. In antient times all kings,
priests, and people of consequence took to themselves some sacred title.
But as Aneith was abbreviated to Neith, Acherez to Cherez; so Achorus was
rendered Chorus, Curus. Thus far is manifest, that Curus signified the Sun.
[313]Ὁ μεν ουν Κυρος απο Κυρου του παλαιου ονομα εσχεν· εκεινῳ δε απο του
Ἡλιου γενεσθαι φασι· Κυρον γαρ καλειν Περσας τον Ἡλιον. Ctesias likewise
informs us that the name of Cyrus had this signification. [314]Και τιθεται
το ονομα αυτου απο του Ἡλιου: _He was denominated Cyrus from the Sun, which
was so called_. It was the same as Orus: and according to Strabo it is
sometimes so expressed; as we may infer from a river of this name, of which
he says, [315]Εκαλειτο δε προτερον Κορος. We find it sometimes rendered
Κυρις, Curis: but still with a reference to the Sun, the Adonis of the
east. Hesychius explains Κυρις, ὁ Αδωνις. In Phocis was [316]Κυῤῥα, Currha,
where Apollo Κυῤῥαιος was honoured; which names were more commonly
expressed Κιῤῥα and Κιῤῥαιος. The people of Cyrene are said by Palæphatus
to have been originally Ethiopians or Cuthites. They, as well as the
Egyptians, worshipped the Sun under the title of Achur, and Achor: and like
them esteemed him the [317]Θεος απομυιος. From the God Achur we may infer
that their country was at first called Acurana; which is a compound of
Achur-Ain, and betokens the great fountain of light. Acurana was
abbreviated to Curane and Curene; but was always supposed to relate to the
Sun, and Heaven. Hence the Greeks, who out of every obsolete term formed
personages, supposed Cyrene to have been the daughter of the supreme Deity.
[318]Κυρηνη, πολις Λιβυης, απο Κυρηνης της Ὑψεως. _The city Cyrene in Libya
was denominated from Cyrene, the daughter of the most High_. There was a
fountain here of great sanctity, which was in like manner denominated from
the Sun. It was called [319]Κυρη πηγη, which terms are equivalent to
Kur-Ain, and Achurain of the Amonians, and signify the fountain of the Sun.
Pliny proves, that this was the purport of the terms, when he describes
this part of the world. [320]Cyrenaïca, eadem Tripolitana regio,
illustratur Hammonis oraculo--et _Fonte Solis._ The like account is to be
found in Pomponius Mela[321]. Ammonis oraculum, fidei inclytæ; et fons,
quem Solis [322]appellant. As Achor was a term, which related to the Sun;
we find it often compounded with Ων, On, another name of that Deity; from
whence was formed Acharon. This was the true name of the city in Palestine,
called in Scripture, according to our version, [323]Ekron. It was
denominated from Achor, the God of flies, worshipped also under the name of
Baal-zebub with the same attribute. The Caphtorim brought the worship of
this God from Egypt; where was a river called Acharon; so denominated from
the Deity of the country. This river, and the rites practised in its
vicinity, are mentioned in a beautiful fragment from some Sibylline poetry,
but when, or by whom composed, is uncertain. The verses are taken notice of
by Clemens Alexandrinus, and what is remarkable, are certainly quoted long
before the completion of what is portended. However the purport may perhaps
be looked upon rather as a menace, than a prophecy.

  [324]Ισι, θεα, τριταλαινα, μενεις επι χευμασι Νειλου,
  Μουνη, μαινας, αοιδος, επι ψαμαθοις Αχεροντος.

The Deity was likewise called Achad, and Achon: and many cities and
countries were hence [325]denominated. Acon in Palestine is said to have
been so named in honour of Hercules, the chief Deity in those [326]parts.

I have mentioned, that Ham, styled also Cham, was looked up to as the Sun,
and worshipped by his posterity. Hence both his images and priests were
styled Chamin: and many princes assumed this title, just as they did that
of Orus, and Arez. His posterity esteemed themselves of the Solar race, by
way of eminence: and the great founder of the Persic Monarchy was styled
Achamin, rendered by the Greeks Αχαιμενης, Achæmenes: and all of his family
afterwards had the title of Αχαιμενιοι, and Αχαιμενιδαι, from the same
pretensions. They all of them universally esteemed themselves the children
of the Sun; though they were likewise so called from their worship. Hence
Lutatius Placidus in his Scholia upon Statius interprets the word
Achæmenidæ by [327]Solis Cultores. This may serve to authenticate my
etymology, and shew, that the term is derived from Cham, the Sun: but the
purport of it was generally more limited, and the title confined to the
royal race of the Persians, who were looked upon as the offspring of the
Sun. The Cuthites of Ethiopia Africana had the same high opinion of
themselves: hence Calasiris in Heliodorus invokes the Sun as his great
ancestor. [328]Επικεκλησθω μαρτυς ὁ Γεναρχης ἡμων Ἡλιος· and Chariclea in
another place makes use of a like invocation: [329]Ἡλιε, Γεναρχα προγονων
ἡμων. _O, Sun, the great source of my ancestry_. The Amonians, who settled
at Rhodes, styled themselves Ἡλιαδαι, _the Solar [330]race_. Those who
settled upon the Padus did the [331]same. Hyde mentions a people in
Diarbeker, called [332]Chamsi; and says, that the meaning of the word is
Solares; and the same in purport as Shemsi and Shamsi of the Arabians.

The term Υκ, of which I have been treating, was obsolete, and scarce known
in the times when Greece most flourished: yet some traces of it may be
found, though strangely perverted from its original meaning. For the
writers of this nation, not knowing the purport of the words, which they
found in their antient hymns, changed them to something similar in sound;
and thus retained them with a degree of religious, but blind reverence. I
have shewn, that of El-Uc they formed Λυκος, Lucus, which was acknowledged
to be the name of the Sun: of El-Uc-Aon, Lycaon: of El-Uc-Or, Lycorus, and

  [333]Η κιθαριν, η τοξα Λυκωρεος εντεα Φοιβου.

So from Uc-Ait, another title of the God, they formed Hecatus, and a
feminine, Hecate. Hence Nicander speaks of Apollo by this title:

  [334]Εζομενος τριποδεσσι παρα Κλαριοις Ἑκατοιο.

And Herophile the Sibyl of the same Deity:

  [335]Μοιραν εχουσ' Ἑκατῳ της τοτ' Ανακτοριης.

The only person who seems knowingly to have retained this word, and to have
used it out of composition, is [336]Homer. He had been in Egypt; and was an
admirer of the theology of that nation. He adhered to antient [337]terms
with a degree of enthusiasm; and introduced them at all hazards, though he
many times did not know their meaning. This word, among others, he has
preserved; and he makes use of it adverbially in its proper sense, when he
describes any body superlatively great, and excellent. Thus he speaks of
Calchas as far superior to every body else in prophetic knowledge, and
styles him οχ' αριστος:

  [338]Καλχας Θεστοριδης οιωνοπολων οχ' αριστος,
  Ὁς ῃδη τα τ' εοντα, τα τ' εσσομενα, προ τ' εοντα.

So on the Trojan side Helenus is spoken of in the same light:

  [339]Πριαμιδης Ἑλενος οιωνοπολων οχ' αριστος.

So [340]Φωκηων οχ' αριστον, [341]Αιτωλων οχ' αριστος, and
[342]Τυχιος--Σκυτοτομων οχ' αριστος.

In these and in all other instances of this term occurring in Homer, it is
observable, that it is always in the same acceptation, and uniformly
precedes the same word, αριστος. It is indeed to be found in the poetry
ascribed to [343]Orpheus: but as those verses are manifestly imitations of
Homer, we must not look upon it as a current term of the times, when that
poetry was composed: nor was it ever, I believe, in common use, not even in
the age of Homer. It was an Amonian term, joined inseparably with another
borrowed from the same people. For αριστος was from Egypt, and Chaldea.
Indeed, most of the irregular degrees of comparison are from that quarter;
being derived from the Sun, the great Deity of the Pagan world, and from
his titles and properties. Both αρειων and αριστος were from αρης, the Arez
of the east. From Bel, and Baaltis, came βελτιων, and βελτιστος: αμεινων is
an inflection from Amon. From the God Aloeus came λωιος, λωιτερος, and
λωιστος: from κερεν changed to κερας, κερατος, were formed κρεσσων,
κρεισσων, κρατερος, and κρατιστος.


Phi signifies a mouth; also language, and speech. It is used by the
Amonians particularly for the voice and oracle of any God; and subjoined to
the name of that Deity. The chief oracle in the first ages was that of Ham,
who was worshipped as the Sun, and styled El, and Or. Hence these oracles
are in consequence called Amphi, Omphi, Alphi, Elphi, Urphi, Orphi. It is
made to signify, in the book of [344]Genesis, the voice, or command of
Pharaoh. From Phi, in this acceptation, came φημι, φημη, φημυς, φασκω,
φατις, fama, fari,--ita farier infit. I imagine that the term Pharaoh
itself is compounded of Phi-Ourah, Vox Ori, sive Dei. It was no unusual
thing among the antients to call the words of their prince the voice of
God. Josephus informs us, that it signified a king: [345]Ὁ Φαραων παρ'
Αιγυπτιοις βασιλεα σημαινει: and Ouro in the Copto-Arabic Onomasticon is
said to signify the same: but I should think, that this was only a
secondary acceptation of the original term.

Phi is also used for any opening or cavity: whence we find the head of a
fountain often denominated from it; at least the place, whence the fountain
issued forth, or where it lost itself. And as all streams were sacred, and
all cavities in the earth looked upon with a religious horror, the Amonians
called them Phi-El, Phi-Ainon, Phi-Anes; rendered by the Greeks Phiale,
Phænon, Phanes, Phaneas, Paneas. The chief fountain of the river Jordan
lost itself underground, and rose again at some miles distance. It sunk at
Phiale, and rose again at [346]Paneas. Pliny speaks of a place of this sort
at [347]Memphis, called Phiala; and, as he imagines, from its figure: but
it was undoubtedly a covert aquæduct, by which some branch of the river was
carried. The Nile itself is said to be lost underground, near its
fountains; and that place also was called Phiala. [348]Phialam appellari
fontem ejus, mergique in cuniculos ipsum amnem. There was also a fountain
of this name at [349]Constantinople. Sometimes it occurs without the
aspirate, as in Pella, a city of Palestine, named, undoubtedly, from its
fountains: for Pliny calls it Pellam aquis [350]divitem.

Mines were held sacred; and, like fountains, were denominated from Ænon,
and Hanes, those titles of the Sun. In Arabia, near Petra, was a mine,
worked by condemned persons, which was named [351]Phinon, and Phænon.
Epiphanius mentions [352]Φανησια μεταλλα, or the mines of Hanes; to which
Meletius, a bishop of the Thebaïs, was condemned.


Ai, and Aia, signifies a district or province; and, as most provinces in
Egypt were insular, it is often taken for an island. In other parts it was
of much the same purport as αια of the Greeks, and betokened any
[353]region or country. It was from hence that so many places have been
represented by the Greeks as plurals, and are found to terminate in _ai_;
such as Athenai, Thebai, Pherai, Patrai, Amyclai, Therapnai, Clazomenai,
Celænai. There are others in _eia_; as Chæroneia, Coroneia, Eleia. In
others it was rendered short; as in Oropia, Ellopia, Ortygia, Olympia,
Æthiopia, Scythia, Cænia, Icaria. It is likewise found expressed by a
single letter, and still subjoined to the proper name: hence we meet with
Ætna, Arbela, Larissa, Roma, Himera, Hemera, Nusa, Nyssa, Patara, Arena,
[354]Cabasa, and the like. We may from hence prove, and from innumerable
other instances, that among the people of the east, as well as among other
nations, the word in regimine was often final. Thus the land of Ion was
termed Ionia; that of Babylon, Babylonia; from Assur came Assyria; from
Ind, India; from Lud, Ludia; in all which the region is specified by the
termination. To say Lydia tellus, Assyria tellus, is in reality
[355]redundant. In the name of Egypt this term preceded, that country being
styled Ai-Gupt, Αιγυπτος, the land of the Gupti, called afterwards Cupti,
and Copti.


As to the common names, which are found combined with additional terms, in
order to denote the nature and situation of places; they are, for the most
part, similar to those in the antient Chaldaic, and admit of little

Air is a city; often expressed Ar, and Ara. Hence Arachosia, Arachotus,
Aracynthus, Arambis, Aramatha (Ar-Ham-aith), Archile, Arzilla, Arthedon:
all which were cities, or else regions denominated from them.

Kir, Caer, Kiriath, are words of the like purport. We read in the
Scriptures of Kiriath Sepher, Kiriath Arba, Kiriath Jearim. It was in some
parts pronounced Kirtha, and Cartha. Melicartus, the Hercules of the
Phenicians and Cretans, was, properly, Melech-Carta, the Deity of the
place. The city of Tigranes, in Armenia, was called Tigranocerta. One name
of Carthage was Καρχηδων, from Car-Chadon, the same as Adon. It was also
called Carthada, from Cartha-Ada, the city of the queen or Goddess, who was
by the Romans supposed to be Juno, but was, properly, the Amonian Elisa.
Caer, among many antient nations, signified a city, or fortress; as we may
learn from the places called Carteia, Carnaim, Caronium, Caroura, Carambis.
Among the Britons were, of old, places exactly analogous; such as
Caerlisle, Caerdiff, Caerphilly, Caernarvon, and Caeruriah in Cornwall.

Kir and Caer are the same term, differently expressed. In Scripture we meet
with Kir Haresh, and Kir-Hareseth. Isaiah. c. 16. v. 7. and v. 11. and Kir
Moab, c. 15. v. 1. and Kir Heres, of the same purport as Kir Haresh, is
mentioned by Jeremiah, c. 48. v. 31. Upon the Euphrates was Cercusium and
Carchemish. In Cyprus was Kironia, rendered Κερωνια by [356]Ptolemy; whose
true name was Kir-On, the city of the Sun; where was a temple to Our-Ain,
styled Urania. Kir-On was often rendered Cironis, Coronis; and the Deity
Coronus and [357]Cronus. By these means the place was substituted for the
Deity, and made an object of worship. Of this abuse I shall often speak.
Artemis was, properly, a city, Ar-Themis, the same as Thamuz of Egypt. What
was called Artemis, and Artemisium, was in some places reversed, and
expressed by Kir subjoined: hence Themiscir, and Themiscura in Pontus.

Col, Cal, Calah, Calach, signify properly an eminence, like the Collis of
the Romans; but are often used for a fortress so situated. We sometimes
meet with a place styled absolute Calah: but the term is generally used in
composition, as Cala Nechus, Cala-Anac, Cala-Chan, Cala-On, Cala-Es,
Cala-Ait, Cala-Ur, Cala-Ope, Cala-Ham, Cala-Amon, Cala-Adon: whence came
the names of people and places styled [358]Callinicus, Calachene,
[359]Colonæ, Cales, Calathe, Calistæ, Calathusa, Calauria, Coloriua,
Caliope, Calama, Calamos, [360]Calamon, Calymna, Calydnus, Calycadnus; all
which were places in Phrygia, Bithynia, Assyria, Libya, denominated from
their situation and worship.

Comah is used for a wall; but seems to be sometimes taken for those sacred
inclosures wherein they had their Puratheia; and particularly for the
sacred mount which stood in those inclosures. From Comah came the Greek
χωμα, a round hill or mound of earth; called also Taph and ταφος; and
thence often mistaken for a tomb: but it was originally a high altar.

By Gib is meant a hill. Gibeon was the hill of the Sun; said to be famous
for its springs. Gibethon is a compound of Gib-Ethon, or Ath-On, titles of
the same Deity. Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, was slain by Baasha, at
Gibethon, of the [361]Philistines.

Har and Hor signify a mountain; ορος of the Greeks.

Tin seems to have signified a sacred place, for sacrifice; a kind of high
altar. The Greeks generally expressed it, in composition, Τις· hence we
read of Opheltis, Altis, Baaltis, Abantis, Absyrtis. It was in use among
the antient Hetrurians and other nations: hence came the terms Aventinus,
Palatinus, [362]Numantinus, &c. It seems to be the same as Tan in the east,
which occurs continually in composition, as in Indos-tan, Mogolis-tan,
Pharsis-tan, Chusis-tan.

Tor is a hill or tower. Many places in Greece had it in their composition;
such as Torone, Torete, Toreate: also in Hetrurïa, Torchonium. Turzon, in
Africa, was a tower of the [363]Sun. It was sometimes expressed Tar; hence
Tarcunia, Taracena, Tarracon in Spain, Tarne (Tar-ain) which gave name to a
fountain in Lydia; Taron (Tar-On) in Mauritania. Towers of old were either
Prutaneia, or light-houses, and were styled Tor-Is: whence came the Turris
of the Romans. Sometimes these terms were reversed, and the tower was
called Astur. Such a one was near some hot streams, at no great distance
from Cicero's Villa. It is thus described by Plutarch: Αστυρα--χωριον
παραλιον Κικερωνος. The river, too, was called Astura. There was also a
place of this name opposite to the island Lesbos, undoubtedly denominated
from the like circumstances in its situation; as may be learned from
Pausanias, who had seen it. Ὑδωρ δε απο πηγων ανερχομενον μελαν ιδων οιδα
εν Αστυροις· ταδε Αστυρα απαντικρυ εστι Λεσβου· λουτρα εστι θερμα εν τῳ
Αταρνει καλουμενῳ.

Caph, Cap, and Cephas, signify a rock; and also any promontory or headland.
As temples used to be built upon eminences of this sort; we find this word
often compounded with the titles of the Deity there worshipped, as Caph-El,
Caph-El-On, Caph-Aur, Caph-Arez, Caph-Is, Caph-Is-Ain, Caph-Ait; whence
came Cephale, Cephalonia, Caphareus, Capisa, Cephisus, Capissene, Cephene,
Caphyatæ, Capatiani. In Iberia was a wonderful edifice upon the river
Bœtis, mentioned by Strabo, and called Turris Capionis. It was a Pharos,
dedicated, as all such buildings were, to the Sun: hence it was named
Cap-Eon, Petra Solis. It seems to have been a marvellous structure. Places
of this sort, which had towers upon them, were called Caphtor. Such an one
was in Egypt, or in its [364]vicinity; whence the Caphtorim had their name.
It was probably near [365]Pelusium, which they quitted very early for the
land of Canaan.

Diu sometimes, but sparingly, occurs for an island; and is generally by the
Greeks changed to Dia, Δια. The purport of it may be proved from its being
uniformly adapted to the same object. The Scholiast upon Theocritus takes
notice that the island Naxos was called Dia: [366]Διαν την νυν καλουμενην
Ναξον; and he adds, πολλαι δε και ἑτεραι εισι νησοι Διαι καλουμεναι, ἡτε
προ της Κρητης--και ἡ περι Μηλον, και ἡ περι Αμοργον, και ἡ της Κεω
χεῤῥονησος, και ἡ Πελοποννησου. All these were islands, or peninsula


Beth is a house or temple; as in [367]Beth-El, Beth-Dagon, Beth-Shemesh,
Beth-Oron, or Beth-Or-On, &c. &c. It is sometimes subjoined, as in
Phar-beth, and Elisa-beth; the latter of which is the house of [368]Elisa,
the same as Elusa of Idume, and Eleusa of Egypt. Beth was in different
countries expressed Bat, Bad, Abad. Hence we meet at this day with
Pharsabad, Astrabad, Amenabad, Moustafabad, Iahenabad in Persia, India, and
other parts of the east. Balbec in Syria is supposed to be the same as
Balbeth, the temple of Bal, or the Sun. _There are_, says [369]Dr. Pocock,
_many cities in Syria, that retain their antient names. Of this Balbeck, or
rather Balbeit, is an instance; which signifies the house or temple of
Baal_. Gulielmus Tyrius, so called from being bishop of Tyre, who wrote of
the Holy war, alludes to Baalbec, under the name of [370]Balbeth. He lived
in the eleventh century, and died anno 1127. According to Iablonsky, Bec
and Beth are of the same meaning. Atarbec in Egypt is the temple of Atar or
Athar; called Atarbechis by [371]Herodotus. The same is Athyr-bet, and
styled Athribites (Αθρειβιτης) by [372]Strabo. The inner recess of a temple
is by Phavorinus and Hesychius called Βαιτης, Βετης, Βετις, similar to בית
אש among the Chaldeans. It was the crypta or sacred place, where of old the
everlasting fire was preserved. Hesychius observes, Βετης, το αποκρυφον
μερος του Ἱερου. Bet-Is signifies the place of fire.

It is said of Horapollo by Suidas, that he was a native of Phainubuth in
Egypt, belonging to the nome of Panopolis: Ὡραπολλων Φαινυβυθεως κωμης του
Πανοπολιτου Νομου. Phainubuth is only Phainabeth varied, and signifies the
place sacred to Phanes; which was one of the most antient titles of the
Deity in Egypt. So Pharbeth was an abbreviation of Pharabeth, or the house
of Pharaoh.

GAU, expressed CAU, CA, and CO.

Gau likewise is a term which signifies a house; as we learn from Plutarch.
The great and decisive battle between Alexander and Darius is generally
said to have been fought at Arbela. But we are assured by this writer, that
it was decided at Gaugamela[373]. He says, that Gau signified in the
language of the country a house: and that the purport of the word Gaugamela
was the house of a camel. This name, it seems, was given to the town on
account of a tribute exacted for the maintenance of a camel, which had
saved the life of some king, when he fled from battle: and the reason why
the victory of Alexander was adjudged to Arbela, arose from its being more
famous than the other place: for Gaugamela was not of sufficient repute:
therefore the honour of this victory was given to Arbela, though it was
according to some five hundred, according to others six hundred stadia[374]
from the field of battle. I have not now time, nor is it to my purpose, to
enter into a thorough discussion of this point: I will only mention it as
my opinion, that Arbela and Gaugamela were the same place. The king alluded
to is said by [375]Strabo to have been Darius the son of Hystaspes. But is
it credible, that so great a prince, who had horses of the famous breed of
Nysa, as well as those of Persis and Arabia, the most fleet of their kind,
should be so circumstanced in battle, as to be forced to mount a camel,
that could scarce move six miles in an hour: and this at a time when the
greatest dispatch was necessary? This author gives a different reason for
the place being thus denominated. He says, that it was allotted for the
maintenance of a camel, which used to bring the king's provisions from
Scythia, but was tired and failed upon the road. I know not which of the
two circumstances in this short detail is most exceptionable; a king of
Persia's provisions being brought to Babylon, or Sushan from Scythia; or a
tired camel having such a pension. The truth is this: the Grecians
misinterpreted the name, and then forged these legendary stories to support
their [376]mistake. Had they understood the term, they would have been
consistent in their history. Gau, and, as it was at times expressed, Cau,
certainly signifies a house, or temple: also a cave, or hollow; near which
the temple of the Deity was founded. For the Amonians erected most of their
sacred edifices near caverns, and deep openings of the earth. Gaugamela was
not the house of a camel, as Plutarch and Strabo would persuade us,
notwithstanding the stories alleged in support of the notion: but it was
the house and temple of Cam-El, the Deity of the country. Arbela was a
place sacred to Bel, called Arbel, אור בל of the Chaldeans. It was the same
as Beth Arbel of [377]Hosea: and Gaugamela is of the same purport, relating
to the same God under different titles. The Grecians were grossly ignorant
in respect to foreign events, as Strabo repeatedly confesses: and other
writers do not scruple to own it. Lysimachus had been an attendant upon
Alexander during the whole series of his conquests in Asia: there had been
nothing of moment transacted, in the success of which he had not partaken.
Yet even in his days, when he was king of Thrace, the accounts of those
great actions had been so misrepresented, that when a history of them was
read in his presence, they seemed quite new to him. It is all very fine,
says the prince; but where was I when all this happened? There was a series
of events exhibited, with which the person most interested was least
acquainted. We may then well imagine, that there existed in the time of
Plutarch many mistakes, both in respect to the geography of countries very
remote, and to the [378]language of nations, with whom the Romans were
little acquainted. The great battle, of which we have been speaking, was
confessedly fought at Gaugamela. Ptolemy Ceraunus, who was present, averred
it: as did Aristobulus: and it has been recorded by Plutarch and others. It
is also adjudged to Arbela by persons of equal credit: and it must
certainly have been really there transacted: for notwithstanding the
palliating excuse of Plutarch, it is utterly incredible in respect to so
great a victory, that the scene of action should be determined by this
place, if it were sixty, or, as some say, seventy miles out of the way. But
in reality it was at no such distance. Diodorus Siculus says, that
Alexander immediately after the victory attacked Arbela, and took it: and
found in it many evidences of its being a place of consequence. [379]Θαψας
τους τετελευτηκοτας επεβαλε τοις Αρβηλοις, και πολλην μεν ἑυρεν αφθονιαν
της τροφης, ουκ ολιγον δε κοσμον, και γαζαν βαρβαρικην, αργυριου δε ταλαντα
δισχιλια. The battle was fought so near the city, that Alexander was afraid
of some contagion from the dead bodies of the enemy, which lay close by it
in great abundance.

I have mentioned, that Gaugamela was the temple of Cham-El, or Cham-Il.
This was a title of the Deity brought from Chaldea to Egypt; and from
thence to Greece, Hetruria, and other regions. The Greeks, out of different
titles, and combinations, formed various Deities; and then invented
different degrees of relation, which they supposed to have subsisted
between them. According to Acusilaus Cham-Il was the Son of Vulcan, and
Cabeira. [380]Ακουσιλαος δε ὁ Αργειος εκ Καβειρης και Ἡφαιστου Καμιλον
λεγει. He was, by others, rendered Camillus, whose attendants were the
Camilli; and he was esteemed the same as Hermes of Egypt. [381]Statius
Tullianus de vocabulis rerum libro primo ait dixisse Callimachum, Tuscos
Camillum appellare Mercurium, &c. Romani quoque pueros et puellas nobiles
et investes Camillos et Camillas appellant, Flaminicarum et Flaminum
præministros. Servius speaks to the same purpose. [382]Mercurius Hetruscâ
linguâ Camillus dicitur. The reason of the attendants being also called
Camilli was in consequence of a custom among the antients of conferring
generally upon the priests the title of the Deity whom they served. The
Camilli were commonly young persons of good family, as we learn from
Plutarch, and were to be found in the temples of Jupiter, or Zeus: for Zeus
and Hermes were originally the same: [383]Και τον ὑπηρετουντα τῳ Ἱερῳ του
Διος αμφιθαλη παιδα λεγεσθαι Καμιλλον, ᾡς και τον Ἑρμην· ὁυτως ενιοι των
Ἑλληνων Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας προσηγορευον. He mentions
Ἑρμην--Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας, and supposes that Camillus had the name
of Hermes from the similarity of his office, which was waiting upon the
Gods. But the Chaldeans and Egyptians, from whom these titles were
borrowed, esteemed Hermes as the chief Deity, the same as Zeus, Bel, and
Adon. They knew nothing of Mercurius pedissequus, nor Hermes the lacky.
They styled their chief God Cam-Il, or Camillus, and his priests had the
same title. He did not borrow it from them; but they received it from him.
The name is sometimes expressed Camulus: and the Amonians, who travelled
westward, brought his rites and worship into the western parts of Europe:
hence there are inscriptions to be found inscribed [384]Camulo Sancto
Fortissimo. He was sometimes taken for Mars: as we may learn from an
inscription in Gruter:

Ob Salutem Tiberi Claud. Cæs. Cives Remi

Such is the history of this Deity; whose worship was better known in the
more early ages; and whose temple was styled Gau-Camel, by the Greeks
rendered Gaugamela. I make no doubt but that Arbela was the same place: for
places had as many names as the Deity worshipped had titles. Arbela was
probably the city, and Gaugamela the [386]temple; both sacred to the same
Deity, under different names.

It is remarkable that Syncellus, speaking of Venephres, King of Egypt,
says, that he built the pyramids of [387]Co-Chone; which are the principal
pyramids of that country. Eusebius before him had taken notice of the same
history: [388]Ουενεφρης, εφ' ὁυ ὁ λιμος κατεσχε την χωραν, ὁς και τας
Πυραμιδας περι Κοχωνην ηγειρεν. _Venephres was a prince, in whose time
happened a famine in the land of Egypt. He was the same, who built the
Pyramids about Cochone_. Now Co-Chone, analogous to Beth-El, Beth-Shan,
Beth-Dagon, signifies the temple of the Deity; the house of the great king,
or ruler: for such is the purport of Con, and Conah. Hercules, the chief
Deity of Tyre, and who was also highly reverenced in Egypt, was Styled Con.
[389]Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον Κωνα λεγεσθαι. From
hence we find, that it was a sacred Egyptian title. According to some
readings the place is expressed Cocome; which is of the same purport.
Co-Chome, the same as Cau-Come, signifies the house of Chom, or the Sun;
and seems to betray the purpose for which the chief pyramid was erected:
for it was undoubtedly nothing else but a monument to the Deity, whose name
it bore. According to [390] Herodotus the great pyramid was built by
Cheops; whom others called Chaops. But Chaops is a similar compound; being
made up of the terms Cha-Ops, and signifies οικος Πυθωνος, domus Opis
Serpentis. It was the name of the pyramid, which was erected to the Sun,
the Ophite Deity of Egypt, worshipped under the symbol of a serpent.
Analogous to Cau-Come in Egypt was a place in Ethiopia, called [391]Cuscha:
doubtless so named from Chus, the great ancestor from whom the Ethiopians
were descended.

The Sun was styled by the Amonians, among other titles, Zan; as I have
before shewn: and he was worshipped under this denomination all over Syria
and Mesopotamia; especially at Emesa, Edessa, and Heliopolis. One region
was named Gauzanitis, from a city Gauzan, the Gosan of the [392]Scriptures.
Strabo calls it [393]Χαζηνη, Cha-Zene, and places it near Adiabene. Gauzan,
or Go-zan, is literally the house of the Sun. I once thought that the land
of Goshen, in Egypt, was of the same purport as Cushan; and have so
mentioned it in a former [394]treatise. So far is true: the land of Goshen
was the land of Cushan, and possessed by the sons of Chus: but the two
terms are not of the same meaning. Goshen, or Goshan, like Gauzan in
Mesopotamia, signifies the temple of the Sun: hence it was as a city,
rendered by the Greeks Heliopolis. Artapanus, as we learn from Eusebius,
expresses it Caisan, Καισαν. Go-Shan, Gau Zan, Caisan, Cazena, all denote a
place sacred to the Sun; and are such variations in rendering the same
term, as must be expected in an interval of fifteen hundred years, and from
different transcribers. This luminary was also called Abor, the parent of
light; and his temple Cha-Abor, and Cho-Abor, contracted Chabor and Chobar.
Of this name both a city and river were to be found in Gauzanitis; as well
as in Susiana, and other parts: for rivers often took their names from some
temple, or city, by which they ran. The temple at Dodona was, of old,
called Cha-On, or house of the Sun; as we may infer from the country having
the name of Chaonia; for Chaonia is the land of Chaon. The priests and
inhabitants were called [395]Chaones, from their place of worship: and the
former had also the name[396] of Selli, which signifies the priests of the
Sun. In Arcadia, near the eruption of the river Erasinus, was a mountain,
clothed with beautiful trees, and sacred to Dionusus. This, also, was
called [397]Chaon, _the place of the Sun_; and was, undoubtedly, so named
from the antient worship; for Dionusus was, of old, esteemed the same as
Osiris, the Sun. There was also a place called [398]Chaon in Media and
Syria; Chaonitis in Mesopotamia: and in all these places the same worship
prevailed. So Caballis, the city of the Solymi, was named from Ca-bal, the
place of the god Bal, or Baal. It is mentioned by Strabo. In like manner
Caballion, in Gallia Narbonensis, is a compound of Ca-Abelion, a well known
Deity, whose name is made up of titles of the Sun. The priests of this
place were styled [399]Salies; the region was called Χαουαρα; undoubtedly
from Cha-Our (אור), some temple of Ur, erected by the Amonians, who here
settled. Canoubis in Egypt was a compound of Ca-Noubis; Cabasa, in the same
country, Ca-Basa; called by many Besa, the Beseth of the Scriptures, a
Goddess well known in Egypt. She had a temple in Canaan, called [400]Beth
Besa. Cuamon, near Esdraelon, is a compound of Cu-Amon, the place or house
of Amon: [401]ἑως του Κυαμωνος. There was a temple in Attica called
Cuamites; and a personage denominated from it. The history of the place,
and the rites, in time grew obsolete; and Pausanias supposes that the name
was given from Κυαμος, Cuamos, a bean. [402]Σαφες δε ουδεν εχω λεγειν, ειτε
πρωτος Κυαμους εσπειρεν ὁυτος. _I have not authority for the supposition,
but it seems probable that this temple was erected to the memory of some
person who first sowed beans_. And here it is proper to take notice of a
circumstance of which I must continually put the reader in mind, as it is
of great consequence towards decyphering the mythology of antient times.
The Grecians often mistook the place of worship for the Deity worshipped:
so that the names of many Gods are, in reality, the names of temples where
they were adored. Artemis was Ar-Temis, the city of Themis, or Thamis; the
Thamuz of Sidon and Egypt. This the Greeks expressed Αρτεμις; and made it
the name of a Goddess. Kir-On was the city and temple of the Sun, in Cyprus
and other places. They changed this to Kironus, which they contracted
Cronus; and out of it made a particular God. From Cha-Opis they formed a
king Cheops; from Cayster, the same as Ca Aster, they fancied a hero,
Caystrius; from Cu-Bela, Cybele; from Cu-Baba, Cybebe. Cerberus, the dog of
hell, was denominated from Kir-Abor; as I shall hereafter [403]shew.

I have mentioned Caucon, or Caucone, in Egypt: there was a place of the
same name in Greece. It was, originally, sacred to the Sun; and the priests
and inhabitants were called Cancones. Instead of Con, which signifies the
great Lord, the Greeks substituted a hero [404]Caucon, who was supposed to
have first introduced those Orgies practised by the Messenians. It was,
properly, a temple of the Sun; and there was another of the same name in
Bithynia, and from thence the country was called Cauconia. I shall
hereafter treat at large of Cuthite colonies, which went abroad and settled
in different parts. One of the first operations when they came on shore was
to build temples, and to found cities, in memory of their principal
ancestors, who, in process of time, were worshipped as Deities. A colony of
this people settled at Colchis, which they called Cutaia[405], from the
head of their family, styled both Chus and Cuth. We may infer, that they
built a temple which was called Ca-Cuta; and from which the region was also
denominated: for it is certain that it has that name at this [406]day.
Cocutus, which we render Cocytus, was undoubtedly a temple in Egypt. It
gave name to a stream, on which it stood; and which was also called the
Charonian branch of the Nile, and the river Acheron. It was a foul canal,
near the place of Sepulture, opposite to Memphis, and not far from Cochone.
Cocutus was the temple of Cutus, or Cuth; for he was so called by many of
his posterity. A temple of the same was to be found in Epirus, upon a river
Cocutus. Here was also a river Acheron, and a lake Acherusia: for a colony
from Egypt settled here; and the stream was of as foul a nature as that
near Memphis. [407]Ῥει δε και Κωκυτος ὑδωρ ατερπεστατον.

Juno is by Varro styled Covella. [408]Dies quinque te kalo, Juno Covella;
Juno Covella, dies septem te kalo. Here, as in many instances, the place of
worship is taken for the person, to whom the worship is directed. Covella
is only a variation for Cou-El, or Co-El, the house or region of the Deity,
and signifies heavenly. It is accordingly by Varro interpreted Urania,
Ουρανια: whence Juno Covella must be rendered Cœlestis. From the
substantive, Cou-El, the Romans formed Coel, heaven; in aftertimes
expressed Coelus, and Cœlum. I say, in aftertimes: for they originally
called it Co-el, and Co-il, and then contracted it to Cœl. Hence Ausonius
in his Grammaticomastix mentions a passage to this purpose.

Unde Rudinus ait Divôm domus altisonum Cœl: or as Ennius, to whom he
alludes, has rendered it, according to the present MSS. altisonum
[409]Coil. He sometimes subjoins the Latine termination:

  Coilum prospexit stellis fulgentibus aptum.
  Olim de Coilo laivum dedit inclytus signum.
        Saturnus, quem Coilus genuit.
  Unus erit, quem tu tollas in Coirila Coili

Cœlus in aftertimes was made a Deity: hence there are inscriptions
dedicated [410]Cœlo Æterno. The antient Deity Celeus, mentioned by
[411]Athenagoras, and said to have been worshipped at Athens, was the same
as the above.

Many places and regions, held sacred, and called Coel by the Amonians, were
by the Greeks rendered κοιλα, cava. Hence we read of Κοιλη Λακεδαιμων,
Κοιλε Ηλις, and the like. Syria was by them styled Κοιλη, the hollow: but
the true name was Coëla, the heavenly or sacred. It was so denominated from
the Cuthites, who settled there, on account of the religion established.
Hence it was also named Shem, and Shama; which are terms of like purport,
and signify divine, or heavenly. It is a name, which it retains at this
day; as we are informed by [412]Abulfeda, and others. Elis Coela was the
most sacred part of Greece; especially the regions of Olympia, Cauconia,
and Azania. It was denominated Elis from Ηλ, Eel, the Sun: and what the
Greeks rendered Κοιλη of old meant [413]heavenly. Hence Homer styleth it
peculiarly [414]Ηλιδα διαν, _Elis the sacred_. As Coele Syria was styled
Sham, and Sama; so we find places, which have a reference to this term, in
Elis. A town of great antiquity was named [415]Samicon, which signifies
Cœli Dominus. Here was also a temple of Poseidon Samius, surrounded with a
grove of olives; and there were festivals observed, which were called
Samia. There was likewise of old a city named Sama, or Samos: which Strabo
imagines, might have been so named from its high situation: _for high
places were called [416]Samia_. It certainly signifies in some degree high;
but the true meaning of Sama was heavenly, similar to Sam, Sham, Shamem, of
the eastern nations. Hence Same, Samos, Samothrace, Samacon, were
denominated on account of their sanctity. Strabo supposes, that the city
Samos in Elis was situated in the Samian plain: it therefore could not well
have this name from its high situation. It is moreover inconsistent to
suppose regions called κοιλα, or cava, to have been denominated from Sama,
high. In short both terms have been mistaken: and Coilus in the original
acceptation certainly signified heavenly: whence we read in Hesychius, as
also in Suidas, Κοιολης, ὁ Ἱερευς. By which we learn, that by Coioles was
meant a sacred or heavenly person; in other words, a priest of Cœlus. In
Coioles there is but a small variation from the original term; which was a
compound from Coi-El, or Co-El, the Cœlus of the Romans.

Concerning the term Cœl in Ennius, [417]Janus Gulielmus takes notice, that
this poet copied the Dorians in using abbreviations, and writing Cœl for
Cœlus and Cœlum. But herein this learned person is mistaken. The Dorians
were not so much to be blamed for their abbreviating, as the other Greeks
were for their unnecessary terminations, and inflexions. The more simple
the terms, the more antient and genuine we may for the most part esteem
them: and in the language of the Dorians we may perceive more terms
relative to the true mythology of the country, and those rendered more
similar to the antient mode of expression, than are elsewhere to be found.
We must, therefore, in all etymological inquiries, have recourse to the
Doric manner of pronunciation, to obtain the truth. They came into Greece,
or Hellotia, under the name of Adorians; and from their simplicity of
manners, and from the little intercourse maintained with foreigners, they
preserved much of their antient tongue. For this there may be another
additional reason obtained from Herodotus; who tells us, that they were
more immediately descended from the people of the [418]east. The antient
hymns, sung in the Prutaneia all over Greece, were [419]Doric: so sacred
was their dialect esteemed. Hence they cannot but afford great help in
inquiries of this nature. What was by others styled Αθηνη, they expressed
Αθανα: Cheops they rendered Chaops: Zeen, Zan: Χαζηνη, Χαζανα: Μην, Μαν:
Menes, Manes: Orchenoi, Orchanoi: Neith, Naith: Ιηνισος, Ιανισος:
Hephæstus, Hephastus: Caiete, Caiate: Demeter, Damater: all which will be
found of great consequence in respect to etymology. And if they did not
always admit of the terminations used by their neighbours: they by these
means preserved many words in their primitive state: at least they were
nearer to the originals. They seem to have retained the very term, of which
I have been treating. It was by them styled Χαι, Cai; and signified a
house, or cave: for the first houses in the infancy of the world are
supposed to have been caves or grottos[420]. They expressed it Cai, Caia,
Caias, similar to the cava, cavus, and cavea of the Romans. When these
places were of a great depth, or extent, they were looked upon with a kind
of religious horror. A cavern of this sort was at Lacedæmon, with a
building over it; of which in aftertimes they made use to confine
malefactors. It was called Καιαδης, or as the Spartans expressed it,
Καιαδας, the house of death. [421]Καιαδας δεσμωτηριον--το παρα
Λακεδαιμονιοις. Cai signified a cavern: Adas, which is subjoined, was the
Deity, to whom it was sacred, esteemed the God of the infernal regions. He
was by the Ionians, &c. expressed Ades, and Hades; and by other nations
Ait, and Atis. Hence these caverns were also styled Καιετες, and Καιετοι.
The author above quoted gives us the terms variously exhibited:
[422]Καιετοι.--Ὁι απο των σεισμων ῥωχμοι Καιετοι λεγονται. Και Καιαδας το
δεσμωτηριον εντευθεν, το παρα Λακεδαιμονιοις, σπηλαιον. Hesychius renders
it in the plural, and as a neuter: καιατα, ορυγματα. Whether it be
compounded Cai-Ait, Cai-Atis, or Cai-Ades, the purport is the same. The den
of Cacus was properly a sacred cave, where Chus was worshipped, and the
rites of fire were [423]practised. Cacus is the same name as Cuscha in
Ethiopia, only reversed. The history of it was obsolete in the days of
Virgil; yet some traces of it still remained.

Strabo says that many people called these caves Κωοι. [424]Ενιοι κωους
μαλλον τα τοιαυτα κοιλωματα λεγεσθαι φασιν. Hence he very truly explains a
passage in Homer. The poet, speaking of Theseus, Dryas, Polyphemus, and
other heroes of the Mythic age, mentions their encountering with the
mountaineers of Thessaly, whom he styles φηρες ορεσχωοι:

  [425]Καρτιστοι δη κεινοι επιχθονιων τραφεν ανδρων,
  Καρτιστοι μεν εσαν, και καρτιστοις εμαχοντο
  Φηρσιν ορεσχωοισι----

Ορεσχωος signified a person, who lived in a mountain habitation; whose
retreat was a house in a mountain. Co, and Coa, was the name of such house.
Strabo says that this term is alluded to by Homer, when he styles Lacedæmon
[426]Λακεδαιμονα κητωεσσαν, _for it was by many thought to have been so
called on account of their caverns._ From hence we may fairly conclude,
that κητωεσσα was a mistake, or at least a variation, for [427]καιεταεσσα,
from Cai-Atis; and that Co, [428]Coa, Caia, were of the same purport.

But this term does not relate merely to a cavern; but to temples founded
near such places: oftentimes the cave itself was a temple. Caieta, in
Italy, near Cuma, called by Diodorus Καιητη, was so denominated on this
account. It was a cave in the rock, abounding with variety of subterranes,
cut out into various apartments. These were, of old, inhabited by Amonian
priests; for they settled in these parts very early. It seems to have been
a wonderful work. [429]Ανεωγετ' εντευθεν σπηλαια ὑπερμεγεθη, κατοικιας
μεγαλας, και πολυτελεις δεδεγμενα. _In these parts were large openings in
the earth, exhibiting caverns of a great extent; which afforded very ample
and superb apartments._ Diodorus informs us, that, what was in his time
called Caiete, had been sometimes styled [430]Aiete: by which we may see,
that it was a compound; and consisted of two or more terms; but these terms
were not precisely applicable to the same object. Ai-Ete, or Ai-Ata, was
the region of Ait, the Deity to whom it was sacred. Colchis had the same
name; whence its king was called Aietes: and Egypt had the same, expressed
by the Greeks [431]Αετια, Aetia. Aiete was the district: Caiete was the
cave and temple in that district; where the Deity was worshipped.

In Bœotia was a cavern, into which the river Cephisus descended, and was
lost. It afterwards emerged from this gulf, and passed freely to the sea.
The place of eruption was called An-choa, which signifies Fontis apertura.
The later Greeks expressed it Anchoe[432]. Καλειται δ' ὁ τοπος Αγκοη· εστι
δε λιμην ὁμωνυμος. The etymology, I flatter myself, is plain, and
authenticated by the history of the place.

From Cho, and Choa, was probably derived the word Χοϊκος, used by the
apostle. [433]Ὁ πρωτος ανθρωπος εκ γης Χοϊκος· ὁ δευτερος ανθρωπος ὁ Κυριος
εξ ουρανου. Ὁιος ὁ Χοϊκος, και τοιαυτοι ὁι Χοϊκοι. Hesychius observes,
Χοϊκος, πηλινος, γηινος. From hence we may perceive, that by Cho was
originally meant a house or temple in the earth. It was, as I have shewn,
often expressed Gau, and Go; and made to signify any house. Some nations
used it in a still more extended sense; and by it denoted a town or
village, and any habitation at large. It is found in this acceptation among
the antient Celtæ, and Germans, as we learn from Cluverius. [434]Apud ipsos
Germanos ejusmodi pagorum vernaculum vocabulum fuit Gaw; et variantibus
dialectis, găw, gew, gỏw, gow, hinc--Brisgaw, Wormesgaw, Zurichgow, Turgow,
Nordgaw, Andegaw, Rhingaw, Hennegow, Westergow, Oostergow. The antient term
Πυργος, Purgos, was properly Pur-Go; and signified a light-house, or temple
of fire, from the Chaldaic Pur.


Together with the words above mentioned are to be found in composition the
particles Al and Pi. Al, or El, for it is differently expressed in our
characters, is still an Arabian prefix; but not absolutely confined to that
country, though more frequently there to be found. The Sun, אור, was called
Uchor by the people of Egypt and Cyrene, which the Greeks expressed Αχωρ,
Achor. He was worshipped with the same title in Arabia, and called Al
Achor. [435]Georgius Monachus, describing the idolatry which prevailed in
that country before the introduction of the present religion, mentions the
idol Alachar. Many nations have both expletives and demonstratives
analogous to the particle above. The pronoun Ille of the Romans is somewhat
similar; as are the terms Le and La of the French; as well as Il and El in
other languages. It is in composition so like to Ηλ, the name of Ἡλιος, the
Sun, that it is not always easy to distinguish one from the other.

The article Pi was in use among the antient Egyptians and Cuthites, as well
as other nations in the east. The natives of India were at all times
worshippers of the Sun; and used to call themselves by some of his titles.
Porus, with whom Alexander engaged upon the Indus, was named from the chief
object of his worship, אור, Pi-Or, and P'Or; rendered by the Greeks Πωρος,
Porus. Pacorus the Parthian was of the same etymology, being a compound of
P'Achorus, the Achor of Egypt: as was also the [436]city Pacoria in
Mesopotamia, mentioned by Ptolemy. Even the Grecian πυρ was of Egyptian or
Chaldaïc original, and of the same composition (P'Ur) as the words above;
for [437]Plato informs us that πυρ, ὑδωρ, κυνες, were esteemed terms of
foreign importation. After the race of the Egyptian kings was extinct, and
that country came under the dominion of the Grecians, the natives still
continued to make use of this prefix; as did other [438]nations which were
incorporated with them. They adapted it not only to words in their own
language, but to those of other countries of which they treated. Hence
there is often to be found in their writings, [439]Πιζευς, Πιμαρτυρ,
Πιμαθητης, πισωμα, πιλαος, Pidux, Picurator, Pitribunus; also names of
persons occur with this prefix; such as Piterus, Piturio, Pionius the
martyr; also Pior, Piammon, Piambo; who are all mentioned by ecclesiastical
[440]writers as natives of that country. This article is sometimes
expressed Pa; as in the name of Pachomius, an abbot in Egypt, mentioned by
[441]Gennadius. A priest named Paapis is to be found in the Excerpta from
Antonius [442]Diogenes in Photius. There were particular rites, styled
Pamylia Sacra, from [443]Pamyles, an antient Egyptian Deity. We may infer
from Hesychius that they were very obscene: Πααμυλης, Αιγυπτιος Θεος
Πριαπωδης. Hades, and Pi-Ades, was a common title of the Sun: and the
latter, in early times, was current in Greece; where I hope to give ample
testimony of the Amonians settling. He was termed Melech Pi-Adon, and Anac
Pi-Adon: but the Greeks out of Pi-Adon formed Παιδων: for it is
inconceivable how very ignorant they were in respect to their antient
theology. Hence we read of παιδων Λητους, παιδων Ζηνος, παιδων Απολλωνος;
and legends of παιδων αθανατων; and of παιδων; who were mere foundlings;
whose fathers could never be ascertained, though divine honours were paid
to the children. This often puzzled the mythologists, who could not account
for this spurious race. Plutarch makes it one of his inquiries to sift out,
[444]Τις ὁ Παιδων ταφος παρα Χαλκιδευσι; Pausanias mentions, [445]Αμφιλυκου
παιδων βωμος: and, in another place, [446]Βωμοι δε Θεον τε ονομαζομενων
αγνωστων, και Ἡρωων, και ΠΑΙΔΩΝ του Θησεος, και Φαληρου. From this mistake
arose so many boy-deities; among whom were even Jupiter and Dionusus:
[447]Αυτον τον Δια, και τον Διονυσον Παιδας, και νεους, ἡ θεολογια καλει.
_According to the theology of the Greeks, even Jupiter and Dionusus are
styled boys, and young persons._ One of the most remarkable passages to
this purpose is to be found in the antiquary above quoted; who takes notice
of a certain mysterious rite performed by the natives of Amphissa, in
Phocis. The particular Gods, to whom it was performed, were styled Ανακτες
παιδες. [448]Αγουσι δε και τελετην ὁι Αμφισσεις των Ανακτων καλουμενων
Παιδων. Ὁιτινες δε Θεων εισιν ὁι Ανακτες Παιδες, ου κατα τ' αυτα εστιν
ειρημενον. _The people of Amphissa perform a ceremony in honour of persons
styled Anactes Paides, or Royal Boys: but who these Anactes Paides were, is
matter of great uncertainty_. In short, the author could not tell; nor
could the priests afford him any satisfactory information. There are many
instances in Pausanias of this nature; where divine honours are paid to the
unknown children of fathers equally unknown.

Herodotus tells us, that, when he discoursed with the priests of Thebes
about the kings who had reigned in Egypt, they described them to him under
three denominations, of Gods, of heroes, and of men. The last succeeded to
those above, and were mere mortals. The manner of succession is mentioned
in the following words: [449]Πιρωμιν εκ Πιρωμιος γεγονεναι--και ουτε ες
θεον, ουτε ες Ἡρωα αναδησαν αυτους (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι). There are many strange
and contradictory opinions about this [450]passage; which, if I do not
deceive myself, is very plain; and the purport of it this: _After the
fabulous accounts, there had been an uninterrupted succession of Piromis
after Piromis: and the Egyptians referred none of these to the dynasties of
either the Gods or Heroes, who were supposed to have first possessed the
country_. From hence I think it is manifest that Pi-romis signifies _a
man_. Herodotus, indeed, says, that the meaning of it was καλος καγαθος, _a
person of a fair and honourable character_: and so it might be taken by
implication; as we say of a native of our own country, that he is a true
and staunch [451]Englishman: but the precise meaning is plain from the
context; and Piromis certainly meant _a man_. It has this signification in
the Coptic: and, in the [452]Prodromus Copticus of Kircher, Πιρωμι, Piromi,
is _a man_; and seems to imply a native. Pirem Racot is an Alexandrine; or,
more properly, a native of Racotis, called Raschid, and Rosetta. Pirem Romi
are [453]Romans.

By means of this prefix we may be led to understand what is meant by Paraia
in the account given by Philo from Sanchoniathon: who says, that Cronus had
three sons in the region of Paraia: [454]Εγεννηθησαν δε και εν Παραιᾳ Κρονῳ
τρεις παιδες. Paraia is a variation of P'Ur-aia; and means literally the
land of Ur in Chaldea; the region from whence antient writers began the
history of mankind. A crocodile by the Egyptians was among other names
called [455]Σουχος: and the name is retained in the Coptic, where it is
expressed [456]Pi-Souchi.

This prefix is sometimes expressed with an aspirate, Phi: and as that word
signifies a mouth, and in a more extensive signification, speech and
language, it sometimes may cause a little uncertainty about the meaning.
However, in most places it is sufficiently plain. Phaethon, a much mistaken
personage, was an antient title of the Sun, a compound of Phi-Ath-On.
Bacchus was called Phi-Anac by the Mysians, rendered by the poets
[457]Phanac and Phanaces. Hanes was a title of the same Deity, equally
reverenced of old, and compounded Ph' Hanes. It signified the fountain of
light: and from it was derived Phanes of Egypt: also φαινω, φανεις,
φανερος: and from Ph'ain On, Fanum. In short, these particles occur
continually in words, which relate to religious rites, and the antient
adoration of fire. They are generally joined to Ur, by which that element
is denoted. From P'Ur Tor came Prætor and Prætorium, among the Romans: from
P'Ur-Aith, Purathi and Puratheia among the Asiatics. From P'Ur-tan,
πρυτανεις, and πρυτανεια among the Greeks of Hellas: in which Prutaneia
there were of old sacred hearths, and a perpetual fire. The antient name of
Latian Jupiter was P'ur, by length of time changed to Puer. He was the
Deity of fire; and his ministers were styled Pueri: and because many of
them were handsome youths selected for that office, Puer came at length to
signify any young person. Some of the Romans would explain this title away,
as if it referred to Jupiter's childhood: but the history of the place will
shew that it had no such relation. It was a proper name, and retained
particularly among the people of Præneste. They had undoubtedly been
addicted to the rites of fire; for their city was said to have been built
by Cæculus, the son of Vulcan, who was found in the midst of fire:

  [458] Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem,
  Inventumque focis.

They called their chief God Pur: and dealt particularly in divination by
lots, termed of old _Purim_. Cicero takes notice of this custom of
divination at Præneste; and describes the manner, as well as the place: but
gives into the common mistake, that the Purim related to Jupiter's
childhood. He says, that the place, where the process was carried on, was a
sacred inclosure, [459]is est hodie locus septus, religiose propter Jovis
_Pueri_, qui lactens cum Junone in gremio _Fortunæ_ mammam appetens,
castissime colitur a Matribus. This manner of divination was of Chaldaïc
original, and brought from Babylonia to Præneste. It is mentioned in
Esther, c. 3. v. 7. They cast Pur before Haman, that he might know the
success of his purposes against the Jews. _Wherefore they call these days
Purim after the name of Pur_[460]. c. 9. v. 26. The same lots of divination
being used at Præneste was the occasion of the God being called Jupiter
Pur. This in aftertimes was changed to Puer: whence we find inscriptions,
which mention him under that name; and at the same time take notice of the
custom, which prevailed in his temple. Inscriptions Jovi Puero, and Fortunæ
Primigeniæ Jovis [461]Pueri are to be found in Gruter. One is very

[462]Fortunæ Primigeniæ Jovis Pueri D.D.
Ex _SORTE_ compos factus
Nothus Ruficanæ
L. P. Plotilla.

That this word Puer was originally Pur may be proved from a well known
passage in Lucretius:

  [463]Puri sæpe lacum propter ac dolia curva
  Somno devincti credunt se attollere vestem.

Many instances, were it necessary, might be brought to this purpose. It was
a name originally given to the priests of the Deity who were named from the
Chaldaic אור, Ur: and by the antient Latines were called P'uri. At Præneste
the name was particularly kept up on account of this divination by
[464]lots. These by the Amonians were styled Purim, being attended with
ceremonies by fire; and supposed to be effected through the influence of
the Deity. Præneste seems to be a compound of Puren Esta, the lots of Esta,
the Deity of fire.

These are terms, which seem continually to occur in the antient Amonian
history: out of these most names are compounded; and into these they are
easily resolvable. There are some few more, which might perhaps be very
properly introduced: but I am unwilling to trespass too far, especially as
they may be easily taken notice of in the course of this work. I could wish
that my learned readers would afford me so far credit, as to defer passing
a general sentence, till they have perused the whole: for much light will
accrue; and fresh evidence be accumulated in the course of our procedure. A
history of the rites and religion, in which these terms are contained, will
be given; also of the times, when they were introduced; and of the people,
by whom they were diffused so widely. Many positions, which may appear
doubtful, when they are first premised, will, I hope, be abundantly proved,
before we come to the close. In respect to the etymologies, which I have
already offered and considered, I have all along annexed the histories of
the persons and places spoken of, in order to ascertain my opinion
concerning them. But the chief proof, as I have before said, will result
from the whole; from an uniform series of evidence, supported by a fair and
uninterrupted analogy.

       *       *       *       *       *




  Αλλα θεοι των μεν μανιην απετρεψατε γλωσσης,
  Εκ δ' ὁσιων στοματων καθαρην οχετευσατε πηγην.
  Και σε, πολυμνηστη, λευκωλενε παρθενε, μουσα,
  Αντομαι, ὡν θεμις εστιν εφημεριοισιν ακουειν.
  Πεμπε παρ' ευσεβιης ελαουσ' ευηνιον ἁρμα.----EMPEDOCLES.

It may appear invidious to call to account men of learning, who have gone
before me in inquiries of this nature, and to point out defects in their
writings: but it is a task which I must, in some degree, take in hand, as
the best writers have, in my opinion, failed fundamentally in these
researches. Many, in the wantonness of their fancy, have yielded to the
most idle surmises; and this to a degree of licentiousness, for which no
learning nor ingenuity can atone. It is therefore so far from being
injurious, that it appears absolutely necessary to point out the path they
took, and the nature of their failure; and this, that their authority may
not give a sanction to their mistakes; but, on the contrary, if my method
should appear more plausible, or more certain, that the superiority may be
seen upon comparing; and be proved from the contrast.

The Grecians were so prepossessed with a notion of their own excellence and
antiquity, that they supposed every antient tradition to have proceeded
from themselves. Hence their mythology is founded upon the grossest
mistakes: as all extraneous history, and every foreign term, is supposed by
them to have been of Grecian original. Many of their learned writers had
been abroad; and knew how idle the pretensions of their countrymen were.
Plato in particular saw the fallacy of their claim, he confesses it more
than once: yet in this article nobody was more infatuated. His Cratylus is
made up of a most absurd system of etymology. [465]Herodotus expressly
says, that the Gods of Greece came in great measure from Egypt. Yet
Socrates is by Plato in this treatise made to derive Artemis from το
αρτεμες, integritas: Poseidon from ποσι δεσμον, fetters to the feet: Hestia
from ουσια, substance and essence: Demeter, from διδουσα ὡς μητηρ,
distributing as a mother: Pallas from παλλειν, to vibrate, or dance: Ares,
Mars, from αῤῥεν, masculum, et virile: and the word Theos, God, undoubtedly
the Theuth of Egypt, from θεειν, to run[466]. Innumerable derivations of
this nature are to be found in Aristotle, Plato, [467]Heraclides Ponticus,
and other Greek writers. There is a maxim laid down by the scholiast upon
Dionysius; which I shall have occasion often to mention. [468]Ει βαρβαρον
το ονομα, ου χρη ζητειν Ἑλληνικην ετυμολογιαν αυτου. _If the term be
foreign, it is idle to have recourse to Greece for a solution_. It is a
plain and golden rule, posterior in time to the writers above, which,
however, common sense might have led them to have anticipated, and
followed: but it was not in their nature. The person who gave the advice
was a Greek, and could not for his life abide by it. It is true, that
Socrates is made to say something very like the above. [469]Εννοω γαρ, ὁτι
πολλα ὁι Ἑλληνες ονοματα, αλλως τε και ὁι ὑπο τοις Βαρβαροις οικουντες,
παρα των Βαρβαρων ειληφασι--ει τις ζητοι ταυτα κατα την Ἑλληνικην φωνην, ὡς
εοικοτως κειται, αλλα μη κατ' εκεινην, εξ ἡς το ονομα τυγχανει ον, οισθα
ὁτι αποροι αν. _I am very sensible that the Grecians in general, and
especially those who are subjects to foreigners, have received into their
language many exotic terms: if any person should be led to seek for their
analogy or meaning in the Greek tongue, and not in the language from whence
they proceeded, he would be grievously puzzled_. Who would think, when
Plato attributed to Socrates this knowledge, that he would make him
continually act in contradiction to it? Or that other [470]writers, when
this plain truth was acknowledged, should deviate so shamefully? that we
should in after times be told, that Tarsus, the antient city in Cilicia,
was denominated from ταρτος, a foot: that the river Nile signified νε ιλυς:
and that Gader in Spain was Γης δειρα.

The antients, in all their etymologies, were guided solely by the ear: in
this they have been implicitly copied by the moderns. Inquire of Heinsius,
whence Thebes, that antient city in upper Egypt, was named; and he will
tell you from תבא, Teba, [471]stetit: or ask the good bishop Cumberland why
Nineve was so called? and he will answer, from Schindler, that it was a
compound of [472]Nin-Nau, נין נוה, _a son inhabited_. But is it credible,
or indeed possible, for these cities to have been named from terms so
vague, casual, and indeterminate; which seem to have so little relation to
the places to which they are appropriated, or to any places at all? The
history of the Chaldeans is of great consequence; and one would be glad to
know their original. They are properly called Chasdim; and are, very
justly, thought to have been the first constituted nation upon earth. It is
said of the patriarch Abraham, that he came from the city Ur of the
Chasdim. Whence had they their name? The learned Hyde will [473]answer,
that it was from Chesed, their ancestor. Who was Chesed? He was the fourth
son of Nahor, who lived in Aram, the upper region of Mesopotamia. Is it
said in history that he was the father of this people? There is no mention
made of it. Is it said that he was ever in Chaldea? No. Is there the least
reason to think that he had any acquaintance with that country? We have no
grounds to suppose it. Is there any reason to think that this people,
mentioned repeatedly as prior to him by ages, were in reality constituted
after him? None. What, then, has induced writers to suppose that he was the
father of this people? Because Chesed and Chasdim have a remote similitude
in sound. And is this the whole? Absolutely all that is or can be alleged
for this notion. And as the Chasdim are mentioned some ages before the
birth of Chesed, some would have the passage to be introduced
proleptically; others suppose it an interpolation, and would strike it out
of the sacred text: so far does whim get the better of judgment, that even
the written word is not safe. The whole history of Chesed is this: About
fifty years after the patriarch Abraham had left his brother Nahor at Haran
in Aramea, he received intelligence that Nahor had in that interval been
blessed with children. [474]_It was told Abraham, behold Milcah, she also
hath borne children to thy brother Nahor; Huz, Buz, Kemuel, and Chesed:_ of
these Chesed was the fourth. There occurs not a word more concerning him.

It is moreover to be observed, that these etymologists differ greatly from
one another in their conceptions; so that an unexperienced reader knows not
whom to follow. Some deduce all from the Hebrew; others call in to their
assistance the Arabic and the Coptic, or whatever tongue or dialect makes
most for their purpose. The author of the Universal History, speaking of
the Moabitish Idol Chemosh, tells us, [475]_that many make it come from the
verb משש, mashash, to feel: but Dr. Hyde derives it from the Arabic,
Khamûsh, which signifies gnats, (though in the particular dialect of the
tribe Hodail) supposing it to have been an astronomical talisman in the
figure of a gnat:--and Le Clerc, who takes this idol for the Sun, from
Comosha, a root, in the same tongue, signifying to be swift._ There is the
same variety of sentiment about Silenus, the companion of Bacchus.
[476]Bochart derives his name from Silan, שילן, and supposes him to have
been the same as Shiloh, the Messias. Sandford makes him to be Balaam, the
false prophet. [477]Huetius maintains that he was assuredly Moses. It is
not uncommon to find even in the same writer great uncertainty: we have
sometimes two, sometimes three, etymologies presented together of the same
word: two out of the three must be groundless, and the third not a whit
better: otherwise, the author would have given it the preference, and set
the other two aside. An example to this purpose we have in the etymology of
Ramesses, as it is explained in the [478]Hebrew Onomasticum. Ramesses,
tonitruum vel exprobratio tineæ; aut malum delens sive dissolvens; vel
contractionem dissolvens, aut confractus a tineâ--civitas in extremis
finibus Ægypti. A similar interpretation is given of Berodach, a king of
Babylon. Berodach: creans contritionem, vel electio interitus, aut filius
interitus, vel vaporis tui; sive frumentum; vel puritas nubis, vel vaporis
tui. Rex Babyloniæ.

It must be acknowledged of Bochart, that the system upon which he has
proceeded is the most plausible of any; and he has shewn infinite ingenuity
and learning. He every where tries to support his etymologies by some
history of the place concerning which he treats. But the misfortune is,
that the names of places which seem to be original, and of high antiquity,
are too often deduced by him from circumstances of later date; from events
in after ages. The histories to which he appeals were probably not known
when the country, or island, received its name. He likewise allows himself
a great latitude in forming his derivations: for, to make his terms accord,
he has recourse, not only to the Phenician language, which he supposes to
have been a dialect of the Hebrew; but to the Arabian, Chaldaic, and
Syriac, according as his occasions require. It happens to him often to make
use of a verb for a radix, which has many variations and different
significations: but, at this rate, we may form a similitude between terms
the most dissimilar. For, take a word in any language, which admits of many
inflexions and variations, and, after we have made it undergo all its
evolutions, it will be hard if it does not in some degree approximate. But,
to say the truth, he many times does not seem to arrive even at this: for,
after he has analysed the premises with great labour, we often find the
supposed resemblance too vague and remote to be admitted; and the whole is
effected with a great strain and force upon history before he brings
matters to a seeming coincidence. The Cyclops are by the best writers
placed in Sicily, near Mount [479]Ætna, in the country of the Leontini,
called of old Xuthia; but Bochart removes them to the south-west point of
the island. This he supposes to have been called Lelub, Λιλυβαιον, from
being opposite to Libya; and, as the promontory was so named, it is, he
thinks, probable that the sea below was styled Chec Lelub, or Sinus Lebub:
and, as the Cyclops lived hereabouts, they were from hence denominated
Chec-lelub, and Chec-lub, out of which the Greeks formed [480]Κυκλωπες. He
derives the Siculi first from [481]seclul, perfection; and afterwards from
אשכול, Escol, pronounced, according to the Syriac, Sigol, a bunch of
grapes. He deduces the Sicani from שכן, Sacan[482], near, because they were
near their next neighbours; in other words, on account of their being next
to the Pœni. Sicani, qui Siculorum Pœnis proximi. But, according to the
best accounts, the Sicani were the most antient people of any in these
parts. They settled in Sicily before the foundation of Carthage; and could
not have been named from any such vicinity. In short, Bochart, in most of
his derivations, refers to circumstances too general; which might be
adapted to one place as well as to another. He looks upon the names of
places, and of people, rather as by-names, and chance appellations, than
original marks of distinction; and supposes them to have been founded upon
some subsequent history. Whereas they were, most of them, original terms of
high antiquity, imported and assumed by the people themselves, and not
imposed by others.

How very casual and indeterminate the references were by which this learned
man was induced to form his etymologies, let the reader judge from the
samples below. These were taken, for the most part, from his accounts of
the Grecian islands; not industriously picked out; but as they casually
presented themselves upon turning over the book. He derives [483]Delos from
דהל, Dahal timor. [484]Cynthus, from חנט, Chanat, in lucem edere.
[485]Naxos, from nicsa, sacrificium; or else from nicsa, opes. [486]Gyarus,
from acbar, softened to acuar, a mouse; for the island was once infested
with mice. [487]Pontus, in Asia Minor, from בטנא, botno, a pistachio nut.
[488]Icaria, from icar, pastures: but he adds, tamen alia etymologia
occurrit, quam huic præfero אי כורי, Icaure, sive insula piscium.
[489]Chalcis, in Eubea, from Chelca, divisio. [490]Seriphus, from resiph,
and resipho, lapidibus stratum. [491]Patmos, from בטמוס, batmos,
terebinthus; for trees of this sort, he says, grew in the Cyclades. But
Patmos was not one of the Cyclades: it was an Asiatic island, at a
considerable distance. [492]Tenedos is deduced from Tin Edom, red earth:
for there were potters in the island, and the earth was probably red.
[493]Cythnus, from katnuth, parvitas; or else from גובנא, gubna, or guphno,
cheese; because the next island was famous for that commodity: Ut ut enim
Cythnius caseus proprie non dicatur, qui e Cythno non est, tamen receptâ
καταχρησει Cythnius dici potuit caseus a vicinâ Ceo. He supposes Egypt to
have been denominated from [494]Mazor, an artificial fortress; and the
reason he gives, is, because it was naturally secure. Whatever may have
been the purport of the term, Mizraim was a very antient and original name,
and could have no reference to these after-considerations. The author of
the Onomasticum, therefore, differs from him, and has tried to mend the
matter. He allows that the people, and country, were denominated from
Mazor, but in a different acceptation: from Mazor, which signified, the
double pressure of a mother on each side[495], pressionem matris geminam,
i. e. ab utrâque parte. Upon which the learned Michaelis observes--[496]quo
etymo vix aliud veri dissimilius fingi potest.

In the theology of the Greeks are many antient terms, which learned men
have tried to analyse, and define. But they seem to have failed here too by
proceeding upon those fallacious principles, of which I have above
complained. In short, they seldom go deep enough in their inquiries; nor
consider the true character of the personage, which they would decypher. It
is said of the God Vulcan, that he was the same as Tubalcain, mentioned
Genesis. c. 4. v. 22: and it is a notion followed by many writers: and
among others by Gale. [497]_First as to the name_ (says this learned man)
_Vossius_, de Idolat. l. 1. c. 36, _shews us, that Vulcanus is the same as
Tubalcainus, only by a wonted, and easy mutation of B into V, and casting
away a syllable_. And he afterwards affects to prove from Diodorus Siculus,
that the art and office of Vulcan exactly corresponded to the character of
Tubalcain, [498]_who was an instructor of every artificer in brass and
iron_. Upon the same principles Philo Biblius speaking of Chrusor, a person
of great antiquity, who first built a ship, and navigated the seas; who
also first taught husbandry, and hunting, supposes him to have been Vulcan;
because it is farther said of him, [499]that he first manufactured iron.
From this partial resemblance to Vulcan or Hephastus, Bochart is induced to
derive his name from כרש אור, Chores Ur, an artificer in [500]fire. These
learned men do not consider, that though the name, to which they refer, be
antient, and oriental, yet the character, and attributes, are comparatively
modern, having been introduced from another quarter. Vulcan the blacksmith,
who was the master of the Cyclops, and forged iron in Mount Ætna, was a
character familiar to the Greeks, and Romans. But this Deity among the
Egyptians, and Babylonians, had nothing similar to this description. They
esteemed Vulcan as the chief of the Gods the same as the Sun: and his name
is a sacred title, compounded of Baal-Cahen, Belus sanctus, vel Princeps;
equivalent to Orus, or Osiris. If the name were of a different original,
yet it would be idle to seek for an etymology founded on later conceptions,
and deduced from properties not originally inherent in the personage.
According to [501]Hermapion he was looked upon as the source of all
divinity, and in consequence of it the inscription upon the portal of the
temple at Heliopolis was Ἡφαιστῳ τῳ Θεων Πατρι. _To Vulcan the Father of
the Gods_. In short, they who first appropriated the name of Vulcan to
their Deity, had no notion of his being an artificer in brass or iron: or
an artificer in any degree. Hence we must be cautious in forming ideas of
the antient theology of nations from the current notions of the Greeks, and
Romans; and more especially from the descriptions of their poets.
Polytheism, originally vile, and unwarrantable, was rendered ten times more
base by coming through their hands. To instance in one particular: among
all the dæmon herd what one is there of a form, and character, so odious,
and contemptible as Priapus? an obscure ill-formed Deity, who was ridiculed
and dishonoured by his very votaries. His hideous figure was made use of
only as a bugbear to frighten children; and to drive the birds from fruit
trees; with whose filth he was generally besmeared. Yet this contemptible
God, this scarecrow in a garden, was held in high repute at Lampsacus, and
esteemed the same as [502]Dionusus. He was likewise by the Egyptians
reverenced as the principal God; no other than the Chaldaic [503]Aur, the
same as Orus and Apis: whose rites were particularly solemn. It was from
hence that he had his name: for Priapus of Greece is only a compound of
Peor-Apis among the Egyptians. He was sometimes styled Peor singly; also
Baal Peor; the same with whose rites the Israelites are so often
[504]upbraided. His temples likewise are mentioned, which are styled Beth
Peor. In short, this wretched divinity of the Romans was looked upon by
others as the soul of the world: the first principle, which brought all
things into light, and being. [505]Πριηπος ὁ κοσμος, η ὁ προεστως αυτου
Λογος. The author of the Orphic hymns styles him [506]Πρωτογονον--γενεσιν
μακαρων, θνητων τ' ανθρωπων. _The first born of the world, from whom all
the immortals, and mortals were descended_. This is a character, which will
hereafter be found to agree well with Dionusus. Phurnutus supposes Priapus
to have been the same as Pan, the shepherd God: who was equally degraded,
and misrepresented on one hand, and as highly reverenced on the other.
[507]Ισως δ' αν ὁυτος και ὁ Πριηπος ειη, καθ' ὁν προεισιν εις φως τα παντα·
των αρχαιων δ' εισι Δαιμονων. _Probably Pan is no other than the God
Priapus, by whose means all things were brought into light. They are both
Deities of high [508]antiquity_. Yet the one was degraded to a filthy
monster; and of the other they made a scarecrow.

       *       *       *       *       *






Ενθα πυλαι νυκτος τε, και ηματος, εισι κελευθων.----PARMENIDES.

It may be proper to take some previous notice of those writers, to whose
assistance we must particularly have recourse; and whose evidence may be
most depended upon, in disquisitions of this nature. All knowledge of
Gentile antiquity must be derived to us through the hands of the Grecians:
and there is not of them a single writer, to whom we may not be indebted
for some advantage. The Helladians, however, from whom we might expect most
light, are to be admitted with the greatest caution. They were a bigotted
people, highly prejudiced in their own favour; and so devoted to idle
tradition, that no arguments could wean them from their folly. Hence the
surest resources are from Greeks of other countries. Among the Poets,
Lycophron, Callimachus, and Apollonius Rhodius are principally to be
esteemed. The last of these was a native of Egypt; and the other two lived
there, and have continual allusions to the antiquities of that country.
Homer likewise abounds with a deal of mysterious lore, borrowed from the
antient Amonian theology; with which his commentators have been often
embarrassed. To these may be added such Greek writers of later date, who
were either not born in Hellas, or were not so deeply tinctured with the
vanity of that country. Much light may be also obtained from those learned
men, by whom the Scholia were written, which are annexed to the works of
the Poets above-mentioned. Nonnus too, who wrote the Dionysiaca, is not to
be neglected. He was a native of Panopolis in Egypt, [509]Εκ της Πανος της
Αιγυπτου γεγενημενος; and had opportunity of collecting many antient
traditions, and fragments of mysterious history, which never were known in
Greece. To these may be added Porphyry, Proclus, and Jamblichus, who
professedly treat of Egyptian learning. The Isis and Osiris of Plutarch may
be admitted with proper circumspection. It may be said, that the whole is
still an enigma: and I must confess that it is: but we receive it more
copiously exemplified; and more clearly defined; and it must necessarily be
more genuine, by being nearer the fountain head: so that by comparing, and
adjusting the various parts, we are more likely to arrive at a solution of
the hidden purport. But the great resource of all is to be found among the
later antiquaries and historians. Many of these are writers of high rank;
particularly Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias, on the Gentile part: and of
the fathers, Theophilus, Tatianus Athenagoras, Clemens, Origenes, Eusebius,
Theodoretus, Syncellus; and the compiler of the Fasti Siculi, otherwise
called Chronicon Paschale. Most of these were either of Egypt or Asia. They
had a real taste for antiquity; and lived at a time when some insight could
be obtained: for till the Roman Empire was fully established, and every
province in a state of tranquillity, little light could be procured from
those countries, whence the mythology of Greece was derived. The native
Helladians were very limited in their knowledge. They had taken in the
gross whatever was handed down by tradition; and assumed to themselves
every history, which was imported. They moreover held every nation but
their own as barbarous; so that their insuperable vanity rendered it
impossible for them to make any great advances in historical knowledge. But
the writers whom I just now mentioned, either had not these prejudices; or
lived at a time when they were greatly subsided. They condescended to quote
innumerable authors, and some of great antiquity; to whom the pride of
Greece would never have appealed. I had once much talk upon this subject
with a learned friend, since lost to the world, who could ill brook that
Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, should be discarded for Clemens, Origen,
or Eusebius; and that Lysias and Demosthenes should give way to Libanius
and Aristides. The name of Tzetzes, or Eustathius, he could not bear. To
all which I repeatedly made answer; that it was by no means my intention to
set aside any of the writers, he mentioned: whose merits, as far as they
extended, I held in great veneration. On the contrary, I should have
recourse to their assistance, as far as it would carry me: But I must at
the same time take upon me to weigh those merits; and see wherein they
consisted; and to what degree they were to be trusted. The Helladians were
much to be admired for the smoothness of their periods, and a happy
collocation of their terms. They shewed a great propriety of diction; and a
beautiful arrangement of their ideas: and the whole was attended with a
rhythm, and harmony, no where else to be found. But they were at the same
time under violent prejudices: and the subject matter of which they
treated, was in general so brief, and limited, that very little could be
obtained from it towards the history of other countries, or a knowledge of
antient times. Even in respect to their own affairs, whatever light had
been derived to them, was so perverted, and came through so dim a medium,
that it is difficult to make use of it to any determinate and salutary
purpose. Yet the beauty of their composition has been attended with
wonderful [510]influence. Many have been so far captivated by this magic,
as to give an implicit credence to all that has been transmitted; and to
sacrifice their judgment to the pleasures of the fancy.

It may be said, that the writers, to whom I chiefly appeal, are, in great
measure, dry and artless, without any grace and ornament to recommend them.
They were likewise posterior to the Helladians; consequently farther
removed from the times of which they treat. To the first objection I
answer, that the most dry and artless historians are, in general, the most
authentic. They who colour and embellish, have the least regard for the
truth. In respect to priority, it is a specious claim; but attended with no
validity. When a gradual darkness has been overspreading the world, it
requires as much time to emerge from the cloud, as there passed when we
were sinking into it: so that they who come later may enjoy a greater
portion of light, than those who preceded them by ages. Besides, it is to
be considered, that the writers, to whom I chiefly appeal, lived in parts
of the world which gave them great advantages. The whole theology of Greece
was derived from the east. We cannot therefore but in reason suppose, that
Clemens of Alexandria, Eusebius of Cæsarea, Tatianus of Assyria, Lucianus
of Samosata, Cyril of Jerusalem, Porphyry of Syria, Proclus of Lycia, Philo
of Biblus, Strabo of Amasa, Pausanias of Cappadocia, Eratosthenes of
Cyrene, must know more upon this subject than any native Helladian. The
like may be said of Diodorus, Josephus, Cedrenus, Syncellus, Zonaras,
Eustathius: and numberless more. These had the archives of antient
[511]temples, to which they could apply: and had traditions more genuine
than ever reached Greece. And though they were posterior themselves, they
appeal to authors far prior to any Helladians: and their works are crowded
with extracts from the most curious and the most antient [512]histories.
Such were the writings of Sanchoniathon, Berosus, Nicholaus Damascenus,
Mocus, Mnaseas, Hieronymus Ægyptius, Apion, Manethon: from whom Abydenus,
Apollodorus, Asclepiades, Artapanus, Philastrius, borrowed largely. We are
beholden to Clemens[513], and Eusebius, for many evidences from writers,
long since lost; even Eustathius and Tzetzes have resources, which are now
no more.

It must be after all confessed, that those, who preceded, had many
opportunities of information, had they been willing to have been informed.
It is said, both of Pythagoras and Solon, that they resided for some time
in Egypt: where the former was instructed by a Son-chen, or priest of the
Sun. But I could never hear of any great good that was the consequence of
his travels. Thus much is certain; that whatever knowledge he may have
picked up in other parts, he got nothing from the Grecians. They, who
pretended most to wisdom, were the most destitute of the blessing.
[514]Αλλα παρ αλλοις συλλεξαμενος, μονον παρα των σοφων Ἑλληνων εχειν
ουδεν, πενιᾳ σοφιας και αποριᾳ συνοικουντων. And as their theology was
before very obscure, he drew over it a mysterious veil to make it tenfold
darker. The chief of the intelligence transmitted by Solon from Egypt
contained a satire upon his own country. He was told by an antient
[515]priest, that the Grecians were children in science: that they were
utterly ignorant of the mythology of other nations; and did not understand
their own. Eudoxus likewise and Plato were in Egypt; and are said to have
resided there some time: yet very few things of moment have been
transmitted by them. Plato had great opportunities of rectifying the
history and mythology of Greece: but after all his advantages he is accused
of trifling shamefully, and addicting himself to fable. [516]Πλατων δε, ὁ
δοκων των Ἑλληνων σοφωτατος γεγενησθαι, εις ποσην φλυαριαν εχωρησεν. Yet
all the rites of the Helladians, as well as their Gods and Heroes, were
imported from the [517]east: and chiefly from [518]Egypt, though they were
unwilling to allow it. Length of time had greatly impaired their true
history; and their prejudices would not suffer them to retrieve it. I
should therefore think it by no means improper to premise a short account
of this wonderful people, in order to shew whence this obscurity arose;
which at last prevailed so far, that they, in great measure, lost sight of
their origin, and were involved in mystery and fable.

The first inhabitants of the country, called afterwards Hellas, were the
sons of Javan; who seem to have degenerated very early, and to have become
truly barbarous. Hence the best historians of Greece confess, that their
ancestors were not the first inhabitants; but that it was before their
arrival in the possession of a people, whom they style [519]Βαρβαροι, or
Barbarians. The Helladians were colonies of another family: and introduced
themselves somewhat later. They were of the race which I term Amonian; and
came from Egypt and Syria: but originally from Babylonia. They came under
various titles, all taken from the religion, which they professed. Of these
titles I shall have occasion to treat at large; and of the imaginary
leaders, by whom they were supposed to have been conducted.

As soon as the Amonians were settled, and incorporated with the natives, a
long interval of darkness ensued. The very union produced a new language:
at least the antient Amonian became by degrees so modified, and changed,
that the terms of science, and worship, were no longer understood. Hence
the titles of their Gods were misapplied: and the whole of their theology
grew more and more corrupted; so that very few traces of the original were
to be discovered. In short, almost every term was misconstrued, and abused.
This[520] æra of darkness was of long duration: at last the Asiatic Greeks
began to bestir themselves. They had a greater correspondence than the
Helladians: and they were led to exert their talents from examples in
Syria, Egypt, and other countries. The specimens, which they exhibited of
their genius were amazing: and have been justly esteemed a standard for
elegance and nature. The Athenians were greatly affected with these
examples. They awoke, as it were, out of a long and deep sleep; and, as if
they had been in the training of science for ages, their first efforts
bordered upon perfection. In the space of a century, out of one little
confined district, were produced a group of worthies, who at all times have
been the wonder of the world: so that we may apply to the nation in general
what was spoken of the school of a philosopher: cujus ex ludo, tanquam ex
Equo Trojano, meri Principes exierunt. But this happy display of parts did
not remedy the evil of which I have complained. They did not retrieve any
lost annals, nor were any efforts made to dispel the cloud in which they
were involved. There had been, as I have represented, a long interval;
during which there must have happened great occurrences: but few of them
had been transmitted to posterity; and those handed down by tradition, and
mixed with inconsistency and fable. It is said that letters were brought
into Greece very early, by [521]Cadmus. Let us for a while grant it; and
inquire what was the progress. They had the use of them so far as to put an
inscription on the pediment of a temple, or upon a pillar; or to scrawl a
man's name upon a tile or an oyster-shell, when they wanted to banish or
poison him. Such scanty knowledge, and so base materials, go but a little
way towards science. What history was there of Corinth, or of Sparta? What
annals were there of Argos, or Messena; of Elis, or the cities of Achaia?
None: not even of [522]Athens. There are not the least grounds to surmise
that any single record existed. The names of the Olympic victors from
Corœbus, and of the priestesses of Argos, were the principal memorials to
which they pretended: but how little knowledge could be obtained from
hence! The laws of Draco, in the thirty-ninth Olympiad, were certainly the
most antient writing to which we can securely appeal. When the Grecians
began afterwards to bestir themselves, and to look back upon what had
passed, they collected whatever accounts could be [523]obtained. They tried
also to separate and arrange them, to the best of their abilities, and to
make the various parts of their history correspond. They had still some
good materials to proceed upon, had they thoroughly understood them; but
herein was a great failure. Among the various traditions handed down, they
did not consider which really related to their country, and which had been
introduced from other[524] parts. Indeed they did not chuse to distinguish,
but adopted all for their own; taking the merit of every antient
transaction to themselves. No people had a greater love for science, nor
displayed a more refined taste in composition. Their study was ever to
please, and to raise admiration. Hence they always aimed at the marvellous,
which they dressed up in a most winning manner: at the same time they
betrayed a seeming veneration for antiquity. But their judgment was
perverted, and this veneration attended with little regard for the truth.
[525]They had a high opinion of themselves, and of their country in
general: and, being persuaded that they sprang from the ground on which
they stood, and that the Arcadians were older than the moon, they rested
satisfied with this, and looked no farther. In short, they had no love for
any thing genuine, no desire to be instructed. Their history could not be
reformed but by an acknowledgment which their pride would not suffer them
to make. They therefore devoted themselves to an idle mythology: and there
was nothing so contradictory and absurd but was greedily admitted, if
sanctified by tradition. Even when the truth glared in their very faces,
they turned from the light, and would not be undeceived. Those who, like
Euemerus and Ephorus, had the courage to dissent from their legends, were
deemed atheists and apostates, and treated accordingly. Plutarch more than
once insists that it is expedient to veil the truth, and to dress it up in
[526]allegory. They went so far as to deem inquiry a [527]crime, and thus
precluded the only means by which the truth could be obtained.

Nor did these prejudices appear only in respect to their own rites and
theology, and the history of their own nation: the accounts which they gave
of other countries were always tinctured with this predominant vanity. An
idle zeal made them attribute to their forefathers the merit of many great
performances to which they were utterly strangers: and supposed them to
have founded cities in various parts of the world where the name of Greece
could not have been known; cities which were in being before Greece was a
state. Wherever they got footing, or even a transient acquaintance, they in
their descriptions accommodated every thing to their own preconceptions;
and expressed all terms according to their own mode of writing and
pronunciation, that appearances might be in their favour. To this were
added a thousand silly stories to support their pretended claim. They would
persuade us that Jason of Greece founded the empire of the Medes; as
Perseus, of the same country, did that of the Persians. Armenus, a
companion of Jason, was the reputed father of the Armenians. They gave out
that Tarsus, one of the most antient cities in the world, was built by
people from [528]Argos; and that Pelusium of Egypt had a name of Grecian
[529]original. They, too, built Sais, in the same [530]country: and the
city of the Sun, styled Heliopolis, owed its origin to an [531]Athenian.
They were so weak as to think that the city Canobus had its name from a
pilot of Menelaus, and that even Memphis was built by Epaphos of
[532]Argos. There surely was never any nation so incurious and indifferent
about truth. Hence have arisen those contradictions and inconsistences with
which their history is [533]embarrassed.

It may appear ungracious, and I am sure it is far from a pleasing task to
point out blemishes in a people of so refined a turn as the Grecians, whose
ingenuity and elegance have been admired for ages. Nor would I engage in a
display of this kind, were it not necessary to shew their prejudices and
mistakes, in order to remedy their failures. On our part we have been too
much accustomed to take in the gross with little or no examination,
whatever they have been pleased to transmit: and there is no method of
discovering the truth but by shewing wherein they failed, and pointing out
the mode of error, the line of deviation. By unravelling the clue, we may
be at last led to see things in their original state, and to reduce their
mythology to order. That my censures are not groundless, nor carried to an
undue degree of severity, may be proved from the like accusations from some
of their best writers; who accuse them both of ignorance and forgery.
[534]Hecatæus, of Miletus, acknowledges, _that the traditions of the Greeks
were as ridiculous as they were numerous_: [535]and Philo confesses _that
he could obtain little intelligence from that quarter: that the Grecians
had brought a mist upon learning, so that it was impossible to discover the
truth: he therefore applied to people of other countries for information,
from whom only it could be obtained_. Plato[536] owned _that the most
genuine helps to philosophy were borrowed from those who by the Greeks were
styled barbarous_: and [537]Jamblichus gives the true reason for the
preference. _The Helladians_, says this writer, _are ever wavering and
unsettled in their principles, and are carried about by the least impulse.
They want steadiness; and if they obtain any salutary knowledge, they
cannot retain it; nay, they quit it with a kind of eagerness; and, whatever
they do admit, they new mould and fashion, according to some novel and
uncertain mode of reasoning. But people of other countries are more
determinate in their principles, and abide more uniformly by the very terms
which they have traditionally received._ They are represented in the same
light by Theophilus: [538]he says, _that they wrote merely for empty
praise, and were so blinded with vanity, that they neither discovered the
truth theirselves, nor encouraged others to pursue it_. Hence Tatianus
says, with great truth, [539]_that the writers of other countries were
strangers to that vanity with which the Grecians were infected: that they
were more simple and uniform, and did not encourage themselves in an
affected variety of notions_.

In respect to foreign history, and geographical knowledge, the Greeks, in
general, were very ignorant: and the writers, who, in the time of the Roman
Empire, began to make more accurate inquiries, met with insuperable
difficulties from the mistakes of those who had preceded. I know no censure
more severe and just than that which Strabo has passed upon the historians
and geographers of Greece, and of its writers in general. In speaking of
the Asiatic nations, he assures us, that there never had been any account
transmitted of them upon which we can depend. [540]_Some of these nations_,
says this judicious writer, _the Grecians have called Sacæ, and others
Massagetæ, without having the least light to determine them. And though
they have pretended to give a history of Cyrus, and his particular wars
with those who were called Massagetæ, yet nothing precise and satisfactory
could ever be obtained; not even in respect to the war. There is the same
uncertainty in respect to the antient history of the Persians, as well as
to that of the Medes and Syrians. We can meet with little that can be
deemed authentic, on account of the weakness of those who wrote, and their
uniform love of fable. For, finding that writers, who professedly dealt in
fiction without any pretensions to the truth, were regarded, they thought
that they should make their writings equally acceptable, if in the system
of their history they were to introduce circumstances, which they had
neither seen nor heard, nor received upon the authority of another person;
proceeding merely upon this principle, that they should be most likely to
please people's fancy by having recourse to what was marvellous and new. On
this account we may more safely trust to Hesiod and Homer, when they
present us with a list of Demigods and Heroes, and even to the tragic
poets, than to Ctesias, Herodotus, and Hellanicus, and writers of that
class. Even the generality of historians, who wrote about Alexander, are
not safely to be trusted: for they speak with great confidence, relying
upon the glory of the monarch, whom they celebrate; and to the remoteness
of the countries, in which he was engaged; even at the extremities of Asia;
at a great distance from us and our concerns. This renders them very
secure. For what is referred to a distance is difficult to be confuted_. In
another place, speaking of India, he says, that it was very difficult to
arrive at the truth: _for the [541]writers, who must necessarily be
appealed to, were in continual opposition, and contradicted one another.
And how_, says Strabo, _could it be otherwise? for if they erred so
shamefully when they had ocular proof, how could they speak with certainty,
where they were led by hearsay?_ In another place[542] he excuses the
mistakes of the antient poets, saying, that we must not wonder if they
sometimes deviated from the truth, when people in ages more enlightened
were so ignorant, and so devoted to every thing marvellous and incredible.
He had above given the poets even the preference to other writers: but
herein his zeal transported him too far. The first writers were the poets;
and the mischief began from them. They first infected tradition; and mixed
it with allegory and fable. Of this Athenagoras accuses them very justly;
and says, [543]_that the greatest abuses of true knowledge came from them.
I insist_, says this learned father, _that we owe to Orpheus, Homer, and
Hesiod, the fictitious names and genealogies of the Pagan Dæmons, whom they
are pleased to style Gods: and I can produce Herodotus for a witness to
what I assert. He informs us, that Homer and Hesiod were about four hundred
years prior to himself; and not more. These, says he, were the persons who
first framed the theogony of the Greeks; and gave appellations to their
Deities; and distinguished them according to their several ranks and
departments. They at the same time described them under different
appearances: for till their time there was not in Greece any representation
of the Gods, either in sculpture or painting; not any specimen of the
statuary's art exhibited: no such substitutes were in those times thought

The antient history and mythology of Greece was partly transmitted by the
common traditions of the natives: and partly preserved in those original
Doric hymns, which were universally sung in their Prutaneia and temples.
These were in the antient Amonian language; and said to have been
introduced by [544]Pagasus, Agyieus, and Olen. This last some represent as
a Lycian, others as an Hyperborean: and by many he was esteemed an
Egyptian. They were chanted by the Purcones, or priests of the Sun: and by
the female, Hierophants: of whom the chief upon record were [545]Phaënnis,
[546]Phæmonoë, and Bæo. The last of these mentions Olen, as the inventor of
verse, and the most antient priest of Phœbus.

  [547]Ωλην δ' ὁς γενετο πρωτος Φοιβοιο προφητες,
  Πρωτος δ' αρχαιων επεων τεχνωσατ' αοιδαν.

These hymns grew, by length of time, obsolete; and scarce intelligible.
They were, however, translated, or rather imitated, by Pamphos, Rhianus,
Phemius, Homer, Bion Proconnesius, Onomacritus, and others. Many of the
sacred terms could not be understood, nor interpreted; they were however
[548]retained with great reverence: and many which they did attempt to
decipher, were misconstrued and misapplied. Upon this basis was the
theology of Greece founded: from hence were the names of Gods taken: and
various departments attributed to the several Deities. Every poet had
something different in his theogony: and every variety, however
inconsistent, was admitted by the Greeks without the least hesitation:
[549]Φυσει γαρ Ἑλληνες νεοτροποι--Ἑλλησιν αταλαιπωρος της αληθειας ζητησις.
_The Grecians_, says Jamblichus, _are naturally led by novelty: The
investigation of truth is too fatiguing for a Grecian_. From these antient
hymns and misconstrued terms [550]Pherecydes of Syrus planned his history
of the Gods: which, there is reason to think, was the source of much error.

Such were the principles which gave birth to the mythology of the Grecians;
from whence their antient history was in great measure derived. As their
traditions were obsolete, and filled with extraneous matter, it rendered it
impossible for them to arrange properly the principal events of their
country. They did not separate and distinguish; but often took to
themselves the merit of transactions, which were of a prior date, and of
another clime. These they adopted, and made their own. Hence, when they
came to digest their history, it was all confused: and they were
embarrassed with numberless contradictions, and absurdities, which it was
impossible to [551]remedy. For their vanity, as I have shewn, would not
suffer them to rectify their mistakes by the authority of more antient and
more learned nations. It is well observed by Tatianus [552]Assyrius, _that
where the history of times past has not been duly adjusted, it is
impossible to arrive at the truth: and there has been no greater cause of
error in writing, than the endeavouring to adopt what is groundless and
inconsistent._ Sir Isaac Newton somewhere lays it down for a rule, never to
admit for history what is antecedent to letters. For traditionary truths
cannot be long preserved without some change in themselves, and some
addition of foreign circumstances. This accretion will be in every age
enlarged; till there will at last remain some few outlines only of the
original occurrence. It has been maintained by many, that the Grecians had
letters very early: but it will appear upon inquiry to have been a
groundless notion. Those of the antients, who considered the matter more
carefully, have made no scruple to set aside their [553]pretensions.
Josephus in particular takes notice of their early claim; but cannot allow
it: [554]_They_, says this learned historian, _who would carry the
introduction of letters among the Greeks the highest, very gravely tell us,
that they were brought over by the Phenicians, and Cadmus. Yet, after all,
they cannot produce a single specimen either from their sacred writings, or
from their popular records, which savours of that antiquity_. Theophilus
takes notice of these difficulties; and shews that all the obscurity, with
which the history of Hellas is clouded, arose from this deficiency of
letters. He complains, _that the [555]Hellenes had lost sight of the truth;
and could not recollect any genuine history. The reason of this is obvious:
for they came late to the knowledge of letters in comparison of other
nations. This they confess, by attributing the invention of them to people
prior to themselves; either to the Chaldeans, or the Egyptians: or else to
the Phenicians. Another cause of failure, which relates to their theology,
and still greatly prevails, is owing to their not making a proper
disquisition about the true object of worship: but amusing themselves with
idle, and unprofitable speculations_.

Notwithstanding this deficiency, they pretended to give a list of Argive
princes, of which twenty preceded the war of [556]Troy. But what is more
extraordinary, they boasted of a series of twenty-six Kings at Sicyon,
comprehending a space of one thousand years, all which kings were before
the time of [557]Theseus and the Argonauts. Among those, who have given the
list of the Argive kings, is [558]Tatianus Assyrius, who advises every
person of sense, when he meets with these high pretensions, to consider
attentively, _that there was not a single voucher, not even a tradition of
any record, to authenticate these histories: for even Cadmus was many ages
after_. It is certain, that the Helladians had no tendency to learning,
till they were awakened by the Asiatic Greeks: and it was even then some
time before letters were in general use; or any histories, or even records
attempted. For if letters had been current, and the materials for writing
obvious, and in common use, how comes it that we have not one specimen
older than the reign of Cyrus? And how is it possible, if the Grecians had
any records, that they should be so ignorant about some of their most
famous men? Of Homer how little is known! and of what is transmitted, how
little, upon which we may depend! Seven places in Greece contend for his
birth: while many doubt whether he was of Grecian original. It is said of
Pythagoras, [559]that according to Hippobotrus he was of Samos: but
Aristoxenus, who wrote his life, as well as Aristarchus, and Theopompus,
makes him a Tyrrhenian. According to Neanthes he was of Syria, or else a
native of Tyre. In like manner Thales was said by Herodotus, Leander, and
Duris, to have been a Phenician: but he was by others referred to Miletus
in Ionia. It is reported of Pythagoras, that he visited Egypt in the time
of Cambyses. From thence he betook himself to Croton in Italy: where he is
supposed to have resided till the last year of the seventieth Olympiad:
consequently he could not be above thirty or forty years prior to the birth
of Æschylus and Pindar. What credit can we give to people for histories
many ages backward; who were so ignorant in matters of importance, which
happened in the days of their fathers? The like difficulties occur about
Pherecydes Syrius; whom Suidas styles Babylonius: neither the time, when he
lived, nor the place of his birth, have been ever satisfactorily proved.
Till Eudoxus had been in Egypt the Grecians did not know the space of which
the true year consisted. [560]Αλλ' ηγνοειτο τεως ὁ ενιαυτος παρα τοις
Ἑλλησιν, ὡς και αλλα πλειω.

Another reason may be given for the obscurity in the Grecian history, even
when letters had been introduced among them. They had a childish antipathy
to every foreign language: and were equally prejudiced in favour of their
own. This has passed unnoticed; yet was attended with the most fatal
consequences. They were misled by the too great delicacy of their ear; and
could not bear any term which appeared to them barbarous and uncouth. On
this account they either rejected foreign [561]appellations; or so modelled
and changed them, that they became, in sound and meaning, essentially
different. And as they were attached to their own country, and its customs,
they presumed that every thing was to be looked for among themselves. They
did not consider, that the titles of their Gods, the names of cities, and
their terms of worship, were imported: that their ancient hymns were grown
obsolete: and that time had wrought a great change. They explained every
thing by the language in use, without the least retrospect or allowance:
and all names and titles from other countries were liable to the same rule.
If the name were dissonant, and disagreeable to their ear, it was rejected
as barbarous: but if it were at all similar in sound to any word in their
language, they changed it to that word; though the name were of Syriac
original; or introduced from Egypt, or Babylonia. The purport of the term
was by these means changed: and the history, which depended upon it, either
perverted or effaced. When the title Melech, which signified a King, was
rendered Μειλιχος and Μειλιχιος, _sweet and gentle_, it referred to an idea
quite different from the original. But this gave them no concern: they
still blindly pursued their purpose. Some legend was immediately invented
in consequence of this misprision, some story about bees and honey, and the
mistake was rendered in some degree plausible. This is a circumstance of
much consequence; and deserves our attention greatly. I shall have occasion
to speak of it repeatedly; and to lay before the reader some entire
treatises upon the subject. For this failure is of such a nature, as, when
detected. and fairly explained, will lead us to the solution of many dark
and enigmatical histories, with which the mythology of Greece abounds. The
only author, who seems to have taken any notice of this unhappy turn in the
Grecians, is Philo Biblius. [562]He speaks of it as a circumstance of very
bad consequence, and says, that it was the chief cause of error and
obscurity: hence, when he met in Sanchoniathon with antient names, he did
not indulge himself in whimsical solutions; but gave the true meaning,
which was the result of some event or quality whence the name was imposed.
This being a secret to the Greeks, they always took things in a wrong
acceptation; being misled by a twofold sense of the terms which occurred to
them: one was the genuine and original meaning, which was retained in the
language whence they were taken: the other was a forced sense, which the
Greeks unnaturally deduced from their own language, though there was no
relation between them. The same term in different languages conveyed
different and opposite ideas: and as they attended only to the meaning in
their own tongue, they were constantly [563]mistaken.

It may appear strange to make use of the mistakes of any people for a
foundation to build upon: yet through these failures my system will be in
some degree supported: at least from a detection of these errors, I hope to
obtain much light. For, as the Grecian writers have preserved a kind of
uniformity in their mistakes, and there appears plainly a rule and method
of deviation, it will be very possible, when this method is well known, to
decypher what is covertly alluded to; and by these means arrive at the
truth. If the openings in the wood or labyrinth are only as chance
allotted, we may be for ever bewildered: but if they are made with design,
and some method be discernible, this circumstance, if attended to, will
serve for a clue, and lead us through the maze. If we once know that what
the Greeks, in their mythology, styled a wolf, was the Sun; that by a dog
was meant a prince, or Deity; that by bees was signified an order of
priests; these terms, however misapplied, can no more mislead us in
writing, than their resemblances in sculpture would a native of Egypt, if
they were used for emblems on stone.

Thus much I have been obliged to premise: as our knowledge must come
through the hands of the [564]Grecians. I am sensible, that many learned
men have had recourse to other means for information: but I have never seen
any specimens which have afforded much light. Those, to which I have been
witness, have rather dazzled than illustrated; and bewildered instead of
conducting to the truth. Among the Greeks is contained a great treasure of
knowledge. It is a rich mine; which as yet has not been worked far beneath
the surface. The ore lies deep, and cannot be obtained without much
industry and labour. The Helladians had the best opportunities to have
afforded us information about the antiquities of their country: of their
negligence, and of their mistakes I have spoken; yet with a proper clue
they may still be read to great advantage. To say the truth, there is
scarce an author of them all, from whom some good may not be derived.

What has been wanting in the natives of Greece, has been greatly supplied
by writers of that nation from other countries, who lived in after-times.
Of these the principal have been mentioned; and many others might be added,
who were men of integrity and learning. They were fond of knowledge, and
obtained a deep insight into antiquity: and, what is of the greatest
consequence, they were attached to the truth. They may sometimes have been
mistaken in their judgment: they may also have been deceived: but still
truth was the scope at which they aimed. They have accordingly transmitted
to us many valuable remains, which, but for them, had been buried in
oblivion. There are likewise many pagan authors, to whom we are greatly
indebted; but especially to Strabo and Pausanias; who in their different
departments have afforded wonderful light. Nor must we omit Josephus of
Judea; whose treatise against Apion must be esteemed of inestimable value:
indeed, all his writings are of consequence, if read with a proper

I have mentioned, that it is my purpose to give a history of the first
ages; and to shew the origin of many nations, whose descent has been
mistaken; or else totally unknown. I shall speak particularly of one great
family, which diffused itself over many parts of the earth; from whom the
rites and mysteries, and almost the whole science of the Gentile world,
were borrowed. But as I venture in an unbeaten track, and in a waste, which
has been little frequented; I shall first take upon me to treat of things
near at hand, before I advance to remoter discoveries. I shall therefore
speak of those rites and customs, and of the nations, where they prevailed;
as I shall by these means be led insensibly to the discovery of the people,
from whom they were derived. By a similarity of customs, as well as by the
same religious terms, observable in different countries, it will be easy to
shew a relation, which subsisted between such people, however widely
dispersed. They will be found to have been colonies of the same family; and
to have come ultimately from the same place. As my course will be in great
measure an uphill labour, I shall proceed in the manner which I have
mentioned; continually enlarging my prospect, till I arrive at the point I
aim at.

It may be proper to mention to the reader that the following treatises were
not written in the order in which they now stand; but just as the
subject-matter presented itself before me. As many, which were first
composed, will occur last, I have been forced to anticipate some of the
arguments, as well as quotations, which they contained, according as I
found it expedient. Hence there will be some few instances of repetition,
which however I hope will not give any great disgust: as what is repeated,
was so interwoven in the argument, that I could not well disengage it from
the text, where it occurs a second time.

There will also be found some instances, where I differ from myself, and go
contrary to positions in a former treatise. These are very few, and of no
great moment; being such as would probably escape the reader's notice. But
I think it more ingenuous, and indeed my strict duty, to own my mistakes,
and point them out, rather than to pass them over in silence, or idly to
defend them.

       *       *       *       *       *







We must never deduce the etymology of an Egyptian or oriental term from the
Greek language. Eustathius well observes, Ει βαρβαρον το ονομα ου χρη
ζητειν Ἑλληνικην ετυμολογιαν αυτου.

We should recur to the Doric manner of expression, as being nearest to the

The Greeks adopted all foreign history: and supposed it to have been of
their own country.

They mistook temples for Deities, and places for persons.

They changed every foreign term to something similar in their own language;
to something similar in sound, however remote in meaning; being led solely
by the ear.

They constantly mistook titles for names; and from these titles multiplied
their Deities and Heroes.

All terms of relation between the Deities to be disregarded.

As the Grecians were mistaken, it is worth our while to observe the mode of
error and uniformity of mistake. By attending to this, we may bring things
back to their primitive state, and descry in antient terms the original

We must have regard to the oblique cases, especially in nouns
imparasyllabic, when we have an antient term transmitted to us either from
the Greeks or Romans. The nominative, in both languages, is often abridged;
so that, from the genitive of the word, or from the possessive, the
original term is to be deduced. This will be found to obtain even in common
names. From veteris we have veter for the true term; from sanguinis we have
sanguen: and that this is right we may prove from Ennius, who says:

  [565]O! pater, O! genitor, O! sanguen diis oriundum.

  [566]Cum veter occubuit Priamus sub marte Pelasgo.

So mentis, and not mens, was the true nominative to mentis, menti, mentem;
as we may learn from the same author:

  [567]Istic est de sole sumptus ignis, isque mentis est.

In like manner Plebes was the nominative to Plebi and Plebem.

  Deficit alma Ceres, nec plebes pane potitur.

All the common departments of the Deities are to be set aside, as
inconsistent and idle. Pollux will be found a judge; Ceres, a law-giver;
Bacchus, the God of the year; Neptune, a physician; and Æsculapius, the God
of thunder: and this not merely from the poets; but from the best
mythologists of the Grecians, from those who wrote professedly upon the

I have observed before, that the Grecians in foreign words often changed
the Nu final to Sigma. For Keren, they wrote Κερας; for Cohen, Κωης; for
Athon, Αθως; for Boun, Βους; for Sain, Σαϊς.

People, of old, were styled the children of the God whom they worshipped:
hence they were, at last, thought to have been his real offspring; and he
was looked up to as the true parent. On the contrary, Priests were
represented as foster-fathers to the Deity before whom they ministered; and
Priestesses were styled τιθηναι, or nurses.

Colonies always went out under the patronage and title of some Deity. This
conducting-God was in after-times supposed to have been the real leader.

Sometimes the whole merit of a transaction was imputed to this Deity
solely; who was represented under the character of Perseus, Dionusus, or
Hercules. Hence, instead of one person, we must put a people; and the
history will be found consonant to the truth.

As the Grecians made themselves principals in many great occurrences which
were of another country, we must look abroad for the original, both of
their rites and mythology; and apply to the nations from whence they were
derived. Their original history was foreign, and ingrafted upon the history
of the country where they settled. This is of great consequence, and
repeatedly to be considered.

One great mistake frequently prevails among people who deal in these
researches, which must be carefully avoided. We should never make use of a
language which is modern, or comparatively modern, to deduce the etymology
of antient and primitive terms. Pezron applies to the modern Teutonic,
which he styles the Celtic, and says, was the language of Jupiter. But who
was Jupiter, and what has the modern Celtic to do with the history of Egypt
or Chaldea? There was an interval of two thousand years between the times
of which he treats and any history of the Celtæ: and there is still an
interval, not very much inferior to the former, before we arrive at the æra
of the language to which he applies.

It has been the custom of those writers, who have been versed in the
Oriental languages, to deduce their etymologies from roots; which are often
some portion of a verb. But the names of places and of persons are
generally an assemblage of qualities and titles; such as I have exhibited
in the treatise above; and I believe were never formed by such evolutions.
The terms were obvious, and in common use; taken from some well-known
characteristics. Those who imposed such names never thought of a root; and,
probably, did not know the purport of the term. Whoever, therefore, in
etymology, has recourse to this method of investigation, seems to me to act
like a person who should seek at the fountain-head for a city which stood
at the mouth of a river.

       *       *       *       *       *






_In order to obviate some Objections._

As I have mentioned that the Helladians came from Egypt, and the east; it
may be proper to obviate an objection which may be made, to the account I
give; as if it were contradictory to the tenor of the scriptures, as they
are in general understood. Greece, and the islands of Greece, are
continually supposed, from the account given by Moses[568], to have been
peopled by the sons of Japhet; and there is scarce any body, either antient
or modern, who has touched upon this subject, but has imagined Javan to
have been the same as Ion, the son of Xuth, from whom the Ionians were
descended. This latter point I shall not controvert at present. In respect
to the former, the account given in the scriptures is undoubtedly most
true. The sons of Japhet did people the isles of the Gentiles; by which is
meant the regions of Greece and Europe, separated in great measure from the
Asiatic continent by the intervention of the sea. They certainly were the
first inhabitants of those countries. But the Helladians, though by family
Ionians, were not of this race. They came afterwards; and all their best
writers agree, that when their ancestors made their way into these
provinces, they were possessed by a prior people. Who these were is no
where uniformly said: only they agree to term them in general Βαρβαροι, or
a rude, uncivilized people. As my system depends greatly upon this point;
to take away every prejudice to my opinion, I will in some degree
anticipate, what I shall hereafter more fully prove. I accordingly submit
to the reader the following evidences; which are comparatively few, if we
consider what might be brought to this purpose. These are to shew, that the
Helladians were of a different race from the sons of Japhet: and that the
country, when they came to it, was in the possession of another people:
which people they distinguished from themselves by the title of Βαρβαροι.

Ἑκαταιος μεν ουν ὁ Μιλησιος περι της Πελοποννησου φησιν, ὁτι προ των
Ἑλληνων ῳκησαν αυτην Βαρβαροι· σχεδον δε τι και ἡ συμπασα Ἑλλας κατοικια
Βαρβαρων ὑπηρξατο το παλαιον. Strabo. l. 7. p. 321.

Εισι δε ἡμων αρχαιοτεροι Βαρβαροι. Plato in Cratylo. vol. 1. p. 425.

Παλαι της νυν καλουμενης Ἑλλαδος Βαρβαροι τα πολλα ῳκησαν. Pausanias. l. 1.
p. 100.

Αρκαδιαν Βαρβαροι ῳκησαν. Scholia Apollonii Rhod. l. 3. v. 461.

Diodorus mentions, Αθηναιους--αποικους Σαϊτων των εξ Αιγυπτου. l. 1. p. 24.

Again--Γενομεναι δε και των ἡγεμονων τινας Αιγυπτιους παρα τοις Αθηναιοις.

Africanus having spoken of the Egyptian rites, says, Ὁτι τε Αθηναιους των
αυτων Αιγυπτιοις απολαυειν εικος ην, αποικους εκεινων απονοουμενους, ὡς
φασιν αλλοι τε, και εν τῳ Τρικαρηνῳ Θεοπομπος. Apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. l.
x. c. x. p. 491.

Concerning persons from Egypt.

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος ων, δυο γλωσσας ηπιστατο. Cedrenus p. 82.

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος το γενος, ῳκισε τας Αθηνας. Scholia Aristoph. Pluti.

  Ὡσδε απο Σαεως πολεως Αιγυπτιας,
  Μετα τον κατα Ωγυγον κατακλυσμον εκεινον,
  Ὁ Κεκροψ παρεγεγονεν Αθηναις της Ἑλλαδος. J. Tzetzes. Chil. v. hist. 18.

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος το γενος, ῳκησε τας Αθηνας. Suidas.

Pausanias mentions Λελεγα αφικομενον εξ Αιγυπτου. l. 1. p. 95.

Erectheus from Egypt. Και τον Ερεχθεα λεγουσι το γενος Αιγυπτιον οντα.
Diodorus. l. 1. p. 25.

Triptolemus from thence, who had been the companion of Osiris. Diodorus. l.
1. p. 17. He gave the Athenians laws. Porphyry mentions Των Αθηνῃσι
νομοθετων Τριπτολεμον. Abstinent. l. 4. p. 431.

It is said, that Danaus was a native of the city Chemmis; from whence he
made his expedition to Greece. Δαναος Χεμμιτης. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 91.

Navem primus ex Ægypto Danaus advexit. Pliny. l. 7. c. 56. He brought a
colony with him. Λεγουσι δε τους περι Δαναον ὁρμηθεντας ὁμοιως εκειθεν,
scil. εξ Αιγυπτου. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 24.

All the heads of the Dorian race from Egypt. Φαινοιατο αν εοντες ὁι των
Δωριεων ἡγεμονες Αιγυπτιοι ιθαγενεες. Herodotus. l. 6. c. 53.

The Lacedæmonians esteemed themselves of the same family as the Caphtorim
of Palestine: hence they surmised, that they were related to the Jews, 1
Maccabees, c. 12. v. 20, 21. Josephus: A. J. l. 12. c. 4. p. 606. Perseus
was supposed to have been a foreigner. Ὡς δε ὁ Περσεων λογος λεγεται, αυτος
ὁ Περσευς εων Ασσυριος εγενετο Ἑλλην. Herodotus. l. 6. c. 54.

It is said of Cadmus, that he came originally from Egypt, in company with
Phœnix. Καδμος και Φοινιξ απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων. Euseb. Chron. p. 15.

Eusebius in another place mentions the arrival of Cadmus with a company of
Saïtæ. They founded Athens, the principal city of Greece: also Thebes in
Bœotia. They were of Egypt; but he says, that they came last from Sidon. It
is in a passage, where he speaks of a former race in Attica before those of
Egypt called Saïtæ: Πλην των μετοικησαντων ὑστερον εκει Σαϊτων, και
κατοικησαντων την της Ἑλλαδος μητροπολιν Αθηνας, και τας Θηβας. Σιδωνιων
γαρ ὁυτοι αποικοι εκ Καδμου του Αγηνορος. Chron. p. 14. The antient
Athenians worshipped Isis: and were in their looks, and in their manners
particularly like the Egyptians. Και ταις ιδεαις, και τοις ηθεσιν
ὁμοιοτατους ειναι τοις Αιγυπτιοις. The whole of their polity was plainly
borrowed from that country. Diod. Sic. l. 1: p. 24, 25, 26.

It is said by Sanchoniathon, that Cronus, in his travels over the earth in
company with his daughter Athena, came to Attica; which he bestowed upon
her. Euseb. P. E. lib. 1. c. 10. p. 38.

This is not unlike the account given by the Scholiast upon Lycophron
concerning Cecrops: from whence the legend may receive some light. Ελθων
αρ' (ὁ Κεκροψ) απο Σαεως πολεως Αιγυπτου τας Αθηνας συνῳκισε. Σαϊς δε κατ'
Αιγυπτιους ἡ Αθηνα λεγεται, ὡς φησιν Χαραξ. Lycoph. v. 111. Schol.

Hence it is, that almost the whole of the mythology of Greece is borrowed
from Egypt. Καθολου δε, φησι, τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιασεσθαι τους επιφανεστατους
Αιγυπτιων Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 20. All their rites and
ceremonies were from the same quarter.

Πανηγυριας δε αρα, και πομπας, και προσαγωγας πρωτοι ανθρωπων Αιγυπτιοι
εισιν, ὁι ποιησαμενοι, και παρα τουτων Ἑλληνες μεμαθηκασι. Herod. l. 3. c.

Επειτα χρονου πολλου διελθοντος, επυθοντο (ὁι Ἑλληνες) εκ της Αιγυπτου
απικομενα τα ουνοματα των Θεων. Herod. l. 2. c. 52. See also l. 2. c. 4.

Και παντα τα ουνοματα των Θεων εξ Αιγυπτου εληλυθε ες την Ἑλλαδα. Herod. l.
2. c. 50. Hence it is said that the Corybantes, with their mother Comba,
came and settled at Athens: Κομβης ἑπτατοκου μετα μητερος. Nonni Dionys. l.
13. And that the priests at Athens, styled Eumolpidæ, were from Egypt.
Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 25. One of the Egyptians, who brought these
rites to Greece, is mentioned under the name of Melampus: as the Egyptians
are, in general, under the character of Melampodes. Ἑλλησι γαρ δη Μελαμπους
εστιν, ὁ εξηγησαμενος του Διονυσου ονομα, και την Θυσιαν, και την πομπην
του φαλλου. Herod. l. 2. c. 49. He is likewise said to have first
introduced physic: by which this only is meant, that physic too came from

To the same purpose may be consulted Lucian de Suriâ Deâ. Πρωτοι μην
ανθρωπων Αιγυπτιοι κτλ. Eusebius. P. Evan. lib. 10. c. 4. p. 469. and c. 5.
p. 473. Clemens Alexand. l. 1. p. 361, 381. Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 20.
p. 62, 63. and p. 86, 87. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 243, 274. Thucydides. l. 1.
c. 2, 3.

       *       *       *       *       *







       *       *       *       *       *







    Εστι που και ποταμοις τιμη, η κατ' ωφελειαν, ὡσπερ Αιγυπτιοις προς τον
    Νειλον, η κατα καλλος, ὡς Θετταλοις προς Πηνειον, η κατα μεγεθος, ὡς
    Σκυθαις προς τον Ιστρον, η κατα μυθον, ὡς Αιτωλοις προς τον
    Αχελωον.----MAX. TYRIUS. Dissert. viii. p. 81.

As the divine honours paid to the Sun, and the adoration of fire, were at
one time almost universal, there will be found in most places a similitude
in the terms of worship. And though this mode of idolatry took its rise in
one particular part of the world, yet, as it was propagated to others far
remote, the stream, however widely diffused, will still savour of the
fountain. Moreover, as people were determined in the choice of their holy
places by those preternatural phænomena, of which I have before taken
notice; if there be any truth in my system, there will be uniformly found
some analogy between the name of the temple, and its rites and situation:
so that the etymology may be ascertained by the history of the place. The
like will appear in respect to rivers and mountains; especially to those
which were esteemed at all sacred, and which were denominated from the Sun
and fire. I therefore flatter myself that the etymologies which I shall lay
before the reader will not stand single and unsupported; but there will be
an apparent analogy throughout the whole. The allusion will not be casual
and remote, nor be obtained by undue inflexions and distortions: but,
however complicated the name may appear, it will resolve itself easily into
the original terms; and, when resolved, the truth of the etymology will be
ascertained by the concomitant history. If it be a Deity, or other
personage, the truth will appear from his office and department; or with
the attributes imputed to him. To begin, then, with antient Latium. If I
should have occasion to speak of the Goddess Feronia, and of the city
denominated from her, I should deduce the from Fer-On, ignis Dei Solis; and
suppose the place to have been addicted to the worship of the Sun, and the
rites of fire. I accordingly find, from Strabo and Pliny, that rites of
this sort were practised here: and one custom, which remained even to the
time of Augustus, consisted in a ceremony of the priests, who used to walk
barefoot over burning coals: [569]Γυμνοις γαρ ποσι διεξιασιν ανθρακιαν, και
σποδιαν μεγαλην. _The priests, with their feet naked, walked over a large
quantity of live coals and cinders_. The town stood at the bottom of Mount
Soracte, sacred to Apollo; and the priests were styled Hirpi. Aruns, in
Virgil, in his address to Apollo, takes notice of this custom:

  [570]Summe Deûm, magni custos Soractis, Apollo,
  Quem primi colimus; cui pineus ardor acervo
  Pascitur, et medium freti pietate per ignem
  Cultores multâ premimus vestigia prunâ;
  Da, Pater.

The temple is said to have been founded on account of a pestilential
[571]vapour, which arose from a cavern; and to which some shepherds were
conducted by (Λυκος) a wolf. Were I to attempt the decyphering of Ferentum,
I should proceed in a manner analogous to that above. I should suppose it
to have been named _Fer-En, ignis, vel Solis fons_, from something peculiar
either in its rites or situation. I accordingly find, that there was a
sacred fountain, whose waters were styled Aquæ Ferentinæ,--cui numen etiam,
et divinus cultus tributus [572]fuit. Here was a grove, equally sacred,
mentioned by [573] Livy, and others; where the antient Latines used to hold
their chief assemblies. As this grand meeting used to be in a place
denominated from fire, it was the cause of those councils being called
Feriæ Latinæ. The fountain, which ran through the grove, arose at the foot
of mount [574]Albanus, and afterwards formed many [575]pools.

The antient Cuthites, and the Persians after them, had a great veneration
for fountains and streams; which also prevailed among other nations, so as
to have been at one time almost universal. Of this regard among the
Persians Herodotus takes notice: [576]Σεβονται ποταμους των παντων μαλιστα:
_Of all things in nature they reverence rivers most_. But if these rivers
were attended with any nitrous or saline quality, or with any fiery
eruption, they were adjudged to be still more sacred, and ever
distinguished with some title of the Deity. The natives of Egypt had the
like veneration. _Other nations_, says [577]Athanasius, _reverenced rivers
and fountains; but, above all people in the world, the Egyptians held them
in the highest honour, and esteemed them as divine._ Julius Firmicus gives
the same account of them. [578]Ægyptii aquæ beneficium percipientes aquam
colunt, aquis supplicant. From hence the custom passed westward to Greece,
Italy, and the extremities of Europe. In proof of which the following
inscription is to be found in Gruter:

[579]Vascaniæ in Hispaniâ

How much it prevailed among the Romans we learn from Seneca. [580]Magnorum
fluviorum capita veneramur--coluntur aquarum calentium fontes; et quædam
stagna, quæ vel opacitas, vel immensa altitudo sacravit. It mattered not
what the nature of the water might be, if it had a peculiar quality. At
Thebes, in Ammonia, was a fountain, which was said to have been cold by
day, and warm at night. Ἡ κρηνη [581]καλειται του ἡλιου. _It was named the
fountain of the Sun._ In Campania was a fountain Virena; which I should
judge to be a compound of Vir-En, and to signify ignis fons, from being
dedicated to the Deity of fire, on account of some particular quality. I
accordingly find in [582]Vitruvius, that it was a medicinal spring, and of
a strong vitriolic nature. The Corinthians had in their Acropolis a
[583]Pirene, of the same purport as Virena, just mentioned. It was a
beautiful fountain sacred to Apollo, whose [584]image was at the head of
the water within a sacred inclosure.

We read of a Pyrene, which was a fountain of another nature; yet of the
same etymology, however differently expressed. It was a mountain, and gave
name to the vast ridge called Saltus Pyrenæi. It is undoubtedly a compound
of [585]Pur-ain, and signifies a fountain of fire. I should imagine,
without knowing the history of the country, that this mountain once flamed;
and that the name was given from this circumstance. Agreeably to this, I
find, from Aristotle de Mirabilibus, that here was formerly an eruption of
fire. The same is mentioned by Posidonius in Strabo; and also by Diodorus,
who adds, [586]Τα μεν ορη δια το συμβεβηκος κληθηναι Πυρηναια. _That the
mountains from hence had the name of Pyrenæi._ Mount Ætna is derived very
truly by Bochart from Aituna, fornax; as being a reservoir of molten
matter. There was another very antient name, Inessus; by which the natives
called the hill, as well as the city, which was towards the bottom of it.
The name is a compound of Ain-Es, like Hanes in Egypt; and signifies a
fountain of fire. It is called Ennesia by Diodorus, who says that this name
was afterwards changed to Ætna. He speaks of the city; but the name was
undoubtedly borrowed from the mountain, to which it was primarily
applicable, and upon which it was originally conferred: [587]Και την νυν
ουσαν Αιτνην εκτησαντο, προ τουτου καλουμενην Εννησιαν. Strabo expresses
the name Innesa, and informs us, more precisely, that the upper part of the
mountain was so called, Οι δε [588]Αιτναιοι παραχωρησαντες την Ιννησαν
καλουμενην, της Αιτνης ορεινην, ᾡκησαν. _Upon this, the people, withdrawing
themselves, went and occupied the upper part of Mount Ætna, which was
called Innesa._ The city Hanes, in Egypt, was of the same etymology; being
denominated from the Sun, who was styled Hanes. Ain-Es, fons ignis sive
lucis. It was the same as the Arab Heliopolis, called now Mataiea.
Stephanas Byzantinus calls the city Inys: for that is manifestly the name
he gives it, if we take away the Greek termination, [589]Ινυσσος, πολις
Αιγυπτου: but Herodotus, [590]from whom he borrows, renders it Iënis. It
would have been more truly rendered Doricè Iänis; for that was nearer to
the real name. The historian, however, points it out plainly, by saying,
that it was three days journey from Mount [591]Casius; and that the whole
way was through the Arabian desert. This is a situation which agrees with
no other city in all Egypt, except that which was the Onium of the later
Jews. With this it accords precisely. There seem to have been two cities
named On, from the worship of the Sun. One was called Zan, Zon, and Zoan,
in the land of Go-zan, the [592]Goshen of the scriptures. The other was the
city On in Arabia; called also Hanes. They were within eight or nine miles
of each other, and are both mentioned together by the prophet [593]Isaiah.
_For his princes were at Zoan, and his ambassadors came to Hanes_. The name
of each of these cities, on account of the similarity of worship, has by
the Greeks been translated [594]Heliopolis; which has caused great
confusion in the history of Egypt. The latter of the two was the Iänis, or
Ιανισος, of the Greeks; so called from Hanes, the great fountain of light,
the Sun; who was worshipped under that title by the Egyptians and Arabians.
It lies now quite in ruins, close to the village Matarea, which has risen
from it. The situation is so pointed out, that we cannot be mistaken: and
we find, moreover, which is a circumstance very remarkable, that it is at
this day called by the Arabians Ain El Sham, the fountain of the Sun; a
name precisely of the same purport as Hanes. Of this we are informed by the
learned geographer, D'Anville, and others; though the name, by different
travellers, is expressed with some variation. [595]Cette ville presque
ensévelie sous des ruines, et voisine, dit Abulfeda, d'un petit lieu nommé
Matarea, conserve dans les géographies Arabes le nom d'Ainsiems ou du
fontain du Soleil. A like account is given by Egmont and [596]Hayman;
though they express the name Ain El Cham; a variation of little
consequence. The reason why the antient name has been laid aside, by those
who reside there, is undoubtedly this. Bochart tells us, that, since the
religion of Mahomet has taken place, the Arabs look upon Hanes as the
devil: [597]proinde ab ipsis ipse Dæmon הנאס vocatur. Hence they have
abolished Hanes: but the name Ain El Cham, of the same purport, they have
suffered to remain.

I have before taken notice of an objection liable to be made from a
supposition, that if Hanes signified _the fountain of light_, as I have
presumed, it would have been differently expressed in the Hebrew. This is a
strange fallacy; but yet very predominant. Without doubt those learned men,
who have preceded in these researches, would have bid fair for noble
discoveries, had they not been too limited, and biassed, in their notions.
But as far as I am able to judge, most of those, who have engaged in
inquiries of this nature, have ruined the purport of their labours through
some prevailing prejudice. They have not considered, that every other
nation, to which we can possibly gain access, or from whom we have any
history derived, appears to have expressed foreign terms differently from
the natives, in whose language they were found. And without a miracle the
Hebrews must have done the same. We pronounce all French names differently
from the people of that country: and they do the same in respect to us.
What we call London, they express Londres: England they style Angleterre.
What some call Bazil, they pronounce Bal: Munchen, Munich: Mentz, Mayence:
Ravenspurg, Ratisbon. The like variation was observable of old. Carthago of
the Romans was Carchedon among the Greeks. Hannibal was rendered Annibas:
Asdrubal, Asdroubas: and probably neither was consonant to the Punic mode
of expression. If then a prophet were to rise from the dead, and preach to
any nation, he would make use of terms adapted to their idiom and usage;
without any retrospect to the original of the terms, whether they were
domestic, or foreign. The sacred writers undoubtedly observed this rule
towards the people, for whom they wrote; and varied in their expressing of
foreign terms; as the usage of the people varied. For the Jewish nation at
times differed from its neighbours, and from itself. We may be morally
certain, that the place, rendered by them Ekron, was by the natives called
Achoron; the Accaron, Ακκαρων, of Josephus, and the Seventy. What they
termed Philistim, was Pelestin: Eleazar, in their own language, they
changed to Lazar, and Lazarus: and of the Greek συνεδριον they formed
Sanhedrim. Hence we may be certified, that the Jews, and their ancestors,
as well as all nations upon earth, were liable to express foreign terms
with a variation, being led by a natural peculiarity in their mode of
speech. They therefore are surely to be blamed, who would deduce the
orthography of all antient words from the Hebrew; and bring every
extraneous term to that test. It requires no great insight into that
language to see the impropriety of such procedure. Yet no prejudice has
been more [598]common. The learned Michaelis has taken notice of this
[599]fatal attachment, and speaks of it as a strange illusion. He says,
that _it is the reigning influenza, to which all are liable, who make the
Hebrew their principal study_. The only way to obtain the latent purport of
antient terms is by a fair analysis. This must be discovered by an apparent
analogy; and supported by the history of the place, or person, to whom the
terms relate. If such helps can be obtained, we may determine very truly
the etymology of an Egyptian or Syriac name; however it may appear
repugnant to the orthography of the Hebrews. The term Hanes is not so
uncommon as may be imagined. Zeus was worshipped under this title in
Greece, and styled Ζευς Αινησιος. The Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius
mentions his temple, and terms it [600]Διος Αινησιου ἱερον ου μνημονευει
και Λεων εν περιπλῳ, και Δημοσθενης εν λιμεσι. It is also taken notice of
by Strabo, who speaks of a mountain Hanes, where the temple stood.
[601]Μεγιστον δε ορος εν αυτῃ Αινος (lege Αινης) εν ᾡ το του Διος Αινησιου
ἱερον. The mountain of Zeus Ainesius must have been Aines, and not Ainos;
though it occurs so in our present copies of Strabo. The Scholiast above
quotes a verse from Hesiod, where the Poet styles the Deity Αινηιος.

  Ενθ' ὁιγ' ευχεσθην Αινηιῳ ὑψιμεδοντι.

Aineïus, and Ainesius are both alike from Hanes, the Deity of Egypt, whose
rites may be traced in various parts. There were places named Aineas, and
Ainesia in Thrace; which are of the same original. This title occurs
sometimes with the prefix Ph'anes: and the Deity so called was by the early
theologists thought to have been of the highest antiquity. They esteemed
him the same as [602]Ouranus, and Dionusus: and went so far as to give him
a creative [603]power, and to deduce all things from him. The Grecians from
Phanes formed Φαναιος, which they gave as a title both to [604]Zeus, and
Apollo. In this there was nothing extraordinary, for they were both the
same God. In the north of Italy was a district called Ager [605]Pisanus.
The etymology of this name is the same as that of Hanes, and Phanes; only
the terms are reversed. It signifies ignis fons: and in confirmation of
this etymology I have found the place to have been famous for its hot
streams, which are mentioned by Pliny under the name of Aquæ Pisanæ. Cuma
in Campania was certainly denominated from Chum, heat, on account of its
soil, and situation. Its medicinal [606]waters are well known; which were
called Aquæ Cumanæ. The term Cumana is not formed merely by a Latine
inflection; but consists of the terms Cumain, and signifies a hot fountain;
or a fountain of Chum, or Cham, the Sun. The country about it was called
Phlegra; and its waters are mentioned by Lucretius.

  [607]Qualis apud Cumas locus est, montemque Vesevum,
  Oppleti calidis ubi fumant fontibus auctus.

Here was a cavern, which of old was a place of prophecy. It was the seat of
the Sibylla Cumana, who was supposed to have come from [608]Babylonia. As
Cuma was properly Cuman; so Baiæ was Baian; and Alba near mount
Albanus[609], Alban: for the Romans often dropped the n final. Pisa, so
celebrated in Elis, was originally Pisan, of the same purport as the Aquæ
Pisanæ above. It was so called from a sacred fountain, to which only the
name can be primarily applicable: and we are assured by Strabo [610]Την
κρηνην Πισαν ειρησθαι, that the fountain had certainly the name of Pisan. I
have mentioned that Mount Pyrene was so called from being a fountain of
fire: such mountains often have hot streams in their vicinity, which are
generally of great utility. Such we find to have been in Aquitania at the
foot of this mountain, which were called Thermæ Onesæ; and are mentioned by
Strabo, as [611]Θερμα καλλιστα ποτιμωτατου ὑδατος. What in one part of the
world was termed Cumana, was in another rendered Comana. There was a grand
city of this name in Cappadocia, where stood one of the noblest Puratheia
in Asia. The Deity worshipped was represented as a feminine, and styled
Anait, and Anaïs; which latter is the same as Hanes. She was well known
also in Persis, Mesopotamia, and at Egbatana in Media. Both An-ait, and
An-ais, signifies a fountain of fire. Generally near her temples, there was
an eruption of that element; particularly at Egbatana, and Arbela. Of the
latter Strabo gives an account, and of the fiery matter which was near it.
[612]Περι Αρβηλα δε εστι και Δημητριας πολις· ειθ' ἡ του ναφθα πηγη, και τα
πυρα (or πυρεια) και το της Αναιας ἱερον.

I should take the town of Egnatia in Italy to have been of the same purport
as Hanes above mentioned: for Hanes was sometimes expressed with a
guttural, Hagnes; from whence came the ignis of the Romans. In Arcadia near
mount Lyceus was a sacred fountain; into which one of the nymphs, which
nursed Jupiter, was supposed to have been changed. It was called Hagnon,
the same as Ain-On, the fount of the Sun. From Ain of the Amonians,
expressed Agn, came the ἁγνος of the Greeks, which signified any thing pure
and clean; purus sive castus. Hence was derived ἁγνειον, πηγαιον· ἁγναιον,
καθαρον· ἁγνη, καθαρα: as we may learn from Hesychius. Pausanias styles the
fountain [613]Hagno: but it was originally Hagnon, the fountain of the Sun:
hence we learn in another place of Hesychius, ἁγνοπολεισθαι, το ὑπο ἡλιου
θερεσθαι. The town Egnatia, which I mentioned above, stood in campis
Salentinii, and at this day is called Anazo, and Anazzo. It was so named
from the rites of fire: and that those customs were here practised, we may
learn from some remains of them among the natives in the times of Horace
and Pliny. The former calls the place by contraction [614]Gnatia:

          Dein Gnatia Nymphis
  Iratis extructa dedit risumque, jocumque;
  Dum flammis sine thura liquescere limine sacro
  Persuadere cupit.

Horace speaks as if they had no fire: but according to Pliny they boasted
of having a sacred and spontaneous appearance of it in their temple.
[615]Reperitur apud auctores in Salentino oppido Egnatiâ, imposito ligno in
saxum quoddam ibi sacram protinus flammam existere. From hence,
undoubtedly, came also the name of Salentum, which is a compound of Sal-En,
Solis fons; and arose from this sacred fire to which the Salentini
pretended. They were Amonians, who settled here, and who came last from
Crete [616]Τους δε Σαλεντινους Κρητων αποικους φασι. Innumerable instances
of this sort might be brought from Sicily: for this island abounded with
places, which were of Amonian original. Thucydides and other Greek writers,
call them Phenicians[617]: Ωκουν δε και Φοινικες περι πασαν μεν Σικελιαν.
But they were a different people from those, which he supposes. Besides,
the term Phenician was not a name, but a title: which was assumed by people
of different parts; as I shall shew. The district, upon which the Grecians
conferred it, could not have supplied people sufficient to occupy the many
regions, which the Phenicians were supposed to have possessed. It was an
appellation, by which no part of Canaan was called by the antient and true
inhabitants: nor was it ever admitted, and in use, till the Grecians got
possession of the coast. It was even then limited to a small tract; to the
coast of Tyre and Sidon.

If so many instances may be obtained from the west, many more will be
found, as we proceed towards the east; from whence these terms were
originally derived. Almost all the places in Greece were of oriental
etymology; or at least from Egypt. I should suppose that the name of
Methane in the Peloponnesus had some relation to a fountain, being
compounded of Meth-an, the fountain of the Egyptian Deity, Meth, whom the
Greeks called Μητις, Meetis.

  [618]Και Μητις πρωτος γενετωρ, και Ερως πολυτερπης.

We learn from [619]Pausanias, that there was in this place a temple and a
statue of Isis, and a statue also of Hermes in the forum; and that it was
situated near some hot springs. We may from hence form a judgment, why this
name was given, and from what country it was imported. We find this term
sometimes compounded Meth-On, of which name there was a town in
[620]Messenia. Instances to our purpose from Greece will accrue continually
in the course of our work.

One reason for holding waters so sacred arose from a notion, that they were
gifted with supernatural powers. Jamblichus takes notice of many ways, by
which the gift of divination was to be obtained. [621]_Some_, says he,
_procure a prophetic spirit by drinking the sacred water, as is the
practice of Apollo's priest at Colophon. Some by sitting over the mouth of
the cavern, as the women do, who give out oracles at Delphi. Others are
inspired by the vapour, which arises from the waters; as is the case of
those who are priestesses at Branchidæ_. He adds,[622] _in respect to the
oracle at Colophon, that the prophetic spirit was supposed to proceed from
the water. The fountain, from whence it flowed, was in an apartment under
ground; and the priest went thither to partake of the emanation_. From this
history of the place we may learn the purport of the name, by which this
oracular place was called. Colophon is Col-Oph On, tumulus Dei Solis
Pythonis, and corresponds with the character given. The river, into which
this fountain ran, was sacred, and named Halesus; it was also called
[623]Anelon: An-El-On, Fons Dei Solis. Halesus is composed of well-known
titles of the same God.

Delos was famed for its oracle; and for a fountain sacred to the prophetic
Deity. It was called [624]Inopus. This is a plain compound of Ain-Opus,
Fons Pythonis. Places named Asopus, Elopus, and like, are of the same
analogy. The God of light, Orus, was often styled Az-El; whence we meet
with many places named Azelis, Azilis, Azila, and by apocope, Zelis, Zela,
and Zeleia. In Lycia was the city Phaselis, situated upon the mountain
[625]Chimæra; which mountain had the same name, and was sacred to the God
of fire. Phaselis is a compound of Phi, which, in the Amonian language, is
a mouth or opening; and of Azel above mentioned. Ph'Aselis signifies Os
Vulcani, sive apertura ignis; in other words a chasm of fire. The reason
why this name was imposed may be seen in the history of the place[626].
Flagrat in Phaselitide Mons Chimæra, et quidem immortali diebus, et
noctibus flammâ. Chimæra is a compound of Cham-Ur, the name of the Deity,
whose altar stood towards the top of the [627]mountain. At no great
distance stood Mount Argaius, which was a part of the great ridge, called
Taurus. This Argaius may be either derived from Har, a mountain; or from
Aur, fire. We may suppose Argaius to signify Mons cavus: or rather _ignis
cavitas_, sive _Vulcani domus_, a name given from its being hollow, and at
the same time a reservoir of fiery matter. The history of the mountain may
be seen in Strabo; who says, that it was immensely high, and ever covered
with snow; it stood in the vicinity of Comana, Castabala, Cæsarea, and
Tyana: and all the country about it abounded with fiery [628]eruptions. But
the most satisfactory idea of this mountain may be obtained from coins,
which were struck in its vicinity; and particularly [629]describe it, both
as an hollow and an inflamed mountain.

In Thrace was a region called Pæonia, which seems to have had its name from
P'Eon, the God of light[630]. The natives of these parts were styled both
Peonians and Pierians; which names equally relate to the Sun. Agreeably to
this Maximus Tyrius tells us, that they particularly worshipped that
luminary: and adds, that they had no image; but instead of it used to
suspend upon an high pole a disk of metal, probably of fine gold, as they
were rich in that mineral: and before this they performed their

There is an apparent analogy between the names of places farther east;
whose inhabitants were all worshippers of the Sun. Hence most names are an
assemblage of his titles. Such is Cyrestia, Chalybon, Comana, Ancura,
Cocalia, Cabyra, Arbela, Amida, Emesa, Edessa, and the like. Emesa is a
compound of Ham-Es: the natives are said by Festus Avienus to have been
devoted to the Sun:

  [632]Denique flammicomo devoti pectora Soli
  Vitam agitant.

Similar to Emesa was Edessa, or more properly Adesa, so named from Hades,
the God of light. The emperor Julian styles the region--Ἱερον εξ αιωνος τῳ
Ἡλιῳ [633]Χωριον. This city was also, from its worship, styled [634]Ur,
Urhoe, and Urchoë; which last was probably the name of the [635]temple.

There were many places called Arsene, Arsine, Arsinoë, Arsiana. These were
all the same name, only varied in different countries; and they were
consequently of the same purport. Arsinoë is a compound of arez-ain, Solis
fons: and most places so denominated will be found famed for some fountain.
One of this name was in Syria; [636]Αρσινοη πολις εν Συριᾳ, επι βουνῳ
κειμενη. απο δε του βουνου κρηνας ερευγεται πλειονας--αφ' ὡν ἡ πολις
ωνομασται. _Arsinoë is a city in Syria, situated upon a rising ground, out
of which issue many streams: from hence the city had its name_. Arsine and
Arsiana in Babylonia had [637]fountains of bitumen. Arsene in Armenia was a
nitrous lake: [638]Αρσηνη λιμην--νιτριτις. Near Arsinoë, upon the Red Sea,
were hot streams of bitter [639]waters; and Arsinoë near [640]Ephesus had
waters equally bitter.

There were many people called Hyrcani; and cities and regions, Hyrcania: in
the history of which there will be uniformly found some reference to fire.
The name is a compound of Ur-chane, the God of that element. He was
worshipped particularly at Ur, in Chaldea: and one tribe of that nation
were called Urchani. Strabo mentions them as only one branch of the
[641]literati; but [642]Pliny speaks of them as a people, a tribe of the
Chaldeans. Here was the source of fire worship: and all the country was
replete with bitumen and fire. There was a region [643]Hyrcania, inhabited
by the Medes; which seems to have been of the same inflammable nature. The
people were called Hyrcani, and Astabeni: which latter signifies the sons
of fire. Celiarius mentions a city Hyrcania in [644]Lydia. There were
certainly people styled Hyrcani; and a large plain called Campus Hyrcanus
[645] in the same part of the world. It seems to have been a part of that
parched and burning region called κατακεκαυμενη, so named from the fires
with which it abounded. It was near Hierapolis, Caroura, and Fossa
Charonea; all famed for fire.

It may seem extraordinary, yet I cannot help thinking, that the Hercynian
forest in Germany was no other than the Hurcanian, and that it was
denominated from the God Urcan, who was worshipped here as well as in the
east. It is mentioned by Eratosthenes and Ptolemy, under the name of δρυμος
Ορκυνιος, or the forest of [646]Orcun; which is, undoubtedly, the same name
as that above. I have taken notice, that the name of the mountain Pyrene
signified a fountain of fire, and that the mountain had once flamed. There
was a Pyrene among the Alpes [647]Tridentini, and at the foot of it a city
of the same [648]name; which one would infer to have been so denominated
from the like circumstance. I mention this, because here was the regio
Hercynia, where the Hercynian forest[649] commenced, and from which it
received its name. Beatus Rhenanus, in his account of these parts, says,
that there was a tradition of this mountain Pyrene once[650] burning: and,
conformably to this notion, it is still distinguished by the name of the
great [651]Brenner. The country, therefore, and the forest may have been
called Orcunian upon this account. For as the worship of the Sun, the Deity
of fire, prevailed greatly at places of this nature, I make no doubt but
Hercynia, which Ptolemy expresses Ορκυνια was so named from Or-cun, the God
of that element.

We must not be surprised to find Amonian names among the Alpes; for some of
that family were the first who passed them. The merit of great performances
was by the Greeks generally attributed to a single person. This passage
therefore through the mountains is said by some to have been the work of
Hercules: by others of Cottus, and [652]Cottius. From hence this particular
branch of the mountains had the name of Alpes Cottiae; and the country was
called Regio Cottiana: wherein were about twelve capital [653]cities. Some
of that antient and sacred nation, the Hyperboreans, are said by Posidonius
to have taken up their residence in these parts. [654]Τους
Ὑπερβορεους--οικειν περι τας Αλπεις της Ιταλιας. Here inhabited the
Taurini: and one of the chief cities was Comus. Strabo styles the country
the land of [655]Ideonus, and Cottius. These names will be found hereafter
to be very remarkable. Indeed many of the Alpine appellations were Amonian;
as were also their rites: and the like is to be observed in many parts of
Gaul, Britain, and Germany. Among other evidences the worship of Isis, and
of her sacred ship, is to be noted; which prevailed among the Suevi.
[656]Pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat: unde causa et origo peregrino
sacro, parum comperi; nisi quod signum ipsum in modum Liburnæ figuratum
docet advectam religionem. The ship of Isis was also reverenced at Rome:
and is marked in the [657]calendar for the month of March. From whence the
mystery was derived, we may learn from [658]Fulgentius. Navigium Isidis
Ægyptus colit. Hence we find, that the whole of it came from Egypt. The
like is shewn by [659]Lactantius. To this purpose I could bring innumerable
proofs, were I not limited in my progress. I may perhaps hereafter
introduce something upon this head, if I should at any time touch upon the
antiquities of Britain and Ireland; which seem to have been but imperfectly
known. Both of these countries, but especially the latter, abound with
sacred terms, which have been greatly overlooked. I will therefore say so
much in furtherance of the British Antiquarian, as to inform him, that
names of places, especially of hills, promontories, and rivers, are of long
duration; and suffer little change. The same may be said of every thing,
which was esteemed at all sacred, such as temples, towers, and high mounds
of earth; which in early times were used for altars. More particularly all
mineral and medicinal waters will be found in a great degree to retain
their antient names: and among these there may be observed a resemblance in
most parts of the world. For when names have been once determinately
affixed, they are not easily effaced. The Grecians, who under Alexander
settled in Syria, and Mesopotamia, changed many names of places, and gave
to others inflections, and terminations after the mode of their own
country. But Marcellinus, who was in those parts under the Emperor Julian,
assures us, that these changes and variations were all cancelled: and that
in his time the antient names prevailed. Every body, I presume, is
acquainted with the history of Palmyra, and of Zenobia the queen; who
having been conquered by the emperor Aurelian, was afterwards led in
triumph. How much that city was beautified by this princess, and by those
of her family, may be known by the stately ruins which are still extant.
Yet I have been assured by my late excellent and learned friend Mr. Wood,
that if you were to mention Palmyra to an Arab upon the spot, he would not
know to what you alluded: nor would you find him at all more acquainted
with the history of Odænatus, and Zenobia. Instead of Palmyra he would talk
of Tedmor; and in lieu of Zenobia he would tell you, that it was built by
Salmah Ebn Doud, that is by Solomon the son of David. This is exactly
conformable to the account in the scriptures: for it is said in the Book of
Chronicles, [660]_He also_ (Solomon) _built Tadmor in the wilderness_. The
Grecian name Palmyra, probably of two thousand years standing, is novel to
a native Arab.

As it appeared to me necessary to give some account of the rites, and
worship, in the first ages, at least in respect to that great family, with
which I shall be principally concerned, I took this opportunity at the same
time to introduce these etymological inquiries. This I have done to the
intent that the reader may at first setting out see the true nature of my
system; and my method of investigation. He will hereby be able to judge
beforehand of the scope which I pursue; and of the terms on which I found
my analysis. If it should appear that the grounds, on which I proceed, are
good, and my method clear, and warrantable, the subsequent histories will
in consequence of it receive great illustration. But should it be my
misfortune to have my system thought precarious, or contrary to the truth,
let it be placed to no account, but be totally set aside: as the history
will speak for itself; and may without these helps be authenticated.

[Illustration: Pl. I. _Mons Argæus Ex Numism Tyanorum et Cæsariensium_]

       *       *       *       *       *







As soon as religion began to lose its purity, it degenerated very fast;
and, instead of a reverential awe and pleasing sense of duty, there
succeeded a fearful gloom and unnatural horror, which were continually
augmented as superstition increased. Men repaired in the first ages either
to the lonely summits of mountains, or else to caverns in the rocks, and
hollows in the bosom of the earth; which they thought were the residence of
their Gods. At the entrance of these they raised their altars and performed
their vows. Porphyry takes notice how much this mode of worship prevailed
among the first nations upon the earth: [661]Σπηλαια τοινυν και αντρα των
παλαιοτατων, πριν και ναους επινοησαι, θεοις αφοσιουντων και εν Κρητῃ μεν
Κουρητων Διι, εν Αρκαδιᾳ δε Σεληνῃ, και Πανι εν Λυκειῳ και εν Ναξῳ Διονυσῳ.
When in process of time they began to erect temples, they were still
determined in their situation by the vicinity of these objects, which they
comprehended within the limits of the sacred inclosure. These melancholy
recesses were esteemed the places of the highest sanctity: and so greatly
did this notion prevail, that, in aftertimes, when this practice had
ceased, still the innermost part of the temple was denominated the
_cavern_. Hence the Scholiast upon Lycophron interprets the words παρ'
αντρα in the poet, [662]Τους εσωτατους τοπους του ναου. _The cavern is the
innermost place of the temple_. Pausanias, speaking of a cavern in Phocis,
says, that it was particularly sacred to Aphrodite. [663]Αφροδιτη δ' εχει
εν σπηλαιῳ τιμας. _In this cavern divine honours were paid to Aphrodite._
Parnassus was rendered holy for nothing more than for these unpromising
circumstances. Ἱεροπρεπης ὁ Παρνασσος, εχων αντρα τε και αλλα χωρια
τιμωμενα τε, και, ἁγιστευομενα.[664] _The mountain of Parnassus is a place
of great reverence; having many caverns, and other detached spots, highly
honoured and sanctified_. At Tænarus was a temple with a fearful aperture,
through which it was fabled that Hercules dragged to light the dog of hell.
The cave itself seems to have been the temple; for it is said, [665]Επι τῃ
ακρᾳ Ναος εικασμενος σπηλαιῳ. _Upon the top of the promontory stands a
temple, in appearance like a cavern_. The situation of Delphi seems to have
been determined on account of a mighty chasm in the hill, [666]οντος
χασματος εν τῳ τοπῳ: and Apollo is said to have chosen it for an oracular
shrine, on account of the effluvia which from thence proceeded.

  [667]Ut vidit Pæan vastos telluris hiatus
  Divinam spirare fidem, ventosque loquaces
  Exhalare solum, sacris se condidit antris,
  Incubuitque adyto: vates ibi factus Apollo.

Here also was the temple of the [668]Muses, which stood close upon a
reeking stream. But, what rendered Delphi more remarkable, and more
reverenced, was the Corycian cave, which lay between that hill and
Parnassus. It went under ground a great way: and Pausanias, who made it his
particular business to visit places of this nature, says, _that it was the
most extraordinary of any which he ever beheld_. [669]Αντρον Κωρυκιον
σπηλαιων, ὡν ειδον, θεας αξιον μαλιστα. There were many caves styled
Corycian: one in Cilicia, mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus from
Parthenius, who speaks of a city of the same name: Παρ' ᾑ το Κωρυκιον
αντρον Νυμφων, αξιαγαστον θεαμα. _Near which city was the Corycian cavern,
sacred to the nymphs, which afforded a sight the most astonishing_. There
was a place of this sort at [670]Samacon, in Elis; and, like the above,
consecrated to the nymphs. There were likewise medicinal waters, from which
people troubled with cutaneous and scrofulous disorders found great
benefit. I have mentioned the temple at Hierapolis in [671]Phrygia; and the
chasm within its precincts, out of which there issued a pestilential
vapour. There was a city of the same name in [672]Syria, where stood a
temple of the highest antiquity; and in this temple was a fissure, through
which, according to the tradition of the natives, the waters at the deluge
retired. Innumerable instances might be produced to this purpose from
Pausanias, Strabo, Pliny, and other writers.

It has been observed, that the Greek term κοιλος, hollow, was often
substituted for Coëlus, heaven: and, I think, it will appear to have been
thus used from the subsequent history, wherein the worship of the
Atlantians is described. The mythologists gave out, that Atlas supported
heaven: one reason for this notion was, that upon mount Atlas stood a
temple to Coëlus. It is mentioned by Maximus Tyrius in one of his
dissertations, and is here, as in many other instances, changed to κοιλος,
hollow. The temple was undoubtedly a cavern: but the name is to be
understood in its original acceptation, as Coël, the house of God; to which
the natives paid their adoration. This mode of worship among the Atlantian
betrays a great antiquity; as the temple seems to have been merely a vast
hollow in the side of the mountain; and to have had in it neither image,
nor pillar, nor stone, nor any material object of adoration: [673]Εστι δε
Ατλας ορος κοιλον, επιεικως ὑψηλον.--Τουτο Λιβυων και ἱερον, και θεος, και
ὁρκος, και αγαλμα. _This Atlas (of which I have been speaking) is a
mountain with a cavity, and of a tolerable height, which the natives esteem
both as a temple and a Deity: and it is the great object by which they
swear; and to which they pay their devotions_. The cave in the mountain was
certainly named Co-el, the house of God; equivalent to Cœlus of the Romans.
To this the people made their offerings: and this was the heaven which
Atlas was supposed to support. It seems to have been no uncommon term among
the Africans. There was a city in Libya named Coël, which the Romans
rendered Coëlu. They would have expressed it Coelus, or Cœlus; but the name
was copied in the time of the Punic wars, before the s final was admitted
into their writings. Vaillant has given several specimens of coins struck
in this city to the honour of some of the Roman [674]emperors, but
especially of Verus, Commodus, and Antoninus Pius.

[Illustration: Pl. II. _Temple of Mithras near Naki Rustan in Persia. Also
temples in the rock near the Plain of the Magi._ From Le Bruyn.]

Among the Persians most of the temples were caverns in rocks, either formed
by nature, or artificially produced. They had likewise Puratheia, or open
temples, for the celebration of the rites of fire. I shall hereafter shew,
that the religion, of which I have been treating, was derived from the sons
of Chus: and in the antient province of Chusistan, called afterwards
Persis, there are to be seen at this day many curious monuments of
antiquity, which have a reference to that worship. The learned Hyde
supposes them to have been either [675]palaces, or tombs. The chief
building, which he has taken for a palace, is manifestly a Puratheion; one
of those open edifices called by the Greeks Ὑπαιθρα. It is very like the
temple at Lucorein in upper Egypt, and seems to be still entire. At a
glance we may perceive, that it was never intended for an habitation. At a
distance are some sacred grottos, hewn out of the rock; the same which he
imagines to have been tombs. Many of the antients, as well as of the
moderns, have been of the same opinion. In the front of these grottos are
representations of various characters: and among others is figured, more
than once, a princely personage, who is approaching the altar where the
sacred fire is [676]burning. Above all is the Sun, and the figure of a
Deity in a cloud, with sometimes a sacred bandage, at other times a serpent
entwined round his middle, similar to the Cnuphis of Egypt. Hyde supposes
the figure above to be the soul of the king, who stands before the altar:
but it is certainly an emblem of the Deity, of which we have a second
example in Le [677]Bruyn, copied from another part of these edifices. Hyde
takes notice, that there were several repetitions of this history, and
particularly of persons, solem et ignem in pariete delineatos intuentes:
yet he forms his judgment from one specimen only. These curious samples of
antient architecture are described by [678]Kæmpfer, [679]Mandesloe,
[680]Chardin, and [681]Le Bruyn. They are likewise taken notice of by
[682]Thevenot, and Herbert. In respect to the grottos I am persuaded, that
they were temples, and not tombs. Nothing was more common among the
Persians than to have their temples formed out of rocks. Mithras e
[683]Petrâ was in a manner a proverb. Porphyry assures us, that the Deity
had always a rock or cavern for his temple: that people, in all places,
where the name of Mithras was known, paid their worship at a [684]cavern.
Justin Martyr speaks to the same [685]purpose: and Lutatius Placidus
mentions that this mode of worship began among the Persians, [686]Persæ in
spelæis coli solem primi invenisse dicuntur. There is therefore no reason
to think that these grottos were tombs; or that the Persians ever made use
of such places for the sepulture of their kings. The tombs of [687]Cyrus,
[688]Nitocris, and other oriental princes, were within the precincts of
their cities: from whence, as well as from the devices upon the
entablatures of these grottos, we may be assured that they were designed
for temples. Le Bruyn indeed supposes them to have been places of burial;
which is very natural for a person to imagine, who was not acquainted with
the antient worship of the people. Thevenot also says, that he [689]went
into the caverns, and saw several stone coffins. But this merely
conjectural: for the things, to which he alludes, were not in the shape of
coffins, and had undoubtedly been placed there as cisterns for water, which
the Persians used in their nocturnal lustrations. This we may, in great
measure, learn from his own words: for he says, that these reservoirs were
square, and had a near resemblance to the basons of a fountain. The hills,
where these grottos have been formed, are probably the same, which were of
old famous for the strange echoes, and noises heard upon them. The
circumstance is mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus[690], who quotes it from
the writers, who treated of the Persic history. It seems that there were
some sacred hills in Persis, where, as people passed by, there were heard
shouts, as of a multitude of people: also hymns and exultations, and other
uncommon noises. These sounds undoubtedly proceeded from the priests at
their midnight worship: whose voices at that season were reverberated by
the mountains, and were accompanied with a reverential awe in those who
heard them. The country below was called Χωρα των Μαγων, the region of the

The principal building also, which is thought to have been a palace, was a
temple; but of a different sort. The travellers above say, that it is
called Istachar: and Hyde repeats it, and tells us, that it signifies e
rupe sumptum, seu rupe constans saxeum palatium: and that it is derived
from the Arabic word sachr, rupes, in the eighth [691]conjugation. I am
sorry, that I am obliged to controvert this learned man's opinion, and to
encounter him upon his own ground, about a point of oriental etymology. I
am entirely a stranger to the Persic, and Arabic languages; yet I cannot
acquiesce in his opinion. I do not think that the words e rupe sumptum, vel
rupe constans saxeum palatium, are at any rate materials, out of which a
proper name could be constructed. The place to be sure, whether a palace,
or a temple, is built of stone taken from the quarry, or rock: but what
temple or palace is not? Can we believe that they would give as a proper
name to one place, what was in a manner common to all; and choose for a
characteristic what was so general and indeterminate? It is not to be
supposed. Every symbol, and representation relates to the worship of the
country: and all history shews that such places were sacred, and set apart
for the adoration of fire, and the Deity of that element, called Ista, and
Esta.[692] Ista-char, or Esta-char is the place or temple of Ista or Esta;
who was the Hestia, Ἑστια, of the Greeks, and Vesta of the Romans. That the
term originally related to fire we have the authority of Petavius.
[693]Hebraïcâ linguâ אש ignem significat, Aramæâ אשתא quâ voce ignem a
Noëmo vocatum Berosus prodidit: atque inde fortassis Græci Ἑστιας originem
deduxerunt. Herbert, therefore, with great propriety, supposes the building
to have been the temple of [694]Anaia, or Anaïs; who was the same as Hanes,
as well as Hestia. Procopius, speaking of the sacred fire of the Persians,
says expressly, that it was the very same which in aftertimes the Romans
worshipped, and called the fire of Hestia, or Vesta. [695]Τουτο εστι το
πυρ, ὁπερ Ἑστιαν εκαλουντο, και εσεβοντο εν τοις ὑστεροις χρονοις Ρωμαιοι.
This is farther proved from a well known verse in Ovid.

  [696]Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam.

Hyde renders the term after Kæmpfer, Ista: but it was more commonly
expressed Esta, and Asta. The Deity was also styled Astachan, which as a
masculine signified Sol Dominus, sive Vulcanus Rex. This we may infer from
a province in Parthia, remarkable for eruptions of fire, which was called
[697]Asta-cana, rendered by the Romans Astacene, the region of the God of
fire. The island Delos was famous for the worship of the sun: and we learn
from Callimachus, that there were traditions of subterraneous fires
bursting forth in many parts of it.

  [698]Φυκος ἁπαν κατεφλεξας, επει περικαιεο πυρι.

Upon this account it was called [699]Pirpile; and by the same poet Histia,
and Hestia, similar to the name above. [700]Ιστιη, ω νησων ευεστιη. The
antient Scythæ were worshippers of fire: and Herodotus describes them as
devoted to Histia[701]. Ἱλασκοντας Ἱστιην μεν μαλιστα. From hence, I think,
we may know for certain the purport of the term Istachar, which was a name
given to the grand Pureion in Chusistan from the Deity there worshipped. It
stands near the bottom of the hills with the caverns in a widely-extended
plain: which I make no doubt is the celebrated plain of the magi mentioned
above by Clemens. We may from these data venture to correct a mistake in
Maximus Tyrius, who in speaking of fire-worship among the Persians, says,
that it was attended with acclamations, in which they invited the Deity to
take his repast[702]. Πυρ, δεσποτα, εσθιε. What he renders εσθιε, was
undoubtedly Ἑστιε, Hestie, the name of the God of fire. The address was, Ω
Πυρ, δεσποτα, Ἑστιε: O mighty Lord of fire, Hestius: which is changed to O
Fire, come, and feed.

The island Cyprus was of old called [703]Cerastis, and Cerastia; and had a
city of the same name. This city was more known by the name of Amathus: and
mention is made of cruel rites practised in its [704]temple. As long as the
former name prevailed, the inhabitants were styled Cerastæ. They were more
particularly the priests who were so denominated; and who were at last
extirpated for their cruelty. The poets imagining that the term Cerastæ
related to a horn, fabled that they were turned into bulls.

  [705] Atque illos gemino quondam quibus aspera cornu
  Frons erat, unde etiam nomen traxere Cerastæ.

There was a city of the same name in Eubœa, expressed Carystus, where the
stone [706]Asbestus was found. Of this they made a kind of cloth, which was
supposed to be proof against fire, and to be cleansed by that element. The
purport of the name is plain; and the natural history of the place affords
us a reason why it was imposed. For this we are obliged to Solinus, who
calls the city with the Grecian termination, Carystos; and says, that it
was noted for its hot streams: [707]Carystos aquas calentes habet, quas
Ελλοπιας vocant. We may therefore be assured, that it was called Car-ystus
from the Deity of fire, to whom all hot fountains were sacred. Ellopia is a
compound of El Ope, Sol Python, another name of the same Deity. Carystus,
Cerastis, Cerasta, are all of the same purport: they betoken a place, or
temple of Astus, or Asta, the God of fire. Cerasta in the feminine is
expressly the same, only reversed, as Astachar in Chusistan. Some places
had the same term in the composition of their names, which was joined with
Kur; and they were named in honour of the Sun, styled Κυρος, Curos. He was
worshipped all over Syria; and one large province was hence named Curesta,
and Curestica, from Κυρ Ἑστος, Sol Hestius.

In Cappadocia were many Puratheia; and the people followed the same manner
of worship, as was practised in Persis. The rites which prevailed, may be
inferred from the names of places, as well as from the history of the
country. One city seems to have been denominated from its tutelary Deity,
and called Castabala. This is a plain compound of Ca-Asta-Bala, the place
or temple of Asta Bala; the same Deity, as by the Syrians was called
Baaltis. Asta Bala was the Goddess of fire: and the same customs prevailed
here as at Feronia in Latium. The female attendants in the temple used to
walk with their feet bare over burning [708]coals.

Such is the nature of the temple named Istachar; and of the caverns in the
mountains of Chusistan. They were sacred to Mithras, and were made use of
for his rites. Some make a distinction between Mithras, Mithres, and
Mithra: but they were all the same Deity, the [709]Sun, esteemed the chief
God of the Persians. In these gloomy recesses people who were to be
initiated, were confined for a long season in the dark, and totally
secluded from all company. During this appointed term they underwent, as
some say, eighty kinds of trials, or tortures, by way of expiation.
[710]Mithra apud Persas Sol esse existimatur: nemo vero ejus sacris
initiari potest, nisi per aliquot suppliciarum gradus transierit. Sunt
tormentorum ij lxxx gradus, partim intensiores.--Ita demum, exhaustis
omnibus tormentis, sacris imbuuntur. Many [711]died in the trial: and those
who survived were often so crazed and shaken in their intellects, that they
never returned to their former state of mind.

Some traces of this kind of penance may be still perceived in the east,
where the followers of Mahomet have been found to adopt it. In the history
given by Hanway of the Persian monarch, Mir Maghmud, we have an account of
a process similar to that above, which this prince thought proper to
undergo. He was of a sour and cruel disposition, and had been greatly
dejected in his spirits; on which account he wanted to obtain some light
and assistance from heaven. [712]_With this intent Maghmud undertook to
perform the spiritual exercises which the Indian Mahommedans, who are more
addicted to them than those of other countries, have introduced into
Kandahar. This superstitious practice is observed by shutting themselves up
fourteen or fifteen days in a place where no light enters. The only
nourishment they take is a little bread and water at sun-set. During this
retreat they employ their time in repeating incessantly, with a strong
guttural voice, the word_ Hou, _by which they denote one of the attributes
of the Deity. These continual cries, and the agitations of the body with
which they were attended, naturally unhinge the whole frame. When by
fasting and darkness the brain is distempered, they fancy they see spectres
and hear voices. Thus they take pains to confirm the distemper which puts
them upon such trials_.

_Such was the painful exercise which Maghmud undertook in January this
year; and for this purpose he chose a subterraneous vault. In the beginning
of the next month, when he came forth, he was so pale, disfigured, and
emaciated, that they hardly knew him. But this was not the worst effect of
his devotion. Solitude, often dangerous to a melancholy turn of thought,
had, under the circumstances of his inquietude, and the strangeness of his
penance, impaired his reason. He became restless and suspicious, often
starting_.--In one of these fits he determined to put to death the whole
family of his predecessor, Sha Hussein; among whom were several brothers,
three uncles, and seven nephews, besides that prince's children. All these,
in number above an hundred, the tyrant cut to pieces with his own hand in
the palace yard, where they were assembled for that bloody purpose. Two
small children only escaped by the intervention of their father, who was
wounded in endeavouring to screen them.

[Illustration: Pl. III. Petra, Mithra or Temple of Mithras from Thevenot. Part 2.]

The reverence paid to caves and grottos arose from a notion that they were
a representation of the [713]world; and that the chief Deity whom the
Persians worshipped proceeded from a cave. Such was the tradition which
they had received, and which contained in it matter of importance. Porphyry
attributes the original of the custom to Zoroaster, whoever Zoroaster may
have been; and says, that he first consecrated a natural cavern in Persis
to Mithras, the creator and father of all things. He was followed in this
practice by others, who dedicated to the Deity places of this [714]nature;
either such as were originally hollowed by nature, or made so by the art of
man. Those, of which we have specimens exhibited by the writers above, were
probably enriched and ornamented by the Achaimenidæ of Persis, who
succeeded to the throne of Cyrus. They are modern, if compared with the
first introduction of the worship; yet of high antiquity in respect to us.
They are noble relics of Persic architecture, and afford us matter of great

       *       *       *       *       *





The term Omphi is of great antiquity, and denotes an oracular influence, by
which people obtained an insight into the secrets of futurity. I have taken
notice with what reverence men in the first ages repaired to rocks and
caverns, as to places of particular sanctity. Here they thought that the
Deity would most likely disclose himself either by a voice, or a dream, or
some other præternatural token. Many, for the same purpose, worshipped upon
hills, and on the tops of high mountains; imagining that they hereby
obtained a nearer communication with heaven. Hence we read, as far back as
the days of Moses, concerning the high places in [715]Canaan. And, under
the kings of Israel and Judah, that the people _made their offerings in
high places_. We are particularly told of Pekah, the son of Remaliah, that
_he walked in the way of the [716] kings of Israel; yea, and made his sons
to pass through the fire, according to the abominations of the heathen--and
he sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places, and on the hills, and
under every green tree_. And many times when a reformation was introduced
under some of the wiser and better princes, it is still lamented by the
sacred writer, that [717] _the high places were not taken away: the people
still offered, and burnt incense on the high places_. It is observable,
when the king of Moab wanted to obtain an answer from God, that he took
Balaam the prophet, and brought him to the [718]high places of Baal. And,
finding that he could not obtain his purpose there, he carried him into the
field of Zophim unto the top of Pisgah; and from thence he again removed
him to the top of Peor. In all these places _he erected seven altars, and
offered a bullock and a ram on every[719] altar_. It is said of Orpheus,
that he went with some of his disciples to meet Theiodamas, the son of
Priam, and to partake in a sacrifice which he every year offered upon the
summit of a high[720] mountain. We are told by Strabo, that the Persians
always performed their worship upon hills[721]. Περσαι τοινυν αγαλματα και
βωμους ουχ ἱδρυονται· Θυουσι δε εν ὑψηλῳ τοπῳ, τον ουρανον ηγουμενοι Δια.

The people of Cappadocia and Pontus observed the like method of worship:
and, of all sacrifices, wherever exhibited upon high places, none, perhaps,
ever equalled in magnificence that which was offered by Mithridates upon
his war with the Romans. He followed the Persic modes of worship, as well
as the mixed rites of the Chaldeans and Syrians. Hence he chose one of the
highest mountains in his dominions: upon the top of which he reared an
immense pile, equal in size to the summit on which it stood: and there he
sacrificed to the God of armies--[722]Εθυε τῳ Στρατιῳ Διι πατριον θυσιαν,
επι ορους ὑψηλου κορυφην μειζονα αλλην επιτιθεις. The pile was raised by
his vassal princes: and the offerings, besides those customary, were wine,
honey, oil, and every species of aromatics. The fire is said to have been
perceived at the distance of near a thousand stadia. The Roman poet makes
his hero choose a like situation for a temple which he erected to Venus;
and for the grove which he dedicated to the manes of his father.

  [723]Tum vicina astris Ericino in vertice sedes
  Fundatur Veneri Idaliæ: tumuloque Sacerdos,
  Et lucus, late sacer, additur Anchiseo.

In Japan most of their temples at this day are constructed upon eminences;
and often upon the ascent of high mountains. They are all, [724]says
Kæmpfer, most sweetly seated: A curious view of the adjacent country, a
spring and rivulet of clear water, and the neighbourhood of a grove with
pleasant walks, being the necessary qualifications of those spots of ground
where these holy structures are to be built: for they say that the Gods are
extremely delighted with such high and pleasant places.

This practice in early times was almost universal; and every [725]mountain
was esteemed holy. The people, who prosecuted this method of worship,
enjoyed a soothing infatuation, which flattered the gloom of superstition.
The eminences to which they retired were lonely, and silent; and seemed to
be happily circumstanced for contemplation and prayer. They, who frequented
them, were raised above the lower world; and fancied that they were brought
into the vicinity of the powers of the air, and of the Deity who resided in
the higher regions. But the chief excellence for which they were
frequented, was the Omphi, expressed ομφη by the Greeks, and interpreted
[726]Θεια κληδων, vox divina, being esteemed a particular revelation from
heaven. In short, they were looked upon as the peculiar places where God
delivered his oracles. Hermæus in Plutarch expresses this term ομφις,
omphis; and says, that it was the name of an Egyptian Deity: and he
interprets it, I know not for what reason, [727]ευεργετης. The word truly
rendered was Omphi or Amphi, the oracle of Ham; who, according to the
Egyptian theology, was the same as the Sun, or Osiris. He was likewise
revered as the chief Deity by the Chaldeans; and by most nations in the
east. He was styled both Ham, and Cham: and his oracles both Omphi and
Ompi. In consequence of this, the mountains where they were supposed to be
delivered, came to be denominated Har-al-Ompi; which al-ompi by the Greeks
was changed to Ολυμπος, Olympus; and the mountain was called ορος Ολυμπου.
There were many of this name. The Scholiast upon Apollonius reckons up
[728]six: but there were certainly more, besides a variety of places styled
upon the same account [729]Olympian. They were all looked upon to be
prophetic; and supposed to be the residence of the chief Deity, under
whatever denomination he was specified, which was generally the God of
light. For these oracles no place was of more repute than the hill at
Delphi, called Omphi-El, or the oracle of the Sun. But the Greeks, who
changed Al-omphi to Olympus, perverted these terms in a manner still more
strange: for finding them somewhat similar in sound to a word in their own
language, their caprice immediately led them to think of ομφαλος, a navel,
which they substituted for the original word. This they did uniformly in
all parts of the world; and always invented some story to countenance their
mistake. Hence, whenever we meet with an idle account of a navel, we may be
pretty sure that there is some allusion to an oracle. In respect to Delphi,
they presumed that it was the umbilicus, or centre of the whole earth. The
poets gave into this notion without any difficulty; Sophocles calls it
[730]μεσομφαλα Γης μαντεια: and Euripides avers that it was the precise
centre of the earth:

  [731]Οντως μεσον ομφαλον γας
    Φοιβου κατεχει δομος.

Livy, the historian, does not scruple to accede to this notion, and to call
it [732]umbilicum orbis terrarum. Strabo speaks of it in this light, but
with some hesitation. [733]Της Ἑλλαδος εν μεσῳ ΠΩΣ εστι της
συμπασης--ΕΝΟΜΙΣΘΗ δη και οικουμενης· και εκαλεσαν της γης ΟΜΦΑΛΟΝ. Varro
very sensibly refutes this idle notion in some [734]strictures upon a
passage in the poet Manilius to the purpose above.

                  O, sancte Apollo,
  Qui umbilicum certum terrarum obtines.

Upon which he makes this remark: Umbilicum dictum aiunt ab umbilico nostro,
quod is medius locus sit terrarum, ut umbilicus in nobis: quod utrumque est
falsum. Neque hic locus terrarum est medius; neque noster umbilicus est
hominis medius. Epimenides long before had said the same:

  [735]Ουτε γαρ ην γαιης μεσος ομφαλος, ουδε θαλασσης.

But supposing that this name and character had some relation to Delphi, how
are we to account for other places being called after this manner? They
could not all be umbilical: the earth cannot be supposed to have different
centres: nor could the places thus named be always so situated, as to be
central in respect to the nation, or the province in which they were
included. Writers try to make it out this way: yet they do not seem
satisfied with the process. The contradictory accounts shew the absurdity
of the notion. It was a term borrowed from Egypt, which was itself an
Omphalian region. Horus Apollo not knowing the meaning of this has made
Egypt the centre of the earth: [736]Αιγυπτων γη μεση της οικουμενης.
Pausanias mentions an Omphalus in the Peloponnesus, which was said to have
been the middle of that country. He seems however to doubt of this
circumstance, as he well may[737]. Ου πορρω δε εστιν ὁ καλουμενος Ομφαλος,
Πελοποννησου δε πασης μεσον, ει δη τα οντα ειρηκασι. _At no great distance
is a place called the Omphalus, or navel; which is the centre of the whole
Peloponnesus, if the people here tell us the truth_. At Enna in [738]Sicily
was an Omphalus: and the island of Calypso is represented by Homer as the
umbilicus of the sea. The Goddess resided--[739]Νησῳ εν αμφιρυτῃ ὁθι τ'
ομφαλος εστι θαλασσης. The Ætolians were styled umbilical; and looked upon
themselves as the central people in Greece, like those of Delphi. But this
notion was void of all truth in every instance which has been produced: and
arose from a wrong interpretation of antient terms. What the Grecians
styled Omphalus was certainly Ompha-El, the same as Al-Ompha; and related
to the oracle of Ham or the Sun: and these temples were Prutaneia, and
Puratheia, with a tumulus or high altar, where the rites of fire were in
antient times performed. As a proof of this etymology most of the places
styled Olympian, or Omphalian, will be found to have a reference to an
oracle. Epirus was celebrated for the oracle at Dodona: and we learn from
the antient poet, Reianus, that the natives were of old called Omphalians:

  [740]Συν τε Παραυαιοι, και αμυμονες Ομφαλιηεις.

There was an Omphalia in Elis; and here too was an oracle mentioned by
[741]Pindar and Strabo: [742]Την δε επιφανειαν εσχεν (ἡ Ολυμπια) εξ αρχης
δια το μαντειον του Ολυμπιου Διος. _The place derived all its lustre
originally from the oracular temple of Olympian Jove._ In this province was
an antient city [743]Alphira; and a grove of Artemis [744]Alpheionia, and
the whole was watered by the sacred river Alpheus. All these are derived
from El, the prophetic Deity, the Sun; and more immediately from his
oracle, Alphi. The Greeks deduced every place from some personage: and
Plutarch accordingly makes Alpheus[745]--Ἑις των το γενος αφ' ἡλιου
καταγοντων, one of those who derived their race from the Sun. The term
Alphi, from whence the Greeks formed Alphira, Alpheionia, and Alpheüs, is
in acceptation the same as Amphi. For Ham being by his posterity esteemed
the Sun, or El; and likewise Or, the same as Orus; his oracles were in
consequence styled not only Amphi, and Omphi, but Alphi, Elphi, Orphi,

I have taken notice of several cities called Omphalian, and have observed,
that they generally had oracular temples: but by the Greeks they were
universally supposed to have been denominated from a navel. There was a
place called [746]Omphalian in Thessaly: and another in Crete, which had a
celebrated [747]oracle. It is probably the same that is mentioned by
Strabo, as being upon mount Ida, where was the city Elorus. Diodorus speaks
of this oracle, named Omphalian; but supposes that the true name was
ομφαλος, omphalus: and says, that it was so called (strange to tell)
because Jupiter, when he was a child, lost his navel here, which dropped
into the river Triton: [748]Απο τουτου τοτε συμβαντος Ομφαλον
προσαγορευθηναι το χωριον: _from this accident the place had the name of
Omphalus, or the navel_. Callimachus in his hymn to Jupiter dwells upon
this circumstance:

  [749]Ευτε Θενας απελειπεν επι Κνωσσοιο φερουση,
  Ζευ πατερ, ἡ Νυμφη σε (Θεναι δ' εσαν εγγυθι Κνωσσου)
  Τουτακι τοι πεσε, Δαιμον, απ' ομφαλος, ενθεν εκεινο
  Ομφαλιον μετεπειτα πεδον καλεουσι Κυδωνες.

Who would imagine, that one of the wisest nations that ever existed could
rest satisfied with such idle figments: and how can we account for these
illusions, which overspread the brightest minds? We see knowing and
experienced people inventing the most childish tales; lovers of science
adopting them; and they are finally recorded by the grave historian: all
which would not appear credible, had we not these evidences so immediately
transmitted from them. And it is to be observed that this blindness is only
in regard to their religion; and to their mythology, which was grounded
thereupon. In all other respects they were the wisest of the sons of men.

We meet in history with other places styled Omphalian. The temple of
Jupiter Ammon was esteemed of the highest antiquity, and we are informed
that there was an omphalus here; and that the Deity was worshipped under
the form of a navel. Quintus Curtius, who copied his history from the
Greeks, gives us in the life of Alexander the following strange account,
which he has embellished with some colouring of his own. [750]Id, quod pro
Deo colitur, non eandem effigiem habebat, quam vulgo Diis Artifices
accommodârunt. _Umbilico_ maxime similis est habitus, smaragdo, et gemmis,
coagmentatus. Hunc, cum responsum petitur, navigio aurato gestant
Sacerdotes, multis argenteis _pateris_ ab utroque navigii latere
pendentibus. The whole of this is an abuse of terms, which the author did
not understand, and has totally misapplied. One would imagine that so
improbable a story, as that of an umbilical Deity with his silver basons,
though patched up with gold and emeralds, would have confuted itself. Yet
Schottus in his notes upon Curtius has been taken with this motly
description: and in opposition to all good history, thinks that this idle
story of a navel relates to the compass. Hyde too has adopted this notion;
and proceeds to shew how each circumstance may be made to agree with the
properties of the magnet. [751]Illa nempe Jovis effigies videtur
semiglobulare quiddam, uti est compassus marinus, formâ umbilici librarii,
seu umbonis, tanquam ενθεον quoddam adoratum, propter ejusdem divinum
auxilium: utpote in quo index magneticus erat sicut intus existens quidam
deus, navigiorum cursum in medio æquore dirigens. These learned men were
endued with a ready faith: and not only acquiesce in what they have been
told, but contribute largely to establish the mistake. The true history is
this. Most places in which was the supposed oracle of a Deity, the
Grecians, as I have before mentioned, styled Olympus, Olympia, and
Olympiaca: or else Omphale, and Omphalia, and the province χωριον Ομφαλιον.
These terms were thought to relate to a navel: but, if such an
interpretation could have been made to correspond with the history of any
one place, yet that history could not have been reiterated; nor could
places so widely distant have all had the same reference. What was
terminated ομφαλος was [752]Omph-El, the oracle of God, the seat of divine
influence: and Al-Omphi was a name given to mountains and eminences upon
the same account. An oracle was given to Pelias in Thessaly: and whence did
it proceed? from the well wooded omphalus of his mother Earth.

  [753]Ηλθε δε ὁι κρυοεν
  Πυκινῳ μαντευμα θυμῳ
  Παρα μεσον ομφαλον
  Ευδενδροιο ῥηθεν ματερος.--

In other words, it proceeded from the stately grove of Hestia, where stood
an oracular temple.

In respect to the omphalus of Ammon, which Curtius has translated
umbilicus, and garnished with gold and jewels, the whole arises from a
mistake in terms, as in the many instances before. It was Omphi El, the
oracle of Ham, or the Sun: and the shrine, from whence it was supposed to
proceed, was carried in a boat. The Pateræ, represented as so many silver
basons, were in reality the interpreters of the oracle. They were the
priests, who in the sacred processions walked on each side, and supported
both the image and the boat in which it was carried. They are said to have
been eighty in number; and they pretended to bear the Deity about, just as
they were by the divine impulse directed. _The God_, says [754]Diodorus
Siculus, _is carried about in a ship of gold by eighty of his priests. They
bear him upon their shoulders, and pursue their way by instinct, just as
the divine automaton chances to direct them._ These persons, who thus
officiated, were probably the same as the Petipharæ of the antient
Egyptians, but were called Pateræ by the Greeks. It was a name, and office,
by which the priests of Delphi, and of many other places besides those in
Egypt, were distinguished: and the term always related to oracular
interpretation. Hence Bochart describes these priests, and their function,
very justly. [755]Pateræ Sacerdotes Apollinis, oraculorum interpretes.
Pator, or Petor, was an Egyptian word; and Moses speaking of Joseph, and
the dreams of Pharaoh, more than once makes use of it in the sense above.
It occurs Genesis. c. 41. v. 8.--v. 13. and manifestly alludes to an
interpretation of that divine intercourse, which the Egyptians styled
Omphi. This was communicated to Pharaoh by a dream: for the Omphi was
esteemed not only a verbal response, but also an intimation by
[756]dreams--Ομφη, φημη θεια, θεια κληδων--ονειρου φαντασματα. Hesychius.
So it likewise occurs in Eusebius; who quotes a passage from the oracles of
Hecate, wherein the Gods are represented, as insensibly wafted through the
air like an Omphean vision.

  [757]Τους δε μεσους μεσατοισιν επεμβεβαωτας αηταις
  Νοσφι πυρος θειοιο ΠΑΝΟΜΦΕΑΣ ηυτ' ΟΝΕΙΡΟΥΣ.

These Omphean visions were explained by Joseph; he interpreted the dreams
of Pharaoh: wherefore the title of Pator is reckoned by the Rabbins among
the names of Joseph. There is thought to be the same allusion to divine
interpretation in the name of the apostle Peter: Πετρος, ὁ επιλυων, ὁ
επιγινωσκων. Hesych. Petrus Hebræo sermone agnoscens notat. Arator. From
these examples we may, I think, learn that the priest was styled Petor, and
Pator: and that it was the place, which properly was called Patora. The
Colossal statue of Memnon in the Thebaïs was a Patora, or oracular image.
There are many inscriptions upon different parts of it; which were copied
by Dr. Pocock[758], and are to be seen in the first volume of his travels.
They are all of late date in comparison of the statue itself; the antiquity
of which is very great. One of these inscriptions is particular, and
relates to the Omphi, which seems to have frightened away some ill-disposed
people in an attempt to deface the image:

  [759]Εικονα λωβητηρες ελυμηναντ' ὁτι διαν
  Θειοτατου νυκτωρ ομφην επι Μεμνονος ηλθον.

One of the most famous oracles of Apollo was in Lycia: and in consequence
of it the place was named Patara. Patra in Achaia was of the same purport.
I should imagine, that the place where Balaam the false [760]prophet
resided, was of the same nature; and that by Pethor and Pethora was meant a
place of interpretation, or oracular temple. There was probably a college
of priests; such as are mentioned to have existed among the Amonians: of
whom Balaam had been by the king of Moab appointed chief Petora, or priest.
It seems to have been the celebrated place in Arabia, famous in after times
for the worship of Alilat, and called by the Romans [761]Petra.

The custom of carrying the Deity in a shrine, placed in a boat, and
supported by priests, was in use among the Egyptians, as well as the
[762]Ammonites. It is a circumstance which deserves our notice; as it
appears to be very antient, and had doubtless a mysterious allusion. We
have three curious examples of it among [763]Bishop Pocock's valuable
specimens of antiquity, which he collected in those parts. He met with them
at Luxorein, or [764]Lucorein, near Carnac, in the Thebaïs; but mentions
not what they relate to: nor do I know of any writer who has attended to
their history. The accounts given above by Curtius, and Diodorus, are
wonderfully illustrated by these representations from Egypt. It is plain
that they all relate to the same religious ceremony, and very happily
concur to explain each other. It may be worth observing, that the originals
whence these copies were taken are of the highest antiquity; and, probably,
the most early specimens of sculpture in the world. Diodorus mentions that
the shrine of Ammon had eighty persons to attend it: but Dr. Pocock, when
he took these copies, had not time to be precisely accurate in this
article. In his specimens the greatest number of attendants are twenty:
eighteen support the boat, and one precedes with a kind of sceptre; another
brings up the rear, having in his hand a rod, or staff, which had
undoubtedly a mystic allusion. The whole seems to have been emblematical;
and it will be hereafter shewn, that it related to a great preservation,
which was most religiously recorded, and became the principal subject of
all their mysteries. The person in the shrine was their chief ancestor, and
the whole process was a memorial of the deluge; the history of which must
have been pretty recent when these works were executed in Egypt.

[Illustration: _Pl. IV. The Ship of Isis Biprora with an Ark._]

[Illustration: _Ship of Isis and Image. From Pocock's Account of Egypt. Pl. XLII._]

From the shrines of Amon abovementioned we may derive the history of all
oracles; which, from the Deity by whom they were supposed to be uttered,
were called Omphi and Amphi, as I have shewn: also, Alphi, Elphi, Orphi,
Urphi, from El, and Orus. The Greeks adhered religiously to antient terms,
however obsolete and unintelligible. They retained the name of Amphi,
though they knew not the meaning: for it was antiquated before they had
letters. That it originally related to oracular revelation is plain from
its being always found annexed to the names of places famous on that
account; and from its occurring in the names of men, renowned as priests
and augurs, and supposed to have been gifted with a degree of
foreknowledge. We read of Amphiaraus, Amphilocus, Amphimachus, persons
represented as under particular divine influence, and interpreters of the
will of the Gods. Amphion, though degraded to a harper, was Amphi-On, the
oracle of Apollo, the Sun: and there was a temple, one of the antient
ὑπαιθρα, dedicated to him and Zethus, as we may read in Pausanias. Mopsus,
the diviner, is styled Αμπυκιδης, Ampucides; which is not a patronymic, but
a title of the oracular Deity.

  [765]Ενθα και Αμπυκιδην αυτῳ ενι ηματι Μοψον
  Νηλειης ἑλε ποτμος· αδευκεα δ' ου φυγεν αισαν
  Μαντοσυναις· ου γαρ τις αποτροπιη θανατοιο.

Idmon, the reputed son of Abas, was a prophet, as well as Mopsus: he was
favoured with the divine Omphe, and, like the former, styled Ampucides.

  [766]Ενθα μεν αισα παρεσχε καταφθισθαι δυο φωτας,
  Αμπυκιδην Ιδμωνα, κυβερνητηρα τε Τιφυν.

What his attainments were, the Poet mentions in another place.

  [767]Δε τοτ' Αβαντος παις νοθος ηλυθε καρτερος Ιδμων,
  Τον ῥ' υποκυσσαμενη τεκεν Απολλωνι ανακτι
  Αμβροσιον παρα κυμα φερετριος Αντιανειρα,
  Τῳ και ΜΑΝΤΟΣYΝΗΝ επορε, και θεσφατον ΟΜΦΗΝ.

To say the truth, these supposed prophets were Deities, to whom temples
were consecrated under these names; or, to speak more properly, they were
all titles, which related to one God, the Sun. That they were reputed
Deities, is plain, from many accounts. Dion Cassius speaks of Αμφιλοχου
χρηστηριον: and the three principal oracles mentioned by Justin Martyr are
[768]μαντεια--Αμφιλοχου Δωδωνης, και Πυθους. We have a similar account from
Clemens Alexandrinus. [769]Διηγησαι ἡμιν και της αλλης μαντικης, μαλλον δε
μανικης, τα αχρηστα χρηστηρια, τον Κλαριον, τον Πυθιον, τον Αμφιαρεω, τον
Αμφιλοχον. The Amphictuons were originally prophetic personages, who
attended at the temple at Delphi. Hesychius observes:
Αμφικτυονες--περιοικοι Δελφων, πυλαγοραι, ιερομνημονες. Minerva, heavenly
wisdom, is by Lycophron styled [770]Amphira; which is a compound of
Amphi-Ur, the divine influence, or oracle of Orus. Of this name there was a
city near Olympia in Elis: for many places were in this manner denominated,
on account of their being esteemed the seat of prophecy. In Phocis was the
city Hyampolis: and close to it [771] Amphissa, famous for the oracle of an
unknown Goddess, the daughter of Macaria. Amphrysus, in Bœotia, was much
famed for the influence of [772] Apollo; and Amphimallus, in Crete, was
well known for its [773] oracle. Amphiclea, in [774] Phocis, had Dionusus
for its guardian Deity, whose orgies were there celebrated; and whose
shrine was oracular.

I imagine that this sacred influence, under the name of Amphi, is often
alluded to in the exordia of Poets, especially by the writers in
Dithyrambic measure, when they address Apollo. Taken in its usual sense
(αμφι circum) the word has no meaning: and there is otherwise no accounting
for its being chosen above all others in the language to begin hymns of
praise to this Deity, who was the principal God of prophecy. We have one
instance of it in the Nubes of Aristophanes:

  [775]Αμφι μοι αυτε αναξ,
  Δηλιε, Κυνθιαν εχων
  Ὑψικερατα πετραν.

Periander is mentioned as beginning a hymn with a like exordium: Αμφι μοι
αυθις ανακτα: And Terpander has nearly the same words: [776]Αμφι μοι αυθις
ανακθ' ἑκατηβολον. Apollo was so frequently called Αμφι αναξ, that it was
in a manner looked upon as a necessary proœemium. Suidas observes,
Αμφιανακτιζειν το προοιμιαζειν: And Hesychius, Αμφιανακτα, αρχη νομου
Κιθαρωδικου. Much the same is told us in the Scholia upon the passage above
from Aristophanes: [777]Μιμειται δε (Αριστοφανης) τον Διθυραμβων τα
προοιμια· συνεχως γαρ χρωνται ταυτῃ λεξει· διο αμφιανακτας αυτους καλουσι.
However, none of these writers inform us why this word was so particularly
used; nor tell us what was its purport. In the short hymns ascribed to
Homer this term is industriously retained; and the persons who composed
them have endeavoured to make sense of it, by adopting it according to the
common acceptation.

  Αμφι μοι Ερμειαο φιλον γονον εννεπε, Μουσα.
  Αμφι Διοσκουρων ἑλικωπιδες εσπετε, Μουσαι.
  Αμφι Διωνυσου Σεμελης ερικυδεος ὑιον

These hymns were of late date, long after Homer; and were introduced in
Ionia, and also in Cyprus and Phenicia, when the Grecians were in
possession of those parts. They were used in the room of the antient hymns,
which were not understood by the new inhabitants. One of them is
confessedly addressed to the Goddess called Venus Ourania, in Cyprus; and
was designed to be sung by the priest of that Goddess upon the stated
festivals at Salamis.

  [779] Χαιρε, Θεα, Σαλαμινος εϋκτιμενης μεδεουσα,
  Και πασης Κυπρου· δος δ' ἱμεροεσσαν αοιδην,
  Αυταρ εγω κεν σειο και αλλης μνησομ' αοιδης.

We may perceive, from what has been said, that the word Amphi was a term of
long standing, the sense of which was no longer understood: yet the sound
was retained by the Greeks, and used for a customary exclamation. In
respect to the more antient exordia above quoted, especially that of
Terpander, I take the words to be an imitation, rather than a translation,
of a hymn sung at Delphi in the antient Amonian language; the sound of
which has been copied, rather than the sense, and adapted to modern terms
of a different meaning. I make no doubt but that there were many antient
hymns preserved in those oracular temples, which were for a long time
retained, and sung, when their meaning was very imperfectly known. They
were, for the most part, composed in praise of Ham, or the Sun; and were
sung by the Homeridæ, and Iämidæ. They were called after his titles, Ad,
Athyr, Amphi, which the Grecians expressed Dithyrambi. They were strains of
joy and exultation, attended with grand processions: and from the same
term, dithyrambus, was derived the θριαμβος of the Greeks, and the
triumphus of the Romans. We are informed that triumphs were first
instituted by [780]Bacchus, who was no other than Chus: the history,
therefore, of the term must be sought for from among the Cuseans. That it
was made up of titles, is plain, from its being said by Varro to have been
a [781]name; and one that was given by the Amonians among other personages
to Dionusus: for they were not in this point uniform. Diodorus takes notice
that it was a name, and conferred upon the person spoken of: [782]Θριαμβον
δε αυτον ωνομασθηναι φασι: _They say, that one of the titles given to
Dionusus was Thriambus_. Ham, in the very antient accounts of Greece, is
called Iämus, and his priests Iämidæ. His oracle, in consequence of this,
was styled Iämphi, and Iämbi, which was the same term as Amphi, of which we
have been treating. From the name Iambi came the measure Ιαμβος, Iambus, in
which oracles were of old delivered. Ham, among the Egyptians, was called
[783]Tithrambo, which is the same name as the Ditherambus of Diodorus.
There is a remarkable passage in the Scholia upon Pindar concerning Ham,
under the name of Iamus, and also concerning his temple, which is
represented as oracular. [784] Μαντειον ην εν Ολυμπιᾳ, ὁυ αρχηγος γεγονεν
Ιαμος, τῃ δια εμπυρων μαντειᾳ, ἡ και μεχρι του νυν ὁι Ιαμιδαι χρωνται.
_There was in Olympia an antient temple, esteemed a famous seat of
prophecy, in which Iamus is supposed to have first presided; and where the
will of the Deity was made manifest by the sacred fire upon the altar: this
kind of divination is still carried on by a set of priests, who are called
Iamidæ._ Ιαμος αρχηγος was in reality the Deity; and his attendants were
[785]Iamidæ, persons of great power and repute. Εξ ὁυ πολυκλειτον καθ'
Ἑλλανος γενος Ιαμιδων. Pindar. Iämus was immortal, and was therefore named

  [786]Και καταφαμιξεν καλεισθαι μιν
  Χρονῳ συμπαντι ματηρ

From hence we may be assured, that he was of old the real Deity of the

I have mentioned, that in the sacred processions in early times the Deity
used to be carried about in a shrine; which circumstance was always
attended with shouts, and exclamations, and the whole was accompanied with
a great concourse of people. The antient Greeks styled these celebrities
the procession of the [787]P'omphi, and from hence were derived the words
πομπη, and pompa. These originally related to a procession of the oracle:
but were afterwards made use of to describe any cavalcade or show. In the
time of Herodotus the word seems in some degree to have retained its true
meaning, being by him used for the oracular influence. He informs us that
Amphilutus was a diviner of Acharnan; and that he came to Pisistratus with
a commission from heaven. By this he induced that prince to prosecute a
scheme which he recommended. [788] Ενταυθα θειῃ πομπῃ χρεωμενος παρισταται
Πεισιστρατῳ Αμφιλυτος.--Θειη πομπη is a divine revelation, or commission.
Ham was the Hermes of the Egyptians, and his oracle, as I have shewn, was
styled Omphi: and when particularly spoken of as _the_ oracle, it was
expressed P'omphi, and P'ompi, the πομπη of the Greeks. Hence Hermes had
the name of πομπαιος, which was misinterpreted the messenger, and
conductor: and the Deity was in consequence of it made the servant of the
Gods, and attendant upon the dead. But πομπαιος related properly to divine
influence; and πομπη was an oracle. An ox, or cow, was by the Amonians
esteemed very sacred, and oracular: Cadmus was accordingly said to have
been directed πομπῃ βοος.

  [789]Ενθα και εννασθη πομπῃ βοος, ἡν ὁι Απολλων
  Ωπασε μαντοσυνησι προηγητειραν ὁδοιο.

Many places were from the oracle styled P'ompean: and supposed by the
Romans to have been so named from Pompeius Magnus; but they were too
numerous, and too remote to have been denominated from him, or any other
Roman. There was indeed Pompeiæ in Campania: but even that was of too high
antiquity to have received its name from Rome. We read of Pompeiæ among the
Pyrenees, Pompion in Athens, Pompelon in Spain, Pompeditha in Babylonia,
Pomponiana in Gaul. There were some cities in Cilicia and Cappadocia, to
which that Roman gave the name of Pompeipolis: but upon, inquiry they will
be found to have been Zeleian cities, which were oracular: go that the
Romans only gave a turn to the name in honour of their own countryman, by
whom these cities were taken.

Besides the cities styled Pompean, there were pillars named in like manner;
which by many have been referred to the same person. But they could not
have been built by him, nor were they erected to his memory: as I think we
may learn from their history. There are two of this denomination still
remaining at a great distance from each other: both which seem to have been
raised for a religious purpose. The one stands in Egypt at [790]Alexandria;
the other at the extreme point of the Thracian Bosporus, where is a
communication between the Propontis and the antient Euxine sea. They seem
to be of great antiquity, as their basis witnesses at this day: the shaft
and superstructure is of later date. The pillar at the Bosporus stands upon
one of the Cyanean rocks: and its parts, as we may judge from [791]Wheeler,
betray a difference in their æra. It was repaired in the time of Augustus:
and an inscription was added by the person who erected the column, and who
dedicated the whole to that Emperor.


We may learn from the inscription, however mutilated, that this pillar was
not the work of Pompeius Magnus; nor could it at all relate to his history:
for the time of its being rebuilt was but little removed from the age in
which he lived. The original work must have therefore been far prior. The
pillar in Egypt is doubtless the same which was built upon the ruins of a
former, by Sostratus of Cnidos, before the time of Pompeius: so that the
name must have been given on another account. The inscription is preserved
by [793]Strabo.


The narrow streight into the Euxine sea was a passage of difficult
navigation. This was the reason, that upon each side there were temples and
sacred columns erected to the Deity of the country, in order to obtain his
assistance. And there is room to think, that the pillars and obelisks were
made use of for beacons, and that every temple was a Pharos. They seem to
have been erected at the entrance of harbours; and upon eminences along the
coasts in most countries. The pillars of Hercules were of this sort, and
undoubtedly for the same purpose. They were not built by him; but erected
to his honour by people who worshipped him, and who were called Herculeans.
[794]Εθος γαρ παλαιον ὑπηρξε το τιθεσθαι τοιουτους ορους, καθαπερ ὁι
Ρηγινοι την στηλιδα εθεσαν, την επι τῳ πορθμῳ κειμενην, πυργον τι. Και ο
Πελωρος λεγομενος πυργος αντικειται τῃ ταυτῃ στηλιδι. _For it was a
custom_, says Strabo, _among the antients, to erect this kind of
land-marks, such as the pillar at Rhegium, near the foot of Italy: which is
a kind of tower, and was raised by the people of Rhegium at the streight
where the passage was to Sicily. Directly opposite stood another building
of the same sort, called the tower of Pelorus._ Such Pillars were by the
Iberians styled Herculean, because they were sacred to Hercules; under
which title they worshipped the chief Deity. Some of these were near Gades,
and Onoba[795], Κατ' Ονοβαν της Ιβηριας: others were erected still higher,
on the coast of Lusitania. This caused an idle dispute between
Eratosthenes, Dicæarchus, and [796]others, in order to determine which were
the genuine pillars of Hercules: as if they were not all equally genuine;
all denominated from the Deity of the country. Two of the most celebrated
stood upon each side of the Mediterranean at the noted passage called
fretum Gaditanum--κατα τα ακρα του πορθμου. That on the Mauritanian side
was called Abyla, from Ab-El, parens Sol: the other in Iberia had the name
of[797] Calpe. This was an obelisk or tower, and a compound of Ca-Alpe, and
signifies the house, or cavern of the same oracular God: for it was built
near a cave; and all such recesses were esteemed to be oracular. At places
of this sort mariners used to come on shore to make their offerings; and to
inquire about the success of their voyage. They more especially resorted to
those towers, and pillars, which stood at the entrance of their own havens.
Nobody, says [798]Arrian, will venture to quit his harbour without paying
due offerings to the Gods, and invoking their favour. Helenus in Virgil
charges Æneas, whatever may be the consequence, not to neglect consulting
the oracle at Cuma.

  [799]Hic tibi ne qua moræ fuerint dispendia tanti,
  Quamvis increpitent socij, et vi cursus in altum
  Vela vocet, possisque sinus implere secundos,
  Quin adeas vatem, precibusque oracula poscas.

The island Delos was particularly frequented upon this account; and the
sailors seem to have undergone some severe discipline at the altar of the
God, in order to obtain his favour.

  [800]Αστεριη, πολυβωμε, πολυλλιτε, τις δε σε ναυτης
  Εμπορος Αιγαιοιο παρηλυθε νηι θεουσῃ·
  Ουχ' ὁυτω μεγαλοι μιν επιπνειουσιν αηται,
  Χρειω δ' ὁττι ταχιστον αγει πλοον, αλλα τα λαιφη
  Ωκεες εστειλαντο, και ου παλιν αυθις εβησαν,
  Πριν μεγαν η σεο βωμον ὑπο πληγησιν ἑλιξαι

  O! ever crown'd with altars, ever blest,
  Lovely Asteria, in how high repute
  Stands thy fair temple 'mid the various tribes
  Who ply the Ægean. Though their business claims
  Dispatch immediate; though the inviting gales
  Ill brook the lingering mariners' delay:
  Soon as they reach thy soundings, down at once
  Drop the slack sails, and all the naval gear.
  The ship is moor'd: nor do the crew presume
  To quit thy sacred limits, 'till they have pass'd
  A painful penance; with the galling whip
  Lash'd thrice around thine altar.

This island was greatly esteemed for its sanctity, and there used to be a
wonderful concourse of people from all nations continually resorting to its
temple. The priests, in consequence of it, had hymns composed in almost all
languages. It is moreover said of the female attendants, that they could
imitate the speech of various people; and were well versed in the histories
of foreign parts, and of antient times. Homer speaks of these extraordinary
qualifications as if he had been an eye-witness:

  [801]Προς δε τοδε μεγα θαυμα, ὁτου κλεος ουποτ' ολειται.
  Κουραι Δηλιαδες, Ἑκατηβελετεω θεραπαιναι,
  Ἁιτ' επει αν πρωτον μεν Απολλων' ὑμνησωσιν,
  Αυτις δ' αυ Λητω τε, και Αρτεμιν ιοχεαιρην,
  Μνησαμεναι ανδρων τε παλαιων, ηδε γυναικων,
  Ὑμνον αειδουσιν, θελγουσι δε φυλ' ανθρωπων.
  Παντων δ' ανθρωπων φωνας, και Κρομβαλιαστυν
  Μιμεισθαι ισασι· φαιης δε κεν αυτος ἑκαστον
  Φθεγγεσθαι, ὁυτω σφι καλη συναρηρεν αοιδη.

  The Delian nymphs, who tend Apollo's shrine,
  When they begin their tuneful hymns, first praise
  The mighty God of day: to his they join
  Latona's name, and Artemis, far fam'd
  For her fleet arrows and unerring bow.
  Of heroes next, and heroines, they sing,
  And deeds of antient prowess. Crowds around,
  Of every region, every language, stand
  In mute applause, sooth'd with the pleasing lay.
  Vers'd in each art and every power of speech,
  The Delians mimick all who come: to them
  All language is familiar: you would think
  The natives spoke of every different clime.
  Such are their winning ways: so sweet their song.

The offerings made at these places used to be of various kinds, but
particularly of liba, or cakes, which were generally denominated from the
temple where they were presented. A curious inscription to this purpose has
been preserved by Spon and Wheeler, which belonged to some obelisk or
temple upon the Thracian Bosporus. It was found on the Asiatic side, nearly
opposite to the Pompean pillar, of which I before took notice. The Deity to
whom it was inscribed was the same as that above, but called by another
title, Aur, and Our, אור; rendered by the Greeks [802]Ουριος; and changed
in acceptation so as to refer to another element.

  [803] Ουριον εκ πρυμνης τις ὁδηγητηρα καλειτω
    Ζηνα, κατα προτανων ἱστιον εκπετασας.
  Ειτ' επι Κυανεας δινας δρομος, ενθα Ποσειδων
    Καμπυλον ἑιλισσει κυμα παρα ψαμαθοις,
  Ειτε κατ Αιγαιου ποντου πλακα, νοστον ερευνων
    Νεισθω, τῳ δε Βαλων ψαιστα παρα ξοανῳ.
  Τον δε γαρ ευαντητον αει θεον Αντιπατρου παις
    Στησε φιλων αγαθης συμβολον ευπλοϊης.

  Great Urian Jove invoke to be your guide:
  Then spread the sail, and boldly stem the tide.
  Whether the stormy inlet you explore,
  Where the surge laves the bleak Cyanean shore,
  Or down the Egean homeward bend your way,
  Still as you pass the wonted tribute pay,
  An humble cake of meal: for Philo here,
  Antipater's good son, this shrine did rear,
  A pleasing omen, as you ply the sail,
  And sure prognostic of a prosperous gale.

The Iapygian promontory had a temple to the same God, whose name by
Dionysius is rendered Ὑριος.

  [804]Ψυλατ' Ιηπυγιων τατανυσμενα, μεσφ' Ὑριοιο
  Παῤῥαλιας, Ὑριου, τοθι συρεται Ἁδριας ἁλμη.

The more difficult the navigation was, the more places of sanctity were
erected upon the coast. The Bosporus was esteemed a dangerous pass; and,
upon that account, abounded with Cippi, and altars. These were originally
mounds of earth, and sacred to the Sun: upon which account they were called
Col-On, or altars of that Deity. From hence is derived the term Colona, and
Κολωνη. It came at last to denote any ness or foreland; but was originally
the name of a sacred hill, and of the pillar which was placed upon it. To
say the truth, there was of old hardly any headland but what had its temple
or altar. The Bosporus, in particular, had numbers of them by way of
sea-marks, as well as for sacred purposes: and there were many upon the
coast of Greece. Hence Apollonius says of the Argonauts:

  [805] Ηρι δε νισσομενοισιν Αθω ανετελλε κολωνη.

In another place of the Bosporus--

  [806] Φαινεται ηεροεν στομα Βοσπορου, ηδε κολωναι

The like occurs in the Orphic Argonauts, where Beleus is pointing out the
habitation of the Centaur Chiron:

  [807]Ω φιλοι, αθρειτε σκοπιης προυχοντα κολωνον,
  Μεσσῳ ενι πρηωνι κατασκιον, ενθα δε Χειρων
  Ναιει ενι σπηλυγγι, δικαιοτατος Κενταυρων.

These Colonæ were sacred to the Apollo of Greece; and, as they were
sea-marks and beacons, which stood on eminences near the mouths of rivers,
and at the entrances of harbours, it caused them to be called ωρια, ουρεα,
and ὁρμοι. Homer gives a beautiful description of such hills and headlands,
and of the sea-coast projected in a beautiful landscape beneath, when, in
some ravishing poetry, he makes all these places rejoice at the birth of

  [808]Πασαι δε σκοπιαι τοι αδον, και πρωονες ακροι
  Ὑψηλων ορεων, ποταμοι θ' αλα δε προρεοντες,
  Ακταιτ' εις ἁλα κεκλιμεναι, λιμενες τε θαλασσης.

                  In that happy hour
  The lofty cliffs, that overlook the main,
  And the high summits of the towering hills,
  Shouted in triumph: down the rivers ran
  In pleasing murmurs to the distant deep.
  The shelves, the shores, the inlets of the sea,
  Witness'd uncommon gladness.

Apollo, from this circumstance, was often called επακτιος, or the tutelary
God of the coast; and had particular offerings upon that account.

  [809]Πεισματα τ' ἁψαμενοι πορσυνομεν ἱερα καλα
  Ζηνι Πανομφαιῳ, και επακτιῳ Απολλωνι.

It was not only upon rocks and eminences that these Cippi and Obelisks were
placed by the antients: they were to be found in their temples, where for
many ages a rude stock or stone served for a representation of the Deity.
They were sometimes quite shapeless, but generally of a conical figure; of
which we meet with many instances. Clemens Alexandrinus takes notice of
this kind of [810]worship: and Pausanias, in describing the temple of
Hercules at Hyettus in [811]Bœotia, tells us, that there was no statue in
it, nor any work of art, but merely a rude stone, after the manner of the
first ages. Tertullian gives a like description of Ceres and Pallas. Pallas
Attica, et Ceres [812]Phrygia--quæ sine effigie, rudi palo, et informi
specie prostant. Juno of Samos was little better than a [813]post. It
sometimes happens that aged trees bear a faint likeness to the human
fabric: roots, likewise, and sprays, are often so fantastic in their
evolutions, as to betray a remote resemblance. The antients seem to have
taken advantage of this fancied similitude, which they improved by a little
art; and their first effort towards imagery was from these rude and rotten
materials. Apollonius Rhodius, in his account of the Argonauts, gives a
description of a monument of this sort, which was by them erected in a dark
grove, upon a mountainous part of [814]Bithynia. They raised an altar of
rough stones, and placed near it an image of Rhea, which they formed from
an arm or stump of an old vine.

  Εσκε δε τι στιβαρον στυπος αμπελου, εντρεφον ὑλῃ
  Προγνυ γερανδρυον, το μεν εκταμον οφρα πελοιτο
  Δαιμονος ουρειης ἱερον βρετας· εξεσε δ' Αργως
  Ευκοσμως, και δη μιν επ' οκρυοεντι Κολωνῳ
  Ιδρυσαν, φηγοισιν επηρεφες ακροτατησιν·
  Ἁι ρα τε πασαων πανυπερταται εῤῥιζωντο
  Βωμον δ' αυ χεραδος παρανηνεον, αμφι δε φυλλοις
  Στεψαμενοι δρυινοισι θυηπολιης εμελοντο.

  A dry and wither'd branch, by time impair'd,
  Hung from an ample and an aged vine,
  Low bending to the earth: the warriors axe
  Lopt it at once from the parental stem.
  This as a sacred relick was consigned
  To Argus' hands, an image meet to frame
  Of Rhea, dread Divinity, who ruled
  Over Bithynia's mountains. With rude art
  He smooth'd and fashion'd it in homely guise.
  Then on a high and lonely promontory
  Rear'd it amid a tall and stately grove
  Of antient beeches. Next of stones unwrought
  They raise an altar; and with boughs of oak
  Soft wreaths of foliage weave to deck it round.
  Then to their rites they turn, and vows perform.

The same circumstance is mentioned in the Orphic Argonautics[815]; where
the poet speaks of Argus, and the vine branch:

          Αμφιπλακες ερνος
  Αμπελου αυαλιης οξει απεκερσε σιδηρῳ,
  Ξεσσε δ' επισταμενως.

The Amazonians were a very antient people, who worshipped their provincial
Deity under the character of a female, and by the titles of Artemis, Oupis,
Hippa. They first built a temple at Ephesus; and according to Callimachus
[816]the image of the Goddess was formed of the stump of a beech tree.

  Σοι και Αμαζονιδες πολεμου επιθυμητειραι
  Εκ κοτε παῤῥαλιῃ Εφεσου βρετας ἱδρυσαντο
  [817]Φηγῳ ὑπο πρεμνῳ, τελεσεν δε τοι ἱερον Ἱππω·
  Αυται δ', Ουπι ανασσα, περι πρυλιν ωρχησαντο.

Instead of an image made of a stump, the poet Dionysius supposes a temple
to have been built beneath the trunk of a decayed tree.

  Ενθα Θεῃ ποτε νηον Αμαζονιδες τετυχοντο
  Πρεμνῳ ὑπο πτελεης, περιωσιον ανδρασι θαυμα. v. 827.

It is observable, that the Chinese, as well as the people of Japan, still
retain something of this custom. When they meet with an uncouth root, or
spray of a tree, they humour the extravagance: and, by the addition of a
face, give it the look of a Joss or Bonzee, just as fancy directs them.

The vine was esteemed sacred both to Dionusus, and Bacchus; for they were
two different personages, though confounded by the Grecians: indeed the
titles of all those, who were originally styled Baalim, are blended
together. This tree had therefore the name of Ampel, which the Greeks
rendered Αμπελος, from the Sun, Ham, whose peculiar plant it was. This
title is the same as Omphel before mentioned, and relates to the oracular
Deity of the Pagan world; under which character Ham was principally alluded
to. The Egyptian and Asiatic Greeks had some imperfect traditions about
Ham, and Chus: the latter of which they esteemed Bacchus. And as the term
Ampelus did not primarily relate to the vine, but was a sacred name
transferred from the Deity, they had some notion of this circumstance: but
as it was their custom out of every title to form a new personage, they
have supposed Ampelus to have been a youth of great beauty, and one whom
Bacchus particularly favoured. Hence Nonnus introduces the former begging
of Selene not to envy him this happiness.

  [818]Μη φθονεσῃς, ὁτι Βακχος εμην φιλοτητα φυλασσει.
  Ὁττι νεος γενομην, ὁτι και φιλος ειμι Λυαιου.

The worship of Ham was introduced by the Amonians in Phrygia and Asia
Minor: and in those parts the Poet makes Ampelus chiefly conversant.

  [819]Ηδη γαρ Φρυγιης ὑπο δειραδι κουρος αθυρων
  Αμπελος ηεξητο νεοτρεφες ερνος ερωτων.

He speaks of his bathing in the waters, and rising with fresh beauty from
the stream, like the morning star from the ocean.

  [820]Πακτωλῳ πορε και συ τεον σελας, οφρα φανειη
  Αμπελος αντελλων, ἁτε φωσφορος--
  Κοσμησει σεο καλλος ὁλον Πακτωλιον ὑδωρ.

In all these instances there are allusions to a history, which will
hereafter be fully discussed. Ovid seems to make Ampelus a native of
Thrace; and supposes him to have been the son of a satyr by one of the
nymphs in that country:

  [821] Ampelon intonsum, Satyro Nymphâque creatum,
  Fertur in Ismariis Bacchus amâsse jugis.

But however they may have mistaken this personage, it is certain that in
early times he was well known, and highly reverenced. Hence wherever the
Amonians settled, the name of Ampelus will occur: and many places will be
found to have been denominated from the worship of the Deity under this
sacred title. We learn from Stephanus Byzantinus, [822]_that, according to
Hecatæus, in his Europa, Ampelus was the name of a city in Liguria. There
was likewise a promontory in the district of Torone called Ampelus: a like
promontory in Samos: another in Cyrene. Agrœtas mentions two cities there,
an upper, and a lower, of that name. There_ _was likewise a harbour in
Italy so called_. We read of a city [823]Ampeloëssa in Syria, and a nation
in Lybia called Ampeliotæ: Αμπελιωται δε εθνος Λιβυης. Suidas. Also,
Ampelona in Arabia; and a promontory, Ampelusia, near Tingis, in
Mauritania. In all these places, however distant, the Amonians had made
settlements. Over against the island Samos stood the sacred promontory,
Mycale, in Ionia. This, too, was called Ampelus, according to Hesychius, as
the passage is happily altered by Albertus and others. Αμπελος, μηχανη, και
ακρα Μυκαλης, ηγουν ορους. From the words ηγουν ορους one might infer, that
Ampelus was no uncommon name for a mountain in general: so far is certain,
that many such were so denominated: which name could not relate to αμπελος,
the vine; but they were so called from the Deity to whom they were
[824]sacred. Many of these places were barren crags, and rocks of the sea,
ill suited to the cultivation of the [825]vine. And not only eminences were
so called, but the strand and shores, also, for the same reason: because
here, too, were altars and pillars to this God. Hence we read in Hesychius:
Αμπελος--αιγιαλος--Κυρηναιοις αιγιαλος. _By Ampelus is signified the sea
shore; or Ampelus, among the people of Cyrene, signifies the sea shore_.

From what has been said, we may be assured that Ampelus and Omphalus were
the same term originally, however varied afterwards and differently
appropriated. They are each a compound from Omphe, and relate to the
oracular Deity. Ampelus, at Mycale, in Ionia, was confessedly so
denominated from its being a sacred[826] place, and abounding with waters;
by which, people who drank them were supposed to be inspired. They are
mentioned in an antient oracle quoted by Eusebius[827]: Εν Διδυμον γυαλοις
Μυκαλησιον ΕΝΘΕΟΝ ὑδωρ. I have mentioned that all fountains were esteemed
sacred, but especially those which had any præternatural quality, and
abounded with exhalations. It was an universal notion that a divine energy
proceeded from these effluvia, and that the persons who resided in their
vicinity were gifted with a prophetic quality. Fountains of this nature,
from the divine influence with which they were supposed to abound, the
Amonians styled Ain Omphe, sive fontes Oraculi. These terms, which denoted
the fountain of the prophetic God, the Greeks contracted to Νυμφη, a Nymph;
and supposed such a person to be an inferior Goddess, who presided over
waters. Hot springs were imagined to be more immediately under the
inspection of the nymphs: whence Pindar styles such fountains, [828]Θερμα
Νυμφαν λουτρα. The temple of the Nymphæ Ionides, in Arcadia, stood close to
a fountain of great [829]efficacy. The term Nympha will be found always to
have a reference to [830]water. There was in the same region of the
Peloponnesus a place called Νυμφας, Nymphas; which was undoubtedly so named
from its hot springs: [831]Καταῤῥειται γαρ ὑδατι--Νυμφας: _for
Nymphas--abounded with waters_. Another name for these places was Ain-Ades,
the fountain of Ades, or the Sun; which, in like manner, was changed to
Ναιαδες, Naiades, a species of Deities of the same class. Fountains of
bitumen, in Susiana and Babylonia, were called Ain-Aptha, the fountains of
Aptha, the God of fire; which by the Greeks was rendered Naptha, a name
given to [832]bitumen. As they changed Ain Omphe to Numpha, a Goddess, they
accordingly denominated the place itself Νυμφειον, Nymphæum: and wherever a
place occurs of that name, there will be found something particular in its
circumstances. We are told by [833]Pliny that the river Tigris, being
stopped in its course by the mountains of Taurus, loses itself under
ground, and rises again on the other side at Nymphæum. According to
Marcellinus, it seems to be at Nymphæum that it sinks into the earth. Be it
as it may, this, he tells us, is the place where that fiery matter called
naptha issued: from whence, undoubtedly, the place had its name.
[834]Bitumen nascitur prope lacum Sosingitem, cujus alveo Tigris voratus,
fluensque subterraneus, procursis spatiis longis, emergit. Hic et Naptha
gignitur specie piceâ. In his pagis hiatus conspicitur terræ, unde halitus
lethalis exsurgens, quodcunque animal prope consistit, odore gravi
consumit. There was an island of the like nature at the mouth of the river
Indus, which was sacred to the Sun, and styled Cubile [835]Nympharum: in
quâ nullum non animal absumitur. In Athamania was a temple of the Nymphs,
or [836]Nymphæum; and near it a fountain of fire, which consumed things
brought near to it. Hard by Apollonia was an eruption of bituminous matter,
like that in Assyria: and this too was named [837]Nymphæum. The same author
(Strabo) mentions, that in Seleucia, styled Pieria, there was alike
bituminous eruption, taken notice of by Posidonius; and that it was called
Ampelitis: [838]Την Αμπελιτην γην ασφαλτωδη, την εν Σελευκειᾳ τη Πιεριᾳ
μεταλλευομενην. The hot streams, and poisonous effluvia near Puteoli and
lake Avernus are well known. It was esteemed a place of great sanctity; and
people of a prophetic character are said to have here resided. Here was a
[839]Nymphæum, supposed to have been an oracular temple. There was a method
of divination at Rome, mentioned by [840]Dion Cassius, in which people
formed their judgment of future events from the steam of lighted
frankincense. The terms of inquiry were remarkable: for their curiosity was
indulged in respect to every future contingency, excepting death and
marriage. The place of divination was here too called [841]Nymphæum.
Pausanias takes notice of a cavern near Platea, which was sacred to the
Nymphs of Cithæron: Ὑπερ δε της κορυφης, εφ' ᾑ τον βωμον ποιουνται, πεντε
που μαλιστα και δεκα ὑποκαταβαντι σταδιους ΝYΜΦΩΝ εστιν αντρον
Κιθαιρωνιδων--ΜΑΝΤΕΥΕΣΘΑΙ δε τας Νυμφας το αρχαιον αυτοθι εχει λογος. We
find that the Nymphs of this place had been of old prophetic. Evagrius
mentions a splendid building at Antioch called Nymphæum, remarkable
[842]Ναματων πλουτῳ, for the advantage of its waters. There was a Nymphæum
at Rome mentioned by Marcellinus. [843]Septemzodium celebrem locum, ubi
Nymphæum Marcus condidit Imperator. Here were the Thermæ Antonianæ. As from
Ain Ompha came Nympha; so from Al Ompha was derived Lympha. This differed
from Aqua, or common water, as being of a sacred and prophetic nature. The
antients thought, that all mad persons were gifted with divination; and
they were in consequence of it styled _Lymphati_.

From what has preceded, we may perceive that there once existed a wonderful
resemblance in the rites, customs, and terms of worship, among nations
widely separated. Of this, as I proceed, many instances will be continually
produced. I have already mentioned that this similitude in terms, and the
religious system, which was so widely propagated, were owing to one great
family, who spread themselves almost universally. Their colonies went
abroad under the sanction and direction of their priests; and carried with
them both the rites and the records of their country. Celsus took notice of
this; and thought that people payed too little attention to memorials of
this nature. He mentions particularly the oracular temples at Dodona, at
Delphi, at Claros, with those of the Branchidæ and Amonians: at the same
time passing over many other places, from whose priests and votaries the
whole earth seemed to have been peopled[844]. Τα μεν ὑπο της Πυθιας, η
Δωδωνιων, η Κλαριου, η εν Βραγχιδαις, η εν Αμμωνος, ὑπο μυριων τε αλλων
θεοπροπων προειρημενα, ὑφ' ὡν επιεικως πασα γη κατῳκισθη, ταυτα μεν ουδενι
λογῳ τιθενται. As colonies went abroad under the influence and direction of
their tutelary Deities; those Deities were styled Ἡγεμονες, and Αρχηγεται:
and the colony was denominated from some sacred title of the God. A colony
was planted at Miletus; of which the conducting Deity was Diana. [845]Σε
γαρ ποιησατο Νηλευς Ἡγεμονην. This Goddess is styled πολυπτολις, because
this office was particularly ascribed to her: and she had many places under
her patronage. Jupiter accordingly tells her:

  [846]Τρις δεκα τοι πτολιεθρα, και ουκ ἑνα πυργον οπασσω.

  Thrice ten fair cities shall your portion be,
  And many a stately tower.

Apollo likewise was called Οικτιστης and Αρχηγετης, from being the supposed
founder of cities; which were generally built in consequence of some

  [847]Φοιβῳ δ' εσπομενοι πολεας διεμετρησαντο
  Ανθρωποι· Φοιβος γαρ αει πολιεσσι φιληδει
  Κτιζομεναις· αυτος δε θεμειλια Φοιβος ὑφαινει.

  'Tis through Apollo's tutelary aid,
  That men go forth to regions far remote,
  And cities found: Apollo ever joys
  In founding cities.

What colony, says [848]Cicero, did Greece ever send into Ætolia, Ionia,
Asia, Sicily or Italy, without having first consulted about every
circumstance relative to it, either at Delphi, or Dodona, or at the oracle
of Ammon. And Lucian speaks to the same purpose. [849]Ουτε πολεας ῳκιζον,
ουδε τειχεα περιεβαλλοντο--πριν αν δη παρα Μαντεων ακουσαι ἑκαστα. _People
would not venture to build cities, nor even raise the walls, till they had
made proper inquiry among those, who were prophetically gifted, about the
success of their operations_.

       *       *       *       *       *


I cannot help thinking that the word πατηρ, pater, when used in the
religious addresses of the Greeks and Romans, meant not, as is supposed, a
father, or parent; but related to the divine influence of the Deity,
called, by the people of the east, Pator, as I have [850]shewn. From hence
I should infer, that two words, originally very distinct, have been
rendered one and the [851]same. The word pater, in the common acceptation,
might be applicable to Saturn; for he was supposed to have been the father
of all the Gods, and was therefore so entitled by the antient poet

  [852]Jane pater, Jane tuens, Dive biceps, biformis,
  O! cate rerum sator; O! principium Deorum.

But, when it became a title, which was bestowed upon Gods of every
denomination, it made Jupiter animadvert with some warmth upon the
impropriety, if we may credit Lucilius:

  [853]Ut nemo sit nostrum, quin pater optimus Divôm est:
  Ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars,
  Janus, Quirinus, pater, omnes dicamur ad unum.

And not only the Gods, but the Hierophantæ, in most temples; and those
priests, in particular, who were occupied in the celebration of mysteries,
were styled Patres: so that it was undoubtedly a religious term imported
from Egypt, the same as Pator, and Patora, before mentioned. I have taken
notice, that the Pateræ of Curtius were the priests of Hamon: but that
writer was unacquainted with the true meaning of the word, as well as with
the pronunciation, which seems to have been penultimâ productâ. The worship
of Ham, or the Sun, as it was the most antient, so it was the most
universal, of any in the world. It was at first the prevailing religion of
Greece, and was propagated over all the sea coast of Europe; whence it
extended itself into the inland provinces. It was established in Gaul and
Britain; and was the original religion of this island, which the Druids in
aftertimes adopted. That it went high in the north is evident from
Ausonius, who takes notice of its existing in his time. He had relations,
who were priests of this order and denomination; and who are, on that
account, complimented by him, in his ode to Attius Patera [854]Rhetor.

  Tu Boiocassis stirpe Druidarum satus,
    Si fama non fallat fidem,
  Beleni sacratum ducis e templo genus,
    Et inde vobis nomina,
  Tibi Pateræ: sic ministros nuncupant
    Apollinares Mystici.
  Fratri, Patrique nomen a Phæbo datum,
    Natoque de Delphis tuo.

He mentions, that this worship prevailed particularly in Armorica; of which
country his relations were natives.

  [855]Nec reticebo Senem,
  Nomine Phœbicium,
  Qui Beleni Ædituus,
  Stirpe satus Druidûm,
  Gentis Armoricæ.

Belin, the Deity of whom he speaks, was the same as [856]Bel and Balen, of
Babylonia and Canaan; the Orus and Apollo of other nations. Herodian takes
notice of his being worshipped by the people of Aquileia; and says, that
they called him Belin, and paid great reverence, esteeming him the same as

The true name of the Amonian priests I have shewn to have been Petor, or
Pator; and the instrument which they held in their hands was styled
Petaurum. They used to dance round a large fire, in honour of the Sun,
whose orbit they affected to describe. At the same time they exhibited
other feats of activity, to amuse the votaries who resorted to their
temples. This dance was sometimes performed in armour, especially in Crete:
and, being called Pyrrhic, was supposed to have been so named from Pyrrhus,
the son of Achilles. But, when was he in Crete? Besides, it is said to have
been practised by the Argonautic heroes before his time. It was a religious
dance, denominated from fire, with which it was accompanied.

  [858]Αμφι δε δαιομενοις ευρυν χορον εστησαντο,
  Καλον Ιηπαιηον', Ιηπαιηονα Φοιβον

It was originally an Egyptian dance, in honour of Hermes, and practised by
the Pataræ, or Priests. In some places it was esteemed a martial exercise,
and exhibited by persons in armour, who gave it the name of Betarmus. We
have an instance of it in the same poet:

  [859]Αμυδις δε νεοι Ορφηος ανωγῃ
  Εκαιροντες Βηταρμον ενοπλιον ορχησαντο,
  Και σακεα ξιφεεσσιν ὑπεκτυπον.

Βηταρμος Betarmus, was a name given to the dance, from the temple of the
Deity where it was probably first practised. It is a compound of Bet Armes,
or Armon, called, more properly, Hermes, and Hermon. Bet, and Beth, among
the Amonians, denoted a temple. There is reason to think that the circular
dances of the Dervises, all over the east, are remains of these antient
customs. In the first ages this exercise was esteemed a religious rite, and
performed by people of the temple where it was exhibited: but, in
aftertimes, the same feats were imitated by rope-dancers and vagrants,
called Petauristæ, and Petauristarii; who made use of a kind of pole,
styled petaurum.--Of these the Roman writers make frequent mention; and
their feats are alluded to by Juvenal:

  [860]An magis oblectant animum jactata petauro
  Corpora, quique solent rectum descendere funem?

Manilius likewise gives an account of this people, and their activity;
wherein may be observed some remains of the original institution:

  [861]Ad numeros etiam ille ciet cognata per artem
  Corpora, quæ valido saliunt excussa petauro:
  Membraque _per flammas orbesque_ emissa flagrantes,
  Delphinûmque suo per inane imitantia motu,
  Et viduata volant pennis, et in aëre ludunt.

I have shewn, that the Pateræ, or Priests, were so denominated from the
Deity styled Pator; whose shrines were named Patera, and Petora. They were
oracular temples of the Sun; which in aftertimes were called Petra, and
ascribed to other Gods. Many of them for the sake of mariners were erected
upon rocks, and eminences near the sea: hence the term πετρα, petra, came
at length to signify any rock or stone, and to be in a manner confined to
that meaning. But in the first ages it was ever taken in a religious sense;
and related to the shrines of Osiris, or the Sun, and to the oracles, which
were supposed to be there exhibited. Thus Olympus near Pisa, though no
rock, but a huge mound, or hill ([862]Περι γαρ τον Κρονιον ΛΟΦΟΝ αγεται τα
Ολυμπια) was of old termed Petra, as relating to oracular influence. Hence
Pindar, speaking of Iämus, who was supposed to have been conducted by
Apollo to Olympia, says, _that they both came to the Petra Elibatos upon
the lofty Cronian mount: there Apollo bestowed upon Iämus a double portion
of prophetic knowledge_.

  [863]Ἱκοντο δ' ὑψηλοιο Πετραν
    Αλιβατου Κρονιου,
  Ενθ' ὁι ωπασε θησαυρον
    Διδυμον ΜΑΝΤΟΣYΝΑΣ.

The word Ηλιβατος, Elibatos, was a favourite term with Homer, and other
poets; and is uniformly joined with Petra. They do not seem to have known
the purport of it; yet they adhere to it religiously, and introduce it
wherever they have an opportunity. Ηλιβατος is an Amonian compound of
Eli-Bat, and signifies solis domus, vel [864]templum. It was the name of
the temple, and specified the Deity there worshipped. In like manner the
word Petra had in great measure lost its meaning; yet it is wonderful to
observe how industriously it is introduced by writers, when they speak of
sacred and oracular places. Lycophron calls the temple at Elis [865]Λευραν
Μολπιδος πετραν: and the Pytho at Delphi is by Pindar styled Petraëssa:
[866]Επει Πετραεσσας ελαυνων ἱκετ' εκ Πυθωνος. Orchomenos was a place of
great antiquity; and the natives are said to have worshipped Petra, which
were supposed to have fallen from [867]heaven. At Athens in the Acropolis
was a sacred cavern, which was called Petræ Macræ, Petræ Cecropiæ.

  [868]Ακουε τοινυν, οισθα Κεκροπιας πετρας,
  Προσβοῤῥον αντρον, ας Μακρας κικλησκομεν.

I have shewn that people of old made use of caverns for places of worship:
hence this at Athens had the name of Petra, or temple. [869]It is said of
Ceres, that after she had wandered over the whole earth, she at last
reposed herself upon a stone at Eleusis. They in like manner at Delphi
shewed the petra, upon which the Sibyl Herophile at her first arrival sat
[870]down. In short, there is in history of every oracular temple some
legend about a stone; some reference to the word Petra. To clear this up,
it is necessary to observe, that when the worship of the Sun was almost
universal, this was one name of that Deity even among the Greeks. They
called him Petor, and Petros; and his temple was styled Petra. This they
oftentimes changed to λιθος; so little did they understand their own
mythology. There were however some writers, who mentioned it as the name of
the Sun, and were not totally ignorant of its meaning. This we may learn
from the Scholiast upon Pindar. [871]Περι δε του Ἡλιου ὁι φυσικοι φασιν, ὡς
λιθος καλειται ὁ Ἡλιος. Και Αναξαγορου γενομενον Ευριπιδην μαθητην, Πετρον
ειρηκεναι τον Ἡλιον δια των προκειμενων.

  Ὁ γαρ Μακαριος, κ' ουκ ονειδιζω τυχας,
  Διος πεφυκως, ὡς λεγουσι, Τανταλος,
  Κορυφης ὑπερτελλοντα δειμαινων ΠΕΤΡΟΝ,
  Αερι ποτᾳται, και τινει ταυτην δικην.

The same Scholiast quotes a similar passage from the same writer, where the
Sun is called Petra.

  [872]Μολοιμι ταν ουρανου μεσαν
  Χθονος τε τεταμεναν αιωρημασι πετραν,
    Αλυσεσι χρυσεαις φερομεναν.

If then the name of the Sun, and of his temples, was among the antient
Grecians Petros, and Petra; we may easily account for that word so often
occurring in the accounts of his worship. The Scholia above will moreover
lead us to discover whence the strange notion arose about the famous
Anaxagoras of Clazomenæ; who is said to have prophesied, that a stone would
fall from the Sun. All that he had averred, may be seen in the relation of
the Scholiast above: which amounts only to this, that Petros was a name of
the Sun. It was a word of Egyptian original, derived from Petor, the same
as Ham, the Iämus of the antient Greeks. This Petros some of his countrymen
understood in a different sense; and gave out, that he had foretold a stone
would drop from the Sun. Some were idle enough to think that it was
accomplished: and in consequence of it pretended to shew at Ægospotamos the
very [873]stone, which was said to have fallen. The like story was told of
a stone at Abydus upon the Hellespont: and Anaxagoras was here too supposed
to have been the prophet[874]. In Abydi gymnasio ex eâ causâ colitur
hodieque modicus quidem (lapis), sed quem in medio terrarum casurum
Anaxagoras prædixisse narratur. The temples, or Petra here mentioned, were
Omphalian, or Oracular: hence they were by a common mistake supposed to
have been in the centre of the habitable globe. They were also Ηλιβατοι
Πετραι; which Elibatos the Greeks derived from βαινω descendo; and on this
account the Petra were thought to have fallen from the [875]Sun. We may by
this clue unravel the mysterious story of Tantalus; and account for the
punishment which he was doomed to undergo.

[876]Κορῳ δ' ἑλεν
Αταν ὑπεροπλον,
Ταν ὁι πατηρ ὑπερκρεμασε,
Καρτερον αυτῳ λιθον
Τον αει μενοινων κεφαλας βαλειν
Ευφροσυνας αλαται.

The unhappy Tantalus
From a satiety of bliss
Underwent a cruel reverse.
He was doom'd to sit under a huge stone,
Which the father of the Gods
Kept over his head suspended.
Thus he sat
In continual dread of its downfal,
And lost to every comfort.

It is said of Tantalus by some, that he was set up to his chin in water,
with every kind of fruit within reach: yet hungry as he was and thirsty, he
could never attain to what he wanted; every thing which he caught at
eluding his efforts. But from the account given above by [877]Pindar, as
well as by [878]Alcæus, Aleman, and other writers, his punishment consisted
in having a stone hanging over his head; which kept him in perpetual fear.
What is styled λιθος, was I make no doubt originally Petros; which has been
misinterpreted a stone. Tantalus is termed by Euripides ακολαστος την
γλωσσαν, a man of an ungovernable tongue: and his history at bottom relates
to a person who revealed the mysteries in which he had been [879]initiated.
The Scholiast upon Lycophron describes him in this light; and mentions him
as a priest, who out of good nature divulged some secrets of his cloister;
and was upon that account ejected from the society[880]. Ο Τανταλος ευσεβης
και θεοσεπτωρ ην Ἱερευς, και φιλανθρωπιᾳ τα των θεων μυστηρια τοις αμυητοις
ὑστερον ειπων, εξεβληθη του ἱερου καταλογου. The mysteries which he
revealed, were those of Osiris, the Sun: the Petor, and Petora of Egypt. He
never afterwards could behold the Sun in its meridian, but it put him in
mind of his crime: and he was afraid that the vengeance of the God would
overwhelm him. This Deity, the Petor, and Petora of the Amonians, being by
the later Greeks expressed Petros, and Petra, gave rise to the fable above
about the stone of Tantalus. To this solution the same Scholiast upon
Pindar bears witness, by informing us, [881]that the Sun was of old called
a stone: and that some writers understood the story of Tantalus in this
light; intimating that it was the Sun, which hung over his head to his
perpetual terror. [882]Ενιοι ακουουσι τον λιθον επι του ἡλιου--και
επηωρεισθαι αυτου (Τανταλου) τον ἡλιον, ὑφ' ῳ δειματουσθαι, και
καταπτησσειν. And again, Περι δε του ἡλιου ὁι φυσικοι λεγουσιν, ὡς λιθος
(it should be πετρα) καλειται ὁ ἡλιος. _Some understand, what is said in
the history about the stone, as relating to the Sun: and they suppose that
it was the Sun which hung over his head, to his terror and confusion. The
naturalists, speaking of the Sun, often call him a stone, or petra_.

[Illustration: Pl. V. _Temple of Mithras Petræus in the Mountains of
Persia. From Le Bruyn_]

By laying all these circumstances together, and comparing them, we may, I
think, not only find out wherein the mistake consisted, but likewise
explain the grounds from whence the mistake arose. And this clue may lead
us to the detection of other fallacies, and those of greater consequence.
We may hence learn the reason, why so many Deities were styled Πετραιοι,
Petræi. We read of[883] Μιθρας, ὁ θεος εκ πετρας, _Mithras, the Deity out
of the rock_; whose temple of old was really a rock or cavern. The same
worship seems to have prevailed, in some degree, in the west; as we may
judge from an antient inscription at Milan, which was dedicated[884]
Herculi in Petrâ. But all Deities were not so worshipped: and the very name
Petra was no other than the sacred term Petora, given to a cavern, as being
esteemed in the first ages an oracular temple. And some reverence to places
of this sort was kept up a long time. We may from hence understand the
reason of the prohibition given to some of the early proselytes to
Christianity, that they should no more[885] ad petras vota reddere: and by
the same light we may possibly explain that passage in Homer, where he
speaks of persons entering into compacts under oaks, and rocks, as places
of[886] security. The oak was sacred to Zeus, and called Sar-On: and Petra
in its original sense being a temple, must be looked upon as an asylum. But
this term was not confined to a rock or cavern: every oracular temple was
styled Petra, and Petora. Hence it proceeded that so many Gods were called
Θεοι Πετραιοι, and Πατρῳσι. Pindar speaks of Poseidon Petraios;[887] Παι
Ποσειδωνος Πετραιου: under which title Neptune was worshipped by the
Thessalians: but the latter was the more common title. We meet in Pausanias
with Apollo Patroüs, and with [888]Ζευς Μειλιχιος, and Αρτεμις Πατρῳα; also
[889]Bacchus Πατρῳος, Zeus Patroüs, and Vesta Patroa, together with other

The Greeks, whenever they met with this term, even in regions the most
remote, always gave it an interpretation according to their own
preconceptions; and explained θεοι Πατρῳοι, the oracular Deities, by Dii
Patrii, or the Gods of the country. Thus, in the Palmyrene inscription, two
Syrian Deities are characterized by this title.


Cyrus, in his expedition against the Medes, is represented as making vows
[891]Ἑστιᾳ Πατρῳᾳ, και Διι Πατρῳῳ, και τοις αλλοις Θεοις. But the Persians,
from whom this history is presumed to be borrowed, could not mean by these
terms Dii Patrii: for nothing could be more unnecessary than to say of a
Persic prince, that the homage, which he payed, was to Persic Deities. It
is a thing of course, and to be taken for granted, unless there be
particular evidence to the contrary. His vows were made to Mithras, who was
styled by the nations in the east Pator; his temples were Patra, and Petra,
and his festivals Patrica. Nonnus gives a proper account of the Petra, when
he represents it as Omphean, or oracular:

              [892]Ομφαιῃ περι Πετρῃ
  Εισετι νηπιαχοιο χορους ἱδρυσατο Βακχου.

At Patara, in Lycia, was an oracular temple: and Patræ, in Achaia, had its
name from divination, for which it was famous. Pausanias mentions the
temple, and adds, [893]Προ δε του Ἱερου της Δημητρος εστι πηγη--μαντειον δε
ενταυθα εστιν αψευδες. _Before the temple is the fountain of Demeter--and
in the temple an oracle, which never is known to fail_.

The offerings, which people in antient times used to present to the Gods,
were generally purchased at the entrance of the temple; especially every
species of consecrated bread, which was denominated accordingly. If it was
an oracular temple of Alphi, the loaves and cakes were styled [894]Alphita.
If it was expressed Ampi, or Ompi, the cakes were Ompai[895], Ομπαι: at the
temple of Adorus[896], Adorea. Those made in honour of Ham-orus had the
name of [897]Homoura, Amora, and Omoritæ. Those sacred to Peon, the God of
light, were called [898]Piones. At Cha-on, which signifies the house of the
Sun, [899]Cauones, Χαυωνες. From Pur-Ham, and Pur-Amon, they were
denominated Puramoun, [900]Πυραμουν. From Ob-El, Pytho Deus, came
[901]Obelia. If the place were a Petra or Petora, they had offerings of the
same sort called Petora, by the Greeks expressed [902]Πιτυρα, Pitura. One
of the titles of the Sun was El-Aphas, Sol Deus ignis. This El-aphas the
Greeks rendered Elaphos, ελαφος; and supposed it to relate to a deer: and
the title El-Apha-Baal, given by the Amonians to the chief Deity, was
changed to ελαφηβολος, a term of a quite different purport. El-aphas, and
El-apha-baal, related to the God Osiris, the Deity of light: and there were
sacred liba made at his temple, similar to those above, and denominated
from him Ελαφοι, Elaphoi. In Athenæus we have an account of their
composition, which consisted of fine meal, and a mixture of sesamum and
honey. [903]Ελαφος πλακους δια σταιτος και μελιτος και σησαμου.

One species of sacred bread, which used to be offered to the Gods, was of
great antiquity, and called Boun. The Greeks, who changed the Nu final into
a Sigma, expressed it in the nominative, βους; but, in the accusative, more
truly boun, βουν. Hesychius speaks of the Boun, and describes it, ειδος
πεμματος κερατα εχοντος; _a kind of cake, with a representation of two
horns_. Julius Pollux mentions it after the same manner: βουν, ειδος
πεμματος κερατα εχοντος; _a sort of cake with horns_. Diogenes Laertius,
speaking of the same offering being made by Empedocles, describes the chief
ingredients of which it was composed: [904]Βουν εθυσε--εκ μελιτος και
αλφιτων. _He offered up one of the sacred liba, called a boun, which was
made of fine flour and honey_. It is said of Cecrops, [905]πρωτος βουν
εθυσε: _He first offered up this sort of sweet bread_. Hence we may judge
of the antiquity of the custom from the times to which Cecrops is referred.
The prophet Jeremiah takes notice of this kind of offering, when he is
speaking of the Jewish women at Pathros in Egypt, and of their base
idolatry; in all which their husbands had encouraged them. The women, in
their expostulation upon his rebuke, tell him: _Since we left off to burn
incense to the Queen of heaven, and to pour out drink-offerings unto her,
we have wanted all things; and have been consumed by the sword and by the
famine. And when we burnt incense to the Queen of heaven, and poured out
drink-offerings unto her, did we make her cakes to worship her, and pour
out drink-offerings unto her without our [906]men?_ The prophet, in another
place, takes notice of the same idolatry. [907]_The children gather wood,
and the fathers kindle the fire, and the women knead their dough, to make
cakes to the Queen of heaven_. The word, in these instances, for sacred
cakes, is כונים, Cunim. The Seventy translate it by a word of the same
purport, Χαυωνας, Chauonas; of which I have before taken notice: [908]Μη
ανευ των ανδρων ἡμων εποιησαμεν αυτῃ Χαυωνας. κτλ.

I have mentioned that they were sometimes called Petora, and by the Greeks
Pitura. This, probably, was the name of those liba, or cakes, which the
young virgins of Babylonia and Persis, used to offer at the shrine of their
God, when they were to be first prostituted: for, all, before marriage,
were obliged to yield themselves up to some stranger to be deflowered. It
was the custom for all the young women, when they arrived towards maturity,
to sit in the avenue of the temple, with a girdle, or rope, round their
middle; and whatever passenger laid hold of it was entitled to lead them
away. This practice is taken notice of, as subsisting among the
Babylonians, in the epistle ascribed to the prophet Jeremiah; which he is
supposed to have written to Baruch. v. 43. Ἁιδε γυναικες περιθεμεναι
σχοινια εν ταις ὁδοις εγκαθηνται θυμιωσαι τα ΠΙΤYΡΑ· ὁταν δε τις αυτων
αφελκοθεισα ὑπο τινος των παραπορευομενων κοιμηθῃ, την πλησιον ονειδιζει,
ὁτι ουκ ηξιωται, ὡσπερ αυτη, ουτε το σχοινιον αυτης διεῤῥαγη. This is a
translation from an Hebrew or Chaldäic original; and, I should think, not
quite accurate. What is here rendered γυναικες, should, I imagine, be
παρθενοι; and the purport will be nearly this: _The virgins of Babylonia
put girdles about their waist; and in this habit sit by the way side,
holding their Pitura, or sacred offerings, over an urn of incense: and when
any one of them is taken notice of by a stranger, and led away by her
girdle to a place of privacy; upon her return she upbraids her next
neighbour for not being thought worthy of the like honour; and for having
her zone not yet broken or [909]loosed_. It was likewise a Persian custom,
and seems to have been universally kept up wherever their religion
prevailed. Strabo gives a particular account of this practice, as it was
observed in the temple of Anait in Armenia. This was a Persian Deity, who
had many places of worship in that part of the world. _Not only the men and
maid servants_, says the author, _are in this manner prostituted at the
shrine of the Goddess; for in this there would be nothing extraordinary_:
[910]Αλλα και θυγατερας ὁι επιφανεστατοι του εθνους ανιερουσι παρθενους,
ἁις νομος εστι, καταπορνευθεισαις πολυν χρονον παρα τῃ Θεῳ μετα ταυτα
δεδοσθαι προς γαμον· ουκ απαξιουντος τῃ τοιαυτῃ συνοικειν ουδενος. _But
people of the first fashion in the nation used to devote their own
daughters in the same manner: it being a religious institution, that all
young virgins shall, in honour of the Deity, be prostituted, and detained
for some time in her temple: after which they are permitted to be given in
marriage. Nor is any body at all scrupulous about cohabiting with a young
woman afterwards, though she has been in this manner abused._

The Patrica were not only rites of Mithras, but also of Osiris, who was in
reality the same Deity.

We have a curious inscription to this purpose, and a representation, which
was first exhibited by the learned John Price in his observations upon
Apuleius. It is copied from an original, which he saw at Venice: and there
is an engraving from it in the Edition of Herodotus by [911]Gronovius, as
well as in that by [912]Wesselinge: but about the purport of it they are
strangely mistaken. They suppose it to relate to a daughter of Mycerinus,
the son of Cheops. She died, it seems: and her father was so affected with
her death, that he made a bull of wood, which he gilt, and in it interred
his daughter. Herodotus says, that he saw the bull of Mycerinus; and that
it alluded to this history. But, notwithstanding the authority of this
great author, we may be assured that it was an emblematical representation,
and an image of the sacred bull Apis and Mneuis. And, in respect to the
sculpture above mentioned, and the characters therein expressed, the whole
is a religious ceremony, and relates to an event of great antiquity, which
was commemorated in the rites of Osiris. Of this I shall treat hereafter:
at present, it is sufficient to observe, that the sacred process is carried
on before a temple; on which is a Greek inscription, but in the provincial
characters: Ενδον Πατρικην Ἑορτην Φερω. How can Ἑορτη Πατρικη relate to a
funeral? It denotes a festival in honour of the Sun, who was styled, as I
have shewn, Pator; and his temple was called Patra: whence these rites were
denominated Patrica. Plutarch alludes to this Egyptian ceremony, and
supposes it to relate to Isis, and to her mourning for the loss of her son.
Speaking of the month Athyr, he mentions [913]Βουν διαχρυσον ἱματιῳ μελανι
βυσσινῳ περιβαλοντες επι πενθει της Θεου δεικνυουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι). _The
Egyptians have a custom in the month Athyr of ornamenting a golden image of
a bull; which they cover with a black robe of the finest linen. This they
do in commemoration of Isis, and her grief for the loss of Orus_. In every
figure, as they are represented in the sculpture, there appears deep
silence and reverential awe: but nothing that betrays any sorrow in the
agents. They may commemorate the grief of Isis; but they certainly do not
allude to any misfortune of their own: nor is there any thing the least
funereal in the process. The Egyptians of all nations were the most
extravagant in their [914]grief. If any died in a family of consequence,
the women used by way of shewing their concern to soil their heads with the
mud of the river; and to disfigure their faces with filth. In this manner
they would run up and down the streets half naked, whipping themselves as
they ran: and the men likewise whipped themselves. They cut off their hair
upon the death of a dog; and shaved their eyebrows for a dead cat. We may
therefore judge, that some very strong symptoms of grief would have been
expressed, had this picture any way related to the sepulture of a king's
daughter. Herodotus had his account from different people: one half he
confessedly [915]disbelieved; and the remainder was equally incredible. For
no king of Egypt, if he had made a representation of the sacred [916]bull,
durst have prostituted it for a tomb: and, as I have before said, Ἑορτη
Πατρικη can never relate to a funeral.

       *       *       *       *       *





_To shew that they were all originally one_ GOD,
_the_ SUN.

As I shall have a great deal to say concerning the Grecian Theology in the
course of this work, it will be necessary to take some previous notice of
their Gods; both in respect to their original, and to their purport. Many
learned men have been at infinite pains to class the particular Deities of
different countries, and to point out which were the same. But they would
have saved themselves much labour, if, before they had bewildered
themselves in these fruitless inquiries, they had considered whether all
the Deities of which they treat, were not originally the same: all from one
source; branched out and diversified in different parts of the world. I
have mentioned that the nations of the east acknowledged originally but one
Deity, the Sun: but when they came to give the titles of Orus, Osiris, and
Cham, to some of the heads of their family; they too in time were looked up
to as Gods, and severally worshipped as the Sun. This was practised by the
Egyptians: but this nation being much addicted to refinement in their
worship, made many subtile distinctions: and supposing that there were
certain emanations of divinity, they affected to particularize each by some
title; and to worship the Deity by his attributes. This gave rise to a
multiplicity of Gods: for the more curious they were in their
disquisitions, the greater was the number of these substitutes. Many of
them at first were designed for mere titles: others, as I before mentioned,
were αποῤῥοιαι, derivatives, and emanations: all which in time were
esteemed distinct beings, and gave rise to a most inconsistent system of
Polytheism. The Grecians, who received their religion from Egypt and the
east, misconstrued every thing which was imported; and added to these
absurdities largely. They adopted Deities, to whose pretended attributes
they were totally strangers; whose names they could not articulate, or
spell. They did not know how to arrange the elements, of which the words
were composed. Hence it was, that Solon the Wise could not escape the
bitter, but just censure of the priest in Egypt, who accused both him, and
the Grecians in general, of the grossest puerility and ignorance. [917]Ω
Σολων, Σολων, Ἑλληνες εστε παιδες αει, γερων δε Ἑλλην ουκ εστι, νεοι τε
ψυχας ἁπαντες· ουδεμιαν γαρ εν ἑαυτοις εχετε παλαιαν δοξαν, ουδε μαθημα
χρονῳ πολιον ουδεν. The truth of this allegation may be proved both from
the uncertainty, and inconsistency of the antients in the accounts of their
Deities. Of this uncertainty Herodotus takes notice. [918]Ενθενδε εγενετο
ἑκαστος των θεων, ειτε δ' αει ησαν παντες, ὁκοιοι δε τινες τα ειδεα, ουκ
ηπιστεατο μεχρι ὁυ πρωην τε και χθες, ὡς ειπειν λογῳ. He attributes to
Homer, and to Hesiod, the various names and distinctions of the Gods, and
that endless polytheism which prevailed. [919]Ουτοι δε εισι, ὁι ποιησαντες
θεογονιαν Ἑλλησι, και τοισι Θεοισι τας επωνυμιας δοντες, και τιμας τε και
τεχνας διελοντες, και ειδεα αυτων σημῃναντες. This blindness in regard to
their own theology, and to that of the countries, whence they borrowed, led
them to misapply the terms, which they had received, and to make a God out
of every title. But however they may have separated, and distinguished them
under different personages, they are all plainly resolvable into one Deity,
the Sun. The same is to be observed in the Gods of the Romans. This may in
great measure be proved from the current accounts of their own writers; if
we attend a little closely to what they say: but it will appear more
manifest from those who had been in Egypt, and copied their accounts from
that country. There are few characters, which at first sight appear more
distinct than those of Apollo and Bacchus. Yet the department, which is
generally appropriated to Apollo, as the Sun, I mean the conduct of the
year, is by Virgil given to Bacchus, or Liber. He joins him with Ceres, and
calls them both the bright luminaries of the world.

        [920]Vos, O, clarissima Mundi
  Lumina, labentem Cœlo qui ducitis annum,
  Liber, et alma Ceres.

[921]Quidam ipsum solem, ipsum Apollinem, ipsum Dionysium eundem esse
volunt. Hence we find that Bacchus is the Sun, or Apollo; though supposed
generally to have been a very different personage. In reality they are all
three the same; each of them the Sun. He was the ruling Deity of the world:

  [922]Ἡλιε παγγενετορ, παναιολε, χρυσεοφεγγες.

He was in Thrace esteemed, and worshipped as Bacchus, or Liber. [923]In
Thraciâ Solem Liberum haberi, quem illi Sebadium nuncupantes magnâ
religione celebrant: eique Deo in colle [924]Zemisso ædes dicata est specie
rotundâ. In short, all the Gods were one, as we learn from the same Orphic

  [925]Ἑις Ζευς, ἑις Αϊδες, ἑις Ἡλιος, ἑις Διονυσος,
  Ἑις θεος εν παντεσσι.

Some Deities changed with the season.

  [926]Ηελιον δε θερους, μετοπωρης δ' ἁβρον Ιαω.

It was therefore idle in the antients to make a disquisition about the
identity of any God, as compared with another; and to adjudge him to
Jupiter rather than to Mars, to Venus rather than Diana. [927]Τον Οσιριν ὁι
μεν Σεραπιν, ὁιδε Διονυσον, ὁιδε Πλουτωνα, τινες δε Δια, πολλοιδε Πανα
νενομικασι. _Some_, says Diodorus, _think that Osiris is Serapis; others
that he is Dionusus; others still, that he is Pluto: many take him for
Zeus, or Jupiter, and not a few for Pan_. This was an unnecessary
embarrassment: for they were all titles of the same God, there being
originally by no means that diversity which is imagined, as Sir John
Marsham has very justly observed. [928]Neque enim tanta πολυθεοτης Gentium,
quanta fuit Deorum πολυωνυμια. It is said, above, that Osiris was by some
thought to be Jupiter, and by others to be Pluto. But Pluto, among the best
theologists, was esteemed the same as Jupiter; and indeed the same as
Proserpine, Ceres, Hermes, Apollo, and every other Deity.

  [929]Πλουτων, Περσεφονη, Δημητηρ, Κυπρις, Ερωτες,
  Τριτωνες, Νηρευς, Τηθυς και Κυανοχαιτης,
  Ἑρμης θ', Ἡφαιστος τε κλυτος, Παν, Ζευς τε, και Ἑρη,
  Αρτεμις, ηδ' Ἑκαεργος Απολλων, ἑις Θεος εστιν.

There were to be sure a number of strange attributes, which by some of the
poets were delegated to different personages; but there were other writers
who went deeper in their researches, and made them all centre in one. They
sometimes represented this sovereign Deity as Dionusus; who, according to
Ausonius, was worshipped in various parts under different titles, and
comprehended all the Gods under one character.

  [930]Ogygia me Bacchum vocat;
  Osyrin Ægyptus putat:
  Mysi Phanacem nominant:
  Dionyson Indi existimant:
  Romana Sacra Liberum;
  Arabica Gens Adoneum;
  Lucanianus Pantheon.

Sometimes the supremacy was given to Pan, who was esteemed Lord of all the

  [931]Πανα καλω, κρατερον Νομιον, κοσμοιο τε συμπαν,
  Ουρανον, ηδε θαλασσαν, ιδε χθονα παμβασιλειαν,
  Και πυρ αθανατον, ταδε γαρ μελη εστι τα Πανος.
  Κοσμοκρατωρ, αυξητα, φαεσφορε, καρπιμε Παιαν,
  Αντροχαρες, βαρυμηνις, ΑΛΗΘΗΣ ΖΕΥΣ Ὁ ΚΕΡΑΣΤΗΣ.

More generally it was conferred upon Jupiter:

  [932]Ζευς εστιν αιθηρ, Ζευς δε γη, Ζευς δ' Ουρανος·
  Ζευς τοι τα παντα.

Poseidon, God of the sea, was also reputed the chief God, the Deity of
Fire. This we may infer from his priest. He was styled a Purcon, and
denominated from him, and served in his oracular temples; as we learn from
Pausanias, who says, [933]Ποσειδωνι δ' ὑπηρετην ες τα μαντευματα ειναι
Πυρκωνα. He mentions a verse to the same purpose. Συν δε τε Πυρκων
αμφιπολος κλυτου Εννοσιγαιου. P'urcon is Ignis vel lucis dominus: and we
may know the department of the God from the name of the priest. He was no
other than the supreme Deity, the Sun: from whom all were supposed to be
derived. Hence Poseidon or Neptune, in the Orphic verses, is, like Zeus,
styled the father of Gods and men.

  [934] Κλυθι, Ποσειδαον----
  Ουρανιων, Μακαρων τε Θεων πατερ, ηδε και ανδρων.

In the neighborhood of Tyre and Sidon the chief deity went by the name of
[935]Ourchol, the same as Archel and Aides of Egypt, whence came the
Ἡρακλης, and Hercules of Greece and Rome. Nonnus, who was deeply read in
the mythology of these countries, makes all the various departments of the
other Gods, as well as their titles, centre in him. He describes him in
some good poetry as the head of all.

  [936]Αστροχιτων Ἡρακλες, Αναξ πυρος, Ορχαμε κοσμου,
  Ὑια Χρονου Λυκαβαντα δυωδεκαμηνον ἑλισσων,
  Ἱππευων ἑλικηδον ὁλον πολον αιθοπι δισκῳ,
  Κυκλον αγεις μετα κυκλον----
  Ομβρον αγεις φερεκαρτον, επ' ευωδινι δε γαιῃ
  Ηεριης ηωον ερευγεται αρδμον εερσης.----
  Βηλος επ Ευφρηταο, Λιβυς κεκλημενος Αμμων,
  Απις εφυς Νειλῳος Αραψ Κρονος, Ασσυριος Ζευς.----
  Ειτε Σαραπις εφυς Αιγυπτιος, ανεφαλος Ζευς,
  Ει Χρονος, ει Φαεθων πολυωνυμος, ειτε συ Μιθρης,

All the various titles, we find, are at last comprised in Apollo, or the

It may appear strange, that Hercules, and Jupiter, or whomever we put for
the chief Deity, should be of all ages. This must have been the case, if
they were the same as the boy of love, and Bacchus ever young; and were
also the representatives of Cronus, and Saturn. But the antients went
farther; and described the same Deity under the same name in various stages
of life: and [937]Ulpian speaking of Dionusus, says that he was represented
of all ages. Και γαρ παιδα, και πρεσβυτην, και ανδρα γραφουσιν αυτον. But
the most extraordinary circumstance was, that they represented the same
Deity of different sexes. A bearded Apollo was uncommon; but Venus with a
beard must have been very extraordinary. Yet she is said to have been thus
exhibited in Cyprus, under the name of Aphroditus, Αφροδιτος: [938]πωγωνιαν
ανδρος την Θεον εσχηματισθαι εν Κυπρῳ. The same is mentioned by Servius:
[939]Est etiam in Cypro simulacrum _barbatæ_ Veneris, corpora et veste
muliebri, cum sceptro, et naturâ virili, quod Αφροδιτον vocant. She was
also looked upon as prior to Zeus, and to most other of the Gods.
[940]Αφροδιτη ου μονον Αθηνας, και Ἡρας, αλλα και ΔΙΟΣ εστι πρεσβυτερα. The
poet Calvus speaks of her as masculine: [941]Polientemque Deum Venerem.
Valerius Soranus among other titles calls Jupiter the mother of the Gods.

  [942]Jupiter omnipotens, Regum Rex ipse, Deûmque
  Progenitor, _Genetrixque Deûm_; Deus unus et idem.

Synesius speaks of him in nearly the same manner.

  [943]Συ πατηρ, συ δ' εσσι μητηρ,
  Συ δ' αρσην, συ δε θηλυς.

And the like character is given to the antient Deity Μητις.

  [944]Αρσην μεν και θηλυς εφυς, πολυωνυμε Μητι.

In one of the fragments of the Orphic poetry there is every thing, which I
have been saying comprehended within a very short compass.

  [945]Ζευς αρσην γενετο, Ζευς αμβροτος επλετο Νυμφη,
  Ζευς πυθμην γαιης τε και ουρανου αστεροεντος.----
  Ζευς ποντου ῥιζα, Ζευς [946]Ἡλιος, ηδε Σεληνη,
  Ζευς Βασιλευς, Ζευς αυτος ἁπαντων αρχιγενεθλος----
  Και Μητις, πρωτος γενετωρ και Ερως πολυτερπης.
  Παντα γαρ εν Ζηνος μεγαλῳ ταδε σωματι κειται.
  Ἑν κρατος, ἑις Δαιμων, γενεται μεγας αρχος ἁπαντων.

Whom he meant under the title of Zeus, he explains afterwards in a solemn
invocation of the God Dionusus.

  [947]Κεκλυθι τηλεπορου δινης ἑλικαυγεα κυκλον
  Ουρανιαις στροφαλιγξι περιδρομον αιεν ἑλισσων,
  Αγλαε ΖΕΥ, ΔΙΟΝYΣΕ, πατερ ποντου, πατερ αιης,
  Ἡλιε, παγγενετορ, παναιολε, χρυσεοφεγγες.

As we have seen how the father of the Gods was diversified, it may be worth
while to hear what the supposed mother of all the Deities says of her
titles and departments, in Apuleius. [948]Me primigenii Phryges
Pessinuntiam nominant Deûm Matrem: hinc Autochthones Attici Cecropiam
Minervam: illinc fluctuantes Cyprii Paphiam Venerem: Cretes sagittiferi
Dictynnam Dianam. Siculi trilingues Stygiam Proserpinam: Eleusinii vetustam
Deam Cererem. Junonem alii: alii Bellonam: alii Hecaten: Rhamnusiam alii:
et qui nascentis dei Solis inchoantibus radiis illustrantur Æthiopes,
Ariique, priscâque doctrinâ pollentes Ægyptii, ceremoniis me prorsus
propriis percolentes, appellant vero nomine Reginam Isidem.

Porphyry acknowledged, that Vesta, Rhea, Ceres, Themis, Priapus,
Proserpina, Bacchus, Attis, Adonis, Silenus, and the Satyrs, were all one,
and the[949] same. Nobody had examined the theology of the antients more
deeply than Porphyry. He was a determined Pagan, and his evidence in this
point is unexceptionable. The titles of Orus and Osiris being given to
Dionusus, caused him in time to partake of the same worship which was paid
to the great luminary; and as he had also many other titles, from them
sprung a multiplicity of Deities. [950]Morichum Siculi Bacchum nominârunt:
Arabes vero eundem Orachal et Adonæum: alii Lyæum, Erebinthium, Sabazium;
Lacedæmonii Scytidem, et Milichium vocitarunt. But let Dionusus or Bacchus
be diversified by ever so many names or titles, they all, in respect to
worship, relate ultimately to the Sun. [951]Sit Osiris, sit Omphis, Nilus,
Siris, sive quodcunque aliud ab Hierophantis usurpatum nomen, ad unum
tandem _Solem_, antiquissimum Gentium numen, redeunt omnia.

       *       *       *       *       *


W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.

       *       *       *       *       *

Notes to Volume I.

[1] Henry VI. founder of Eton and King's College, in Cambridge.

[2] Dr. Priestley, on Philosophical Necessity.

[3] Κατα θειον δηλονοτι χρησμον. Eusebii Chron. p. 10. See also Syncellus.

[4] Αιγυπτους--προς αλληλους τᾳ ῥηματι Αμουν χρησθαι. Isis et Osiris. p.

[5] Ὁ δε συμβαλων τοις απο των αδυτων ἑυρηθεισιν αποκρυφοις ΑΜΜΟΥΕΝΩΝ
γραμμασι συγκειμενοις, ἁ δη ουκ ην πασι γνωριμα, την μαθησιν ἁπαντων αυτος
ησκησε· και τελος επιθεις τῃ πραγματειᾳ τον κατ' αρχας μυθον και τας
αλληγοριας εκποδων ποιησαμενος, εξηνυσατο την προθεσιν. Euseb. Præp. Evang.
l. 1. c. 9. p. 32.

[6] He makes it exceed the æra of the Mosaic creation 1336 years. See
Marsham's Canon Chron. p. 1.

[7] The Rev. Dr. Barford, Prebendary of Canterbury, and Rector of Kimpton,

[8] Called also Chumus. Lilius Gyraldus speaks of the Phenician God Chumus.
Syntag. 1. p. 7.

[9] Of Amanus, and Omanus, see Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. and l. 15. p. 1066.
He calls the temple Ἱερον Ομανου.

[10] Et Solem et calorem המה Chammha vocant (Syri.) Selden de Diis Syris.
Syntag. 2. c. 8. p.247.

[11] The Sun in the Persic language, Hama. Gale's Court of the Gentiles. v.
1. c. 11. p.72.

[12] Camisene, Chamath, Chamane, Choma, Chom, Cuma, Camæ, Camelis,
Cambalidus, Comopolis, Comara, &c. All these are either names of places,
where the Amonians settled; or are terms, which have a reference to their
religion and worship.

[13] Plutarch. Amatorius. vol. 2. p.768.

[14] 2 Chron. c. 34. v. 4. Ωρον ειωθασι Καιμιν προσαγορευειν. Plutarch.
Isis et Osiris, vol. 2. p.374.

[15] _I will cut off the remnant of Baal from this place, and the name of
the Chammerim with the priests_. Zephaniah. c. 1. v. 4. From hence we may,
in some degree, infer who are meant by the Baalim.

[16] Hesychius.

[17] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 42.

Ham sub Jovis nomine in Africâ diu cultus. Bochart. Geog. Sac. l. 1. c. 1.
p. 5.

    Αμμωνα Λιβυες τον Δια προσαγορευουσι, και ουτω τιμωσι· και γαρ και
  φαιστος εν τοις Λακεδαιμονικοις επιβαλλων φησι,
          Ζευ Λιβυης Αμμων, κερατηφορε, κεκλυθι Μαντι.
                  Pindar. Pyth. ode 4. v. 28. Schol.

[18] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. vol. 2. p. 354. Zeus was certainly, as these
writers say, a title given to Ham; yet it will be found originally to have
belonged to his father; for titles were not uniformly appropriated.

[19] Herodotus. l. 2, c. 49. Speaking afterwards of the people at Dodona,
he says, Χρονου πολλου διεξελθοντος, επυθοντα εκ της Αιγυπτου απικομενα τα
ουνοματα τα τον θεων των αλλων, Διονυσου δε ὑστερον πολλῳ επυθοντο. c. 52.
_It was a long time before they had names for any of the Gods; and very
late before they were acquainted with Dionusus; which Deity, as well as all
the others, they received from Egypt._ See also l. 2. c. 59.

[20] Sanchoniathon apud Eusebium prodit Ægyptiorum Κνηφ esse Phœnicum
Αγαθοδαιμονα, vel secundum Mochum, Χουσωρα. See notes to Iamblichus, by
Gale, p, 301.

[21] Chusistan, to the east of the Tigris, was the land of Chus: it was,
likewise, called Cutha, and Cissia, by different writers. A river and
region, styled Cutha, mentioned by Josephus, Ant. Jud. l. 9. c. 14. n. 3.
the same which by others has been called Cushan, and Chusistan.

[22] The harbour at Carthage was named Cothon. Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189.
Also, an island in that harbour. Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 168.

[23] Χουσον μεν ουδεν εβλαψεν ὁ κρονος. Αιθιοπες γαρ, ὡν ηρξεν, ετι και νυν
ὑπο ἑαυτων τε και των εν τῃ Ασιᾳ παντων, ΧΟΥΣΑΙΟΙ καλουνται. Josephus. Ant.
Jud. l. 1. c. 6. § 2.

[24] Euseb. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.

[25] Sanchoniathon apud eundem. Ibid.

See Michaelis Geographia Hebræor. Extera. p. 2.

[26] Ὁ πρωτος οικησας τῃν Μεστραιαν χωραν, ητοι Αιγυπτον, Μεστραϊμ,
εβασιλευσεν εν αυτῃ τῃ Μεστραιᾳ. Euseb. Chron. p. 17.

Μεστραϊμ of the LXX.

Josephus calls the country of Egypt Mestra. Την γαρ Αιγυπτον Μεστρην, και
Μεστραιους τους Αιγυπτιους ἁπαντας, ὁι ταυτην οικουντες, καλουμεν. Ant.
Jud. l. 1. c. 6. § 2.

[27] Apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36.

Hierapolis of Syria, was called Magog, or rather the city of Magog. It was
also called Bambyce. Cœle (Syria) habet--Bambycen, quæ alio nomine
Hierapolis vocatur, Syris vero Magog. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. § 19. p. 266.

[28] Genesis. c. 10. v. 8, 9. Hence called Νεβρωδ ὁ κυνηγος, και Γιγας,
Αιθιοψ.--Chronicon Paschale. P. 28.

[29] Πρωτον γενεσθαι Βασιλεα Αλωπον εν Βαβυλωνι Χαλδαιον. Euseb. Chron. p.
5. ex Apollodoro. The same from Abydenus. Euseb. Chron. p. 6.

Εν τοις αστροις του ουρανου εταξαν (τον Νεβρωδ), και καλουσιν Ωριωνα.
Cedrenus. p. 14.

Εγεννηθη δε και αλλος εκ της φυλες του Σημ (Χαμ), Χους ονομαστι, ὁ Αιθιοψ,
ὁστις εγεννησε τον Νεβρωδ, Γιγαντα, τον την Βαβυλωνιαν κτισαντα, ὁν
λεγουσιν ὁι Περσαι αποθεωθεντα, και γενομενον εν τοις αστροις του ουρανου,
ὁντινα καλουσιν Ωριωνα. Chronicon Paschale. p. 36.

[30] Homer. Odyss. l. Λ v. 571.

[31] Chronicon. Pasch. p. 36.

[32] Strabo. l. 6. p. 421.

[33] Gratii Cyneget. v. 527.

[34] Solinus de Situ Orbis. c. 11.

[35] Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 3. c. 1.

[36] Silius Italicus. l. 3. v. 393.

[37] Seneca. Œdipus. act 2. v. 436.

[38] Sylvæ. l. 1. carm. 2. v. 226.

Dionysius of the Indian Camaritæ:

  Ζωματα, και Νεβριδας επι στηθεσσι βαλοντες,
  Ευοι Βακχε λεγοντες. V. 703.

At the rites of Osiris, Και γαρ νεβριδας περικαθαπτονται (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι) και
θυρσους φορουσι κτλ. Plutarch Isis et Osir. p. 364.

[39] Arnobius. l. 5. p. 185. edit. 1661. Ceres fessa, oras ut venit
Atticas--Nebridarum familiam pelliculâ cohonestavit hinnulea.

[40] Nimrod built Babylon; which is said to have been the work of Belus.
Βαβυλων'--ειρηται δ' υπο Βηλου. Etymologicum Magnum.

Arcem (Babylonis) Rex antiquissimus condidit Belus. Ammian. Marcellinus. l.

Here was a temple, styled the temple of Belus.

[41] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 9. p. 32. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36. p. 40.

[42] See also the Phædrus of Plato: Ηκουσα τοινυν περι Ναυκρατιν της
Αιγυπτου κτλ.

[43] Anthologia. l. 1. 91. l. 1. 29.

[44] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. l. 1, c. 10. p. 36. from Sanchoniathon.

[45] Lucan. l. 1. v. 444.

[46] Selden de Diis Syrib: Prolegomena. c. 3.

[47] Lycophron. v. 459. Scholia ibidem.

It is also compounded with Cham, as in Orchamus, a common Babylonish

  Rexit Achæmenias urbes pater Orchamus; isque
  Septimus a prisci numeratur origine Beli.
                  Ovid. Metamorph. l. 4. v. 212.

[48] Eusebii Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36.

[49] Gruter. v. 1. 37. n. 4, 5, 6.

[50] Damascius apud Photium. c. 242.

[51] Αλωρος, Alorus, the first king who reigned. Syncellus. p. 18.

Ἁλια, Halia, was a festival at Rhodes in honour of the Sun, to whom that
Island was sacred. Ῥοδιοι τα Ἁλια τιμωσιν. Athenæus. l. 13. p. 561. The
first inhabitants were styled Heliadæ. Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 327. And they
called the chief temple of the Deity Ἁλιον, Halion. Eustath. ad Hom. Odyss.
Ζ. They came after a deluge, led by Ochimus, Macar, and others.

[52] Gruter. Inscript. xl. 9. and lvi. 11.

[53] Macrobii Saturn. l. 3. c. 8.

[54] Pomponius Laetus.

Camilla was in like manner attendant on the Gods.

Cælitum Camilla expectata advenis. Ennius in Medo, ex Varrone de Ling. Lat.
p. 71. Edit. Dordrechti. 1619.

[55] Juba apud Plutarchum in Numa. vol. 1. p. 64.

[56] Scholia in Apollon. Rhodium. l. 1. v. 917. So Camœna was rendered

[57] De Amore Fraterno. p. 483.

[58] Isaiah. c. 14. v. 12.

[59] Genesis. c. 41. v. 45. and Exodus. c. 1. v. 11.

[60] Theophilus ad Autolycum. l. 3. p. 392. Iablonsky. l. 2. c. 1. p. 138.

[61] Canticles. c. 8. v. 11.

Mention is made of Amon, Jeremiah. c. 46. v. 25. Nahum. c. 3. v. 8.

It was sometimes compounded; and the Deity worshipped under the titles of
Or-On: and there were temples of this denomination in Canaan.

Solomon fortified Beth-Oron the upper, and Beth-Oron the nether. 2 Chron.
c. 8. v. 5.

As Ham was styled Hamon, so was his son Chus, or Cuth, named Cuthon and
Cothon; as we may judge from places, which, were denominated, undoubtedly,
from him. At Adrumetum was an island at the entrance of the harbour so
called: Hirtius. Afric. p. 798. Another at Carthage, probably so named from
a tower or temple. Ὑποκεινται δε τῃ ακροπολει ὁι τε λιμενες, και ὁ
ΚΩΘΩΝ.--Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189.

[62] Voss. de Idol. vol. 1. l. 2. c. 17. p. 391.

[63] Apocalyps. c. 9. v. 11.

[64] The Sun's disk, styled Αιθοψ:

Ἱππευων ἑλικηδον ὁλον πολον ΑΙΘΟΠΙ ΔΙΣΚῼ. Nonnus. l. 40. v. 371.

Αιθιοπαιδα Διονυσον. Ανακρεων. αλλοι τον οινον. αλλοι την Αρτεμιν.
Hesychius. Altered to Αιθοπα παιδα by Albertus.

[65] The Egyptian Theology abounded with personages formed from these
emanations, who, according to Psellus, were called Eons, Ζωνες, Αζωνες. See
Iamblichus, and Psellus, and Damascius.

[66] Stephanus Byzant.

[67] Scholia on Dionysius. v. 239. What it alluded to may be seen from
other authors.

[68] Homer. Iliad. Ο. v. 690. Ὁ ενθερμος, και πυρωδης. Hesychius.

[69] Ηθ καρδια. Etymolog. Magnum ex Orione, in Athribis.

They express it after the manner of the Ionians, who always deviated from
the original term. The Dorians would have called it, with more propriety,

[70] Horus Apollo. l. 1. c. 22. p. 38.

[71] Clemens Alexandrius from Ptolemy Mendesius. Strom. l. 1. p. 378.

It was called also Abur, or Abaris, as well as Athur. In after times it was
rebuilt; and by Herodotus it is styled Cercasora. By Athuria is to be
understood both the city and the district; which was part of the great Nome
of Heliopolis.

[72] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 1323.

[73] Athenagoræ Legatio. p. 293.

Proserpine (Κορα) was also called Athela, ibid.

[74] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 52.

[75] Homer. Iliad. Κ. v. 37.

[76] Homer. Iliad. Ψ. v. 94.

[77] Homer. Odyss. Ξ. v. 147.

Ath-El among many nations a title of great honour.

[78] Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 5. c. 31.

[79] Valerius Flaccus. l. 2. v. 78. The chief city was Hephæstia.

[80] Universa vero gens (Æthiopum) Ætheria appellata est. Plin. l. 6. c.

[81] Plin. l. 5. c. 31.

[82] Genesis. c. 10. v. 18. c. 11. v. 2.

[83] 1 Kings. c. 16. v. 31.

[84] 2 Kings. c. 11. v. 1.

[85] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 5. v. 162.

So in Virgil.

  Comites Sarpedonis ambo,
      Et clarus Ethemon Lyciâ comitantur ab altâ.
  Or, Clarus et Ethemon. Æneis. l. 10. v. 126.

[86] 1 Kings. c. 11. v. 14. Adad, the fourth king of Edom. Gen. c. 36. v.

[87] 1 Kings. c. 20. v. 1.

[88] Nicolaus Damasc. apud Josephum Antiq. l. 7. c. 5.

[89] 2 Samuel. c. 8. v. 3.

[90] 1 Chron. c. 18. v. 10.

[91] Zechariah. c. 12. v. 11.

There was a town of this name in Israel. Some suppose that the Prophet
alluded to the death of Josiah, who was slain at Megiddo.

[92] Plutarch. Apothegmata. p. 180. One of the wives of Esau was of Canaan,
and named Adah, the daughter of Elon the Hittite. Gen. c. 36. v. 2.

[93] Αδα, ἡδονη· και ὑπο Βαβυλωνιων ἡ Ηρα. Hesychius.

[94] Macrobii Saturnalia. l. 1. c. 23.

[95] Adamantis fluv. Gangeticus.

Adam was sometimes found reversed, as in Amad, a Canaanitish town in the
tribe of Ashur. Joshua. c. 19. v. 26. There was a town Hamad, as well as
Hamon, in Galilee: also, Amida, in Mesopotamia.

[96] Polybius. l. 1. p. 31.

Atis, in Phrygia, and Lydia, was represented with a crown of rays, and a
tiara spangled with stars, την καταστικτον τοις αστροις τιαραν. Julian.
Orat. 5. p. 179.

[97] Podalia, Choma, præfluente Adesa. Plin. l. 5. c. 17.

It was compounded, also, Az-On. Hence Αζωνες in Sicily, near Selinus.
Diodori Excerpta. l. 22.

[98] Herbert's Travels. p. 316. He renders the word Attash.

Hyde of the various names of fire among the Persians; Va, Adur, Azur,
Adish, Atesh, Hyr. c. 29 p. 358. Atesh Perest is a Priest of fire. Ibid. c.
29. p. 366.

[99] Aziz, lightning; any thing superlatively bright, analogous to Adad and
Rabrab. Hazazon Tamor, mentioned 2 Chron. c. 20. v. 2.

[100] Orat. 4. p. 150.

[101] Azaz, and Asisus, are the same as Asis and Isis made feminine in
Egypt; who was supposed to be the sister of Osiris the Sun.

[102] Την ΜΟΝΑΔΑ τους ανδρας ονομαζειν Απολλωνα. Plutarch. Isis & Osiris.
p. 354.

[103] Hence came asso, assare, of the Romans.

Jezebel, whose father was Ethbaal, king of Sidon, and whose daughter was
Athaliah, seems to have been named from Aza-bel; for all the Sidonian names
are compounds of sacred terms.

[104] Places, which have this term in their composition, are to be found
also in Canaan and Africa. See Relandi Palæstina. vol. 2. p. 597. Joseph.
Ant. l. 8. c. 2. Hazor, the chief city of Jabin, who is styled king of
Canaan, stood near Lacus Samochonites. Azorus, near Heraclea, in Thessaly,
at the bottom of Mount Œta. Hazor is mentioned as a kingdom, and,
seemingly, near Edom and Kedar. Jeremiah. c. 49. v. 30. 33.

[105] Hazor in Sicily stood near Enna, and was, by the Greeks, rendered
Ασσωρος, and Ασσωρον. Azor and Azur was a common name for places where
Puratheia were constructed. See Hyde. Relig. Pers. c. 3. p. 100.

[106] The country about the Cayster was particularly named Asia.

  Ασιῳ εν λειμωνι Καϋστριου αμφι ρεεθρα. Homer. Iliad. Β. v. 461.

Of these parts see Strabo. l. 13. p. 932.

[107] Ἱεραπολις--θερμων υδατων πολλων πληθουσα, απο του ἱερα πολλα εχειν.
Stephanus Byzant.

[108] Ἱεραπολις, ὁπου τα θερμα ὑδατα, και το Πλουτωνιον, αμφω
παραδοξολογιαν τινα εχοντα. Strabo. l. 13. p. 933.

[109] Damascius apud Photium in Vitâ Isidor. c. 242.

[110] At Hierapolis, Acharaca, Magnesia, and Myus. Strabo. l. 12. p. 868.

Αχαρακα, εν ῃ το Πλουτωνιον, εχον και αλσος πολυτελες, και νεων Πλουτωνος
τε και Ἡρας καν το ΧΑΡΩΝΙΟΝ αντρον ὑπερκειμενον του αλσους, θαυμαστον τῃ
φυσει. Strabo. l. 14. p. 960.

[111] Plin. H. N. L. 2. c. 93. Spiritus lethales alibi, aut scrobibus
emissi, aut ipso loci situ mortiferi: alibi volucribus tantum, ut Soracte
vicino urbi tractu: alibi præter hominem cæteris animantibus: nonnunquam et
homini; ut in Sinuessano agro, et Puteolano. Spiracula vocant, alii
Charoneas scrobes, mortiferum spiritum exhalantes. Strabo of the same:
Θυμβρια, παρ' ἡν Αορνον εστι σπηλαιον ἱερον, ΧΑΡΩΝΙΟΝ λεγομενον, ολεθριους
εχον αποφορας. l. 14. p. 943.

[112] Ἁπαντα μεν ουν τα των Περσων ἱερα και Μηδοι και Αρμενιοι τετιμηκασι·
τα δε της Αναϊτιδος διαφεροντως Αρμενιοι. Strabo. l. 11. p. 805.

[113] Anait signifies a fountain of fire; under which name a female Deity
was worshipped. Wherever a temple is mentioned, dedicated to her worship,
there will be generally found some hot streams, either of water or bitumen;
or else salt, and nitrous pools. This is observable at Arbela. Περι Αρβηλα
δε εστι και Δημητριας πολις, ειθ' ἡ του ναφθα πηγη, και το πυρα, και το της
Αναιας, (or Αναϊτιδος) ἱερον. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1072.

Of Anait see Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. l. 12. p. 838. l. 15. p.1066.

[114] Strabo. l. 14. p. 951.

[115] Εστι και Αλησιον πεδιον της Ηπειρου, ἱνα πηγνυται ἁλας. Stephanus

[116] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 618.

[117] Athanasius, who was of Egypt, speaks of the veneration paid to
fountains and waters. Αλλοι ποταμους και κρηνας, και παντων μαλιστα
Αιγυπτιοι το ὑδωρ προτετιμηκασι, και θεους αναγορευουσι. Oratio contra
Gentes. p. 2. Edit. Commelin.

[118] It was an obsolete term, but to be traced in its derivatives. From
Ees-El came Ασυλον, Asylum: from El-Ees, Elis, Elissa, Eleusis, Eleusinia
Sacra, Elysium, Elysii campi in Egypt and elsewhere.

[119] Of those places called Lasa many instances might be produced. The
fountain at Gortyna in Crete was very sacred, and called Lasa, and Lysa.
There was a tradition, that Jupiter when a child was washed in its waters:
it was therefore changed to Λουσα. Pausanias says, ὑδωρ ψυχροτατον
παρεχεται ποταμων. l. 8. p. 685.

In Judea were some medicinal waters and warm springs of great repute, at a
place called of old Lasa. Lasa ipsa est, quæ nunc Callirrhoë dicitur, ubi
aquæ calidæ in Mare Mortuum defluunt. Hieron. in Isaiam. c. 17. 19.

Ἡρωδης τοις κατα Καλλιῤῥοην θερμοις εκεχρητο. Josephus de B. J. l. 1. c.

Alesa, urbs et fons Siciliæ. Solinus. c. 11. The fountain was of a
wonderful nature.

[120] Strabo. l. 5. p. 385.

[121] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1029.

[122] Strabo. l. 4. p. 314.

[123] Strabo. l. 6. p. 421.

[124] Strabo. l. 14. p. 951. Here was a cavern, which sent forth a most
pestilential vapour. Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 278.

[125] Voyages de Monconys. Parte 2de. p. 38.


  Sulmo mihi patria est, gelidis uberrimus undis.
                  Ovid. Tristia. l. 5. Eleg. 10. v. 3.

[127] John. c. 3. v. 23. Ην δε και Ιωαννης βαπτιζων εν Αινων εγγυς Σαλειμ·
so denominated by the antient Canaanites.

[128] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 535. The city Arles in Provence was famed for
medicinal waters. The true name was Ar-Ales, the city of Ales: it was also
called Ar-El-Ait, or Arelate.

[129] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 52.

[130] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 659.

[131] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 535.

[132] Strabo. l. 12. p. 812.

[133] Strabo. l. 12. p. 839.

[134] Gaspar Brechenmaker. § 45. p. 57

[135] Tacitus. Annal. l. 13. c. 57.

From this antient term As, or Az, many words in the Greek language were
derived: such as αζομαι, veneror; αζω, ξηραινω; αζαλεον, θερμον; αζα,
ασβολος; αζωπες, αι ξηραι εκ της θεωριας. Hesychius.

[136] Cyril. contra Julianum. l. 10. p. 342. And Iamblich. in vitâ

Ζαν Κρονου. Lactantii Div. Institut. l. 1. c. 11. p. 53.

Ζαν, Ζευς. Hesychius.

[137] Joshua. c. 19. v. 33. Judges. c. 4. v. 11. Also Tzaanan. Micah. c. 1.
v. 11. Solis Fons.

[138] Relandi Palæstina. v. 2. p. 983.

[139] Diodorus Siculus. l. 2. p. 90.

[140] 1 Samuel. c. 31. v. 9, 10.

[141] Joshua. c. 15. v. 31.

[142] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 430.

Ζανα, Ζονα, Ξοανα· all names of the same purport, all statues of the Sun,
called Zan, Zon, Zoan, Xoan.

[143] Silius Italicus. l. 8. v. 421.

[144] Lactantius, de F. R. l. 1. p. 65.

Fit sacrificium, quod est proficiscendi gratiâ, Herculi, aut _Sanco_, qui
idem deus est. Festus.

[145] Dionysius Halicarnass. Antiq. Rom. l. 4. p. 246. St. Austin supposes
the name to have been Sanctus. Sabini etiam Regem suum primum Sancum, sive,
ut aliqui appellant, Sanctum, retulerunt inter deos. Augustinus de Civitate
Dei. l. 18. c. 19. The name was not of Roman original; but far prior to

[146] Gruter. Inscript. vol. 1. p. 96. n. 6.

Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio. n. 5.

Sanco Fidio Semo Patri. n. 7

Sanco Deo Patr. Reatin. sacrum. n. 8.

From San came the Latine terms, sanus, sano, sanctus, sancire.

Vossius derives San, or Zan, from שנד, sævire. De Idol. l. 1. c. 22. p.

[147] Macrobii Saturn. l. 3. c. 8. p. 282.

Hence, perhaps, came ζωειν and ζην to live: and ζωον, animal: and hence the
title of Apollo Ζηνοδοτηρ.

[148] Tertullian. Apolog. c. 24.

[149] Δουσαρη (lege Δουσαρης) σκοπελος και κορυφη ὑψηλοτατη Αραβιας·
ειρηται δ' απο του Δουσαρου. Θεος δε ὁυτος παρα Αραψι και Δαχαρηνοις
τιμωμενος. Stephanus Byz.

Δους, Dous, is the same as Deus. Δους-Αρης, Deus Sol.

[150] Δυσωρον καλεομενον ουρος. Herod. l. 5. c. 17.

[151] Agathias. l. 2. p. 62.

[152] Το ονομα τουτο Θρακον ἡ Βενδις· ὁυτω και Θρακος θεολογου μετα των
πολλων της Σεληνης ονοματων και την Βενδιν εις την θεον αναπεμψαντος.

  Πλουτωνη τε, και Ευφροσυνη, Βενδις τε κραταια.
    Ex Proclo. See Poesis Philosophica. Edit. H. Steph. p. 91.

[153] Plutarch. in Artaxerxe. p. 1012.

[154] Virgil. Æneis. l. 3. v. 80.

Majorum enim hæc erat consuetudo, ut Rex esset etiam Sacerdos, et Pontifex:
unde hodieque Imperatores Pontifices dicamus. Servii Scholia ibidem.

[155] Ὁι δ' Ἱερεις το παλαιον μεν δυνασται τινες ησαν. Strabo. l. 12. p.
851. It is spoken particularly of some places in Asia Minor.

[156] Pythodorus, the high priest of Zela and Comana in Armenia, was the
king of the country. Ην ὁ Ἱερευς κυριος των παντων. Strabo. l. 12. p. 838.

[157] Etymologicum Magnum.

Κυναδης Ποσειδων Αθηνῃσιν ετιματο. Hesychius.

[158] Genesis. c. 14. v. 19. אל עליון קנה שמים.

Sabacon of Ethiopia was Saba Con, or king of Saba.

[159] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1074.

[160] Ptolem. Geogr. lib. 5. cap. 19 p. 165. He places very truly the
Orcheni upon the Sinus Persicus: for they extended so far.

Παρακειται τῃ ερημῳ Αραβιᾳ ἡ Χαλδαια χωρα. Idem. l. 5. c. 20. p. 167.

[161] Plin. H. N. l. 6. c. 27.

[162] Ezra. c. 5. v. 6. c. 4. v. 9-17.

[163] The priests in Egypt, among other titles, were called Sonchin, sive
Solis Sacerdotes, changed to Σογχης in the singular. Pythagoras was
instructed by a Sonchin, or priest of the Sun. It is mentioned as a proper
name by Clemens Alexandr. Strom. l. 1. p. 356. And it might be so: for
priests were denominated from the Deity, whom they served.

[164] See Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. p. 164.

[165] Description de la Ville de Pekin. p. 5. He mentions Chao Kong. p. 3.

[166] See Observations and Inquiries. p. l63.

[167] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 25.

[168] L. 3. c. 61.

[169] L. 7. c. 40.

Patæcion is mentioned by Plutarch de audiendis Poetis. p. 21.

Patiramphes is for Pata-Ramphan, the priest of the God Ramphan, changed to
Ramphas by the Greeks.

Ram-phan is the great Phan or Phanes, a Deity well known in Egypt.

[170] Also in Asampatæ; a nation upon the Mæotis. Plin. l. 6. c. 7.

[171] L. 11. p. 794. He speaks of it as a proper name; but it was certainly
a title and term of office.

[172] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 110.

[173] Aor, is אור of the Chaldeans.

[174] Proclus in Timæum. l. 1. p. 31.

See Iablonsky. l. 1. c. 3. p. 57.

Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 356.

It is remarkable that the worshippers of Wishnou, or Vistnou in India, are
now called Petacares, and are distinguished by three red lines on their
foreheads. The priests of Brama have the same title, Petac Arez, the
priests of Arez, or the Sun. Lucæ Viecampii Hist. Mission. Evangel. in
India, 1747. c. 10. §. 3. p. 57.

[175] Eubebius. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 34.

[176] Damascius apud Photium. c. 243.

Belus primus Rex Assyriorum, quos constat Saturnum (quem eundem et Solem
dicunt) Junonemque coluisse. Servius in Virg. Æneid. l. 1.

[177] Theoph. ad Antolycum. l. 3. p. 399. Μη γινωσκοντες, μητε τις εστιν ὁ
Κρονος, μητε τις εστιν ὁ Βηλος. Idem.

[178] Psalm 92. v. 10.

[179] Psalm 112. v. 9.

[180] Jeremiah. c. 48. v. 25.

[181] Luke. c. 1, v. 69.

[182] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 239.

Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo, v. 71. He mentions Minerva Κραναια, Cranæa. l.
10. p. 886.

Among the Romans this title, in later times, was expressed Granus and
Grannus: hence, in Gruter Inscriptions, p. 37. n. 10, 11, 12. APPOLLINI

[183] The Dorians expressed it Ουπις. Palæphatus. p. 78.

[184] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3. 23.

[185] Huetii Demonstratio. p. 83.

[186] Orus Apollo. c. 1. p. 2.

Some have, by mistake, altered this to Ουραιον.

[187] Leviticus. c. 20. v. 27.

Deuteronomy, c. 18. v. 11. Translated _a charmer, or a consulter with
familiar spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer_.

Tunc etiam ortæ sunt opiniones, et sententiæ; et inventi sunt ex cis
augures, et magni divinatores, et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob et Iideoni,
et requirentes mortuos. Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 1. c. 2. p. 48. from M.
Maimonides in more Nebuchim.

[188] Justin Martyr's second Apology. p. 6.

Of serpent worship, see Eusebius. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 40, 41. And
Clementis Alexand. Cohort. p. 14. Arnobius. l. 5. Ælian. l. 10. c. 31. of
the Asp.

Herodotus. l. 2. c. 74.

[189] 1 Samuel. c. 28. v. 7. בעלת אוב.

[190] It is called Abdir, Abadir, and Abaddir, by Priscian. He supposes the
stone Abaddir to have been that which Saturn swallowed, instead of his son
by Rhea. Abdir, et Abadir, Βαιτυλος. l. 1.; and, in another part, Abadir
Deus est. Dicitur et hoc nomine lapis ille, quem Saturnus dicitur devorâsse
pro Jove, quem Græci Βαιτυλον vocant. l. 2.

[191] Bochart. Hierozoicon. l. 1. c. 3. p. 22.

[192] Macrobius. Saturnalia. l. 1. c. 10. p. l62.

[193] The father of one of the goddesses, called Diana, had the name of
Upis. Cicero de Naturâ Deorum. l. 3. 23.

It was conferred upon Diana herself; also upon Cybele, Rhea, Vesta, Terra,
Juno. Vulcan was called Opas, Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3.

Ops was esteemed the Goddess of riches: also, the Deity of fire:

Ωπι ανασσα, πυρα προθυρος, πυρ προ των θυρων. Hesychius.

Την Αρτεμιν Θρακες Βενδειαν, Κρητες δε Δικτυναν, Λακεδαιμονιοι δε Ουπιν
(καλουσι.) Palæphatus. c. 32. p. 78.

[194] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. v. 204.

[195] Sidonius Apollinaris. Carm. 9. v. 190.

[196] Αινων εγγυς του Σαλειμ. Eusebius de locorum nominibus in sacrâ
Script. Ain On, tons solis. Salim is not from Salem, peace; but from Sal,
the Sun, the Sol of the Latines. Salim, Aquæ solis; also Aquæ salsæ.

[197] St. John. c. 3. v. 23.

[198] Pythagoras used to swear by τετρακτυν παγαν αενναου φυσεως. See
Stanley of the Chaldaic Philosophy, and Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 2. c.
1. p. 135.

Και πηγη πηγων, και πηγων πειρας ἁπασων. Oracle concerning the Deity,
quoted in notes to Iamblichus. p. 299.

[199] Athenagor. Legatio. p. 293.

[200] The Amonians dealt largely in fountain worship: that is, in the
adoration of subordinate dæmons; which they supposed to be emanations and
derivatives from their chief Deity. They called them Zones, Intelligences,
Fountains, &c. See Psellus and Stanley upon the Chaldaic Philosophy. p. 17.
c. 3.

See Proclus on the Theology of Plato. l. 5. c. 34. p. 315.

[201] Edita de magno flumine Nympha fui. Ovid. Epist. 5. v. 10.

Some make her the daughter of Cebrenus; others of the river Xanthus.

[202] Plin. N. H. l. 4. c. 12.

[203] Joshua. c. 1. 19. v. 38.

[204] Macrobius. Sat. l. 1. c. 7. p. 151.

[205] Fontis stagna Numici. Virg. l. 7. 150.

Egeria est, quæ præbet aquas, Dea grata Camœnis. Ovid. See Plutarch. Numa.

[206] It is my opinion that there are two events recorded by Moses, Gen. c.
10. throughout; and Gen. c. 11. v. 8. 9. One was a regular migration of
mankind in general to the countries allotted to them: the other was a
dispersion which related to some particulars. Of this hereafter I shall
treat at large.

[207] Νασον Σικελαν. Theocritus. Idyll. 1. v. 124.

  Γυναικα τε θησατο μαζον. Homer II. Ω. v. 58.

Σκυθην ες οιμον, αβατον εις ερημιαν. Æschyl. Prometh. v. 2.

To give instances in our own language would be needless.

[208] Joshua. c. 19. v. 8. Baalath-Beer, the well or spring of Baal-Ath.

[209] The Jews often took foreign names; of which we have instances in
Onias, Hyrcanus, Barptolemæus, &c.

Solinus, c. 25. mentions an altar found in North-Britain, inscribed to
Ulysses: but Goropius Becanus very truly supposes it to have been dedicated
to the Goddess Elissa, or Eliza.

Ab Elissâ Tyriâ, quam quidam Dido autumant. Velleius Paterculus. l. 1.

Elisa, quamdiu Carthago invicta fuit, pro Deâ culta est. Justin. l. 18. c.

The worship of Elisa was carried to Carthage from Canaan and Syria: in
these parts she was first worshipped; and her temple from that worship was
called Eliza Beth.

[210] Sarbeth or Sarabeth is of the same analogy, being put for Beth-Sar or
Sara, οικος κυριου, or κυριακη; as a feminine, answering to the house of
our Lady. Απο ορους Σαραβαθα. Epiphanius de vitis Prophetar. p. 248. See
Relandi Palæstina. p. 984.

[211] Damascus is called by the natives Damasec, and Damakir. The latter
signifies the town of Dama or Adama: by which is not meant Adam, the father
of mankind; but Ad Ham, the Lord Ham, the father of the Amonians. Abulfeda
styles Damascus, Damakir, p. 15. Sec or Shec is a prince. Damasec signifies
principis Ad-Amæ (Civitas). From a notion however of Adama signifying Adam,
a story prevailed that he was buried at Damascus. This is so far useful, as
to shew that Damasec was an abbreviation of Adamasec, and Damakir of

Also Κυρεσκαρτα the city of Kuros, the Sun. Stephanus Byzant. Manakarta,
Δαδοκαρτα, Ζαδρακαρτα. See Bochart. notæ in Steph. Byzantinum. p. 823.

Vologesakerta. Plin. l. 6. p. 332.

There was No-Amon in Egypt, and Amon-No. Guebr-abad. Hyde. p. 363.
Ghavrabad. p. 364. Atesh-chana, domus ignis. p. 359. An-Ath, whose temple
in Canaan was styled Beth-Anath, is found often reversed, and styled
Ath-An; whence came Athana, and Αθηνα of the Greeks. Anath signified the
fountain of light, and was abbreviated Nath and Neith by the Egyptians.
They worshipped under this title a divine emanation, supposed to be the
Goddess of Wisdom. The Athenians, who came from Sais in Egypt, were
denominated from this Deity, whom they expressed Ath-An, or Αθηνη, after
the Ionian manner. Της πολεως (Σαϊτων) Θεος αρχηγος εστιν, Αιγυπτιστι μεν
τ' ουνομα Νηϊθ, Ἑλληνιστι δε, ὡς ὁ εκεινων λογος, Αθηνα. Plato in Timæo. p.

[212] Stephanus Byzantinus.

[213] Isaiah. c. 30. v. 4.

Of Hanes I shall hereafter treat more fully.

[214] Genesis. c. 34. v. 4. John. c. 4. v. 5. It is called Σηγωρ by
Syncellus. p. 100.

[215] The same term is not always uniformly expressed even by the sacred
writers. They vary at different times both in respect to names of places
and of men. What is in Numbers, c. 13. 8, הושע, Hoshea, is in Joshua. c. 1.
v. 1. יהושע Jehoshua: and in the Acts, c. 7. v. 45. Jesus, Ιησους. Balaam
the son of Beor, Numbers, c. 22. v. 5. is called the son of Bosor, 2 Peter.
c. 2. v. 15.

Thus Quirinus or Quirinius is styled Curenius, Luke. c. 2. v. 2. and
Lazarus put for Eleasar, Luke. c. 16. v. 20. and John. c. 11. v. 2.

Baal-Zebub, Βεελζεβουλ, Matthew. c. 12. v. 24. So Bethbara in Judges, c. 7.
v. 24. is Bethabara of John. c. 1. v. 28.

Almug, a species of Cedar mentioned 1 Kings, c. 10. v. 11. is styled Algum
in 2 Chron. c. 2. v. 8. The city Chala of Moses, Gen. c. 10. v. 12. is
Calne of Isaiah. _Is not Chalno as Carchemish?_ c. 10. v. 9. Jerubbaal of
Judges is Jerubbeseth, 2 Samuel c. 11. v. 21. Ram, 1 Chron. c. 2. v. 10. is
Aram in Matth. c. 1. v. 3. Ruth. c. 4. v. 19. Hesron begat Ram.

Percussit Dominus Philistim a Gebah ad Gazar. 2 Sam. c. 5. v. 25.

Percussit Deus Philistim a Gibeon ad Gazarah. 1 Chron. c. 14. v. 16.

[216] Iamblichus says the same: Ἑλληνες δε εις Ἡφαιστον μεταλαμβανουσι τον
Φθα. Iamblichus de Myster. sect. 8. c. 3. p. 159.

[217] Cicero de Natura Deorum. l. 3. c. 22.

[218] Auctor Clementinorum. Hom. 9. p. 687. Cotelerii.

[219] Huetii Demonstratio Evan. p. 88.

[220] It is sometimes compounded, and rendered Am-Apha; after the Ionic
manner expressed Ημηφα; by Iamblichus, Ημηφ. Κατ' αλλην δε ταξιν προσταττει
θεον Ημηφ. Sect. 8. c. 3. p. 158.

Hemeph was properly Ham-Apha, the God of fire.

It was also rendered Camephis, Καμηφις, and Καμηφη, from Cam-Apha. Stobæus
from Hermes.

By Asclepiades, Καμηφις, or Κμηφις. Καμηφιν τον ἡλιον ειναι φησιν αυτον τον
δηπου τον νουν τον νοητουν. Apud Damascium in vita Isidori. Photius.

[221] Iamblichus. Sect. 8. c. 3. p. 159.

Hence ἁπτω, incendo: also Aptha, an inflammation, a fiery eruption.

Αφθα, ἡ εν στοματι ἑλκωσις. Hesychius.

Αφθα, λεγεται εξανθηματων ειδος κλ. Etymolog. Mag.

[222] Stephanus Byzantinus.

[223] Zosimus. l. 1. p. 53.

See Etymolog. Magnum, Alpha.

[224] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 180.

[225] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 242. supposed to be named from races.

[226] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 692. or Αφνειος, as some read it.

In like manner Αφθαλα και Αφθαια, Ἑκατη. Stephanas Byzantinus.

[227] Cælius Rhodig. l. 8. c. l6. Αφητωρ, ὁ εν τοις Δελφοις θεος. Auctor
Antiquus apud Lilium Gyraldum. Syntag. 7.

[228] These towers were oracular temples; and Hesychius expressly says,
Αφητορεια, μαντεια. Αφητορος, προφητευοντος. Hesychius. Αφητορος Απολλωνος.
Iliad. l. Α. v. 404. Προφητευοντος και μαντευομενου. Schol. ibid.

[229] See Hoffman. Lexic.

[230] Plutarch. Numa. vol. 1. p. 68. Ὑδωρ ἱερον αποδειξαι ταις Ἑστιαισι

  Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam.
                  Ovid. Fasti. l. 6. v. 291.

[231] Φρατορας, τους της αυτης μετεχοντας Φρατριας, συγγενεις. Hesychius.

Απατουρια, ἑορτη Αθηνῃσιν. Hesychius. Apaturia is compounded of Apatour, a
fire-tower. Phrator is a metathesis for Phar-Tor, from Phur, ignis. So
Prætor and Prætorium are from Pur-tor of the same purport. The general name
for all of them was Purgoi, still with a reference to fire.

[232] Iliad. Α. v. 63.

[233] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 24.

[234] Plutarch. Numa. p. 62.

[235] In Syria was Astacus, or the city of Chus: and Astacur, the city of
the Sun. In other parts were Astacures, and Astaceni, nations: Astacenus
Sinus; Astaboras; Astabeni; Astabus and Astasaba in Ethiopia; Astalepha at
Colchis; Asta and Astea in Gedrosia; Aita in Spain, and Liguria; Asta and
regio Astica in Thrace.

Doris named Hestiæotis. Strabo. l. 9. p. 668.

  Παι Ῥεας, ἁ γε Πρυτανεια λελογχας, Ἑστια.
                  Pindar. Nem. Ode 11. v. 1.

[236] Philo apud Eusch. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10.

Arabibus Sol Talos, Ταλος, et Samasa. Lilius Gyrald. Syntag. 7. p. 280.

[237] Stephanus Byzant.

[238] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 386.

[239] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 387, 388.

[240] Abulfeda. Tab. Syriæ. p. 5. Syria Scham appellata. Dividitur Syria in
quinque præfecturas, quarum unicuique nomine proprio nomen, Al Scham, scil.
_Syriæ_, commune datur. Excerptum ex Ibn Ol Wardi. p. 176.

Abulfeda supposes, that Syria is called Scham, quasi sinistra. It was
called Sham for the same reason that it was called Syria. Συρος γαρ ὁ
ἡλιος, the same as Σειριος. Persæ Συρη Deum vocant. Lilius Gyraldus.
Syntag. 1. p. 5. Συρια θεα, i.e. Dea Cœlestis. Syria is called at this day
Souristan. Souris from Sehor, Sol, Σειριος of Greece.

[241] Reineccii Syntagma. Class. 6. cxxii. p. 458.

[242] El-Samen was probably the name of the chief temple at Zama; and
comprised the titles of the Deity, whom the Numidians worshipped. El Samen
signifies Deus Cœlestis, or Cœlorum: which El Samen was changed by the
Romans to Ælia Zamana.

[243] Ἱστεον δε ὁι Χαλδαιος απο του Σημ καταγονται, εξ ὁυ και ὁ Αβρααμ.
Syncelli Chronograph, p. 98.

[244] Eutychii sive Ebn Patricii Hist vol. 1. p. 60.

[245] Εκ της φυλης του Σημ Χους ονοματι, ὁ Αιθιοψ. Chron. Paschal. p. 36.

[246] Ἑτερος δε ὑιος του Σημ--ονοματι Μεστραεϊμ. Theophilus ad Autolyc. l.
2. p. 370.

[247] Alii Shemi filium faciunt Canaanem. Relandi Palæstina. v. 1. p. 7.

[248] The sons of Ham; Cush and Mizraim, and Phut, and Canaan. Genesis. c.
10. v. 6.

Ham is the father of Canaan. Genesis. c. 9. v. 18, 22.

From Sam, and Samen, came Summus; and Hercules Summanus; Samabethi,
Samanæi, Samonacodoma.

[249] Orphic. Hymn. 33.

[250] Orphic. Hymn. 7. So Ελθε Μακαρ, to Hercules, and to Pan. Κλυθι Μακαρ,
to Dionusus. Also, Μακαρ Νηρευς. Κλυθι, Μακαρ, Φωνων, to Corybas the Sun.


  Μελπον δ' ὁπλοτερων Μακαρων γενεσιν τε, κρισιν τε.
                  Orphic. Argonaut. v. 42.

[252] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 327, 328.

We read of Macaria in the Red Sea. Plin. l. 6. c. 29.

Το Τυρκαιον ορος, και Μακαρια. Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 173.

[253] Cyprus was called Μακαρια, with a town of the same name. Ptolem.

Lesbos Macaria. Clarissima Lesbos; appellata Lana, Pelasgia, Aigeira,
Æthiope, Macaria, a Macareo Jovis nepote. Plin. l. 5. c. 31. and Mela. l.
2. c. 7. p. 209.

Ὁσσον Λεσβος ανο Μακαρος εδος εντος εεργει. Homer. Iliad. Ω. v. 544.

Rhodes, called Macaria. Plin. l. 5. c. 31.

A fountain in Attica was called Macaria. Pausanias. l. 1. p. 79.

Part of Thrace, Macaria. Apollonius Rhod. l. 1. v. 1115.

A city in Arcadia. Μακαριαι. Steph. Byzant.

Μακαρ, a king of Lesbos. Clement. Cohort. p. 27.

An island of Lycia, Macara. Steph. Byzant.

The Macares, who were the reputed sons of Deucalion, after a deluge,
settled in Chios, Rhodes, and other islands. Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 347.

[254] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 602. He speaks of Macaria the daughter of
Hercules. l. 1. p. 80.

[255] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 896.

[256] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 347. Μακαρ ὁ Κρινακου. Schol. in Homer. Iliad. Ω.
v. 544.

[257] Ὁι Σαννοι, ὁυς προτερον ελεγον Μακρωνας. Strabo. l. 12.

Sanni, Σαννοι, means Heliadæ, the same as Macarones. Μακρωνες, near
Colchis, ὁι νυν Σαννοι. Stephanus Byzant.

[258] The same as the Cadmeum. Μακαρων νησος, ἡ ακροπολις των εν Βοιωτιᾳ
Θηβων το παλαιον, ὡς ὁ Παρμενιδης. Suidas.

Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 347. Μακαρων νησοι, near Britain and Thule.
Scholia in Lycophron. v. 1200.

  Ἁιδ' εισιν Μακαρων νησοι, τοθι περ τον αριστον
  Ζηνα, Θεων βασιληα, Ῥεη τεκε τῳδ' ενι χωρῳ.

Of the Theban Acropolis, Tzetzes in Lycophron. v. 1194.

[259] Herodotus. l. 3. c. 16.

[260] Macra, a river in Italy. Plin. l. 3. c. 5.

[261] Euripides in Ione. v. 937. Ενθα προσβοῤῥους πετρας Μακρας καλουσι γης
ανακτες Ατθιδος. Ibid.

Pausanias informs us that the children of Niobe were supposed to have been
here slain in this cavern.

[262] Euripides ibid. Also, in another place, he mentions

  Κεκροπος ες Αντρα, και Μακρας πετρηρεφεις.

[263] Διαβασι δε τον Κηφισσον βωμος εστιν αρχαιος Μειλιχιου Διος.
Pausanias. l. 1. p. 9.

[264] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 154.

[265] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 132.

[266] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 897.

[267] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 573.

[268] The country of the Amalekites is called the land of Ham. 1
Chronicles. c. 4. v. 40.

[269] 1 Kings. c. 11. v. 33.

[270] I will cut off the remnant of Baal from this place, and the name of
the Chamerims with the priests; and them that worship the host of heaven
upon the house tops, and them that worship, and that swear by the Lord, and
that swear by _Malcham_. Zephaniah. c. 1. v. 4.

[271] Judges. c. 1. v. 10. Joshua. c. 15. v. 13. Deuteronomy. c. 2. v. 21.
Joshua. c. 11. v. 22. and c. 13. v. 12.

The priests at the Elusinian mysteries were called ανακτοτελεσται. Clement.
Alex. Cohort. p. 16.

[272] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 87. It was in the island Lade before Miletus. The
author adds, when the bones were discovered. Αυτικα δε λογος ηλθεν ες τους
πολλους Γηρυονου του Χρυσαορου ειναι μεν τον νεκρον--κτλ--και χειμαῤῥον τε
ποταμον Ωκεανον εκαλουν.

See Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3. of Anaces, Ανακτες. Τους Διος κουρους Ανακας
ὁι Αθηναιοι προσηγορευσαν. Plutarch. Numa.

[273] Michael Psellus. p. 10.

[274] Psalm 28. v. 1. Deuteron. c. 32. v. 15. Isaiah. c. 17 v.10. Psalm 78.
v. 35. It is often styled Selah.

[275] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.

[276] Genesis. c. 17. v. 15.

[277] Tobit. c. 1. v. 22.

[278] Esther. c. 1. v. 16.

[279] Joshua. c. 13. v. 3. סרני. Judges. c. 16. v. 5.

In Samuel they are styled Sarnaim. 1. c. 29. v. 7.

[280] Ostrum Sarranum.

[281] Jeremiah. c. 39. v. 3.

[282] Isaiah. c. 37. v. 4. Jeremiah. c. 39. v. 3.

[283] It is sometimes expressed Saronas.

Est et regio Saronas, sive δρυμος. Reland. Palæstina. p. 188. Any place
sacred to the Deity Saron was liable to have this name: hence we find
plains so called in the Onomasticon of Eusebius. Ὁ Σαρων--ἡ απο του ορους
Θαβωρ επι την Τιβεριαδα λιμνην χωρα.

[284] Plin. l. 4. c. 8.

[285] Lilius Gyraldus. Syntag. 4. p. 170. from Pausanias, and Aristides in

[286] Σαρωνια, Αρτεμις· Αχαιοι. Hesych. She was, by the Persians, named
Sar-Ait. Σαρητις, Αρτεμις· ὁι Περσαι. ibidem.

[287] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 189.

[288] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 181.

[289] Callimachus calls the island Asterie κακον σαρον. Αστεριη, ποντοιο
κακον σαρον. This, by the Scholiast, is interpreted καλυντρον· but it
certainly means a Rock. Hymn. in Delon. v. 225.

[290] Σαρωνιδες πετραι, η ἁι δια παλαιοτητα κεχηνυιαι δρυες. Hesych.

[291] Callimachus. Hymn to Zeus. v. 22.

[292] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 308.

[293] See Observations and Inquiries upon Ancient History. p. 196.

[294] Eusebii Præp. Evang. l. 10. c. 13. p. 500.

[295] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. c. 13. p. 445.

[296] Diodorus Siculus. l. 3. p. 144.

[297] Heliodori Æthiopica. l. 4. p. 174.

[298] Achor, θεος απομυιος. Clement. Alexandr. Cohortatio. p. 33.

[299] Lucan. l. 8. v. 475.

[300] Και γαρ τον Οσιριν Ἑλλανικος Υσιριν ειρηκεν ακηκοεναι απο των Ἱερεων
λεγομενον. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. vol. 1. p. 364.

[301] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.

[302] Annum quoque vetustissimi Græcorum λυκαβαντα appellant τον απο του
ΛYΚΟΥ; id est Sole. &c. Macrob. Saturn. l. 1. c. 17. p. 194.

[303] Lycaon was the same as Apollo; and worshipped in Lycia: his priests
were styled Lycaones: he was supposed to have been turned into a wolf.
Ovid. Metam. l. 1. v. 232. Apollo's mother, Latona, was also changed to the
same animal. Ἡ Λητω εις Δηλον ηλθε μεταβαλλουσα εις λυκον. Scholia in
Dionys. v. 525.

People are said to have been led to Parnassus by the howling of wolves;
Λυκων ωρυγαις. Pausanias. l. 10. p. 811.

The Hirpi were worshippers of fire, and were conducted to their settlement
in Campania by a wolf. Strabo. l. 5. p. 383.

In the account given of Danaus, and of the temple founded by him at Argos,
is a story of a wolf and a bull. Pausan. l. 2. p. 153. The temple was
styled Απολλωνος ἱερον Λυκιου.

[304] Pausanias above: also, Apollo Λυκαιος, and Λυκειος. Pausan. l. 1. p.
44. l. 2. p. 152, 153.

[305] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 811.

[306] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 530.

[307] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 678.

[308] Ὁι Δελφοι το πρωτον Λυκωρεις εκαλουντο. Scholia in Apollon. Rhod. l.
4. v. 1489.

[309] Stephanus Byzant. and Strabo. l. 9. p. 640. said to have been named
from wolves. Pausanias. l. 10. p. 811.

[310] Λυκωρεια, πολις Δελφιδος, εν ᾑ τιμᾳται ὁ Απολλων. Etymolog. Magnum.

These places were so named from the Sun, or Apollo, styled not only Λυκος,
but Λυκωρευς and Λυκωρειος: and the city Lucoreia was esteemed the oldest
in the world, and said to have been built after a deluge by Lycorus, the
son of Huamus. Pausan. l. 10. p. 811.

Ὑιωνος Φοιβοιο Λυκωρειοιο Καφαυρος. Apollon. l. 4. v. 1489.

Λυκωρειοιο, αντι του Δελφικου. Scholia. ibid. It properly signified

[311] Virgil. Æneid. l. 3. v. 274.

[312] Gruter's Inscriptions. vol. 1. p. MLXXXII. n. 8.

[313] Plutarch. in Artaxerxe. p. 1012.

[314] Ctesias in Persicis.

So Hesychius Τον γαρ ἡλιον ὁι Περσαι Κυρον λεγουσιν· Hence Κυρος, αρχων,
βασιλευς, ibid. also Κυρος, εξουσια.

[315] Strabo, speaking of the river Cur, or Cyrus. l. 11. p. 764.


  Quid tibi cum Cyrrhâ? quid cum Permessidos undâ?
                  Martial. l. 1. epigram. 77. v. 11.

  Phocaicas Amphissa manus, scopulosaque Cyrrha.
                  Lucan. l. 3. v. 172.

Κιῤῥαν, επινειον Δελφων. Pausan. l. 10. p. 817.

[317] Cyrenaici Achorem Deum (invocant) muscarum multitudine pestilentiam
adferente; quæ protinus intereunt, postquam litatum est illi Deo. Plin. l.
10. c. 28. See also Clement. Alexand. Cohort. p. 33.

Some late editors, and particularly Harduin, not knowing that Achor was
worshipped at Cyrene, as the Θεος απομυιος, have omitted his name, and
transferred the history to Elis. But all the antient editions mention Achor
of Cyrene; _Cyrenaici Achorem Deum, &c_. I have examined those printed at
Rome, 1470, 1473. those of Venice, 1472, 1476, 1487, 1507, 1510. those of
Parma, 1476, 1479, 1481. one at Brescia, 1496. the editions at Paris, 1516,
1524, 1532. the Basil edition by Froben, 1523: and they all have this
reading. The edition also by Johannes Spira, 1469, has Acorem, but with
some variation. The spurious reading, _Elei myagrum Deum_, was, I imagine,
first admitted into the text by Sigismund Gelenius, who was misled by the
similarity of the two histories. Harduin has followed him blindly, without
taking any notice of the more antient and true reading.

[318] Stephanus Byzantinus. See also Scholia on Callimachus. Hymn. in
Apoll. v. 91.


  Ὁιδ' ουπω Κυρης πηγης εδυναντο πελασσαι
  Δωριεες, πυκινην δε ναπαις Αζειλιν εναιον.
                  Callimachus. Hymn. in Apoll. v. 88.

[320] Plin. N. H. l. 5. p. 249.

[321] L. 1. c. 8. p. 43.

[322] Justin, speaking of the first settlement made at Cyrene, mentions a
mountain Cura, which was then occupied. Montem Cyram, et propter amœnitatem
loci, et propter _fontium_ ubertatem occupavere. l. 13. c. 7.

[323] Conformably to what I say, Ekron is rendered Ακκαρων by the Seventy.
1 Samuel c. 6. v. 15.

So also Josephus Antiq. Jud. l. 6. c. 1. p. 312.

In Achore vestigia Accaronis: Selden de Dijs Syris. Syntag. 6. p. 228.

Ου ζητησουσι Μυιαν θεον Ακκαρων. Gregory Nazianz. Editio Etonens. 1610.
Pars secunda cont. Julianum. p. 102.

In Italy this God was styled by the Campanians, Ἡρακλης Απομυιος. See
Clemens. Cohort. p. 33.

The place in Egypt, where they worshipped this Deity, was named Achoris;
undoubtedly the same, which is mentioned by Sozomen. l. 6. c. 18.

[324] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 44.

He quotes another, where the fate of Ephesus is foretold:

  Ὑπτια δ' οιμωξεις Εφεσος κλαιουσα παρ' οχθαις,
  Και Νηον ζητουσα τον ουκετι ναιεταοντα.

There is a third upon Serapis and his temple in Egypt;

  Και συ Σεραπι λιθους αργους επικειμενε πολλους,
  Κειση πτωμα μεγιστον εν Αιγυπτῳ τριταλαινῃ.

The temple of Serapis was not ruined till the reign of Theodosius. These
three samples of Sibylline poetry are to be found in Clemens above.

[325] Achad was one of the first cities in the world. Genesis. c. 10. v.

Nisibis city was named both Achad and Achar. See Geographia Hebræa Extera
of the learned Michaelis. p. 227.

[326] Stephanus Byzant.

[327] Lutatius Placidus upon Statius. Theb. l. 1. v. 718.

[328] Heliodori Æthiopica. l. 4. p. 175.

[329] Heliodori Æthiopica. l. 10. p. 472.

[330] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 327.

[331] Apollonius Rhod. of the Heliadæ. l. 4. v. 604.


  Chamsi, seu Solares, sunt Arabice Shemsi vel Shamsi.
                  Hyde Religio Vet. Pers. p. 523. and 575.

Cham being pronounced Sham, and Shem, has caused some of his posterity to
be referred to a wrong line.

[333] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 19.

[334] Nicander Alexipharmica. v. 11.

[335] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 827.

[336] It is, however, to be found in Euripides, under the term οχος.
Theseus says to Adrastus:

  Εκ του δ' ελαυνεις ἑπτα προς Θηβας Οχους. Supplices. v. 131.

[337] From Uc and Uch came the word euge: also ευχη, ευχομαι, ευχωλη, of
the Greeks. Callimachus abounds with antient Amonian terms. He bids the
young women of Argos to receive the Goddess Minerva,

  Συν τ' ευαγοριᾳ, συν τ' ευγμασι, συν τ' αλαλυγαις.
                  Lavacr. Palladis. v. 139.

From Uc-El came Euclea Sacra, and Ευκλος Ζευς. Ευκλεια, Αρτεμις.

Ευκλος, Διος ἱερευς, εν Μεγαροις και εν Κορινθῳ. Hesychius, so amended by
Albertus and Hemsterhusius.

[338] Iliad Α. v. 69.

[339] Iliad. Ζ. v. 76.

[340] Iliad. Ρ. v. 307.

[341] Iliad. Ο. v. 282.

[342] Iliad. Η. v. 221. It occurs in other places:

  Λευσσει, ὁπως οχ' αριστα μετ' αμφοτεροισι γενηται.
                  Iliad. Γ. v. 110.

  Τις τ' αρ των οχ' αριστος εην. συ μοι εννεπε, Μουσα.
                  Iliad. Β. v. 76l.

Also Odyss. Θ. v.123. and Ω. v. 428.

[343] In the Hymn to Silenus, that God is called Σιληνων οχ' αριστε. And in
the poem de Lapidibus, the Poet, speaking of heroic persons, mentions their
reception in heaven:

                  Αμωμητοι Διος οικοι
  Χαιροντας δεξαντο θεηγενεων οχ' αριστους.
          Hymn 35. v. 2. and περι Λιθων. Proem. v. 14.

[344] Genesis. c. 45. v. 21.

[345] Josephus. Antiq. Jud. l. 8. c. 6.

[346] See Relandi Palæstina. vol. 1. c. 41. p. 265.

[347] Plin. l. 8. c. 46.

[348] Plin. l. 5. c. 9.


  Ευρυτατη φιαλη τις ιασπιδος εκτομος ακρης.
    Paulus Silentiarius. part 11. v. 177. See Relandus above.

[350] Plin. l. 5. c. 18.

[351] Athanasii Epist. ad solitariam vitam agentes. p. 658.

[352] Epiphanius adversus Hæres. l. 2. tom. 2. p. 719.

[353] See the learned Professor Michaelis in his Geographia Extera Hebræor.
p. 134, 135.

[354] The Ionians changed this termination into e. Hence Arene, Camissene,
Cyrene, Arsace, Same, Capissene, Thebe, &c.

[355] Colchis was called Aia simply, and by way of eminence: and, probably,
Egypt had the same name; for the Colchians were from Egypt. Strabo mentions
Ιασονος πλουν τον εις Αιαν. l. 1. p. 38. And Apollonius styles the country
of Colchis Aia.

  Αια γεμην ετι νυν μενει εμπεδον, ὑιωνοι τε
  Των δ' ανδρων, ὁυς ὁστγε καθιστατο ναιεμεν Αιαν. l. 4. v. 277.

[356] Lib. 5. c. 14.

[357] Coronus is to be met with in Greece. He is mentioned as a king of the
Lapithæ, and the son of Phoroneus; and placed near mount Olympus.

  --Ὡν εβασιλευσε Κορωνος. ὁ φορωνεως. Diodorus. l. 4. p. 242.

[358] Upon the Euphrates.

[359] A city in Parthia.

[360] Calamon, or Cal-Amon, was a hill in Judea; which had this name given
to it by the Canaanites of old. Cyril mentions--αφικομενοι τινες απο του
ΟΡΟΥΣ Καλαμωνος--in epistolâ ad Calosyrium.

[361] 1 Kings. c. 15. v. 27.

[362] In Canaan was a well known region called Palæstine.

So Tan-agra, Tan-is, Tyndaris.

Tin, in some languages, signified mud or soil.

[363] Ptolemy. l. 4. p. 112.

[364] See Amos. c. 9. v. 7.

[365] Jeremiah. c. 47. v. 4. speaks of the island of Caphtor in Egypt.

[366] Theocritus. Idyll. 2. v. 45. Scholia.

It is still common in the Arabian Gulf, and in India; and is often
expressed Dive, and Diva; as in Lacdive, Serandive, Maldive. Before Goa is
an island called Diu κατ' εξοχην.

[367] Βαιθηλ, οικος Θεου. Hesychius.

Βαιθηλ, θεοις ναος. Suidas.

[368] Elisa, called Eliza, Elesa, Eleasa, Ελεασα. 1 Maccab. c. 9. v. 5. and
c. 7. v. 40. often contracted Lesa, Lasa, &c.

[369] Pocock's Travels. vol. 2. p. 106.

[370] Iablonsky. vol. 1. l. 1. c. 1. p. 4. de Gulielmo Tyrio, ex libro 21.
c. 6.

[371] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 41.

[372] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1167.

[373] Ταυτα μεν ουν Ερατοσθενης ἱστορηκεν· την δε μεγαλην μαχην προς
Δαρειον ουκ εν Αρβηλοις--αλλα εν Γαυγαμηλοις γενεσθαι συνεπεσεν· σημαινειν
δε φασιν οικον Καμηλου την διαλεκτον. Plutarch. vita Alexand. vol. 1. p.

Strabo says the same. Εστι μεν ουν τοπος επισημος ὁυτος, και τ' ουνομα·
μεθερμηνευθεν γαρ εστι Καμηλου οικος. l. 16. p. 1072.

[374] Ὁι μεν τα πλειστα συγγραψαντες λεγουσιν, ὁτι ἑξακοσιους σταδιους
απεχει, ὁιδε τα ελαχιστα, ὁτι ες πεντακοσιους.

Αλλα εν Γαυγαμηλοις γαρ γενεσθαι την μαχην προς τῳ ποταμῳ Βουμαδῳ λεγει
Πτολεμαιος και Αριστοβουλος· πολις δε ουκ ην τα Γαυγαμηλα, αλλα κωμη
μεγαλη, ουδε ονομαστος ὁ χωρος, ουδε εις ακοην ἡδυ το ονομα.

Arrian. Expedit. Alex. l. 6. p. 247.

[375] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1072.

[376] Strabo acknowledges the failure of his countrymen in this
respect.--Πολλα μεν ουν και μη οντα λεγουσιν ὁι Αρχαιοι Συγγραφεις,
συντεθραμμενοι τῳ ψευδει δια της μυθολογιας. l. 8. p. 524.

[377] _All thy fortresses shall be spoiled, as Shalman spoiled Beth Arbel
in the day of battle. The mother was dashed in pieces upon her children_.
Hosea. c. 10. v. 14. _Ar_ in this place does not signify a city; but אור,
the title of the Deity: from whence was derived ἱερος of the Greeks. The
seventy, according to some of their best copies, have rendered Beth Arbel
οικον Ιερο-Βααλ, which is no improper version of Beth-Aur-Bel. In some
copies we find it altered to the house of _Jeroboam_; but this is a mistake
for Jero-Baal. Arbelus is by some represented as the first deified mortal.
Cyril contra Julian. l. 1. p. 10. and l. 3. p. 110.

There was an Arbela in Sicily. Stephanus, and Suidas. Also in Galilee;
situated upon a vast cavern. Josephus seized and fortified it. Josephi
Vita. p. 29.

[378] See Strabo. l. 11. p. 774. l. 15. p. 1006. l. 1. p. 41. p. 81.

See also Philo Biblius apud Euseb. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 34 Iamblichus. §
7. c. 5.

[379] Diodorus Siculus. l. 17. p. 538. He makes no mention of Gaugamela.

[380] Strabo. l. 10. p. 724.

[381] Macrobius. Saturn. l. 3. c. 8. p. 284.

[382] Servius in lib. 11. Æneid. v. 558.

[383] Plutarch in Numâ. p. 61.

[384] Gruter. p. lvi. n. 11. vol 1.

[385] Gruter. vol. 1. p. lvi. 12. also p. xl. 9.

[386] Or else Beth-Arbel was another name of the same temple.

[387] Syncellus. p. 55.

[388] Eusebii Chron. p. 14.

[389] Etymologicum magnum. Ἡρακλης.

[390] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 124.

[391] Geog. Nubiensis. p. 17.

Michaelis Geog. Hebræorum Extera. p. 154.

[392] 2 Kings. c. 17. v. 6. and c. 18. v. 11. also 1 Chron. c. 5. v. 26.

[393] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1070.

[394] Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. p. 175.

[395] Strabo. l. 7. p. 505. So also Herodotus and Pausanias.

[396] Σελλοι, ὁι Δωδωναιοι. Steph. Byzantinus.

                  αμφι δε Σελλοι
  Σοι ναιουσ' ὑποφηται. Homer. Iliad. Π. v. 234.

[397] Pausanias. l. 2. p. l66.

[398] It is called Chau-On, Χαυων, by Steph. Byzantinus, from Ctesias.
Χαυων, χωρα της Μηδιας. Κτησιας εν πρωτῳ Περσικων. Chau-On is οικος ἡλιου,
the house of the Sun, which gave name to the district.

[399] Strabo. l. 4. p. 270. and p. 282.

[400] 1 Maccab. c. 9. v. 62, 64.

[401] Judith. c. 7. v. 3.

[402] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 91.

[403] There were many places and temples of Baal, denominated Caballis,
Cabali, Cabala, Cabalia, Cabalion, Cabalissa, &c. which are mentioned by
Pliny, Strabo, Antoninus, and others. Some of them were compounded of Caba:
concerning which I shall hereafter treat.

[404] Pausanias. l. 4. p. 282.

Strabo mentions Caucones in Elea. l. 8. p. 531. The Caucones are also
mentioned by Homer. Odyss. γ. v. 366.

Caucane in Sicily was of the same purport, mentioned by Ptolemy. l. 3. c.

[405] Apollonius Rhodius styles it Cutais: Κυταϊδος ηθεα γαιης. l. 4. v.

[406] See De Lisle's curious map of Armenia and the adjacent parts of
Albania, &c.

[407] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 40.

There was a river Acheron in Elis. Strabo. l. 8. p. 530. And the same rites
were observed in honour of the θεος μυιαγρος, that were practised in
Cyrene. Clement. Cohort. p. 33.

In Pontus was a river Acheron. Ειθα δε και προχοαι ποταμου Αχεροντος εασιν.
Apollon. Argonaut. l. 2. v. 745. also ακρα Αχερουσια. The like to be found
near Cuma in Campania: and a story of Hercules driving away flies there
also. Ῥωμαιοι δε απομυιῳ Ἡρακλει (θυουσι). Clementis Cohort. ibid.

[408] Varro de Ling. Lat. lib. 5. p. 49. altered to Novella by some,
contrary to the authority of the best MSS. See Scaliger's notes. p. 81.
edit. anno 1619. Dordrechti.

See Selden de Diis Syris. Syntag. 2. c. 2. p. 174. In vetustioribus excusis
de Re Rusticâ non Novella, sed Covella legitur. Covella autem Cœlestis,
sive Urania interpretatur.

[409] Ennii Annal. l. 1.

[410] The Persians worshipped Cœlus; which is alluded to by Herodotus, when
he says, that they sacrificed upon eminences: Τον κυκλον παντα του Ουρανου
Δια καλεοντες. l. 1. c. 131. To the same purpose Euripides;

  Ὁρας τον ὑψου τον δ' απειρον' αιθερα,
  Τον γην περιξ εχονθ' ὑγραις εν αγκυλαις;
  Τουτον νομιζε Ζηνα, τον δ' ἡγου Δια.

Clement. Alexand. Strom. l. 5. p. 717. Plutarch. p. 369. p. 424.

Aspice hoc sublime candens, quem invocant omnes Jovem. Cicero de Naturâ
Deor. l. 1.

[411] Αλλ' Αθηναιοι μεν Κελεον, και Μεγανειραν ἱδρυνται Θεους. Athenag.
Legat. p. 290.

[412] Abulfeda. Tabula Syriæ. p. 5.

Nassir Ettusæus. p. 93. apud Geog. vet.

[413] The city Argos was in like manner called Κοιλον. Πολλακις το· Αργος
Κοιλον φησι, καθαπερ εν Επιγονοις. Το ΚΟΙΛΟΝ Αργος ουκ ετ' οικησοντ'
ετι.--ετι και εν Θαμυρα, Αργεϊ Κοιλῳ. Scholia in Sophoc. Œdipum Colon.

[414] Iliad. Β. v. 615.

[415] Strabo. l. 8. p. 529.

[416] Strabo. l. 8. p. 534.

[417] Janus Gulielmus Laurenbergius, Antiquarius.

[418] Φαινοιατο αν εοντες ὁι των Δωριεων ἡγεμονες Αιγυπτιοι ιθαγενεες.
Herod. l. 6. c. 54.

Of their original and history I shall hereafter give a full account.

[419] Ὁποσα δε ᾳδουσιν εν τῳ Πρυτανειῳ, φωνη μεν εστι αυτων ἡ Δωριος.
Pausanias. l. 5. p. 4l6.


  Tum primum subiere domos; domus antra fuere.
                  Ovid. Metamorph. l. 1. v. 121.

[421] Strabo. l. 8. p. 564.

It is mentioned by Thucydides: Ες τον Καιαδαν, ὁυπερ τους κακουργους
εμβαλλειν ειωθεισαν (ὁι Λακεδαιμονιοι.) l. 1. c. 134.

It is expressed Κεαδας by Pausanias; who says that it was the place, down
which they threw Aristomenes, the Messenian hero. l. 4. p. 324.

[422] Strabo. Ibidem.


  Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater: illius atros
  Ore vomens ignes, magna se mole ferebat. Virgil. Æn. l. 8. v. 193.

[424] Strabo. l. 8. p. 564.

[425] Iliad. l. 1. v. 266.

[426] Iliad. Β. v. 581.

Odyss. Δ. v. 1. Ὁιδ' ιξον ΚΟΙΛΗΝ Λακεδαιμονα ΚΗΤΩΕΣΣΑΝ.

[427] Strabo says as much: Ὁιδε, ὁτι ὁι απο των σεισμων ρωχμος Καιετοι
λεγονται. l. 8. p. 564.

[428] Hence the words cove, alcove; and, perhaps, to cover, and to cope.

[429] Strabo. l. 5. p. 356.

[430] Καταδε φορμιας της Ιταλιας Αιητην τον νυν Καιητην προσαγορευομενον.
l. 4. p. 259.

Virgil, to give an air of truth to his narration, makes Caieta the nurse of

According to Strabo it was sometimes expressed Cai Atta; and gave name to
the bay below.--Και τον μεταξυ κολπον εκεινοι Καιατταν ωνομασαν. l. 5. p.

[431] Scholia Eustathij in Dionysij περιηγησιν. v. 239. and Steph.
Byzantinus. Αιγυπτος.

[432] Χασμα δε γεννηθεν--εδεξατο τον ποταμον--ειτα εξεῤῥηξεν εις την
επιφανειαν κατα Λαρυμναν της Λοκριδος την ανω--Καλειται δ' ὁ τοπος Αγκοη
κτλ. Strabo. l. 9. p. 623.

It is called Anchia by Pliny. N. H. l. 4. c. 7. As, both the opening and
the stream, which formed the lake, was called Anchoe; it signified either
fons speluncæ, or spelunca fontis, according as it was adapted.

[433] 1 Corinthians, c. 15. v.47, 48.

[434] Cluverii Germaniæ Antiq. l. 1. c. 13. p. 91.

[435] Beyeri Additamenta to Selden de Diis Syris. p. 291.

Achor near Jericho. Joshua, c. 15. v. 7.

[436] Ptolem. lib. 5. c. 18. p. 164.

[437] Plato in Cratylo. p. 410.

[438] See Kircher's Prodromus Copticus. p. 180 and p. 297.

[439] Ibidem, and Jameson's Specilegia. c. 9. § 4.

[440] Pionius. Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. l. 4. p. 173.

Pior Monachus Ægyptiacus. Socratis Hist. Eccles. p. 238.

Piammon. Sozomen. H. E. p. 259.

Piambo, or P'ambo. Socratis Eccles. H. p. 268.

It was sometimes expressed Po, as in Poemon Abbas, in Evagtius.

In Apophthegmat. Patrum. apud Cotelerii monumenta. tom. 1. p. 636.

Baal Peor was only Pi-Or, the Sun; as Priapus was a compound of Peor-Apis,

[441] Gennad. Vitæ illustrium virorum. l. 7. Pachomius, a supposed worker
of many miracles.

[442] Antonius Diogenes in Photius. cod. 166.

[443] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. v. 1. p. 355.

Paamyles is an assemblage of common titles. Am-El-Ees, with the prefix.
Hence the Greeks formed Melissa, a sacred name as of Ham El-Ait, they
formed Melitta, the name of a foreign Deity, more known in Ionia than in

[444] Plutarch: Quæstiones Græcæ. v. p. 296.

[445] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 83. Amphilucus was a title of the Sun.

[446] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 4. in like manner, ταφοι των Ιφιμεδειας και
Αλωεως παιδων· Pausanias. l. 9. p. 754.

[447] Proclus in Platonis Parmenidem: See Orphic Fragment of Gesner. p.

A twofold reason may be given for their having this character; as will be
shewn hereafter.

[448] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 896. Many instances of this sort are to be found
in this writer.

[449] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 143.

[450] See Reland, Dissertatio Copt. p. 108.

Jablonsky Prolegomena in Pantheon Ægyptiacum. p. 38. Also Wesselinge. Notes
on Herod. l. 2. c. 143.

[451] This was certainly the meaning; for Plato, speaking of the Grecians
in opposition to other nations, styled Βαρβαροι, makes use of the very
expression: Πολλη μεν ἡ Ἑλλας, εφη, ω Κεβης, εν ῃ ενεισι που αγαθοι ανδρες,
πολλα δε και τα των βαρβαρων γενη. In Phædone. p. 96.

[452] Kircher. Prodromus Copticus. p. 300 and p. 293.

[453] Kircher. Prod. p. 293.

[454] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 37.

[455] Damascius: Vita Isodori, apud Photium. Cod. ccxlii.

[456] Jablonsky; Pantheon Egypt. v. 2. l. 5. c. 2. p. 70.

[457] Ausonius. Epigram. 30.

Kircher says, that Pi in the Coptic is a prefix, by which a noun is known
to be masculine, and of the singular number: and that Pa is a pronoun
possessive. Paromi is Vir meus. It may be so in the Coptic: but in antient
times Pi, Pa, Phi, were only variations of the same article: and were
indifferently put before all names: of which I have given many instances.
See Prodromus. Copt. p. 303.

[458] Virgil. Æneid. l. 7. v. 679.

[459] Cicero de Divinatione. l. 2.

[460] See also v. 28, 29, 31, and 32.

[461] Gruter. Inscript. lxxvi. n. 6.

[462] Ibid. lxxvi. n. 7.

        Gruter. Inscrip. p. lxxxviii. n. 13

[463] Lucretius. l. 4. v. 1020.

[464] Propertius alludes to the same circumstance:

  Nam quid Prænestis dubias, O Cynthia, _sortes_?
    Quid petis Ææi mœnia Telegoni? l. 2. eleg. 32. v. 3.

What in the book of Hester is styled Purim, the seventy render, c. 9. v.
29. φρουραι. The days of Purim were styled φρουραι--Τῃ διαλεκτῳ αυτων
καλουνται φρουραι. so in c. 10. The additamenta Græca mention--την
προκειμενην επιστολην των φρουραι, instead of φουραι and Πουραι: from P'Ur
and Ph'Ur, ignis.

[465] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 4. and l. 2. c. 52.

Επειτα δε Χρονου Πολλου διελθοντος επυθοντο (ὁι Ἑλληνες) εκ της Αιγυπτου
απικομενα τα ουνοματα των Θεων.

[466] So δαιμων from δαημων; Απολλων from ἡ ὁμου πολησις· Διονυσος quasi
διδουνυσος from διδοι and οινος, and οινος from οιεσθαι. Κρονος, quasi
χρονου κορος. Τηθυν, το ηθουμενον--with many more. Plato in Cratylo.

Ægyptus παρα το αιγας πιαινειν. Eustath. in Odyss. l. 4. p. 1499.

[467] Poseidon, ποιουντα ειδην. Tisiphone, Τουτων φωνη, Athene quasi
αθανατος. Hecate from ἑκατον centum. Saturnus, quasi sacer, νους. See
Heraclides Ponticus, and Fulgentii-Mythologia.

See the Etymologies also of Macrobius. Saturnalia. l. 1. c. 17. P. 189.

Μουσαι· quasi ὁμου ουσαι. Plutarch de Fraterno Amore. v. 2. P. 480. Δι'
ευνοιαν και Φιλαδελφιαν.

Πασιφαη, δια το πασι φαινειν τα μαντεια. Plutarch. Agis and Cleomenes. v.
2. p. 799.

[468] Eustathius on Dionysius: περιηγησις.

Ut Josephus recte observat, Græcis scriptoribus id in more est, ut
peregrina, et barbara nomina, quantum licet, ad Græcam formam emolliant:
sic illis Ar Moabitarum est Αρεοπολις; Botsra, Βυρσα; Akis, Αγχους;
Astarte, Αστροαρχη; torrens Kison, Χειμαῤῥος των Κισσων; torrens Kedron,
Χειμαῤῥος των Κεδρων; et talia ὡσει κονις. Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 2. c.
15. p. 111.

We are much indebted to the learned father Theophilus of Antioch: he had
great knowledge; yet could not help giving way to this epidemical weakness.
He mentions Noah as the same as Deucalion, which name was given him from
calling people to righteousness: he used to say, δευτε καλει ὑμας ὁ θεος;
and from hence, it seems, he was called Deucalion. Ad Antol. l. 3.

[469] Plato in Cratylo. p. 409.

[470] Suidas, Stephanus, Etymolog. Eustathius, &c.

So Coptus in Egypt, from κοπτειν.

[471] See Callimachus. vol. 2. Spanheim's not. in Hymn. in Del. v. 87. p.

[472] Cumberland's Origines. p. 165. so he derives Goshen in the land of
Egypt from a shower of rain. See Sanchon. p. 364.

[473] Hyde de Religione veterum Persarum. c. 2. p. 75.

[474] Genesis. c. 22. v. 20.

[475] Universal History, vol. 1. b. 1. p. 286. notes.

[476] Bochart. Geograph. Sacra. l. 1. c. 18. p. 443.

Sandford de descensu Christi. l. 1. §. 21.

See Gale's Court of the Gentiles, vol. 1. b. 2. c. 6. p. 68.

[477] Huetius. Demonst. p. 138.

[478] Hebræa, Chaldæa, &c. nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum--Antverpiæ,
1565, Plantin.

[479] Pliny. l. 3. c. 8.

Ætna, quæ Cyclopas olim tulit. Mela. l. 2. c. 7.

[480] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 1. c. 30. p. 560.

[481] Ibidem. p. 565, 566.

[482] Ibidem. p. 565, 566.

[483] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 1. p. 406.

[484] Ibidem.

[485] P. 412.

[486] P. 415.

[487] P. 388.

[488] P. 381.

[489] P. 435.

[490] P. 414.

[491] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 1. p. 381.

[492] P. 385.

[493] P. 408. or from Mazor, angustiæ.

[494] Ibidem. p. 258.

[495] Simonis Onomasticon.

[496] Michaelis Spicilegium Geographiæ Hebræor. Exteræ. p. 158.

[497] Gale's Court of the Gentiles. vol. 1. b. 2. p. 66.

[498] Genesis. c. 4. v. 22.

[499] Philo apud Eusebium. Præp. Evan. l. 1. c. 10.

[500] Bochart. Geograph. Sacra. l. 2. c. 2. p. 706.

[501] Marcellinus. l. 22. c. 15. He was also called Eloüs. Ελωος, Ἡφαιστος
παρα Δωριευσιν. Hesych. The Latine title of Mulciber was a compound of
Melech Aber, Rex, Parens lucis.

[502] Τιμᾳται δε παρα Λαμψακηνοις ὁ Πριαπος, ὁ αυτος ων τῳ Διονυσῳ.
Athenæus. l. 1. p. 30.

[503] Το αγαλμα Πριηπου, του και Ωρου παρ' Αιγυπτιοις. Suidas.

[504] Numbers. c. 25. v. 3. Deuteronomy. c. 4. v. 3. Joshua. c. 22. v. 17.

Kircher derives Priapus from פעור פה, Pehorpeh, os nuditatis.

[505] Phurnutus de naturâ Deorum. c. 17. p. 205.

[506] Orphic Hymn 5. to Protogonus, the same as Phanes, and Priapus. See
verse 10.

[507] Phurnutus. c. 17. p. 204.

[508] Παρ' Αιγυπτιοισι δε Παν μεν αρχαιοτατος, και των οκτω των πρωτων
λεγομενων Θεων. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 145.

  Albæ Juliæ Inscriptio.
              Gruter. v. 1. p. XCV. n. 1.

[509] Agathias. l. 4. p. 133.

[510] See Theophilus ad Autolycum. l. 2. p. 357.

[511] See Philo Biblius apud Euseb. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 32. He mentions
applying to a great number of authors, in Phenicia.


  Πολλην εξερευνησαμενος ὑλην, ουχι την παρ' Ἑλλησι.
                  Philo apud Euseb. P. Evang. l. 1. c. ix. p. 32.

[513] Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. l. 1. p. 356.

[514] Eusebij Præp. Evang. l. 10. c. 4. p. 471.

  Του ωφελησε Πυθαγοραν τα Αδυτα, και Ἡρακλεους στηλαι.
                  Theophilus ad Autol. l. 3. p. 381.

[515] Plato in Timæo. Clemens. Strom. l. 1. p. 426.

  Ω Σολων, Σολων, Ἑλληνες αει παιδες--κτλ.

[516] Theophilus ad Autolycum. l. 3. p. 390.

[517] See Eusebius. Præp. Evan. l. 10. c. 4. p. 469. and c. 5. p. 473. also
Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 361. Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 62, 63.
and p. 86, 87.

[518] Καθολου δε φασι τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιαζεσθαι τους επιφανεστατους
Αιγυπτιων Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους. l. 1. p. 20.

See here a long account of the mythology of Egypt being transported to
Greece; and there adopted by the Helladians as their own, and strangely

[519] Ἑκαταιος μεν ουν ὁ Μιλησιος περι της Πελοποννησου φησιν, ὁτι προ των
Ἑλληνων ῳκησαν αυτην Βαρβαροι· σχεδον δε τι και ἡ συμπασα Ἑλλας κατοικια
Βαρβαρων ὑπηρξε το παλαιον. Strabo. l. 7. p. 321.

[520] Οδε μεταξυ χρονος παραλελειπται, εν ᾡ μηδεν εξαιρετον Ἑλλησιν
ἱστορηται. Theopompus in Tricareno.

[521] How uncertain they were in their notions may be seen from what
follows: Alii Cadmum, alii Danaum, quidam Cecropem Atheniensem, vel Linum
Thebanum, et temporibus Trojanis Palamedem Argivum, memorant sedecim
literarum formas, mox alios, et præcipue Simonidem cæteras invenisse.
Lilius Gyraldus de Poetis. Dialog. 1. p. 13. Edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696.

Τοτε ὁ Παλαμηδης ἑυρε τα ις γραμματα του αλφαβητου, α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ,
μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, ς, τ, υ· προσεθηκε δε Καδμος ὁ Μιλησιος ἑτερα γραμματα τρια,
θ, φ, χ--προς ταυτα Σιμωνιδης ὁ Κειος προσεθηκε δυο, η και ω. Επιχαρμος δε
ὁ Συρακουσιος τρια, ζ, ξ, ψ· ὁυτως επληρωθησαν τα κδ στοιχεια. Eusebii
Chron. p. 33. l. 13.

[522] Ου γαρ μονον παρα τοις αλλοις Ελλησιν ημεληθε τα περι της αναγραφηι,
αλλ' ουδε παρα τοις Αθηναιοις, ὁυς αυτοχθονας ειναι λεγουσι, και παιδειας
επιμελεις, ουδεν τοιουτον ἑυρισκεται γενομενον. Josephus contra Apion. l.
1. p. 439. Their historians were but little before the war with the
Persians: doctrina vero _temporum_ adhuc longe recentior--hinc tenebræ
superioribus sæculis, hinc fabulæ. Marsham. Chron. Canon. p. 14.

[523] The Arundel Marbles are a work of this sort, and contain an account
of 1318 years. They begin from Cecrops, and come down to the 160th
Olympiad. So that this work was undertaken very late, after the Archonship
of Diognetus.

[524] See Diodorus above. p. 19, 20.

[525] --Τις ου παρ' αυτων συγγραφεων μαθοι ῥαδιως, ὁτι μηδεν βεβαιως
ειδοτες συνεγραφον, αλλ' ὡς ἑκαστοι περι των πραγματων εικαζοιντο· πλειον
γουν δια των βιβλιων αλληλους ελεγχουσι, και εναντιωτατα περι των αυτων
λεγειν ουκ οκνουσι--κτλ· Josephus contra Apion. vol. 2. l. 1. c. 3. p. 439.

Ὁμοιως δε τουτῳ (Εφορῳ) Καλλισθενης και Θεοπομπος κατα την ἡλικιαν
γεγονοτες απεστησαν των παλαιων μυθων· ἡμεις δε την εναντιαν τουτοις κρισιν
εχοντες, και τον εκ της αναγραφης πονον ὑποσταντες, την πασαν επιμελειαν
εποησαμεθα της αρχαιολογιας. Diod. l. 4. p. 209.

[526] Plutarch de Audiendis Poetis.

See Strabo's Apology for Fable. l. 1. p. 35, 36.

[527] Πλην γε δε ὁτι ουκ ακριβη εξηταστην χρη ειναι των ὑπερ του Θειου εκ
παλαιου μεμυθευμενων. Arrian. Expedit. Alexandri. l. 5.

Herodotus puts these remarkable words into the mouth of Darius--Ενθα γαρ τι
δει ψευδος λεγεσθαι, λεγεσθω· του γαρ αυτου γλιχομεθα, ὁι τε ψευδομενοι,
και ὁι τῃ αληθηιη διαχρεωμενοι. l. 3. c. 72. We may be assured that these
were the author's own sentiments, though attributed to another person:
hence we must not wonder if his veracity be sometimes called in question;
add to this, that he was often through ignorance mistaken: Πολλα τον
Ἡροδοτον ελεγχει (Μανεθων) των Αιγυπτιακων ὑπ' αγνοιας εψευσμενον. Josephus
cont. Ap. l. 1. c. 14. p. 444.

[528] Ταρσος επισημοτατη πολις Κιλικιας--εστι δ' αποικος Αργειων. Steph.
Byzantinus, and Strabo. l. 16. p. 1089.

[529] Ωνομασται δ' απο του πηλου. Strabo. l. 17. p. 1155.

According to Marcellinus, it was built by Peleus of Thessaly. l. 22. c. 16.
p. 264.

[530] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 328.

[531] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 328. built by Actis.

[532] Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 62. Clemens. l. 1. Strom. p. 383. from

[533] See Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. c. 3. p. 439.

[534] Ὁι γαρ Ἑλληνων λογοι πολλοι και γελοιοι, ὡς εμοι φαινονται. Apud
Jamblichum--See notes. p. 295.

[535] Πολυν αυτοι επηγον τυφον, ὡς μη ῥαδιως τινα συνορᾳν τα κατ' αληθειαν
γενομενα. He therefore did not apply to Grecian learning--Ου την παρ'
Ἑλλησι, διαφωνος γαρ αυτη και φιλονεικοτερον ὑπ' ενιων μαλλον, η προς
αληθειαν συντεθεισα. Philo apud Euseb. P. E. l. 1. c. ix. p. 32.

See the same writer of their love of allegory. p. 32.

[536] Πλατων ουκ αρνειται τα καλλιστα εις φιλοσοφιαν παρα των βαρβαρων
εμπορευεσθαι. Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 355.

--Κλεπτας της βαρβαρου φιλοσοφιας Ἑλληνας. Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 2. p.

Clemens accuses the Grecians continually for their ignorance and vanity:
yet Clemens is said to have been an Athenian, though he lived at
Alexandria. He sacrificed all prejudices to the truth, as far as he could
obtain it.

[537] Φυσει γαρ Ἑλληνες εισι νεοτροποι, και αττοντες φερονται πανταχη,
ουδεν εχοντες ἑρμα εν ἑαυτοις, ουδ' οπερ δεξωνται παρα τινων
διαφυλαττοντες· αλλα και τουτο οξεως αφεντες παντα κατα την αστατον
ἑυρεσιλογιαν μεταπλαττουσι. Βαρβαροι δε μονιμοι τοις ηθεσιν οντες, και τοις
λογοις βεβαιως τοις αυτοις εμμενουσι. Jamblichus. sect. 7. c. 5. p. 155.

[538] Δοξης γαρ κενης και ματαιου παντες ὁυτοι ερασθεντες, ουτε αυτοι το
αληθες εγνωσαν, ουτε μεν αλλους επι την αληθειαν προετρεψαντο. Theophilus
ad Autol. l. 3. p. 382.

[539] Παρ' ἡμιν δε της κενοδοξιας ὁ ἱμερος ουκ εστι· δογματων δε ποικιλιαις
ου καταχρωμεθα. Tatianus contra Græcos, p. 269.

[540] Τους μεν Σακας, τους δε Μασσαγετας εκαλουν, ουκ εχοντες ακριβως
λεγειν περι αυτων ουδεν, καιπερ προς Μασσαγετας τον Κυρου πολεμον
ἱστορουντες· αλλα ουτε περι τουτων ουδεις ηκριβωτο προς αληθειαν ουδεν,
ουτε τα παλαια των Περσων, ουτε των Μηδικων, η Συριακων, ες πιστιν
αφικνειτο μεγαλην δια την των συγγραφεων ἁπλοτητα και την φιλομυθιαν.
Ὁρωντες γαρ τους φανερως μυθογραφους ευδοκιμουντας, ωηθησαν και αυτους
παρεξεσθαι την γραφην ἡδειαν, εαν εν ἱστοριας σχηματι λεγωσιν, ἁ μηδεποτε
ειδον, μητε ηκουσαν, η ου παρα γε ειδοτων σκοπουντες· δι αυτο δε μονον
τουτα, ὁτι ακροασιν ἡδειαν εχει, και θαυμαστην. Ραδιως δ' αν τις Ἡσιοδῳ και
Ὁμηρῳ πιστευσειεν Ἡρωολογουσι, και τοις τραγικοις Ποιηταις, η Κτησιᾳ τε και
Ἡροδοτῳ, και Ἑλλανικῳ, και αλλοις τοιουτοις. Ουδε τοις περι Αλεξανδρου δε
συγγραψασιν ῥαδιον πιστευειν τοις πολλοις· και γαρ ὁυτω ῥαδιουργουσι δια τε
την δοξαν Αλεξανδρου, και δια το την στρατειαν προς τας εσχατιας γεγονεναι
της Ασιας πορρω αφ' ἡμων· το δη πορρω δυσελεγκτον. Strabo. l. 11. p. 774.

Græcis Historicis plerumque poeticæ similem esse licentiam. Quinctilianus.
l. 11. c. 11.

          --quicquid Græcia mendax
  Audet in Historiâ. Juvenal.

Strabo of the antient Grecian historians: Δει δε των παλαιων ἱστοριων
ακουειν ὁυτως, ὡς μη ὁμολογουμενων σφοδρα. ὁι γαρ νεωτεροι πολλακις
νομιζουσι και τ' αναντια λεγειν. l. 8. p. 545.

Παντες μεν γαρ ὁι περι Αλεξανδρον το θαυμαστον αντι τ' αληθους αποδεχονται
μαλλον. Strabo. l. 15. p. 1022.

[541] --Αλλα ἑκαστος ἑκαστῳ τ' αναντια λεγει πολλακις· ὁπου δε περι των
ὁρασθεντων ὁυτω διαφερονται, τι δει νομιζειν περι των εξ ακοης. Strabo. l.
15. p. 1006.

See also l. 771, 2, 3, 4. And Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 63. Of Herodotus
and other writers--Ἑκουσιως προκριναντες της αληθεις το παραδοξολογειν.

[542] Ου θαυμαστον δ' ειναι περι του Ὁμηροι· και γαρ τους ετι νεωτερους
εκεινου πολλα αγνοειν, και τερατολογειν. Strabo. l. 7. p. 458.

[543] Φημι ουν Ορφεα και Ὁμηρον και Ἡσιοδον ειναι τους ονοματα και γεννη
δοντας τοις ὑπ' αυτων λεγομενοις θεοις· μαρτυρει δε και Ἡροδοτος--Ἡσιοδον
γαρ και Ὁμηρον ἡλικιην τετρακοσιοις ετεσι δοκεω πρεσβυτερους εμου γενεσθαι,
και ου πλειοσι. Ὁυτοι δε εισιν, ὁι ποιησαντες θεογονιαν Ἑλλησι, και τοισι
θεοισι τας επωνυμιας δοντες, και τιμας και τεχνας διελοντες, και ειδεα
αυτων σημαινοντες· ἁι δε εικονες μεχρι μηπω πλαστικη και γραφικη, και
ανδριαντοποιητικη ησαν, ουδε ενομιζοντο. Athenagoræ Legatio. p. 292. See
Herodotus. l. 2. c. 53.

[544] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 809. Clemens mentions Αγυιεα θυρωρος τῳ Ἑρμη.
Cohort. p. 44.

Οσα μεν αδουσιν εν τῳ Πρυτανειῳ, φωνη μεν εστιν αυτον ἡ Δωρικη. Pausanias.
l. 5. p. 416.

[545] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 828. of Phaënnis and the Sibyls.

[546] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 809. of Phæmonoë and antient hymns.

[547] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 809, 810. Ωλην.

[548] Jamblichus de Mysteriis. Sect. vii. c. 5. p. 156.

In like manner in Samothracia, the ancient Orphic language was obsolete,
yet they retained it in their temple rites: Εσχηκασι δη παλαιαν ἱδιαν
διαλεκτον ὁι Αυτοχθονες (εν Σαμοθρακῃ) ἡς πολλα εν ταις θυσιαις μεχρι του
νυν τηρηται. Diodorus. l. 5. p. 322.

[549] Jamblichus de Myster. sect. 7. c. 5. See notes. p. 295.

[550] Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. l. 5. p. 676.

Such was Aristæus Proconneisius: Ανηρ γοης ει τις αλλος. Strabo. l. 13.

[551] Thus it is said in Eusebius from some antient accounts, that
Telegonus reigned in Egypt, who was the son of Orus the shepherd; and
seventh from Inachus: and that he married Io. Upon which Scaliger asks: Si
Septimus ab Inacho, quomodo Io Inachi filia nupsit ei? How could Io be
married to him when she was to him in degree of ascent, as far off as his
grandmother's great grandmother; that is six removes above him. See
Scaliger on Euseb. ad Num. cccclxxxi.

[552] Παρ' οις γαρ ασυναρτητος εστιν ἡ των Χρονων αναγραφη, παρα τουτοις
ουδε τα της ἱστοριας αληθευειν δυνατον· τι γαρ το αιτιον της εν τῳ γραφειν
πλανης, ει μη το συναπτειν τα μη αληθη. Tatianus. p. 269.

[553] Νυν μην οψε ποτε εις Ἑλληνας ἡ των λογων παρηλθε διδασκαλια το και
γραφη. Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 364.

[554] Ὁι μεν ουν αρχαιοτατην αυτων την χρησιν ειναι θελοντες, παρα Φοινικων
και Καδμου σεμνυνονται μαθειν. Ου μεν ουδ' επ' εκεινου του χρονου δυναιτο
τις αν δειξαι σωζομενην αναγραφην εν ἱεροις, ουτ' εν δημοσιοις αναθημασι.
Joseph. cont. Apion. l. 1.

[555] Των δε της αληθειας ἱστοριων Ἑλληνες ου μεμνηνται· πρωτον μεν δια το
νεωστι αυτους των γραμματων της εμπειριας μετοχους γεγενησθαι και αυτον
ὁμολογουσι, φασκοντες τα γραμματα ἑυρησθαι, οι μεν απο Χαλδαιων, ὁι δε παρ
Αιγυπτιων, αλλοι δ' αν απο Φοινικων. δευτερον, οτι επταιον, και πταιουσι,
περι θεου μη ποιουμενοι την μνειαν, αλλα περι ματαιων και ανωφελων
πραγματων. Theoph. ad Autol. l. 3. p. 400.

Plutarch assures us, that Homer was not known to the Athenians till the
time of Hipparchus, about the 63d Olympiad, yet some writers make him
three, some four, some five hundred years before that æra. It is scarce
possible that he should have been so unknown to them if they had been
acquainted with letters.

[556] Eusebius. Chron. p. 24.

[557] Eusebius. Chron. p. 19. Syncellus. p. 148, 152.

The kings of Sicyon were taken from Castor Rhodius.

[558] Και χρη τον νουνεχη συνιεναι κατα πασης ακριβειας, ὁτι κατα την
Ἑλληνων παραδοσιν ουδ' ἱστοριας τις ην παρ' αυτοις αναγραφη· Καδμος
γαρ--μετα πολλας γενεας. κλ. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 274.

[559] Clemens Alexand. l. 1. p. 352. and Diogenes Laertius, from
Dicæarchus, and Heraclides.

[560] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1160.

[561] Ælian mentions, that the Bull Onuphis was worshipped at a place in
Egypt, which he could not specify on account of its asperity. Ælian de
Animalibus. l. 12. c. 11.

Even Strabo omits some names, because they were too rough and dissonant. Ου
λεγω δε των εθνων τα ονοματα τα παλαια δια την αδοξιαν, και ἁμα την ατοπιαν
της εκφορας αυτων. l. 12. p. 1123.

[562] Μετα ταυτα πλανην Ἑλλησι αιτιαται (ὁ Φιλων) λεγων, ου γαρ ματαιως
αυτα πολλακως διεστειλαμεθα, αλλα προς τας αυθις παρεκδοχας των εν τοις
πραγμασιν ονοματων· ἁπερ ὁι Ἑλληνες αγνοησαντες, αλλως εξεδεξαντο,
πλανηθεντες τῃ αμφιβολιᾳ των ονοματων. Philo apud Eusebium. P. E. l. 1. c.
x. p. 34.

[563] Bozrah, a citadel, they changed to βυρσα, a skin. Out of Ar, the
capital of Moab, they formed Areopolis, the city of the Mars. The river
Jaboc they expressed Io Bacchus. They did not know that diu in the east
signified an island: and therefore out of Diu-Socotra in the Red-Sea, they
formed the island Dioscorides: and from Diu-Ador, or Adorus, they made an
island Diodorus. The same island Socotra they sometimes denominated the
island of Socrates. The place of fountains, Ai-Ain, they attributed to
Ajax, and called it Αιαντος ακροτηριον, in the same sea. The antient
frontier town of Egypt, Rhinocolura, they derived from ρις, ρινος, a nose:
and supposed that some people's noses were here cut off. Pannonia they
derived from the Latin pannus, cloth. So Nilus was from νη ιλυς: Gadeira
quasi Γης δειρα. Necus in Egypt and Ethiopia signified a king: but such
kings they have turned to νεκυας: and the city of Necho, or Royal City, to
Νικοπολις and Νεκροπολις.

Lysimachus in his Egyptian history changed the name of Jerusalem to
Ιεροσυλα: and supposed that the city was so called because the Israelites
in their march to Canaan used to plunder temples, and steal sacred things.
See Josephus contra Ap. l. 1. c. 34. p. 467.

[564] I do not mean to exclude the Romans, though I have not mentioned
them; as the chief of the knowledge which they afford is the product of
Greece. However, it must be confessed, that we are under great obligations
to Pliny, Marcellinus, Arnobius, Tertullian, Lactantius, Jerome, Macrobius;
and many others. They contain many necessary truths, wherever they may have
obtained them.

[565] Ennii Annales. l. 2.

[566] Ennii Annales. l. 1.

[567] Apud Ennii fragmenta.

[568] Genesis. c. 10. v. 5.

[569] Strabo. l. 5. p. 346.

[570] Virgil. Æn. l. xi. v. 785.

[571] Servius upon the foregoing passage.

[572] Cluver. Italia. l. 2. p. 719.

[573] Livy. l. 1. c. 49. Pompeius Festus.

[574] Not far from hence was a district called _Ager_ Solonus. Sol-On is a
compound of the two most common names given to the Sun, to whom the place
and waters were sacred.

[575] Dionysius Halicarnassensis. l. 3.

[576] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 138.

Θυουσι δε και ὑδατι και ανεμοισιν (ὁι Περσαι). Herodotus. l. 1. c. 131.

Ridetis temporibus priscis Persas fluvium coluisse. Arnobius adversus
Gentes. l. 6. p. 196.

[577] Αλλοι ποταμους και κρηνας, και παντων μαλιστα ὁι Αιγυπτιοι
προτετιμηκασι, και Θεους αναγορευουσι. Athanasius adversus Gentes. p. 2.

Αιγυπτιοι ὑδατι Θυουσι· καιτοι μεν ἁπασι καινον τοις Αιγυπτιοις το ὑδωρ.
Lucian. Jupiter Tragœd. v. 2. p. 223. Edit. Salmurii.

[578] Julius Firmicus. p. 1.

[579] Gruter. Inscript. vol. 1. p. xciv.

[580] Senecæ Epist. 41.

[581] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 181. The true name was probably Curene, or

[582] Vitruvij Architect. l. 8. p. 163.

[583] Pliny. l. 4. c. 4. p. 192. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 2.

[584] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 117. Εστι γε δη και Απολλωνος αγαλμα προς τῃ
Πειρηνῃ, και περιβολος εστιν.

Pirene and Virene are the same name.

[585] Pur, Pir, Phur, Vir: all signify fire.

[586] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 312.

[587] Diodorus Siculus. l. xi. p. 17.

[588] Strabo. l. 6. p. 412.

[589] Stephanus says that it was near Mount Casius; but Herodotus expressly
tells us, that it was at the distance of three days journey from it.

[590] Απο ταυτης τα εμπορια τα επι θαλασσης μεχρι Ιηνισου πολιος εστι του
Αραβικου. Herodotus. l. 3. c. 5.

[591] Τοδε μεταξυ Ιηνισου πολιος, και Κασιου τε ουρεος, και της Σερβωνιδος
λιμνης, εον ουκ ολιγον χωριον, αλλ' ὁσον επι τρεις ἡμερας ὁδον, ανυδρον
εστι δεινος. Herodotus. ibidem.

[592] Go-zan is the place, or temple, of the Sun. I once thought that
Goshen, or, as it is sometimes expressed, Gozan, was the same as Cushan:
but I was certainly mistaken. The district of Goshen was indeed the nome of
Cushan; but the two words are not of the same purport. Goshen is the same
as Go-shan, and Go-zan, analogous to Beth-shan, and signifies the place of
the Sun. Go-shen, Go-shan, Go-zan, and Gau-zan, are all variations of the
same name. In respect to On, there were two cities so called. The one was
in Egypt, where Poti-phera was Priest. Genesis. c. 41. v. 45. The other
stood in Arabia, and is mentioned by the Seventy: Ων, ἡ εστιν Ἡλιουπολις.
Exodus. c. 1. v. 11. This was also called Onium, and Hanes, the Iänisus of

[593] Isaiah. c. 30. v. 4.

[594] See Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. p. 124. p. 137.

[595] D'Anville Memoires sur l'Egypt. p. 114.

[596] Travels. vol. 2. p. 107. It is by them expressed Ain el Cham, and
appropriated to the obelisk: but the meaning is plain.

[597] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 1. c. 35. p. 638.

[598] See page 72. notes.

[599] Dissertation of the influence of opinion upon language, and of
language upon opinion. Sect. vi. p. 67. of the translation.

[600] Scholia upon Apollonius. l. 2. v. 297.

[601] Strabo. l. 10. p. 700.

[602] Orphic Hymn. 4.

[603] Ὁι Θεολογοι--ενι γε τῳ Φανητι την δημιουργικην αιτιαν ανυμνησαν.
Orphic Fragment. 8. from Proclus in Timæum.

[604] Συ μοι Ζευς ὁ Φαναιο, ἡκεις. Eurip. Rhesus. v. 355.

Φαναιος Απολλων εν Χιοις. Hesych.

[605] Pliny. l. 2. c. 106. p. 120.

[606] Λουτρα τε παρεχει το χωριον θερμα, γηθεν αυτοματα ανιοντα. Josephi
Antiq. l. 18. c. 14.

[607] Lucretius. l. 6.

[608] Justin Martyr. Cohort. p. 33.

[609] Mount Albanus was denominated Al-ban from its fountains and baths.

[610] Strabo. l. 8. p. 545.

[611] Strabo. l. 4. p. 290. Onesa signifies solis ignis, analogous to

[612] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1072. see also l. 11. p. 779. and l. 12. p. 838.
likewise Plutarch in Artaxerxe.

[613] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 678.

[614] Horace. l. 1. sat. 5. v. 97.

[615] Pliny. l. 2. c. 110. p. 123.

[616] Strabo. l. 6. p. 430.

The antient Salentini worshipped the Sun under the title of Man-zan, or
Man-zana: by which is meant Menes, Sol. Festus in V. Octobris.

[617] Thucydides. l. 6. c. 2. p. 379.

[618] Orphic Fragment. vi. v. 19. from Proclus. p. 366.

Μητις, divine wisdom, by which the world was framed: esteemed the same as
Phanes and Dionusus.

Αυτος τε ὁ Διονυσος, και Φανης, και Ηρικεπαιος. Ibidem. p. 373.

Μητις--ἑρμηνευεται, Βουλη. Φως, Ζωοδοτηρ--from Orpheus: Eusebij Chronicon.
p. 4.

[619] Ισιδος ενταυθα Ἱερον, και αγαλμα, και επι της αγορας Ἑρμου--και θερμα
λουτρα. Pausan. l. 2. p. 190.

[620] Pausanas. l. 4. p. 287.

[621] Ὁιδ' ὑδωρ πιοντες, καθαπερ ὁ εν Κολοφωνι Ἱερευς του Κλαριου. Ὁιδε
στομιοις παρακαθημενοι, ὡς ἁι εν Δελφοις θεσπιζουσαι. Ὁιδ' εξ ὑδατων
ατμιζομενοι, καθαπερ ἁι εν Βραγχιδαις Προφητιδες. Jamblichus de Mysterijs.
sec. 3. c. xi. p. 72

[622] Τοδε εν Κολοφωνι μαντειον ὁμολογειται παρα πασι δια ὑδατος
χρηματιζειν· ειναι γαρ πηγην εν οικῳ καταγειῳ, και απ' αυτης πιειν την
Προφητην. Jamblichus. ibid.

[623] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 659. Ανελοντος του εν Κολοφωνι και Ελεγειων
ποιηται ψυχροτητα αδουσι.

[624] Callimachus: Hymn to Delos.

Strabo l. 10 p.742.

[625] Pliny. l. 2. c. 106. p. 122.

[626] Pliny above.

Ὁτι πυρ εστιν εγγυς Φασηλιδος εν Λυκιᾳ αθανατον, και ὁτι αει καιεται επι
πετρας, και νυκτα, και ἡμεραν. Ctesias apud Photium. clxxiii.


  Παντες, ὁσοι Φοινικον εδος περι παγνυ νεμονται,
  Αιπυ τε Μασσικυτοιο ῥοον, βωμον γε Χιμαιρας. Nonnus. l. 3.

[628] Strabo. l. 12. p. 812. For the purport of Gaius, domus vel cavitas.
See Radicals. p. 122.

[629] Patinæ Numismata Imperatorum. p. 180. l. 194.

[630] He was called both Peon and Peor: and the country from him Peonia and
Pieria. The chief cities were Alorus, Aineas, Chamsa, Methone: all of
oriental etymology.

[631] Παιονες σεβουσι τον ἡλιον· αγαλμα δε ἡλιου Παιονικον δισκος βραχυς
ὑπερ μακρου ξυλου. Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. p. 87.

Of the wealth of this people, and of their skill in music and pharmacy; See
Strabo. Epitom. l. vii.

[632] Rufus Festus Avienus, Descrip. Orbis. v. 1083.

[633] Juliani Oratio in Solem. Orat. 4. p. 150.

Ἱερωνται δε αυτοι (Εδεσσηνοι) τῳ θεῳ ἡλιῳ· τουτον γαρ ὁι επιχωριοι σεβουσι,
τῃ Φοινικων φωνῃ Ελαγαβαλον καλουντες. Herodian. l. 3.

[634] Edesseni Urchoienses--Urhoe, ignis, lux, &c. Theoph. Sigefredi Bayeri
Hist. Osrhoena. p. 4.

[635] Ur-choë signifies Ori domus, vel templum; Solis Ædes.

Ur in Chaldea is, by Ptolemy, called Orchoe.

[636] Etymologicum magnum. The author adds: αρσαι γαρ το ποτισαι, as if it
were of Grecian original.

[637] Marcellinus. l. 23. p. 287.

[638] Αρσηνη λιμνη, ἡν και Θωνιτιν καλουσι--εστι δε νιτριτις. Strabo. l.
xi. p. 801.

[639] Πρωτον μεν απ' Αρσινοης παραθεοντι την δεξιαν ηπειρον θερμα πλειοσιν
αυλοις εκ πετρης ὑψηλης εις θαλατταν διηθειται. Agatharchides de Rubro
mari. p. 54.

Ειτα αλλην πολιν Αρσινοην· ειτα θερμων ὑδατων εκβολας, πικρων και ἁλμυρων.
Strabo. l. 16. p. 1114.]

[640] Some make Ephesus and Arsinoë to have been the same. See Scholia upon
Dionysius. v. 828.

[641] Strabo. l. l6. p. 1074. See Radicals. p. 50.

[642] Pliny. l. 6. c. 27. Euphraten præclusere Orcheni: nec nisi Pasitigri
defertur ad mare.

[643] Ptolemy Geog.

Isidorus Characenus. Geog. Vet. vol. 2. p. 7.

[644] Cellarii Geog. vol. 2. p. 80.

[645] Strabo. l. 12. p. 868, 869. and l. 13. p. 929-932.

Εστι δε επιφανεια τεφρωδης των πεδιων.

Strabo supposes that the Campus Hyrcanus was so named from the Persians; as
also Κυρου πεδιον, near it; but they seem to have been so denominated ab
origine. The river Organ, which ran, into the Mæander from the Campus
Hyrcanus, was properly Ur-chan. Ancyra was An-cura, so named a fonte Solis
κυρος γαρ ὁ ἡλιος. All the names throughout the country have a
correspondence: all relate either to the soil, or the religion of the
natives; and betray a great antiquity.

[646] Ptolemy. Geog. l. 2. c. 11.

[647] Mentioned in Pliny's Panegyric: and in Seneca; consolatio ad Helv. l.
6. Aristotle in Meteoris.

[648] Here was one of the fountains of the Danube. Ιστρος τε γαρ ποταμος
αρξαμενος εκ Κελτων και Πυρηνης πολιος ῥεει, μεσην σχιζων την Ευρωπην.
Herodotus. l. 2. c. 33.

[649] See Cluverii Germania.

[650] Beatus Rhenanus. Rerum Germanic. l. 3.

[651] It is called by the Swiss, Le Grand Brenner: by the other Germans,
Der gross Verner.

Mount Cænis, as we term it, is properly Mount Chen-Is, Mons Dei Vulcani. It
is called by the people of the country Monte Canise; and is part of the
Alpes Cottiæ. Cluver. Ital. vol. 1. l. 1. c. 32. p. 337. Mons Geneber.

[652] See Marcellinus. l. 15. c. 10. p. 77. and the authors quoted by
Cluverius. Italia Antiqua above.

They are styled Αλπεις Σκουτιαι by Procopius: Rerum Goth. l. 2.

Marcellinus thinks, that a king Cottius gave name to these Alps in the time
of Augustus, but Cottius was the national title of the king; as Cottia was
of the nation: far prior to the time of Augustus.

[653] Pliny. l. 3. c. 20. Cottianæ civitates duodecim.

[654] Scholia upon Apollonius. l. 2. v. 677.

[655] Τουτων δε εστι και ἡ του Ιδεοννου γη, και ἡ του Κοττιου. Strabo. l.
4. p. 312

[656] Tacitus de Moribus Germanorum.

[657] Gruter. vol. 1. p. 138.

[658] Fulgentius: Mytholog. l. 1. c. 25. p. 655.

[659] Lactantius de falsa Relig. vol. 1. l. 1. c. 11. p. 47.

To these instances add the worship of Seatur, and Thoth, called Thautates.
See Clunerii Germania. l. 1. c. 26. p. 188 and 189.

[660] 2 Chronicles. c. 8. v. 4.

[661] Porphyry de Antro Nympharum. p. 262. Edit. Cantab. 1655.

He speaks of Zoroaster: Αυτοφυες σπηλαιον εν τοις πλησιον ορεσι της
Περσιδος ανθηρον, και πηγας εχον, ανιερωσαντος εις τιμην του παντων
ποιητου, και πατρος Μιθρου. p. 254.

Clemens Alexandrinus mentions, Βαραθων στοματα τερατειας εμπλεα. Cohortatio
ad Gentes.

Αντρα μεν δη δικαιως οι παλαιοι, και σπηλαια, τῳ κοσμῳ καθιερουν. Porphyry
de Antro Nymph. p. 252. There was oftentimes an olive-tree planted near
these caverns, as in the Acropolis at Athens, and in Ithaca.

  Αυταρ επι κρατος λιμενος τανυφυλλος Ελαια,
  Αγχοθι δ' αυτης Αντρον.
          Homer de Antro Ithacensi. Odyss. l. ε. v. 346.

[662] Lycophron. v. 208. Scholia.

[663] Pausanias. l. x. p. 898. I imagine that the word caverna, a cavern,
was denominated originally Ca-Ouran, Domus Cœlestis, vel Domus Dei, from
the supposed sanctity of such places.

[664] Strabo. l. 9. p. 638.

                  Ενθα παρθενου
  Στυγνον Σιβυλλης εστιν οικητηριον
  Γρωνῳ Βερεθρῳ συγκατηρεφες στεγης.
                  Lycophron of the Sibyl's cavern, near the promontory
                      Zosterion. v. 1278.

[665] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 5. 275.

[666] Scholia upon Aristophanes: Plutus. v. 9. and Euripides in the
Orestes. v. 164.

[667] Lucan. l. 5. v. 82.

[668] Μουσων γαρ ην Ἱερον ενταυθα περι την αναπνοην του ναματος. Plutarch
de Pyth. Oracul. vol. 1. p. 402.

[669] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 877.

[670] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 387. Sama Con, Cœli vel Cœlestis Dominus.

[671] Strabo. l. 12. p. 869. l. 13. p. 934. Demeter and Kora were
worshipped at the Charonian cavern mentioned by Strabo: Χαρωνιον αντρον
θαυμαστον τη φυσει. l. 14. p. 961.

[672] Lucian de Deâ Syriâ.

[673] Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. p. 87.

[674] Vaillant: Numism. Ærea Imperator. Pars prima. p. 243, 245, 285. and

[675] Hyde. Religio Veterum Persarum. c. 23. p. 306, 7, 8.

[676] See PLATE ii. iii.

[677] Le Bruyn. Plate 153.

See the subsequent plate with the characters of Cneuphis.

[678] Kæmpfer. Amœnitates Exoticæ. p. 325.

[679] Mandesloe. p. 3. He mentions the sacred fire and a serpent.

[680] Sir John Chardin. Herbert also describes these caverns, and a
serpent, and wings; which was the same emblem as the Cneuphis of Egypt.

[681] Le Bruyn's Travels, vol. 2. p. 20. See plate 117, 118, 119, 120. Also
p. 158, 159, 166, 167.

[682] Thevenot. part 2d. p. 144, 146.

[683] Ὁι τα του Μιθρου μυστηρια παραδιδοντες λεγουσιν εκ πετρας γεγενησθαι
αυτον, και σπηλαιον καλουσι τον τοπον. Cum Tyrphone Dialog. p. 168.

[684] He speaks of people--Πανταχου, ὁπου τον Μιθραν εγνωσαν, δια σπηλαιου
ἱλεουμενων. Porphyry de Antro Nympharum. p. 263.

[685] Justin Martyr supra.

[686] Scholia upon Statius. Thebaid. l. 1. v. 720.

              Seu Persei de rupibus Antri
  Indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithran.

[687] Plutarch: Alexander. p. 703. and Arrian. l. vi. p. 273.

[688] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 187.

[689] Thevenot. part 2d. p. 141, 146.

Some say that Thevenot was never out of Europe: consequently the travels
which go under his name were the work of another person: for they have many
curious circumstances, which could not be mere fiction.

[690] Clemens Alexandrinus. l. 6. p. 756.

[691] Hyde de Religione Vet. Persar. p. 306.

[692] See Radicals. p. 77.

[693] Petavius in Epiphanium. p. 42.

[694] Herbert's Travels. p. 138.

[695] Procopius. Persica. l. 1. c. 24.

[696] Ovid. Fast. l. 6. v. 291.

[697] Similis est natura Naphthæ, et ita adpellatur circa Babylonem, et in
Astacenis Parthiæ, pro bituminis liquidi modo. Pliny. l. 2. c. 106. p. 123.

[698] Callim. H. to Delos. v. 201.

[699] Pliny. l. 2. c. 22. p. 112. He supposes the name to have been given,
igne ibi primum reperto.

[700] Callimachus. H. to Delos. v. 325.

[701] Herodotus. l. iv. c. 69.

[702] Και θυουσι Περσαι πυρι, επιφορουντες αυτῳ την πυρος τροφην,
επιλεγοντες, Πυρ, Δεσποτα, εσθιε. Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. p. 83.

[703] See Lycophron. v. 447. and Stephanus. Κυπρος.

  Κεραστιδος εις χθονα Κυπρου. Nonni Dionys. l. iv.

[704] Hospes erat cæsus. Ovid. Metamorph. l. x. v. 228.

[705] Ovid. Metamorph. l. x. v. 228.

[706] Strabo. l. 10. p. 684.

[707] Solinus. cap. 17. Pliny takes notice of the city Carystus.
Eubœa--Urbibus clara quondam Pyrrhâ, Orco, Geræsto, Carysto, Oritano, &c.
aquisque callidis, quæ Ellopiæ vocantur, nobilis. l. 4, c. 12.

[708] Εν τοις Κασταβαλοις εστι το της Περασιας Αρτεμιδος ἱερον, ὁπου φασι
τας ἱερειας γυμνοις τοις ποσι δι' ανθρακιαν βαδιζειν απαθεις. Strabo. l. 12
p. 811.

[709] Μιθρας ὁ ἡλιος παρα Περσαις. Hesych.

Μιθρης ὁ πρωτος εν Περσαις Θεος. Ibidem.

Mithra was the same. Elias Cretensis in Gregorij Theologi Opera.

[710] Elias Cretensis. Ibidem. In like manner Nonnus says, that there could
be no initiation--Αχρις ὁυ τας ογδοηκοντα κολασεις παρελθοι. In Nazianzeni
Steliteutic. 2.

[711] Και τοτε λοιπον εμυουσι αυτον τα τελεωτερα, εαν ζησῃ. Nonnus supra.

[712] Account of Persia, by Jonas Hanway, Esq. vol. 3. c. 31, 32. p. 206.

[713] Εικονα φεροντος σπηλαιου του Κοσμου. Por. de Ant. Nymph. p. 254.

[714] Μετα δε τουτον τον Ζωροαστρην κρατησαντος και παρ' αλλοις δι' αντρων
και σπηλαιων, ειτ' ουν αυτοφυων, ειτε χειροποιητων, τας τελετας αποδιδοναι.
Porph. de Antro Nymph. p. 108. The purport of the history of Mithras, and
of the cave from whence he proceeded, I shall hereafter shew. Jupiter was
nursed in a cave; and Proserpine, Κορη Κοσμου, nursed in a cave: ὡσαυτως
και ἡ Δημητηρ εν αντρῳ τρεφει την Κορην μετα Νυμφων· και αλλα τοιαυτα πολλα
ἑυρησει τις επιων τα των θεολογων. Porph. ibid. p. 254.

[715] Numbers. c. 22. v. 41. Leviticus. c. 26. v. 30.

[716] 2 Kings. c. 16. v. 3, 4.

[717] 1 Kings. c. 22. v. 43. 2 Kings. c. 12. v. 3. c. 15. v. 4-35.

[718] There were two sorts of high places. The one was a natural eminence;
a hill or mountain of the earth. The other was a factitious mound, of which
I shall hereafter treat at large.

[719] Numbers. c. 22. v. 41. and c. 23. v. 14-28.

[720] Preface of Demetrius Moschus to Orpheus de Lapidibus--Θειοδαμαντι του
Πριαμου συνηντησεν Ορφευς--κτλ.

[721] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1064.

Περσας επι τα ὑψηλοτατα των ορεων θυσιας ερδειν. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 131.

Some nations, instead of an image, worshipped the hill as the
Deity--Επεφημισαν δε και Διι αγαλματα ὁι πρωτοι ανθρωποι κορυφας ορον,
Ολυμπον, και Ιδην, και ει τι αλλο ορος πλησιαζει τῳ Ουρανῳ. Maximus Tyrius
Dissert. 8. p. 79.

[722] Appian de Bello Mithridatico. p. 215. Edit. Steph. He, by an
hyperbole, makes the pile larger than the apex on which it stood.

[723] Virgil. l. 5. v. 760.

[724] Hist. Japan. vol. 2d. book 5. c. 3. p. 417.

[725] Παν δε ορος του Διος ορος ονομαζεται, επει εθος ην τοις παλαιοις
ὑψιστω οντι τῳ Θεῳ ην υψει θυσιας ποιεισθαι. Melanthes de Sacrificijs. See
Natalis Comes. l. 1. 10.

[726] Ομφη, θεια κληδων. Hesych. It was sometimes expressed without the
aspirate, αμβη: hence the place of the oracle was styled Ambon, αμβων.
Αμβων, ἁι προσαναβασεις των ορων. Hesych.

[727] Τον Ομφιν ευεργετην ὁ Ἑρμαιος φησι δηλουν ἑρμηνευομενον. Plutarch:
Isis et Osiris. vol. 1. p. 368.

[728] Ολυμποι εισιν ἑξ--κλ. Scholia upon Apollonius Rhodius. l. 1. v. 598.

[729] Many places styled Olympus and Olympian.

In Lycia: Ολυμπος μεγαλη πολις, και ὁρος ὁμωνυμον. Strabo. l. 14. p. 982.

Ολυμπη πολις Ιλλυριας. Stephanus Byzantinus.

In Cyprus: Αμαθος πολις, και ορος μαστοειδες Ολυμπος. Strabo. l. 14. p.

Ἡδε ακρορεια καλειται Ολυμπος. Strabo. Ibidem.

Josephus mentions the temple of Olympian Zeus at Tyre. Antiq. Jud. l. 8. c.

At Megara in Greece: Τεμενος Ολυμπειον. Pausanias. l. 1. p. 97.

In Elis: Ἡ Ολυμπια πρωτον Κρονιος λοφος ελεγετο. Scholia upon Lycophron. v.

In Attica: Ναος Κρονου, και Ῥεας, και τεμενος την επικλησιν Ολυμπιας.
Pausan. l. 1. p. 43.

In Achaia: Διος Ολυμπιου ναος. Pausan. l. 2. p. 123.

At Delos: Ολυμπειον, τοπος εν Δηλωι. Stephanus Byzantinus. Εστι και πολις

Libya was called Olympia. Stephanus Byzant.

The moon called Olympias: Ἡ γαρ Σεληνη παρ' Αιγυπτιοις κυριως Ολυμπιας
καλειται. Eusebii Chron. p. 45. l. 10.

The earth itself called Olympia by Plutarch, who mentions της Γης Ολυμπιας
ἱερον in Theseus, by which is meant the temple of the Prophetic Earth.

Many other instances might be produced.

[730] Sophocles: Œdipus Tyrannus. v. 487.

Ομφαλον εριβρομου Χθονος. Pind. Pyth. Ode 6. v. 3.

Ορθοδικαν Γας ομφαλον κελαδητε. Pind. Pyth. Ode 11. antist.

[731] Euripides in Ione. v. 233.

Μεσομφαλος Εστια. v. 461.

[732] Titus Livius. l. 38. c. 47.

[733] Strabo. l. 9. p. 642.

[734] Varro de Ling. Lat. l. 6. p. 68.

Pausanias gives this account of the omphalus at Delphi. Τον δε ὑπο Δελφων
καλουμενον ομφαλον λιθου πεποιημενον λευκου, τουτο ειναι το εν μεσῳ γης
πασης αυτοι λεγουσιν ὁι Δελφοι· δεικνυται τε και ομφαλος ΤΙΣ εν τῳ ναῳ
τιταινωμενος. Pausan. l. 10. p. 835.

It is described by Tatianus, but in a different manner. Εν τῳ τεμενει του
Λητοϊδου καλειται τις ομφαλος. Ὁδε ομφαλος ταφος εστιν Διονυσου. p. 251.
Oratio contra Græcos.

[735] Plutarch περι λελοιπ. Χρηστηρ.

[736] Horus Apollo. § 21. p. 30. edit. 1729.

[737] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 141. It is spoken of Phliuns, far removed from
the centre of the Peloponnesus.

[738] This omphalus was near the Plutonian cavern. Diodorus. l. 5.

  Τρις δ' επι καλλιστης νησου δραμες ομφαλον Εννης.
    Callimachus: Hymn to Ceres. Cicero in Verrem, 4. c. 48.

[739] Homer. Odyss. l. α. v. 50.

[740] Stephanus Byzantinus. The natives were also styled Pyrrhidæ; and the
country Chaonia from the temple Cha-On, οικος ἡλιου.

[741] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7.

[742] Strabo. l. 8. p. 542.

[743] By Livy called Aliphira. l. 32. c. 5.

In Messenia was a city Amphia--Πολισμα επι λοφου ὑψηλου κειμενον. Pausan.
l. 4. p. 292. The country was called Amphia.

[744] Αλφειονιας Αρτεμιδος, η Αλφειουσης αλσος. Strabo. l. 8. p. 528.

[745] Plutarch de Fluminibus--Αλφειος.

Alpheus, said to be one of the twelve principal and most antient Deities,
called συμβωμοι; who are enumerated by the Scholiast upon Pindar. Βωμοι
διδυμοι, πρωτος Διος και Ποσειδωνος--κτλ. Olymp. Ode. 5.

[746] Stephanus Byzant. Ομφαλιον. It was properly in Epirus, where was the
oracle of Dodona, and whose people were styled Ομφαλιηεις above.

[747] Ομφαλιον, τοπος Κρητης·-- Steph. Byzant. Εστι δε εν Κρητικοις ορεσι
και κατ' εμε ετι Ελωρος πολις. Strabo. l. 10. p. 834. Eluros--אל אור.

[748] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 337.

[749] Callimachus. Hymn to Jupiter. v. 42.

[750] Quintus Curtius. l. 4. c. 7. p. 154. Varior.

[751] Hyde of the Umbilicus. Relig. vet. Persarum. Appendix 3. p. 527.

[752] That Olympus and Olympia were of Egyptian original, is manifest from
Eusebius; who tells us, that in Egypt the moon was called Olympias; and
that the Zodiac in the heavens had antiently the name of Olympus. Ἡ γαρ
Σεληνη παρ' Αιγυπτιοις κυριος Ολυμπιας καλειται, δια το κατα μηνα
περιπολειν τον Ζωδιακον κυκλον, ον ὁι παλαιοι αυτων ΟΛYΜΠΟΝ εκαλουν.
Chronicon. p. 45. l. 9. The reason given is idle: but the fact is worth
attending to.

Olympus was the supposed præceptor of Jupiter. Diodorus. l. 3. p. 206.

[753] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 241.

[754] Επι νεως περιφερεται χρυσης ὑπο Ἱερων ογδοηκοντα (ὁ Θεος). Ὁυτοι δε
επι των ωμων φεροντες τον θεον προαγουσιν αυτοματως, ὁπου αγοι το του θεου
νευμα τον πορειαν. Diodorus. l. 17. p. 528.

It is observable, that this historian does not mention an omphalus: but
says, that it was a statue, ξοανον, which was carried about.

[755] Bochart. Canaan. l. 1. c. 40.

[756] Ομφη, θεια κληδων, ὁ εστιν οναρ. Schol. on Homer. Iliad. Β. v. 41.

[757] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. l. 5. p. 194.

One title of Jupiter was Πανομφαιος.

Ενθα Πανομφαιῳ Ζηνι ῥηζεσκον Αχαιοι. Homer. Iliad. Θ. v. 250.

Ara Panomphæo vetus est sacrata Tonanti. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 198.

[758] Pocock's Egypt. p. 108. Plate xlii.

[759] Pocock. Plate xxxix. p. 105.

[760] He sent messengers to Balaam the son of Beor to Pethor. Numbers. c.
22. v. 5.

[761] We learn from Numbers. c. 22. v. 36. and c. 31. v. 8. that the
residence of Balaam was in Midian, on the other side of the river to the
south, beyond the borders of Moab. This seems to have been the situation of
Petra; which was either in Midian or upon the borders of it: so that
Pethor, and Petra, were probably the same place. Petra is by the English
traveller, Sandys, said to be called now Rath Alilat.

Petra by some is called a city of Palestine: Πετρα πολις Παλαιστινης.
Suidas. But it was properly in Arabia, not far from Idume, or Edom. See
Relandi Palæstina. p. 930. and Strabo. l. 16.

[762] The Ammonites were a mixed race; being both of Egyptian and Ethiopic
original: Αιγυπτιων και Αιθιοπων αποικοι. Herod. l. 2. c. 42.

[763] Pocock's Egypt. vol. 1. plate xlii.

[764] Luxorein by Norden, called Lucorein. It was probably erected to the
Sun and Ouranus, and one of the first temples upon earth.

[765] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 4. v. 1052.

Mopsus was the son of Ampycus. Hygin. Fab. c. cxxviii. By some he is said
to have been the son of Apollo. Apollo and Ampycus were the same.

[766] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 720.

[767] Ibidem. v. 185.

[768] Justin. Martyr. Apolog. p. 54.

Amphilochus was the God of light and prophecy. Plutarch mentions εξ
Αμφιλοχου μαντεια, in the treatise περι βραδεως τιμωρουμενων. p. 563.

[769] Cohortatio. p. 10.

[770] Lycophron. v. 1163.

[771] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 896.

[772] Hence the prophetic Sibyl in Virgil is styled Amphrysia vates.
Virgil. Æn. l. 6. v. 368.

[773] Plin. l. 4. c. 12. Strabo. l. 10. Called Mallus, by Pausanias, Εν
Μαλλῳ μαντειον αψευδεστατον. l. 1. p. 84.

[774] Λεγεται δε ὑπο των Αμφικλειεων μαντιν τε σφισι τον Θεον τουτοι, και
βοηθον νοσοις καθισταναι--προμαντευς δε ὁ ἱερευς εστι. Pausanias. l. 10. p.
884. The city was also called Ophitea.

[775] Aristophanes. Νεφελαι. v. 595.

[776] See Scholia to Aristoph. v. 595.

[777] Ibidem.

[778] We meet with the like in the Orphica.

  Αμφι δε μαντειας εδαην πολυπειρονας ὁρμους
  Θηρων, Οιωνων τε. Argonautica. v. 33.

So in Pindar. Κελαδοντι μοι αμφι Κινυραν. Pyth. Ode 2. p. 203.

We have the same from the Tripod itself.

  Αμφι δε Πυθω, και Κλαριου μαντευματα Φοιβου. Apollo de defectu Oraculor.
      apud Eusebium. Præp. Evang. l. 5. c. 16. p. 204.

[779] Hymn to Venus of Salamis. See Homer Didymi. vol. 2. p. 528.

The names of the sacred hymns, as mentioned by Proclus in his Χρηστομαθεια,
were Παιανες, Διθυραμβος, Αδωνις, Ιο Βακχον, Ὑπορχηματα, Εγκωμια, Ευκτικα.
Photius. c. 236. p. 983.

[780] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 213.

[781] Idque a Θριαμβῳ Græco, Liberi Patris cognomento. Varro de linguâ Lat.
l. 5. p. 58.

[782] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 213.

[783] Epiphanius--adversus Hæres. l. 3. p. 1093.

[784] Pindar. Olympic Ode vi. p. 53.

Iamus, supposed by Pindar to have been the son of Apollo; but he was the
same as Apollo and Osiris. He makes Apollo afford him the gift of prophecy:

                  Ενθα ὁι ωπασε
  Θησαυρον διδυμον μαντοσυνας (Απολλων). Ibid. p. 53.

[785] Of the Iamidæ, see Herodotus. l. v. c. 44. l. ix. c. 33.

  Καλλιον των Ιαμιδεων μαντιν.

[786] Pindar. Ibidem. p. 51.

[787] Pi is the antient Egyptian prefix.

[788] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 62. p. 30.

[789] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 1180.

An ox or cow from being oracular was styled Alphi as well as Omphi. Hence
Plutarch speaks of Cadmus: Ὁν φασι το αλφα παντων προταξαι. δια το Φοινικας
ὁυτω καλειν τον βουν. Sympos. Quæst. 9. 3.

[790] In insulâ Pharo. Pliny. l. 36. c. 12.

[791] Wheeler's Travels, p. 207.

[792] Wheeler. p. 204. Sandys's travels. p. 32.

[793] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1141.

[794] Strabo. l. 3. p. 259.

[795] Strabo. l. 2. p. 258.

[796] Strabo. Ibidem. Ou-Ob. Sol. Pytho. Onoba, regio Solis Pythonis.

[797] Strabo calls the African pillar Abyluca; which is commonly rendered
Abila.--Ενιοι δε στηλας ὑπελαβον την Καλπην, και την Αβυλυκα--κτλ. Ibidem.
Ab-El-Uc, and Ca-Alpe.

Calpe is now called Gibel-Tar, or Gibralter: which name relates to the hill
where of old the pillar stood.

[798] --Αλλ' απο λιμενος μεν ουδεις αναγηται, μη θυσας τοις Θεσις, και
παρακαλεσας αυτους βοηθους. Arrian upon Epictetus. l. 3. c. 22.

[799] Virgil. l. 3. Æneis.

[800] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 3l6.

[801] Homer. Hymn to Apollo, v. 156.

Helen is said to have been a mimic of this sort.

[802] Το ἱερον του Ουριου απεχει απο του Βυζαντιου σταδια ρκ· γινονται δε
μιλια ιϛ. και εστι στενοτατον το στομα του Ποντου καλουμενον. Anon.
Descript. Ponti Euxini.

[803] See Spon. and Wheeler's travels. p. 209.

[804] Dionysius περιηγης. v. 380.

[805] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 1. v. 601.

[806] Ibid. l. 1. v. 1114.

In another place,

  Φυλα τε Βιθυνων αυτῃ κτεατισσατο γαιῃ,
  Μεσφ' επι Ρηβαιου προχοας, σκοπελον τε Κολωνης.
                  Apollon. Rhod. l. 2. v. 790.

[807] Orphic Argonaut. v. 375.

[808] Homer's Hymn to Apollo.

[809] Orphic Argonaut. v. 1295.

Sophocles calls the sea coast παραβωμιος ακτη, from the numbers of altars.
Œdipus Tyrannus. v. 193.

The like province was attributed to the supposed sister of Apollo, Diana:
Jupiter tells her--

                  και μεν αγυιαις
  Εσσῃ και λιμενεσσιν επισκοπος.

And, in another place:

  Τρις δεκα τοι πτολιεθρα και ουκ ἑνα Πυργον οπασσω.
                  Callimachus. Hymn to Diana.

  Ποτνια, Μουνυχιη, Λιμενοσκοπε, χαιρε, Φεραια. Ibid. v. 259.

[810] Πριν γε ουν ακριβωθηναι τας των αγαλματων σχεσεις, κιονας ἱσταντες ὁι
παλαιοι εσεβον τουτους, ὡς αφιδρυματα του Θεου. Clemens Alexand. l. 1. p.

[811] --Οντος ουχι αγαλματος συν τεχνῃ, λιθου δε αργου κατα το αρχαιον.
Pausan. l. 9. p. 757.

Also of the Thespians: Και σφισιν αγαλμα παλαιοτατον εστιν αργος λιθος. p.

[812] Tertullian adversus Gentes. l. 1. c. 12.

[813] Και το μεν Σαμιας Ἡρας προτερον ην σανις. Clementis Cohort. p. 40.

[814] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 1. v. 1117. p. 115.

[815] Orphic Argonaut. v. 605.

Pliny, l. 16, mentions simulacrum vitigineum.

[816] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. v. 237.

[817] Πρεμνον--στελεχος, βλαστος, παν ριζωμα δενδρου το γηρασκον· η το
αμπελου προς τῃ γη πρεμνον. Hesychius.

Πρεμνιασαι, εκριζωσαι. Ibidem.

[818] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. xi. p. 306.

[819] Nonni Dion. l. x. p. 278.

[820] Nonni Dion. l. xi. p. 296.

[821] Ovid. Fast. l. 3. v. 409.

[822] Αμπελος, πολις της Λιγυστικης· Ἑκεταιος εν Ευρωπῃ· εστι δε ακρα
Τορωναιων Αμπελος λεγομενη· εστι και ἑτερα ακρα της Σαμου· και αλλη εν
Κυρηνη. Αγροιτας δε δυο πολεις φησι, την μεν ανω, την δε κατῳ· εστι δε και
Ιταλιας ακρα, και λιμην. Steph. Byzant.

Καλειται μεν ουν και ακρα τις Αμπελος. Strabo of Samos. l. 14. p. 944.

[823] Ampelusia, called Κωττης ακρον. Ptolemy. l. 4. so named according to
Strabo απο Κωτεων, or Κωταιων, not far from a city Zilis, and Cota. See
Pliny. l. 5. c. 1.

Promontorium Oceani extimum Ampelusia. Pliny. l. 5. c. 1.

Ampelona. Pliny. l. 6. c. 28.

[824] Απο Αμπελου ακρης επι Καναστραιην ακρην. Herodotus. l. 7. c. 123.

Αμπελος ακρα, in Crete. Ptolemy. See Pliny. l. 4. c. 12.

[825] In Samos was Αμπελος ακρα· εστι δε ουκ ευοινος. Strabo. l. 14. p.

Some places were called more simply Ampe.

See Herodotus of Ampi in the Persian Gulf. l. 6. c. 20.

Αμπη of Tzetzes. See Cellarius.

[826] Μυκαλης χωριον ἱερον. Herodotus. l. 1. c. 148.

[827] Præp. Evan. l. 5. c. 16.

[828] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 12.

Νυμφαι εισι εν τῳ φρεατι. Artemidorus Oneirocrit. l. 2. c. 23.

[829] Νυμφων εστιν ἱερον επι τῃ πηγῃ.---λουομενοις δε εν τῃ πηγῃ καματων τε
εστι και αλγηματων παντων ἱαματα. Pausanias. l. 6. p. 510.

[830] Νυμφικα, and Λουτρα, are put by Hesychius as synonymous.

Omnibus aquis Nymphæ sunt præsidentes. Servius upon Virgil. Eclog. 1.

Thetis was styled Nympha, merely because she was supposed to be water.
Thetidem dici voluerunt aquam, unde et _Nympha_ dicta est. Fulgentij
Mytholog. c. viii. p. 720.

[831] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 670.

Young women were, by the later Greeks, and by the Romans, styled Nymphæ;
but improperly. Nympha vox, Græcorum Νυμφα, non fuit ab origine Virgini
sive Puellæ propria: sed solummodo partem corporis denotabat. Ægyptijs,
sicut omnia animalia, lapides, frutices, atque herbas, ita omne membrum
atque omnia corporis humani loca, aliquo dei titulo mos fuit denotare. Hinc
cor nuncupabant Ath, uterum Mathyr, vel Mether: et fontem fœmineum, sicut
et alios fontes, nomine Ain Omphe, Græce νυμφη, insignibant: quod ab
Ægyptijs ad Græcos derivatum est.--Hinc legimus, Νυμφη πηγη, και νεογαμος
γυνη, νυμφην δε καλουσι κτλ. Suidas.

Παρ' Αθηναιοις ἡ του Διος μητηρ, Νυμφη. Ibidem.

[832] Naptha is called Apthas by Simplicius in Categoric. Aristotelis. Και
ὁ Αφθας δεχεται ποῤῥωθεν του πυρος ειδος. The same by Gregory Nyssen is
contracted, and called, after the Ionic manner, Φθης: ὡσπερ ὁ καλουμενος
Φθης εξαπτεται. Liber de animâ. On which account these writers are blamed
by the learned Valesius. They are, however, guilty of no mistake; only use
the word out of composition. Ain-Aptha, contracted Naptha, was properly the
fountain itself: the matter which proceeded from it was styled Apthas,
Pthas, and Ptha. It was one of the titles of the God of fire, called
Apha-Astus, the Hephastus of the Greeks; to whom this inflammable substance
was sacred.

See Valesij notæ in Amm. Marcellinum. l. 23. p. 285.

Epirus was denominated from the worship of fire, and one of its rivers was
called the Aphas.

[833] Pliny. l. 31. p. 333.

[834] Marcellinus. l. 23. p. 285.

[835] Pliny. l. 6. p. 326.

[836] Strabo. l. 7. p. 487. See Antigoni Carystii Mirabilia. p. 163.

[837] Εν τῃ χωρᾳ των Απολλωνιατων καλειται τι Νυμφαιον· πετρα δε εστι πυρ
αναδιδουσα· ὑπ' αυτῃ δε κρηναι ῥεουσι χλιαρου Ασφαλτου. Strabo. l. 7. p.

[838] Strabo. Ibidem. l. 7. p. 487. He supposes that it was called
Ampelitis from αμπελος, the vine: because its waters were good to kill
vermin, Ακος της φθειριωσης αμπελου. A far fetched etymology. Neither
Strabo, nor Posidonius, whom he quotes, considers that the term is of
Syriac original.

[839] Philostrati vita Apollonii. l. 8. c. 4. p. 116.

[840] Dionis Historia Romana. Johannis Resin: Antiq. l. 3. c. 11.

[841] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 718.

[842] Evagrius. l. 3. c. 12.

[843] Marcellinus. l. 15. c. 7. p. 68.

[844] Celsus apud Originem. l. 7. p. 333.

See also Plutarch. de Oraculorum defectu.

[845] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. v. 226.

[846] Callimachus. Ibid. v. 33.

Πολλας δε ξυνη πολεας.

[847] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 56.

[848] Cicero de Divinatio. l. 1.

[849] Lucian. Astrolog. v. 1. p. 993.

[850] See in the former treatise, inscribed Ομφη.

[851] Are not all the names which relate to the different stages of
manhood, as well as to family cognation, taken from the titles of priests,
which were originally used in temples; such as Pater, Vir, Virgo, Puer,
Mater, Matrona, Patronus, Frater, Soror, Αδελφος, Κουρος?

[852] Verses from an antient Choriambic poem, which are quoted by
Terentianus Maurus de Metris.

[853] Lucilli Fragmenta.

[854] Ode of Ausonius to Attius Patera Rhetor in Professorum Burdigalensium
commemoratione. Ode 10.

[855] Ausonius. Ode 4.

[856] He is called Balen by Æschylus. Persæ. p. 156. Βαλην, αρχαιος Βαλην.

[857] Βελιν δε καλουσι τουτον· σεβουσι δε ὑπερφυως, Απολλωνα ειναι
εθελοντες. Herodian. l. 8. of the Aquileians.

Inscriptio vetus Aquileiæ reperta. APOLLINI. BELENO. C. AQUILEIENS. FELIX.

[858] Apollonius Rhodius. Argonautic. l. 2. v. 703.

[859] Ibidem. l. 1. v. 1135.

[860] Juvenal. Sat. 14. v. 265.

[861] Manilius. l. 5. v. 434.

[862] Phavorinus.

Ἡ Ολυμπια πρωτον Κρονιος λοφος ελεγετο. Scholia in Lycophron. v. 42.

Σωτηρ ὑψινεφες Ζευ, Κρονιον τε ναιων λοφον. Pindar. Olymp. Ode 5. p. 43.

[863] Pindar. Olympic Ode 6. p. 52.

Apollo was the same as Iamus; whose priests were the Iämidæ, the most
antient order in Greece.

[864] It is a word of Amonian original, analogous to Eliza-bet, Bet-Armus,
Bet-Tumus in India, Phainobeth in Egypt.

[865] Lycophron. v. 159. here they sacrificed Ζηνι Ομβριῳ.

[866] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 6. p. 51.

[867] Τας μεν δη πετρας σεβουσι τε μαλιστα, και τῳ Ετεοκλει φασιν αυτας
πεσειν εκ του ουρανου. Pausanias. l. 9. p. 786.

[868] Euripides in Ione. v. 935. See Radicals, p. 85. Macar.

[869] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 358.

[870] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 825.

[871] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 1. p. 8.

[872] Scholia in Pindar. Olymp. Ode 1. p. 8.

[873] Diogenes Laertius: Vita Anaxagoræ.

[874] Pliny. l. 2. c. 58. p. 102.

[875] Ηλιβατον πετραν they construed λιθον αφ' ἡλιου βαινομενον.

[876] Pindar. Olympic. Ode 1. p. 8.

[877] Τον ὑπερ κεφαλας Τανταλου λιθον. Pindar. Isthm. Ode 8. p. 482.

[878] Αλκαιος, και Αλκμαν λιθον φασιν επαιωρεισθαι Τανταλῳ. Scholia upon
Pindar. Olymp. Ode 1. p. 8.

[879] Πινε λεγει το τορευμα, και οργια μανθανε σιγης. Antholog.

[880] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 152.

[881] Scholia upon Pindar. Olymp. Ode 1. p. 8.

[882] Pindar. Scholia. Ibidem.

[883] Justin. Martyr ad Tryphonem. p. 168. The rites of Mithras were styled

[884] Gruter. Inscript. p. xlix. n. 2.

[885] Indiculus Paganiarum in Consilio Leptinensi ad ann. Christi 743.

See du Fresne Gloss, and Hoffman. Petra.

Nullus Christianus ad fana, vel ad Petras vota reddere præsumat.


  Ου μεν πως νυν εστιν ὑπο δρυος, ουδ' ὑπο πετρης
  Τῳ οαριζεμεναι, ἁτε παρθενος, ηϊθεος τε,
  Παρθενος, ηϊθεος τ' οαριζετον αλληλοισιν. Homer. Iliad. χ. v. 126.

  Λιθομοται, δημηγοροι, επι του λιθου ομνυντες. Hesychius.

[887] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 248.

Πετραιος τιμᾳται Ποσειδων παρα Θετταλοις. Scholia ibidem.

[888] Zeus was represented by a pyramid: Artemis by a pillar. Πυραμιδι δε ὁ
Μειλιχιος, ἡ δε κιονι εστιν εικασμενη. Pausan. l. 2. p. 132.

[889] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 104.

According to the acceptation, in which I understand the term, we may
account for so many places in the east being styled Petra. Persis and India
did not abound with rocks more than Europe; yet, in these parts, as well as
in the neighbouring regions, there is continually mention made of Petra:
such as Πετρα Σισιμιθρου in Sogdiana, Petra Aornon in India, και την του
Οξου (Πετραν), ὁι δε Αριαμαζου. Strabo. l. 11. p. 787. Petra Abatos in
Egypt, Πετρα Ναβαταια in Arabia. Many places called Petra occur in the
history of Alexander: Ἑλειν δε και Πετρας ερυμνας σφοδρα εκ προδοσεως.
Strabo. l. 11. p. 787. They were in reality sacred eminences, where of old
they worshipped; which in aftertimes were fortified. Every place styled Arx
and Ακροπολις was originally of the same nature. The same is to be observed
of those styled Purgoi.

[890] Gruter. Inscript. lxxxvi. n. 8.

[891] Xenophon. Κυρουπαιδεια.

[892] Nonnus. Dionysiac. l. ix. p. 266.

[893] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 577.

[894] ΑΛΦΙΤΟΝ, το απο νεας κριθης, η σιτου πεφυρμενον αλευρον. Hesychius.

Αλφιτα μελιτι και ελαιῳ δεδευμενα. Hesych.

[895] ΟΜΠΑΙ, θυματα, και πυροι μελιτι δεδευμενοι. Hesychius.

ΟΜΠΙΑ, παντοδαπα τρωγαλια. Ibidem.

It it was expressed Amphi, the cakes were Amphitora, Amphimantora,
Amphimasta: which seem to have been all nearly of the same composition.

ΑΜΦΑΣΜΑ, ψαιστα οινῳ και ελαιῳ βεβρεγμενα. Ibidem.

[896] Fine flour had the sacred name of _Ador_, from _Adorus_, the God of
day, an Amonian name.

[897] ὉΜΟΥΡΑ, σεμιδαλις ἑφθε, μελι εχουσα, και σησαμον. Hesych.

ΑΜΟΡΑ, σημιδαλις ἑφθη συν μελιτι. Ibidem.

ὉΜΟΡΙΤΑΣ, αρτος εκ πυρον διῃρημενον γεγονως. Ibid.

Also Αμορβιται, Amorbitæ. See Athenæus. l. 14. p. 646.

[898] ΠΙΟΝΕΣ, πλακουντες. Hesychius.

Pi-On was the Amonian name of the Sun: as was also Pi-Or, and Pe-Or.

[899] ΧΑΥΩΝΑΣ, αρτους ελαιῳ αναφυραθεντας κριθινους. Suidas.

[900] The latter Greeks expressed Puramoun, Puramous.

ΠYΡΑΜΟΥΣ, a cake. Ην ὁ Πυραμους παρα τοις παλαιοις επινικιος. Artemidorus.
l. 1. c. 74. Και ὁ διαγρυπνησας μεχρι την ἑω ελαμβανε τον πυραμουντα.
Schol. Aristoph. Ἱππεις.

See Meuisius on Lycophron. v. 593. and Hesych. πυραμους, ειδος πλακουντος.

[901] ΟΒΕΛΙΑΙ, placentæ. Athenæus. l. 14. p. 645.

[902] Νυν θυσω τα ΠΙΤYΡΑ. Theocritus. Idyl. 2. v. 33.

[903] Athenæus. l. 14. p. 646.

[904] Diogenes Laertius: Vita Empedoclis. l.8.

[905] Some read εθαυμασε. Cedrenus. p. 82. Some have thought, that by βουν
was meant an Ox: but Pausanias says, that these offerings were πεμματα: and
moreover tells us; ὁποσα εχει ψυχην, τουτων μεν ηξιωσεν ουδεν θυσαι.
_Cecrops sacrificed nothing that had life._ Pausan. l. 8. p. 600.

[906] Jeremiah. c. 44. v. 18, 19.

[907] Ibid. c. 7. v. l8.

[908] Jeremiah. c. 51. v. 19. according to the Seventy.

So also c. 7. v. 18. Χαυωνας τε στρατιᾳ του Ουρανου. Chau-On, domus vel
templum Solis.

[909] Herodotus mentions this custom, and styles it justly αισχιστος των
νομων. He says that it was practised at the temple of the Babylonish Deity
Melitta. l. 1. c. 199.

[910] Strabo. l. 11. p. 805. Anais, or Anait, called Tanais, in this
passage: they are the same name.

The same account given of the Lydian women by Herodotus: πορνευειν γαρ
ἁπασας. l. 3. c. 93: all, universally, were devoted to whoredom.

[911] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 129. p. 138.

[912] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 129. p. 166.

[913] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris, p. 366.

[914] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 85, 86.

[915] Ταυτα δη λεγουσι φλυηρεοντες. Herod. l. 2. c. 131.

[916] The star between the horns shows that it was a representation of the
Deity, and the whole a religious memorial.

[917] Cyril. contra Julian. p. 15. It is related somewhat differently in
the Timæus of Plato. vol. 3. p. 22. See also Clemens Alex. Strom. l. 1. p.

[918] L. 2. c. 53. The evidence of Herodotus must be esteemed early; and
his judgment valid. What can afford us a more sad account of the doubt and
darkness, in which mankind was inveloped, than these words of the
historian? how plainly does he shew the necessity of divine interposition;
and of revelation in consequence of it!

[919] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 53.

[920] Virgil. Georgic. l. 1. v. 6.

Liber is El-Abor contracted: Sol, Parens Lucis.

[921] Scholia in Horat. l. 2. Ode 19.

[922] Orphic. Fragment. in Macrob. Sat. l. 1. c. 23.

[923] Macrob. Sat. l. 1. c. 18.

He is called by Eumolpus Αστροφανη Διονυσον εν ακτινεσσι πυρωπον: apud
Euseb. P. E. l. 9 c. 27.

[924] Zemissus is the Amonian Sames, or Samesh, analogous to Beth-Shemesh
in the Scriptures.

[925] Orphic. Fragment. 4. p. 364. edit. Gesner.

See Stephani Poësis Philosoph. p. 80. from Justin Martyr.

[926] Macrobius. Saturn. l. 1. c. 18. p. 202. He mentions Jupiter Lucetius,
and Diespater, the God of day; and adds, Cretenses Δια την ἡμεραν vocant.
_The Cretans call the day dia._ The word dies of the Latines was of the
same original.

[927] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 22.

[928] Chronolog. Canon. p. 32.

[929] Hermesianax.

It may be worth while to observe below, how many Gods there were of the
same titles and departments. Παιονιος Διονυσιος. Hesychius. Pæonia Minerva.
Plutarch. de decem Rhetoribus.

Παλαιμων Ἡρακλης. Hesychius.

Ιητηρ παντων, Ασκληπιε, δεσποτα Παιαν. Orphic. H. 66.

Ποσειδων Ιατρος εν Τηνῳ. Clement. Cohort. p. 26.

Olen, the most antient mythologist, made Eilithya to be the mother of Eros;
so that Eilithya and Venus must have been the same, and consequently Diana.

Μητερα Ερωτος Ειλιθυιαν ειναι. Pausan. l. 9. p. 762.

Adonim, Attinem, Osirim et Horum aliud non esse quam Solem. Macrobius Sat.
l. 1. c. 21. p. 209.

Janus was Juno, and styled Junonius. Macrob. Sat. l. 1. c. 9. p. 159.

Lunam; eandem Dianam, eandem Cererem, eandem Junonem, eandem Proserpinam
dicunt. Servius in Georgic. l. 1. v. 5.

Astarte, Luna, Europa, Dea Syria, Rhea, the same. Lucian. de Syriâ Deâ.

Κειοι Αρισταιον τον αυτον και Δια και Απολλω νομιζοντες. κτλ. Athenagoras.
p. 290.

Ἡλιος, Ζευς. Sanchoniathon. Euseb. P. E. lib. 1. c. x. p.34.

Ἡλιος, Κρονος. Damascius apud Photium. c. 242.

[930] Auson. Epigram. 30.

See Gruter for inscriptions to Apollo Pantheon. Dionusus was also Atis, or
Attis. Διονυσον τινες Αττιν προσαγορευεσθαι θελουσιν. Clementis Cohort. p.

[931] Orphic. Hymn. x. p. 200. Gesner.

Παρ' Αιγυπτιοισι δε Παν μεν αρχαιοτατος, και των οκτω των πρωτων λεγομενων
Θεων. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 145. Priapus was Zeus; also Pan, and Orus: among
the people of Lampsacus esteemed Dionusus.

[932] Euphorion.

[933] L. 10. p. 805.

[934] Oprhic. Hymn. in Poseidon xvi. p. 208.

[935] Selden de Diis Syris. p. 77. and additamenta. He was of old styled
Arcles in Greece; and supposed to have been the son of Xuth. Κοθος και
Αρκλης, ὁι Χυθου παιδες. Plutarch. Quæstiones Græcæ. v. 1. p 296.

[936] Nonnus. l. 40. p. 1038.

[937] In Demosthenem Κατα Μειδιου. Παν σχημα περιτεθεασιν αυτῳ. p. 647. See
also Macrob. Sat. l. 1. c. 18.

Αυτον τον Δια και τον Διονυσον παιδας και νεους ἡ θεολογια καλει. Proclus
upon Plato's Parmenides. See Orphic Fragments. p. 406.

[938] Hesychius. The passage is differently read. Kuster exhibits it
Αφροδιτος. Ὁδε τα περι Αμαθουντα γεγραφως Παιαν, ὡς ανδρα την θεον
εσχηματισθαι εν Κυπρῳ φησιν.

[939] Servius upon Virgil. Æneid. l. 2. v. 632.

[940] Scholia upon Apollon. Rhod. l. 3. v. 52. Των καλουμενων Μοιρων ειναι
πρεσβυτεραν. In some places of the east, Venus was the same as Cybele and
Rhea, the Mother of the Gods: Περι της χωρας ταυτης σεβουσι μεν ὡς επι ταν
την Αφροδιτην, ὡς μητερα θεων, ποικιλαις και εγχωριοις ονομασι
προσαγορευοντες. Ptol. Tetrabibl. l. 2.

[941] Apud Calvum Acterianus. Macrob. Sat. l. 3. c. 8. Putant eandem marem
esse ac fœminam. Ibidem.

[942] Apud Augustin. de Civitate Dei. l. 4. c. 11. and l. 7. c. 9.

The author of the Orphic verses speaks of the Moon as both male and female.

Αυξομενη και λειπομενη, θηλυστε και αρσην. Hymn 8. v. 4.

Deus Lunus was worshipped at Charræ, Edessa, and all over the east.

[943] Synesius. Hymn 3. p. 26. Edit. H. Steph.

The Orphic verses περι φυσεως are to the same purpose.

  Παντων μεν συ πατηρ, μητηρ, τροφος, ηδε τιθηιος. Hymn 9. v. 18.

[944] Orphic Hymn 31. v. 10. p. 224.

[945] Orphic Fragment. vi. p. 366. Gesner's Edit. from Proclus on Plato's
Alcibiades. See also Poesis Philosophica H. Stephani. p. 81.

[946] Jupiter Lucetius, or God of light. Macrob. Sat. l. 1. c. 15. p. 182.

[947] Orphic Fragm. vii. p. 371. See Poesis Philosoph. H. Stephani. p. 85.

Orpheus of Protogonus.

  Πρωτογον', Ηρικαπαιε, θεων πατερ, ηδε και ὑιε. Hymn. 51. p. 246.

[948] Apuleii Metamorph. l. xi. p. 241.

[949] Porphyr. apud Eusebium Præp. Evang. l. 3. c. 11.

Τιμᾳται παρα Λαμψακηνοις ὁ Πριαπος, ὁ αυτος ων τῳ Διονυσῳ. Athenæus. l. 1.
p. 30.

[950] Janus Gulielmus Laurenbergius.

[951] Selden de Diis Syris. p. 77.

       *       *       *       *       *

Corrections made to printed original.

(Introductory poem.) In tamen incultis: 'tamem' in original, no such word.

(Nimrod.) wherefore it is said: 'it it said' in original.

(On and Eon) Ονομα αυτῳ Ἑβραϊστι: diaresis on α; in original.

(Gau., near ref. 383) ᾡς και τον Ἑρμην ὁυτως: Ερμην with smooth breath mark
in original.

(ibid., near ref. 407) Κωκυτος ὑδωρ ατερπεστατον: 'ὑδως' in original, no
such form, amended to match Perseus E-Text.

(ibid., near ref. 409) quem Coilus genuit: 'genuvit' in original, cited as
'genuit' in Lewis & Short.

(Dissertation upon the Helladian, near ref. 514) Ἑλληνων εχειν ουδεν:
'εχιεν', with a transpose mark over the 'ιε', in original.

(Of the Omphi, near ref. 739) ὁθι τ' ομφαλος εστι θαλασσης: ὁθιτ', no space
in original.

(ibid., near ref. 766) κυβερνητηρα τε Τιφυν: τεΤιφυν, no space in original.

(ibid., near ref. 779) δος δ' ἱμεροεσσαν: 'δοσθ'', no space in original

(ibid., near ref. 804) any ness or foreland: 'nees' in original, no such

(An Account of the gods of Greece, near ref. 918) πρωην τε και χθες:
'πριντε' in original, no such word, amended to match Perseus E-Text.

(ibid., near ref. 929) Ἑρμης θ', Ἡφαιστος τε κλυτος: Ἑρμησθ', no space in

(Note 26.) Μεστραιους τους Αιγυπτιους: 'Αιγπτιους' in original, obvious

(Note 39.) hinnulea: 'hinnulæ' in original. Cited as 'hinnulea' in Lewis &

(Note 170.) l. 6. c. 7.: 'l. c. 7.' in original.

(Note 354.) changed this termination into e: 'into r' in original. Sense
requires 'into e'.

(Note 355.) ὑιωνοι τε των δ' ανδρων: ὑιωνοιτε no space in original.

(Note 426.) Ὁιδ' ιξον: ''Θιδ'' in original.

(Note 430.) p. 3?6: middle digit illegible in original.

(Note 465.) επυθοντο ὁι Ἑλληνες: οι with smooth breathing mark in original
(smooth breathing is generally not marked).

(Note 466.) ἡ ὁμου πολησις: η ομου with smooth breathing marks in original.

(Note 540.) το δη πορρω δυσελεγκτον: 'δυσελεγτον' in original, no such
word, amended to match Perseus E-Text.

(Note 542.) και τερατολογειν: 'τερατολεγειν' in original, no such word,
amended to match Perseus E-text.

(Note 543.) πρεσβυτερους εμου γενεσθαι: 'τρεσβυτερους' in original, obvious

(Note 623.) ποιηται ψυχροτητα αδουσι: 'ψυκροτητα' in original, no such

(Note 631.) δισκος βραχυς: 'δισχος' in original, no such word.

(Note 645.) κυρος γαρ ὁ ἡλιος: 'ῃλιος' in original - hypogegrammeni instead
of breath mark.

(Note 708.) τοις ποσι δι' ανθρακιαν: 'ανθακιαν' in original, no such word -
r restored to match meaning of embers.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume I." ***

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