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Title: A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume II. (of VI.)
Author: Bryant, Jacob, 1715-1804
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.

*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume II. (of VI.)" ***

Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: they
are listed at the end of the text.












Observations and Inquiries relating to various
Parts of Antient History;







       *       *       *       *       *







       *       *       *       *       *


As there has been much uncertainty about the purport and extent of these
terms; and they are of great consequence in the course of history; I will
endeavour to state their true meaning. Phoinic, or Poinic, was an Egyptian
and Canaanitish term of honour; from whence were formed Φοινιξ, Φοινικες,
Φοινικοεις of the Greeks, and Phoinic, Poinicus, Poinicius of the Romans;
which were afterwards changed to Phœnix, Punicus, and [1]Puniceus. It was
originally a title, which the Greeks made use of as a provincial name: but
it was never admitted as such by the people, to whom it was thus
appropriated, till the Greeks were in possession of the country. And even
then it was but partially received: for though mention is made of the coast
of Phœnice, yet we find the natives called Sidonians, Tyrians, and
[2]Canaanites, as late as the days of the Apostles. It was an honorary
term, compounded of Anac with the Egyptian prefix; and rendered at times
both Phoinic and Poinic. It signified a lord or prince: and was
particularly assumed by the sons of Chus and Canaan. The Mysians seem to
have kept nearest to the original pronunciation, who gave this title to the
God Dionusus, and called him Ph'anac.

  [3]Ogygia me Bacchum vocat,
  Osirin Ægyptus putat,
  Mysi Phanacem.

It was also conferred upon many things, which were esteemed princely and
noble. Hence the red, or scarlet, a colour appropriated to great and
honourable personages, was styled Phoinic. The palm was also styled
Phoinic, Φοινιξ: and the antients always speak of it as a stately and noble
tree. It was esteemed an emblem of honour; and made use of as a reward of
victory. Plurimarum palmarum homo, was a proverbial expression among the
Romans, for a soldier of merit. Pliny speaks of the various species of
palms; and of the great repute in which they were held by the Babylonians.
He says, that the noblest of them were styled the royal Palms; and supposes
that they were so called from their being set apart for the king's use. But
they were very early an emblem of royalty: and it is a circumstance
included in their original name. We find from Apuleius, that Mercury, the
[4]Hermes of Egypt, was represented with a palm branch in his hand: and his
priests at Hermopolis used to have them stuck in their [5]sandals, on the
outside. The Goddess [6]Isis was thus represented: and we may infer that
Hermes had the like ornaments; which the Greeks mistook for feathers, and
have in consequence of it added wings to his feet. The Jews used to carry
boughs of the same tree at some of their festivals; and particularly at the
celebration of their nuptials: and it was thought to have an influence at
the birth. Euripides alludes to this in his Ion; where he makes Latona
recline herself against a Palm tree, when she is going to produce Apollo
and Diana.

    [7]Φοινικα Παρ' ἁβροκομαν
  Ενθα λοχευματα σεμν' ελοχευσατο

In how great estimation this tree was held of old, we may learn from many
passages in the sacred writings. Solomon says to his espoused, [8]_how fair
and how pleasant art thou, O Love, for delights: thy stature is like a Palm
tree_. And the Psalmist for an encouragement to holiness, says, [9]_that
the righteous shall flourish like the Palm tree_: for the Palm was supposed
to rise under a weight; and to thrive in proportion to its being
[10]depressed. There is possibly a farther allusion in this, than may at
first appear. The antients had an opinion, that the Palm was immortal: at
least, if it did die, it recovered again, and obtained a second life by
renewal. Hence the story of the bird, styled the Phoenix, is thought to
have been borrowed from this tree. Pliny, in describing the species of
Palm, styled Syagrus, says, [11]Mirum de eâ accepimus, cum Phœnice Ave, quæ
putatur ex hujus Palmæ argumento nomen accepisse, iterum mori, et renasci
ex seipsà. Hence we find it to have been an emblem of immortality among all
nations, sacred and prophane. The blessed in heaven are represented in the
Apocalypse by St. John, [12]as standing before the throne in white robes,
with branches of Palm in their hands. The notion of this plant being an
emblem of royalty prevailed so far, that when our Saviour made his last
entrance into Jerusalem, the people took branches of Palm trees, and
accosted him as a prince, crying, [13]_Hosanna--blessed is the King of

The title of Phoinic seems at first to have been given to persons of great
stature: but, in process of time, it was conferred upon people of power and
eminence, like αναξ and ανακτες among the Greeks. The Cuthites in Egypt
were styled Royal Shepherds, Βασιλεις Ποιμενες, and had therefore the title
of Phœnices. A colony of them went from thence to Tyre and Syria: hence it
is said by many writers that Phœnix came from Egypt to Tyre. People, not
considering this, have been led to look for the shepherd's origin in
Canaan, because they were sometimes called Phœnices. They might as well
have looked for them in Greece; for they were equally styled [14]Ἑλληνες,
Hellenes. Phœnicia, which the Greeks called Φοινικη, was but a small part
of Canaan. It was properly a slip of sea coast, which lay within the
jurisdiction of the Tyrians and Sidonians, and signifies Ora Regia; or,
according to the language of the country, the coast of the Anakim. It was a
lordly title, and derived from a stately and august people. All the natives
of Canaan seem to have assumed to themselves great honour. The Philistines
are spoken of as [15]Lords, and the merchants of Tyre as Princes; whose
grandeur and magnificence are often alluded to in the Scriptures. The
prophet Ezekiel calls them the princes of the sea. [16]_Then all the
princes of the sea shall come down from their thrones, and lay away their
robes, and put off their broidered garments._ And Isaiah speaks to the same
purpose. [17]_Who hath taken this counsel against Tyre, that crowning city,
whose merchants are princes; whose traffickers are the honourable of the
earth?_ The scripture term by which they are here distinguished is שרים,
Sarim: but the title which they assumed to themselves was Ph'anac, or
Ph'oinac, the Phœnix of the Greeks and Romans. And as it was a mere title,
the sacred writers of the old testament never make use of it to distinguish
either the people or country. This part of Canaan is never by them called
Phœnicia: yet others did call it so; and the natives were styled Phœnices
before the birth of Homer. But this was through mistake; for it was never
used by the natives as a provincial appellation. I have shewn that it was a
title of another sort, a mark of rank and pre-eminence: on this account it
was assumed by other people, and conferred upon other places. For this
reason it is never mentioned by any of the sacred writers before the
captivity, in order to avoid ambiguity. The Gentile writers made use of it;
and we see what mistakes have ensued. There were Phœnicians of various
countries. They were to be found upon the Sinus [18]Persicus, upon the
Sinus [19]Arabicus, in Egypt, in [20]Crete, in [21]Africa, in [22]Epirus,
and even in Attica. [23]Φοινικες--γενος τι Αθηνῃσι. _There is a race of
people called Phœnicians_ _among the [24]Athenians._ In short, it was a
title introduced at Sidon, and the coast adjoining, by people from Egypt:
and who the people were that brought it may be known from several passages
in antient history; but particularly from an extract in Eusebius,
[25]Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την Συριαν,
Τυρου και Σιδωνος εβασιλευον. _Phœnix and Cadmus, retiring from Thebes, in
Egypt, towards the coast of Syria, settled at Tyre and Sidon, and reigned
there._ It is said, that [26]Belus carried a colony to the same parts: and
from what part of the world [27]Belus must be supposed to have come, needs
not to be explained. Euripides styles Cepheus the king of Ethiopia, the son
of Phœnix: and Apollodorus makes him the son of Belus: hence we may infer,
that Belus and Phœnix were the same. Not that there were any such persons
as Phœnix and Belus, for they were certainly titles: and, under the
characters of those two personages, Colonies, named Belidæ and Phœnices,
went abroad, and settled in different parts. Their history and appellation
may be traced from Babylonia to Arabia and Egypt; and from thence to
Canaan, and to the regions in the west. It were therefore to be wished,
that the terms Phœnix and Phœnicia had never been used in the common
acceptation; at least when the discourse turns upon the more antient
history of Canaan. When the Greeks got possession of the coast of Tyre,
they called it Phœnicia: and from that time it may be admitted as a
provincial name. In consequence of this, the writers of the New Testament
do not scruple to make use of it, but always with a proper limitation; for
the geography of the Scriptures is wonderfully exact. But the Greek and
Roman writers often speak of it with a greater latitude, and include Judea
and Palestina within its borders; and sometimes add Syria and Idume. But
these countries were all separate and distinct; among which Phœnicia bore
but a small proportion. Yet, small as it may have been, many learned men
have thought, that all the colonies, which at times settled upon the coast
of the Mediterranean, were from this quarter; and that all science was of
Phœnician original. But this is not true according to their acceptation of
the term. Colonies did settle; and science came from the east: but not
merely from the Sidonian. I shall shew, that it was principally owing to a
prior and superior branch of the family.

       *       *       *       *       *



Phœnix was a colour among horses. They were styled Phœnices, and
[28]Phœniciati, from the colour of the Palm tree, which they resembled; and
upon the same account had the name of Spadices. This, according to Aulus
Gellius, was a term synonymous with the former. [29]Rutilus, et Spadix
Phœnicii συνωνυμος, exuberantiam splendoremque significant ruboris, quales
sunt fructus Palmæ arboris, nondum sole incocti: unde spadicis et Phœnicei
nomen est. [30]Spadix, σπαδιξ, avulsus est a Palmâ termes cum fructu.
Homer, describing the horses of Diomedes, says, that the one was Phœnix, or
of a bright Palm colour, with a white spot in his forehead like a moon.

  [31]Ὁς το μεν αλλο τοσον φοινιξ ην, ενδε μετωπῳ
  Λευκον σημ' ετετυκτο περιτροχον ηϋτε μηνη.

Upon this the Scholiast observes, Φοινικες το χρωμα, ητοι πυῤῥος. The horse
was of a Palm colour, which is a bright red. We call such horses bays,
which probably is a term of the same original. The branch of a Palm tree
was called Bai in Egypt; and it had the same name in other places. Baia,
Βαια, are used for Palm-branches by St. John. [32]Τα βαια των Φοινικων. And
it is mentioned by the author of the book of Maccabees, that the Jews, upon
a solemn occasion, entered the temple. [33]Μετα αινεσεως και βαιων. And
Demetrius writes to the high priest, Simon, [34]Τον στεφανον τον χρυσουν
και την Βαϊνην, ἁ απεστειλατε, κεκομισμεθα. Coronam auream et Bainem, quæ
misistis, accepimus. The Greeks formed the word βαϊνη from the Egyptian
Bai. The Romans called the same colour Badius. [35]Varro, speaking of
horses, mentions,

  Hic badius, ille gilvus, ille Murinus.

As the Palm tree was supposed to be immortal; or, at least, if it did die,
to revive, and enjoy a second life, the Egyptians gave the name of Bai to
the soul: [36]Εστι μεν γαρ το βαι ψυχη.

       *       *       *       *       *





I have before taken notice that the term Cahen denoted a Priest, or
President; and that it was a title often conferred upon princes and kings.
Nor was it confined to men only: we find it frequently annexed to the names
of Deities, to signify their rule and superintendency over the earth. From
them it was derived to their attendants, and to all persons of a
prophetical or sacred character. The meaning of the term was so obvious,
that one would imagine no mistake could have ensued: yet such is the
perverseness of human wit, that we find it by the Greeks and Romans
constantly misapplied. They could not help imagining, from the sound of the
word, which approached nearly to that of κυων and canis, that it had some
reference to that animal: and, in consequence of this unlucky resemblance,
they continually misconstrued it _a dog_. Hence we are told by [37]Ælian
and [38]Plutarch, not only of the great veneration paid to dogs in Egypt,
and of their being maintained in many cities and temples; in which they
certainly exceed the truth; but we are moreover assured, that the people of
Ethiopia had a dog for their king: that he was kept in great state, being
surrounded with a numerous body of officers and guards, and in all respects
royally treated. Plutarch speaks of him as being [39]σεμνως προσκυνομενος,
worshipped with a degree of religious reverence. The whole of this notion
took its rise from a misinterpretation of the title above. I have
mentioned, that in early times Cahen was a title universally conferred upon
priests and prophets: hence Lycophron, who has continually allusions to
obsolete terms, calls the two diviners, Mopsus and Amphilochus, Κυνας.

  [40]Δοιαιδε ῥειθρων Πυραμου προς εκβολαις
  Αυτοκτονοις σφαγαισι Δηραινου ΚYΝΕΣ
  Δμηθεντες αιχμαζουσι λοισθιον βοαν.

Upon which the Scholiast observes: Κυνες ὁι Μαντεις: _by Cunes are meant
Diviners:_ and again, Κυνας Απολλωνος τους μαντεις ειπειν. _The Poet, by_
Κυνας, _means the ministers and prophets of Apollo._ Upon this the learned
[41]Meursius observes, that Lycophron had here made use of a term imported
from Egypt: so that, I think, we cannot be mistaken about the purport of
the word, however it may have been perverted.

The name of the Deity, Canouphis, expressed also Canuphis, and Cnuphis, was
compounded with this term. He was represented by the Egyptians as a
princely person, with a serpent entwined round his middle, and embellished
with other characteristics, relating to time and duration, of which the
serpent was an emblem. Oph, and Ouph, signified a serpent in the Amonian
language; and the Deity was termed Can-uph, from his serpentine
representation. The whole species, in consequence of this, were made sacred
to him, and styled Canyphian. To this Lucan alludes, when, in speaking of
the Seps, he calls all the tribe of serpents Cinyphias pestes:

    [42]Cinyphias inter pestes tibi palma nocendi.

Canuphis was sometimes expressed Anuphis and Anubis; and, however rendered,
was by the Greeks and Romans continually spoken of as a dog; at least they
supposed him to have had a dog's head, and often mention his [43]barking.
But they were misled by the title, which they did not understand. The
Egyptians had many emblematical personages, set off with heads of various
animals, to represent particular virtues and affections, as well as to
denote the various attributes of their Gods. Among others was this canine
figure, which I have no reason to think was appropriated to Canuph, or
Cneph. And though upon gems and marbles his name may be sometimes found
annexed to this character, yet it must be looked upon as a Grecian work,
and so denominated in consequence of their mistaken notion. For we must
make a material distinction between the hieroglyphics of old, when Egypt
was under her own kings; and those of later date, when that country was
under the government of the Greeks: at which time their learning was
greatly impaired, and their antient theology ruined. Horus Apollo assures
us, if any credit may be given to what he says, that this canine figure was
an emblem of the earth: [44]Οικουμενην γραφοντες κυνοκεφαλον ζωγραφουσι.
_When they would describe the earth, they paint a Cunocephalus._ It could
not, therefore, I should think, in any degree relate to Canuphis. The
same[45] writer informs us, that under the figure of a dog they represented
a priest, or sacred scribe, and a prophet; and all such as had the chief
management of funerals: also the spleen, the smell, sneezing; rule and
government, and a magistrate, or judge: which is a circumstance hardly to
be believed. For, as hieroglyphics were designed to distinguish, it is
scarce credible that the Egyptians should crowd together so many different
and opposite ideas under one character, whence nothing could well ensue but
doubt and confusion. Besides, I do not remember, that in any group of
antient hieroglyphics the figure of a dog occurs. The meaning of this
history, I think, may be with a little attention made out. The Egyptians
were refined in their superstitions, above all the nations in the world;
and conferred the names and titles of their Deities upon vegetables and
animals of every species; and not only upon these, but also upon the parts
of the human body, and the very passions of the mind. Whatever they deemed
salutary, or of great value, they distinguished by the title of Sacred, and
consecrated it to some [46]God. This will appear from words borrowed from
Egypt. The Laurel, Laurus, was denominated from Al-Orus: the berry was
termed bacca, from Bacchus; Myrrh, Μυῤῥα was from Ham-Ourah; Casia, from
Chus. The Crocodile was called Caimin and Campsa; the Lion, El-Eon; the
Wolf, El-Uc; the Cat, Al-Ourah: whence the Greeks formed λεων, λυκος,
αιλουρος. The Egyptians styled Myrrh, Baal; balsam, baal-samen; Camphire,
Cham-phour, καμφουρα of Greece; Opium, Ophion. The sweet reed of Egypt was
named [47]Canah, and Conah, by way of eminence; also, [48]Can-Osiris.
Cinnamon was denominated from Chan-Amon; Cinnabar, κινναβαρις, from
Chan-Abor; the sacred beetle, Cantharus, from Chan-Athur. The harp was
styled Cinnor, and was supposed to have been found out by Cinaras; which
terms are compounded of Chan-Or, and Chan-Arez; and relate to the Sun, or
Apollo, the supposed inventor of the lyre. Priests and magistrates were
particularly honoured with the additional title of Cahen; and many things
held sacred were liable to have it in their composition. Hence arose the
error of Horus Apollo; who, having been informed that the antient Egyptians
distinguished many things which were esteemed holy by this sacred title,
referred the whole to hieroglyphics, and gave out that they were all
represented under the figure of a dog. And it is possible, that in later
times the Grecian artists, and the mixed tribes of Egypt, may have
expressed them in this manner; for they were led by the ear; and did not
inquire into the latent purport of the [49]theology transmitted to them.
From hence we may perceive how little, in later times, even the native
Egyptians knew of their rites and history.

Farther accounts may be produced from the same writer, in confirmation of
what I have been saying. He not only mentions the great veneration paid by
the Egyptians to dogs, but adds, that in many temples they kept
κυνοκεφαλοι, a kind of baboons, or animals with heads like those of dogs,
which were wonderfully endowed. By their assistance the Egyptians found out
the particular periods of the Sun and Moon. These did not, like other
animals, die at once, but by piece-meal; so that one half of the animal was
oftentimes buried, while the other half[50] survived. He moreover assures
us, that they could read and write; and whenever one of them was introduced
into the sacred apartments for probation, the priest presented him with a
[51]tablet, and with a pen and ink; and by his writing could immediately
find out if he were of the true intelligent breed. These animals are said
to have been of infinite use to the antient Egyptians in determining times
and seasons; for it seems they were, in some particular functions, the most
accurate and punctual of any creatures upon earth: [52]Per æquinoctia enim
duodecies in die urinam reddere, et in nocte[53] compertus (Cunocephalus),
æquali interstitio servato, Trismegisto ansam dedit diem dividendi in
duodecim partes æquales. Such is the history of these wonderful
[54]animals. That Apes and Baboons were, among the Egyptians, held in
veneration, is very certain. The Ape was sacred to the God Apis; and by the
Greeks was rendered Capis, and [55]Ceipis. The Baboon was denominated from
the Deity[56] Babon, to whom it was equally sacred. But what have these to
do with the supposed Cunocephalus, which, according to the Grecian
interpretation, is an animal with the head of a dog? This characteristic
does not properly belong to any species of Apes, but seems to have been
unduly appropriated to them. The term Cunocephalus, Κυνοκεφαλος, is an
Egyptian compound: and this strange history relates to the priests of the
country, styled Cahen; also to the novices in their temples; and to the
examinations, which they were obliged to undergo, before they could be
admitted to the priesthood. To explain this, I must take notice, that in
early times they built their temples upon eminences, for many reasons; but
especially for the sake of celestial observations. The Egyptians were much
addicted to the study of astronomy: and they used to found their colleges
in Upper Egypt upon rocks and hills, called by them Caph. These, as they
were sacred to the Sun, were farther denominated Caph-El, and sometimes
Caph-Aur, and Caph-Arez. The term Caph-El, which often occurs in history,
the Greeks uniformly changed to Κεφαλη, Cephale: and from Cahen-Caph-El,
the sacred rock of Orus, they formed Κυνοκεφαλη, and Κυνοκεφαλος; which
they supposed to relate to an animal with the head of a dog. But this
Cahen-Caph-El was certainly some royal seminary in Upper Egypt, whence they
drafted novices to supply their colleges and temples. These young persons
were, before their introduction, examined by some superior priest; and,
accordingly as they answered upon their trial, they were admitted, or
refused. They were denominated Caph-El, and Cahen-Caph-El, from the academy
where they received their first instruction; and this place, though sacred,
seems to have been of a class subordinate to others. It was a kind of
inferior cloister and temple, such as Capella in the Romish church; which,
as well as Capellanus, was derived from Egypt: for, the church, in its
first decline, borrowed largely from that country. That there was some
particular place of this sort situated upon a rock or eminence, may, I
think, be proved from Martianus Capella; and, moreover, that it was a
seminary well known, where the youth of Upper Egypt were educated. For, in
describing the sciences, under different personages, he gives this
remarkable account of Dialectica upon introducing her before his audience.
[57]Hæc se educatam dicebat in _Ægyptiorum Rupe;_ atque in Parmenidis
exinde gymnasium, atque Atticam demeasse. And Johannes Sarisburiensis seems
to intimate that Parmenides obtained his knowledge from the same quarter,
when he mentions [58]"_in Rupe_ vitam egisse. In this short detail we have
no unpleasing account of the birth of science in Egypt, and of its progress
thence to Attica. It is plain that this Rupes Ægyptiaca could be nothing
else but a seminary, either the same, or at least similar to that, which I
have before been describing. As the Cunocephali are said to have been
sacred to Hermes, this college and temple were probably in the nome of
Hermopolis. Hermes was the patron of Science, and particularly styled
Cahen, or [59]Canis: and the Cunocephali are said to have been worshipped
by the people of that [60]place. They were certainly there reverenced: and
this history points out very plainly the particular spot alluded to.
Hermopolis was in the upper region styled Thebaïs: and there was in this
district a tower, such as has been [61]mentioned. It was in aftertimes made
use of for a repository, where they laid up the tribute. This may have been
the Rupes Ægyptiaca, so famed of old for science; and which was the seat of
the Chancephalim, or Cunocephalians.

It is said of the Cunocephali, that when one part was dead and buried, the
other still survived. This can relate to nothing else but a society, or
body politic, where there is a continual decrement, yet part still remains;
and the whole is kept up by succession. It is an enigma, which particularly
relates to the priesthood in Egypt: for the sacred office there was
hereditary, being vested in certain families; and when part was dead, a
residue still [62]survived, who admitted others in the room of the
deceased. [63]Επεαν δε τις αποθανῃ, τουτου ὁ παις αντικατισταται. The sons,
we find, supplied the place of their fathers: hence the body itself never
became extinct, being kept up by a regular succession. As to the
Cunocephali giving to Hermes the first hint of dividing the day into twelve
parts from the exactness, which was observed in their [64]evacuations, it
is a surmise almost too trifling to be discussed. I have shewn that the
Cunocephali were a sacred college, whose members were persons of great
learning: and their society seems to have been a very antient institution.
They were particularly addicted to astronomical observations; and by
contemplating the heavens, styled Ouran, they learned to distinguish the
seasons, and to divide the day into parts. But the term Ouran the Greeks by
a strange misconception changed to ουρειν; of which mistake they have
afforded other instances: and from this abuse of terms the silly figment
took its rise.

The Cunocephali are not to be found in Egypt only, but in India likewise;
and in other parts of the world. Herodotus [65]mentions a nation of this
name in Libya: and speaks of them as a race of men with the heads of dogs.
Hard by in the neighbourhood of this people he places the Ακεφαλοι, men
with no heads at all: to whom, out of humanity, and to obviate some very
natural distresses, he gives eyes in the breast. But he seems to have
forgot mouth and ears, and makes no mention of a nose: he only says,
[66]Ακεφαλοι, ὁι εν στηθεσιν οφθαλμους εχοντες. Both these and the
Cunocephali were denominated from their place of residence, and from their
worship: the one from Cahen-Caph-El, the other from Ac-Caph-El: each of
which appellations is of the same purport, the right noble, or sacred
[67]rock of the Sun.

Similar to the history of the Cunocephali, and Acephali, is that of the
Cunodontes. They are a people mentioned by Solinus and Isidorus, and by
them are supposed to have had the teeth of dogs. Yet they were probably
denominated, like those above, from the object of their worship, the Deity
Chan-Adon; which the Greeks expressed Κυνοδων, and styled his votaries

The Greeks pretended, that they had the use of the sphere, and were
acquainted with the zodiac, and its asterisms very early. But it is plain
from their mistakes, that they received the knowledge of these things very
late; at a time when the terms were obsolete, and the true purport of them
not to be obtained. They borrowed all the schemes under which the stars are
comprehended from the Egyptians: who had formed them of old, and named them
from circumstances in their own religion and mythology. They had
particularly conferred the titles of their Deities upon those stars, which
appeared the brightest in their hemisphere. One of the most remarkable and
brilliant they called Cahen Sehor; another they termed Purcahen; a third
Cahen Ourah, or Cun Ourah. These were all misconstrued, and changed by the
Greeks; Cahen-Sehor to Canis Sirius; P'urcahen to Procyon; and Cahen Ourah
to Cunosoura, the dog's tail. In respect to this last name I think, from
the application of it in other instances, we may be assured that it could
not be in acceptation what the Greeks would persuade us: nor had it any
relation to a dog. There was the summit of a hill in Arcadia of this
[69]name: also a promontory in [70]Attica; and another in [71]Eubœa. How
could it possibly in its common acceptation be applicable to these places?
And as a constellation if it signified a dog's tail, how came it to be a
name given to the tail of a bear? It was a term brought from [72]Sidon, and
Egypt: and the purport was to be sought for from the language of the

The antient Helladians used upon every promontory to raise pillars and
altars to the God of light, Can-Our, the Chan-Orus of Egypt. But Can-Our,
and Can-Ourah, they changed to κυνοσουρα, as I have shewn: yet
notwithstanding this corruption, the true name is often to be discovered.
The place which is termed Cunosoura by Lucian, in his Icaromemenippus, is
called Cunoura by Stephanus Byzant, and by [73]Pausanias. Cunoura is also
used by Lycophron, who understood antient terms full well, for any high
rock or headland.

  [74]Εν ἁισι προς κυνουρα καμπυλους σχασας
  Πευκης οδοντας.

    Προς κυνουρα, προς τραχειας πετρας. Scholiast. ibid.

We find the same mistake occur in the account transmitted to us concerning
the first discovery of purple. The antients very gratefully gave the merit
of every useful and salutary invention to the Gods. Ceres was supposed to
have discovered to men corn, and bread: Osiris shewed them the use of the
plough; Cinyras of the harp: Vesta taught them to build. Every Deity was
looked up to as the cause of some blessing. The Tyrians and Sidonians were
famous for the manufacture of purple: the die of which was very exquisite,
and the discovery of it was attributed to Hercules of Tyre; the same who by
Palæphatus is styled Hercules [75]Philosophus. But some will not allow him
this honour; but say, that the dog of Hercules was the discoverer. For
accidentally feeding upon the Murex, with which the coast abounded, the dog
stained his mouth with the ichor of the fish; and from hence the first hint
of dying was [76]taken. This gave birth to the proverbial expression,
[77]Ἑυρημα κυνος ην ἡ σεβαστη πορφυρα. Nonnus mentions the particular
circumstance of the dog's staining his mouth:

  [78]Χιονεας πορφυρε παρηϊδας ἁιματι κοχλου.

Such is the story, which at first sight is too childish to admit of credit.
It is not likely that a dog would feed upon shell-fish: and if this may at
any time have happened, yet whoever is at all conversant in natural
history, must know, that the murex is of the turbinated kind, and
particularly aculeated; having strong and sharp protuberances, with which a
dog would hardly engage. The story is founded upon the same misconception,
of which so many instances have been produced. Hercules of Tyre, like all
other oriental divinities, was styled Cahen, and Cohen; as was allowed by
the Greeks themselves. [79]Τον Ἡρακλην φασι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον
ΧΩΝΑ λεγεσθαι. _We are told, that Hercules in the language of the Egyptians
is called Chon._ This intelligence, however, they could not abide by; but
changed this sacred title to [80]κυων, a dog, which they described as an
attendant upon the Deity.

The Grecians tell us, that the Egyptians styled Hermes a dog: but they seem
to have been aware, that they were guilty of an undue representation. Hence
Plutarch tries to soften, and qualify what is mentioned, by saying, [81]Ου
γαρ κυριως τον Ἑρμην ΚYΝΑ λεγουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι): by which this learned
writer would insinuate, that it was not so much the name of a dog, as the
qualities of that animal, to which the Egyptians alluded. Plutarch thought
by this refinement to take off the impropriety of conferring so base a name
upon a Deity. But the truth is, that the Egyptians neither bestowed it
nominally; nor alluded to it in any degree. The title which they gave to
Hermes was the same that they bestowed upon Hercules: they expressed it
Cahen, and Cohen; and it was very properly represented above by the Greek
term Χων, Chon. It is said of Socrates, that he sometimes made use of an
uncommon oath, μα τον κυνα, και τον χηνα _by the dog and the goose_: which
at first does not seem consistent with the gravity of his character. But we
are informed by Porphyry, that this was not done by way of ridicule: for
Socrates esteemed it a very serious and religious mode of attestation: and
under these terms made a solemn appeal to the son of [82]Zeus. The purport
of the words is obvious: and whatever hidden meaning there may have been,
the oath was made ridiculous by the absurdity of the terms. Besides, what
possible connection could there have subsisted between a dog and a Deity; a
goose and the son of Jove? There was certainly none: yet Socrates, like the
rest of his fraternity, having an antipathy to foreign terms, chose to
represent his ideas through this false medium; by which means the very
essence of his invocation was lost. The son of Zeus, to whom he appealed,
was the Egyptian Cahen abovementioned; but this sacred title was idly
changed to κυνα και χηνα, a dog and a goose, from a similitude in sound.
That he referred to the Egyptian Deity, is manifest from Plato, who
acknowledges that he swore, [83]μα τον κυνα τον Αιγυπτιων θεον. By which we
are to understand a Cahen of Egypt. Porphyry expressly says, that it was
the God Hermes the son of Zeus, and Maia: [84]Κατα τον του Διος και Μαιας
παιδα εποιειτο τον ὁρκον.

I cannot account upon any other principle than that upon which I have
proceeded, for the strange representation of Apollo, and Bacchus, gaping
with open mouths. So it seems they were in some places described. Clemens
of Alexandria mentions from Polemon, that Apollo was thus exhibited:
[85]Πολεμων δε κεχηνοτος Απολλωνος οιδεν αγαλμα. And we are told that a
gaping[86] Bacchus was particularly worshipped at Samos. They were both the
same as the Egyptian Orus; who was styled Cahen-On, Rex, vel Deus Sol; out
of which Cahen-On the Grecians seem to have formed the word Χαινων: and in
consequence of it, these two Deities were represented with their jaws
widely extended. This term was sometimes changed to κοινος, communis: hence
it is that we so often meet with κοινοι Θεοι, and κοινοι βωμοι, upon coins
and marbles: also κοινος Ἑρμης. And as Hermes was the reputed God of gain,
every thing found was adjudged to be κοινος, or common.

                  [87]Αλλ' εσιδουσα
  Εξαπινης, Ἑρμης κοινος, εφη θυγατηρ.
  [88]Κοινον ειναι τον Ἑρμην.

Notwithstanding this notion so universally received, yet among the Grecians
themselves the term κοινος was an antient title of eminence. [89]Κοινος, ὁ
Δεσποτης. _Coinos signifies a lord and master_: undoubtedly from Cohinus;
and that from Cohen. It would be endless to enumerate all the instances
which might be brought of this nature. Of this, I think, I am assured, that
whoever will consider the uncouth names both of Deities, and men, as well
as of places, in the light recommended; and attend to the mythology
transmitted concerning them; will be able by these helps to trace them to
their original meaning. It is, I think, plain, that what the Grecians so
often interpreted κυνες, was an antient Amonian title. When therefore I
read of the brazen dog of Vulcan, of the dog of Erigone, of Orion, of
Geryon, of Orus, of Hercules, of Amphilochus, of Hecate, I cannot but
suppose, that they were the titles of so many Deities; or else of their
priests, who were denominated from their office. In short, the Cahen of
Egypt were no more dogs than the Pateræ of Amon were basons: and though
Diodorus does say, that at the grand celebrity of [90]Isis, the whole was
preceded by dogs, yet I cannot help being persuaded that they were the
priests of the Goddess.

By this clue we may unravel many intricate histories transmitted from
different parts. In the temple of Vulcan, near mount Ætna, there are said
to have been a breed of dogs, which fawned upon good men, but were
implacable to the bad. [91]Inde etiam perpetuus ignis a Siculis alebatur in
Ætnæo Vulcani templo, cui custodes adhibiti sunt sacri canes, blandientes
piis hominibus, in impios ferocientes. In the celebrated gardens of Electra
there was a golden dog, which shewed the same regard to good men, and was
as inveterate to others.

  [92]Χρυσεος οιδαινοντι κυων συνυλακτεε λαιμῳ
  Σαινων ηθαδα φωτα.

What is more remarkable, there were many gaping dogs in this temple; which
are represented as so many statues, yet were endowed with life.

  [93]Χασμασι ποιητοισι σεσῃροτες ανθερεωνες
  Ψευδαλεων σκυλακων στιχες εμφρονες.

Homer describes something of the same nature in the gardens of Alcinous.

  [94]Χρυσειοι δ' ἑκατερθε και αργυρεοι κυνες ησαν,
  Ὁυς Ἡφαιστος ετευξεν ιδυιῃσι πραπιδεσσιν,
  Αθανατους οντας, και αγηρως ηματα παντα.

All this relates to the Cusean priests of Vulcan or Hephaistos, and to the
priesthood established in his temple: which priesthood was kept up by
succession, and never became extinct. What was Cusean, the Greeks often
rendered Χρυσειον, as I shall hereafter shew. The same people were also
styled Cuthim; and this word likewise among the antients signified gold:
from hence these priests were styled Χρυσειοι κυνες. We find the like
history in Crete: here too was a golden dog, which Zeus had appointed to be
the guardian of his temple[95]. By comparing these histories, I think we
cannot fail of arriving at the latent meaning. The God of light among other
titles was styled Cahen, or Chan-Ades: but the term being taken in the same
acceptation here, as in the instances above, the Deity was changed to a
dog, and said to reside in the infernal regions. From hence he was supposed
to have been dragged to light by Hercules of Thebes. The notion both of
Cerberus and Hades being subterraneous Deities took its rise from the
temples of old being situated near vast caverns, which were esteemed
passages to the realms below. Such were in Messenia, in Argolis, in
Bithynia, and at Enna in Sicily; not to mention divers other places. These
temples were often named Kir-Abor; and the Deity Chan-Ades; out of which
terms the Greeks formed Τον Κερβερον κυνα ἁδου; and fabled, that he was
forced into upper air by Hercules, through these infernal inlets. And as
temples similar in name and situation were built in various parts, the like
history was told of them all. Pausanias takes notice of this event, among
other places, being ascribed to the cavern at [96]Tænarus; as well as to
one at [97]Trœzen, and to a third near the city [98]Hermione. The Poet
Dionysius speaks of the feat being performed in the country of the
Marianduni, near Colchis.

  [99]Και Μαριανδυνων ἱερον πεδον, ενθ' ενεπουσιν
  Ουδαιου Κρονιδαο μεγαν κυνα Χαλκεοφωνον
  Χερσιν ανελκομενον μεγαλητορος Ἡρακληος,
  Δεινον απο στοματων βαλεειν σιαλωδεα χυλον.

But however the Deity in all these instances may have been degraded to the
regions of darkness, yet he was the God of light, Κυν-ἁδης; and such was
the purport of that name. He was the same as Apollo, as may be proved from
the Cunidæ at Athens, who were a family set apart for his service.
Κυννιδαι, γενος Αθηνῃσιν, εξ ὁυ ὁ ἱερευς του Κυννιου Απολλωνος. Hesychius.
_The Cunnidai are a family at Athens, out of which the priest of Apollo
Cunnius is chosen_. He styles him Apollo Cunnius: but the Cunidai were more
properly denominated from Apollo Cunides, the same as Cun-Ades. Poseidon
was expressly styled Cun-Ades; and he was the same Deity as Apollo, only
under a different title, as I have shewn. Κυναδης Ποσειδων Αθηνῃσιν
ετιμᾳτο. Hesychius. _Poseidon was worshipped at Athens under the title of

Though I have endeavoured to shew, that the term of which I have been
treating was greatly misapplied, in being so uniformly referred to dogs,
yet I do not mean to insinuate that it did not sometimes relate to them.
They were distinguished by this sacred title, and were held in some degree
of [100]veneration; but how far they were reverenced is not easy to
determine. Herodotus,[101] speaking of the sanctity of some animals in
Egypt, says, that the people in every family, where a dog died, shaved
themselves all over: and he mentions it as a custom still subsisting in his
own time. Plutarch[102] differs from him. He allows that these animals
were, at one time, esteemed holy; but it was before the time of Cambyses:
from the æra of his reign they were held in another light: for when this
king killed the sacred Apis, the dogs fed so liberally upon his entrails,
without making a proper distinction, that they lost all their sanctity. It
is of little consequence whichever account be the truest. They were
certainly of old looked upon as sacred; and esteemed emblems of the Deity.
And it was, perhaps, with a view to this, and to prevent the Israelites
retaining any notion of this nature, that a dog was not suffered to come
within the precincts of the temple at [103]Jerusalem. In the Mosaic law,
the price of a dog, and the hire of a harlot, are put upon the same level.
[104]_Thou shalt not bring the hire of a whore, or the price of a dog, into
the house of the Lord thy God for any vow: for both these are an
abomination to the Lord thy God._

To conclude: The Dog, in Egypt, was undoubtedly called Cahen, and Cohen; a
title by which many other animals, and even vegetables, were honoured, on
account of their being consecrated to some Deity. The Greeks did not
consider that this was a borrowed appellation, which belonged to the Gods
and their Priests; and was from them extended to many things held sacred.
Hence they have continually referred this term to one object only: by which
means they have misrepresented many curious pieces of history: and a number
of idle fables have been devised to the disparagement of all that was true.

       *       *       *       *       *





Among the different branches of the great Amonian family which spread
themselves abroad, the sons of Chus were the most considerable, and at the
same time the most enterprising. They got access into countries widely
distant; where they may be traced under different denominations, but more
particularly by their family title. This we might expect the Greeks to have
rendered Chusos, and to have named the people Χυσαιοι, Chusæi. But, by a
fatal misprision, they uniformly changed these terms to words more familiar
to their ear, and rendered them Χρυσος, and Χρυσειος, as if they had a
reference to gold. I have before mentioned the various parts of the world
where the Amonians settled, and especially this branch of that family.
Their most considerable colonies westward were in Iönia and Hellas; and
about Cuma and Liguria in Italy; and upon the coast of Iberia in Spain.
They were likewise to be found in Cyrene; and still farther in Mauritania,
and in the islands opposite to that coast. In the north they were to be met
with at Colchis, towards the foot of Mount Caucasus, and in most regions
upon the coast of the Euxine sea. In the histories of these countries the
Grecians have constantly changed Chusos, the Gentile name, to Chrusos,
Χρυσος; and Chus-Or, Chusorus, to Χρυσωρ, Chrusor: and, in consequence of
this alteration, they have introduced in their accounts of these places
some legend about gold. Hence we read of a golden fleece at Colchis; golden
apples at the Hesperides; at [105]Tartessus, a golden cup; and, at Cuma, in
Campania, a golden branch:

  Aureus et foliis, et lento vimine, ramus.

Something similar is observable in the history of Cyrene. The natives were
not remarkable for either mines or merchandize: yet, Palæphatus, having
mentioned that they were κατα γενος Αιθιοπες, Ethiopians by extraction,
that is, Cuseans, subjoins: [106]Εισι δε σφοδρα χρυσοι. Pindar, in
celebrating each happy circumstance of the Insulæ Fortunatæ, mentions, that
there were trees with branches of gold: [107]Ανθεμα δε χρυσου φλεγει. The
river Phasis, in Colchis, was supposed to have abounded with gold; and the
like was pretended of the Hermus and Pactolus in Iönia. Not only the Poets,
but many of the graver [108]historians, speak of their golden sands. Yet
there is reason to doubt of the fact: for not one of them produces any good
voucher for what they suppose. They do not mention any trade carried on,
nor riches accruing from this lucky circumstance: so that there is no
reason to think that one grain of gold was gathered from these celebrated
streams. Among the several islands occupied by this people were Rhodes and
Delos. In the former, the chief city is said to have been blessed with
showers of gold. [109]Ενθα ποτε βρεχε θεον Βασιλευς ὁ μεγας χρυσαις
νιφαδεσσι πολιν. At Delos every thing was golden, even the slippers of the

  [110]Χρυσεα και τα πεδιλα, πολυχρυσος γαρ Απολλων.

And this not only in aftertimes, when the island was enriched with
offerings from different nations, but even at the birth of the God; by
which is meant the foundation of his temple, and introduction of his rites.

  [111]Χρυσεα τοι τοτε παντα θεμειλια γεινατο, Δηλε,
  Χρυσῳ δε τροχοεσσα πανημερος εῤῥεε λιμνη,
  Χρυσειον δ' εκομισσε γενεθλιον ερνος ελαιης,
  Χρυσῳ δε πλημμυρε βαθυς Ινωπος ἑλιχθεις,
  Αυτη δε χρυσοιο απ' ουδεος ἑιλεο παιδα,
  Εν δ' εβαλευ κολποισιν.

We find that the very soil and foundations of the island were golden: the
lake floated with golden waves: the olive tree vegetated with golden fruit:
and the river Inopus, deep as it was, swelled with gold. Homer, in a hymn
to the same personage, represents the whole more compendiously, by saying,
that the island was weighed down with treasure:

              [112]Χρυσῳ δ' αρα Δηλος ἁπασα

I have before mentioned that the Amonians settled in Liguria: and, in
consequence of it, the Heliadæ are represented as weeping, not only amber,
but gold. Philostratus, speaking of a particular species of fir-trees in
Bœtica, says, that they dropped blood, just as the Heliadæ upon the Padus
did[113] gold.

Chus, by the Egyptians and Canaanites, was styled Or-Chus, and[114]
Chus-Or: the latter of which was expressed by the Greeks, analogous to the
examples above, Χρυσωρ, Chrusor: and we learn in Eusebius, from Philo, that
Chrusor was one of the principal Deities of the Phenicians, a great
benefactor to mankind; and by some supposed to have been the same as
Hephaistus. Both the Tyrians and Sidonians were undoubtedly a mixed race,
and preserved the memory of Ham, and Chus, equally with that of Canaan.

This name, so often rendered Chrusos, and Chrusor, was sometimes changed to
Χρυσαωρ, Chrusaor: and occurs in many places where the Cuthites were known
to have settled. We have been shewn that they were a long time in Egypt;
and we read of a Chrusaor in those parts, who is said to have arisen from
the blood of Medusa.

    [115]Εξεθορε Χρυσαωρ τε μεγας, και Πηγασος ἱππος.

We meet with the same Chrusaor in the regions of Asia Minor, especially
among the Carians. In these parts he was particularly worshipped, and said
to have been the first deified mortal. The great Divan of that nation was
called Chrusaorium; and there was a city [116]Chrusaoris, and a temple of
the same name. [117]Εγγυς δε της πολεως το του Χρυσαορεως Διος κοινον
ἁπαντων Καρων, εις ὁ συνιασι θυσαντες τε και βουλευσαμενοι. This city was
properly called Chus-Or, and built in memory of the same person; as the
city Chusora, called also [118]Cerchusora, in Egypt. It was undoubtedly
founded by some of the same family, who in aftertimes worshipped their
chief ancestor; as the Sidonians and Syrians did likewise. For this we have
the testimony of Sanchoniathon; who, having mentioned the various benefits
bestowed upon mankind by Chrusaor, says, at the conclusion, [119]Διο και ὡς
θεον αυτον μετα θανατον εσεβασθησαν· _for which reason, after his death,
they worshipped him as a God_. The first king of Iberia was named Chrusaor,
the reputed father of [120]Geryon; and he is said to have been πολυχρυσος,
a person of great wealth: all which is an Egyptian history, transferred
from the Nile to the Bœtis.

  [121]Χρυσαωρ δ' ετεκε τρικαρηνον Γηρυονηα,
  Μιχθεις Χαλλιροῃ κουρῃ κλυτου Ωκεανοιο.

Geryon of Spain was, according to this mythology of the poet, the son of
Chrusaor; and Chrusaor was confessedly of Egyptian original: so that,
whatever the fable may allude to, it must have been imported into Bœtica
from Egypt by some of the sons of Chus. The Grecians borrowed this term,
and applied it to Apollo; and from this epithet, Chrusaor, he was
denominated the God of the golden sword. Homer accordingly styles him,
[122]Απολλωνα Χρυσαορα: and, speaking of Apollo's infancy, he says,
[123]Ουδ' αρ' Απολλωνα Χρυσαορα θησατο μητηρ: and Diana is termed
[124]Αυτοκασιγνητη Χρυσαορος Απολλωνος.

This title cannot possibly relate to the implement supposed: for it would
be idle to style an infant the God of the golden sword. It was a weapon,
which at no time was ascribed to him: nor do I believe, that he is ever
represented with one either upon a gem, or a marble. He is described as
wishing for a harp, and for a bow.

  [125]Ειη μοι κιθαρις τε φιλη, και καμπυλα τοξα.

And his mother is said to have been pleased that she produced him to the
world an archer:

                  [126]Χαιρε δε Λετω,
  Ὁυνεκα τοξοφορον και καρτερον ὑιον ετικτεν.

These habiliments are often specified: but I do not recollect any mention
made of a sword, nor was the term Chrusaor of Grecian etymology.

Since then we may be assured that Chus was the person alluded to under the
name of Chrusos, Chrubor, and Chrusaor; we need not wonder that his
substitute Apollo is so often styled Χρυσοκομης, and Χρυσολυρος: that the
harp, called by the Amonians [127] Chan-Or, and Cuth-Or, from the supposed
inventor, should by the Grecians be denominated Χρυσεα φορμιγξ
[128]Απολλωνος: that so many cities, where Apollo was particularly
worshipped, should be called Chruse, and Chrusopolis, the number of which
was of no small [129]amount. Nor is this observable in cities only, but in
rivers, which were named in the same manner. For it was usual, in the first
ages, to consecrate rivers to Deities, and to call them after their names.
Hence many were denominated from Chusorus, which by the Greeks was changed
to Χρυσοῤῥοας; and from this mistake they were supposed to abound with
gold. The Nile was called Chrusorrhoas[130], which had no pretensions to
gold: and there was a river of this name at [131]Damascus. Others too might
be produced, none of which had any claim to that mineral. There was a
stream Chrusorrhoas near the Amazonian city Themiscura in [132]Pontus: and
the river Pactolus was of old so called, whence probably came the notion of
its abounding with gold. [133]Πακτωλος ποταμος εστι της Λυδιας----εκαλειτο
δε προτερον Χρυσοῤῥοας. It was named Chrusorrhoas first, and in aftertimes
Pactolus: whence we may conclude, in respect to gold, that the name was not
given on account of any such circumstance; but the notion was inferred from
the name.

It is apparent that this repeated mistake arose in great measure from the
term Chusus and Chrusus being similar: whence the latter was easily
convertible into the former; which to the Grecians appeared a more
intelligible, and at the same time a more splendid, title. But there was
still another obvious reason for this change. Chus was by many of the
eastern nations expressed Cuth; and his posterity the Cuthim. This term, in
the antient Chaldäic, and other Amonian languages, signified [134]gold:
hence many cities and countries, where the Cuthites settled, were described
as golden, and were represented by the terms Chrusos and Chruse. These, as
I have shewn, had no relation to gold, but to Chus, who was reverenced as
the Sun, or Apollo; and was looked upon as Dionusus; but may more truly be
esteemed Bacchus. Hence, when the poet Dionysius mentions the island Chruse
in [135]India, his commentator observes; Χρυση νησος, λεγομενη ὁυτως, η δια
το χρυσον φερειν, η κατα τον Διονυσον· and at last concludes, [136]Χρυσους
ειναι πως δοκει ὁ ἡλιος.

In a former dissertation concerning the Shepherd Kings in Egypt, I have
shewn that they were the sons of Chus, who came into that country under the
title of Auritæ. They settled in a province named from them Cushan, which
was at the upper part of Delta; and in aftertimes called Nomos Arabicus. It
was in the vicinity of Memphis, and Aphroditopolis, which places they
likewise [137]occupied. I have mentioned that Chusos was often expressed
Chrusos, and the country of the Cuthim rendered the golden country. If then
there be that uniformity in error which I maintain, it may be expected
that, in the history of these places, there should be some reference to
gold. It is remarkable that all this part of Egypt, conformably to what I
have said, was called Χρυση, Chruse. Here was the campus aureus, and
Aphrodite Aurea of the Romans: and all the country about Memphis was styled
golden. To this Diodorus, among others, bears witness: [138]Την τε
Αφροδιτην ονομαζεσθαι παρα τοις εγχωριοις Χρυσην ΕΚ ΠΑΛΑΙΑΣ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΕΩΣ, και
πεδιον ειναι καλουμενον Χρυσης Αφροδιτης περι την ονομαζομενην Μεμφιν. When
the Cuthite shepherds came into Egypt, they made Memphis the seat of royal
[139]residence: and hard by was the nome of Aphrodite, and the Arabian
nome, which they particularly possessed: and which, in consequence of it,
were both styled the regions of the Cuthim. Hence came the title of
[140]Aphrodite Chruse: and hence the country had the name of the Golden
District. The island at the point of Delta, where stood the city Cercusora,
is called Gieserat [141]Eddahib, or the Golden Island, at this day.
Diodorus mentions, that this appellation of Chruse was derived from _a very
antient tradition_. This tradition undoubtedly related to the shepherds,
those sons of Chus, who were so long in possession of the country; and
whose history was of the highest antiquity.

The Cuthites in the west occupied only some particular spots: but from
Babylonia eastward the greatest part of that extensive sea-coast seems to
have been in their possession. In the history of these parts, there is
often some allusion to gold, as may be seen in the island Chruse,
above-mentioned; and in the Chersonesus Aurea, which lay beyond the Ganges:
and not only of gold, but sometimes a reference to brass; and this from a
similar mistake. For as Chusus was changed to Chrusus, Χρυσος, gold; so was
Cal-Chus, the hill, or place of Chus, converted to Chalcus, Χαλκος, brass.
Colchis was properly Col-Chus; and therefore called also Cuta, and Cutaia.
But what was Colchian being sometimes rendered Chalcion, Καλκιον, gave rise
to the fable of brazen bulls; which were only Colchic Tor, or towers. There
was a region named Colchis in [142]India: for where the Cuthites settled,
they continually kept up the memory of their forefathers, and called places
by their names. This being a secret to Philostratus, has led him into a
deal of mysterious error. It is well known that this people were styled
Oreitæ, and Auritæ, both in Egypt and in other parts. Philostratus says
that [143]Apollonius came to a settlement of the Oreitæ upon the Indian
Ocean. He also visited their Pegadæ; and, what is remarkable, he met with a
people whose very rocks were brazen; their sand was brazen: the rivers
conveyed down their streams fine filaments of brass: and the natives
esteemed their land golden on account of the plenty of brass. Now what is
this detail, but an abuse of terms, ill understood, and shamefully
misapplied? Philostratus had heard of a region in India; the history of
which he would fain render marvellous. The country, whither Apollonius is
supposed to go, was a province of the Indo-Cuthites, who were to be met
with in various parts under the title of Oreitæ. They were worshippers of
fire, and came originally from the land of Ur; and hence had that name. The
Pegadæ of the country are what we now call Pagodas; and which are too well
known to need describing. There were in this part of the world several
cities, and temples, dedicated to the memory of Chus. Some of these are
famous at this day, though denominated after the Babylonish dialect Cutha,
and Cuta; witness Calcutta, and Calecut. The latter seems to have been the
capital of the region called of old Colchis. This was more truly expressed
Cal-Chus; which Philostratus has mistaken for Χαλκος, brass; and made the
very [144]rocks and rivers abound with that mineral. And yet, that the old
mistake about gold may not be omitted, he concludes with a strange
antithesis, by saying, that the natives esteemed their country Chrusitis,
or golden, from the quantity of [145]brass.

It has been my endeavour to prove that what the Grecians represented by
Chrusos, Chrusor, and Chrusaor, should have been expressed Chus, Chusos,
and Chusor, called also Chus-Orus. Chus was the son of Ham; and though the
names of the Grecian Deities are not uniformly appropriated, yet Ham is
generally looked upon as Ἑλιος, the Sun; and had the title Dis, and Dios:
hence the city of Amon in Egypt was rendered Diospolis. If then Chrusos,
and Chrusor, be, as I have supposed, Chus; the person so denominated must
have been, according to the more antient mythology, the son of Helius, and
Dios. We find accordingly that it was so. The Scholiast upon Pindar
expressly says, [146]Διος παις ὁ Χρυσος. And in another place he is said to
have been the offspring of Helius, who was no other than Cham. [147]Εκ
θειας και Ὑπεριονος Ἡλιος, εκ δε Ἡλιου ὁ Χρυσος. Magic and incantations are
attributed to Chus, as the inventor; and they were certainly first
practised among his sons: hence it is said by Sanchoniathon, [148]Τον
Χρυσωρ λογους ασκησαι και επῳδας, και μαντειας. He was however esteemed a
great benefactor; and many salutary inventions were ascribed to him. He had
particularly the credit of being the first who ventured upon the seas:
[149]Πρωτον τε παντων ανθρωπων πλευσαι. Whether this can be said truly of
Chus himself, is uncertain: it agrees full well with the history of his
sons; who, as we have the greatest reason to be assured, were the first
great navigators in the world.

       *       *       *       *       *







Lucian tells us, that, reflecting upon the account given of Phaëthon, who
fell thunderstruck into the Eridanus, and of his sisters, who were changed
to poplars weeping amber, he took a resolution, if he should ever be near
the scene of these wonderful transactions, to inquire among the natives
concerning the truth of the [150]story. It so happened, that, at a certain
time, he was obliged to go up the river above mentioned: and he says, that
he looked about very wistfully; yet, to his great amazement, he saw neither
amber nor poplar. Upon this he took the liberty to ask the people, who
rowed him, when he should arrive at the amber-dropping trees: but it was
with some difficulty that he could make them understand what he meant. He
then explained to them the story of Phaëthon: how he borrowed the chariot
of the Sun; and being an awkward charioteer, tumbled headlong into the
Eridanus: that his sisters pined away with grief; and at last were
transformed to trees, the same of which he had just spoken: and he assured
them, that these trees were to be found somewhere upon the banks, weeping
amber. Who the deuce, says one of the boatmen, could tell you such an idle
story? We never heard of any charioteer tumbling into the river; nor have
we, that I know of, a single poplar in the country. If there were any trees
hereabouts dropping amber, do you think, master, that we would sit here,
day after day, tugging against stream for a dry groat, when we might step
ashore, and make our fortunes so easily? This affected Lucian a good deal:
for he had formed some hopes of obtaining a little of this precious
commodity; and began to think that he must have been imposed upon. However,
as Cycnus, the brother of Phaëthon, was here changed to a swan, he took it
for granted that he should find a number of those birds sailing up and down
the stream, and making the groves echo with their melody. But not
perceiving any in a great space, he took the liberty, as he passed onward,
to put the question again to the boatmen; and to make inquiry about these
birds. Pray, gentlemen, says he, at what particular season is it that your
swans hereabouts sing so sweetly? It is said, that they were formerly men,
and always at Apollo's side; being in a manner of his privy council. Their
skill in music must have been very great: and though they have been changed
into birds, they retain that faculty, and, I am told, sing most
melodiously. The watermen could not help smiling at this account. Why, sir,
says one of them, what strange stories you have picked up about our
country, and this river? We have plied here, men and boys, for years; and
to be sure we cannot say that we never saw a swan: there are some here and
there towards the fens, which make a low dull noise: but as for any
harmony, a rook or a jackdaw, in comparison of them, may be looked upon as
a nightingale.

Such are the witty strictures of Lucian upon the story of Phaëthon and
Cycnus, as described by the poets. Whatever may have been the grounds upon
which this fiction is founded, they were certainly unknown to the Greeks;
who have misinterpreted what little came to their hands, and from such
misconstruction devised these fables. The story, as we have it, is not
uniformly told. Some, like Lucian, speak of swans in the plural; and
suppose them to have been the ministers, and attendants of Apollo, who
assisted at his concerts. Others mention one person only, called Cycnus;
who was the reputed brother of Phaëthon, and at his death was transformed
to the bird of that name. The fable is the same whichever way it may be
related, and the purport of it is likewise the same. There is one mistake
in the story, which I must set right before I proceed; as it may be of some
consequence in the process of my inquiry. Phaëthon is represented by many
of the poets as the offspring of the Sun, or Apollo: [151]Sole satus
Phaëthon. But this was a mistake, and to be found chiefly among the Roman
poets. Phaëthon was the Sun. It was a title of Apollo; and was given to him
as the God of light. This is manifest from the testimony of the more early
Greek poets, and particularly from Homer, who uses it in this acceptation.

              [152]Ουδεποτ' αυτους
  Ηελιος Φαεθον επιδερκεται ακτινεσσιν.

In respect to Cycnus and his brotherhood, those vocal ministers of Apollo,
the story, which is told of them, undoubtedly alludes to Canaan, the son of
Ham; and to the Canaanites, his posterity. They sent out many colonies;
which colonies, there is great reason to think, settled in those places,
where these legends about swans particularly prevailed. The name of Canaan
was by different nations greatly varied, and ill expressed: and this
misconstruction among the Greeks gave rise to the fable. To shew this, it
will be proper to give an account of the rites and customs of the
Canaanites, as well as of their extensive traffic. Among the many branches
of the Amonian family, which settled in various parts of the world, and
carried on an early correspondence, the Canaanites were not the least
respectable. They traded from Sidon chiefly, before that city was taken by
the king of Ascalon: and upon their commerce being interrupted here, they
[153]removed it to the strong hold of Tyre. This place was soon improved to
a mighty city, which was very memorable in its day. The Canaanites, as they
were a sister tribe of the Mizraïm, so were they extremely like them in
their rites and religion. They held a heifer, or cow, in high veneration,
agreeably with the [154]customs of Egypt. Their chief Deity was the Sun,
whom they worshipped together with the Baalim, under the titles Ourchol,
Adonis, Thamuz. It was a custom among the Grecians, at the celebration of
their religious festivals, to crown the whole with hymns of praise, and the
most joyful exclamations. But the Egyptians were of a gloomy turn of mind,
which infected the whole of their worship. Their hymns were always composed
in melancholy affecting airs, and consisted of lamentations for the loss of
Osiris, the mystic flight of Bacchus, the wanderings of Isis, and the
sufferings of the Gods. Apuleius takes notice of this difference in the
rites and worship of the two nations: [155]Ægyptiaca numinum fana plena
plangoribus: Græca plerumque choreis. Hence the author of the Orphic
Argonautica, speaking of the initiations in Egypt, mentions,

  [156]Θρενους τ' Αιγυπτιον, και Οσιριδος ἱερα χυτλα.

The Canaanites at Byblus, Berytus, Sidon, and afterwards at Tyre, used
particularly mournful dirges for the loss of Adonis, or Thamuz; who was the
same as Thamas, and Osiris in Egypt. The Cretans had the like mournful
hymns, in which they commemorated the grief of Apollo for the loss of

                  [157]Αιλινα μελπειν,
  Ὁια παρα Κρητεσσιν αναξ ελιγαινεν Απολλων
  Δακρυχεων ερατεινον Ατυμνιον.

The measures and harmony of the Canaanites seem to have been very
affecting, and to have made a wonderful impression on the minds of their
audience. The infectious mode of worship prevailed so far, that the
children of Israel were forbidden to weep, and make lamentation upon a
festival: [158]Ειναι γαρ ἑορτην, και μη δειν εν αυτῃ κλαιειν, ου γαρ
εξειναι. And Nehemiah gives the people a caution to the same purpose:
[159]_This day is holy unto the Lord your God: mourn not, nor weep_. And
Esdras counsels them in the same manner: [160]_This day is holy unto the
Lord: be not sorrowful_. It is likewise in another place mentioned, that
[161]_the Levites stilled all the people, saying, Hold your peace, for the
day is holy: neither be ye grieved_. Such was the prohibition given to the
Israelites: but among the Canaanites this shew of sorrow was encouraged,
and made part of their [162]rites.

The father of this people is represented in the Mosaic history, according
to our version, Canaan: but there is reason to think that by the Egyptians
and other neighbouring nations it was expressed Cnaan. This by the Greeks
was rendered Χναας, and Χνας; and in later times Χνα, Cna. [163]Χνα, ὁυτος
ἡ Φοινικη εκαλειτο--το εθνικον Χναος. We are told by Philo from
Sanchoniathon, that [164]Isiris the Egyptian, who found out three letters,
was the brother of Cna: by which is meant, that Mizraïm was the brother of
Canaan. I have taken notice more than once of a particular term, Υκ, Uc;
which has been passed over unnoticed by most writers: yet is to be found in
the composition of many words; especially such as are of Amonian original.
The tribe of Cush was styled by Manethon, before the passage was depraved,
Υκκουσος. Uch, says this author, in the sacred language of Egypt, signifies
a [165]king. Hence it was conferred as a title upon the God Sehor, who, as
we may infer from Manethon and [166]Hellanicus, was called Ucsiris, and
Icsiris; but by the later Greeks the name was altered to Isiris and Osiris.
And not only the God Sehor, or Sehoris was so expressed; but Cnas, or
Canaan, had the same title, and was styled Uc-Cnas, and the Gentile name or
possessive was Uc-cnaos, Υκ-κναος: το εθνικον γαρ Χναος, as we learn from
Stephanus. The Greeks, whose custom it was to reduce every foreign name to
something similar in their own language, changed Υκκναος to Κυκνειος, Uc
Cnaus to Cucneus; and from Υκ Κνας formed Κυκνος. Some traces of this word
still remain, though almost effaced; and may be observed in the name of the
Goddess Ichnaia. Instead of Uc-Cnaan the son of Ham, the Greeks have
substituted this personage in the feminine, whom they have represented as
the daughter of the Sun. She is mentioned in this light by Lycophron:
[167]Της Ἡλιου θυγατρος Ιχναιας βραβευς. They likewise changed Thamuz and
Thamas of Canaan and Egypt to Themis a feminine; and called her Ichnaia
Themis. She is so styled by Homer.

              [168]Θεαι δ' εσαν ενδοθι πασαι,
  Ὁσσαι αρισται εσαν, Διωνη τε, Ῥειη τε,
  Ιχναιη τε Θεμις, και αγαστονος Αμφιτριτη.

Ιχναια is here used adjectively. Ιχναια Θεμις signifies Themis, or Thamuz,
of [169]Canaan.

There was another circumstance, which probably assisted to carry on the
mistake: a Canaanitish temple was called both Ca-Cnas, and Cu-Cnas; and
adjectively[170] Cu-Cnaios; which terms there is reason to think were
rendered Κυκνος, and Κυκνειος. Besides all this, the swan was undoubtedly
the insigne of Canaan, as the eagle and vulture were of Egypt, and the dove
of Babylonia. It was certainly the hieroglyphic of the country. These were
the causes which contributed to the framing many idle legends, such as the
poets improved upon greatly. Hence it is observable, that wherever we may
imagine any colonies from Canaan to have settled and to have founded
temples, there is some story about swans: and the Greeks, in alluding to
their hymns, instead of Yκκναον ασμα, the music of Canaan, have introduced
κυκνειον ασμα, the singing of these birds: and, instead of the death of
Thamuz, lamented by the Cucnaans, or priests, they have made the swans sing
their own dirge, and foretell their own funeral. Wherever the Canaanites
came, they introduced their national worship; part of which, as I have
shewn, consisted in chanting hymns to the honour of their country God. He
was the same as Apollo of Greece: on which account, Lucian, in compliance
with the current notion, says, that the Cycni were formerly the assessors
and ministers of that Deity. By this we are to understand, that people of
this denomination were in antient times his priests. One part of the world,
where this notion about swans prevailed, was in Liguria, upon the banks of
the Eridanus. Here Phaëthon was supposed to have met with his downfal; and
here his brother Cycnus underwent the metamorphosis, of which we have
spoken. In these parts some Amonians settled very early; among whom it
appears that there were many from Canaan. They may be traced by the mighty
works which they carried on; for they drained the river towards its mouth,
and formed some vast canals, called Fossæ Philistinæ. Pliny, speaking of
the entrance into the Eridanus, says, [171]Indé ostia plana, Carbonaria, ac
fossiones Philistinæ, quod alii Tartarum vocant: omnia ex Philistinæ fossæ
abundatione nascentia. These canals were, undoubtedly the work of the
Canaanites, and particularly of some of the Caphtorim, who came from
Philistim: and hence these outlets of the river were named Philistinæ. The
river betrays its original in its name; for it has no relation to the
Celtic language, but is apparently of Egyptian or Canaanitish etymology.
This is manifest from the terms of which it is made up; for it is
compounded of Ur-Adon, sive Orus Adonis; and was sacred to the God of that
name. The river, simply, and out of composition, was Adon, or Adonis: and
it is to be observed, that this is the name of one of the principal rivers
in Canaan. It ran near the city Biblus, where the death of Thamuz was
particularly lamented. It is a circumstance taken notice of by many
authors, and most pathetically described by Milton.

          [172]Thammuz came next behind,
  Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur'd
  The Syrian damsels to lament his fate
  In amorous ditties all a summer's day:
  While smooth Adonis from his native rock
  Ran purple to the sea; suppos'd with blood
  Of Thammuz yearly wounded.

It is said that the Eridanus was so called first by [173]Pherecydes Syrus:
and that my etymology is true, may in great measure be proved from the
[174]Scholiast upon Aratus. He shews that the name was of Egyptian
original, at least consonant to the language of Egypt; for it was the same
as the Nile. It is certain that it occurred in the antient sphere of Egypt,
whence the Grecians received it. The great effusion of water in the
celestial sphere, which, Aratus says, was the Nile, is still called the
Eridanus: and, as the name was of oriental original, the purport of it must
be looked for among the people of those parts. The river Strymon, in
Thrace, was supposed to abound with swans, as much as the Eridanus; and the
antient name of this river was Palaestinus. It was so called from the
Amonians, who settled here under the name of Adonians, and who founded the
city Adonis. They were by the later Greeks styled, after the Iönic manner,
Edonians, and their city Edonis. [175]Στρυμων ποταμος εστι της Θρακης κατα
πολιν Ηδωνιδα, προσηγορευετο δε προτερον Παλαιστινος. _The Strymon is a
river of Thrace, which runs by the city Edonis: it was of old called the
river Palæstinus_. In these places, and in all others where any of the
Canaanites settled, the Grecians have introduced some story about swans.

Some of them seem to have gained access at Delphi; as did likewise others
from Egypt: and by such was that oracle first founded. Egypt, among other
names, was called Ait, and Ai Ait, by the Greeks expressed Αετια:
[176]Εκληθη δε--και ΑΕΤΙΑ. The natives, in consequence of it, were called
Αετιοι, and Αεται; which was interpreted eagles. Hence, we are told by
Plutarch, that some of the feathered kind, either eagles or swans, came
from the remote parts of the earth, and settled at Delphi. [177]Αετους
τινας, η Κυκνους, ω Τερεντιανε Πρισκε, μυθολογουσιν απο των ακρων της γης
επι το μεσον φερομενους εις ταυτο συμπεσειν Πυθοι περι τον καλουμενον
ομφαλον. These eagles and swans undoubtedly relate to colonies from Egypt
and Canaan. I recollect but one philosopher styled Cygnus; and, what is
remarkable, he was of Canaan. Antiochus, the Academic, mentioned by Cicero
in his philosophical works, and also by [178]Strabo, was of Ascaloun, in
Palestine; and he was surnamed Cygnus, the Swan: which name, as it is so
circumstanced, must, I think, necessarily allude to this country.

As in early times colonies went by the name of the Deity whom they
worshipped, or by the name of the insigne and hieroglyphic under which
their country was denoted, every depredation made by such people was placed
to the account of the Deity under such a device. This was the manner in
which poets described things: and, in those days, all wrote in measure.
Hence, instead of saying that the Egyptians, or Canaanites, or Tyrians,
landed and carried off such and such persons; they said, that it was done
by Jupiter, in the shape of an eagle, or a swan, or a bull: substituting an
eagle for Egypt, a swan for Canaan, and a bull for the city of [179]Tyre.
It is said of the Telchines, who were Amonian priests, that they came to
Attica under the conduct of Jupiter in the shape of an eagle.

  [180]Αιετος ἡγεμονευε δι αιθερος αντιτυπος Ζευς.

By which is meant, that they were Egyptian priests; and an eagle was
probably the device in their standard, as well as the insigne of their

Some of the same family were to be found among the Atlantes of Mauritania,
and are represented as having the shape of swans. Prometheus, in Æschylus,
speaks of them in the commission which he gives to Io: [181]_You must go_,
says he, _as far as the city Cisthene in the Gorgonian plains, where the
three Phorcides reside; those antient, venerable ladies, who are in the
shape of swans, and have but one eye, of which they make use in common._
This history relates to an Amonian temple founded in the extreme parts of
Africa; in which there were three priestesses of Canaanitish race; who, on
that account, are said to be in the shape of swans. The notion of their
having but one eye among them took its rise from an hieroglyphic very
common in Egypt, and probably in Canaan: this was the representation of an
eye, which was said to be engraved upon the pediment of their [182]temples.
As the land of Canaan lay so opportunely for traffic, and the emigrants
from most parts went under their conduct, their history was well known.
They navigated the seas very early, and were necessarily acquainted with
foreign regions; to which they must at one time have betaken themselves in
great numbers, when they fled before the sons of Israel. In all the places
where they settled they were famous for their hymns and music; all which
the Greeks have transferred to birds, and supposed that they were swans who
were gifted with this harmony. Yet, sweet as their notes are said to have
been, there is not, I believe, a person upon record who was ever a witness
to it. It is, certainly, all a fable. When, therefore, Plutarch tells us
that Apollo was pleased with the music of swans, [183]μουσικῃ τε ἡδεται,
και κυκνων φωναις; and when Æschylus mentions their singing their own
dirges; they certainly allude to Egyptian and Canaanitish priests, who
lamented the death of Adon and Osiris. And this could not be entirely a
secret to the Grecians, for they seem often to refer to some such notion.
Socrates termed swans his fellow-servants: in doing which he alluded to the
antient priests, styled Cycni. They were people of the choir, and
officiated in the temples of the same Deities; whose servant he professed
himself to be. Hence Porphyry assures us, [184]Ὁυ παιζων ὁμοδουλους αυτου
ελεγεν τους κυκνους (Σοκρατης), _that Socrates was very serious when he
mentioned swans as his fellow-servants._ When, therefore, Aristophanes
speaks of the [185]Delian and Pythian swans, they are the priests of those
places, to whom he alludes. And when it is said by Plato, that the soul of
Orpheus, out of disgust to womankind, led the life of a [186]swan, the
meaning certainly is, that he retired from the world to some cloister, and
lived a life of celibacy, like a priest. For the priests of many countries,
but particularly of Egypt, were recluses, and devoted themselves to
[187]celibacy: hence monkery came originally from Egypt. Lycophron, who was
of Egypt, and skilled in antient terms, styles Calchas, who was the priest
of Apollo, a swan. [188]Μολοσσου κυπεως κοιτου κυκνον. These epithets, the
Scholiast tells us, belong to Apollo; and Calchas is called a swan, δια το
γηραιον, και μαντικον: _because he was an old prophet and priest_. Hence,
at the first institution of the rites of Apollo, which is termed the birth
of the Deity, at Delos, it is said that many swans came from the coast of
Asia, and went round the island for the space of seven days.

              [189]Κυκνοι δε θεου μελποντες αοιδοι
  Μηονιον Πακτωλον εκυκλωσαντο λιποντες
  Ἑβδομακις περι Δηλον· επηεισαν δε λοχειῃ
  Μουσαων ορνιθες, αοιδοτατοι πετεηνων.

The whole of this relates to a choir of priests, who came over to settle at
Delos, and to serve in the newly erected temple. They circled the island
seven times; because seven, of old, was looked upon as a mysterious and
sacred number.

  [190]Ἑβδομη ειν αγαθοις, και ἑβδομη εστι γενεθλη.
  Ἑβδομη εν πρωτοισι, και ἑβδομη εστι τελειη.
  Ἑβδοματῃ δη ὁι τετελεσμενα παντα τετυκται.
  Ἑπτα δε παντα τετυκται εν ουρανῳ αστεροεντι.

The birds in the island of Diomedes, which were said to have been
originally companions of that hero, were undoubtedly priests, and of the
same race as those of whom I have been treating. They are represented as
gentle to good men, and averse to those who are bad. Ovid describes their
shape and appearance: [191]Ut non cygnorum, sic albis proxima cygnis;
which, after what has been said, may, I think, be easily understood.

If then the harmony of swans, when spoken of, not only related to something
quite foreign, but in reality did not of itself exist, it may appear
wonderful that the antients should so universally give into the notion. For
not only the poets, but [192]Plato, Plutarch, Cicero, Pliny, with many
others of high rank, speak of it as a circumstance well known. But it is to
be observed, that none of them speak from their own experience: nor are
they by any means consistent in what they say. Some mention this singing as
a general faculty; which was exerted at all times: others limit it to
particular seasons, and to particular places. Aristotle seems to confine it
to the seas of [193]Africa: [194]Aldrovandus says, that it may be heard
upon the Thames near London. The account given by Aristotle is very
remarkable. He says, that mariners, whose course lay through the Libyan
sea, have often met with swans, and heard them singing in a melancholy
strain: and upon a nearer approach, they could perceive that some of them
were dying, from whom the harmony proceeded. Who would have expected to
have found swans swimming in the salt sea, in the midst of the
Mediterranean? There is nothing that a Grecian would not devise in support
of a favourite error. The legend from beginning to end is groundless: and
though most speak of the music of swans as exquisite; yet some absolutely
deny [195]the whole of it; and others are more moderate in their
commendations. The watermen in Lucian give the preference to a jackdaw: but
Antipater in some degree dissents, and thinks that the swan has the

  [196]Λωιτερος κυκνων μικρος θροος, ηε κολοιων

And Lucretius confesses, that the screaming of a crane is not quite so

  [197]Parvus ut est, Cygni melior canor, ille gruum quam

Which however is paying them no great compliment. To these respectable
personages I must add the evidence of a modern; one too of no small repute,
even the great Scaliger. He says, that he made a strict scrutiny about this
affair, when in Italy; and the result of his observations was this:
[198]Ferrariæ multos (cygnos) vidimus, sed cantores sane malos, neque
melius ansere canere.

       *       *       *       *       *



The Egyptians were very famous for geometrical knowledge: and as all the
flat part of their country was annually overflowed, it is reasonable to
suppose that they made use of this science to determine their lands, and to
make out their several claims, at the retreat of the waters. Many indeed
have thought, that the confusion of property, which must for a while have
prevailed, gave birth to practical [199]geometry, in order to remedy the
evil: and in consequence of it, that charts and maps were first delineated
in this country. These, we may imagine, did not relate only to private
demesnes: but included also the course of the Nile in its various branches;
and all the sea coast, and its inlets, with which lower Egypt was bounded.

It is very certain, that the people of Colchis, who were a colony from
Egypt, had charts of this sort, with written descriptions of the seas and
shores, whithersoever they traded: and they at one time carried on a most
extensive commerce. We are told, says the [200]Scholiast upon Apollonius,
that the Colchians still retain the laws and customs of their forefathers:
and they have pillars of stone, upon which are engraved maps of the
continent, and of the ocean: Εισι δε, φησι, και νομοι παρ' αυτοις των
Προγωνον, και Στηλαι, εν ἁις γης και θαλασσης αναγραφαι εισι. The poet,
upon whom the above writer has commented, calls these pillars, κυρβεις:
which, we are told, were of a square figure, like obelisks: and on these,
he says, were delineated all the passages of the sea; and the boundaries of
every country upon the earth.

  [201]Ὁι δη τοι γραπτας πατερων ἑθεν ειρυονται
  Κυρβεας, ὁις ενι πασαι ὁδοι, και πειρατ' εασιν
  Ὑγρης τε, τραφερης τε, περιξ επινεισσομενοισιν.

These delineations had been made of old, and transmitted to the Colchians
by their forefathers; which forefathers were from [202]Egypt.

If then the Colchians had this science, we may presume that their mother
country possessed it in as eminent a degree: and we are assured, that they
were very knowing in this article. Clemens Alexandrinus [203]mentions, that
there were maps of Egypt, and charts of the Nile very early. And we are
moreover told, that Sesostris (by which is meant the Sethosians) drew upon
boards schemes of all the countries, which he had traversed: and copies of
these were given both to [204]the Egyptians, and to the Scythians, who held
them in high estimation. This is a curious account of the first delineation
of countries, and origin of maps; which were first described upon
[205]pillars. We may from hence be enabled to solve the enigma concerning
Atlas, who is said to have supported the heavens upon his shoulders. This
took its rise from some verses in Homer, which have been strangely
misconstrued. The passage is in the Odyssey; where the poet is speaking of
Calypso, who is said to be the daughter of Atlas, ολοοφρονος, a person of
deep and recondite knowledge:

  [206]Ατλαντος θυγατηρ ολοοφρονος, ὁστε θαλασσης
  Πασης βενθεα οιδεν, εχει δε τε ΚΙΟΝΑΣ αυτος
  Μακρας, ἁι Γαιαν τε και Ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν.

It is to be observed, that when the antients speak of the feats of
Hercules, we are to understand the Herculeans; under the name of Cadmus is
meant the Cadmians; under that of Atlas, the Atlantians. With this
allowance how plain are the words of Homer! The [207]Atlantians settled in
Phrygia and Mauritania; and, like the Colchians, were of the family of Ham.
They had great experience in sea affairs: and the poet tells us, that they
knew all the soundings in the great deep.

                  Εχει δε τε Κιονας αυτος
  Μακρας, ἁι Γαιην τε και Ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν.

_They had also long pillars, or obelisks, which referred to the sea; and
upon which was delineated the whole system both of heaven and earth_;
αμφις, _all around, both on the front of the obelisk, and on the other
sides_. Κιονες Κοσμου were certainly maps, and histories of the universe;
in the knowledge of which the Atlantians seem to have instructed their
brethren the Herculeans. The Grecians, in their accounts, by putting one
person for a people, have rendered the history obscure; which otherwise
would be very intelligible. There is a passage in Eusebius, which may be
rendered very plain, and to the purpose, if we make use of the clue
above-mentioned. [208]Ἡροδοτος δε λεγει τον Ηρακλεα μαντιν και φυσικον
γενομενον παρα Ατλαντος του Βαρβαρου του Φρυγος διαδεχεσθαι τας του Κοσμου
Κιονας. This may be paraphrased in the following manner; and with such
latitude will be found perfectly consonant to the truth. _The Herculeans
were a people much given to divination, and to the study of nature. Great
part of their knowledge they are thought to have had transmitted to them
from those Atlantians, who settled in Phrygia, especially the history of
the earth and heavens; for all such knowledge the Atlantians had of old
consigned to pillars and obelisks in that country: and from them it was
derived to the Herculeans, or Heraclidæ, of Greece._ The Atlantians were
esteemed by the Grecians as barbarous: but they were in reality of the same
family. Their chief ancestor was the father of the Peleiadæ, or Ionim; of
whom I shall hereafter have much to say: and was the supposed brother of
Saturn. The Hellenes, though they did not always allow it, were undoubtedly
of his race. This may be proved from Diodorus Siculus, who gives this
curious history of the Peleiadæ, his offspring. [209]Ταυτας δε μιγεισας
τοις ευφυεστατοις Ἡρωσι και Θεοις αρχηγους καταστηναι του πλειστου γενους
τον ανθρωπων, τεκουσας τους δι' αρετην Θεους και Ἡρωας
ονομασθεντας.--Παραπλησεως δε και τας αλλας Ατλαντιδας γεννησαι παιδας
επιφανεις, ὡν τους μεν εθνων, τους δε πολεων γενεσθαι κτιστας· διοπερ ου
μονον παρ' ενιοις των Βαρβαρων, αλλα και παρα τοις Ἑλλησι τους πλειστους
των αρχαιοτατων Ἡρωων εις ταυτας αναφερειν το γενος. _These daughters of
Atlas, by their connections and marriages with the most illustrious heroes,
and divinities, may be looked up to as the heads of most families upon
earth. And from them proceeded all those, who upon account of their
eminence were in aftertimes esteemed Gods and Heroes_. And having spoken of
Maia, and her offspring, the author proceeds to tell us, that _the other
Atlantides in like manner gave birth to a most noble race: some of whom
were the founders of nations; and others the builders of cities: insomuch
that most of the more antient heroes, not only of those abroad, who were
esteemed Barbari, but even of the Helladians, claimed their ancestry from
them_. And they received not only their ancestry, but their knowledge also,
του κοσμου κιονας; all the celestial and terrestrial phenomena, which had
been entrusted to the sacred pillars of the Atlantes, ἁι γαιην τε και
ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν, which contained descriptions both of the heavens,
and the earth. From Phrygia they came at last to Hellas, where they were
introduced by Anaximander, who is said, [210]Εσδουναι πρωτον γεωγραφικον
πινακα, _to have been the first who introduced a geographical chart_: or,
as Laertius expresses it, [211]Γης και Θαλαττης περιμετρον, _the
circumference of the terraqueous globe delineated_.

Though the origin of maps may be deduced from Egypt, yet they were not the
native Egyptians, by whom they were first constructed. Delineations of this
nature were the contrivance of the Cuthites, or Shepherds. They were, among
other titles, styled Saïtæ; and from them both astronomy and geometry were
introduced in those parts. They, with immense labour, drained the lower
provinces; erected stupendous buildings; and raised towers at the mouths of
the river, which were opportunely situated for navigation. For, though the
Mizraim were not addicted to commerce, yet it was followed by other
families besides the Cuthites, who occupied the lower provinces towards the
sea. The towers which were there raised served for lighthouses, and were,
at the same time, temples, denominated from some title of the Deity, such
as Canoph, Caneph, Cneph; also Perses, Proteus, Phanes, and Canobus. They
were on both accounts much resorted to by mariners, and enriched with
offerings. Here were deposited charts of the coast, and of the navigation
of the Nile, which were engraved on pillars, and in aftertimes sketched out
upon the Nilotic Papyrus. There is likewise reason to think that they were
sometimes delineated upon walls. This leads me to take notice of a passage
from Pherecydes Syrus, which seems to allude to something of this nature:
though, I believe, in his short detail that he has misrepresented the
author from whom he copied. He is said, by Theopompus, [212]πρωτον περι της
φυσεως, και Θεων, Ἑλλησι γραφειν, _to have been the first who wrote for the
benefit of his countrymen about nature and the Gods_. Suidas [213]mentions,
that he composed a theogony; all which knowledge, we are assured, came from
Egypt. It is certain that he studied in that[214] country; whence we may
conclude, that the following history is Egyptian. He says, that Zas, or
Jupiter, composed a large and curious robe, upon which he described the
earth, and the ocean, and the habitations upon the ocean. [215]Ζας ποιει
φαρος μεγα τε, και καλον, και εν αυτῳ ποικιλλει Γην, και Ωγηνον, και τα
Ωγηνου δωματα. Now, Zas, or, as it should be rendered, Zan, was the Dorian
title of Amon. And Ogenus, the Ocean, was the most antient name of the
Nile; whence the Grecians borrowed their Oceanus. [216]Ὁι γαρ Αιγυπτιοι
νομιζουσιν ωκεανον ειναι τον παρ' αυτοις ποταμον Νειλον. _The Egyptians, by
the term Oceanus, understand their own river Nilus_. The same author, in
another place, calls this river Oceames[217]. Τον δε ποταμον αρχαιοτατον
μεν ονομα σχειν Ωκεαμην, ὁς εστιν Ἑλλενιστι ωκεανος. The former term,
Ogenus, whence the Greeks borrowed their Oceanus, was a compound of
Oc-Gehon, and Avas originally rendered Ogehonus. It signifies the noble
Gehon, and is a name taken from one of the rivers of Paradise. The Nile was
sometimes called simply Gehon, as we learn from the author of the Chronicon
Paschale. [218]Εχει δε (ἡ Αιγυπτος) ποταμον Γηων--Νειλον καλουμενον. It was
probably a name given by the Cuthites, from whom, as will be hereafter
shewn, the river Indus had the name of Phison. [219]Ποταμοι ονομαστοι
Ινδος, ὁ και Φεισων, Νειλος, ὁ και Γηων. _The two most celebrated rivers
are the Indus, the same as the Phison, and the Nile, which is called the
Gehon._ The river, also, of Colchis, rendered Phasis, and Phasin, was,
properly, the Phison. The Nile, being of old styled Oc-Gehon, and having
many branches, or arms, gave rise to the fable of the sea monster Ægeon,
whom Ovid represents as supporting himself upon the whales of the ocean.

              [220]Balænarumque prementem
  Ægæona suis immania terga lacertis.

The Scholiast upon Lycophron informs us farther, that the river had three
names; and imagines that upon this account it was called Triton.
[221]Τριτων ὁ Νειλος, ὁτι τρις μετωνομασθη· προτερον γαρ Ωκεανος αν
εκαλειτο, δευτερον Αετος·--το δε Νειλος νεον εστι. I shall not at present
controvert his etymology. Let it suffice, that we are assured, both by this
author and by others, that the Nile was called Oceanus: and what is alluded
to by Pherecydes is certainly a large map or chart. The robe of which he
speaks was indeed a Pharos, Φαρος; but a Pharus of a different nature from
that which he describes. It was a building, a temple, which was not
constructed by the Deity, but dedicated to him. It was one of those towers
of which I have before treated; in which were described upon the walls, and
otherwise delineated, Ωγηνος και Ωγηνου δωματα, the course of the Gehon, or
Nile; and the towns and houses upon that river.

I imagine that the shield of Achilles, in Homer, was copied from something
of this sort which the poet had seen in Egypt: for Homer is continually
alluding to the customs, as well as to the history, of that kingdom. And,
it is evident, that what he describes on the central part of the shield, is
a map of the earth, and of the celestial appearances.

  [222]Εν μεν Γαιαν ετευξ', εν δ' Ουρανον, εν δε θαλασσαν.
  Εν δ' ετιθει ΠΟΤΑΜΟΙΟ μεγα σθενος ΩΚΕΑΝΟΙΟ.

The antients loved to wrap up every thing in mystery and fable: they have
therefore described Hercules, also, with a robe of this sort:

  [223]Ποικιλον ἑιμα φερων, τυπον Αιθερος, εικονα Κοσμου:

_He was invested with a robe, which was a type of the heavens, and a
representation of the whole world._

The garment of Thetis, which the poets mention as given her upon her
supposed marriage with Peleus, was a Pharos of the same kind as that
described above. We may learn, from Catullus, who copied the story, that
the whole alluded to an historical picture preserved in some tower; and
that it referred to matters of great antiquity, though applied by the
Greeks to later times, and ascribed to people of their own nation.

  [224]Pulvinar vero Divæ geniale locatur
  Sedibus in mediis; Indo quod dente politum
  Tincta tegit roseo conchylis purpura fuco.
  Hæc vestis priscis hominum variata figuris
  Heroum mirâ virtutes indicat arte.

It contained a description of some notable achievements in the first ages;
and a particular account of the Apotheosis of Ariadne, who is described,
whatever may be the meaning of it, as carried by Bacchus to heaven. The
story is said to have been painted on a robe, or coverlet; because it was
delineated upon a Pharos: that word being equivocal, and to be taken in
either sense. And here I cannot but take notice of the inconsistency of the
Greeks, who make Theseus a partaker in this history; and suppose him to
have been acquainted with Ariadne. If we may credit Plutarch[225], Theseus,
as soon as he was advanced towards manhood, went, by the advice of his
mother Æthra, from Trœzen, in quest of his father Ægeus at Athens. This was
some years after the Argonautic expedition; when Medea had left Jason, and
put herself under the protection of this same Ægeus. After having been
acknowledged by his father, Theseus went upon his expedition to Crete;
where he is said to have first seen Ariadne, and to have carried her away.
All this, I say, was done after Jason had married Medea, and had children
by her; and after she had left him and was come to Athens. But the story of
Ariadne, in the above specimen, is mentioned as a fact of far older date.
It was prior to the arrival of Medea in Greece, and even to the Argonautic
expedition. It is spoken of as a circumstance of the highest antiquity:
consequently, [226]Theseus could not any ways be concerned in it.

There, is an account in Nonnus of a robe, or Pharos, which Harmonia is
supposed to have worn when she was visited by the Goddess of beauty. There
was delineated here, as in some above mentioned, the earth, and the
heavens, with all the stars. The sea, too, and the rivers, were
represented; and the whole was, at the bottom, surrounded by the ocean.

  [227]Πρωτην Γαιαν επασσε μεσομφαλον, αμφι δε γαιῃ
  Ουρανον εσφαιρωσε τυπῳ κεχαραγμενον αστρων.
  Συμφερτην δε θαλασσαν εφηρμοσε συζυγι Γαιῃ,
  Και ποταμους ποικιλλεν· επ' ανδρομεῳ δε μετωπῳ
  Ταυροφυης μορφουτο κερασφορος εγχλοος εικων.
  Και πυματην παρα πεζαν εϋκλωστοιο χιτωνος
  Ωκεανος κυκλωσε περιδρομον αντυγα Κοσμου.

All this relates to a painting, either at Sidon or Berytus; which was
delineated in a tower, or temple, sacred to Hermon.

Orpheus alludes to a Pharos of this sort, and to the paintings and
furniture of it, in his description of the robes with which Apollo, or
Dionusus, is invested. He speaks of them as the same Deity.

  [228]Ταυτα δε παντα τελειν ἱερᾳ σκευῃ πυκασαντα,
  Σωμα θεου πλαττειν περιαυγους Ηελιοιο.
  Πρωτα μεν αργυφεαις εναλιγκιον ακτινεσσι
  Πεπλον φοινικεον, πυρι εικελον, αμφιβαλεσθαι.
  Αυταρ ὑπερθε νεβροιο παναιολου ἑυρυ καθαψαι
  Δερμα πολυστικτον θηρος κατα δεξιον ωμον,
  Αστρων δαιδαλεων μιμημ', ἱερου τε πολοιο.
  Ειτα δ' ὑπερθε νεβρης χρυσεον ζωστηρα βαλεσθαι,
  Παμφανοωντα, περιξ στερνων φορεειν, μεγα σημα.
  Ευθυς, ὁτ' εκ περατων γαιης Φαεθων ανορουσων
  Χρυσειαις ακτισι βαλῃ ῥοον Ωκεανοιο,
  Αυγη δ' ασπετος ῃ, ανα δε δροσῳ αμφιμιγεισα,
  Μαρμαιρῃ δινῃσιν ἑλισσομενη κατα κυκλον
  Προσθε θεου, ζωνε δ' αρ' ὑπο στερνων αμετρητων
  Φαινετ' αρ' ωκεανου κυκλος, μεγα θαυμ' εσιδεσθαι.

When the poet has thus adorned the Deity, we find, towards the conclusion,
that these imaginary robes never shew to such advantage as in the morning.
_When the sun_, says he, _rises from the extremities of the earth, and
enlightens the ocean with his horizontal rays; then they appear in great
splendour, which is increased by the morning dew._ All this investiture of
the Deity relates to the earth and the heavens, which were delineated upon
a [229]skin, δερμα πολυστικτον θηρος, styled πεπλον. This is described,
Αστρων δαιδαλεων μιμημ', ἱερου τε πολοιο: _as a copy and imitation of all
the celestial appearances_. The whole was deposited in a Pharos upon the
sea shore, upon which the sun, at his rising, darted his early rays; and
whose turrets glittered with the dew: Ὑπο στερνων αμετρητων φαινετ' αρ'
ωκεανου κυκλος: from the upper story of the tower, which was of an
unmeasurable height, there was an unlimited view of the ocean. This vast
element surrounded the edifice like a zone; and afforded a wonderful
phænomenon. Such, I imagine, is the solution of the enigma.

       *       *       *       *       *


I have taken notice of the fears and apprehensions, under which the first
navigators must necessarily have been, when they traversed unknown seas;
and were liable to be entangled among the rocks, and shelves of the deep:
and I mentioned the expedients of which they made use to obviate such
difficulties, and to render the coast less dangerous. They built upon every
hill, and promontory, where they had either commerce or settlement,
obelisks, and towers, which they consecrated to some Deity. These served in
a twofold capacity, both as seamarks by day, and for beacons by night. And
as people in those times made only coasting voyages, they continually went
on shore with offerings, in order to gain the assistance of the God,
whoever there presided; for these towers were temples, and oftentimes
richly furnished and endowed. They were built sometimes on artificial
mounds; but generally on natural eminences, that they might be seen at a
great distance. They were called by the Amonians, who first erected them,
[230]Tar, and Tor; the same as the תור of the Chaldees, which signified
both a hill and tower. They were oftentimes compounded, and styled Tor-Is,
or fire towers: on account of the light which they exhibited, and the fires
which were preserved in them. Hence came the turris of the Romans; and the
τυρις, τυῤῥις, τυρσις, τυρσος, of the Greeks. The latter, when the word Tor
occurred in antient history, often changed it to ταυρος, a bull; and
invented a number of idle stories in consequence of this change. The Ophite
God Osiris, the same as Apollo, was by the Amonians styled Oph-El, and
Ope-El: and there was upon the Sinus Persicus a city Opis, where his rites
were observed. There seems likewise to have been a temple sacred to him,
named Tor-Opel; which the Greeks rendered Ταυροπολος. Strabo speaks of such
an oracular temple; and says, that it was in the island Icaria, towards the
mouth of the Tigris: [231]Νησον Ικαριον, και ἱερον Απολλωνος ἁγιον εν αυτῃ,
και μαντειον Ταυροπολου. Here, instead of Osiris, or Mithras, the serpent
Deity, the author presents us with Apollo, the manager of bulls.

One of the principal and most antient settlements of the Amonians upon the
ocean was at Gades; where a prince was supposed to have reigned, named
Geryon. The harbour at Gades was a very fine one; and had several Tor, or
Towers to direct shipping: and as it was usual to imagine the Deity, to
whom the temple was erected, to have been the builder, this temple was said
to have been built by Hercules. All this the Grecians took to themselves:
they attributed the whole to the hero of Thebes: and as he was supposed to
conquer wherever he came, they made him subdue Geryon; and changing the
Tor, or Towers, into so many head of cattle, they [232]describe him as
leading them off in triumph over the Pyranees and Alpes, to Hetruria, and
so on to Calabria. From thence, for what reason we know not, he swims them
over to Messana in Sicily: and after some stay he swims with them through
the sea back again, all the while holding by one of their horns. The bulls
of Colchis, with which Jason was supposed to have engaged, were probably of
the same nature and original. The people of this country were Amonians, and
had once a [233]mighty trade; for the security of which they erected at the
entrance of the Phasis towers. These served both as light-houses, and
temples; and were sacred to Adorus. They were on this account called
Tynador, whence the Greeks formed Tyndarus, Tyndaris, and Tyndaridæ. They
were built after some, which stood near the city [234]Parætonium of Egypt;
and they are alluded to by the geographer Dionysius:

  [235]Παρ δε μυχον Ποντοιο, μετα χθονα Τυνδαριδαων,
  Κολχοι ναιεταουσιν επηλυδες Αιγυπτοιο.

Colchis was styled Cutaia, and had been early occupied by the sons of Chus.
The chief city, whence the country has been in general denominated, was
from its situation called Cal-Chus, and Col-Chus, the hill, or place of
Chus. This by the Greeks was rendered Colchis: but as travellers are not
uniform in expressing foreign terms, some have rendered what was Colchian,
Chalcian, and from Colchus they have formed Χαλκος, brass. The Chalcian
towers being moreover interpreted ταυροι, bulls, a story took its rise
about the brazen bulls of Colchis. Besides this, there was in these towers
a constant fire kept up for the direction of ships by night: whence the
bulls were said to breath fire.

We however sometimes meet with sacred towers, which were really denominated
Tauri from the worship of the mystic bull, the same as the Apis, and Mneuis
of Egypt. Such was probably the temple of Minotaurus in Crete, where the
[236]Deity was represented under an emblematical figure; which consisted of
the body of a man with the head of a bull. In Sicily was a promontory
Taurus, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus; which was called also Tauromenium.
He acquaints us, that Hanno the Carthaginian sent his Admiral with orders
παραπλειν επι τον λοφον καλουμενον Ταυρον, _to sail along the coast to the
promontory named Taurus_. This Taurus, he thinks, was afterwards named
Ταυρομενιον, Tauromenium, from the people who settled, and [237]remained
there: as if this were the only place in the world where people settled and
remained. It was an antient compound, and no part of it of Grecian
[238]original. Tauromenium is the same as Menotaurium reversed: and the
figure of the Deity was varied exactly in the same manner; as is apparent
from the coins and engravings which have been found in Sicily. The Minotaur
is figured as a man with the head of a bull; the Tauromen as a bull with
the face of a [239]man.

Among the [240]Hetrurians this term seems to have been taken in a more
enlarged sense; and to have signified a city, or town fortified. When they
settled in Italy, they founded many places of strength; and are reputed to
have been the first who introduced the art of fortification. [241]Τυρσηνοι
πρωτον εφευρον την τειχοποιϊαν. Hence the word Tar, and Tur, is often found
in the composition of names, which relate to people of this country. They
worshipped the Sun, styled Zan, and Zeen; whose temples were called
Tur-Zeen: and in consequence of it one of the principal names by which
their country was distinguished, was Turzenia. The Scholiast upon Lycophron
mentions it as [242]Χωραν απο Τυρσηνου κληθεισαν Τυρσηνιαν, _a region,
which from Tur-Seen was named Tursenia_. The Poet above takes notice of two
persons by the names of Tarchon, and Turseen. [243]Ταρχων τε, και Τυρσηνος,
αιθωνες λυκοι. From Tarchon there was a city and district named
[244]Tarcunia; from whence came the family of the Tarquins, or Tarquinii,
so well known in the history of [245]Rome. The Amonians esteemed every
emanation of light a fountain; and styled it Ain, and Aines: and as they
built lighthouses upon every island and insular promontory, they were in
consequence of it called Aines, Agnes, Inis, Inesos, Nesos, Nees: and this
will be found to obtain in many different countries and languages. The
Hetrurians occupied a large tract of sea-coast; on which account they
worshipped Poseidon: and one of their principal cities was Poseidonium.
They erected upon their shores towers and beacons for the sake of their
navigation, which they called Tor-ain: whence they had a still farther
denomination of Tur-aini, and their country was named Tur-ainia; the
Τυῤῥηνια of the later Greeks. All these appellations are from the same
object, the edifices which they erected: even Hetruria seems to have been a
compound of Ai-tur; and to have signified the land of Towers. Another name
for buildings of this nature was Turit, or Tirit; which signified a tower
or turret. I have often mentioned that temples have been mistaken for
Deities, and places for persons. We have had an instance of this above;
where Tarchon, and Tursenus are supposed to have been founders of colonies.
Torone was a place in Macedonia; and signifies literally the Tower of the
Sun. The Poets have formed out of it a female personage; and supposed her
to have been the wife of [246]Proteus. So Amphi-Tirit is merely an oracular
tower. This too has by the Poets been changed to a female, Amphitrite; and
made the wife of Neptune. The name of Triton is a contraction of Tirit-On;
and signifies the tower of the Sun, like Torone: but a Deity was framed
from it, who was supposed to have had the appearance of a man upwards, but
downwards to have been like a fish. From this emblematical representation
we may judge of the figure of the real Deity; and be assured that it could
be no other than that of Atargatis and Dagon. The [247]Hetrurians were
thought to have been the inventors of trumpets: and in their towers upon
the sea-coast there were people appointed to be continually upon the watch
both by day and night; and to give a proper signal, if any thing happened
extraordinary. This was done by a blast from the trumpet; and Triton was
hence feigned to have been Neptune's trumpeter. He is accordingly described
by Nonnus,

  [248]Τυρσηνης Βαρυδουπον εχων σαλπιγγα θαλασσης·

_as possessing the deep toned trumpet of the Hetrurian main_. However in
early times these brazen instruments were but little known: and people were
obliged to make use of what was near at hand, the conchs of the sea, which
every strand afforded. By sounding these, they gave signals from the top of
the towers when any ship appeared: and this is the implement with which
Triton is more commonly furnished. The antients divided the night into
different watches; the last of which was called cockcrow: and in
consequence of this they kept a cock in their Tirat, or Towers, to give
notice of the dawn. Hence this bird was sacred to the Sun, and named
Alector, Αλεκτωρ: which seems to be a compound out of the titles of that
Deity, and of the tower set apart for his service: for all these towers
were temples. Those styled Tritonian were oracular; as we may infer from
the application made by the Argonauts. What Homer attributes to Proteus,
Pindar ascribes to Triton. [249]Μαντευεται δε ὡς παρ' Ομηρῳ Πρωτευς, και
παρα Πινδαρῳ Τριτων τοις Αργοναυταις. Pausanias mentions a tradition of a
[250]Triton near Tanagra, who used to molest women, when they were bathing
in the sea; and who was guilty of other acts of violence. He was at last
found upon the beach overpowered with wine; and there slain. This Triton
was properly a Tritonian, a priest of one of these temples: for the priests
appear to have been great tyrants, and oftentimes very brutal. This person
had used the natives ill; who took advantage of him, when overpowered with
liquor, and put him to death.

The term Tor, in different parts of the world, occurs sometimes a little
varied. Whether this happened through mistake, or was introduced for
facility of utterance, is uncertain. The temple of the Sun, Tor Heres, in
Phenicia was rendered Τριηρης, Trieres; the promontory Tor-Ope-On, in
Caria, Triopon; Tor-Hamath, in Cyprus, Trimathus; Tor-Hanes, in India,
Trinesia; Tor-Chom, or Chomus, in Palestine, Tricomis. In antient times the
title of Anac was often conferred upon the Deities; and their temples were
styled Tor-Anac, and Anac-Tor. The city Miletus was named [251]Anactoria:
and there was an Heroüm at Sparta called Ανακτορον, Anactoron; where Castor
and Pollux had particular honours, who were peculiarly styled Anactes. It
was from Tor-Anac that Sicily was denominated Trinacis and Trinacia. This,
in process of time, was still farther changed to Trinacria; which name was
supposed to refer to the triangular form of the island. But herein was a
great mistake; for, the more antient name was Trinacia, as is manifest from

  [252]Ὁπποτε δη πρωτον πελασῃς ευεργεα νηα
  Τρινακιῃ νησῳ.

And the name, originally, did not relate to the island in general, but to a
part only, and that a small district near Ætna. This spot had been occupied
by the first inhabitants, the Cyclopians, Lestrygons, and Sicani: and it
had this name from some sacred tower which they built. Callimachus calls
it, mistakenly, Trinacria, but says that it was near Ætna, and a portion of
the antient Sicani.

                  [253]Αυε δ' αρ' Αιτνα,
  Αυε δε Τρινακριη Σικανων ἑδος.

The island Rhodes was called [254]Trinacia, which was not triangular: so
that the name had certainly suffered a variation, and had no relation to
any figure. The city Trachin, Τραχιν, in Greece, was properly Tor-chun,
turris sacra vel regia, like Tarchon in Hetruria. Chun and Chon were
titles, said peculiarly to belong to Hercules: [255]Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα
τον Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον Κωνα λεγεσθαι. We accordingly find that this place
was sacred to Hercules; that it was supposed to have been [256]founded by
him; and that it was called [257]Heraclea.

I imagine that the trident of Poseidon was a mistaken implement; as it does
not appear to have any relation to the Deity to whom it has been by the
Poets appropriated. Both the towers on the sea-coast, and the beacons,
which stood above them, had the name of Tor-ain. This the Grecians changed
to Triaina, Τριαινα, and supposed it to have been a three-pronged fork. The
beacon, or Torain, consisted of an iron or brazen frame, wherein were three
or four tines, which stood up upon a circular basis of the same metal. They
were bound with a hoop; and had either the figures of Dolphins, or else
foliage in the intervals between them. These filled up the vacant space
between the tines, and made them capable of holding the combustible matter
with which they were at night filled. This instrument was put upon a high
pole, and hung sloping sea-ward over the battlements of the tower, or from
the stern of a ship: with this they could maintain, either a smoke by day,
or a blaze by night. There was a place in Argos named [258]Triaina, which
was supposed to have been so called from the trident of Neptune. It was
undoubtedly a tower, and the true name Tor-ain; as may be shewn from the
history with which it is attended. For it stood near a fountain, though a
fountain of a different nature from that of which we have been speaking.
The waters of Amumone rose here: which Amumone is a variation from Amim-On,
_the waters of the Sun_. The stream rose close to the place, which was
named Tor-ain, from its vicinity to the fountain.

[Illustration: A _The ancient Tower at Torone_
B _Tower of Cronus in Sicily_]

[Illustration: _Ancient Triainæ_]

Cerberus was the name of a place, as well as Triton and Torone, though
esteemed the dog of hell. We are told by [259]Eusebius, from Plutarch, that
Cerberus was the Sun: but the term properly signified the temple, or place,
of the Sun. The great luminary was styled by the Amonians both Or and Abor;
that is, _light_, and _the parent of light:_ and Cerberus is properly
Kir-Abor, the place of that Deity. The same temple had different names,
from the diversity of the God's titles who was there worshipped. It was
called TorCaph-El; which was changed to τρικεφαλος, just as Cahen-Caph-El
was rendered κυνοκεφαλος: and Cerberus was hence supposed to have had three
heads. It was also styled Tor-Keren, Turris Regia; which suffered a like
change with the word above, being expressed τρικαρηνος: and Cahen Ades, or
Cerberus, was hence supposed to have been a triple-headed monster. That
these idle figments took their rise from names of places, ill expressed and
misinterpreted, may be proved from Palæphatus. He abundantly shews that the
mistake arose hence, though he does not point out precisely the mode of
deviation. He first speaks of Geryon, who was supposed to have had three
heads, and was thence styled τρικεφαλος. [260]Ην δε τοιονδε τουτο· πολις
εστιν εν τῳ Ευξινῳ ποντῳ Τρικαρηνια καλουμενη κλ. _The purport of the fable
about Geryones is this: There was, upon the Pontus Euxinus, a city named
Tricarenia; and thence came the history_ Γηρυονου του Τρικαρηνου, _of
Geryon the Tricarenian; which was interpreted, a man with three heads._ He
mentions the same thing of Cerberus. [261]Λεγουσι περι Κερβερου, ὡς κυων
ην, εχων τρεις κεφαλας· δηλον δε ὁτι και ὁυτος απο της πολεως εκληθη
Τρικαρηνος, ὡσπερ ὁ Γηρυονης. _They say of Cerberus, that he was a dog with
three heads: but it is plain that he was so called from a city named
Tricaren, or Tricarenia, as well as Geryones_. Palæphatus says, very truly,
that the strange notion arose from a place. But, to state more precisely
the grounds of the mistake, we must observe, that from the antient
Tor-Caph-El arose the blunder about τρικεφαλος; as, from Tor-Keren,
rendered Tricarenia, was formed the term τρικαρηνος: and these personages,
in consequence of it, were described with three heads.

As I often quote from Palæphatus, it may be proper to say something
concerning him. He wrote early: and seems to have been a serious and
sensible person; one, who saw the absurdity of the fables, upon which the
theology of his country was founded. In the purport of his name is
signified an antiquarian; a person, who dealt in remote researches: and
there is no impossibility, but that there might have casually arisen this
correspondence between his name and writings. But, I think, it is hardly
probable. As he wrote against the mythology of his country, I should
imagine that Παλαιφατος, Palæphatus, was an assumed name, which he took for
a blind, in order to screen himself from persecution: for the nature of his
writings made him liable to much ill will. One little treatise of
[262]Palæphatus about Orion is quoted verbatim by the Scholiast upon
[263]Homer, who speaks of it as a quotation from Euphorion. I should
therefore think, that Euphorion was the name of this writer: but as there
were many learned men so called, it may be difficult to determine which was
the author of this treatise.

Homer, who has constructed the noblest poem that was ever framed, from the
strangest materials, abounds with allegory and mysterious description. He
often introduces ideal personages, his notions of which he borrowed from
the edifices, hills, and fountains; and from whatever savoured of wonder
and antiquity. He seems sometimes to blend together two different
characters of the same thing, a borrowed one, and a real; so as to make the
true history, if there should be any truth at bottom, the more
extraordinary and entertaining.

I cannot help thinking, that Otus and Ephiâltes, those gigantic youths, so
celebrated by the Poets, were two lofty towers. They were building to
Alohim, called [264]Aloëus; but were probably overthrown by an earthquake.
They are spoken of by Pindar as the sons of Iphimedeia; and are supposed to
have been slain by Apollo in the island Naxos.

                  [265]Εν δε Ναξῳ
  Φαντι θανειν λιπαρᾳ Ιφιμεδειας παιδας
  Ωτον, και σε, τολμαεις Εφιαλτα αναξ.

They are also mentioned by Homer, who styles them γηγενεις, or earthborn:
and his description is equally fine.

  [266]Και ῥ' ετεκεν δυο παιδε, μινυνθαδιω δε γενεσθην,
  Ωτον τ' αντιθεον, τηλεκλειτον τ' Εφιαλτην·
  Ὁυς δη μηκιστους θρεψε ζειδωρος αρουρα,
  Και πολυ καλλιστους μετα γε κλυτον Ωριωνα.
  Εννεωροι γαρ τοι γε, και εννεαπηχεες ησαν
  Ευρος, αταρ μηκος γε γενεσθην εννεοργυιοι.

Homer includes Orion in this description, whom he mentions elsewhere; and
seems to borrow his ideas from a similar object, some tower, or temple,
that was sacred to him. Orion was Nimrod, the great hunter in the
Scriptures, called by the Greeks Nebrod. He was the founder of Babel, or
Babylon; and is represented as a gigantic personage. The author of the
Paschal Chronicle speaks of him in this light. [267]Νεβρωδ Γιγαντα, τον την
Βαβυλωνιαν κτισαντα--ὁντινα καλουσιν Ωριωνα. He is called Alorus by
Abydenus, and Apollodorus; which was often rendered with the Amonian prefix
Pelorus. Homer describes him as a great hunter; and of an enormous stature,
even superior to the Aloeidæ above mentioned.

  [268]Τον δε μετ' Ωριωνα Πελωριον εισενοησα,
  Θηρας ὁμου ειλευντα κατ' ασφοδελον λειμωνα.

The Poet styles him Pelorian; which betokens something vast, and is
applicable to any towering personage, but particularly to Orion. For the
term Pelorus is the name by which the towers of Orion were called. Of these
there seems to have been one in Delos; and another of more note, to which
Homer probably alluded, in Sicily; where Orion was particularly reverenced.
The streight of Rhegium was a dangerous pass: and this edifice was erected
for the security of those who were obliged to go through it. It stood near
Zancle; and was called [269]Pelorus, because it was sacred to Alorus, the
same as [270]Orion. There was likewise a river named from him, and rendered
by Lycophron [271]Elorus. The tower is mentioned by Strabo; but more
particularly by Diodorus Siculus. He informs us that, according to the
tradition of the place, Orion there resided; and that, among other works,
he raised this very mound and promontory, called Pelorus and Pelorias,
together with the temple, which was situated upon it. [272]Ωριωνα προσχωσαι
το κατα την Πελωριαδα κειμενον ακρωτηριον, και το τεμενος του Ποσειδωνος
κατασκευασαι, τιμωμενον ὑπο των εγχωριων διαφεροντως. We find from hence
that there was a tower of this sort, which belonged to Orion: and that the
word Pelorion was a term borrowed from these edifices, and made use of
metaphorically, to denote any thing stupendous and large. The description
in Homer is of a mixed nature: wherein he retains the antient tradition of
a gigantic person; but borrows his ideas from the towers sacred to him. I
have taken notice before, that all temples of old were supposed to be
oracular; and by the Amonians were called Pator and Patara. This temple of
Orion was undoubtedly a Pator; to which mariners resorted to know the event
of their voyage, and to make their offerings to the God. It was on this
account styled Tor Pator; which being by the Greeks expressed τριπατωρ,
tripator, gave rise to the notion, that this earthborn giant had three

  [273]Ωριων τριπατωρ απο μητερος ανθορε γαιης.

These towers, near the sea, were made use of to form a judgment of the
weather, and to observe the heavens: and those which belonged to cities
were generally in the Acropolis, or higher part of the place. This, by the
Amonians, was named Bosrah; and the citadel of Carthage, as well as of
other cities, is known to have been so denominated. But the Greeks, by an
unavoidable fatality, rendered it uniformly [274]βυρσα, bursa, a skin: and
when some of them succeeded to Zancle [275]in Sicily, finding that Orion
had some reference to Ouran, or Ouranus, and from the name of the temple
(τριπατωρ) judging that he must have had three fathers, they immediately
went to work, in order to reconcile these different ideas. They accordingly
changed Ouran to ουρειν; and, thinking the misconstrued hide, βυρσα, no
improper utensil for their purpose, they made these three fathers
co-operate in a most wonderful manner for the production of this imaginary
person; inventing the most slovenly legend that ever was devised.
[276]Τρεις (θεοι) του σφαγεντος βοος βυρσῃ ενουρησαν, και εξ αυτης Ωριων
εγενετο. Tres Dei in bovis mactati pelle minxerunt, et inde natus est

       *       *       *       *       *


When towers were situated upon eminences fashioned very round, they were by
the Amonians called Tith; which answers to תד in Hebrew, and to [277]τιτθη,
and τιτθος, in Greek. They were so denominated from their resemblance to a
woman's breast; and were particularly sacred to Orus and Osiris, the
Deities of light, who by the Grecians were represented under the title of
Apollo. Hence the summit of Parnassus was [278]named Tithorea, from
Tith-Or: and hard by was a city, mentioned by Pausanias, of the same name;
which was alike sacred to Orus and Apollo. The same author takes notice of
a hill, near Epidaurus, called [279]Τιτθειον ορος Απολλωνος. There was a
summit of the like nature at Samos, which, is by Callimachus styled _the
breast of Parthenia_: [280]Διαβροχον ὑδατι μαστον Παρθενιης. Mounds of this
nature are often, by Pausanias and Strabo, termed, from their resemblance,
[281]μαστοειδεις. Tithonus, whose longevity is so much celebrated, was
nothing more than one of these structures, a Pharos, sacred to the sun, as
the name plainly shews. Tith-On is μαστος ἑλιου, _the mount of the
[282]Sun_. As he supplied the place of that luminary, he is said to have
been beloved by Aurora, and through her favour to have lived many ages.
This, indeed, is the reverse of that which is fabled of the [283]Cyclopes,
whose history equally relates to edifices. They are said to have raised the
jealousy of Apollo, and to have been slain by his arrows: yet it will be
found at bottom of the same purport. The Cyclopian turrets upon the
Sicilian shore fronted due east: and their lights must necessarily have
been extinguished by the rays of the rising Sun. This, I imagine, is the
meaning of Apollo's slaying the Cyclopes with his arrows. Tethys, the
antient Goddess of the sea, was nothing else but an old tower upon a mount;
of the same shape, and erected for the same purposes, as those above. On
this account it was called Tith-Is, μαστος πυρος. Thetis seems to have been
a transposition of the same name, and was probably a Pharos, or Fire-tower,
near the sea.

These mounts, λοφοι μαστοειδεις, were not only in Greece; but in Egypt,
Syria, and most parts of the world. They were generally formed by art;
being composed of earth, raised very high; which was sloped gradually, and
with great exactness: and the top of all was crowned with a fair tower. The
situation of these buildings made them be looked upon as places of great
safety: and the reverence in which they were held added to the security. On
these accounts they were the repositories of much wealth and treasure: in
times of peril they were crowded with things of value. In Assyria was a
temple named Azara; which the Parthian plundered, and is said to have
carried off ten thousand talents: [284]Χαι ηρε παλαντων μυριων γαζαν. The
same author mentions two towers of this sort in Judea, not far from
Jericho, belonging to Aristobulus and Alexander, and styled
[285]Γαζοφυλακια των Τυραννων: which were taken by Pompeius Magnus in his
war with the Jews. There were often two of these mounds of equal height in
the same inclosure; such as are described by Josephus at Machærus, near
some warm fountains. He mentions here a cavern and a rock;
[286]σπηλαιον--τῃ πετρᾳ προυχουσῃ σκεπομενον· ταυτης ανωθεν ὡσανει μαστοι
δυο ανεχουσιν, αλληλων ολιγῳ διεστωτες: _and above it two round hills like
breasts, at no great distance from each other_. To such as these Solomon
alludes, when he makes his beloved say, [287]_I am a wall, and my breasts
like towers_. Though the word חומה, Chumah, or Comah, be generally rendered
a wall; yet I should think that in this place it signified the ground which
the wall surrounded: an inclosure sacred to Cham, the Sun, who was
particularly worshipped in such places. The Mizraïm called these hills
Typhon, and the cities where they were erected, Typhonian. But as they
stood within inclosures sacred to Chom, they were also styled Choma. This,
I imagine, was the meaning of the term in this place, and in some others;
where the text alludes to a different nation, and to a foreign mode of
worship. In these temples the Sun was principally adored, and the rites of
fire celebrated: and this seems to have been the reason why the judgment
denounced against them is uniformly, that they shall be destroyed by fire.
If we suppose Comah to mean a mere wall, I do not see why fire should be so
particularly destined against a part, which is the least combustible. The
Deity says, [288]_I will kindle a fire in the wall of Damascus. [289]I will
send a fire on the wall of Gaza. [290]I will send a fire on the wall of
Tyrus. [291]I will kindle a [292]fire in the wall of Rabbah_. As the crime
which brought down this curse was idolatry, and the term used in all these
instances is Chomah; I should think that it related to a temple of Chom,
and his high places, called by the Greeks λοφοι μαστοειδεις: and to these
the spouse of Solomon certainly alludes, when she Says, εγω τειχος, και ὁι
μαστοι μου ὡς πυργοι. This will appear from another passage in Solomon,
where he makes his beloved say, [293]_We have a little sister, and she hath
no breasts. If she be a Comah, we will build upon her a palace of silver._
A palace cannot be supposed to be built upon a wall; though it may be
inclosed with one. The place for building was a Comah, or eminence. It is
said of Jotham, king of Judah, that [294]_on the wall of Ophel he built
much_. Ophel is literally Pytho Sol, the Ophite Deity of Egypt and Canaan.
What is here termed a wall, was a Comah, or high place, which had been of
old erected to the sun by the Jebusites. This Jotham fortified, and turned
it to advantage; whereas before it was not used, or used for a bad purpose.
The ground set apart for such use was generally oval; and towards one
extremity of the long diameter, as it were in the focus, were these mounds
and towers erected. As they were generally royal edifices, and at the same
time held sacred; they were termed Tarchon, like Tarchonium in Hetruria:
which by a corruption was in later times rendered Trachon, Τραχων. There
were two hills of this denomination near Damascus; from whence undoubtedly
the Regio Trachonitis received its name: [295]ὑπερκεινται δε αυτης
(Δαμασκου) δυο λεγομενοι Τραχωνες. These were hills with towers, and must
have been very fair to see to. Solomon takes notice of a hill of this sort
upon [296]_Lebanon, looking toward Damascus_; which he speaks of as a
beautiful structure. The term Trachon seems to have been still farther
sophisticated by the Greeks, and expressed Δρακων, Dracon: from whence in,
great measure arose the notion of treasures being guarded by [297]Dragons.
We read of the gardens of the Hesperides being under the protection of a
sleepless serpent: and the golden fleece at Colchis was entrusted to such
another guardian; of which there is a fine description in Apollonius.

  [298]Πυργους εισοψεσθε Κυταεος Αιηταο,
  Αλσος τε σκιοεν Αρεος, τοθι κωας επ' ακρης
  Πεπταμενον φηγοιο Δρακων, τερας αινον ιδεσθαι,
  Αμφις οπιπτευει δεδοκημενος· ουδε ὁι ημαρ,
  Ου κνεφας ἡδυμος ὑπνος αναιδεα δαμναται οσσε.

Nonnus often introduces a dragon as a protector of virginity; watching
while the damsel slumbered, but sleepless itself: [299]Ὑπναλεης αγρυπνον
οπιπτευτηρα κορειης: and in another place he mentions [300]Φρουρον εχεις
απελεθρον Οφιν. Such an one guarded the nymph Chalcomeda, [301]Παρθενικης
αγαμοιο βοηθοος. The Goddess Proserpine had two [302]dragons to protect
her, by the appointment of her mother Demeter.

Such are the poetical representations: but the history at bottom relates to
sacred towers, dedicated to the symbolical worship of the serpent; where
there was a perpetual watch, and a light ever burning. The Titans, Τιτανες,
were properly Titanians; a people so denominated from their worship, and
from the places where it was celebrated. They are, like Orion and the
Cyclopians, represented as gigantic persons: and they were of the same
race, the children of Anak. The Titanian temples were stately edifices,
erected in Chaldea, as well as in lower Egypt, upon mounds of earth, λοφοι
μαστοειδεις, and sacred to Hanes; Τιτανις and Τιτανες are compounds of
Tit-Hanes; and signify literally μαστος ἡλιου, the conical hill of Orus.
They were by their situation strong, and probably made otherwise

In respect to the legends about dragons, I am persuaded that the antients
sometimes did wilfully misrepresent things, in order to increase the
wonder. Iphicrates related, that in Mauritania there were dragons of such
extent, that grass grew upon their backs: [303]Δρακοντας τε λεγει μεγαλους,
ὡστε και ποαν επιπεφυκεναι. What can be meant under this representation but
a Dracontium, within whose precincts they encouraged verdure? It is said of
Taxiles, a mighty prince in India, and a rival of Porus, that, upon the
arrival of Alexander the Great, he shewed him every thing that was in his
country curious, and which could win the attention of a foreigner. Among
other things he carried him to see a [304]Dragon, which was sacred to
Dionusus; and itself esteemed a God. It was of a stupendous size, being in
extent equal to five acres; and resided in a low deep place, walled round
to a great height. The Indians offered sacrifices to it: and it was daily
fed by them from their flocks and herds, which it devoured at an amazing
rate. In short my author says, that it was treated rather as a tyrant, than
a benevolent Deity. Two Dragons of the like nature are mentioned by
[305]Strabo; which are said to have resided in the mountains of Abisares,
or Abiosares, in India: the one was eighty cubits in length, the other one
hundred and forty. Similar to the above is the account given by Posidonius
of a serpent, which he saw in the plains of _Macra_, a region in Syria; and
which he styles [306]δρακοντα πεπτωκοτα νεκρον. He says, that it was about
an acre in length; and of a thickness so remarkable, as that two persons on
horseback, when they rode on the opposite sides, could not see one another.
Each scale was as big as a, shield; and a man might ride in at its mouth.
What can this description allude to, this δρακων πεπτωκως, but the ruins of
an antient Ophite temple; which is represented in this enigmatical manner
to raise admiration? The plains of Macra were not far from Mount Lebanon
and Hermon; where the Hivites resided; and where serpent-worship
particularly prevailed. The Indian Dragon above mentioned seems to have
been of the same nature. It was probably a temple, and its environs; where
a society of priests resided, who were maintained by the public; and who
worshipped the Deity under the semblance of a serpent. Tityus must be
ranked among the monsters of this class. He is by the Poets represented as
a stupendous being, an earthborn giant:

          [307]Terræ omniparentis alumnum,
  ---- per tota novem cui jugera corpus

By which is meant, that he was a tower, erected upon a conical mount of
earth, which stood in an inclosure of nine acres. He is said to have a
vulture preying upon his heart, or liver; immortale jecur tondens. The
whole of which history is borrowed from Homer, who mentions two vultures
engaged in tormenting him.

  [308]Και Τιτυον ειδον Γαιης ερικυδεος ὑιον,
  Κειμενον εν δαπεδῳ· ὁδ' επ' εννεα κειτο πελεθρα·
  Γυπε δε μιν ἑκατερθε παρημενοι ηπαρ εκειρον,
  Δερτρον εσω δυνοντες, ὁδ' ουκ απαμυνετο χερσι.

The same story is told of Prometheus, who is said to have been exposed upon
Mount Caucasus, near Colchis; with this variation, that an eagle is placed
over him, preying upon his heart. These strange histories are undoubtedly
taken from the symbols and devices which were carved upon the front of the
antient Amonian temples; and especially those of Egypt. The eagle and the
vulture were the insignia of that country: whence it was called Ai-Gupt,
and [309]Aetia, from Ait and Gupt, which signified an eagle and vulture.
Ait was properly a title of the Deity, and signified heat: and the heart,
the centre of vital heat, was among the Egyptians styled [310]Ait: hence we
are told by [311]Orus Apollo, that a heart over burning coals was an emblem
of Egypt. The Amonians dealt much in hieroglyphical representations. Nonnus
mentions one of this sort, which seems to have been a curious emblem of the
Sun. It was engraved upon a jasper, and worn for a bracelet. Two serpents
entwined together, with their heads different ways, were depicted in a
semicircular manner round the extreme part of the gem. At the top between
their heads was an eagle; and beneath a sacred carriage, called Cemus.

  [312]Αιετος εν χρυσειος, ἁτε πλατυν ηερα τεμνων,
  Ορθος, εχιδναιων διδυμων μεσσηγυ καρηνων,
  Ὑψιφανης πτερυγων πισυρων τετραζυγι κημῳ.
  Τῃ μεν ξανθος ιασπις επετρεχε.

The history of Tityus, Prometheus, and many other poetical personages, was
certainly taken from hieroglyphics misunderstood, and badly explained.
Prometheus was worshipped by the Colchians as a Deity; and had a temple and
high place, called [313]Πετρα Τυφαονια, upon Mount Caucasus: and the device
upon the portal was Egyptian, an eagle over a heart. The magnitude of these
personages was taken from the extent of the temple inclosures. The words,
per tota novem cui jugera corpus Porrigitur, relate to a garden of so many
acres. There were many such inclosures, as I have before taken notice: some
of them were beautifully planted, and ornamented with pavilions and
fountains, and called Paradisi. One of this sort stood in Syria upon the
river [314]Typhon, called afterwards Orontes. Places of this nature are
alluded to under the description of the gardens of the Hesperides, and
Alcinous; and the gardens of Adonis. Such were those at Phaneas in
Palestine; and those beautiful gardens of Daphne upon the Orontes above
mentioned; and in the shady parts of Mount Libanus. Those of Daphne are
described by Strabo, who mentions, [315]Μεγα τε και συνηρεφες αλσος,
διαῤῥεομενον πηγαιοις ὑδασιν· εν μεσῳ δε Ασυλον τεμενος, και νεως Απολλωνοι
και Αρτεμιδος. _There was a fine wide extended grove, which sheltered the
whole place; and which was watered with numberless fountains. In the centre
of the whole was a sanctuary and asylum, sacred to Artemis and Apollo_. The
Groves of Daphne upon the mountains Heræi in Sicily, and the garden and
temple at bottom were very noble; and are finely described by

I have taken notice that the word δρακων, draco, was a mistake for Tarchon,
Ταρχων: which was sometimes expressed Τραχων; as is observable in the
Trachones at Damascus. When the Greeks understood that in these temples
people worshipped a serpent Deity, they concluded that Trachon was a
serpent: and hence came the name of Draco to be appropriated to such an
animal. For the Draco was an imaginary being, however afterwards accepted
and understood. This is manifest from Servius, who distributes the
serpentine species into three tribes; and confines the Draco solely to
temples: [317]Angues aquarum sunt, serpentes terrarum, Dracones templorum.
That the notion of such animals took its rise from the temples of the
Syrians and Egyptians, and especially from the Trachones, Τραχωνες, at
Damascus, seems highly probable from the accounts above: and it may be
rendered still more apparent from Damasenus, a supposed hero, who took his
name from the city Damasene, or Damascus. He is represented as an earthborn
giant, who encountered two dragons: [318]Και χθονος απλετον ὑια,
δρακοντοφονον Δαμασηνα. One of the monsters, with which he fought, is
described of an enormous size, πεντηκονταπελεθρος Οφις, _a serpent in
extent of fifty acres_: which certainly, as I have before insinuated, must
have a reference to the grove and garden, wherein such Ophite temple stood
at Damascus. For the general measurement of all these wonderful beings by
[319]jugera or acres proves that such an estimate could not relate to any
thing of solid contents; but to an inclosure of that superficies. Of the
same nature as these was the gigantic personage, supposed, to have been
seen at Gades by Cleon Magnesius. He made, it seems, no doubt of Tityus and
other such monsters having existed. For being at Gades, he was ordered to
go upon a certain expedition by Hercules: and upon his return to the
island, he saw upon the shore a huge sea-man, who had been thunderstruck,
and lay extended upon the ground: [320]τουτον πλεθρα μεν πεντε μαλιστα
επεχειν; _and his dimensions were not less than five acres_. So Typhon,
Caanthus, Orion, are said to have been killed by lightning. Orpheus too,
who by some is said to have been torn to pieces by the Thracian women, by
others is represented as slain by the bolt of Jupiter: and his epitaph
imports as much.

  [321]Θρηϊκα χρυσολυρην τηδ' Ορφεα Μουσαι εθαψαν,
  Ὁν κτανεν ὑψιμεδων Ζευς ψολοεντι βελει.

All these histories relate to sacred inclosures; and to the worship of the
serpent, and rites of fire, which were practised within them. Such an
inclosure was by the Greeks styled [322]τεμενος, and the mound or high
place ταφος and τυμβος; which had often a tower upon it, esteemed a
sanctuary and asylum. Lycophron makes Cassandra say of Diomedes,
[323]ΤYΜΒΟΣ δ' αυτον εκσωσει: _the temple, to which he shall fly, shall
save him_. In process of time both the word τυμβος, as well as ταφος, were
no longer taken in their original sense; but supposed uniformly to have
been places of sepulture. This has turned many temples into tombs: and the
Deities, to whom they were sacred, have been represented as there buried.
There was an Orphic Dracontium at Lesbos; where a serpent was supposed to
have been going to devour the remains of Orpheus: and this temple being of
old styled Petra, it was fabled of the serpent, that he was turned into

  [324] Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis arenis
  Os petit, et sparsos stillanti rore capillos.
  Tandem Phœbus adest: morsusque inferre parantem
  Arcet; et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos
  Congelat; et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus.

All the poetical accounts of heroes engaging with dragons have arisen from
a misconception about these towers and temples; which those persons either
founded, or else took in war. Or, if they were Deities of whom the story is
told, these buildings were erected to their honour. But the Greeks made no
distinction. They were fond of heroism; and interpreted every antient
history according to their own prejudices: and in the most simple narrative
could find out a martial achievement. No colony could settle any where, and
build an Ophite temple, but there was supposed to have been a contention
between a hero and a dragon. Cadmus, as I have shewn, was described in
conflict with such an one near Thebes, whose teeth he sowed in the earth:

  Αονιοιο δρακοντος, ὁν ωγυγιῃ ενι Θηβῃ
  Καδμος, ὁτ' Ευρωπην διζημενος εισαφικανε,

Serpents are said to have infested [326]Cyprus, when it was occupied by its
first inhabitants: and there was a fearful dragon in the isle of
[327]Salamis. The Python of Parnassus is well known, which Apollo was
supposed to have slain, when he was very young; a story finely told by

  [328]Ὡς ποτε πετραιῃ ὑπο δειραδι Παρνησσοιο
  Δελφυνην τοξοισι πελωριον εξεναριξε,
  Κουρος εων ετι γυμνος, ετι πλοκαμοισι γεγηθως.

After all, this dragon was a serpent temple; a tumbos, τυμβος, formed of
earth, and esteemed of old oracular. To this, Hyginus bears witness.
[329]Python, Terræ filius, Draco ingens. Hic ante Apollinem ex oraculo in
monte Parnasso responsa dare solitus est. Plutarch says, that the dispute
between Apollo and the Dragon was about the privilege of the place. [330]Ὁι
Δελφων θεολογοι νομιζουσιν ενταυθα ποτε προς οφιν τῳ Θεῳ περι του
χρηστηριου μαχην γενεσθαι. Hence we may perceive, that he was in reality
the Deity of the temple; though the Greeks made an idle distinction: and he
was treated with divine honours. [331]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ Πυθιος
θρησκευεται, και του Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια. It is said,
moreover, that the seventh day was appointed for a festival in the temple,
and celebrated with a Pæan to the [332]serpent.

We often read of virgins, who were exposed to dragons and sea-monsters; and
of dragons which laid waste whole provinces, till they were at length, by
some person of prowess, encountered and slain. These histories relate to
women, who were immured in towers by the sea-side; and to banditti, who got
possession of these places, whence they infested the adjacent country. The
[333]author of the Chronicon Paschale supposes, that Andromeda, whom the
poets describe as chained to a rock, and exposed to a sea-monster, was in
reality confined in a temple of Neptune, a Petra of another sort. These
dragons are represented as sleepless; because, in such places there were
commonly lamps burning, and a watch maintained. In those more particularly
set apart for religious service there was a fire, which never went out.

  [334]Irrestincta focis servant altaria flammas.

The dragon of Apollonius is ever watchful.

                  Ουδε ὁι ημαρ,
  Ου κνεφας ἡδυμος ὑπνος αναιδεα δαμναται οσσε.

What the Poet styles the eyes of the Dragon, were undoubtedly windows in
the upper part of the building, through which the fire appeared. Plutarch
takes notice, that in the temple of Amon there was a [335]light continually
burning. The like was observable in other temples of the [336]Egyptians.
Pausanias mentions the lamp of Minerva [337]Polias at Athens, which never
went out: the same custom was kept up in most of the [338]Prutaneia. The
Chaldeans and Persians had sacred hearths; on which they preserved a
[339]perpetual fire. In the temple of [340]Apollo Carneus at Cyrene, the
fire upon the altar was never suffered to be extinguished. A like account
is given by Said Ebn Batrick of the sacred fire, which was preserved in the
great temple at [341]Aderbain in Armenia. The Nubian Geographer mentions a
nation in India, called [342]Caimachitæ, who had large Puratheia, and
maintained a perpetual fire. According to the Levitical law, a constant
fire was to be kept up upon the altar of God. [343]_The fire shall be ever
burning upon the altar: it shall never go out._

From what has preceded, we may perceive, that many personages have been
formed out of places. And I cannot help suspecting much more of antient
history, than I dare venture to acknowledge. Of the mythic age I suppose
almost every circumstance to have been imported, and adopted; or else to be
a fable. I imagine, that Chiron, so celebrated for his knowledge, was a
mere personage formed from a tower, or temple, of that name. It stood in
Thessaly; and was inhabited by a set of priests, called Centauri. They were
so denominated from the Deity they worshipped, who was represented under a
particular form. They styled him Cahen-Taur: and he was the same as the
Minotaur of Crete, and the Tauromen of Sicilia; consequently of an
emblematical and mixed figure. The people, by whom this worship was
introduced, were many of them Anakim; and are accordingly represented as of
great strength and stature. Such persons among the people of the east were
styled [344]Nephelim: which the Greeks in after times supposed to relate to
νεφελη, a cloud. In consequence of this, they described the Centaurs as
born of a cloud: and not only the Centaurs, but Ixion, and others, were
reputed of the same original. The chief city of the Nephelim stood in
Thessaly, and is mentioned by [345]Palæphatus: but through the
misconception of his countrymen it was expressed Νεφελη, Nephele, a cloud.
The Grecians in general were of this race; as will be abundantly shewn. The
Scholiast upon Lycophron mentions, that the descendants of Hellen were by a
woman named Nephele, whom Athamas was supposed to have married. [346]Αθαμας
ὁ Αιολου του Ἑλληνος παις εκ Νεφελης γεννᾳ Ἑλλην, και Φριξον. The author
has made a distinction between Helle, and Hellen; the former of which he
describes in the feminine. By Phrixus is meant Φρυξ, Phryx, who passed the
Hellespont, and settled in Asia minor. However obscured the history may be,
I think the purport of it is plainly this, that the Hellenes, and Phrygians
were of the Nephelim or Anakim race. Chiron was a temple, probably at
Nephele in Thessalia, the most antient seat of the Nephelim. His name is a
compound of Chir-On, in purport the same as Kir-On, the tower and temple of
the Sun. In places of this sort people used to study the heavenly motions:
and they were made use of for seminaries, where young people were
instructed; on which account they were styled παιδοτροφοι. Hence Achilles
was supposed to have been taught by [347]Chiron, who is reported to have
had many disciples. They are enumerated by Xenophon in his treatise upon
hunting, and amount to a large number. [348]Εγενοντο αυτῳ μαθηται
κυνηγεσιων τε, και ἑτερων καλων, Κεφαλος, Ασκληπιος, Μελανιων, Νεστωρ,
Αμφιαραος, Πηλευς, Τελαμων, Μελεαγρος, Θησευς, Ἱππολυτος, Παλαμηδης,
Οδυσσευς, Μενεσθευς, Διομηδης, Καστωρ, Πολυδευκης, Μαχαων, Ποδαλειριος,
Αντιλοχος, Αινειας, Αχιλλευς. Jason is by Pindar made to say of himself,
[349]Φαμι διδασκαλιαν Χειρωνος οισειν: and the same circumstance is
mentioned in another place; [350]Κρονιδᾳ δε τραφεν Χειρωνι δωκαν (Ιασονα).
These histories could not be true of Chiron as a person: for, unless we
suppose him to have been, as the Poets would persuade us, of a different
species from the rest of mankind, it will be found impossible for him to
have had pupils in such different ages. For not only Æsculapius, mentioned
in this list, but Apollo likewise learnt of him the medicinal arts.
[351]Ασκληπιος και Απολλων παρα Χειρωνι τῳ Κενταυρῳ ιασθαι διδασκονται.
Xenophon indeed, who was aware of this objection, says, that the term of
Chiron's life was sufficient for the performance of all that was attributed
to him: [352]Ὁ Χειρωνος βιος πασιν εξηρκει· Ζευς γαρ και Χειρων αδελφοι:
but he brings nothing in proof of what he alleges. It is moreover
incredible, were we to suppose such a being as Chiron, that he should have
had pupils from so many different [353]countries. Besides many of them, who
are mentioned, were manifestly ideal personages. For not to speak of
Cephalus and Castor, Apollo was a Deity; and Æsculapius was the [354]like:
by some indeed esteemed the son of the former; by others introduced rather
as a title, and annexed to the names of different Gods. Aristides uses it
as such in his invocation of [355]Hercules: Ιω, Παιαν, Ἡρακλες, Ασκληπιε:
and he also speaks of the temple of Jupiter Æsculapius, Διος Ασκληπιου
νεως. It was idle therefore in the Poets to suppose that these personages
could have been pupils to Chiron. Those that were instructed, whoever they
may have been, partook only of Chironian education; and were taught in the
same kind of academy: but not by one person, nor probably in the same
place. For there were many of these towers, where they taught astronomy,
music, and other sciences. These places were likewise courts of judicature,
where justice was administered: whence Chiron was said to have been
φιλοφρονεων, και δικαιοτατος:

  [356]Ὁν Χειρων εδιδαξε δικαιοτατος Κενταυρων.

The like character is given of him by Hermippus, of Berytus.

  Εις τε δικαιοσυνην θνητων γενος ηγαγε, δειξας
  Ὁρκον, και θυσιας ἱλαρας, και σχηματ' Ολυμπου.

Right was probably more fairly determined in the Chironian temples, than in
others. Yet the whole was certainly attended with some instances of
cruelty: for human sacrifices are mentioned as once common, especially at
Pella in Thessaly; where, if they could get a person, who was an Achean by
birth, they used to offer him at the altars of Peleus and [358]Chiron.

There were many edifices denominated Chironian, and sacred to the Sun.
Charon was of the same purport, and etymology; and was sacred to the same
Deity. One temple of this name, and the most remarkable of any, stood
opposite to Memphis on the western side of the Nile. It was near the spot
where most people of consequence were buried. There is a tower in this
province, but at some distance from the place here spoken of, called
[359]Kiroon at this day. As Charon was a temple near the catacombs, or
place of burial; all the persons who were brought to be there deposited,
had an offering made on their account, upon being landed on this shore.
Hence arose the notion of the fee of Charon, and of the ferryman of that
name. This building stood upon the banks of a canal, which communicated
with the Nile: but that which is now called Kiroon, stands at some distance
to the west, upon the lake [360]Mœris; where only the kings of Egypt had a
right of sepulture. The region of the catacombs was called the Acheronian
and [361]Acherusian plain, and likewise the Elysian: and the stream, which
ran by it, had the name of Acheron. They are often alluded to by Homer, and
other Poets, when they treat of the region of departed souls. The Amonians
conferred these names upon other places, where they settled, in different
parts of the world. They are therefore to be met with in [362]Phrygia,
[363]Epirus, [364]Hellas, [365]Apulia, [366]Campania, and other countries.
The libri [367]Acherontii in Italy, mentioned by Arnobius, were probably
transcripts from some hieroglyphical writings, which had been preserved in
the Acherontian towers of the Nile. These were carried by Tages to
Hetruria; where they were held in great veneration.

As towers of this sort were seminaries of learning, Homer from one of them
has formed the character of sage Mentor; under whose resemblance the
Goddess of wisdom was supposed to be concealed. By Mentor, I imagine, that
the Poet covertly alludes to a temple of Menes. It is said, that Homer in
an illness was cured by one [368]Mentor, the son of Αλκιμος, Alcimus. The
person probably was a Mentorian priest, who did him this kind office, if
there be any truth in the story. It was from an oracular temple styled
Mentor; and Man-Tor, that the sacred cakes had the name of Amphimantora.
[369]Αμφιμαντορα, αλφιτα μελιτι δεδευμενα.

Castor, the supposed disciple of Chiron, was in reality the same as Chiron;
being a sacred tower, a Chironian edifice, which served both for a temple
and Pharos. As these buildings for the most part stood on strands of the
sea, and promontories; Castor was esteemed in consequence of it a tutelary
Deity of that element. The name seems to be a compound of Ca-Astor, the
temple or place of Astor; who was rendered at different times Asterius,
Asterion, and Astarte. Ca-Astor was by the Greeks abbreviated to Castor;
which in its original sense I should imagine betokened a fire-tower: but
the Greeks in this instance, as well as in innumerable others, have
mistaken the place and temple for the Deity, to whom it was consecrated.
The whole history of Castor and Pollux, the two Dioscuri, is very strange
and inconsistent. Sometimes they are described as two mortals of Lacedæmon,
who were guilty of violence and rapine, and were slain for their
wickedness. At other times they are represented as the two principal
Deities; and styled Dii Magni, Dii Maximi, Dii Potentes, Cabeiri. Mention
is made by Pausanias of the great regard paid to them, and particularly by
the Cephalenses. [370]Μεγαλους γαρ σφας ὁι ταυτῃ Θεους ονομαζουσιν. _The
people there style them by way of eminence the Great Gods_. There are
altars extant, which are inscribed [371]CASTORI ET POLLUCI DIIS MAGNIS. In
[372]Gruter is a Greek inscription to the same purport. Γαιος Γαιου
Αχαρνευς Ἱερευς γενομενος Θεων Μεγαλων Διοσκορων Καβειρων. But though
Castor was enshrined, as a God, he was properly a Tarchon, such as I have
before described; and had all the requisites which are to be found in such
buildings. They were the great repositories of treasure; which people there
entrusted, as to places of great security. The temple of Castor vas
particularly famous on this account, as we may learn from Juvenal:

              [373]Æratâ multus in arcâ
  Fiscus, et ad vigilem ponendi Castora nummi.

The Deity, who was alluded to under the name of Castor, was the Sun: and he
had several temples of that denomination in Laconia, and other parts of
Greece. His rites were first introduced by people from Egypt and Canaan.
This we may infer, among other circumstances, from the title of Anac being
so particularly conferred on him and his brother Pollux: whence their
temple was styled Ανακειον in Laconia; and their festival at Athens
ανακεια, anakeia. For Anac was a Canaanitish term of honour; which the
Greeks changed to αναξ and [374]ανακτες. I have before mentioned, that in
these places were preserved the Archives of the cities and provinces in
which they stood: and they were often made use of for courts of judicature,
called πρυτανεια, and prætoria; whither the antient people of the place
resorted, to determine about right and wrong. Hence it is that Castor and
Pollux, two names of the same personage, were supposed to preside over
judicial affairs. This department does but ill agree with the general and
absurd character, under which they are represented: for what has
horsemanship and boxing to do with law and equity? But these were mistaken
attributes, which arose from a misapplication of history. Within the
precincts of their temples was a parade for boxing and wrestling; and often
an Hippodromus. Hence arose these attributes, by which the Poets celebrated
these personages:

  [375]Καστορα θ' Ἱπποδαμον, και πυξ αγαθον Πολυδευκεα.

The Deity, originally referred to, was the Sun: As he was the chief Deity,
he must necessarily have been esteemed the supervisor and arbitrator of all
sublunary things:

  [376]Ηελιος, ὁς παντ' εφορᾳ, και παντ' επακουει.

On this account the same province of supreme judge was conferred on his
substitute Castor, in conjunction with his brother Pollux: and they were
accordingly looked upon as the conservators of the rights of mankind.
Cicero makes a noble appeal to them in his seventh oration against Verres;
and enlarges upon the great department, of which they were presumed to be
possessed: at the same time mentioning the treasures, which were deposited
in their temples. [377]Vos omnium rerum forensium, consiliorum maximorum,
legum, judiciorumque arbitri, et testes, celeberrimo in loco PRÆTORII
locati, Castor et Pollux; quorum ex templo quæstum sibi iste (Verres) et
prædam maximam improbissime comparavit--teque, Ceres, et Libera--a quibis
initia vitæ atque victûs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla
hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Thus we find
that they are at the close joined with Ceres, and Libera; and spoken of as
the civilizers of the world: but their peculiar province was law and

Many instances to the same purpose might be produced; some few of which I
will lay before the reader. Trophonius, like Chiron and Castor, was a
sacred tower; being compounded of Tor-Oph-On, Solis Pythonis turris,
rendered Trophon, and Trophonius. It was an oracular temple, situated near
a vast cavern: and the responses were given by dreams. Tiresias, that
antient prophet, was an edifice of the same nature: and the name is a
compound of Tor-Ees, and Tor-Asis; from whence the Greeks formed the word
Tiresias. He is generally esteemed a diviner, or soothsayer, to whom people
applied for advice: but it was to the temple that they applied, and to the
Deity, who was there supposed to reside. He was, moreover, said to have
lived nine ages: till he was at last taken by the Epigoni, when he died.
The truth is, there was a tower of this name at Thebes, built by the
Amonians, and sacred to the God Orus. It stood nine ages, and was then
demolished. It was afterwards repaired, and made use of for a place of
augury: and its situation was close to the temple of Amon. [378]Θηβαιοις δε
μετα του Αμμωνος το Ἱερον, οιωνοσκοπειον τε Τειρεσιου καλουμενον. Tiresias,
according to Apollodorus, was the son of Eueres, [379]Ευηρης, or, according
to the true Dorian pronunciation, Euares, the same as the Egyptian Uc Arez,
the Sun. He is by Hyginus styled [380]Eurimi filius; and in another place
Eurii filius, Pastor. Eurius, Eurimus, Euarez, are all names of the Sun, or
places sacred to him; but changed to terms of relation by not being
understood. Tiresias is additionally styled Pastor; because all the Amonian
Deities, as well as their princes, were called Shepherds: and those, who
came originally from Chaldea, were styled the children of Ur, or Urius.

By the same analogy we may trace the true history of Terambus, the Deity of
Egypt, who was called the Shepherd Terambus. The name is a compound of
Tor-Ambus, or Tor-Ambi, the oracular tower of Ham. He is said to have been
the son of Eusires, [381]Ευσειρου του Ποσειδωνος; and to have come over,
and settled in Thessaly, near mount Othrys. According to Antonius
Liberalis, he was very rich in flocks, and a great musician, and
particularly expert in all pastoral measure. To him they attributed the
invention of the pipe. The meaning of the history is, I think, too plain,
after what has preceded, to need a comment. It is fabled of him, that he
was at last turned into a bird called Cerambis, or Cerambix. Terambus and
Cerambis are both antient terms of the same purport: the one properly
expressed is Tor-Ambi; the other Cer-Ambi, the oracular temple of the Sun.

I have taken notice that towers of this sort were the repositories of much
treasure; and they were often consecrated to the Ophite Deity, called Opis
and Oupis. It is the same which Callimachus addresses by the title of
[382]Ουπι, Ανασσ' ευωπι: and of whom Cicero speaks, and styles Upis;
[383]quam Græci Upim paterno nomine appellant. The temple was hence called
Kir-Upis; which the Grecians abridged to Γρυπες: and finding many of the
Amonian temples in the north, with the device of a winged serpent upon the
frontal, they gave this name to the hieroglyphic. Hence, I imagine, arose
the notion of Γρυπες, or Gryphons; which, like the dragons abovementioned,
were supposed to be guardians of treasure, and to never sleep. The real
conservators of the wealth were the priests. They kept up a perpetual fire,
and an unextinguished light in the night. From Kir Upis, the place of his
residence, a priest was named Grupis; and from Kir-Uph-On, Gryphon. The
Poets have represented the Grupes as animals of the serpentine kind; and
supposed them to have been found in countries of the Arimaspians,
Alazonians, Hyperboreans, and other the most northern regions, which the
Amonians possessed. In some of the temples women officiated, who were
denominated from the Deity they served. The Scholiast upon Callimachus
calls the chief of them Upis; and styles her, and her associates, Κορας
[384]Ὑπερβορεους, Hyperborean young women. The Hyperboreans, Alazonians,
Arimaspians, were Scythic nations of the same family. All the stories about
Prometheus, Chimæra, Medusa, Pegasus, Hydra, as well as of the Grupes, or
Gryphons, arose, in great measure, from the sacred devices upon the
entablatures of temples.

       *       *       *       *       *


There was another name current among the Amonians, by which they called
their λοφοι, or high places. This was Taph; which at times was rendered
Tuph, Toph, and Taphos. Lower Egypt being a flat, and annually overflowed,
the natives were forced to raise the soil, on which they built their
principal edifices, in order to secure them from the inundation: and many
of their sacred towers were erected upon conical mounds of earth. But there
were often hills of the same form constructed for religious purposes, upon
which there was no building. These were very common in Egypt. Hence we read
of Taphanis, or Taph-Hanes, Taph-Osiris, Taph-Osiris parva, and contra
Taphias, in Antoninus; all of this country. In other parts were Taphiousa,
Tape, Taphura, Tapori, Taphus, Taphosus, Taphitis. All these names relate
to high altars, upon which they used oftentimes to offer human sacrifices.
Typhon was one of these; being a compound of Tuph-On, which signifies the
hill or altar of the Sun. Tophet, where the Israelites made their children
pass through fire to [385]Moloch, was a mount of this form. And there seem
to have been more than one of this denomination; as we learn from the
prophet Jeremiah, [386]_They have built the high places of Tophet, which is
in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and their daughters
in the fire._ And in another place: _They have built also the high places
of Baal, to burn their sons with fire for burnt-offerings unto Baal._ These
cruel operations were generally performed upon mounts of this sort; which,
from their conical figure, were named Tuph and Tupha. It seems to have been
a term current in many countries. The high Persian [387]bonnet had the same
name from its shape: and Bede mentions a particular kind of standard in his
time; which was made of plumes in a globular shape, and called in like
manner, [388]Tupha, vexilli genus, ex consertis plumarum globis. There was
probably a tradition, that the calf, worshipped by the Israelites in the
wilderness near Horeb, was raised upon a sacred mound, like those described
above: for Philo Judæus says, that it was exhibited after the model of an
Egyptian Tuphos: [389]Αιγυπτιακου μιμημα Τυφου. This I do not take to have
been a Grecian word; but the name of a sacred orbicular mount, analogous to
the Touphas of Persis.

The Amonians, when they settled in Greece, raised many of these Tupha, or
Tapha, in different parts. These, beside their original name, were still
farther denominated from some title of the Deity, to whose honour they were
erected. But as it was usual, in antient times, to bury persons of
distinction under heaps of earth formed in this fashion; these Tapha came
to signify tombs: and almost all the sacred mounds, raised for religious
purposes, were looked upon as monuments of deceased heroes. Hence
[390]Taph-Osiris was rendered ταφος, or the burying place of the God
Osiris: and as there were many such places in Egypt and Arabia, sacred to
Osiris and Dionusus; they were all by the Greeks esteemed places of
sepulture. Through this mistake many different nations had the honour
attributed to them of these Deities being interred in their country. The
tumulus of the Latines was mistaken in the same manner. It was originally a
sacred hillock; and was often raised before temples, as an altar; such as I
have before described. It is represented in this light by Virgil:

  [391]Est urbe egressis tumulus, templumque vetustum
  Desertæ Cereris; juxtaque antiqua cupressus.

In process of time the word tumulus was in great measure looked upon as a
tomb; and tumulo signified to bury. The Greeks speak of numberless
sepulchral monuments, which they have thus misinterpreted. They pretended
to shew the tomb of [392]Dionusus at Delphi; also of Deucalion, Pyrrha,
Orion, in other places. They imagined that Jupiter was buried in Crete:
which Callimachus supposes to have been a forgery of the natives.

  [393]Κρητες αει ψευσται· και γαρ ταφον, ω Ανα, σειο
  Κρητες ετεκτῃναντο, συ δ' ου θανες, εσσι γαρ αιει.

I make no doubt, but that there was some high place in Crete, which the
later Greeks, and especially those who were not of the country, mistook for
a tomb. But it certainly must have been otherwise esteemed by those who
raised it: for it is not credible, however blind idolatry may have been,
that people should enshrine persons as immortal, where they had the
plainest evidences of their mortality. An inscription _Viro Immortali_ was
in a style of flattery too refined for the simplicity of those ages. If
divine honours were conferred, they were the effects of time, and paid at
some distance; not upon the spot, at the vestibule of the charnel-house.
Besides, it is evident, that most of the deified personages never existed:
but were mere titles of the Deity, the Sun; as has been, in great measure,
proved by Macrobius. Nor was there ever any thing of such detriment to
antient history, as the supposing that the Gods of the Gentile world had
been natives of the countries, where they were worshipped. They have by
these means been admitted into the annals of times: and it has been the
chief study of the learned to register the legendary stories concerning
them; to conciliate absurdities, and to arrange the whole in a
chronological series. A fruitless labour, and inexplicable: for there are
in all these fables such inconsistences, and contradictions, as no art, nor
industry, can remedy. Hence, all who have expended their learning to this
purpose, are in opposition to one another, and often at variance with
themselves. Some of them by these means have rendered their works, which
might have been of infinite use to the world, little better than the
reveries of Monsieur Voltaire. The greatest part of the Grecian theology
arose from misconceptions and blunders: and the stories concerning their
Gods and Heroes were founded on terms misinterpreted and abused. Thus from
the word ταφος, taphos, which they adopted in a limited sense, they formed
a notion of their gods having been buried in every place, where there was a
tumulus to their honour. This misled bishop Cumberland, Usher, Pearson,
Petavius, Scaliger, with numberless other learned men; and among the
foremost the great Newton. This extraordinary genius has greatly impaired
the excellent system, upon which he proceeded, by admitting these fancied
beings into chronology. We are so imbued in our childhood with notions of
Mars, Hercules, and the rest of the celestial outlaws, that we scarce ever
can lay them aside. We absolutely argue upon Pagan principles: and though
we cannot believe the fables, which have been transmitted to us; yet we
forget ourselves continually; and make inferences from them, as if they
were real. In short, till we recollect ourselves, we are semi-pagans. It
gives one pain to see men of learning, and principle, debating which was
the Jupiter who lay with Semele; and whether it was the same that outwitted
Amphitryon. This is not, says a critic, the Hermes, who cut off Argus's
head; but one of later date, who turned Battus into a stone. I fancy, says
another, that this was done, when Iö was turned into a cow. It is said of
Jupiter, that he made the night, in which he enjoyed Alcmena, as long as
[394]three; or, as some say, as long as nine. The Abbe [395]Banier with
some phlegm excepts to this coalition of nights; and is unwilling to allow
it. But he is afterwards more complying; and seems to give it his sanction,
with this proviso, that chronological verity be not thereby impeached. _I
am of opinion_, says he, _that there was no foundation for the fable of
Jupiter's having made the night, on which he lay with Alcmena, longer than
others: at least this event put nothing in nature out of order; since the
day, which followed, was proportionably shorter, as Plautus [396]remarks._

  Atque quanto nox fuisti longior hâc proximâ,
  Tanto brevior dies ut fiat, faciam; ut æque disparet,
  Et dies e nocte accedat.

Were it not invidious, I could subjoin names to every article, which I have
alleged; and produce numberless instances to the same purpose.

It may be said, that I run counter to the opinions of all antiquity: that
all the fathers who treated of this subject, and many other learned men,
supposed the Gods of the heathen to have been deified mortals, who were
worshipped in the countries, where they died. It was the opinion of
Clemens, Eusebius, Cyril, Tertullian, Athenagoras, Epiphanius, Lactantius,
Arnobius, Julius Firmicus, and many others. What is more to the purpose, it
was the opinion of the heathen themselves; the very people, by whom these
gods were honoured: yet still it is a mistake. In respect to the fathers,
the whole of their argument turns upon this point, the concessions of the
Gentiles. The more early writers of the church were not making a strict
chronological inquiry: but were labouring to convert the heathen. They
therefore argue with them upon their own principles; and confute them from
their own testimony. The Romans had their Dii Immortales; the Greeks their
Θεοι Αθανατοι: yet acknowledged that they had been men; that they died, and
were buried. Cicero owns; [397]ab Euhemero et mortes, et sepulturæ
demonstrantur deorum. It matters not whether the notion were true; the
fathers very fairly make use of it. They avail themselves of these
concessions; and prove from them the absurdity of the Gentile worship, and
the inconsistency of their opinions. Even Maximus Tyrius, the Platonic,
could not but smile, at being shewn in the same place the temple, and tomb
of the deity[398]; ἱερον Θεου, και ταφον Θεου. These supposed places of
sepulture were so numerous, that Clemens Alexandrinus tells us, they were
not to be counted. [399]Αλλα γαρ επιοντι μοι τους προσκυνουμενους ὑμιν
ταφους, εμοι μεν ουδ' ὁ πας αν αρκεσῃ χρονος. But, after all, these Ταφοι
were not tombs, but λοφοι μαστοειδεις, conical mounds of earth; on which in
the first ages offerings were made by fire. Hence τυφω, tupho, signified to
make a smoke, such as arose from incense upon these Tupha, or eminences.
Besides, if these were deified men, who were buried under these hills; how
can we explain the difficulty of the same person being buried in different
places, and at different times? To this it is answered, that it was another
Bacchus, and another Jupiter. Yet this still adds to the difficulty: for it
is hard to conceive, that whoever in any country had the name of Jupiter,
should be made a God. Add to this, that Homer and Hesiod, and the authors
of the Orphic poetry, knew of no such duplicates. There is no hint of this
sort among the antient writers of their nation. It was a refinement in
after ages; introduced to obviate the difficulties, which arose from the
absurdities in the pagan system. Arnobius justly ridicules the idle
expedients, made use of to render a base theology plausible. Gods, of the
same name and character, were multiplied to make their fables consistent;
that there might be always one ready at hand upon any chronological
emergency. Hence no difficulty could arise about a Deity, but there might
be one produced, adapted to all climes, and to every age. [400]Aiunt
Theologi vestri, et vetustatis absconditæ conditores, tres in rerum naturâ
Joves esse--quinque Soles, et Mercurios quinque. Aiunt iidem Theologi
quatuor esse Vulcanos, et tres Dianas; Æsculapios totidem, et Dionysos
quinque; ter binos Hercules, et quatuor Veneres; tria genera Castorum,
totidemque Musarum. But Arnobius is too modest. Other writers insist upon a
greater variety. In respect to Jupiters, Varro according to Tertullian
makes them in number three hundred. [401]Varro trecentos Joves, sive
Jupiteres, dicendum, ---- introducit. The same writer mentions forty heroes
of the name of Hercules; all which variety arose from the causes above
assigned: and the like multiplicity may be found both of kings and heroes;
of kings, who did not reign; of heroes, who never existed. The same may be
observed in the accounts transmitted of their most early prophets, and
poets: scarce any of them stand single: there are duplicates of every
denomination. On this account it is highly requisite for those, who suppose
these personages to have been men, and make inferences from the
circumstances of their history, to declare explicitly which they mean; and
to give good reasons for their determination. It is said of Jupiter, that
he was the son of Saturn; and that he carried away Europa, before the
arrival of Cadmus. He had afterwards an amour with Semele, the supposed
daughter of Cadmus: and they mention his having a like intimacy with
Alcmena an age or two later. After this he got acquainted with Leda, the
wife of Tyndarus: and he had children at the siege of Troy. If we may
believe the poets, and all our intelligence comes originally from the
poets, Jupiter was personally interested in that war. But this interval
contains little less than two hundred years. These therefore could not be
the actions of one man: on which account I want to know, why Sir Isaac
Newton [402]in his chronological interpretations chooses to be determined
by the story of Jupiter and Europa, rather than by that of Jupiter and
Leda. The learned [403]Pezron has pitched upon a Jupiter above one thousand
years earlier, who was in like manner the son of Saturn. But Saturn,
according to some of the best mythologists, was but four generations
inclusive before the æra of Troy. Latinus, the son of Faunus, was alive
some years after that city had been taken; when Æneas was supposed to have
arrived in Italy. The poet tells us, [404]Fauno Picus pater: isque parentem
Te, Saturne, refert; Tu sanguinis ultimus auctor. The series amounts only
to four, Latinus, Faunus, Picus, Saturn. What authority has Pezron for the
anticipation of which he is guilty in determining the reign of Jupiter? and
how can he reconcile these contradictory histories? He ought to have given
some good reason for setting aside the more common and accepted accounts;
and placing these events so [405]early. Shall we suppose with the critics
and commentators that this was a prior Jupiter? If it were a different
person, the circumstances of his life should be different: but the person,
of whom he treats, is in all respects similar to the Jupiter of Greece and
Rome. He has a father Saturn; and his mother was Rhea. He was nursed in
Crete; and had wars with the Titans. He dethrones his father, who flies to
Italy; where he introduces an age of gold. The mythology concerning him we
find to be in all respects uniform. It is therefore to little purpose to
substitute another person of the same name by way of reconciling matters,
unless we can suppose that every person so denominated had the same
relations and connexions, and the same occurrences in life reiterated:
which is impossible. It is therefore, I think, plain, that the Grecian
Deities were not the persons [406]supposed: and that their imputed names
were titles. It is true, a very antient and respectable writer,
[407]Euhemerus, of whom I have before made mention, thought otherwise. It
is said, that he could point out precisely, where each god departed: and
could particularly shew the burying-place of Jupiter. Lactantius, who
copied from him, says, that it was at Cnossus in [408]Crete. Jupiter, ætate
pessum actâ, in Cretâ vitam commutavit.--Sepulchrum ejus est in Cretâ, et
in oppido Cnosso: et dicitur Vesta hanc urbem creavisse: inque sepulchro
ejus est inscriptio antiquis literis Græcis, Ζαν Κρονου. If Jupiter had
been buried in Crete, as these writers would persuade us, the accounts
would be uniform about the place where he was deposited. Lactantius, we
find, and some others, say, that it was in the city Cnossus. There are
writers who mention it to have been in a cavern upon [409]Mount Ida: others
upon Mount [410]Jasius. Had the Cretans been authors of the notion, they
would certainly have been more consistent in their accounts: but we find no
more certainty about the place of his burial, than of his birth; concerning
which Callimachus could not determine.

  [411]Ζευ, σε μεν Ιδαιοισιν εν ουρεσι φασι γενεσθαι,
  Ζευ, σε δ' εν Αρκαδιῃ.

He was at times supposed to have been a native of Troas, of Crete, of
Thebes, of Arcadia, of Elis: but the whole arose from the word ταφος being,
through length of time, misunderstood: for there would have been no legend
about the birth of Jupiter, had there been no mistake about his funeral. It
was a common notion of the Magnesians, that Jupiter was buried in their
country upon Mount Sipylus. Pausanias says, that he ascended the mountain,
and beheld the tomb, which was well worthy of [412]admiration. The tomb of
[413]Isis in like manner was supposed to be at Memphis, and at Philæ in
Upper Egypt: also at Nusa in Arabia. Osiris was said to have been buried in
the same places: likewise at Taphosiris, which is thought by Procopius to
have had its name, [414]because it was the place of sepulture of Osiris.
The same is said of another city, which was near the mouth of the Nile, and
called Taphosiris parva. But they each of them had their name from the
worship, and not from the interment of the Deity. This is plain from the
account given of the ταφος Οσιριδος, or high altar of Osiris, by Diodorus;
from whom we learn that Busiris and Osiris were the same. [415]_The
Grecians_, says this author, _have a notion, that Busiris in Egypt used to
sacrifice strangers: not that there was ever such a king as Busiris; but
the_ ταφος, _or altar, of Osiris had this name in the language of the
natives_. In short, Busiris was only a variation for Osiris: both were
compounded of the Egyptian term [416]Sehor, and related to the God of day.
Hence the altars of the same Deity were called indifferently the altars of
Osiris, or Busiris, according as custom prevailed.

I have in a former chapter taken notice of the Tarchons and Dracontia in
Syria, and other parts: which consisted of sacred ground inclosed with a
wall, and an altar or two at the upper part. Such an inclosure is described
by Pausanias, which must have been of great antiquity: hence the history of
it was very imperfectly known in his time. He is speaking of Nemea in
Argolis; [417]_near which_, says he, _stands the temple of Nemean Jupiter,
a structure truly wonderful, though the roof is now fallen in. Round the
temple is a grove of cypress; in which there is a tradition that Opheltes
was left by his nurse upon the grass, and in her absence killed by a
serpent.--In the same place is the tomb of Opheltes, surrounded with a wall
of stone; and within the inclosure altars. There is also a mound of earth
said to be the tomb of Lycurgus, the father of Opheltes._ Lycurgus is the
same as Lycus, Lycaon, Lycoreus, the Sun: and Opheltes, his supposed
offspring, is of the same purport. To say the truth, [418]Opheltes, or, as
it should be expressed, Ophel-tin is the place; and Ophel the Deity, Sol
Pytho, whose symbol was a serpent. Ophel-tin was a Taphos with a τεμενος,
or sacred inclosure: it was a sacred mound to the Ophite Deity; like that
which was inclosed and fortified by [419]Manasseh king of Judah; and which
had been previously made use of to the same purpose by [420]Jotham. A
history similar to that of Opheltes is given of Archemorus; who was said to
have been left in a garden by his nurse Hypsipyle, and in her absence slain
by a serpent. Each of them had festivals instituted, together with sacred
games, in memorial of their misfortune. They are on this account by many
supposed to have been the same person. But in reality they were not
persons, but places. They are, however, so far alike, as they are terms
which relate to the same worship and Deity. Opheltin is the place, and
altar of the Ophite God above-mentioned: and Archemorus was undoubtedly the
antient name of the neighbouring town, or city. It is a compound of
Ar-Chemorus; and signifies the city of Cham-Orus, the same who is styled
Ophel. In many of these places there was an antient tradition of some
person having been injured by a serpent in the beginning of life; which
they have represented as the state of childhood. The mythology upon this
occasion is different: for sometimes the personages spoken of are killed by
the serpent: at other times they kill it: and there are instances where
both histories are told of the same person. But whatever may have been the
consequence, the history is generally made to refer to a state of
childhood. Hercules has accordingly a conflict with two serpents in his
cradle: and Apollo, who was the same as Python, was made to engage a
serpent of this name at Parnassus, when he was a child;

  [421]Κουρος, εων, ΕΤΙ ΓYΜΝΟΣ, ετι πλοκαμοισι γεγηθως.

Near mount Cyllene in Arcadia was the sacred Taphos of [422]Æputus, who was
supposed to have been stung by a serpent. Æputus was the same as Iapetus,
the father of mankind. In the Dionusiaca the priests used to be crowned
with serpents; and in their frantic exclamations to cry out [423]Eva, Eva;
and sometimes Evan, Evan: all which related to some history of a serpent.
Apollo, who is supposed by most to have been victor in his conflict with
the Pytho, is by Porphyry said to have been slain by that serpent:
Pythagoras affirmed, that he saw his tomb at Tripos in [424]Delphi; and
wrote there an epitaph to his honour. The name of Tripos is said to have
been given to the place, because the daughters of Triopus used to lament
there the fate of Apollo. But Apollo and the Python were the same; and
Tripus, or Triopus, the supposed father of these humane sisters, was a
variation for Tor-Opus, the serpent-hill, or temple; where neither Apollo,
nor the Python were slain, but where they were both worshipped, being one
and the same Deity. [425]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ Πυθιος θρησκευεται, και
του Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια. _At Python_ (the same as Delphi)
_the Pythian Dragon is worshipped; and the celebrity of the serpent is
styled Pythian_. The daughters of Triopus were the priestesses of the
temple; whose business it was to chant hymns in memory of the serpent: and
what is very remarkable, the festival was originally observed upon the
seventh [426]day.

The Greeks had innumerable monuments of the sort, which I have been
describing. They were taken for the tombs of departed heroes, but were
really consecrated places: and the names by which they were distinguished,
shew plainly their true history. Such was the supposed tomb of [427]Orion
at Tanagra, and of Phoroneus in [428]Argolis; the tomb of [429]Deucalion in
Athens; and of his wife [430]Pyrrha in Locris: of [431]Endymion in Elis: of
Tityus in [432]Panopea: of Asterion in the island [433]Lade: of the
Egyptian [434]Belus in Achaia. To these may be added the tombs of Zeus in
Mount Sipylus, Mount Iasius, and Ida: the tombs of Osiris in various parts:
and those of Isis, which have been enumerated before. Near the Æaceum at
Epidaurus was a hill, reputed to have been the tomb of the hero
[435]Phocus. This Æaceum was an inclosure planted with olive trees of great
antiquity; and at a small degree above the surface of the ground was an
altar sacred to Æacus. To divulge the traditions relative to this altar
would, it seems, be an high profanation. The author, therefore, keeps them
a secret. Just before this sacred septum was the supposed tomb of Phocus,
consisting of a mound of raised earth, fenced round with a border of stone
work: and a large rough stone was placed upon the top of all. Such were the
rude monuments of Greece, which were looked upon as so many receptacles of
the dead: but were high altars, with their sacred τεμενη, which had been
erected for divine worship in the most early times. The Helladians, and the
Persians, were of the same [436]family: hence we find many similar rites
subsisting among the two nations. The latter adhered to the purer Zabaïsm,
which they maintained a long time. They erected the same sacred Tupha, as
the Grecians: and we may be assured of the original purpose, for which
these hills were raised, from the use to which they put them. They were
dedicated to the great fountain of light, called by the Persians, Anaït:
and were set apart as Puratheia, for the celebration of the rites of fire.
This people, after they had defeated the Sacæ in Cappadocia, raised an
immense Comah in memorial of their victory. [437]Strabo, who describes it
very minutely, tells us, that they chose a spot in an open plain; where
they reared a Petra, or high place, by heaping up a vast mound of earth.
This they fashioned to a conical figure; and then surrounded it with a wall
of stone. In this manner they founded a kind of temple in honour of Anaït,
Omanus, and Anandrates, the Deities of their country. I have mentioned that
the Egyptians had hills of this nature: and from them the custom was
transmitted to Greece. Typhon, or more properly Tuphon, Τυφων, who was
supposed to have been a giant, was a compound of Tuph-On, as I have before
mentioned; and signified a sacred [438]mount of the sun. Those cities in
Egypt, which had a high place of this sort, and rites in consequence of it,
were styled Typhonian. Upon such as these they sacrificed red haired men,
or men with hair of a light colour; in other words strangers. For both the
sons of Chus, and the Mizraïm were particularly dark and woolly: so that
there could be no surer mark than the hair to distinguish between a native
and a foreigner. These sacrifices were offered in the city [439]Idithia,
[440]Abaris, [441]Heliopolis, and Taphosiris; which in consequence of these
offerings were denominated Typhonian cities. Many writers say, that these
rites were performed to Typhon at the [442]tomb of Osiris. Hence he was in
later times supposed to have been a person, one of immense size: and he was
also esteemed a [443]God. But this arose from the common mistake by which
places were substituted for the Deities there worshipped. Typhon was the
Tupha, or altar, the supposed tomb of the God: and the offerings were made
to the Sun, styled On; the same as Osiris, and Busiris. As there were
Typhonian mounts in many parts, he was in consequence of it supposed to
have been buried in different places: near mount Caucasus in Colchis; near
the river Orontes in Syria; and under lake Serbonis. Typhon, or rather
Typhonian worship, was not unknown in the region of [444]Troas, near which
were the Scopuli Typhonis. Plutarch mentions that in the Phrygian Theology
Typhon was esteemed the grandson of Isaac or Isæac: and says that he was so
spoken of εν τοις Φρυγιοις [445]γραμμασιν. But all terms of relation are to
be disregarded. The purport of the history was this. The altar was termed
Tuphon Isiac, sive Βωμος Ισιακος, from the sacra Isiaca, which were
performed upon it. The same Isaac or Isæac was sometimes rendered Æsacus,
and supposed to have been a son of the river Granicus.

  [446]Æsacon umbrosâ furtim peperisse sub Idâ
  Fertur Alexirhoë Granico nata bicorni.

The antient Arcadians were said to have been the offspring of [447]Typhon,
and by some the children of Atlas; by which was meant, that they were
people of the Typhonian, and Atlantian religion. What they called his tombs
were certainly mounds of earth, raised very high, like those which have
been mentioned before: only with this difference, that some of these had
lofty towers adorned with pinnacles, and battlements. They had also carved
upon them various symbols; and particularly serpentine hieroglyphics, in
memorial of the God to whom they were sacred. In their upper story was a
perpetual fire, which was plainly seen in the night. I have mentioned, that
the poets formed their notions about Otus and Ephialtes from towers: and
the idea of Orion's stupendous bulk taken from the Pelorian edifice in
Sicily. The gigantic stature of Typhon was borrowed from a like object: and
his character was formed from the hieroglyphical representations in the
temples styled Typhonian. This may be inferred from the allegorical
description of Typhœus, given by Hesiod. Typhon and Typhœus, were the same
personage: and the poet represents him of a mixed form, being partly a man,
and partly a monstrous dragon, whose head consisted of an assemblage of
smaller serpents.

                  [448]Εκ δε ὁι ωμων
  Ην ἑκατον κεφαλαι οφιος, δεινοιο Δρακοντος.

As there was a perpetual fire kept up in the upper story, he describes it
as shining through the apertures in the building.

                  [449]Εκ δε ὁι οσσων
  Θεσπεσιῃς κεφαλῃσιν ὑπ' οφρυσι πυρ αμαρυσσε·
  Πασεων δ' εκ κεφαλεων πυρ καιετο δερκομενοιο.

But the noblest description of Typhon is given in some very fine poetry by
Nonnus. He has taken his ideas from some antient tower situated near the
sea upon the summit of an high mountain. It was probably the Typhonian
temple of Zeus upon mount Casius, near the famed Serbonian lake. He
mentions sad noises heard within, and describes the roaring of the surge
below: and says that all the monsters of the sea stabled in the cavities at
the foot of the mountain, which was washed by the ocean.

                  [450]Εν ιχθυοεντι δε ποντῳ
  Ἱσταμενου Τυφωνος εσω βρυοεντος εναυλου
  Βενθεϊ ταρσα πεπηκτο, και ηερι μιγνυτο γαστηρ
  Θλιβομενη νεφεεσσι· Γιγαντειου δε καρηνου
  Φρικτον αερσιλοφων αϊων βρυχημα λεοντων,
  Ποντιος ειλυοεντι λεων εκαλυπτετο κολπῳ. κτλ.

We may perceive, that this is a mixed description, wherein, under the
character of a gigantic personage, a towering edifice is alluded to; which
was situated upon the summit of a mountain, and in the vicinity of the sea.

       *       *       *       *       *




    Παρα παντι των νομιζομενων παρ' ὑμιν Θεων Οφις συμβολον μεγα και
    μυστηριον αναγραφεται. Justin. Martyr. Apolog. l. 1. p. 60.

It may seem extraordinary, that the worship of the serpent should have ever
been introduced into the world: and it must appear still more remarkable,
that it should almost universally have prevailed. As mankind are said to
have been ruined through the influence of this being, we could little
expect that it would, of all other objects, have been adopted, as the most
sacred and salutary symbol; and rendered the chief object of
[451]adoration. Yet so we find it to have been. In most of the antient
rites there is some allusion to the [452]serpent. I have taken notice, that
in the Orgies of Bacchus, the persons who partook of the ceremony used to
carry serpents in their hands, and with horrid screams called upon Eva,
Eva. They were often crowned with [453]serpents, and still made the same
frantic exclamation. One part of the mysterious rites of Jupiter Sabazius
was to let a snake slip down the bosom of the person to be initiated, which
was taken out below[454]. These ceremonies, and this symbolic worship,
began among the Magi, who were the sons of Chus: and by them they were
propagated in various parts. Epiphanius thinks, that the invocation, Eva,
Eva, related to the great [455]mother of mankind, who was deceived by the
serpent: and Clemens of Alexandria is of the same opinion. He supposes,
that by this term was meant [456]Ευαν εκεινην, δι' ἡν ἡ πλανη
παρηκολουθησε. But I should think, that Eva was the same as Eph, Epha,
Opha, which the Greeks rendered Οφις, Ophis, and by it denoted a serpent.
Clemens acknowledges, that the term Eva properly aspirated had such a
signification. [457]Το ονομα το Ευια δασυνομενον ἑρμηνευεται Οφις.
Olympias, the mother of [458]Alexander, was very fond of these Orgies, in
which the serpent was introduced. Plutarch mentions, that rites of this
sort were practised by the Edonian women near mount Hæmus in Thrace; and
carried on to a degree of madness. Olympias copied them closely in all
their frantic manœuvres. She used to be followed with many attendants, who
had each a thyrsus with [459]serpents twined round it. They had also snakes
in their hair, and in the chaplets, which they wore; so that they made a
most fearful appearance. Their cries were very shocking: and the whole was
attended with a continual repetition of the words, [460]Evoe, Saboe, Hues
Attes, Attes Hues, which were titles of the God Dionusus. He was peculiarly
named Ὑης; and his priests were the Hyades, and Hyantes. He was likewise
styled Evas. [461]Ευας ὁ Διονυσος.

In Egypt was a serpent named Thermuthis, which was looked upon as very
sacred; and the natives are said to have made use of it as a royal tiara,
with which they ornamented the statues of [462]Isis. We learn from Diodorus
Siculus, that the kings of Egypt wore high bonnets, which terminated in a
round ball: and the whole was surrounded with figures of [463]asps. The
priests likewise upon their bonnets had the representation of serpents. The
antients had a notion, that when Saturn devoured his own children, his wife
Ops deceived him by substituting a large stone in lieu of one of his sons,
which stone was called Abadir. But Ops, and Opis, represented here as a
feminine, was the serpent Deity, and Abadir is the same personage under a
different denomination. [464]Abadir Deus est; et hoc nomine lapis ille,
quem Saturnus dicitur devorâsse pro Jove, quem Græci βαιτυλον
vocant.--Abdir quoque et Abadir βαιτυλος. Abadir seems to be a variation of
Ob-Adur, and signifies the serpent God Orus. One of these stones, which
Saturn was supposed to have swallowed instead of a child, stood, according
to [465]Pausanias, at Delphi. It was esteemed very sacred, and used to have
libations of wine poured upon it daily; and upon festivals was otherwise
honoured. The purport of the above history I imagine to have been this. It
was for a long time a custom to offer children at the altar of Saturn: but
in process of time they removed it, and in its room erected a στυλος, or
stone pillar; before which they made their vows, and offered sacrifices of
another nature. This stone, which they thus substituted, was called
Ab-Adar, from the Deity represented by it. The term Ab generally signifies
a [466]father: but, in this instance, it certainly relates to a serpent,
which was indifferently styled Ab, Aub, and [467]Ob. I take Abadon, or, as
it is mentioned in the Revelations, Abaddon, to have been the name of the
same Ophite God, with whose worship the world had been so long infected. He
is termed by the Evangelist [468]Αβαδδων, τον Αγγελον της Αβυσσου, the
angel of the bottomless pit; that is, the prince of darkness. In another
place he is described as the [469]dragon, that old serpent, which is the
devil, and Satan. Hence I think, that the learned Heinsius is very right in
the opinion, which he has given upon this passage; when he makes Abaddon
the same as the serpent Pytho. Non dubitandum est, quin Pythius Apollo, hoc
est spurcus ille spiritus, quem Hebræi Ob, et Abaddon, Hellenistæ ad verbum
Απολλυωνα, cæteri Απολλωνα, dixerunt, sub hâc formâ, quâ miseriam humano
generi invexit, primo cultus[470].

[Illustration: _Ophis Thermuthis, sive Ob Basiliscus Ægyptiacus cum
Sacerdote Supplicante._]

[Illustration: Pl. VII.]

It is said, that, in the ritual of Zoroaster, the great expanse of the
heavens, and even nature itself, was described under the symbol of a
serpent[471]. The like was mentioned in the Octateuch of Ostanes: and
moreover, that in Persis and in other parts of the east they erected
temples to the serpent tribe, and held festivals to their honour, esteeming
them [472]Θεους τους μεγιστους, και αρχηγους των ὁλων, _the supreme of all
Gods, and the superintendants of the whole world_. The worship began among
the people of Chaldea. They built the city Opis upon the [473]Tigris, and
were greatly addicted to divination, and to the worship of the
serpent[474]. Inventi sunt ex iis (Chaldeis) augures, et magi, divinatores,
et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob, et Ideoni. From Chaldea the worship passed
into Egypt, where the serpent Deity was called Can-oph, Can-eph, and
C'neph. It had also the name of Ob, or Oub, and was the same as the
Basiliscus, or Royal Serpent; the same also as the Thermuthis: and in like
manner was made use of by way of ornament to the statues of their
[475]Gods. The chief Deity of Egypt is said to have been Vulcan, who was
also styled Opas, as we learn from [476]Cicero. He was the same as Osiris,
the Sun; and hence was often called Ob-El, sive Pytho Sol: and there were
pillars sacred to him with curious hieroglyphical inscriptions, which had
the same name. They were very lofty, and narrow in comparison of their
length; hence among the Greeks, who copied from the Egyptians, every thing
gradually tapering to a point was styled Obelos, and Obeliscus. Ophel
(Oph-El) was a name of the same purport: and I have shewn, that many sacred
mounds, or Tapha, were thus denominated from the serpent Deity, to whom
they were sacred.

Sanchoniathon makes mention of an history, which he once wrote upon the
worship of the serpent. The title of this work, according to Eusebius was,
[477]Ethothion, or Ethothia. Another treatise upon the same subject was
written by Pherecydes Syrus, which was probably a copy of the former; for
he is said to have composed it, [478]παρα Φοινικων λαβων τας αφορμας, _from
some previous accounts of the Phenicians_. The title of his book was the
Theology of Ophion, styled Ophioneus; and of his worshippers, called
Ophionidæ. Thoth, and Athoth, were certainly titles of the Deity in the
Gentile world: and the book of Sanchoniathon might very possibly have been
from hence named Ethothion, or more truly Athothion. But from the subject,
upon which it was written, as well as from the treatise of Pherecydes, I
should think, that Athothion, or Ethothion, was a mistake for Ath-ophion, a
title which more immediately related to that worship, of which the writer
treated. _Ath_ was a sacred title, as I have shewn: and I imagine, that
this dissertation did not barely relate to the serpentine Deity; but
contained accounts of his votaries, the Ophitæ, the principal of which were
the sons of Chus. The worship of the Serpent began among them; and they
were from thence denominated Ethopians, and Aithopians, which the Greeks
rendered Αιθιοπες. It was a name, which they did not receive from their
complexion, as has been commonly surmised; for the branch of Phut, and the
Lubim, were probably of a deeper die: but they were so called from Ath-Ope,
and Ath-Opis, the God which they worshipped. This may be proved from Pliny.
He says that the country Æthiopia (and consequently the people) had the
name of Æthiop from a personage who was a Deity--ab [479]Æthiope Vulcani
filio. The Æthiopes brought these rites into Greece: and called the island,
where they first established them, [480]Ellopia, Solis Serpentis insula. It
was the same as Eubœa, a name of the like purport; in which island was a
region named Æthiopium. Eubœa is properly Oub-Aia; and signifies the
Serpent Island. The same worship prevailed among the Hyperboreans, as we
may judge from the names of the sacred women, who used to come annually to
Delos. They were priestesses of the Tauric Goddess, and were denominated
from her titles.

  [481]Ουπις τε, Λοξω τε, και Ευαιων Ἑκαεργη.

Hercules was esteemed the chief God, the same as Chronus; and was said to
have produced the Mundane egg. He was represented in the Orphic Theology
under the mixed symbol of a [482]lion and serpent: and sometimes of a
[483]serpent only. I have before mentioned, that the Cuthites under the
title of Heliadæ settled at Rhodes: and, as they were Hivites or Ophites,
that the island in consequence of it was of old named Ophiusa. There was
likewise a tradition, that it had once swarmed with [484]serpents. The like
notion prevailed almost in every place, where they settled. They came under
the more general titles of Leleges and Pelasgi: but more particularly of
Elopians, Europians, Oropians, Asopians, Inopians, Ophionians, and
Æthiopes, as appears from the names, which they bequeathed; and in most
places, where they resided, there were handed down traditions, which
alluded to their original title of Ophites. In Phrygia, and upon the
Hellespont, whither they sent out colonies very early, was a people styled
Οφιογενεις, or the serpent-breed; who were said to retain an affinity and
correspondence with [485]serpents. And a notion prevailed, that some hero,
who had conducted them, was changed from a serpent to a man. In Colchis was
a river Ophis; and there was another of the same name in Arcadia. It was so
named from a body of people, who settled upon its banks, and were said to
have been conducted by a serpent: [486]Τον ἡγεμονα γενεσθαι δρακοντα. These
reptiles are seldom found in islands, yet Tenos, one of the Cyclades, was
supposed to have once swarmed with them. [487]Εν τῃ Τηνῳ, μιᾳ των Κυκλαδων
νησῳ, οφεις και σκορπιοι δεινοι εγινοντο. Thucydides mentions a people of
Ætolia called [488]Ophionians: and the temple of Apollo at Patara in Lycia
seems to have had its first institution from a priestess of the same
[489]name. The island of Cyprus was styled Ophiusa, and Ophiodes, from the
serpents, with which it was supposed to have [490]abounded. Of what species
they were is no where mentioned; excepting only that about Paphos there was
said to have been a [491]kind of serpent with two legs. By this is meant
the Ophite race, who came from Egypt, and from Syria, and got footing in
this [492]island. They settled also in Crete, where they increased greatly
in numbers; so that Minos was said by an unseemly allegory, [493]οφεις
ουρησαι, serpentes minxisse. The island Seriphus was one vast rock, by the
Romans called [494]saxum seriphium; and made use of as a larger kind of
prison for banished persons. It is represented as having once abounded with
serpents; and it is styled by Virgil _serpentifera_, as the passage is
happily corrected by Scaliger.

  [495]Æginamque simul, serpentiferamque Seriphon.

It had this epithet not on account of any real serpents, but according to
the Greeks from [496]Medusa's head, which was brought hither by Perseus. By
this is meant the serpent Deity, whose worship was here introduced by
people called Peresians. Medusa's head denoted divine wisdom: and the
island was sacred to the serpent as is apparent from its name[497]. The
Athenians were esteemed Serpentigenæ; and they had a tradition, that the
chief guardian of their Acropolis was a [498]serpent. It is reported of the
Goddess Ceres, that she placed a dragon for a guardian to her temple at
[499]Eleusis; and appointed another to attend upon Erectheus. Ægeus of
Athens, according to Androtion, was of the [500]serpent breed: and the
first king of the country is said to have been [501]Δρακων, a Dragon.
Others make Cecrops the first who reigned. He is said to have been
[502]διφυης, _of a twofold nature_; συμφυες εχων σωμα ανδρος και δρακοντος,
_being formed with the body of a man blended with that of a serpent_.
Diodorus says, that this was a circumstance deemed by the Athenians
inexplicable: yet he labours to explain it, by representing Cecrops, as
half a man, and half a [503]brute; because he had been of two different
communities. Eustathius likewise tries to solve it nearly upon the same
principles, and with the like success. Some had mentioned of Cecrops, that
he underwent a metamorphosis, [504]απο οφεως εις ανθρωπον ελθειν, _that he
was changed from a serpent to a man_. By this was signified according to
Eustathius, that Cecrops, by coming into Hellas, divested himself of all
the rudeness and barbarity of his [505]country, and became more civilized
and humane. This is too high a compliment to be payed to Greece in its
infant state, and detracts greatly from the character of the Egyptians. The
learned Marsham therefore animadverts with great justice. [506]Est
verisimilius ilium ex Ægypto mores magis civiles in Græciam induxisse. _It
is more probable, that he introduced into Greece, the urbanity of his own
country, than that he was beholden to Greece for any thing from thence._ In
respect to the mixed character of this personage, we may, I think, easily
account for it. Cecrops was certainly a title of the Deity, who was
worshipped under this [507]emblem. Something of the like nature was
mentioned of Triptolemus, and [508]Ericthonius: and the like has been said
above of Hercules. The natives of Thebes in Bœotia, like the Athenians
above, esteemed themselves of the serpent race. The Lacedæmonians likewise
referred themselves to the same original. Their city is said of old to have
swarmed with [509]serpents. The same is said of the city Amyclæ in Italy,
which was of Spartan original. They came hither in such abundance, that it
was abandoned by the [510]inhabitants. Argos was infested in the same
manner, till Apis came from Egypt, and settled in that city. He was a
prophet, the reputed son of Apollo, and a person of great skill and
sagacity. To him they attributed the blessing of having their country freed
from this evil.

  [511]Απις γαρ ελθων εκ περας Ναυπακτιας,
  Ιατρομαντις, παις Απολλωνος, χθονα
  Την δ' εκκαθαιρει κνωδαλον βροτοφθορων.

Thus the Argives gave the credit to this imaginary personage of clearing
their land of this grievance: but the brood came from the very quarter from
whence Apis was supposed to have arrived. They were certainly Hivites from
Egypt: and the same story is told of that country. It is represented as
having been of old over-run with serpents; and almost depopulated through
their numbers. Diodorus Siculus seems to understand this [512]literally:
but a region, which was annually overflowed, and that too for so long a
season, could not well be liable to such a calamity. They were serpents of
another nature, with which it was thus infested: and the history relates to
the Cuthites, the original Ophitæ, who for a long time possessed that
country. They passed from Egypt to Syria, and to the Euphrates: and mention
is made of a particular breed of serpents upon that river, which were
harmless to the natives, but fatal to every body else. [513]This, I think,
cannot be understood literally. The wisdom of the serpent may be great; but
not sufficient to make these distinctions. These serpents were of the same
nature as the [514]birds of Diomedes, and the dogs in the temple of Vulcan:
and these histories relate to Ophite priests, who used to spare their own
people, and sacrifice strangers, a custom which prevailed at one time in
most parts of the world. I have mentioned that the Cuthite priests were
very learned: and as they were Ophites, whoever had the advantage of their
information, was said to have been instructed by serpents. Hence there was
a tradition, that Melampus was rendered prophetic from a communication with
these [515]animals. Something similar is said of Tiresias.

As the worship of the serpent was of old so prevalent, many places, as well
as people from thence, received their names. Those who settled in Campania
were called Opici; which some would have changed to Ophici; because they
were denominated from serpents. [516]Οι δε (φασιν) ὁτι Οφικοι απο των
οφιων. But they are, in reality, both names of the same purport, and denote
the origin of the people. We meet with places called Opis, Ophis, Ophitæa,
Ophionia, Ophioëssa, Ophiodes, and Ophiusa. This last was an antient name,
by which, according to Stephanus, the islands Rhodes, Cythnus, Besbicus,
Tenos, and the whole continent of Africa, were distinguished. There were
also cities so called. Add to these places denominated Oboth, Obona, and
reversed Onoba, from Ob, which was of the same purport. Clemens
Alexandrinus says, that the term Eva signified a serpent, if pronounced
with a proper [517]aspirate. We find that there were places of this name.
There was a city Eva in [518]Arcadia: and another in [519]Macedonia. There
was also a mountain Eva, or Evan, taken notice of by [520]Pausanias,
between which and Ithome lay the city Messene. He mentions also an Eva in
[521]Argolis, and speaks of it as a large town. Another name for a serpent,
of which I have as yet taken no notice, was Patan, or Pitan. Many places in
different parts were denominated from this term. Among others was a city in
[522]Laconia; and another in [523]Mysia, which Stephanus styles a city of
Æolia. They were undoubtedly so named from the worship of the serpent,
Pitan: and had probably Dracontia, where were figures and devices relative
to the religion which prevailed. Ovid mentions the latter city, and has
some allusions to its antient history, when he describes Medea as flying
through the air from Attica to Colchis.

  [524]Æoliam Pitanem lævâ de parte relinquit,
  Factaque de saxo longi simulacra _Draconis_.

[Illustration: Pl. VIII.]

The city was situated upon the river Eva or Evan, which the Greeks rendered
[525]Evenus. It is remarkable, that the Opici, who are said to have been
denominated from serpents, had also the name of Pitanatæ: at least one part
of that family were so called. [526]Τινας δε και Πιτανατας λεγεσθαι.
Pitanatæ is a term of the same purport as Opici, and relates to the
votaries of Pitan, the serpent Deity, which was adored by that people.

Menelaus was of old styled [527]Pitanates, as we learn from Hesychius: and
the reason of it may be known from his being a Spartan, by which was
intimated one of the serpentigenæ, or Ophites. Hence he was represented
with a serpent for a device upon his shield. It is said that a brigade, or
portion of infantry, was among some of the Greeks named [528]Pitanates; and
the soldiers, in consequence of it, must have been termed Pitanatæ:
undoubtedly, because they had the Pitan, or serpent, for their
[529]standard. Analogous to this, among other nations, there were soldiers
called [530]Draconarii. I believe, that in most countries the military
standard was an emblem of the Deity there worshipped.

From what has been said, I hope, that I have thrown some light upon the
history of this primitive idolatry: and have moreover shewn, that wherever
any of these Ophite colonies settled they left behind from their rites and
institutes, as well as from the names, which they bequeathed to places,
ample memorials, by which they may be clearly traced out. It may seem
strange, that in the first ages there should have been such an universal
defection from the truth; and above all things such a propensity to this
particular mode of worship, this mysterious attachment to the serpent. What
is scarce credible, it obtained among Christians; and one of the most early
heresies in the church was of this sort, introduced by a sect, called by
[531]Epiphanius Ophitæ, by [532]Clemens of Alexandria Ophiani. They are
particularly described by Tertullian, whose account of them is well worth
our notice. [533]Accesserunt his Hæretici etiam illi, qui Ophitæ
nuncupantur: nam serpentem magnificant in tantum, ut illum etiam ipsi
Christo præferant. Ipse enim, inquiunt, scientiæ nobis boni et mali
originem dedit. Hujus animadvertens potentiam et majestatem Moyses æreum
posuit serpentem: et quicunque in eum aspexerunt, sanitatem consecuti sunt.
Ipse, aiunt, præterea in Evangelio imitatur serpentis ipsius sacram
potestatem, dicendo, et sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita
exaltari oportet filium hominis. Ipsum introducunt ad benedicenda
Eucharistia sua. In the above we see plainly the perverseness of human wit,
which deviates so industriously; and is ever after employed in finding
expedients to countenance error, and render apostasy plausible. It would be
a noble undertaking, and very edifying in its consequences, if some person
of true learning, and a deep insight into antiquity, would go through with
the history of the [534]serpent. I have adopted it, as far as it relates to
my system, which is, in some degree, illustrated by it.

       *       *       *       *       *


    Παλαιοτατοι μεν λεγονται εν μερει τινι της χωρας (της Σικελιας)
    Κυκλωπες, και Λαιστρυγονες οικησαι· ὡν εγω ουτε γενος εχω ειπειν, ουτε
    ὁποθεν εισηλθον, η ὁποι απεχωρησαν. Thucydides. l. 6. p. 378.

Thucydides acquaints us concerning the Cyclopes and Læstrygones, that they
were the most antient inhabitants of Sicily, but that he could not find out
their race: nor did he know from what part of the world they originally
came, nor to what country they afterwards betook themselves. I may appear
presumptuous in pretending to determine a history so remote and obscure;
and which was a secret to this learned Grecian two thousand years ago. Yet
this is my present purpose: and I undertake it with a greater confidence,
as I can plainly shew, that we have many lights, with which the natives of
Hellas were unacquainted; besides many advantages, of which they would not
avail themselves.

The gigantic Cyclopes were originally Ophitæ, who worshipped the symbolical
serpent. They have been represented by the poets, as persons of an enormous
[535]stature, rude and savage in their demeanour, and differing from the
rest of mankind in countenance. They are described as having only one large
eye; which is said to have been placed, contrary to the usual situation of
that organ, in the middle of their foreheads. Their place of residence was
upon mount Ætna, and in the adjacent district at the foot of that
[536]mountain, which was the original region styled Trinacia. This is the
common account, as it has been transmitted by the Poets, as well as by the
principal mythologists of Greece: and in this we have been taught to
acquiesce. But the real history is not so obvious and superficial. There
are accounts of them to be obtained, that differ much from the
representations which are commonly exhibited. The Poets have given a mixed
description: and in lieu of the Deity of the place have introduced these
strange personages, the ideas of whose size were borrowed from sacred
edifices, where the Deity was worshipped. They were Petra, or temples of
Cœlus; of the same nature and form as the tower of Orion, which was at no
great distance from them. Some of them had the name of [537]Charon, and
Tarchon: and they were esteemed Pelorian, from the God Alorus, the same as
Cœlus and Python. The Grecians confounded the people, who raised these
buildings, with the structures themselves. Strabo places them near
[538]Ætna, and Leontina: and supposes, that they once ruled over that part
of the island. And it is certain that a people styled Cyclopians did
possess that [539]province. Polyphemus is imagined to have been the chief
of this people: and Euripides describes the place of his residence as
towards the foot of the mountain: [540]Οικεις ὑπ' Αιτνῃ τῃ πυροστακτῳ
Πετρᾳ. They are represented as a people savage, and lawless, and delighting
in human flesh. Hence it is prophesied by Cassandra, as a curse upon
Ulysses, that he would one day be forced to seek for refuge in a Cyclopian
[541]mansion. And when he arrives under the roof of Polyphemus, and makes
inquiry about his host, and particularly upon what he fed; he is told, that
the Cyclops above all things esteemed the flesh of strangers. [542]Chance
never throws any body upon this coast, says Silenus, but he is made a meal
of; and it is looked upon as a delicious repast. This character of the
Cyclopians arose from the cruel custom of sacrificing strangers, whom
fortune brought upon their coast. This was practised in many parts of the
world, but especially here, and upon the coast of the Lamii in Italy; and
among all the Scythic nations upon the Euxine sea: into all which regions
it was introduced from Egypt and Canaan.

But we must not consider the Cyclopians in this partial light: nor look for
them only in the island of Sicily, to which they have been by the Poets
confined. Memorials of them are to be found in many parts of Greece, where
they were recorded as far superior to the natives in science and ingenuity.
The Grecians, by not distinguishing between the Deity, and the people, who
were called by his titles, have brought great confusion upon this history.
The Cyclopians were denominated from Κυκλωψ, Cyclops, the same as Cœlus.
According to Parmeno Byzantinus, he was the God [543]Nilus of Egypt, who
was the same as [544]Zeus, and Osiris. The history both of the Deity, and
of the people, became in time obsolete: and it has been rendered more
obscure by the mixed manner in which it has been represented by the Poets.

It is generally agreed by writers upon the subject, that the Cyclopians
were of a size superior to the common race of mankind. Among the many
tribes of the Amonians, which went abroad, were to be found people, who
were styled [545]Anakim, and were descended from the sons of Anac: so that
this history, though carried to a great excess, was probably founded in
truth. They were particularly famous for architecture; which they
introduced into Greece, as we are told by [546]Herodotus: and in all parts,
whither they came, they erected noble structures, which were remarkable for
their height and beauty: and were often dedicated to the chief Deity, the
Sun, under the name of Elorus, and P'elorus. People were so struck with
their grandeur, that they called every thing great and stupendous,
Pelorian. And when they described the Cyclopians as a lofty towering race,
they came at last to borrow their ideas of this people from the towers, to
which they alluded. They supposed them in height to reach to the clouds;
and in bulk to equal the promontories, on which they were founded. Homer
says of Polyphemus,

  [547]Και γαρ θαυμ' ετετυκτο πελωριον, ουδε εῳκει
  Ανδρι γε σιτοφαγῳ, αλλα ῥιῳ ὑληεντι.

Virgil says of the same person,

  [548]Ipse arduus, altaque pulsat sidera.

As these buildings were oftentimes light-houses, and had in their upper
story one round casement, Argolici clypeï, aut Phœbeæ lampadis instar, by
which they afforded light in the night-season; the Greeks made this a
characteristic of the people. They supposed this aperture to have been an
eye, which was fiery, and glaring, and placed in the middle of their
foreheads. Hence Callimachus describes them as a monstrous race:

                  [549]αινα Πελωρα,
  Πρηοσιν Οσσειοισιν εοικοτα· πασι δ' ὑπ' οφρυν
  Φαεα μουνογληνα σακει ισα τετραβοειῳ.

The Grecians have so confounded the Cyclopian Deity with his votaries, that
it is difficult to speak precisely of either. They sometimes mention him as
a single person; the same as Nilus of Egypt, who was esteemed the father of
the Gods. At other times they introduce a plurality, whom they still
represent as of the highest antiquity, and make the brethren of Cronus:
[550]Κυκλωπες--ὁι αδελφοι ησαν του Κρονου, του πατρος του Διος. Proclus in
Photius informs us, that, according to the antient mythology of the
Auctores Cyclici, the giants with an hundred hands, and the Cyclopes, were
the first born of the [551]Earth and Cœlus. But in these histories every
degree of relation has been founded upon idle surmises: and is uniformly to
be set aside. The Cyclopian Deity was [552]Ouranus, and the Cyclopians were
his priests and votaries: some of whom had divine honours paid to them, and
were esteemed as Gods. Upon the Isthmus of Corinth was an antient temple;
which seems to have been little more than a ταφος or high altar, where
offerings were made to the Cyclopian [553]Deities. People of this family
settled upon the southern coast of Sicily at Camarina; which some have
supposed to have been the Hupereia of Homer, where the Pheacians once

  [554]Ὁι πριν μεν ποτ' εναιον εν ευρυχορῳ Ὑπερειᾳ,
  Αγχου Κυκλωπων ανδρων ὑπερηνορεοντων.

But there is no reason to think, that the city Hupereia was in Sicily; or
that the Pheacians came from that country. The notion arose from a common
mistake. All the Greek and Roman Poets, and even Strabo, with other
respectable writers, have taken it for granted, that the Cyclopians of
Homer were near Ætna in Sicily. Others except to their being near Ætna; and
insist, that they were in the vicinity of Eryx upon the opposite part of
the island. But Homer does not once mention the island during his whole
account of the Cyclopes: nor does Ulysses arrive in Sicily, till after many
subsequent adventures. That there were Cyclopians near Ætna is certain: but
those mentioned by Homer were of another country, and are represented as
natives of the continent though his account is very indeterminate and
obscure. There were probably people of this family in many parts of Sicily,
especially about the city Camarina. They seem to have been of the Anakim
race, and worshippers of the Sun. Hence they were styled Camarin, and their
chief city Camarina, which was so called from a city of the same name in
[555]Chaldea, the Ur of the Scriptures. Polyphemus is mentioned as a
musician and a shepherd; but of a savage and brutal disposition: which
character arose from the cruel rites practised by the Cyclopians. According
to [556]Bacchylides it was said, that Galatus, Illyrius, and Celtus were
the sons of Polyphemus. By this was certainly signified, that the Galatæ,
Illyrii, and Celtæ, were of Cyclopian original, and of the Anakim race; all
equally Amonians. Lycophron mentions the cave of this personage, by which
was meant an antient temple; and he calls it [557]μονογληνου στεγας
Χαρωνος: _the habitation of Charon, a personage with one eye_. But here, as
I have often observed, the place is mistaken for a person; the temple for
the Deity. Charon was the very place; the antient temple of the Sun. It was
therefore styled Char-On from the God, who was there worshipped; and after
the Egyptian custom an eye was engraved over its portal. These temples were
sometimes called Charis, [558]Χαρις; which is a compound of Char-Is, and
signifies a prutaneion, or place sacred to Hephastus. As the rites of fire
were once almost universally practised, there were many places of this
name, especially in [559]Parthia, Babylonia, and Phrygia. The Grecians
rendered Char-Is by Χαρις, a term in their own language, which signified
grace and elegance. And nothing witnesses their attachment to antient terms
more than their continually introducing them, though they were strangers to
their true meaning. The Arimaspians were Hyperborean Cyclopians; and had
temples named Charis, or Charisia, in the top of which were preserved a
perpetual fire. They were of the same family as those of [560]Sicily, and
had the same rites; and particularly worshipped the Ophite Deity under the
name of [561]Opis. Aristeas Proconnesius wrote their history; and among
other things mentioned that they had but one eye, which was placed in their
graceful forehead.

  [562]Οφθαλμον δ' ἑν' ἑκαστος εχει χαριεντι μετωπῳ.

How could the front of a Cyclopian, one of the most hideous monsters that
ever poetic fancy framed, be styled graceful? The whole is a mistake of
terms: and what this writer had misapplied, related to Charis, a tower; and
the eye was the casement in the top of the edifice, where a light, and fire
were kept up. What confirmed the mistake was the representation of an eye,
which, as I have mentioned, was often engraved over the entrance of these
temples. The chief Deity of Egypt was frequently represented under the
symbol of an eye, [563]and a sceptre. I have observed, that Orion was
supposed to have had three fathers, merely because a tower, sacred to him
in Sicily, and called Tor-Pator, was altered to Τριπατωρ; which change
seemed to countenance such an opinion. The Cyclopians were of the same
region in that island; and their towers had undoubtedly the same name: for
the Cyclopians were styled [564]Τριτοπατερες, and were supposed to have
been three in number. Some such mistake was made about the towers styled
Charis: whence the Grecians formed their notion of the Graces. As Charis
was a tower sacred to fire; some of the Poets have supposed a nymph of that
name, who was beloved by Vulcan. Homer speaks of her as his wife:
[565]Χαρις--Καλη, ἡν ωπυιε περικλυτος Αμφιγυνεις. But Nonnus makes her his
mistress; and says, that he turned her out of doors for her jealousy.

  [566]Εκ δε δομων εδιωκε Χαριν ζηλημονα νυμφην.

The Graces were said to be related to the Sun who was in reality the same
as Vulcan. The Sun among the people of the east was called Hares, and with
a guttural, Chares: and his temple was styled Tor-Chares. But as Tor-Pator
was changed to Tripator; so Tor-Chares was rendered Trichares, which the
Greeks expressed Τριχαρις; and from thence formed a notion of three Graces.
Cicero says, that they were the daughters of night, and Erebus: but
Antimachus, more agreeably to this etymology, maintained, that they were
the offspring of the Sun and light; [567]Αιγλης και Ἡλιου θυγατερας. These
seeming contradictions are not difficult to be reconciled.

The Amonians, wherever they settled, were celebrated for their superiority
in science; and particularly for their skill in building. Of this family
were Trophonius, and his brother Agamedes, who are represented as very
great in the profession. They were truly wonderful, says [568]Pausanias,
for the temples, which they erected to the Gods; and for the stately
edifices, which they built for men. They were the architects, who contrived
the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the treasury constructed to Urius. They
were, I make no doubt, some of those, who were styled Cyclopians; as the
people under this appellation were far the most eminent in this way. When
the Sibyl in Virgil shews Æneas the place of torment in the shades below,
and leads him through many melancholy recesses, we find that the whole was
separated from the regions of bliss by a wall built by the Cyclopians. The
Sibyl accordingly at their exit tells him,

          [569]Cyclopum educta caminis
  Mœnia conspicio.

From hence we find that they were the reputed builders of the infernal
mansions; which notion arose from the real buildings, which they erected.
For all the ideas of the antients about the infernal regions, and the
torments of hell, were taken from the temples in each country; and from the
rites and inquisition practised in them. But the Cyclopians were not merely
imaginary operators. They founded several cities in Greece; and constructed
many temples to the Gods, which were of old in high repute. They were so
much esteemed for their skill, that, as the Scholiast upon Statius
observes, every thing great and noble was looked upon as Cyclopian:
[570]quicquid magnitudine suâ nobile est, Cyclopum manu dicitur fabricatum.
Nor was this a fiction, as may be surmised; for they were in great measure
the real architects. And if, in the room of those portentous beings the
Cyclopes, Κυκλωπες, we substitute a colony of people called Cyclopians, we
shall find the whole to be true, which is attributed to them; and a new
field of history will be opened, that was before unknown. They were,
undoubtedly, a part of the people styled Academians, who resided in Attica;
where they founded the Academia, and Ceramicus, and introduced human
sacrifices. Hence we are informed, that the Athenians, in the time of a
plague, sacrificed three virgin daughters of Hyacinthus at the tomb
Geræstus, the [571]Cyclops. But Geræstus was not a person, but a place.
Γεραιστος is a small variation for Ker-Astus; and signifies the temple of
Astus the God of fire. It was certainly the antient name of the place where
these sacrifices were exhibited: and the Taphos was a Cyclopian altar, upon
which they were performed. The Cyclopians are said to have built the
antient city Mycene, which Hercules in Seneca threatens to ruin.

      ----[572]quid moror? majus mihi
  Bellum Mycenis restat, ut Cyclopea
  Eversa manibus mœnia nostris concidant.

Nonnus speaks of the city in the same light:

  [573]Στεμματι τειχιοεντι περιζωσθεντα Μυκηνη,
  Κυκλωπων κανονεσσι.

The gate of the city, and the chief tower were particularly ascribed to
them: [574]Κυκλωπων δε και ταυτα εργα ειναι λεγουσιν. _These too are
represented as the work of the Cyclopians_. They likewise built Argos;
which is mentioned by Thyestes in Seneca as a wonderful performance.

          [575]Cyclopum sacras
  Turres, labore majus humano decus.

All these poetical histories were founded in original truths. Some of them
built Hermione, one of the most antient cities in Greece. The tradition
was, that it was built by [576]Hermion the son of Europs, or Europis, a
descendant of Phoroneus, and Niobe; and was inhabited by Dorians, who came
from Argos: in which history is more than at first appears. The city stood
near a stagnant lake, and a deep cavern; where was supposed to be the most
compendious passage to the shades below: [577]την εις ἁδου καταβασιν
συντομον. The lake was called the pool of Acherusia; near to which and the
yawning cavern the Cyclopians chose to take up their habitation. They are
said to have built [578]Tiryns; the walls of which were esteemed no less a
wonder than the [579]pyramids of Egypt. They must have resided at Nauplia
in Argolis; a place in situation not unlike Hermione above-mentioned. Near
this city were caverns in the earth, and subterraneous passages, consisting
of [580]labyrinths cut in the rock, like the syringes in Upper Egypt, and
the maze at the lake Mæris: and these too were reputed the work of
Cyclopians. Pausanias thinks very truly, that the Nauplians were from
Egypt. [581]Ησαν δε ὁι Ναυπλιεις, εμοι δοκειν, Αιγυπτιοι τα παλαιοτερα.
_The Nauplians seem to me to have been a colony from Egypt in the more
early times_. He supposes that they were some of those emigrants, who came
over with Danaüs. The nature of the works, which the Cyclopians executed,
and the lake, which they named Acherusia, shew plainly the part of the
world from whence they came. The next city to Nauplia was Trœzen, where
Orus was said to have once reigned, from whom the country was called Oraia:
but Pausanias very justly thinks, that it was an Egyptian history; and that
the region was denominated from [582]Orus of Egypt, whose worship
undoubtedly had been here introduced. So that every circumstance witnesses
the country, from whence the Cyclopians came. Hence when [583]Euripides
speaks of the walls of antient Mycene, as built by the Cyclopians after the
Phenician rule and method: the Phenicians alluded to were the Φοινικες of
Egypt, to which country they are primarily to be referred. Those who built
Tiryns are represented as seven in number; and the whole is described by
Strabo in the following manner. [584]Τιρυνθι ὁρμητηριῳ χρησασθαι δοκει
Προιτος, και τειχισαι δια Κυκλωπων· ὁυς ἑπτα μεν ειναι, καλεισθαι δε
Γαστεροχειρας, τρεφομενους εκ της τεχνης. _Prœtus seems to have been the
first who made use of Tiryns as an harbour; which place he walled round by
the assistance of the Cyclopians. They were seven in number, styled
Gastrocheirs; and lived by their labour._ Hesychius in some degree reverses
this strange name, and says, that they were called Εγχειρογαστερες. The
Grecians continually mistook places for persons, as I have shewn. These
seven Cyclopes were, I make no doubt, seven Cyclopian towers built by the
people, of whom I have been treating. Some of them stood towards the
harbour to afford light to ships, when they approached in the night. They
were sacred to Aster, or [585]Astarte; and styled Astro-caer, and
Caer-Aster; out of which the Greeks formed Γαστροχειρ, and Εγχειρογαστηρ; a
strange medley made up of hands, and bellies. Strabo in particular having
converted these building's into so many masons, adds, [586]Γαστεροχειρας,
τρεφομενους εκ της τεχνης. _They were honest bellyhanded men, industrious
people, who got their livelihood by their art_. These towers were erected
likewise for Purait, or Puratheia, where the rites of fire were performed:
but Purait, or Puraitus, the Greeks changed to Προιτος; and gave out that
the towers were built for [587]Prœtus, whom they made a king of that

I imagine, that not only the common idea of the Cyclopians was taken from
towers and edifices; but that the term Κυκλωψ, and Κυκλωπις, Cuclops, and
Cuclopis, signified a building or temple; and from thence the people had
their name. They were of the same family as the Cadmians, and Phœnices; and
as the Hivites, or Ophites who came from Egypt, and settled near Libanus
and Baal Hermon, upon the confines of Canaan. They worshipped the Sun under
the symbol of a serpent: hence they were styled in different parts, where
they in time settled, Europians, Oropians, Anopians, Inopians, Asopians,
Elopians; all which names relate to the worship of the Pytho Ops, or Opis.
What may be the precise etymology of the term Κυκλωψ, Cuclops, I cannot
presume to determine. Cuclops, as a personage, was said to have been the
son of [588]Ouranus and the earth: which Ouranus among the Amonians was
often styled Cœl, or Cœlus; and was worshipped under the forementioned
emblem of a serpent. Hence the temple of the Deity may have been originally
called Cu-Cœl-Ops, Domus Cœli Pythonis; and the priests and people
Cucelopians. But whatever may have been the purport of the name, the
history of these personages is sufficiently determinate.

There was a place in Thrace called [589]Cuclops, where some of the
Cyclopian race had settled; for many of the Amonians came hither. Hence
Thrace seems at one time to have been the seat of science: and the
Athenians acknowledged, that they borrowed largely from them. The natives
were very famous; particularly the Pierians for their music, the Peonians
for pharmacy, and the Edonians for their rites and worship. Those, who went
under the name of Cyclopes, probably introduced architecture; for which art
they seem to have been every where noted. There was a fountain in these
parts, of which Aristotle takes notice, as of a wonderful nature. [590]Εν
δε Κυκλωψι τοις Θραξι κρηνιδιον εστιν, ὑδωρ εχων, ὁ τῃ μεν οψει καθαρον,
και διαφανες, και τοις αλλοις ὁμοιον· ὁταν δε πιῃ τι ζωον εξ αυτου,
παραχρημα διαφθειρεται. _In the region of the Cyclopians of Thrace is a
fountain, clear to the eye, and pure, and in no wise differing from common
water: of which, however, if an animal drinks, it is immediately poisoned_.
There is another account given by Theopompus; who speaks of the people by
the name of the Chropes, which is a contraction for Charopes. He says, that
even going into the water was fatal. [591]Θεοπομπος ἱστορει κρηνην εν Χρωψι
της Θρακης, εξ ἡς τους λουσαμενους παραχρημα μεταλλασσειν. _Theopompus
mentions a fountain among the Charopes of Thrace, in which, if a person
attempts to bathe, he immediately loses his life._ I have taken notice of
this history, because we find, that the persons who are called
[592]Cuclopes by one writer, are styled Char-opes by another, and very
justly: for the terms are nearly of the same purport. The Charopes were
denominated from a temple, and place called Char-Ops, or Char-Opis, locus
Dei Pythonis: and the Cyclopes were, as I have before supposed, denominated
from Cu-Coel-Ops, or Cu-Coel-Opis, the temple of the same Deity. They were
both equally named from the Ophite God, the great object of their
adoration, and from the temple where he was worshipped.

The head of Medusa in Argolis is said to have been the work of the
[593]Cyclopians. This seems to have been an antient hieroglyphical
representation upon the temple of Caphisus. It was usual with the
Egyptians, and other Amonians, to describe, upon the Architrave of their
temples, some emblem of the Deity, who there presided. This representation
was often an eagle, or vulture; a wolf, or a lion; also an heart, or an
eye. The last, as I have shewn, was common to the temples of [594]Osiris,
and was intended to signify the superintendency of Providence, from whom
nothing was hid. Among others the serpent was esteemed a most salutary
emblem: and they made use of it to signify superior skill and knowledge. A
beautiful female countenance, surrounded with an assemblage of serpents,
was made to denote divine wisdom, which they styled Meed, and Meet, the
Μητις of the Greeks. Under this characteristic they represented an heavenly
personage, and joined her with Eros, or divine love: and by these two they
supposed that the present mundane system was produced. Orpheus speaks of
this Deity in the masculine gender:

  [595]Και Μητις, πρωτος γενετωρ, και Ερως πολυτερπης.

On this account many antient temples were ornamented with this curious
hieroglyphic: and among others the temple of Caphisus [596]in Argolis.
Caphisus is a compound of Caph-Isis, which signifies Petra Isidis, and
relates to the same Deity as Metis. For we must not regard sexes, nor
difference of appellations, when we treat of antient Deities.

  [597]Αρσην μεν και θηλυς εφυς, πολεματοκε Μητι.
  [598]Παντοφυης, γενετωρ παντων, πολυωνυμε Δαιμον.

I have taken notice that the Cyclopians of Thrace were styled Charopes;
which name they must have received from their rites, and place of worship.
Char-Opis signifies the temple of the Python, or serpent: and we find that
it was situated near a poisonous pool. It was sacred to the Sun: and there
were many temples of this name in [599]Egypt, and other countries. The Sun
was called Arez; and the lion, which was an emblem of the Sun, had the same
denomination: and there is reason to think, that the device upon Charopian
temples was sometimes a lion. Homer, undoubtedly, had seen the fierce
figure of this animal upon some sacred portal in Egypt; to which he often
alludes, when he speaks of a Charopian lion.

  [600]Αρκτοιτ', αγροτεροι τε Συες, χαροποι τε Λεοντες.

[Illustration: _Pl. IX._ MEDUSA.

From a Gem in the Collection of His Grace the Duke of Marlborough]

The devices upon temples were often esteemed as talismans, and supposed to
have an hidden and salutary influence, by which the building was preserved.
In the temple of Minerva, at Tegea, was some sculpture of Medusa, which the
Goddess was said to have given, [601]αναλωτον ες τον παντα κρονον ειναι
(την πολιν); _to preserve the city from ever being taken in war_. It was
probably from this opinion, that the [602]Athenians had the head of Medusa
represented upon the walls of their acropolis: and it was the insigne of
many cities, as we may find from antient coins. The notion of the Cyclopes
framing the thunder and lightning for Jupiter arose chiefly from the
Cyclopians engraving hieroglyphics of this sort upon the temples of the
Deity. Hence they were represented as persons,

  [603]Ὁι Ζηνι βροντην τ' εδοσαν, τευξαν τε κεραυνον.

The Poets considered them merely in the capacity of blacksmiths, and
condemned them to the anvil. This arose from the chief Cyclopian Deity
being called Acmon, and Pyracmon. He was worshipped under the former title
in Phrygia; where was a city and district called Acmonia, mentioned by
Alexander [604]Polyhistor. The Amazonians paid the like reverence: and
there was a sacred grove called Acmonium upon the [605]Thermodon, which was
held in great repute. He was by some looked upon as the offspring of
heaven; by others worshipped as Ouranus, and Cœlus, the heaven itself; and
Acmonides was supposed to have been his [606]son, whom some of the
mythologists made the ruling spirit of the earth. Hence Simmias Rhodius
introduces Divine Love displaying his influence, and saying, that he
produced Acmonides, that mighty monarch of the earth, and at the same time
founded the sea. [607]Λευσσε με τον Γας τε βαρυστερνου Ανακτ' Ακμονιδαν,
ταν ἁλα θ' ἑδρασαντα.

Acmon seems to have been worshipped of old at Tiryns, that antient city of
Greece, whose towers were said to have been built by the Cyclopians. For
Acmon was the Cyclopian Deity; and is represented by Callimachus as the
tutelary God of the place, though the passage has been otherwise

          [608]Τοιος γαρ αει Τιρυνθιος Ακμων
  Ἑστηκε προ πυλεων.

The term has commonly been looked upon as an adjective; and the passage has
been rendered Talis Tirynthius indefessus, which is scarce sense.
Callimachus was very knowing in mythology, and is here speaking of the
Cyclopian God Acmon, whom he makes the θεος προπυλαιος, or guardian Deity
of the place. It was the same God, that was afterwards called Hercules, and
particularly styled Tirynthius, to whom Callimachus here alludes, under a
more antient name.

As the Cyclopians were great artists, they probably were famous for works
in brass, and iron: and that circumstance in their history may have been
founded in truth. The Idæi Dactyli were Cyclopians: and they are said to
have first forged metals, and to have reduced them to common [609]use; the
knowledge of which art they obtained from the fusion of minerals at the
burning of mount [610]Ida. Whether this was an eruption of fire from the
internal part of the mountain, or only a fire kindled among the forests,
which crowned its summit, cannot be determined. It was an event of antient
date; and admitted, as a remarkable epocha, in the most early series of
chronology. From this event the Curetes, and Corybantes, who were the same
as the [611]Idæi Dactyli, are supposed to have learned the mystery of
fusing and forging metals. From them it was propagated to many countries
westward, particularly to the Pangæan mountains, and the region Curetis,
where the Cyclopians dwelt in Thrace: also to the region Trinacia and
Leontina, near Ætna, which they occupied in Sicily.

Thus have I endeavoured to shew the true history [612]and antiquity of this
people: and we may learn from their works, [613]that there was a time, when
they were held in high estimation. They were denominated from their
worship: and their chief Deity among other titles was styled Acmon, and
Pyracmon. They seem to have been great in many sciences: but the term Acmon
signifying among the Greeks an anvil, the Poets have limited them to one
base department, and considered them as so many blacksmiths. And as they
resided near Ætna, they have made the burning mountain their forge:

  [614]Ferrum exercebant vasto Cyclopes in antro,
  Brontesque, Steropesque, et nudus membra Pyracmon.

[Illustration: _Pl. X_]

       *       *       *       *       *





I must continually put the reader in mind how common it was among the
Greeks, not only out of the titles of the Deities, but out of the names of
towers, and other edifices, to form personages, and then to invent
histories to support what they had done. When they had created a number of
such ideal beings, they tried to find out some relation: and thence
proceeded to determine the parentage, and filiation of each, just as fancy
directed. Some colonies from Egypt, and Canaan, settled in Thrace; as
appears from numberless memorials. The parts which they occupied were upon
the Hebrus, about Edonia, Sithonia, and Mount Hæmus. They also held Pieria,
and Peonia, and all the sea coast region. It was their custom, as I have
before mentioned, in all their settlements to form puratheia; and to
introduce the rites of fire, and worship of the Sun. Upon the coast, of
which I have been speaking, a temple of this sort was founded, which is
called Torone. The name is a compound of Tor-On, as I have before taken
notice. The words purathus, and puratheia, were, in the language of Egypt,
Pur-Ath, and Por-Ait, formed from two titles of the God of fire. Out of one
of these the Grecians made a personage, which they expressed Προιτος,
Prœtus, whose daughters, or rather priestesses, were the Prœtides. And as
they followed the Egyptian rites, and held a Cow sacred, they were, in
consequence of it, supposed to have been turned into [615]cows; just as the
priestesses of Hippa were said to have been changed into mares; the
Œnotropæ and Peleiadæ into pigeons. Proteus of Egypt, whom Menelaus was
supposed to have consulted about his passage homeward, was a tower of this
sort with a purait. It was an edifice, where both priests and pilots
resided to give information; and where a light was continually burning to
direct the ships in the night. The tower of Torone likewise was a Pharos,
and therefore styled by Lycophron φλεγραια Τορωνη, the flaming Torone. The
country about it was, in like manner, called [616]Φλεγρα, Phlegra, both
from these flaming Towers, and from the worship there introduced. There
seems to have been a fire-tower in this region named Proteus; for,
according to the antient accounts, Proteus is mentioned as having resided
in these parts, and is said to have been married to Torone. He is
accordingly styled by the Poet,

  [617]φλεγραιας ποσις
  Στυγνος Τορωνης, ᾡ γελως απεχθεται,
  Και δακρυ.

The epithet στυγνος, gloomy, and sad, implies a bad character, which arose
from the cruel rites practised in these places. In all these temples they
made it a rule to sacrifice strangers, whom fortune brought in their way.
Torone stood near [618]Pallene, which was styled [619]Γηγενων τροφος, _the
nurse of the earth-born, or giant brood_. Under this character both the
sons of Chus, and the Anakim of Canaan are included. Lycophron takes off
from Proteus the imputation of being accessary to the vile practices, for
which the place was notorious; and makes only his sons guilty of murdering
strangers. He says, that their father left them out of disgust,

  [620]Τεκνων αλυξας τας ξενοκτονας παλας.

In this he alludes to a custom, of which I shall take notice hereafter.
According to Eustathius, the notion was, that Proteus fled by a
subterraneous passage to Egypt, in company with his daughter Eidothea.
[621]Αποκατεστη εις Φαρον μετα της θυγατρος Ειδοθεας. He went, it seems,
from one Pharos to another; from Pallene to the mouth of the Nile. The
Pharos of Egypt was both a watch-tower, and a temple, where people went to
inquire about the success of their voyage; and to obtain the assistance of
pilots. Proteus was an Egyptian title of the Deity, under which he was
worshipped, both in the Pharos, and at [622]Memphis. He was the same as
Osiris, and Canobus: and particularly the God of mariners, who confined his
department to the [623]sea. From hence, I think, we may unravel the mystery
about the pilot of Menelaus, who is said to have been named Canobus, and to
have given name to the principal seaport in Egypt. The priests of the
country laughed at the idle [624]story; and they had good reason: for the
place was far prior to the people spoken of, and the name not of Grecian
original. It is observable, that Stephanus of Byzantium gives the pilot
another name, calling him, instead of Canobus, Φαρος, Pharus. His words are
Φαρος ὁ Πρωρευς Μεναλαου, which are scarce sense. I make no doubt, from the
history of Proteus above, but that in the original, whence Stephanus
copied, or at least whence the story was first taken, the reading was Φαρος
ὁ Πρωτευς Μενελαου; that is, the Proteus of Menelaus, so celebrated by
Homer, who is represented, as so wise, and so experienced in navigation,
whom they esteemed a great prophet, and a Deity of the sea, was nothing
else but a Pharos. In other words, it was a temple of Proteus upon the
Canobic branch of the Nile, to which the Poet makes Menelaus have recourse.
Such was the original history: but Πρωτευς Μενελαου has been changed to
πρωρευς; and the God Canobus turned into a Grecian pilot. As these were
Ophite temples, a story has been added about this person having been stung
by a serpent. [625]Πρωρευς εν τῃ νησῳ δηχθεις ὑπο οφεως εταφη. _This Pilot
was bitten by a serpent, and buried in the island_. Conformable to my
opinion is the account given by Tzetzes, who says, that Proteus resided in
the [626]Pharos: by which is signified, that he was the Deity of the place.
He is represented in the Orphic poetry as the first-born of the world, the
chief God of the sea, and at the same time a mighty [627]prophet.

The history then of Menelaus in Egypt, if such a person ever existed,
amounts to this. In a state of uncertainty he applied to a temple near
Canobus, which was sacred to Proteus. This was one title out of many, by
which the chief Deity of the country was worshipped, and was equivalent to
On, Orus, Osiris, and Canobus. From this place Menelaus obtained proper
advice, by which he directed his voyage. Hence some say, that he had
Φροντις, Phrontis, for his pilot. [628]Κυβερνητης αριστος Μενελαου ὁ
Φροντις, ὑιος Ονητορος. _Menelaus had an excellent pilot, one Phrontis, the
son of Onetor._ This, I think, confirms all that I have been saying: for
what is Phrontis, but advice and experience? and what is Onetor, but the
Pharos, from whence it was obtained? Onetor is the same as Torone, Τορωνη,
only reversed. They were both temples of Proteus, the same as On, and Orus:
both Φλεγραιαι, by which is meant temples of fire, or light-houses. Hence
we may be pretty certain, that the three pilots, Canobus, Phrontis, Pharos,
together with Onetor, were only poetical personages: and that the terms
properly related to towers, and sanctuaries, which were of Egyptian

These places were courts of justice, where the priests seem to have
practised a strict inquisition; and where pains and penalties were very
severe. The notion of the Furies was taken from these temples: for the term
Furia is from Ph'ur, ignis, and signifies a priest of fire. It was on
account of the cruelties here practised, that most of the antient judges
are represented as inexorable; and are therefore made judges in hell. Of
what nature their department was esteemed may be learned from Virgil,

  [629]Gnossius hæc Rhadamanthus habet durissima regna:
  Castigatque, auditque dolos, subigitque fateri, &c.

The temple at Phlegya in Bœotia was probably one of these courts; where
justice was partially administered, and where great cruelties were
exercised by the priests. Hence a person, named Phlegyas, is represented in
the shades below, crying out in continual agony, and exhorting people to

  [630]--Phlegyasque miserrimus omnes
  Admonet, et tristi testatur voce per umbras,
  Discite justitiam moniti, et non temnere Divos.

Excellent counsel, but introduced rather too late. Phlegyas was in reality
the Sun; so denominated by the Æthiopes, or Cuthites, and esteemed the same
as Mithras of Persis. They looked up to him as their great benefactor, and
lawgiver: for they held their laws as of divine original. His worship was
introduced among the natives of Greece by the Cuthites, styled Ethiopians,
who came from Egypt. That this was the true history of Phlegyas we may be
assured from Stephanus, and Phavorinus. They mention both Phlegyas, and
Mithras, as men deified; and specify, that they were of Ethiopian original.
[631]Μιθραν, και Φλεγυαν, ανδρας Αιθιοπας το γενος. Minos indeed is spoken
of, as an upright judge: and the person alluded to under that character was
eminently distinguished for his piety, and justice. But his priests were
esteemed far otherwise, for they were guilty of great cruelties. Hence we
find, that Minos was looked upon as a judge of hell, and styled Quæsitor
Minos. He was in reality a Deity, the same as Menes, and Menon of Egypt:
and as Manes of Lydia, Persis, and other countries. And though his history
be not consistently exhibited, yet, so much light may be gained from the
Cretans, as to certify us, that there was in their island a temple called
Men-Tor, the tower of Men, or Menes. The Deity, from a particular
[632]hieroglyphic, under which the natives worshipped him, was styled
Minotaurus. To this temple the Athenians were obliged annually to send some
of their prime youth to be sacrificed; just as the people of Carthage used
to send their children to be victims at [633]Tyre. The Athenians were
obliged for some time to pay this tribute, as appears from the festival in
commemoration of their deliverance. The places most infamous for these
customs were those, which were situated upon the seacoast: and especially
those dangerous passes, where sailors were obliged to go on shore for
assistance, to be directed in their way. Scylla upon the coast of Rhegium
was one of these: and appears to have been particularly dreaded by
mariners. Ulysses in Homer says, that he was afraid to mention her name to
his companions, lest they should through astonishment have lost all sense
of preservation.

  [634]Σκυλλην δ' ουκετ' εμυθεομην απρηκτον ανιην,
  Μηπως μοι δεισαντες απολληξειαν ἑταιροι,
  Ειρεσιης, εντος δε πυκαζοιεν σφεας αυτους.

Some suppose Scylla to have been a dangerous rock; and that it was
abominated on account of the frequent shipwrecks. There was a rock of that
name, but attended with no such peril. We are informed by Seneca,
[635]Scyllam saxum esse, et quidem non terribile navigantibus. It was the
temple, built of old upon that [636]eminence, and the customs which
prevailed within, that made it so detested. This temple was a Petra: hence
Scylla is by Homer styled Σκυλλη Πετραιη; and the dogs, with which she was
supposed to have been surrounded, were Cahen, or priests.

As there was a Men-tor in Crete, so there was a place of the same name,
only reversed, in Sicily, called Tor-men, and Tauromenium. There is reason
to think, that the same cruel practices prevailed here. It stood in the
country of the Lamiæ, Lestrygons, and Cyclopes, upon the river On-Baal,
which the Greeks rendered Onoballus. From hence we may conclude, that it
was one of the Cyclopian buildings. Homer has presented us with something
of truth, though we receive it sadly mixed with fable. We find from him,
that when Ulysses entered the dangerous pass of Rhegium, he had six of his
comrades seized by Scylla: and he loses the same number in the cavern of
the Cyclops, which that monster devoured. Silenus, in a passage before
taken notice of, is by Euripides made to say, that the most agreeable
repast to the Cyclops was the flesh of strangers: nobody came within his
reach, that he did not feed upon.

  [637]Γλυκυτατα, φησι, τα κρεα τους ξενους φερειν·
  Ουδεις μολων δευρ', ὁστις ου κατεσφαγη.

From these accounts some have been led to think, that the priests in these
temples really fed upon the flesh of the persons sacrificed: and that these
stories at bottom allude to a shocking depravity; such, as one would hope,
that human nature could not be brought to. Nothing can be more horrid, than
the cruel process of the Cyclops, as it is represented by Homer. And though
it be veiled under the shades of poetry, we may still learn the
detestation, in which these places were held.

  [638]Συν δε δυω μαρψας ὡστε σκυλακας ποτι γαιῃ
  Κοπτ', εκ δ' εγκεφαλος χαμαδις ῥεε, δευε δε γαιαν.
  Τους τε διαμελεϊστι ταμων ὡπλισσατο δορπον·
  Ησθιε δ' ωστε λεων ορεσιτροφος, ουδ' απελειπεν
  Εγκατα τε, σαρκας τε, και οστεα μυελοεντα.
  Ἡμεις δε κλαιοντες ανεσχεθομεν Διι χειρας,
  Σκετλια εργ' ὁροωντες, αμηχανιη δ' εχε θυμον.

  [639]He answered with his deed: his bloody hand
  Snatch'd two unhappy of my martial band,
  And dash'd like dogs against the rocky floor:
  The pavement swims with brains, and mingled gore.
  Torn limb from limb, he spreads the horrid feast,
  And fierce devours it like a mountain beast.
  He sucks the marrow, and the blood he drains;
  Nor entrails, flesh, nor solid bone remains.
  We see the death, from which we cannot move,
  And humbled groan beneath the hand of Jove.

One would not be very forward to strengthen an imputation, which disgraces
human nature: yet there must certainly have been something highly brutal
and depraved in the character of this people, to have given rise to this
description of foul and unnatural feeding. What must not be concealed,
Euhemerus, an antient writer, who was a native of these parts, did aver,
that this bestial practice once prevailed. Saturn's devouring his own
children is supposed to allude to this custom. And we learn from this
writer, as the passage has been transmitted by [640]Ennius, that not only
Saturn, but Ops, and the rest of mankind in their days, used to feed upon
human flesh.--[641]Saturnum, et Opem, cæterosque tum homines humanam carnem
solitos esitare. He speaks of Saturn, and Ops, as of persons, who once
lived in the world, and were thus guilty. But the priests of their temples
were the people to be really accused; the Cyclopians, Lamiæ, and
Lestrygons, who officiated at their altars. He speaks of the custom, as
well known: and it had undoubtedly been practised in those parts, where in
aftertimes hie was born. For he was a native [642]of Zancle, and lived in
the very country, of which we have been speaking, in the land of the
Lestrygons, and Cyclopians. The promontory of Scylla was within his sight.
He was therefore well qualified to give an account of these parts; and his
evidence must necessarily have weight. Without doubt these cruel practices
left lasting impressions; and the memorials were not effaced for ages.

It is said of Orpheus by Horace, Cædibus, et victu fœdo deterruit: by which
one should be led to think, that the putting a stop to this unnatural
gratification was owing to him. Others think, that he only discountenanced
the eating of raw flesh, which before had been usual. But this could not be
true of Orpheus: for it was a circumstance, which made one part of his
institutes. If there were ever such a man, as Orpheus, he enjoined the very
thing, which he is supposed to have prohibited. For both in the [643]orgies
of Bacchus and in the rites of Ceres, as well as of other Deities, one part
of the mysteries consisted in a ceremony styled ωμοφαγια; at which time
they eat the flesh quite crude with the blood. In Crete at the
[644]Dionusiaca they used to tear the flesh with their teeth from the
animal, when alive. This they did in commemoration of Dionusus. [645]Festos
funeris dies statuunt, et annuum sacrum trietericâ consecratione componunt,
omnia per ordinem facientes, quæ puer moriens aut fecit, aut passus est.
_Vivum laniant dentibus Taurum_, crudeles epulas annuis commemorationibus
excitantes. Apollonius Rhodius speaking of persons like to Bacchanalians,
represents them [646]Θυασιν ωμοβοροις ικελαι, as savage as the Thyades, who
delighted in bloody banquets. Upon this the Scholiast observes, that the
Mænadas, and Bacchæ, used to devour the raw limbs of animals, which they
had cut or torn asunder. [647]Πολλακις τῃ μανιᾳ κατασχισθεντα, και
ωμοσπαρακτα, εσθιουσιν. In the island of Chios it was a religious custom to
tear a man limb from limb by way of sacrifice to Dionusus. The same
obtained in Tenedos. It is Porphyry, who gives the account. He was a
staunch Pagan, and his evidence on that account is of consequence. He
quotes for the rites of Tenedos Euelpis the Carystian. [648]Εθυοντο δε και
εν Χιω τῳ Ωμαδιῳ Διονυσῳ ανθρωπον διεσπωντες· και εν Τενεδῳ, φησιν Ευελπις
ὁ Καρυστιος. From all which we may learn one sad truth, that there is
scarce any thing so impious and unnatural, as not at times to have

We need not then wonder at the character given of the Lestiygones, Lamiæ,
and Cyclopians, who were inhabitants of Sicily, and lived nearly in the
same part of the island. They seem to have been the priests, and
priestesses, of the Leontini, who resided at Pelorus, and in the Cyclopian
towers: on which account the Lamiæ are by Lucilius termed [649]Turricolæ.
They are supposed to have delighted in human blood, like the Cyclopians,
but with this difference, that their chief repast was the flesh of young
persons and children; of which they are represented as very greedy. They
were priests of Ham, called El Ham; from whence was formed ’Lamus and
’Lamia. Their chief city, the same probably, which was named Tauromenium,
is mentioned by Homer, as the city of Lamus.

  [650]Ἑβδοματῃ δ' ἱκομεσθα Λαμου αιπυ πτολιεθρον.

And the inhabitants are represented as of the giant race.

  [651]Φοιτων δ' ιφθιμοι Λαιστρυγονες, αλλοθεν αλλος,
  Μυριοι, ουκ ανδρεσσιν εοικοτες, αλλα Γιγασι.

Many give an account of the Lestrygons, and Lamiæ, upon the Liris in Italy;
and also upon other parts of that coast: and some of them did settle there.
But they were more particularly to be found in [652]Sicily near Leontium,
as the Scholiast upon Lycophron observes. [653]Λαιστρυγονες, ὁι νυν
Λεοντινοι. _The antient Lestrygons were the people, whose posterity are now
called Leontini_. The same writer takes notice of their incivility to
strangers: [654]Ουκ ησαν ειθισμενοι ξενους ὑποδεχεσθαι. That they were
Amonians, and came originally from Babylonia, is pretty evident from the
history of the Erythrean Sibyl; who was no other than a Lamian priestess.
She is said to have been the daughter of Lamia, who was the daughter of
Poseidon. [655]Σιβυλλαν--Λαμιας ουσαν θυγατερα του Ποσειδωνος. Under the
character of one person is to be understood a priesthood: of which
community each man was called Lamus, and each priestess Lamia. By the Sibyl
being the daughter of Lamia, the daughter of Poseidon, is meant, that she
was of Lamian original, and ultimately descended from the great Deity of
the sea. Who is alluded to under that character, will hereafter be shewn.
The countries, to which the Sibyl is referred, point out her extraction:
for she is said to have come from Egypt, and Babylonia. [656]Ὁι δε αυτην
Βαβυλωνιαν, ἑτεροι δε Σιβυλλαν καλουσιν Αιγυπτιαν. If the Sibyl came from
Babylonia and Egypt, her supposed parent, Lamia, must have been of the same

The Lamiæ were not only to be found in Italy, and Sicily, but Greece,
Pontus, and [657]Libya. And however widely they may have been separated,
they are still represented in the same unfavourable light. Euripides says,
that their very name was detestable.

  [658]Τις τ' ουνομα τοδ' επονειδιστον βροτοις
  Ουκ οιδε Λαμιας της Λιβυστικης γενος.

Philostratus speaks of their bestial appetite, and unnatural gluttony.
[659]Λαμιας σαρκων, και μαλιστα ανθρωπειων ερᾳν. And Aristotle alludes to
practices still more shocking: as if they tore open the bodies big with
child, that they might get at the infant to devour it. _I speak_, says he,
_of people, who have brutal appetites_. [660]Λεγω δε τας θηριωδεις, ὁιον
την ανθρωπον, την λεγουσι τας κυουσας ανασχιζουσαν τα παιδια κατεσθεειν.
These descriptions are perhaps carried to a great excess; yet the history
was founded in truth: and shews plainly what fearful impressions were left
upon the minds of men from the barbarity of the first ages.

One of the principal places in Italy, where the Lamia seated themselves,
was about Formiæ; of which Horace takes notice in his Ode to Ælius Lamia.

  [661]Æli, vetusto nobilis ab Lamo, &c.
  Authore ab illo ducis originem,
  Qui Formiarum mœnia dicitur
    Princeps, et innantem Maricæ
    Littoribus tenuisse Lirim.

The chief temple of the Formians was upon the sea-coast at Caiete. It is
said to have had its name from a woman, who died here: and whom some make
the nurse of Æneas, others of Ascanius, others still of [662]Creusa. The
truth is this: it stood near a cavern, sacred to the God Ait, called Ate,
Atis, and Attis; and it was hence called Caieta, and Caiatta. Strabo says,
that it was denominated from a cave, though he did not know the precise
[663]etymology. There were also in the rock some wonderful subterranes,
which branched out into various apartments. Here the antient Lamii, the
priests of Ham, [664]resided: whence Silius Italicus, when he speaks of the
place, styles it [665]Regnata Lamo Caieta. They undoubtedly sacrificed
children here; and probably the same custom was common among the Lamii, as
prevailed among the Lacedæmonians, who used to whip their children round
the altar of Diana Orthia. Thus much we are assured by Fulgentius, and
others, that the usual term among the antient Latines for the whipping of
children was Caiatio. [666]Apud Antiquos Caiatio dicebatur puerilis cædes.

The coast of Campania seems to have been equally infamous: and as much
dreaded by mariners, as that of Rhegium, and Sicily. Here the Sirens
inhabited, who are represented, as the bane of all, who navigated those
seas. They like the Lamii were Cuthite, and Canaanitish priests, who had
founded temples in these parts; and particularly near three small islands,
to which they gave name. These temples were rendered more than ordinary
famous on account of the women, who officiated. They were much addicted to
the cruel rites, of which I have been speaking; so that the shores, upon
which they resided, are described, as covered with the bones of men,
destroyed by their artifice.

  [667]Jamque adeo scopulos Sirenum advecta subibat,
  Difficiles quondam, multorumque ossibus albos.

They used hymns in their temples, accompanied with the music of their
country: which must have been very enchanting, as we may judge from the
traditions handed down of its efficacy. I have mentioned, that the songs of
the Canaanites and Cretans were particularly plaintive, and pleasing:

  [668]They sang in sweet but melancholy strains;
  Such as were warbled by the Delian God,
  When in the groves of Ida he bewail'd
  The lovely lost Atymnius.

But nothing can shew more fully the power of antient harmony than the
character given of the Sirens. Their cruelty the antients held in
detestation; yet always speak feelingly of their music. They represent
their songs as so fatally winning, that nobody could withstand their
sweetness. All were soothed with it; though their life was the purchase of
the gratification. The Scholiast upon Lycophron makes them the children of
the muse [669]Terpsichore. Nicander supposes their mother to have been
Melpomene: others make her Calliope. The whole of this is merely an
allegory; and means only that they were the daughters of harmony. Their
efficacy is mentioned by [670]Apollonius Rhodius: and by the Author of the
Orphic [671]Argonautica: but the account given by Homer is by far the most

  [672]Σειρηνας μεν πρωτον αφιξεαι, ἁι ῥα τε παντας
  Ανθρωπους θελγουσιν, ὁτις σφεας εισαφικανει.
  Ὁστις αϊδρειῃ πελασει, και φθογγον ακουσει
  Σειρηνων, τῳ δ' ουτι γυνη, και νηπια τεκνα
  Οικαδε νοστησαντι παρισταται, ουδε γανυνται·
  Αλλα τε Σειρηνες λιγυρῃ θελγουσιν αοιδῃ,
  Ἡμενοι εν λειμωνι· πολυς τ' αμφ' οστεοφιν θις
  Ανδρων πυθομενων, περι δε ῥινοι φθινυθουσιν.

They are the words of Circe to Ulysses, giving him an account of the
dangers which he was to encounter.

  [673]Next where the Sirens dwell, you plough the seas.
  Their song is death, and makes destruction please.
  Unblest the man, whom music makes to stray
  Near the curst coast, and listen to their lay.
  No more that wretch shall view the joys of life,
  His blooming offspring, or his pleasing wife.

  In verdant meads they sport, and wide around
  Lie human bones, that whiten all the ground:
  The ground polluted floats with human gore,
  And human carnage taints the dreadful shore.
  Fly, fly the dangerous coast.

The story at bottom relates to the people above-mentioned; who with their
music used to entice strangers into the purlieus of their temples, and then
put them to death. Nor was it music only, with which persons were seduced
to follow them. The female part of their choirs were maintained for a
twofold purpose, both on account of their voices and their beauty. They
were accordingly very liberal of their favours, and by these means enticed
seafaring persons, who paid dearly for their entertainment. Scylla was a
personage of this sort: and among the fragments of Callimachus we have a
short, but a most perfect, description of her character.

  [674]Σκυλλα, γυνη κατακασα, και ου ψυθος ουνομ' εχουσα.

Κατακασα is by some interpreted _malefica_: upon which the learned
Hemsterhusius remarks very justly--κατακασα cur Latine vertatur malefica
non video. Si Grammaticis obtemperes, meretricem interpretabere: erat enim
revera Νησιωτις καλη ἑταιρα, ut Heraclitus περι απις: c. 2. Scylla then,
under which character we are here to understand the chief priestess of the
place, was no other than a handsome island strumpet. Her name it seems
betokened as much, and she did not belie it: ου ψυθος ουνομ' εχουσα. We may
from these data decipher the history of Scylla, as given by Tzetzes. Ην δε
πρωτον Σκυλλα γυνη ευπρεπης· Ποσειδωνι δε συνουσα απεθηριωθη. _Scylla was
originally a handsome wench: but being too free with seafaring people she
made herself a beast_. She was, like the Sibyl of Campania, said by
Stesichorus to have been the daughter of [675]Lamia. Hence we may learn,
that all, who resided in the places, which I have been describing, were of
the same religion, and of the same family; being the descendants of Ham,
and chiefly by the collateral branches of Chus, and Canaan.

The like rites prevailed in Cyprus, which had in great measure been peopled
by persons of these [676]families. One of their principal cities was
Curium, which was denominated from [677]Curos, the Sun, the Deity, to whom
it was sacred. In the perilous voyages of the antients nothing was more
common than for strangers, whether shipwrecked, or otherwise distressed, to
fly to the altar of the chief Deity, Θεου φιλιου, και ξενιου, _the God of
charity and hospitality_, for his protection. This was fatal to those who
were driven upon the western coast of Cyprus. The natives of Curium made it
a rule to destroy all such, under an appearance of a religious rite.
Whoever laid their hands upon the altar of Apollo, were cast down the
precipice, upon which it stood. [678]Ευθυς εστιν ακρα, αφ' ἡς ῥιπτουσι τους
ἁψαμενους του βωμου του Απολλωνος. Strabo speaks of the practice, as if it
subsisted in his time. A like custom prevailed at the Tauric Chersonesus,
as we are informed by Herodotus. [679]Θυουσι μεν τῃ Παρθενῳ τους τε
ναυηγους, και τους αν λαβωσι Ἑλληνων επαναχθεντας, τροπῳ τοιῳδε.
Καταρξαμενοι ῥοπαλῳ παιουσι την κεφαλην. Ὁι μεν δη λεγουσι, ὡς το σωμα απο
του κρημνου διωθεουσι κατω· επι γαρ κρημνου ἱδρυται το Ἱρον. κτλ. _The
people of this place worship the virgin Goddess Artemis: at whose shrine
they sacrifice all persons, who have the misfortune to be shipwrecked upon
their coast: and all the Grecians, that they can lay hold of, when they are
at any time thither driven. All these they without any ceremony brain with
a club. Though others say, that they shove them off headlong from a high
precipice: for their temple is founded upon a cliff._

The den of Cacus was properly Ca-Chus, the cavern or temple of Chus, out of
which the poets, and later historians have formed a strange personage, whom
they represent as a shepherd, and the son of Vulcan. Many antient
Divinities, whose rites and history had any relation to Ur in Chaldea, are
said to have been the children of Vulcan; and oftentimes to have been born
in fire. There certainly stood a temple of old upon the Aventine mountain
in Latium, which was the terror of the neighbourhood. The cruelties of the
priests, and their continual depredations, may be inferred from the history
of Cacus. Virgil makes Evander describe the place to Æneas; though it is
supposed in his time to have been in ruins.

  [680]Jam primum saxis suspensam hanc aspice rupem,
  Disjectæ procul ut moles, desertaque montis
  Stat domus, et scopuli ingentem traxere ruinam.
  Hic spelunca fuit, vasto submota recessu,
  Semihominis Caci, facies quam dira tegebat,
  Solis inaccessum radiis: semperque recenti
  Cæde tepebat humus; foribusque affixa superbis
  Ora virûm tristi pendebant pallida tabo.
  Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater.

Livy mentions Cacus as a shepherd, and a person of great strength, and
violence. [681]Pastor, accola ejus loci, Cacus, ferox viribus. He is
mentioned also by Plutarch, who styles him Caccus, Κακκος. [682]Τον μεν γαρ
Ἡφαιστου παιδα Ρωμαιοι Κακκον ἱστορουσι πυρ και φλογας αφιεναι δια του
στοματος εξω ῥεουσας. As there were both priests, and priestesses, in
temples of this sort, persons styled both Lami, and Lamiæ; so we read both
of a Cacus, and a Caca. The latter was supposed to have been a Goddess, who
was made a Deity for having betrayed her brother to Hercules. [683]Colitur
et Caca, quæ Herculi fecit indicium boum; divinitatem consecuta, quia
perdidit fratrem. In short, under the characters of Caca, and Cacus, we
have a history of Cacusian priests, who seem to have been a set of people
devoted to rapine and murder.

What we express Cocytus, and suppose to have been merely a river, was
originally a temple in Egypt called Co-Cutus: for rivers were generally
denominated from some town, or temple, near which they ran. Co-Cutus means
the Cuthite temple, the house of Cuth. It was certainly a place of
inquisition, where great cruelties were exercised. Hence the river, which
was denominated from it, was esteemed a river of hell; and was supposed to
have continual cries, and lamentations resounding upon its waters.

  [684]Cocytus, named of lamentation loud
  Heard on its banks.

Milton supposes the river to have been named from the Greek word κωκυτος:
but the reverse is the truth. From the baleful river and temple Co-cutus
came the Greek terms κωκυτος, and κωκυω. Acheron, another infernal river,
was properly a temple of Achor, the θεος απομυιος of Egypt, Palestine, and
Cyrene. It was a temple of the Sun, called Achor-On: and it gave name to
the river, on whose banks it stood. Hence like Cocutus it was looked upon
as a melancholy stream, and by the Poet Theocritus styled [685]Αχεροντα
πολυστονον, _the river of lamentations_. Aristophanes speaks of an eminence
of this name, and calls it [686]Αχεροντιος σκοπελος ἁιματοσταγης, _the rock
of Acheron, dropping blood_.

       *       *       *       *       *





One of the most antient Deities of the Amonians was named Meed, or Meet; by
which was signified divine wisdom. It was rendered by the Grecians Μητις in
the masculine: but seems to have been a feminine Deity; and represented
under the symbol of a beautiful female countenance surrounded with
serpents. The author of the Orphic Poetry makes Metis the origin of all
[687]things: which Proclus expresses [688]την δημιουργικην αιτιαν: and
supposes this personage to be the same as Phanes, and Dionusus, from whom
all things proceeded. By Timotheus Chronographus, in his account of the
creation, this divinity was described as that vivifying light, which first
broke forth upon the infant world, and produced life and motion. His notion
is said to have been borrowed from Orpheus: Εφρασε δε (ὁ [689] Ορφευς) ὁτι
το φως ῥηξαν τον αιθερα εφωτισε πασαν την κτισιν· ειπων, εκεινο ειναι το
φως το ῥηξαν τον αιθερα το προειρημενον, το ὑπερτατον παντων, ὁυ ονομα ὁ
αυτος Ορφευς ακουσας εκ Μαντειας εξειπε ΜΗΤΙΣ, ὁπερ ἑρμηνευεται ΒΟΥΛΗ, ΦΩΣ,
ΖΩΟΔΟΤΗΡ. Ειπεν εν τῃ αυτου εκθεσει ταυτας τας τρεις θειας των ονοματων
δυναμεις μιαν ειναι δυναμιν, και ἑν κρατος τουτων Θεον, ὁν ουδεις ὁρᾳ. The
account is remarkable. Hippa was another Goddess, of the like antiquity,
and equally obsolete. Some traces however are to be still found in the
Orphic verses above-mentioned, by which we may discover her original
character and department. She is there represented as the nurse of
[690]Dionusus, and seems to have been the same as Cybele, who was
worshipped in the mountains of [691]Phrygia, and by the Lydians upon
Tmolus. She is said to have been the soul of the [692]world: and the person
who received and fostered Dionusus, when he came from the thigh of his
father. This history relates to his second birth, when he returned to a
second state of childhood. Dionusus was the chief God of the Gentile world,
and worshipped under various titles; which at length came to be looked upon
as different Deities. Most of these secondary Divinities had the title of
Hippius, and Hippia: and as they had female attendants in their temples,
these too had the name of Hippai. What may have been the original of the
term Hippa, and Hippus, will be matter of future disquisition. Thus much is
certain, that the Greeks, who were but little acquainted with the purport
of their antient theology, uniformly referred it to [693]horses. Hence it
was often prefixed to the names of Gods, and of Goddesses, when it had no
relation to their department; and seemed inconsistent with their character.
We have not only an account of Αρης Ἱππιος, Mars the horseman; but of
Poseidon Hippius, though a God of the sea. He is accordingly complimented
upon this title by the Poet Aristophanes.

  [694]Ἱππι' Αναξ Ποσειδον, ᾡ
  Χαλκοκροτων ἱππων κτυπος
  Και χρεμετισμος ἁνδανει.

Ceres had the title of Hippia: and the Goddess of wisdom, Minerva, had the
same. We read also of Juno Hippia, who at Olympia partook of joint rites
and worship, with those equestrian Deities Neptune, and Mars. Pausanias
mentions [695]Ποσειδωνος Ἱππιου, μαι Ἡρας Ἱππιου βωμοι: and hard-by τῃ μεν
Αρεως Ἱππιου, τῃ δε Αθηνας Ἱππιου βωμος. In Arcadia, and Elis, the most
antient rites were preserved: and the Grecians might have known, that the
terms Hippa and Hippia were of foreign purport from the other titles given
to Juno at Olympia. For they sacrificed here to [696]Amonian Juno, and to
Juno Paramonian; which were also titles of Hermes. Hippa was a sacred
Egyptian term, and as such was conferred upon Arsinoë, the wife of Ptolemy
Philadelphus: for the princes of Egypt always assumed to themselves sacred
appellations. [697]Ἱππια Αρσινοη, ἡ του Φιλαδελφου γυνη. As the Grecians
did not inquire into the hidden purport of antient names, they have
continually misrepresented the histories of which they treated. As Ceres
was styled Hippa, they have imagined her to have been turned into a
[698]mare: and Hippius Poseidon was in like manner changed to a horse, and
supposed in that shape to have had an intimate acquaintance with the
Goddess. Of this Ovid takes notice.

  [699]Et te, flava comas, frugum mitissima mater
  Sensit equum: te sensit avem crinita colubris
  Mater equi volucris.

The like is mentioned of the nymph [700]Ocuroë: also of Philyra, who was so
changed by Saturn. He is said to have taken upon himself the same shape,
and to have followed her neighing over the mountains of Thessaly.

  [701]Talis et ipse jubam cervice effudit equinâ
  Conjugis adventu pernix Saturnus, et altum
  Pelion hinnitu fugiens implevit acuto.

All these legendary stories arose from this antient term being obsolete,
and misapplied. Homer makes mention of the mares of Apollo, which the God
was supposed to have bred in Pieria:

  [702]Τας εν Πιεριῃ θρεψ' αργυροτοξος Απολλων.

And he has accordingly put them in harness, and given them to the hero
Eumelus. Callimachus takes notice of the same mares in his hymn to the
Shepherd God Apollo.

  [703]Φοιβον και Νομιον κικλησκομεν, εξετ' εκεινου,
  Εξετ' επ' Αμφρυσῳ ζευγητιδας ετρεφεν ἱππας,
  Ηιθεου ὑπ' ερωτι κεκαυμενος Αδμητοιο.

These Hippai, misconstrued mares, were priestesses of the Goddess Hippa,
who was of old worshipped in Thessaly, and Thrace, and in many different
regions. They chanted hymns in her temples, and performed the rites of
fire: but the worship growing obsolete, the very terms were at last
mistaken. How far this worship once prevailed may be known from the many
places denominated from Hippa. It was a title of Apollo, or the Sun, and
often compounded Hippa On, and contracted Hippon: of which name places
occur in Africa near Carthage[704]. Ἡτε δη Κιρτα πολις ενταυθα και ὁι δυο
Ἱππωνες. Argos was of old called Hippeion; not from the animal Ἱππος, but
[705]απο Ἱππης του Δαναου, _from Hippa the daughter of Danaus_. That is
from a priestess, who founded there a temple, and introduced the rites of
the Goddess whom she served. As it was a title of the Sun, it was sometimes
expressed in the masculine gender Hippos: and Pausanias takes notice of a
most curious, and remarkable piece of antiquity, though he almost ruins the
purport of it by referring it to an horse. It stood near mount Taygetus in
Laconia, and was called the monument of Hippos. The author tells us,
[706]_that at particular intervals from this monument stood seven pillars,
κατα τροπον οιμαι αρχαιον, placed_, says he, _as I imagine, according to
some antient rule and method; which pillars were supposed to represent the
seven planets_. If then these exterior stones related to the [707]seven
erratic bodies in our sphere, the central monument of Hippos must
necessarily have been designed for the Sun. And however rude the whole may
possibly have appeared, it is the most antient representation upon record,
and consequently the most curious, of the planetary system.

It is from hence, I think, manifest, that the titles Hippa, and Hippos,
related to the luminary Osiris; and betokened some particular department of
that Deity, who was the same as Dionusus. He was undoubtedly worshipped
under this appellation in various regions: hence we read of Hippici Montes
in Colchis: Ἱππου κωμη in Lycia: Ἱππου ακρα in Libya: Ἱππου ορος in Egypt:
and a town Hippos in Arabia Felix. There occur also in composition[708],
Hippon, Hipporum, Hippouris, Hippana, Hipponesus, Hippocrene. This last was
a sacred fountain, denominated from the God of light, who was the patron of
verse, and science: but by the Greeks it was referred to an animal, and
supposed to have been produced by the hoof of an horse. The rites of
Dionusus Hippius were carried into Thrace, where the horses of Diomedes
were said to have been fed with human flesh. Deianira is introduced by
Ovid, as asking Hercules, if he did not well remember this practice.

  [709]Non tibi succurrit crudi Diomedis imago,
  Efferus humanâ qui dape pavit equos?

Abderus, the founder of Abdera, is supposed to have been a victim to these
animals: of which Scymnus Chius gives the following account.

  [710]Των δ' επι θαλαττῃ κειμενων εστιν πολις
  Αβδηρ', απ' Αβδηρου μεν ωνομασμενη,
  Του και κτισαντος προτερον αυτην· ὁς δοκει
  Ὑπο των Διομηδους ὑστερον ξενοκτονων
  Ἱππων φθαρηναι.

These horses, ξενοκτονοι, which fed upon the flesh of strangers, were the
priests of Hippa, and of Dionusus, styled Hippus, or more properly Hippius.
They seem to have resided in an island, and probably in the Thracian
Chersonese: which they denominated [711]Diu-Medes, or the island of the
Egyptian Deity Medes. From hence the Grecian Poets have formed a personage
Diomedes, whom they have made king of the country. There were opposite to
Apulia islands of the same name, where similar rites prevailed. The priests
were here Cycneans, and described as a species of swans, who were kind to
people of their own race, but cruel to [712]strangers. A Diomedes is
supposed to have been a king in these parts, and to have given name to
these islands. It is said by Scymnus Chios above, that Abderus, who was
devoured by the horses of Diomedes in Thrace, built the city, which bore
his name. The Grecians continually supposed the personage, in whose honour
a city was built, to have been the founder. I have mentioned, that Abderus
signifies the place of Abdir, which is a contraction of Abadir, the serpent
Deity Ad-Ur, or Adorus. And it is plain from many passages in antient
writers, that human sacrifices were common at his shrine; and particularly
those of infants. By Abdera being a victim to the horses of Diomedes is
meant that the natives of that place, which stood in the vicinity of the
Chersonesus, were obliged to submit to the cruel rites of the Diomedean
[713]priests. The very name must have come from them; for they worshipped
the Deity under the titles of Meed, Hippa, and Abadir; and various other

There is an account given by [714]Palæphatus of one Metra, who in the more
authentic manuscripts is called Μηστρα, Meestra. It is said of her, that
she could change herself into various forms, particularly εκ κορης γενεσθαι
βουν, και αυθις κυνα, και ορνεον, _that she would instead of a young woman
appear an ox, or a cow; or else be in the shape of a dog, or of a bird_.
She is represented as the daughter of Eresicthon: and these uncommon
properties are mentioned by Ovid[715], who sets them off with much
embellishment. The story at bottom is very plain. Egypt, the land of the
Mizraim, was by the Greeks often styled [716]Mestra and [717]Mestraia: and
by the person here called Mestra we are certainly to understand a woman of
that country. She was sometimes mentioned simply as a Cahen, or priestess,
which the Grecians have rendered κυνα, a dog. Women in this sacred capacity
attended at the shrine of Apis, and Mneuis; and of the sacred heifer at
Onuphis. Some of them in different countries were styled Cygneans, and also
Peleiadæ, of whom the principal were the women at [718]Dodona. Many of them
were priestesses of Hippa, and upon that account styled Hippai, as I have
shewn. Hence the mythologists under the character of Meestra have
represented an Egyptian priestess, who could assume many departments, which
were misconstrued different shapes. She could become, if we may credit

  Nunc equa, nunc ales, modo bos.

or according to Palæphatus, βουν, κυνα, και ορνεον: _a cow, a dog, and a
bird_. The whole of this related to the particular service of the
priestess; and to the emblem under which the Deity was worshipped.

       *       *       *       *       *




I shall now proceed to the rites of Ceres: and the general character of
this Goddess is so innocent, and rural, that one would imagine nothing
cruel could proceed from her shrine. But there was a time, when some of her
temples were as much dreaded, as those of Scylla, and the Cyclops. They
were courts of justice; whence she is often spoken of as a lawgiver.

  [719]Prima Ceres unco terram dimovit aratro,
  Prima dedit leges.

She is joined by Cicero with Libera, and they are styled the Deities,
[720]a quibus initia vitæ, atque victus, _legum, morum_, mansuetudinis,
humanitatis, exempla hominibus, et civitatibus data, ac dispertita esse
dicantur. The Deity, to whom she was a substitute, was El, the Sun. He was
primarily worshipped in these temples: and I have shewn, that they were
from Achor denominated Acherontian; also temples of Ops, and Oupis, the
great serpent God. Hence it is said by Hesychius, that Acheron, and Ops,
and Helle, and [721]Gerys, and Terra, and Demeter, were the same. Ἡ
[722]Αχερω, και Ωπις, και Ἑλλη, και Γηρυς, και Γη, και Δημητηρ, [723]το
αυτο. Ceres was the Deity of fire: hence at Cnidus she was called Κυρα,
[724]Cura, a title of the Sun. Her Roman name Ceres, expressed by Hesychius
Gerys, was by the Dorians more properly rendered [725]Garys. It was
originally a name of a city, called Χαρις: for many of the Deities were
erroneously called by the names of the places where they were worshipped.
Charis is Char-Is, the [726]city of fire; the place where Orus and
Hephastus were worshipped. Hence as a personage she is made the wife of
[727]Vulcan, on account of her relation to fire. Her title of Damater was
equally foreign to Greece; and came from Babylonia, and the east. It may
after this seem extraordinary, that she should ever be esteemed the Goddess
of corn. This notion arose in part from the Grecians not understanding
their own theology: which bad originally, became continually more depraved,
through their ignorance. The towers of Ceres were P'urtain, or Πρυτανεια;
so called from the fires, which were perpetually there preserved. The
Grecians interpreted this πυρου ταμειον; and rendered, what was a temple of
Orus, a granary of corn. In consequence of this, though they did not
abolish the antient usage of the place, they made it a repository of grain,
from whence they gave largesses to the people upon any act of merit.
[728]Τοπος ην παρ' Αθηναιοις, εν ᾡ κοιναι σιτησεις τοις δημοσιοις
ευεργεταις εδιδοντο· ὁθεν και Πρυτανειον εκαλειτο, ὁιονει πυροταμειον·
πυρος γαρ ὁ σιτος· In early times the corn there deposited seems to have
been for the priests and [729]diviners. But this was only a secondary use,
to which these places were adapted. They were properly sacred towers, where
a perpetual fire was preserved. Pausanias takes notice of such a one in
Arcadia. [730]Δημητρος, και Κορης ἱερον, πυρ δε ενταυθα καιουσι, ποιουμενοι
φροντιδα, μη λαθῃ σφισιν αποσβεσθεν. He mentions a like circumstance at the
Prutaneion in Elis[731]: Εστι δε ᾑ Ἑστια τεφρας και αυτη πεποιημενη, και
επ' αυτης πυρ ανα πασαν τε ἡμεραν, και εν πασῃ νυκτι ὡσαυτως καιεται.
Attica at first was divided into separate and independent hamlets: each of
which had its own Prutaneion, and Archon. These Archons were priests of the
[732]Prutaneia; and were denominated from their office. Archon is the same
as Orchon, and like Chon-Or signifies the God of light, and fire; from
which title the priests had their name. In Babylonia, and Chaldea, they
were called Urchani.

As in these temples there was always a [733]light, and a fire burning on
the hearth, some of the Grecians have varied in their etymology, and have
derived the name from πυρ, Pur. Suidas supposes it to have been originally
called Πυρος ταμειον. [734]Πρυτανειον, πυρος ταμειον, ενθα ην ασβεστον πυρ.
The Scholiast upon Thucydides speaks to the same purpose. [735]Αλλοι δε
φασιν, ὁτι το Πρυτανειον πυρος ην ταμειον, ενθα ην ασβεστον πυρ. _Others
tell us, that the Prutaneion was of old called Puros Tameion, from πυρ,
pur: because it was the repository of a perpetual fire_. It was sacred to
Hestia, the Vesta of the Romans; which was only another title for Damater:
and the sacred hearth had the same name. [736]Ἑστιαν δ' αν κυριωτατα
καλοιης την εν Πρυτανειῳ, εφ' ἡς το πυρ το ασβεστον αναπτεται. I have
mentioned, that these places were temples, and at the same time courts of
justice: hence we find, that in the Prutaneion at Athens, the laws of Solon
were [737]engraved. These laws were described upon wooden cylinders: some
of which remained to the time of [738]Plutarch.

Many of these temples were dedicated to the Deity under the name of
Persephone, or Proserpine, the supposed daughter of Ceres. They were in
reality the same personage. Persephone was styled Κορα, Cora; which the
Greeks misinterpreted Παρθενος, the virgin, or damsel. How could a person,
who according to the received accounts had been ravished by Pluto, and been
his consort for ages; who was the reputed queen of hell, be styled by way
of eminence Παρθενος? Κορα, Cora, which they understood was the same as
Cura, a feminine title of the sun: by which Ceres also was called at
Cnidos. However mild and gentle Proserpine may have been represented in her
virgin state by the Poets; yet her tribunal seems in many places to have
been very formidable. In consequence of this we find her with Minos, and
Rhadamanthus, condemned to the shades below, as an infernal inquisitor.
Nonnus says,

    [739]Περσεφονη θωρηξεν Εριννυας.

_Proserpine armed the furies_. The notion of which Furies arose from the
cruelties practised in these Prutaneia. They were called by the Latines,
Furiæ; and were originally only priests of fire: but were at last ranked
among the hellish tormentors. Ceres the benefactress, and lawgiver, was
sometimes enrolled in the list of these dæmons. This is manifest from a
passage in Antimachus, quoted by Pausanias, where her temple is spoken of
as the shrine of a Fury.

    [740]Δημητρος, τοθι φασιν Εριννυος ειναι εδεθλον.

The like is mentioned by the Scholiast upon Lycophron, [741]Εριννυς ἡ
Δημητηρ εν Ογκαις πολει της Αρκαδιας τιμᾳται. Her temple stood upon the
river Ladon, and she had this name given to her by the people of the place.
Καλουσι δε Εριννυν ὁι Θελπουσιοι την Θεον. _The Thelpusians call the
Goddess Demeter a Fury_. Herodotus speaks of a Prutaneion in Achaia
Pthiotic, called Leïtus; of which he gives a fearful account. _No person_,
he says, _ever entered the precincts, who returned. Whatever person ever
strayed that way, was immediately seized upon by the priests, and
sacrificed. The custom so far prevailed, that many, who thought they were
liable to suffer, fled away to foreign parts. And he adds, that after a
long time, when any of them ventured to return, if they were caught, they
were immediately led to the Prutaneion. Here they were crowned with
garlands. and in great parade conducted to the altar_. I shall quote the
author's words. [742]Ληιτον δε καλεουσι το Πρυτανηιον ὁι Αχαιοι· ην δε
εσελθῃ, ουκ εστι, ὁκως εξεισι, πριν η θυσεσθαι μελλῃ· ὡστε τι προς τουτοισι
πολλοι ηδε των μελλοντων τουτεων θυσεσθαι, δεισαντες οιχοντο αποδραντες ες
αλλην χωρην. Χρονου δε προϊοντος, οπισω κατελθοντες, ην αλισκωνται,
εστελλοντο ες το Πρυτανηιον, ὡς θυεται τε εξηγεοντο, στεμμασι πας
πυκασθεις, και ὡς συν πομπῃ εξαχθεις. The people of Leïtus are said to have
been the sons of Cutissorus. Herodotus speaks of the temple, as remaining
in his time: and of the custom still subsisting. He farther mentions, that
when Xerxes was informed of the history of this place, as he passed through
Thessaly, he withheld himself from being guilty of any violation. And he
moreover ordered his army to pay due regard to its sanctity; so very awful,
it seems, was mysterious cruelty.

I imagine, that the story of the Harpies relates to priests of the Sun.
They were denominated from their seat of residence, which was an oracular
temple called Harpi, and Hirpi, analogous to Orphi, and Urphi in other
places. I have shewn, that the antient name of a priest was Cahen, rendered
mistakenly κυν, and canis. Hence the Harpies, who were priests of Ur, are
styled by Apollonius, _the Dogs of Jove_. His accosting Calais, and Zethus,
tells them, that it would be a profanation to offer any injury to those

  [743]Ου θεμις, ω ὑιεις Βορεου ξιφεεσιν ελασσαν
  Ἁρπυιας, μεγαλοιο Διος ΚYΝΑΣ.

This term in the common acceptation is not applicable to the Harpies,
either as birds, for so they are represented; or as winged animals. But
this representation was only the insigne of the people, as the vulture, and
eagle were of the Egyptians: a lion of the Persians. The Harpies were
certainly a [744]college of priests in Bithynia; and on that account called
Cahen. They seem to have been a set of rapacious persons, who, for their
repeated acts of violence, and cruelty, were driven out of the country.
Their temple was styled Arpi; and the environs Arpi-ai: hence the Grecians
formed [745]Ἁρπυιαι. There was a region in Apulia named Arpi; and in its
neighbourhood were the islands of Diomedes, and the birds, which were
fabled to have been like swans. I have before shewn, that they were Amonian
priests: so likewise were the Hirpi near Soracte in Latium. They were
priests of fire: of whose customs I have taken notice.

The persons who resided in these temples are represented as persons of
great strength and stature: for many of them were of the race of Anac.
There is reason to think, that a custom prevailed in these places of making
strangers engage in fight with some of the priests trained up for that
purpose. The manner of contention was either with the cæstus, or by
wrestling. And as the priest appointed for the trial was pretty sure of
coming off the conqueror, the whole was looked upon as a more specious kind
of sacrifice. Amycus, who was king of Bithynia, is represented as of a
[746]gigantic size, and a great proficient with the cæstus. He was in
consequence of it the terror of all strangers who came upon the coast.
Cercyon of [747]Megara was equally famed for wrestling; by which art he
slew many, whom he forced to the unequal contention. But Cercyon was the
name of the [748]place; and they were the Cercyonians, the priests of the
temple, who were noted for these achievements. Pausanias gives an account
of them under the character of one person. [749]Ειναι δε ὁ Κερκυων λεγεται
και τα αλλα αδικος εις τους ξενους, και παλαιειν ου βουλομενοις. _Cercyon
was in other respects lawless in his behaviour towards strangers; but
especially towards those who would not contend with him in wrestling_.
These Cercyonians were undoubtedly priests of Ceres, or Damater: who seems
to have been tired of their service, and glad to get rid of them, as we are
informed by the poet.

  [750]Quæque Ceres læto vidit pereuntia vultu
    Corpora Theseâ Cercyonea manu.

Before most temples of old were areas, which were designed for Gumnasia,
where these feats of exercise were performed. Lucian speaks of one before
the temple of [751]Apollo Lucius. And Pausanias mentions that particular
[752]parade, where Cercyon was supposed to have exhibited his art. It stood
before the tomb of Alope, and was called the Palæstra of Cercyon even in
the time of this writer, who takes notice of many others. He styles it
ταφος Αλοπης, as if it were a tomb. But it was a Taph, or high altar,
sacred to Al-Ope, Sol Pytho, who was the Deity of the place called
Cer-Cuon. Before this altar was the palæstra; where the Cercyonian priests
obliged people to contend with them. I have taken notice of a Pharos at
[753]Torone, which Proteus is said to have quitted, that he might not be
witness to the cruelties of his sons. He fled, it seems, to Egypt, Τεκνων
αλυξας τας ξενοκτονας παλας, to shun their wicked practices: for they were
so skilled in the Palæstric art, that they slew all strangers whom they
forced to engage with them. Taurus, called Minotaurus, was a temple in
Crete: but by the Grecians is spoken of as a person. Under this character
Taurus is represented as a [754]renowned wrestler, and many persons are
said to have been sent from Athens to be victims to his prowess. Eusebius
styles him, [755]ωμος και ανημερος, a man of a cruel and sour disposition.
After he had done much mischief, Theseus at length Ταυρον κατεπαλαισε,
foiled him in his own art, and slew him. He is supposed to have done the
like by Cercyon. [756]Λεγεται δε ὁ Κερκυων τους διασταντας παντας ες παλην
[757]διαφθειραι πλην Θησεως. _For it is said of Cercyon, that he slew every
person who ventured to cope with him in wrestling, except Theseus_. In all
these instances the place is put for the persons who resided in it: of
which mistake I have been obliged often to take notice.

Antient history affords numberless instances of this ungenerous and cruel
practice. The stranger, who stood most in need of courtesy, was treated as
a profest enemy: and the rites of hospitality were evaded under the undue
sanction of a sacrifice to the Gods. In the history of Busiris we have an
account of this custom prevailing in Egypt. [758]Βουσιριν δε κατα την
Αιγυπτον τῳ Διι καλλιερειν σφαγιαζοντα τους παρεπιδημουντας ΞΕΝΟΥΣ. _It is
said of Busiris, that he used to offer to Jupiter, as the most acceptable
sacrifice, all the strangers, whom chance brought into his country_. There
was a tradition concerning Antæus, that he covered the roof of a temple,
sacred to Poseidon, with the sculls of foreigners, whom he forced to engage
with him. The manner of the engagement was by [759]wrestling. Eryx in
Sicily was a proficient in this art, and did much mischief to strangers:
till he was in his turn slain. The Deity was the same in these parts, as
was alluded to under the name of Taurus, and Minotaurus, in Crete; and the
rites were the same. Hence Lycophron speaks of Eryx by the name of Taurus;
and calls the place of exercise before the temple,

              [760]Ταυρου γυμναδας κακοξενου
  Παλης κονιστρας.

This the Scholiast interprets παλαιστραν του Ερυκος του ξενοκτονου, _The
Gymnasium of Eryx, who used to murder strangers_. Androgeos the son of
Minos came to the [761]like end, who had been superior to every body in
this art. Euripides styles the hero Cycnus [762]ξενοδαικταν, on account of
his cruelty to strangers. He resided it seems near the sea-coast; used to
oblige every person, who travelled that way, or whom ill fortune brought on
shore to contend with him. And his ambition was to be able with the skulls
of the victims, which he slew, to build a temple to Apollo. [763]Κακοξενος
ὁ Κυκνος, και εν παροδῳ της θαλασσης οικων, επεκερτομει τους παριοντας,
ναον τῳ Απολλωνι βουλομενος εκ των κεφαλων οικοδομησαι. Mention is made of
Lycaon, qui advenas et hospites trucidavit. He is said to have founded the
temple of Jupiter [764]Lycæus, and to have first introduced human
sacrifices, particularly those of infants. Λυκαων δε επι τον βωμον τον
[765]Λυκαιου Διος βρεφος ηνεγκεν ανθρωπου, και εθυσε το βρεφος, και
εσπεισεν επι του βωμου το ἁιμα. _Lycaon was the person, who brought an
infant, the offspring of a man, to the altar of Zeus Lucaios: and he slew
the infant, and he sprinkled the altar with the blood which issued from
it_. Antinous in Homer threatens to send Irus to one Echetus, a king in
Epirus, who was the dread of that country. The same threat is uttered
against [766]Ulysses, if he should presume to bend the bow, which Penelope
had laid before the suitors. Under the character of Lycaon, Cycnus, &c. we
are to understand Lycaonian and Cycnean priests; which latter were from
Canaan: and this method of interpretation is to be observed all through
these histories. Echetus, Εχετος, was a title of Apollo, rendered more
commonly [767]Ἑκατος by the Greeks, as if it came from the word ἑκας. It
was an Amonian title by which Orus, and Osiris, were called: and this king
Echetus was a priest of that family, who was named from the Deity, whom he
served. The Poet styles him βροτων δηλημονα, from his cruelty to strangers.

  [768]Πεμψω σ' Ηπειρονδε βαλων εν νηι μελαινῃ
  Εις Εχετον βασιληα, βροτων δηλημονα παντων.
  Ὁς κ' απο ῥινα ταμῃσι, και ουατα νηλεϊ χαλκῳ,
  Μηδεα τ' εξερυσας δωῃ κυσιν ωμα δασασθαι.

  I'll send thee, caitiff, far beyond the seas,
  To the grim tyrant Echetus, who mars
  All he encounters; bane of human kind.
  Thine ears he'll lop, and pare the nose away
  From thy pale ghastly visage: dire to tell!
  The very parts, which modesty conceals,
  He'll tear relentless from the seat of life,
  To feed his hungry hounds.

When the Spaniards got access to the western world, there were to be
observed many rites, and many terms, similar to those, which were so common
among the sons of Ham. Among others was this particular custom of making
the person, who was designed for a victim, engage in fight with a priest of
the temple. In this manner he was slaughtered: and this procedure was
esteemed a proper method of [769]sacrifice.

The histories of which I have been speaking were founded in truth, though
the personages are not real. Such customs did prevail in the first ages:
and in consequence of these customs we find those beggarly attributes of
wrestling and boxing conferred upon some of the chief Divinities. Hercules
and Pollux were of that number, who were as imaginary beings, as any
mentioned above: yet represented upon earth as sturdy fellows, who righted
some, and [770]wronged many. They were in short a kind of honourable
Banditti, who would suffer nobody to do any mischief, but themselves. From
these customs were derived the Isthmian, Nemean, Pythic, and Olympic games,
together with those at Delos. Of these last Homer gives a fine description
in his Hymn to Apollo.

  [771]Αλλα συ Δηλῳ, Φοιβε, μαλιστ' επιτερπεαι ητορ.
  Ενθα τοι ἑλκεχιτωνες Ιαονες ηγερεθονται,
  Αυτοις συν παιδεσσι, και αιδοιῃς αλοχοισι.
  Ὁιδε σε ΠYΓΜΑΧΙΗι τε, και ορχηθμῳ, και αοιδῃ
  Μνησαμενοι τερπουσιν, ὁταν στησωνται αγωνα.

These contentions had always in them something cruel, and savage: but in
later times they were conducted with an appearance of equity. Of old the
whole ceremony was a most unfair and barbarous process.

       *       *       *       *       *


Another name for those Amonian temples was Campi, of the same analogy, and
nearly of the same purport, as Arpi above-mentioned. It was in after times
made to signify the parade before the temples, where they wrestled, and
otherwise celebrated their sacred games; and was expressed Campus. When
chariots came in fashion, these too were admitted within the precincts; and
races of this sort introduced. Among the Latines the word Campus came to
mean any open and level space; but among the Sicilians the true meaning was
in some degree preserved. Καμπος--Ιπποδρομος, Σικυλοι. Hesychius. It was
properly a place of exercise in general, and not confined to races. Hence a
combatant was styled [772]Campio, and the chief persons, who presided,
[773]Campigeni. The exercise itself was by the Greeks styled αγων, αεθλος,
ἁμιλλα; all Amonian terms, taken from the titles of the Deity, in whose
honour the games were instituted. These temples partly from their symbols,
and partly from their history, being misinterpreted, were by the antient
mythologists represented as so many dragons and monsters. Nonnus mentions
both Arpe, and Campe in this light, and says that the latter had fifty
heads, each of some different beast,

              [774]Ης απο δειρης
  Ηνθεε πεντηκοντα καρηατα ποικιλα θηρων.

But Campe was an oracular temple and inclosure, sacred to Ham or Cham:
where people used to exercise. The fifty heads related to the number of the
priests, who there resided; and who were esteemed as so many wild beasts
for their cruelty. Nonnus makes Jupiter kill Campe: but Diodorus Siculus
gives the honour to Dionusus; who is supposed to have slain this monster at
Zaborna in Libya; and to have raised over her, χωμα παμμεγεθες, a vast
mound of earth. This heap of soil was in reality a high place or altar;
which in after times was taken for a place of burial. These inclosures grew
by degrees into disrepute; and the history of them obsolete. In consequence
of which the ταφοι, or mounds, were supposed to be the tombs of heroes. The
Grecians, who took every history to themselves, imagined, that their
Jupiter and Dionusus, and their Hercules had slain them. But what they took
for tombs of enemies were in reality altars to these very Gods; who were
not confined to Greece, nor of Grecian original. The Campanians in Italy
were an antient Amonian colony; and they were denominated from Campe or
Campus, which was probably the first temple, they erected. Stephanus
Byzantinus shews, that there was of old such a place: Καμπος--κτισμα
Καμπανου: but would insinuate that it took its name from a person the head
of the colony. Eustathius more truly makes it give name to the people:
though he is not sufficiently determinate. [775]Καμπανοι απο των
ὑποκαθημενων εκει Καμπων ωνομασθησαν, η απο Καμπου πολεως. There were many
of these Campi in Greece, which are styled by Pausanias ὑπαιθρα, in
contradistinction to the temples, which were covered. They are to be found
in many parts of the world, where the Amonian religion obtained, which was
propagated much farther than we are aware. In our island the exhibition of
those manly sports in vogue among country people is called Camping: and the
inclosures for that purpose, where they wrestle and contend, are called
Camping closes. There are many of them in Cambridgeshire, as well as in
other parts of the kingdom. In Germany we meet with the name of Kæmpenfelt;
in which word there is no part derived from the Latin language: for the
terms would then be synonymous, and one of them redundant. Kæmpenfelt was,
I imagine, an antient name for a field of sports, and exercise, like the
gymnasium of the Greeks: and a Camping place in Britain is of the like

       *       *       *       *       *


    Καθολου δε φασιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι) τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιαζεσθαι τους
    επιφανεστατους Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους, ετι δε και αποικιας τας παρ'
    ἑαυτων. Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 21.

It has been my uniform purpose, during the whole process, which I have made
in my system, to shew, that the Grecians formed Deities out of titles; and
that they often attributed to one person, what belonged to a people. And
when they had completed the history, they generally took the merit of it to
themselves. By means of this clue we may obtain an insight into some of the
most remote, and the most obscure parts of antiquity. For many and great
achievements have been attributed to heroes of the first ages, which it was
not possible for them singly to have performed. And these actions, though
in some degree diversified, and given to different personages, yet upon
examination will be found to relate to one people or family; and to be at
bottom one and the same history.


If we consider the history of Osiris, he will appear a wonderful conqueror,
who travelled over the face of the whole [776]earth, winning new
territories, wherever he came; yet always to the advantage of those whom he
subdued. He is said to have been the son of Rhea: and his chief attendants
in his peregrinations were Pan, Anubis, Macedo, with Maro, a great planter
of vines; also Triptolemus much skilled in husbandry. The people of India
claimed Osiris, as their own; and maintained, that he was born at Nusa in
their [777]country. Others supposed his birth-place to have been at Nusa in
[778]Arabia, where he first planted the vine. Many make him a native of
Egypt: and mention the rout of his travels as commencing from that country
through Arabia, and Ethiopia; and then to India, and the regions of the
east. When he was arrived at the extremities of the ocean, he turned back,
and passed through the upper provinces of Asia, till he came to the
Hellespont, which he crossed. He then entered [779]Thrace, with the King of
which he had a severe encounter: yet he is said to have persevered in his
rout westward, till he arrived at the fountains of the Ister. He was also
in Italy, and Greece: from the former of which he expelled the giants near
Phlegra in Campania. He visited many places upon the ocean: and though he
is represented as at the head of an army; and his travels were attended
with military operations; yet he is at the same time described with the
Muses, and Sciences in his retinue. His march likewise was conducted with
songs, and dances, and the sound of every instrument of music. He built
cities in various parts; particularly [780]Hecatompulos, which he
denominated Theba, after the name of his mother. In every region, whither
he came, he is said to have instructed the people in [781]planting, and
sowing, and other useful arts. He particularly introduced the vine: and
where that was not adapted to the soil, he taught the natives the use of
ferment, and shewed them the way to make [782]wine of barley, little
inferior to the juice of the grape. He was esteemed a great blessing to the
Egyptians both as a [783]Lawgiver, and a King. He first built temples to
the Gods: and was reputed a general benefactor of [784]mankind. After many
years travel they represent him as returning to Egypt in great triumph,
where after his death he was enshrined as a Deity. His Taphos, or high
altar, was shewn in many places: in all which he in aftertimes was supposed
to have been buried. The people of Memphis shewed one of them; whereon was
a sacred pillar, containing a detail of his life, and great actions, to the
following purport. [785]_My father was Cronus, the youngest of all the
Gods. I am the king Osiris, who carried my arms over the face of the whole
earth, till I arrived at the uninhabited parts of India. From thence I
passed through the regions of the north to the fountain-head of the Ister.
I visited also other remote countries; nor stopped till I came to the
western ocean. I am the eldest son of Cronus; sprung from the genuine and
respectable race of_ (Σωος) _Sous, and am related to the fountain of day.
There is not a nation upon earth, where I have not been; and to whose good
I have not contributed._

This is a very curious piece of antient history: and it will be found to be
in great measure true, if taken with this allowance, that what is here said
to have been achieved by one person, was the work of many. Osiris was a
title conferred upon more persons than one; by which means the history of
the first ages has been in some degree confounded. In this description the
Cuthites are alluded to, who carried on the expeditions here mentioned.
They were one branch of the posterity of Ham; who is here spoken of as the
eldest son of Cronus. How justly they conferred upon him this rank of
primogeniture, I will not determine. By [786]Cronus we are here to
understand the same person, as is also represented under the name of Soüs.
This would be more truly expressed Σωον, Soön; by which is meant the Sun:
All the Amonian families affected to be styled Heliadæ, or the offspring of
the Sun: and under this title they alluded to their great ancestor the
father of all: as by Osiris they generally meant Ham. Σωον, Soön, is the
same as [787]Zoon, and Zoan, the fountain of day. The land of Zoan in Egypt
was the nome of Heliopolis: and the city Zoan the place of the Sun. The
person then styled here Soüs can be no other than the great Patriarch under
a title of the Sun. He is accordingly by Philo Biblius called Ousoüs in an
extract from Sanchoniathon. He makes him indeed reside, where Tyre was
afterwards built; but supposes him to have lived at a time, when there were
great rains and storms; and to have been the first constructor of a ship,
and the first who ventured upon the [788]seas. In respect to the travels of
Osiris we shall find that the posterity of Ham did traverse at different
times the regions above-mentioned: and in many of them took up their abode.
They built the city Memphis in Egypt; also Hecatompulos, which they
denominated Theba, after the name of their reputed mother. They also built
Zoan, the city of the Sun.

Osiris is a title often conferred upon the great patriarch himself: and
there is no way to find out the person meant but by observing the history,
which is subjoined. When we read of Osiris being exposed in an ark, and
being afterward restored to day; of his planting the vine, and teaching
mankind agriculture; and inculcating religion, and justice; the person
alluded to stands too manifest to need any farther elucidation. And when it
is said of Osiris, that he went over most parts of the habitable globe, and
built cities in various regions; this too may be easily understood. It can
allude to nothing else, but a people called Osirians, who traversed the
regions mentioned. They were principally the Cuthites, who went abroad
under various denominations: and the histories of all the great heroes, and
heroïnes of the first ages will be found of the same purport, as the
foregoing. Osiris is supposed to have been succeeded in Egypt by Orus.
After Orus came Thoules; who was succeeded by [789]Sesostris.


Perseus was one of the most antient heroes in the mythology of Greece: the
merit of whose supposed achievements the Helladians took to themselves; and
gave out that he was a native of Argos. He travelled to the temple of
[790]Ammon; and from thence traversed the whole extent of Africa. He
subdued the [791]Gorgons, who lived in Mauritania, and at Tartessus in
Bœtica; and defeated the Ethiopians upon the western ocean, and the nations
about mount _Atlas_: which [792]mountain he only and Hercules are said to
have passed. Being arrived at the extremity of the continent, he found
means to pass over, and to get possession of all the western islands. He
warred in the East; where he freed [793]Andromeda, the daughter of Cepheus
king of the eastern Ethiopia, who was exposed to a sea-monster. Some
imagine this to have happened at [794]Joppa in Palestine, where the
[795]bones of this monster of an extraordinary size are supposed to have
been for a long time preserved. He is said to have built [796]Tarsus in
Cilicia, reputed the most antient city in the world; and to have planted
the peach tree at [797]Memphis. The Persians were supposed to have been his
descendants. He travelled through Asia Minor, to the country of the
[798]Hyperboreans upon the Ister, and the lake Mæotis; and from thence
descended to Greece. Here he built Mycene, and Tiryns, said by many to have
been the work of the Cyclopians. He established a seminary at Helicon: and
was the founder of those families, which were styled Dorian, and Herculean.
It is a doubt among writers, whether he came into Italy. Some of his family
were there; who defeated the giant race in Campania, and who afterwards
built Argiletum, and Ardea in Latium. Virgil supposes it to have been
effected by Danae, the mother of this Hero:

  [799]Ardea ---- quam dicitur olim
  Acrisioneïs Danäe fundâsse colonis.

But [800]Servius says, that Perseus himself in his childhood was driven to
the coast of Daunia. He is represented as the ancestor of the Grecian
Hercules, supposed to have been born at Thebes in Bœotia. In reality
neither [801]Hercules, nor Perseus, was of Grecian original;
notwithstanding the genealogies framed in that country. The history of the
latter came apparently from Egypt, as we may learn from Diodorus[802]: Φασι
δε και τον Περσεα γεγονεναι κατ' Αιγυπτον. Herodotus more truly represents
him as an [803]Assyrian; by which is meant a Babylonian: and agreeably to
this he is said to have married [804]Asterie, the daughter of Belus, the
same as Astaroth and Astarte of Canaan; by whom he had a daughter Hecate.
This, though taken from an idle system of theology, yet plainly shews, that
the history of Perseus had been greatly misapplied and lowered, by being
inserted among the fables of Greece. Writers speak of him as a great
[805]Astronomer, and a person of uncommon knowledge. He instructed mariners
to direct their way in the sea by the lights of heaven; and particularly by
the polar constellation. This he first observed, and gave it the name of
Helice. Though he was represented as a Babylonian; yet he resided in Egypt,
and is said to have reigned at Memphis. To say the truth, he was worshipped
at that place: for Perseus was a title of the Deity; [806]Περσευς, ὁ Ἡλιος;
_Perseus was no other than the Sun_, the chief God of the Gentile world. On
this account he had a temple of great repute at [807]Chemmis, as well as at
Memphis, and in other parts of Egypt. Upon the Heracleotic branch of the
Nile, near the sea, was a celebrated watch-tower, denominated from him. His
true name was Perez, or Parez, rendered Peresis, Perses, and Perseus: and
in the account given of this personage we have the history of the
Peresians, Parrhasians, and Perezites, in their several peregrinations; who
were no other than the Heliadæ, and Osirians abovementioned. It is a mixed
history, in which their forefathers are alluded to; particularly their
great progenitor, the father of mankind. He was supposed to have had a
renewal of life: they therefore described Perseus as inclosed in an
[808]ark, and exposed in a state of childhood upon the waters, after having
been conceived in a shower of gold.

Bochart thinks that the name both of Persis and Perseus was from פרס,
Paras, an Horse: because the Persians were celebrated horsemen, and took
great delight in that animal. But it must be considered that the name is
very antient, and prior to this use of horses. P'aras, P'arez, and P'erez,
however diversified, signify the Sun; and are of the same analogy as P'ur,
P'urrhos, P'oros, which betoken fire. Every animal, which was in any degree
appropriated to a Deity, was called by some sacred [809]title. Hence an
horse was called P'arez: and the same name, but without the prefix, was
given to a lion by many nations in the east. It was at first only a mark of
reference, and betokened a solar animal, specifying the particular Deity to
whom it was sacred. There were many nations, which were distinguished in
the same manner; some of whom the Greeks styled Parrhasians. Hence the
antient Arcadians, those Selenitæ, who were undoubtedly an Amonian colony,
had this appellation. A people in Elis had the same. The Poets described
the constellation of Helice, or the Bear, by the title of Parrhasis,
Arctos, and Parrhasis Ursa. This asterism was confessedly first taken
notice of by Perez or Perseus, by which is meant the Persians.

  [810] Versaque ab axe suo Parrhasis Arctos erat.

In the east, where the worship of Arez greatly prevailed, there were to be
found many nations called after this manner. Part of Media, according to
[811]Polybius, had the name of Parrhasia. There were also Parrhasii and
Parrhasini in [812]Sogdiana; and [813]the like near Caucasus: also a town
named [814]Parasinum in the Tauric Chersonesus. The people styled
[815]Parrhasians in Greece were the same as the Dorians and Heraclidæ; all
alike Cuthites, as were the antient Persians. Hence it is truly said by
Plato, that the Heraclidæ in Greece, and the Achæmenidæ among the Persians
were of the same stock: [816]Το δε Ἡρακλεους τε γενος και το Αχαιμενεους
εις Περσεα τον Διος αναφερεται. On this account [817]Herodotus makes Xerxes
claim kindred with the Argives of Greece, as being equally of the posterity
of Perses, the same as Perseus, the Sun: under which character the Persians
described the patriarch, from whom they were descended. Perseus was the
same as Mithras, whose sacred cavern was styled Perseüm.

  [818]Phœbe parens--seu te roseum Titana vocari
  Gentis Achæmeniæ ritu; seu præstat Osirin
  Frugiferum; seu Persëi sub rupibus antri
  Indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithram.




From a notion that the Amazons were a community of women, historians have
represented the chief personage of their nation as a [819]female. She is
mentioned by some as having flourished long before the æra of [820]Troy:
and it is by others said more precisely, that she lived in the time of
Orus, the son of Isis and Osiris. This removes her history far back; so as
to make it coeval with the first annals of time. Her dominions lay in the
most western parts of [821]Africa, at the extremity of Atlas; where the
mountain terminated in the ocean, to which it gave name. This country was
called Mauritania; and was supposed to have been possessed by the Atlantes
and Gorgons. The Grecian writers, who did not know that the same family
went under different titles, have often made the same nation at variance
with itself. And as they imagined every migration to have been a warlike
expedition, they have represented Myrina as making great conquests; and
what is extraordinary, going over the same ground, only in a retrograde
direction, which Osiris had just passed before. Her first engagement was
with the Atlantes of Cercene: against whom she marched with an army of
30,000 foot, and 2,000 horse; whom she completely armed with the skins of
serpents. Having defeated the Atlantes, she marched against the Gorgons,
whom she likewise [822]conquered; and proceeding forward, subdued the
greater part of Africa, till she arrived at the borders of Egypt. Having
entered into an alliance with Orus, she passed the Nile, and invaded the
Arabians, whom she defeated. She then conquered the Syrians, and Cilicians,
and all the nations about Mount Taurus; till she arrived at Phrygia, and
the regions about the river Caïcus. Here she built many cities,
particularly Cuma, Pitane, and Priene. She also got possession of several
islands; and among others, of Lesbos and Samothracia, in which last she
founded an asylum. After these transactions, Myrina, accompanied with
Mopsus the diviner, made an expedition into Thrace, which was the ultimate
of her progress; for she was supposed to have been here slain. According to
Homer she died in Phrygia: for he takes notice of her tomb in the plains of
Troas; and represents it as a notable performance.

  [823]Εστι δε τις προπαροιθε πολεως αιπεια κολωνη,
  Εν πεδιῳ απανευθε, περιδρομος ενθα και ενθα·
  Την ητοι ανδρες Βατιειαν κικλησκουσιν,
  Αθανατοι δε τε σημα πολυσκαρθμοιο Μυρινης.

The tomb of this heroïne was in reality a sacred mound, or high altar; and
Myrina a Gentile divinity. In her supposed conquests we may in great
measure see the history of Osiris, and Perseus, reversed, and in some
degree abridged; yet not so far varied, but that the purport may be plainly
discerned. Indeed there is no other way to obtain the hidden meaning, but
by collating the different histories, and bringing them in one view under
the eye of the reader.


Similar to the foregoing are the expeditions of Hercules, and the conquests
which he is supposed to have performed. After many exploits in Greece, the
reputed place of his nativity, he travelled as far as mount Caucasus near
Colchis, to free Prometheus, who was there exposed to an eagle or vulture.
Upon the Thermodon he engaged with the Amazons, whom he utterly defeated;
and then passed over into Thrace. Upon his return into Greece he was
ordered to make an expedition into Iberia, a region in the farthest part of
Spain; where Chrusaor, a prince of great wealth, resided. Hercules accepts
of the commission; but, I know not for what reason, goes first to Crete,
and from thence to [824]Libya; and what is extraordinary, proceeds to
Egypt. This makes the plan of his supposed rout somewhat irregular and
unaccountable. After some time spent in these parts, he builds the city
Hecatompulos, said before to have been built by Osiris: and then traverses
the whole of Africa westward, till he arrives at the Fretum Gaditanum. Here
he erects two pillars; which being finished, he at last enters Iberia. He
defeats the sons of Chrusaor, who were in arms to oppose him; and bestows
their kingdom upon others. He likewise seizes upon the oxen of Geryon. He
then marches into the country of the Celtæ, and [825]founds the city
Corunna, and likewise [826]Alesia in Gaul. He afterwards fights with the
giants Albion and Bergion near Arelate, in the plain styled Campus
Lapideus; where are the salt waters of Salona. He then passes the
[827]Alpes; and upon the banks of the Eridanus encounters a person of
shepherd race; whom he kills, and seizes his [828]golden flocks. In his way
homeward he visits Hetruria, and arrives at the mountain Palatinus upon the
Tiber. From thence he goes to the maritime part of Campania, about Cuma,
Heraclea, and the lake Aornon. Not far from hence was an adust and fiery
region; supposed to have been the celebrated Phlegra, where the giants
warred against heaven: in which war Hercules is said to have [829]assisted.
Here was an antient oracular temple; and hard by the mountain Vesuvius,
which in those days flamed violently, though it did not for many ages
afterwards. During his residence here he visited the hot fountains near
Misenus and Dicæarchea; and made a large causeway, called in aftertimes Via
Herculanea, and Agger Puteolanus. After having visited the Locrians, and
the people of Rhegium, he crossed the sea to Sicily; which sea he swam
over, holding by the horn of an ox. At his arrival some warm springs burst
forth miraculously, to give him an opportunity of bathing. Here he boxed
with Eryx; defeated the Sicani; and performed many other exploits. What is
remarkable, having in Spain seized upon the cattle of Geryon, he is said to
have made them travel over the Pyrenean mountains, and afterwards over the
Alpes, into Italy; and from thence cross the sea into Sicily; and being now
about to leave that island, he swims with them again to Rhegium: and
ranging up the coast of the Adriatic, passes round to Illyria, from thence
to Epirus; and so descends to Greece. The whole of these travels is said to
have been completed in ten years.

He was also reported, according to [830]Megasthenes and others, to have
made an expedition into [831]India, and to have left many memorials of his
transactions in those parts. He travelled likewise into the region called
afterwards Scythia; the natives of which country were his [832]descendants.
He also visited the Hyperboreans. In all these peregrinations he is
generally described as proceeding alone: at least we have no intimation of
any army to assist in the performance of these great enterprises. He is
indeed supposed to have sailed with six ships to [833]Phrygia: but how he
came by them is not said; nor whence he raised the men, who went with him.
At other times he is represented with a club in his hand, and the skin of
an animal upon his shoulders. When he passed over the ocean, he is said to
have been wafted in a golden [834]bowl. In Phrygia he freed Hesione from a
Cetus, or sea monster, just as Perseus delivered Andromeda. He is mentioned
as founding many cities in parts very remote: the sea-coast of Bœtica, and
Cantabria, was, according to some writers, peopled by [835]him. By
Syncellus he is said to have resided in Italy, and to have reigned in
[836]Latium. The Grecians supposed that he was burnt upon Mount Œta: but
the people of Gades shewed his Taphos in their [837]city, just as the
Egyptians shewed the Taphos of Osiris at Memphis, and elsewhere. Hence it
was imagined by many, that Hercules was buried at Gades. The philosopher
Megaclides could not be brought to give the least assent to the histories
of this [838]hero: and Strabo seems to have thought a great part of them to
have been a [839]fable. In short, the whole account of this personage is
very inconsistent: and though writers have tried to compromise matters by
supposing more persons than one of this name, yet the whole is still
incredible, and can never be so adjusted as to merit the least belief. How
they multiplied the same Deity, in order to remedy their faulty mythology,
may be seen in the following extract from Cicero. [840]Quanquam, quem
potissimum Herculem colamus, scire velim: plures enim nobis tradunt ii, qui
interiores scrutantur et reconditas literas. Antiquissimum Jove natum, sed
item Jove antiquissimo: nam Joves quoque plures in priscis Græcorum literis
invenimus. Ex eo igitur et Lysito est is Hercules, quem concertâsse cum
Apolline de tripode accepimus. Alter traditur Nilo natus, Ægyptius; quem
aiunt Phrygias literas conscripsisse. Tertius est ex Idæis Dactylis, cui
inferias afferunt. Quartus Jovis est, et Asteriæ, Latonæ sororis, quem
Tyrii maxime colunt; cujus Carthaginem filium ferunt. Quintus in
[841]Indiâ, qui Belus dicitur. Sextus hic, ex Alcumenâ quem Jupiter genuit;
sed tertius Jupiter: quoniam, ut docebo, plures Joves accepimus.

Hercules was a title given to the chief deity of the Gentiles, who have
been multiplied into almost as many personages, as there were countries,
where he was worshipped. What has been attributed to this god singly, was
the work of Herculeans; a people who went under this title among the many
which they assumed; and who were the same as the Osirians, Peresians, and
Cuthites. They built Tartessus in Bœtica, and occupied great part of
Iberia. They likewise founded [842]Corunna in Cantabria, and [843]Alesia in
Gaul: of which there are traditions to this day. Some of them settled near
[844]Arelate; others among the [845]Alpes: also at Cuma, and Heraclea in
Campania. They were also to be found at Tyre, and in Egypt; and even in the
remotest parts of [846]India. In short, wherever there were Heraclidæ, or
Herculeans, an Hercules has been supposed. Hence his character has been
variously represented. One, while he appears little better than a sturdy
vagrant; at other times he is mentioned as a great benefactor; also as the
patron of science, the [847]God of eloquence, with the Muses in his train.
On this account he had the title of [848]Musagetes; and the Roman general
Fulvius dedicated a temple which he had erected to his honour, and
inscribed it [849]_Herculi Musarum_. There are gems, upon which he is
represented as presiding among the Deities of [850]Science. He is said to
have been swallowed by a Cetus, or large fish, from which he was after some
time delivered. This history will hereafter be easily decyphered. He was
the chief deity of the [851]Gentile world; the same as Hermes, Osiris, and
Dionusus; and his rites were introduced into various parts by the Cuthites.
In the detail of his peregrinations is contained, in great measure, an
history of that people, and of their settlements. Each of these the Greeks
have described as a warlike expedition; and have taken the glory of it to
themselves. He is said to have had many sons. One of these was
[852]Archemagoras; by which is meant the father or chief of the Magi. There
are many others enumerated: the principal of whom are said to have been;
[853]Sardus, or Sardon; Cyrnus, Gelonus, Olynthus, Scythus, Galathus,
Lydus, Iberus, Celtus, Poimen. As these are all manifestly the names of
nations, we may perceive by the purport of this history, that the
Sardinians, Corsicans, Iberians, Celtæ, Galatæ, Scythæ, &c. &c. together
with those styled Shepherds, were Herculeans; all descended from that
[854]Hercules, who was the father of Archemagoras the chief of the Magi.


The history of Dionusus is closely connected with that of Bacchus, though
they were two distinct persons. It is said of the former, that he was born
at [855]Nusa in Arabia: but the people upon the Indus insisted, that he was
a native of their [856]country; and that the city Nusa, near mount Meru,
was the true place of his birth. There were, however, some among them, who
allowed, that he came into their parts from the west; and that his arrival
was in the most antient times. He taught the nations, whither he came, to
build and to plant, and to enter into societies. To effect this, he
collected the various families out of the villages in which they dwelt, and
made them incorporate in towns and cities, which he built in the most
commodious situations. After they were thus established, he gave them laws,
and instructed them in the worship of the Gods. He also taught them to
plant the Vine, and to extract the juice of the grape; together with much
other salutary knowledge. This he did throughout all his [857]travels, till
he had conquered every region in the East. Nor was it in these parts only,
that he shewed himself so beneficent a conqueror; but over all the
habitable [858]world. The account given by the Egyptians is consonant to
that of the Indians: only they suppose him to have been of their own
country; and to have set out by the way of Arabia and the Red Sea, till he
arrived at the extremities of the East. He travelled also into [859]Lybia,
quite to the Atlantic; of which performance Thymætes is said to have given
an account in an antient Phrygian poem. After his Indian expedition, which
took him up three years, he passed from Asia by the Hellespont into Thrace,
where Lycurgus withstood him, and at last put him to flight. He came into
Greece; and was there adopted by the people, and represented as a native of
their country. He visited many places upon the Mediterranean; especially
Campania, and the coast of Italy, where he was taken prisoner by the
Hetrurian pirates. Others say, that he conquered all [860]Hetruria. He had
many attendants; among whom were the Tityri, Satyri, Thyades, and Amazons.
The whole of his history is very inconsistent in respect both to time and
place. Writers therefore have tried to remedy this by introducing different
people of the same name. Hence Dionusus is multiplied into as many
[861]personages as Hercules. His history was looked upon as very
interesting; and therefore was the chief theme of all the antient
[862]bards. His flight, styled φυγη Διονυσου, was particularly
[863]recorded. He was the same as Osiris; and many of the later
mythologists acknowledged this truth. Αιγυπτιοι μεν γαρ τον παρ' αυτοις
θεον Οσιριν ονομαζομενον φασιν ειναι τον παρ' Ἑλλησι Διονυσον τουτον δε
μυθολογουσιν επελθειν πασαν την οικουμενην--Ὁμοιως δε και τους Ινδους τον
θεον τουτον παρ' ἑαυτοις αποφανεσθαι γεγονεναι. _The Egyptians_, says
[864]Diodorus, _maintain that their God Osiris is no other than the
Dionusus of Greece: And they farther mention, that he travelled over the
face of the whole earth--In like manner the Indi assure us, that it is the
same Deity, who wan conversant in their [865]country_.

Dionusus, according to the Grecian mythology, is represented as having been
twice born: and is said to have had two fathers and two mothers. He was
also exposed in an [866]ark, and wonderfully preserved. The purport of
which histories is plain. We must however for the most part consider the
account given of Dionusus, as the history of the Dionusians. This is
twofold. Part relates to their rites and religion; in which the great
events of the infant world, and the preservation of mankind in general,
were recorded. In the other part, which contains the expeditions and
conquests of this personage, are enumerated the various colonies of the
people, who were denominated from him. They were the same as the Osirians
and Herculeans; all of one family, though under different appellations. I
have shewn, that there were many places which claimed his birth; and as
many, where was shewn the spot of his interment. Of these we may find
samples in Egypt, Arabia, and India; as well as in Africa, Greece, and its
islands. For the Grecians, wherever they met with a grot or a cavern sacred
to him, took it for granted that he was born there: and wherever he had a
taphos, or high altar, supposed that he was there [867]buried. The same is
also observable in the history of all the Gods.

From what has been said we may perceive that the same history has been
appropriated to different personages: and if we look farther into the
annals of the first ages, we shall find more instances to the same purpose.
It is said of [868]Cronus, and Astarte, that they went over the whole
earth; disposing of the countries at their pleasure, and doing good
wherever they came. Cronus in consequence of it is represented as an
universal [869]benefactor; who reclaimed men from their savage way of life,
and taught them to pass their days in innocence and truth. A like account
is given of Ouranus, the great king of the [870]Atlantians, who observing
mankind in an unsettled and barbarous state, set about building cities for
their reception; and rendered them more humane and civilized by his
institutions and laws. His influence was very extensive; as he is supposed
to have had the greater part of the world under his rule. All this, and
what was above done by Cronus and Astarte, the Grecians attributed to
Apollo and Themis. Strabo mentions from the historian, Ephorus, that the
oracle at Delphi was founded by these two [871]deities at the time, when
Apollo was going over the world doing good to all mankind. He taught the
nations, where he came, to be more [872]gentle and humane in their manners;
and to abstain from their wild fruits, and foul banquets: affording them
instructions how to improve themselves by cultivation.

Some of these persons are mentioned as proceeding in a pacific manner: but
these peregrinations in general are represented as a process of war; and
all that was effected, was supposed to have been by conquest. Thus Osiris,
Hercules, Perseus, Dionusus, displayed their benevolence sword in hand: and
laid every country under an obligation to the limits of the earth. The like
is said of Zeuth, the Zeus of Greece, who was an universal conqueror and
benefactor: [873]Τον Δια κυριον γενομενον τον ὁλων επελθειν ἁπασαν την
οικουμενην, ευεργετουντα το γενος των ανθρωπων· διενεγκειν δε αυτον και
σωματος ῥωμῃ και ταις αλλαις ἁπασαις αρεταις, και δια τουτο ταχυ κυριον
γενεσθαι του συμπαντος κοσμου. _Zeus_ (or Jupiter) _having got the entire
supremacy marched over the whole earth, benefiting mankind wherever he
came. And as he was a person of great bodily strength, and at the same time
had every princely quality, he very soon subdued the whole world_.

No mention is made of any conquests achieved by Orus: and tho reason is,
because he was the same as Osiris. Indeed they were all the same personage:
but Orus was more particularly Osiris in his second state; and therefore
represented by the antient Egyptians as a child. What is omitted by him,
was made up by his immediate successor Thoules; who like those, who
preceded, conquered every country which was inhabited. [874]Ειτα Οσιρις,
μεθ' ὁν Ωρος, και μετα αυτον Θουλης, ὁς και ἑως του ωκεανου πασαν την γην
παρειληφεν. _After him_ (that is, Söus, or Sosis,) _came Osiris; and then
Orus: to whom succeeded Thoules, who conquered the whole earth quite to the
ocean_. The like history is given of him by [875]Suidas, and by the author
of the [876]Chronicon Paschale.

These accounts I have collated, and brought in succession to one another;
that we may at a view see the absurdity of the history, if taken in the
common acceptation. And however numerous my instances may have been, I
shall introduce other examples before I quit the subject. I must
particularly speak of an Egyptian hero, equally ideal with those
abovementioned; whose history, though the most romantic and improbable of
any, has been admitted as credible and true. The person to whom I allude,
is the celebrated Sesostris. Most of the antient historians speak of his
great achievements; and the most learned of the modern chronologists have
endeavoured to determine his æra, and point out the time of his reign. But
their endeavours have been fruitless; and they vary about the time when he
lived not less than a thousand years: nay, some differ even more than this
in the æra, which they assign to him.


Among the writers who have written concerning this extraordinary personage,
Diodorus Siculus is the most uniform and full; and with his evidence I will
begin my account. He[877] informs us, that, when this prince was a youth,
he was entrusted by his father with a great army. He upon this invaded
Arabia: and though he was obliged to encounter hunger and thirst in the
wilds, which he traversed; yet he subdued the whole of that large tract of
country. He was afterwards sent far into the west; where he conquered all
the legions of Lybia, and annexed great part of that country to the kingdom
of Egypt. After the death of his father he formed a resolution to subdue
all the nations upon earth. Accordingly, having settled everything at home,
and appointed governors to each province, he set out with an army of six
hundred thousand foot, and twenty-four thousand horse, and twenty-seven
thousand armed chariots. With these he invaded the Ethiopians to the south;
whom he defeated, and made tributaries to Egypt. He then built a fleet of
ships upon the Red sea: and he is recorded as the first person who
constructed vessels fit for distant navigation. With these, by means of his
generals, he subdued all the sea-coast of Arabia, and all the coast upon
the ocean as far as India. In the mean time he marched in person, with a
puissant army, by land, and conquered the whole continent of Asia. He not
only overran the countries, which Alexander afterwards invaded; but crossed
both the Indus and the Ganges; and from thence penetrated to the eastern
ocean. He then turned to the north, and attacked the nations of Scythia;
till he at last arrived at the Tanäis, which divides Europe and Asia. Here
he founded a colony; leaving behind him some of his people, as he had just
before done at [878]Colchis. These nations are said to the last to have
retained memorials of their original from Egypt. About the same time Asia
Minor, and most of the islands near it, fell into his hands. He at last
passed into [879]Thrace, where he is said to have been brought into some
difficulties. He however persisted, and subdued all the regions of Europe.
In most of these countries he erected pillars with hieroglyphical
inscriptions; denoting that these parts of the world had been subdued by
the great Sesostris, or, as [880]Diodorus expresses his name, Sesoosis. He
likewise erected statues of himself, formed of stone, with a bow and a
lance: which statues were in length four cubits and four palms, according
to the dimensions of his own height and stature. Having thus finished his
career of [881]victory, he returned laden with spoils to Egypt, after an
absence of [882]nine years; which is one year less than was attributed to
the expeditions of Hercules.

The detail given by this historian is very plain and precise: and we
proceed very regularly and minutely in a geographical series from one
conquest to another: so that the story is rendered in some degree
plausible. But we may learn from Diodorus himself, that little credit is to
be paid to this narration, after all the pains he may have taken to win
upon our credulity. He ingenuously owns, that not only the Grecian writers,
but even the priests of Egypt, and the bards of the same country varied in
the accounts which they gave of this hero; and were guilty of great
inconsistence. It was therefore his chief labour to collect what he thought
most credible, and what appeared most consonant to the memorials in Egypt,
which time had spared: [883]Τα πιθανωτατα, και τοις υπαρχουσιν ετι κατα την
χωραν σημειοις τα μαλιστα συμφωνουντα διελθειν. But, as these memorials
consisted chiefly in hieroglyphics, I do not see how it was possible for
Diodorus to understand what the bards and priests could not decypher. The
adjustment of this history, had it been practicable, should have been the
work of a native Egyptian, and not of a person either from Greece or
Sicily. This writer afterwards mentions the mighty [884]works of Sesostris
upon his return into Egypt: the temples which he built, and the great
entrenchments which he made to the east, to guard the country from the
Arabians: and having enumerated the whole of his actions, he concludes with
an ingenuous confession, that [885]little could be obtained that was
precisely true. He has, without doubt, culled the most probable
achievements of this hero; and coloured and arranged them to the best
advantage: yet they still exceed belief. And if, after this care and
disposition, they seem incredible, how would they appear in the garb, in
which he found them? Yet the history of this personage has been admitted as
credible by the most learned [886]writers and chronologists: though, as I
before mentioned, they cannot determine the æra of his reign within a
thousand years. Sir John Marsham and Sir Isaac Newton suppose him to have
been the Sesac of the scriptures; and consequently bring his reign down to
the time of Rehoboam king of Judah. But the only reason for this, as far as
I can perceive, seems to be, that Sesostris is represented as a great
conqueror; and Sesac is presumed, from his large [887]army, to have been so
likewise. But there is nothing more said of Sesac, than that he formed a
plan of conquering the king of Judah; and accordingly came with the army
before mentioned, to put his design in execution. But the [888]capital
being delivered into his hands without the least resistance, and the king
intirely submitting himself to his will; he contented himself with the rich
plunder, which he found, and which he carried away at his departure. We may
also infer from the servitude, to which the people of Judah were reduced,
that he imposed upon them some future contributions.

This is the whole of the history of Sesac, or Shishak; by whom no other
expedition was undertaken that we know of: nor is there mention made upon
record of a single battle which he fought. Yet from a notion that Sesac was
a great warrior, he is made the same as Sesostris: and the age of the
latter is brought down very many centuries beneath the æra, to which the
best writers have adjudged it. When we differ from received tradition, we
should not pass over in silence what is said on the contrary part; but give
it at large, and then shew our reasons for our departure from it. I have
taken notice of the supposed conquerors of the earth: and among them of the
reputed deities of Egypt, who came under the names of Osiris, Perseus,
Thoules, &c. These are supposed, if they ever existed, to have lived in the
first ages of the world, when Egypt was in its infant state; and Sesostris
is made one of their number. He is by some placed after Orus; by others
after Thoules; but still referred to the first ages. He is represented
under the name of Sethos, [889]Sethosis, Sesoosis, Sesonchosis, Sesostris;
but the history, with which these names are accompanied, shews plainly the
identity of the personage. Eusebius in reckoning up the dynasty of kings,
who reigned after Hephaistus or Vulcan, mentions them in the following
order: [890]_Then succeeded his son Helius; after him Sosis, then Osiris,
then Orus, then Thoules, who conquered the whole earth to the ocean; and
last of all Sesostris_. The [891]Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius calls
him Sesonchosis; and places him immediately after Orus, and the third in
succession from Osiris: giving at the same time an account of his
conquests. He adds that he was the person whom Theopompus called Sesostris.
The same Scholiast quotes a curious passage from Dicæarchus, in which
Sesonchosis maintains the same rank, and was consequently of the highest
antiquity. [892]_Dicæarchus in the first book of his history mentions, that
immediately after the reign of Orus, the son of Isis and Osiris, in Egypt,
the government devolved to Sesonchosis: so that from the time of
Sesonchosis to Nilus were two thousand years_. Cedrenus [893]calls him
Sesostris; and mentions him after Osiris, and Orus, and Thoules; which last
was by the above writer omitted. Οσιρις. Ωρος. Θουλης. μετα δε τουτον
Σεσωστρις. The author of the Chronicon Paschale makes Orus to have been
succeeded by the same personage, as is mentioned above, whom he calls
Thoulis; and next to him introduces Sesostris. He relates all his great
conquests; and gives us this farther information, that this prince was the
first of the line of Ham, who reigned in Egypt; in other words, he was the
first king of the country. [894]Εν τουτοις μετα ταυτα χρονοις εβασιλευε των
Αιγυπτιων πρωτος εκ τες φυλης ΤΟΥ ΧΑΜ [895]Σεσωστρις. Aristotle speaks of
Sesostris; but does not determine the time of his reign on account of its
great antiquity. He only says that it was long before the age of
[896]Minos, who was supposed to have reigned in Crete. Apollonius Rhodius,
who is thought to have been a native of Egypt, speaks of the great actions
of this prince; but mentions no name: not knowing, I imagine, by which
properly to distinguish him, as he was represented under so many. He
however attributes to him every thing which is said of [897]Sesostris;
particularly the settling a Colony at Colchis, and building innumerable
cities in the countries which he traversed:

                  μυρια δ' αστη
  Νασσατ' εποιχομενος.

He represents him as conquering all Asia and Europe; and this in times so
remote, that many of the cities which he built, were in ruins before the
æra of the Argonauts.

From what has been said, we may perceive that if such a person as Sesostris
had existed, his reign must have been of the earliest date. He is by some
represented as succeeding Thoules: according to others he comes one degree
higher, being introduced after [898]Orus, who in the catalogue of Panodorus
is placed first of the Demigods, that reigned in Egypt; but by
[899]Herodotus is ranked among the deities. According to Dicæarchus the
reign of Sesostris was two thousand five hundred years before Nilus: and
the reign of the latter was four hundred and thirty-six years before the
first Olympiad. I do not place the least confidence in these computations;
but would only shew from them that the person spoken of must be referred to
the mythic age, to the æra of the Demigods of Egypt. Some of these
evidences are taken notice of by Sir John [900]Marsham; who cannot
extricate himself from the difficulties with which his system is attended.
He has taken for granted, that Sesostris and Sesonchosis are the Sesac of
the Scriptures; though every circumstance of their history is repugnant to
that notion. [901]_I know_ _not,_ says he, _what to make of this
Sesonchosis; who is represented as five thousand years before Menes, and
who is referred to the time of the Demigods_. In another place: _Sesostris,
who is in the twelfth Dynasty of Africanus, and whose æra extends higher,
than the Canon of Eusebius reaches, reigned according to Scaliger's
computation in the 1392d year of the Julian Period. By this calculation
Sesostris is made prior to Sesostris; and this too by no less than 2355
years: for it is manifest, as I will shew from Scripture, that Sesostris
undertook his expedition into Asia, and got possession of Jerusalem in the
3747th year of the Period abovementioned_. What is said in the sacred
writings, I have taken notice of before. Not a word occurs about Sesostris,
nor of any such Asiatic expedition. I am obliged to say, that through the
whole of this learned writer's process, instead of a proof, we find nothing
else but the question begged, and some inferences of his own in consequence
of this assumption. He indeed quotes the authority of Manethon from
Josephus to prove that the great actions of Sesostris were the same as were
performed by Sesac. But Manethon says no such thing: nor does Josephus
attribute any such exploits to Sesac: but expressly says more than once,
that Sesac, and Sesostris were two different [902]persons. It is no where
said of Sesac, that he made an expedition into Asia; much less that he
conquered it, as is supposed of Sesostris. Sesac went up against Jerusalem,
and took it, αμαχητι, without meeting with any opposition. Upon this he
departed, and carried with him the treasures which he had there seized: in
other words, he went home again. There is not the least mention made of his
invading [903]Samaria, or the country about Libanus, and Sidon; or of his
marching to Syria: all which made but a small part of the great Continent,
called in aftertimes Asia: much less did he visit the countries of the
Assyrians, and Babylonians; or the regions of Elam and the Medes. All this,
and much more he must have done, to have come up to the character, to which
they would fain entitle him.

I will not enter into any farther discussion of the great conquests
attributed to this supposed monarch Sesostris. They are as ideal as those
of Sesac, and sufficiently confute themselves. First Osiris is said to have
conquered the whole earth: then Zeus, then Perseus, then [904]Hercules, all
nearly of the same degree of antiquity, if we may believe the best
Mythologists. Myrina comes in for a share of conquest in the time of Orus.
After her Thoules subdues the whole from the Eastern Ocean, to the great
Atlantic: and as if nothing had been performed before, Sesostris
immediately succeeds, and conquers it over again. [905]Herodotus informs
us, as a token of these victories, that Sesostris erected pillars and
obelisks with emblematical inscriptions: and that he saw some of them in
Phrygia, and in other countries, which had been conquered. He without doubt
saw pillars: but how did he know for certain, by whom they were erected?
and who taught him to interpret the symbols? Pausanias takes [906]notice of
a colossal statue in the Thebäis, and says that the history given of it was
not satisfactory. He tells us, that it stood near the Syringes, in upper
Egypt; and he viewed it with great admiration. It was the figure of a man
in a sitting posture; which some said was the representation of Memnon the
Ethiopian: others maintained, that it was the statue of Phamenophis: and
others again, that it related to Sesostris. There were here emblems, and
symbols; yet a diversity of opinions. I want therefore to know, how
Herodotus could interpret in Phrygia, what a native could not decypher in
Egypt. The same question may be asked about the people of Syria, among whom
were obelisks attributed to the same person. How came they to be so
determinate about an Egyptian work; when people of that country in the same
circumstances were so utterly at a loss? the whole undoubtedly was matter
of surmise. I shall not therefore say any thing more of Sesostris; as I
must again speak of him, when I come to the kings of Egypt.

If we compare the above histories, we may perceive that they bear a
manifest similitude to one another; though they are attributed to different
persons. They contain accounts of great achievements in the first ages: in
effecting which these antient heroes are represented as traversing immense
regions, and carrying their arms to the very limits of the known world: the
great Tartarian ocean to the east, and the Atlantic westward, being the
boundaries of their travel. Some of them seem to have been of the same age;
and to have carried on these conquests at nearly the same time: and those,
whose æra may possibly differ, have this in common with the others; that
they visit the same countries, march for the most part by the same rout;
and are often joined by the same allies, and are followed by the like
attendants. They are in general esteemed benefactors, wherever they go: and
carry the sciences with them, as well as their religious rites; in which
they instruct the natives in different parts of the world. These are to be
sure noble occurrences; which however could not possibly have happened, as
they are represented above. It is not to be supposed, that any person in
those early ages, or in any age, could go over such a tract of country;
much less that he should subdue it. It is still more improbable, that such
extensive conquests should be so immediately repeated: and that they should
in some instances be carried on by different people at nearly the same
time. They, who speak of mighty empires being founded in those early days,
know little of true history; and have formed a very wrong judgment of the
politics, which then universally prevailed. The whole earth, as far as we
can learn, was divided into little coördinate states: every city seems to
have been subservient to its own Judge and Ruler, and independent of all
others. In the land of [907]Canaan thirty-one kings were subdued by Joshua,
between Jordan and the sea: and some were still left by him unconquered. In
those days, says the learned Marsham, quot urbes, tot regna. The like was
for many ages after observable in Greece, as well as in Latham, Samnium,
and Hetruria. A powerful enemy made Egypt unite under one head: and the
necessities of the people in a time of dearth served to complete that
system. The Israelites too, when settled in Canaan, formed a large kingdom.
Excepting these two nations we know of none of any considerable extent,
that were thus united. The [908]Syrians and the Philistim were in separate
states, and under different governors. The kingdoms of Nineve and Babylonia
consisted each of one mighty city, with its environs; in which were perhaps
included some subordinate villages. They were properly walled
[909]Provinces; and the inhabitants were in a state of rest for ages. The
Assyrian did not till about seven hundred years before Christ, begin to
contend for dominion, and make acquisition of territory: and we may form a
judgment, from what he then [910]gained, of what he was possessed before.
The cities Hala, Habor, Haran in Mesopotamia, with Carchemish upon the
Euphrates, were his first conquests: to these he added the puny states Ina,
Iva, and Sepharvaim upon the same river. He then proceeded to Hamath,
Damascus, and other cities of Syria; and at last came to Samaria. The line
of conquest points out the route, which he took; and shews that there were
in Mesopotamia numberless little states, independent of Babylon and Nineve,
though in their immediate vicinity. Consequently the notion of the extent,
dominion, and antiquity of those Monarchies, as delivered by Ctesias and
others, is entirely void of truth. The conquests likewise of those Heroes
and Demigods, who are made coeval with the supposed foundations of those
Monarchies, must be equally groundless. To say the truth, the very
personages are ideal, and have been formed out of the titles of the Deity:
and the history, with which they are attended, related not to conquest, but
to peregrinations of another nature; to Colonies which went abroad, and
settled in the countries mentioned. The antients, as I have repeatedly
said, have given to a person, what related to a people: and if we make this
small allowance, the history will be found in great measure true.


Having given an account of the mythic heroes of Egypt, I think it necessary
to subjoin an history of two others of the like stamp, who have made no
less figure in the annals of Babylon and Assyria. The persons, to whom I
allude, are Ninus and Semiramis; whose conquests, though they did not
extend so far as those above, are yet alike wonderful, and equally
groundless. It is said of Ninus, that he was the first king of
[911]Assyria: and being a prince of great power, he made war on his
neighbours the Babylonians, whom he conquered. He afterwards invaded the
Armenians; whose king Barsanes, finding himself much inferior to his
adversary, diverted his anger by great presents, and a voluntary
[912]submission. The next object of his ambition was Media, which he soon
subdued; and getting Phanius, the king of the country, into his hands,
together with his wife and seven children, he condemned them all to be
crucified. His hopes being greatly raised by this success, he proceeded to
reduce all the nations to his obedience between the Tanaïs and the Nile:
and in seventeen years he made so great a progress, that, excepting
Bactria, all Asia submitted to him as far as the river Indus. In the series
of conquered countries Ctesias enumerates Egypt, Phenicia, Coile Syria,
Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia, Lydia, Cappadocia, and
the nations in Pontus, and those near the Tanaïs. To these are added the
Dacians, Hyrcanians, Derbicians, Carmanians, Parthians, with all Persis and
Susiana, and the numerous nations upon the Caspian sea. After these notable
actions he laid the foundation of the great city Nineve: which by mistake
is said to have been built upon the banks of the [913]Euphrates. His last
expedition was against the Bactrians: at which time he first saw Semiramis,
a woman of uncommon endowments, and great personal charms. He had an army
which amounted to seven millions of foot, and two millions of horse, with
two hundred thousand chariots with scythes. For the possibility of which
circumstances Diodorus tries to account in favour of the historian, from
whom he borrows. By the conduct of Semiramis the Bactrians are subdued; and
Ninus takes the capital of the country: upon which, in return for her
services, he makes Semiramis his queen. Not long after he dies, leaving
only one son by this princess, who was called Ninyas.

The history of Semiramis is variously related by different authors. Some
make her a native of Ascalon; and say that she was exposed in the desert,
and nourished by pigeons. She was in this situation discovered by a
shepherd named Simma. He bred her up, and married her to Menon; whom she
deserted for Ninus. During her son's minority she assumed the regal state:
and the first work which she undertook was the interment of her husband.
She accordingly buried him with great splendor; and raised over him a mound
of earth, no less than a mile and a quarter high, and proportionally wide
at bottom: after which she built Babylon. This being finished, she made an
expedition into Media; and wherever she came left memorials of her power
and munificence. This was effected by erecting vast structures, forming
lakes, and laying out gardens of great extent; particularly in Chaonia and
Ecbatana. In short, she levelled hills, and raised [914]mounds of an
immense height, which retained her name for ages. After this she invaded
Egypt, and conquered Ethiopia, with the greater part of Lybia: and having
accomplished her wish, and there being no enemy to cope with her, excepting
the people of India, she resolved to direct her forces towards that
quarter. She had an army of three millions of foot, five hundred thousand
horse, and one hundred thousand chariots. For the passing of rivers, and
engaging with the enemy by water, she had procured two thousand ships, to
be so constructed as to be taken to pieces for the advantage of carriage:
which ships were built in Bactria by experienced persons from Phenicia,
Syria, and Cyprus. With these she entered into a naval engagement with
Strabrobates king of India; and at the first encounter sunk a thousand of
his ships. Upon this she built a bridge over the river Indus, and
penetrated into the heart of the country. Here Strabrobates engaged her;
but being deceived by the numerous appearance of her elephants, at first
gave way. For being deficient in those animals, she had procured the hides
of three thousand black oxen; which being properly sewed, and stuffed with
straw, formed an appearance of so many elephants. All this was done so
naturally, that the real animals could not stand the sight. But this
stratagem being at last discovered, Semiramis was obliged to retreat, after
having lost a great part of her [915]army. Soon after this she resigned the
government to her son Ninyas, and died. According to some writers, she was
slain by his hand.

The history of Ninus and Semiramis, as here represented, is in great
measure founded upon terms, which have been misconstrued; and these
fictions have been invented in consequence of the mistakes. Under the
character of Semiramis we are certainly to understand a people styled
Semarim, a title assumed by the antient Babylonians. They were called
Semarim from their insigne, which was a dove, expressed Semaramas, of which
I shall speak hereafter more at large. It was used as an object of worship;
and esteemed the same as Rhea, the mother of the gods: [916]Σεμιραμιν και
την Ῥεαν καλουμενην παρ' Ασσυριοις.

If we take the history of Semiramis, as it is given us by Ctesias and
others; nothing can be more inconsistent. Some make her the wife of Ninus:
others say that she was his [917]daughter: and about the time of her birth
they vary beyond measure. She is sometimes made cöeval with the city
Nineve: at other times she is brought down within a few centuries of
[918]Herodotus. She invades the Babylonians before the city was [919]built,
from whence they were denominated: and makes sumptuous gardens at Ecbatana.
Hence that city is introduced as coëval with Nineve: though, if the least
credit may be given to [920]Herodotus, it was built many ages after by
Deïoces the Mede. The city Nineve itself is by Ctesias placed upon the
[921]Euphrates; though every other writer agrees, that it lay far to the
east, and was situated upon the Tigris. This shews how little credit is to
be paid to Ctesias. The whole account of the fleet of ships built in
Bactria, and carried upon camels to the Indus, is a childish forgery. How
can we suppose, that there were no woods to construct such vessels, but in
the most inland regions of Asia? The story of the fictitious elephants,
made out of the hides of black oxen, which put to flight the real
elephants, is another silly fable. Megasthenes, who wrote of India, would
not allow that Semiramis was ever in those [922]parts. Arrian seems to
speak of it as a groundless [923]surmise. Her building of Babylon was by
[924]Berosus treated as a fable. Herennius Philo maintained, that it was
built by a son of Belus the wise, two thousand years before her [925]birth.
Suidas says, that she called Nineve [926]Babylon: so uncertain is every
circumstance about this Heroine. She is supposed to have sent to Cyprus,
and Phenicia, for artists to construct and manage the ships abovementioned;
as if there had been people in those parts famous for navigation before the
foundation of Nineve. They sometimes give to Semiramis herself the merit of
building the [927]first ship; and likewise the invention of weaving cotton:
and another invention more extraordinary, which was that of emasculating
[928]men, that they might be guardians, and overseers in her service. Yet,
it is said of her, that she took a man to her bed every night, whom she put
to death in the morning. How can it be imagined, if she was a woman of such
unbridled [929]lust, that she would admit such spies upon her actions? We
may as well suppose, that a felon would forge his own gyves, and construct
his own prison. Claudian thinks, that she did it to conceal her own sex, by
having a set of beardless people about her.

              [930]Seu prima Semiramis astu
  Assyriis mentita virum, ne vocis acutæ
  Mollities, levesque genæ se prodere possent,
  Hos sibi junxisset socios: seu Parthica ferro
  Luxuries nasci vetuit lanuginis umbram;
  Servatosque diu puerili flore coegit
  Arte retardatam Veneri servire juventam.

In respect to Semiramis I do not see how this expedient could avail. She
might just as well have dressed up her maids in mens clothes, and with less
trouble. In short the whole of these histories in their common acceptation
is to the last degree absurd, and improbable: but if we make use of an
expedient, which I have often recommended, and for a person substitute a
people, we shall find, when it is stripped of its false colouring, that
there is much truth in the narration.

It was a common mode of expression to call a tribe or family by the name of
its founder: and a nation by the head of the line. People are often spoken
of collectively in the singular under such a patronymic. Hence we read in
Scripture, that Israel abode in tents; that Judah was put to the worst in
battle; that Dan abode in ships; and Asher remained on the sea-coast. The
same manner of speaking undoubtedly prevailed both in Egypt, and in other
countries: and Chus must have been often put for the Cuthites, or Cuseans;
Amon for the Amonians; and Asur, or the Assyrian, for the people of
Assyria. Hence, when it was said, that the Ninevite performed any great
action, it has been ascribed to a person Ninus, the supposed founder of
Nineve. And as none of the Assyrian conquests were antecedent to Pul, and
Assur Adon, writers have been guilty of an unpardonable anticipation, in
ascribing those conquests to the first king of the country. A like
anticipation, amounting to a great many centuries, is to be found in the
annals of the Babylonians. Every thing that was done in later times, has
been attributed to Belus, Semiramis, and other, imaginary princes, who are
represented as the founders of the kingdom. We may, I think, be assured,
that under the character of Ninus, and Ninyas, we are to understand the
Ninevites; as by Semiramis is meant a people called Samarim: and the great
actions of these two nations are in the histories of these personages
recorded. But writers have rendered the account inconsistent by limiting,
what was an historical series of many ages, to the life of a single person.
The Ninevites and Samarim did perform all that is attributed to Semiramis,
and Ninus. They did conquer the Medes, and Bactrians; and extended their
dominions westward as far as Phrygia, and the river Tanais, and to the
Southward as far as Arabia, and Egypt. But these events were many ages
after the foundation of the two kingdoms. They began under Pul of Nineve;
and were carried on by Assur Adon, Salmanassur, Sennacherib, and other of
his successors. Nineve was at last ruined, and the kingdom of Assyria was
united with that of [931]Babylonia. This is probably alluded to in the
supposed marriage of Semiramis and Ninus. Then it was, that the Samarim
performed the great works attributed to them. For, exclusive of what was
performed at Babylon; _There are_, says [932]Strabo, _almost over the face
of the whole earth, vast [933]mounds of earth, and walls, and ramparts,
attributed to Semiramis; and in these are subterraneous passages of
communication, and tanks for water, with staircases of stone. There are
also vast canals to divert the course of rivers, and lakes to receive them;
together with highways and bridges of a wonderful structure_. They built
the famous terraces at [934]Babylon; and those beautiful gardens at
Egbatana, after that city had fallen into their hands. To them was owing
that cruel device of emasculating their slaves, that their numerous wives,
and concubines might be more securely guarded: an invention, which cannot
consistently be attributed to a woman. They found out the art of weaving
cotton: which discovery has by some been assigned to those of their family,
who went into Egypt: for there were Samarim here too. In consequence of
this, the invention has been attributed to a Semiramis, who is here
represented as a man, and a king of the country: at least it is referred to
his reign. [935]Επι τε Σεμιραμεως βασιλεως Αιγυπτιων τα βυσσινα ἱματια
ἑυρησθαι ἱστορουσιν. The Samarim of Egypt and Babylonia, were of the same
family, the sons of Chus. They came and settled among the Mizraim, under
the name of the shepherds, of whose history I have often spoken. The reason
of their being called Semarim, and Samarim, I shall hereafter disclose,
together with the purport of the name, and the history, with which it is


The celebrated Zoroaster seems to have been a personage as much mistaken,
as any, who have preceded. The antients, who treated of him, have described
him in the same foreign light, as they have represented Perseus, Dionusus,
and Osiris. They have formed a character, which by length of time has been
separated, and estranged, from the person, to whom it originally belonged.
And as among the antients, there was not a proper uniformity observed in
the appropriation of terms, we shall find more persons than one spoken of
under the character of Zoroaster: though there was one principal, to whom
it more truly related. It will be found, that not only the person
originally recorded, and reverenced; but others, by whom the rites were
instituted and propagated, and by whom they were in aftertimes renewed,
have been mentioned under this title: Priests being often denominated from
the Deity, whom they served.

Of men, styled Zoroaster, the first was a deified personage, reverenced by
some of his posterity, whose worship was styled Magia, and the professors
of it Magi. His history is therefore to be looked for among the accounts
transmitted by the antient Babylonians, and Chaldeans. They were the first
people styled Magi; and the institutors of those rites, which related to
Zoroaster. From them this worship was imparted to the Persians, who
likewise had their Magi. And when the Babylonians sunk into a more
complicated idolatry, the Persians, who succeeded to the sovereignty of
Asia, renewed under their Princes, and particularly under Darius, the son
of Hystaspes, these rites, which had been, in a great degree, effaced, and
forgotten. That king was devoted to the religion styled Magia[936]; and
looked upon it as one of his most honourable titles, to be called a
professor of those doctrines. The Persians were originally named Peresians,
from the Deity Perez, or Parez the Sun; whom they also worshipped under the
title of [937]Zor-Aster. They were at different æras greatly distressed and
persecuted, especially upon the death of their last king Yesdegerd. Upon
this account they retired into Gedrosia and India; where people of the same
family had for ages resided. They carried with them some shattered
memorials of their religion in writing, from whence the Sadder, Shaster,
Vedam, and Zandavasta were compiled. These memorials seem to have been
taken from antient symbols ill understood; and all that remains of them
consists of extravagant allegories and fables, of which but little now can
be decyphered. Upon these traditions the religion of the Brahmins and
Persees is founded.

The person who is supposed to have first formed a code of institutes for
this people, is said to have been one of the Magi, named Zerdusht. I
mention this, because Hyde, and other learned men, have imagined this
Zerdusht to have been the antient Zoroaster. They have gone so far as to
suppose the two names to have been the [938]same; between which I can
scarce descry any resemblance. There seem to have been many persons styled
Zoroaster: so that if the name had casually retained any affinity, or if it
had been literally the same, yet it would not follow, that this Persic and
Indian Theologist was the person of whom antiquity speaks so loudly. We
read of persons of this name in different parts of the world, who were all
of them Magi, or Priests, and denominated from the rites of Zoroaster,
which they followed. Suidas mentions a Zoroaster, whom he styles an
Assyrian; and another whom he calls Περσο-Μηδης, Perso-Medes: and describes
them both as great in science. There was a Zoroaster Proconnesius, in the
time of Xerxes, spoken of by [939]Pliny. Arnobius mentions Zoroastres
Bactrianus: and Zoroastres Zostriani nepos [940]Armenius. Clemens
Alexandrinus takes notice of Zoroaster [941]Medus, who is probably the same
as the Perso-Medes of Suidas. Zoroastres Armenius is likewise mentioned by
him, but is styled the son of [942]Armenius, and a Pamphylian. It is said
of him that he had a renewal of life: and that during the term that he was
in a state of death, he learned many things of the Gods. This was a piece
of mythology, which I imagine did not relate to the Pamphylian Magus, but
to the head of all the Magi, who was reverenced and worshipped by them.
There was another styled a Persian, whom Pythagoras is said to have
[943]visited. Justin takes notice of the Bactrian [944]Zoroaster, whom he
places in the time of Ninus. He is also mentioned by [945]Cephalion, who
speaks of his birth, and the birth of Semiramis (γενεσιν Σεμιραμεως και
Ζωροαστρου Μαγου) as of the same date. The natives of India have a notion
of a Zoroaster, who was of Chinese original, as we are informed by
[946]Hyde. This learned man supposes all these personages, the Mede, the
Medo-Persic, the Proconnesian, the Bactrian, the Pamphylian, &c. to have
been one and the same. This is very wonderful; as they are by their history
apparently different. He moreover adds, that however people may differ
about the origin of this person, yet all are unanimous about the time when
he [947]lived. To see that these could not all be the same person, we need
only to cast our eye back upon the evidence which has been collected above:
and it will be equally certain, that they could not be all of the same æra.
There are many specified in history; but we may perceive, that there was
one person more antient and celebrated than the rest; whose history has
been confounded with that of others who came after him. This is a
circumstance which has been observed by [948]many: but this ingenious
writer unfortunately opposes all who have written upon the subject, however
determinately they may have expressed themselves. [949]At quicquid
dixerint, ille (Zoroaster) fuit tantum unus, isque tempore Darii Hystaspis:
nec ejus nomine plures unquam extitere. It is to be observed, that the
person, whom he styles Zoroaster, was one Zerdusht. He lived, it seems, in
the reign of Darius, the father of Xerxes; which was about the time of the
battle of Marathon: consequently not a century before the birth of Eudoxus,
Xenophon, and Plato. We have therefore no authority to suppose [950]this
Zerdusht to have been the famous Zoroaster. He was apparently the renewer
of the Sabian rites: and we may be assured, that he could not be the person
so celebrated by the antients, who was referred to the first ages. Hyde
asserts, that all writers agree about the time, when Zoroaster made his
appearance: and he places him, as we have seen above, in the reign of
Darius. But Xanthus Lydius made him above [951]six hundred years prior. And
[952]Suidas from some anonymous author places him five hundred years before
the war of Troy. Hermodorus Platonicus went much farther, and made him five
thousand years before that [953]æra. Hermippus, who professedly wrote of
his doctrines, supposed him to have been of the same [954]antiquity.
Plutarch also [955]concurs, and allows him five thousand years before that
war. Eudoxus, who was a consummate philosopher, and a great traveller,
supposed him to have flourished six thousand years before the death of
[956]Plato. Moses [957]Chorenensis, and [958]Cephalion, make him only
contemporary with Ninus, and Semiramis: but even this removes him very far
from the reign of Darius. Pliny goes beyond them all; and places him many
thousand years before Moses. [959]Est et alia Magices factio, a Mose, et
Jamne, et Lotapea Judæis pendens: sed multis millibus annorum post
Zoroastrem. The numbers in all these authors, are extravagant: but so much
we may learn from them, that they relate to a person of the highest
antiquity. And the purport of the original writers, from whence the
Grecians borrowed their evidence, was undoubtedly to shew, that the person
spoken of lived at the extent of time; at the commencement of all
historical data. No fact, no memorial upon record, is placed so high as
they have carried this personage. Had Zoroaster been no earlier than
Darius, Eudoxus would never have advanced him to this degree of antiquity.
This writer was at the same distance from Darius, as Plato, of whom he
speaks: and it is not to be believed, that he could be so ignorant, as not
to distinguish between a century, and six thousand years. Agathias indeed
mentions, that some of the Persians had a notion, that he flourished in the
time of one Hystaspes; but he confesses, that who the Hystaspes was, and at
what time he lived, was [960]uncertain. Aristotle wrote not long after
Eudoxus, when the history of the Persians was more known to the Grecians,
and he allots the same number of years between Zoroaster and Plato, as had
been [961]before given. These accounts are for the most part carried too
far; but at the same time, they fully ascertain the high antiquity of this
person, whose æra is in question. It is plain that these writers in general
extend the time of his life to the æra of the world, according to their
estimation; and make it prior to Inachus, and Phoroneus, and Ægialeus of

Huetius takes notice of the various accounts in respect to his country.
[962]Zoroastrem nunc Persam, nunc Medum ponit Clemens Alexandrinus;
Persomedum Suidas; plerique Bactrianuni; alii Æthiopem, quos inter ait
Arnobius ex Æthiopiâ interiore per igneam Zonam venisse Zoroastrem. In
short, they have supposed a Zoroaster, wherever there was a Zoroastrian:
that is, wherever the religion of the Magi was adopted, or revived. Many
were called after him: but who among men was the Prototype can only be
found out by diligently collating the histories, which have been
transmitted. I mention _among men_; for the title originally belonged to
the Sun; but was metaphorically bestowed upon sacred and enlightened
personages. Some have thought that the person alluded to was Ham. He has by
others been taken for Chus, also for Mizraim, and [963]Nimrod: and by
Huetius for Moses. It may be worth while to consider the primitive
character, as given by different writers. He was esteemed the first
observer of the heavens; and it is said that the antient Babylonians
received their knowledge in Astronomy from him: which was afterwards
revived under Ostanes; and from them it was derived to the [964]Egyptians,
and to the Greeks. Zoroaster was looked upon as the head of all those, who
are supposed to have followed his [965]institutes: consequently he must
have been prior to the Magi, and Magia, the priests, and worship, which
were derived from him. Of what antiquity they were, may be learned from
Aristotle. [966]Αριστοτελης δ' εν πρωτῳ περι φιλοσοφιας (τους Μαγους) και
πρεσβυτερους ειναι των Αιγυπτιων. _The Magi, according to Aristotle, were
prior even to the Egyptians_: and with the antiquity of the Egyptians, we
are well acquainted. Plato styles him the son of [967]Oromazes, who was the
chief Deity of the Persians: and it is said of him, that he laughed upon
the day on which he was [968]born. By this I imagine, that something
fortunate was supposed to be portended: some indication, that the child
would prove a blessing to the world. In his childhood he is said to have
been under the care of [969]Azonaces: which I should imagine was a name of
the chief Deity Oromazes, his reputed father. He was in process of time
greatly enriched with knowledge, and became in high repute for his
[970]piety, and justice. He first sacrificed to the Gods, and taught men to
do the [971]same. He likewise instructed them in science, for which he was
greatly [972]famed: and was the first who gave them laws. The Babylonians
seem to have referred to him every thing, which by the Egyptians was
attributed to Thoth and Hermes. He had the title of [973]Zarades, which
signifies the Lord of light, and is equivalent to Orus, Oromanes, and
Osiris, It was sometimes expressed [974]Zar-Atis, and supposed to belong to
a feminine Deity of the Persians. Moses Chorenensis styles him
[975]Zarovanus, and speaks of him as the father of the Gods. Plutarch would
insinuate, that he was author of the doctrine, embraced afterwards by the
Manicheans, concerning two prevailing principles, the one good, and the
other evil[976]: the former of these was named Oromazes, the latter
Areimanius. But these notions were of late [977]date, in comparison of the
antiquity which is attributed to [978]Zoroaster. If we might credit what
was delivered in the writings transmitted under his name, which were
probably composed by some of the later Magi, they would afford us a much
higher notion of his doctrines. Or if the account given by Ostanes were
genuine, it would prove, that there had been a true notion of the Deity
transmitted from [979]Zoroaster, and kept up by the Magi, when the rest of
the gentile world was in darkness. But this was by no means true. It is
said of Zoroaster, that he had a renewal of [980]life: for I apply to the
original person of the name, what was attributed to the Magus of Pamphylia:
and it is related of him, that while he was in the intermediate state of
death, he was instructed by the [981]Gods. Some speak of his retiring to a
mountain of Armenia, where he had an intercourse with the [982]Deity: and
when the mountain burned with fire, he was preserved unhurt. The place to
which he retired, according to the Persic writers, was in the region called
[983]Adarbain; where in aftertimes was the greatest Puratheion in Asia.
This region was in Armenia: and some make him to have been born in the same
country, upon one of the Gordiæan [984]mountains. Here it was, that he
first instituted sacrifices, and gave laws to his followers; which laws are
supposed to be contained in the sacred book named Zandavasta. To him has
been attributed the invention of Magic; which notion has arisen from a
misapplication of terms. The Magi Were priests, and they called religion in
general Magia. They, and their rites, grew into disrepute; in consequence
of which they were by the Greeks called απατεωνες, φαρμακευται: _jugglers,
and conjurers_. But the Persians of old esteemed them very highly.
[985]Μαγον, τον θεοσεβη, και θεολογον, και ἱερεα, ὁι Περσαι ὁυτως λεγουσιν.
_By a Magus, the Persians understand a sacred person, a professor of
theology, and a Priest._ Παρα Περσαις [986]Μαγοι ὁι φιλοσοφοι, και
θεοφιλοι. _Among the Persians, the Magi are persons addicted to philosophy,
and to the worship of the Deity._ [987]Dion. Chrysostom, and Porphyry speak
to the same purpose. By Zoroaster being the author of Magia, is meant, that
he was the first promoter of religious rites, and the instructor of men in
their duty to God. The war of Ninus with Zoroaster of Bactria relates
probably to some hostilities carried on between the Ninevites of Assyria,
and the Bactrians, who had embraced the Zoroastrian rites. Their priest, or
prince, for they were of old the same, was named [988]Oxuartes; but from
his office had the title of Zoroaster; which was properly the name of the
Sun, whom he adored. This religion began in Chaldea; and it is expressly
said of this Bactrian king, that he borrowed the knowledge of it from that
country, and added to it largely. [989]Cujus scientiæ sæculis priscis multa
ex Chaldæorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres. When the Persians
gained the empire in Asia, they renewed these rites, and doctrines.
[990]Multa deinde (addidit) Hystaspes Rex prudentissimus, Darii pater.
These rites were idolatrous; yet not so totally depraved, and gross, as
those of other nations. They were introduced by Chus; at least by the
Cuthites: one branch of whom were the Peresians, or Persians. The Cuthites
of Chaldea were the original Magi, and they gave to Chus the title of
Zoroaster Magus, as being the first of the order. Hence the account given
by Gregorius Turonensis is in a great degree true. [991]Primogeniti Cham
filii Noë fuit Chus. Hic ad Persas transiit, quem Persæ vocitavere
Zoroastrem. Chus, we find, was called by this title; and from him the
religion styled Magia passed to the Persians. But titles, as I have shewn,
were not always determinately appropriated: nor was Chus the original
person, who was called Zoroaster. There was another beyond him, who was the
first deified mortal, and the prototype in this worship. To whom I allude,
may, I think, be known from the history given above. It will not fail of
being rendered very clear in the course of my procedure.

The purport of the term Zoroaster is said, by [992]the author of the
Recognitions, and by others, to be _the living star_: and they speak of it
as if it were of Grecian etymology, and from the words ζωον and αστηρ. It
is certainly compounded of Aster, which, among many nations, signified a
star. But, in respect to the former term, as the object of the Persic and
Chaldaic worship was the Sun, and most of their titles were derived from
thence; we may be pretty certain, that by Zoro-Aster was meant Sol
Asterius. Zor, Sor, Sur, Sehor, among the Amonians, always related to the
Sun. Eusebius says, that Osiris was esteemed the same as Dionusus, and the
Sun: and that he was called [993]Surius. The region of Syria was hence
denominated Συρια; and is at this day called Souria, from Sur, and Sehor,
the Sun. The Dea Syria at Hierapolis was properly Dea Solaris. In
consequence of the Sun's being called Sor, and Sur, we find that his temple
is often mentioned under the name of [994]Beth-Sur, and [995]Beth-Sura,
which Josephus renders [996]Βηθ-Σουρ. It was also called Beth-Sor, and
Beth-Soron, as we learn from [997]Eusebius, and [998]Jerome. That Suria was
not merely a provincial title is plain, from the Suria Dea being worshipped
at Erix in [999]Sicily; and from an inscription to her at [1000]Rome. She
was worshipped under the same title in Britain, as we may infer from an
Inscription at Sir Robert Cotton's, of Connington, in Cambridgeshire.

LEG. AUG. &c.

Syria is called Sour, and Souristan, at this day.

[Illustration: Pl. XI. _Deus Azon Persicus._]

The Grecians therefore were wrong in their etymology; and we may trace the
origin of their mistake, when they supposed the meaning of Zoroaster to
have been vivens astrum. I have mentioned, that both Zon and [1002]Zoan
signified the Sun: and the term Zor had the same meaning. In consequence of
this, when the Grecians were told that Zor-Aster was the same as
Zoan-Aster, they, by an uniform mode of mistake, expressed the latter ζωον;
and interpreted Zoroaster αστερα ζωον. But Zoan signified the Sun. The city
Zoan in Egypt was Heliopolis; and the land of Zoan the Heliopolitan nome.
Both Zoan-Aster, and Zor-Aster, signified Sol Asterius. The God Menes was
worshipped under the symbol of a bull; and oftentimes under the symbol of a
bull and a man. Hence we read of Meno-Taur, and of Taur-Men, in Crete,
Sicily, and other places. The same person was also styled simply
[1003]Taurus, from the emblem under which he was represented. This Taurus
was also called Aster, and Asterius, as we learn from [1004]Lycophron, and
his Scholiast. Ὁ Αστηριος ὁυτος εστιν ὁ και Μινοταυρος. _By Asterius is
signified the same person as the Minotaur._ This Taur-Aster is exactly
analogous to [1005]Zor-Aster above. It was the same emblem as the Mneuis,
or sacred bull of Egypt; which was described with a star between his horns.
Upon some of the [1006]entablatures at Naki Rustan, supposed to have been
the antient Persepolis, we find the Sun to be described under the
appearance of a bright [1007]star: and nothing can better explain the
history there represented, than the account given of Zoroaster. He was the
reputed son of Oromazes, the chief Deity; and his principal instructor was
Azonaces, the same person under a different title. He is spoken of as one
greatly beloved by heaven: and it is mentioned of him, that he longed very
much to see the Deity, which at his importunity was granted to him. This
interview, however, was not effected by his own corporeal eyes, but by the
mediation of an [1008]angel. Through this medium the vision was performed:
and he obtained a view of the Deity surrounded with light. The angel,
through whose intervention this favour was imparted, seems to have been one
of those styled Zoni, and [1009]Azoni. All the vestments of the priests,
and those in which they used to apparel their Deities, had sacred names,
taken from terms in their worship. Such were Camise, Candys, Camia,
Cidaris, Mitra, Zona, and the like. The last was a sacred fillet, or
girdle, which they esteemed an emblem of the orbit described by Zon, the
Sun. They either represented their Gods as girded round with a serpent,
which was an emblem of the same meaning; or else with this bandage,
denominated [1010]Zona. They seem to have been secondary Deities, who were
called Zoni and [1011]Azoni. The term signifies Heliadæ: and they were
looked upon as æthereal essences, a kind of emanation from the Sun. They
were exhibited under different representations; and oftentimes like Cneph
of Egypt. The fillet, with which the Azoni were girded, is described as of
a fiery nature: and they were supposed to have been wafted through the air.
Arnobius speaks of it in this light. [1012]Age, nunc, veniat, quæso, per
igneam zonam Magus ab interiore orbe Zoroastres. I imagine, that by
Azonaces, Αζωνακης, beforementioned, the reputed teacher of Zoroaster, was
meant the chief Deity, the same as Oromanes, and Oromasdes. He seems to
have been the supreme of those æthereal spirits described above; and to
have been named Azon-Nakis, which signifies the great Lord, [1013]Azon.
Naki, Nakis, Nachis, Nachus, Negus, all in different parts of the world
betoken a king. The temple at Istachar, near which these representations
were found, is at this day called the palace of Naki Rustan, whoever that
personage may have been.

[Illustration: Pl. XII. _Apud Kæmpferum in Amœnitat. Exot. p. 312_]

[Illustration: Zor-Aster, sive Taurus Solaris Ægyptiacus]


The character of Orpheus is in some respects not unlike that of Zoroaster,
as will appear in the sequel. He went over many regions of the earth; and
in all places, whither he came, was esteemed both as a priest, and a
prophet. There seems to be more in his history than at first sight appears:
all which will by degrees be unfolded. His skill in harmony is represented
as very wonderful: insomuch that he is said to have tamed the wild beasts
of the forest, and made the trees follow him. He likewise could calm the
winds, and appease the raging of the sea. These last circumstances are
taken notice of by a poet in some fine verses, wherein he laments his

  [1014]Ὁυκ ετι κοιμασεις ανεμων βρομον, ουχι χαλαζαν,
    Ου νιφετων συρμους, ου παταγευσαν ἁλα.
  Ωλεο γαρ. κλ.

He is mentioned, as having been twice in a state of [1015]death; which is
represented as a twofold descent to the shades below. There is also an
obscure piece of mythology about his wife, and a serpent; also of the Rhoia
or Pomegranate: which seems to have been taken from some symbolical
representation at a time, when the purport was no longer understood. The
Orpheans dealt particularly in symbols, as we learn from Proclus.
[1016]Ορφικοι δια συμβολον, Πυθαγορειοι δια εικονων, τα θεια μηνυειν
εφιεμενοι. His character for science was very great; and Euripides takes
particular notice of some antient tablets, containing much salutary
knowledge, which were bequeathed to the Thracians by Orpheus: [1017]ἁς
Ορφειη κατεγραψε γηρυς. Plato styles his works [1018]βιβλων ὁμαδον, _a vast
lumber of learning_, from the quantity, which people pretended had been
transmitted from him. He one while resided in Greece; and particularly at
Thebes in Bœotia. Here he introduced the rites of Dionusus, and celebrated
his Orgies upon mount [1019]Cithæron. He is said to have been the first who
instituted those rites: and was the author of all mysterious worship.
[1020]Πρωτος Ορφευς μυστηρια Θεων παρεδωκεν. All these were accompanied
with science of another nature: for he is reputed to have been skilled in
many arts.

From Thebes he travelled towards the sea-coast of Chaonia, in order to
recover his lost Eurydice; who had been killed by a serpent. According to
[1021]Agatharchides Cnidius it was at Aorthon in Epirus, that he descended
for this purpose to the shades below. The same account is given by
[1022]Pausanias, who calls the place more truly Aornon. In the Orphic
Argonauts it is said to have been performed at Tænarus in [1023]Laconia. He
likewise resided in Egypt, and travelled over the regions of Libya; and
every where instructed people in the rites, and religion, which he
professed. In the same manner he went over a great part of the world.

  [1024]Ως ἱκομην επι γαιαν απειρετον, ηδε ποληας,
  Αιγυπτῳ, Λιβυῃ τε, βροτοις ανα θεσφατα φαινων.

Some make Orpheus by birth a Thracian; some an Arcadian: others a Theban.
Pausanias mentions it as an opinion among the [1025]Egyptians, that both
Orpheus, and Amphion, were from their country. There is great uncertainty
about his parents. He is generally supposed to have been the son of Œagrus,
and Calliope: but Asclepiades made him the son of Apollo, by that
[1026]Goddess. By some his mother was said to have been Menippe; by others
[1027]Polymnia. He is also mentioned as the son of [1028]Thamyras. Plato
differs from them all, and styles both Orpheus, and Musæus, [1029]Σεληνης
και Μουσων εγγονοι, _the offspring of the Moon, and the Muses_: in which
account is contained some curious mythology. The principal place of his
residence is thought to have been in Pieria near mount Hæmus. He is also
said to have resided among the Edonians; and in Sithonia, at the foot of
mount Pangæus; also upon the sea-coast at Zona. In all these places he
displayed his superiority in science; for he was not only a Poet, and
skilled in harmony, but a great Theologist and Prophet; also very knowing
in medicine, and in the history of the [1030]heavens. According to
Antipater Sidonius, he was the author of Heroic verse. And some go so far
as to ascribe to him the invention of letters; and deduce all knowledge
from [1031]him.

Many of the things, reported to have been done by Orpheus, are attributed
to other persons, such as [1032]Eetion, Musæus, Melampus, Linus, Cadmus,
and Philammon. Some of these are said to have had the same [1033]parents.
Authors in their accounts of Orpheus, do not agree about the manner of his
[1034]death. The common notion is, that he was torn to pieces by the
Thracian women. But, according to Leonides, in Laërtius, he was slain by
lightning: and there is an [1035]epitaph to that purpose. The name of
Orpheus is to be found in the lists of the Argonauts: and he is mentioned
in the two principal poems upon that subject. Yet there were writers who
placed him eleven generations before the war of Troy, consequently ten
generations before that expedition. [1036]Γεγονε προ ια γενεων των
Τρωικων--βιωναι δε γενεας θ· ὁι δε ια φησιν. _He was born eleven ages
before the siege of Troy, and he is said to have lived nine ages; and
according to some eleven_. This extent of [1037]life has been given him in
order to bring him down as low as the aera of the Argonauts: though, if we
may believe Pherecydes Syrus, he had no share in that expedition.

To remedy the inconsistences, which arise in the history of Orpheus,
writers have supposed many persons of this name. Suidas takes notice of no
less than four in [1038]Thrace. But all these will not make the history
consistent. Vossius therefore, with good reason, doubts whether such a
person ever existed. Nay, he asserts, [1039]Triumviros istos Poeseos,
Orphea, Musæum, Linum, non fuisse: sed esse nomina ab antiquâ Phœnicum
linguâ, quâ usi Cadmus, et aliquamdiu posteri. There is great truth in what
Vossius here advances: and in respect to Orpheus, the testimony of
Aristotle, quoted by him from Cicero, is very decisive. [1040]Orpheum
poetam docet Aristoteles nunquam fuisse. Dionysius, as we learn from
Suidas, affirmed the same thing. Palæphatus indeed admits the man; but sets
aside the history. [1041]Ψευδης και ὁ περι του Θρφεως μυθος. _The history
too of Orpheus is nothing else but a fable_. From what has been said, I
think it is plain, that under the character of this personage we are to
understand a people named [1042]Orpheans; who, as Vossius rightly
intimates, were the same as the Cadmians. In consequence of this, there
will sometimes be found a great similarity between the characters of these
two persons.

I have shewn, that Colonies from [1043]Egypt settled in the region of
Sethon, called afterwards Sethonia, upon the river Palæstinus. They were
likewise to be found in the countries of Edonia, Pieria, and Peonia: in one
of which they founded a city and temple. The Grecians called this city
Orpheus: [1044]Ορφευς εστι πολις υπο τῃ Πιεριῃ. _Orpheus is a city of
Thrace, below Pieria_. But the place was originally expressed Orphi, by
which is meant the oracular temple of Orus. From hence, and from the
worship here instituted, the people were styled Orphites, and Orpheans.
They were noted for the Cabiritic mysteries; and for the Dionusiaca, and
worship of Damater. They were likewise very famous for the medicinal arts;
and for their skill in astronomy and music. But the Grecians have
comprehended, under the character of one person, the history of a people.
When they settled in Thrace, they introduced their arts, and their worship,
among the barbarous [1045]natives, by whom they were revered for their
superior knowledge. They likewise bequeathed many memorials of themselves,
and of their forefathers, which were probably some emblematical sculptures
upon wood or stone: hence we read of the tablets of Orpheus preserved in
Thrace, and particularly upon mount [1046]Hæmus. The temple which they
built upon this mountain seems to have been a college, and to have
consisted of a society of priests. They were much addicted to celibacy, as
we may judge from their history; and were, in great measure, recluses after
the mode of Egypt and Canaan. Hence it is said of Orpheus, that he secreted
himself from the world, and led the life of a [1047]Swan: and it is
moreover mentioned of Aristæus, when he made a visit to Dionusus upon mount
Hæmus, that he disappeared from the sight of men, and was never after
[1048]seen. According to the most common accounts concerning the death of
Orpheus, it was owing to his principles, and manner of life. He was a
solitary, and refused all commerce with womankind: hence the Mænades, and
other women of Thrace, rose upon him, and tore him to pieces. It is said,
that his head, and lyre were thrown into the Hebrus; down which they were
wafted to Lemnos. What is here mentioned of Orpheus, undoubtedly relates to
the Orpheans, and to their temple upon mount Hæmus. This temple was in
process of time ruined: and there is great reason to think, that it was
demolished upon account of the cruelties practised by the priests, and
probably from a detestation of their unnatural crimes, to which there are
frequent allusions. Ovid having given a character of Orpheus, concludes
with an accusation to this purpose.

  [1049]Ille etiam Thracum populis fuit auctor amores
  In teneros transferre mares: citraque juventam
  Ætatis breve ver, et primos carpere flores.

Those of the community, who survived the disaster, fled down the Hebrus to
Lesbos; where they either found, or erected, a temple similar to that which
they had quitted. Here the same worship was instituted; and the place grew
into great reputation. They likewise settled at Lenmos. This island lay at
no great distance from the former; and was particularly devoted to the
Deity of fire. It is said by Hecatæus, that it received the name of Lemnos
from the Magna Dea, Cybele. She was styled by the natives Λημνος, and at
her shrine they used to sacrifice young persons. [1050]Απο μεγαλης
λεγομενης Θεου· ταυτῃ δε και παρθενους εθυον. They seem to have named the
temple at Lesbos Orphi, and Orpheï caput: and it appears to have been very
famous on account of its oracle. Philostratus says, that the Ionians, and
Æolians, of old universally consulted it: and, what is extraordinary, that
it was held in high estimation by the people of [1051]Babylonia. He calls
the place the head of Orpheus: and mentions, that the oracle proceeded from
a cavity in the earth; and that it was consulted by Cyrus, the Persian.
That the Babylonians had a great veneration for a temple named Orphi, I
make no doubt: but it certainly could not be the temple at Lesbos. During
the Babylonish empire, Greece, and its islands, were scarcely known to
people of that country. And when the Persians succeeded, it is not
credible, that they should apply to an oracle at Lesbos, or to an oracle of
Greece. They were too refined in their religious notions to make any such
application. It is notorious, that, when Cambyses, and Ochus, invaded
Egypt, and when Xerxes made his inroad into Greece, they burnt and ruined
the temples in each nation, out of abomination to the worship. It was
another place of this name, an oracle of their own, to which the
Babylonians, and Persians, applied. For it cannot be supposed, in the times
spoken of, that they had a correspondence with the western world. It was
Ur, in Chaldea, the seat of the antient Magi, which was styled Urphi, and
Orphi, on account of its being the seat of an oracle. That there was such a
temple is plain from Stephanus Byzantinus, who tells us, [1052]Μαντειον
εχειν αυτους (Χαλδαιους) παρα βαρβαροις, ὡς Δελφοι παρ' Ἑλλησι. _The
Chaldeans had an oracle as famous among the people of those parts, as
Delphi was among the Grecians_. This temple was undoubtedly styled Urphi. I
do not mean, that this was necessarily a proper name; but an appellative,
by which oracular places were in general distinguished. The city Edessa in
Mesopotamia seems likewise to have had the name of Urphi, which was given
on account of the like rites, and worship. That it was so named, we may
fairly presume from its being by the natives called [1053]Urpha, at this
day. It was the former temple, to which the Babylonians, and Persians had
recourse: and it was from the Magi of these parts, that the Orphic rites
and mysteries were originally derived. They came from Babylonia to Egypt,
and from thence to Greece. We accordingly find this particular in the
character of Orpheus, [1054]ειναι δε τον Ορφεα μαγευσαι δεινον, _that he
was great in all the mysteries of the Magi_. We moreover learn from
Stephanus Monachius, that Orphon, a term of the same purport as Orpheus,
was one of the appellations, by which the Magi were called. [1055]Orphon,
quod Arabibus Magum sonat. In short, under the character of Orpheus, we
have the history both of the Deity, and of his votaries. The head of
Orpheus was said to have been carried to Lemnos, just as the head of Osiris
used to be wafted to Byblus. He is described as going to the shades below,
and afterwards returning to upper air. This is similar to the history of
Osiris, who was supposed to have been in a state of death, and after a time
to have come to life. There was moreover something mysterious in the death
of Orpheus; for it seems to have been celebrated with the same frantic acts
of grief, as people practised in their lamentations for Thamuz and Osiris,
and at the rites of Baal. The Bistonian women, who were the same as the
Thyades, and Mænades, used to gash their arms with knives, and besmear
themselves with [1056]blood, and cover their heads with ashes. By this
display of sorrow we are to understand a religious rite; for Orpheus was a
title, under which the Deity of the place was worshipped. He was the same
as Orus of Egypt, whom the Greeks esteemed both as Apollo, and Hephaistus.
That he was a deity is plain from his temple and oracle abovementioned:
which, we find, were of great repute, and resorted to by various people
from the opposite coast.

As there was an Orpheus in Thrace, so there appears to have been an Orpha
in [1057]Laconia, of whose history we have but few remains. They represent
her as a Nymph, the daughter of Dion, and greatly beloved by Dionusus. She
was said, at the close of her life, to have been changed to a tree. The
fable probably relates to the Dionusiaca, and other Orphic rites, which had
been in early times introduced into the part of the world abovementioned,
where they were celebrated at a place called Orpha. But the rites grew into
disuse, and the history of the place became obsolete: hence Orpha has been
converted to a nymph, favoured of the God there worshipped; and was
afterwards supposed to have been changed to one of the trees, which grew
within its precincts.

Many undertook to write the history of Orpheus; the principal of whom were
Zopurus of Heraclea, Prodicus Chius, Epigenes, and Herodorus. They seem all
to have run into that general mistake of forming a new personage from a
title, and making the Deity a native, where he was inshrined. The writings,
which were transmitted under the name of Orpheus, were innumerable: and are
justly ridiculed by Lucian, both for their quantity, and matter. There were
however some curious hymns, which used to be of old sung in Pieria, and
Samothracia; and which Onomacritus copied. They contain indeed little more
than a list of titles, by which the Deity in different places was
addressed. But these titles are of great antiquity: and though the hymns
are transmitted in a modern garb, the person, through whom we receive them,
being as late as [1058]Pisistratus, yet they deserve our notice. They must
necessarily be of consequence, as they refer to the worship of the first
ages, and afford us a great insight into the Theology of the antients.
Those specimens also, which have been preserved by Proclus, in his
dissertations upon Plato, afford matter of great curiosity. They are all
imitations, rather than translations of the antient Orphic poetry,
accompanied with a short comment. This poetry was in the original Amonian
language, which grew obsolete among the Helladians, and was no longer
intelligible: but was for a long time preserved in [1059]Samothracia, and
used in their sacred rites.


Although I have said so much about Dionusus, Sesostris, and other great
travellers, I cannot quit the subject till I have taken notice of Cadmus:
for his expeditions, though not so extensive as some, which I have been
mentioning, are yet esteemed of great consequence in the histories of
antient nations. The time of his arrival in Greece is looked up to as a
fixed æra: and many circumstances in chronology are thereby determined. He
is commonly reputed to have been a Phenician by birth; the son of Agenor,
who was the king of that country. He was sent by his father's order in
quest of his sister Europa; and after wandering about a long time to little
purpose, he at last settled in Greece. In this country were many traditions
concerning him; especially in Attica, and Bœotia. The particular spot,
where he is supposed to have taken up his residence, was in the latter
province at Tanagra upon the river Ismenus. He afterwards built Thebes: and
wherever he came, he introduced the religion of his country. This consisted
in the worship of [1060]Dionusus; and in the rites, which by the later
Greeks were termed the Dionusiaca. They seem to have been much the same as
the Cabyritic mysteries, which he is said to have established in
Samothracia. He fought with a mighty dragon; whose teeth he afterwards
sowed, and produced an army of men. To him Greece is supposed to have been
indebted for the first introduction of [1061]letters; which are said to
have been the letters of his country Phenicia, and in number sixteen. He
married Harmonia, the daughter of Mars and Venus: and his nuptials were
graced with the presence of all the Gods, and Goddesses; each of whom
conferred some gift upon the bride. He had several children; among whom was
a daughter Semele, esteemed the mother of Bacchus. After having experienced
great vicissitudes in life, he is said to have retired with his wife
Harmonia to the coast of Illyria, where they were both changed to serpents.
He was succeeded at Thebes by his son Polydorus, the father of Labdacus,
the father of Laius. This last was the husband of Jocasta, by whom he had

Bochart with wonderful ingenuity, and equal learning, tries to solve the
ænigmas, under which this history is represented. He supposes Cadmus to
have been a fugitive Canaanite, who fled from the face of Joshua: and that
he was called Cadmus from being a Cadmonite, which is a family mentioned by
Moses. In like manner he imagines, that Harmonia had her name from mount
Hermon, which was probably in the district of the Cadmonites. The story of
the dragon he deduces from the Hevæi, or Hivites; the same people as the
Cadmonites. He proceeds afterwards with great address to explain the rest
of the fable, concerning the teeth of the dragon, which were sown; and the
armed men, which from thence arose: and what he says is in many particulars
attended with a great shew of probability. Yet after all his ingenious
conjectures, I am obliged to dissent from him in some points; and
particularly in one, which is of the greatest moment. I cannot be induced
to think, that Cadmus was, as Bochart represents him, a Phenician. Indeed I
am persuaded, that no such person existed. If Cadmus brought letters from
Phenicia, how came he to bring but sixteen; when the people, from whom he
imported them, had undoubtedly more, as we may infer from their neighbours?
And if they were the current letters of Greece, as Herodotus intimates; how
came it to pass, that the tablet of Alcmena, the wife of Amphitryon, the
third in descent from Cadmus, could not be understood, as we are assured by
[1062]Plutarch? He says, that in the reign of Agesilaus of Sparta, a
written tablet was found in the tomb of Alcmena, to whom it was inscribed:
that the characters were obsolete, and unintelligible; on which account
they sent it to Conuphis of Memphis in Egypt, to be decyphered. If these
characters were Phenician, why were they sent to a priest of a different
country for interpretation? and why is their date and antiquity defined by
the reign of a king in Egypt? [1063]Τους τυπους ειναι της επι Πρωτει
βασιλευοντι γραμματικης. _The form of the letters was the same as was in
use when Proteus reigned in that country._ Herodotus, indeed, to prove that
the Cadmians brought letters into Greece, assures us, that he saw specimens
of their writing at Thebes, in the temple of Apollo [1064]Ismenius: that
there was a tripod as antient as the reign of Laius, the son of Labdacus;
with an inscription, which imported, that it had been there dedicated by
Amphitryon upon his victory over the Teleboæ. I make no doubt, but that
Herodotus saw tripods with antient inscriptions: and there might be one
with the name of Amphitryon: but how could he be sure that it was the
writing of that person, and of those times? We know what a pleasure there
is in enhancing the antiquity of things; and how often inscriptions are
forged for that purpose. Is it credible that the characters of Amphitryon
should be so easy to be apprehended, when those of his wife Alcmena could
not be understood? and which of the two are we in this case to believe,
Herodotus or Plutarch? I do not mean that I give any credence to the story
of Alcmena and her tablet: nor do I believe that there was a tripod with
characters as antient as Amphitryon. I only argue from the principles of
the Greeks to prove their inconsistency. The Pheneatæ in Arcadia shewed to
Pausanias an inscription upon the basis of a brazen statue, which was
dedicated to [1065]Poseidon Hippius. It was said to have been written by
Ulysses, and contained a treaty made between him and some shepherds. But
Pausanias acknowledges that it was an imposition; for neither statues of
brass, nor statues of any sort, were in use at the time alluded to.

It is said of Cadmus, that he introduced the rites of [1066]Bacchus into
Greece. But how is this possible, if Bacchus was his descendant, the son of
his daughter Semele? To remedy this, the latter mythologists suppose, that
there was a prior Bacchus, who was worshipped by Cadmus. This is their
usual recourse, when they are hard pressed with inconsistencies. They then
create other personages, to help them out of their difficulties. They form,
with great facility, a new Semiramis, or Ninus; another Belus, Perseus,
Minos, Hermes, Phoroneus, Apis, though to little purpose: for the mistake
being fundamental, the inconveniencies cannot be remedied by such
substitutes. We are told that Cadmus was a Phenician: but Diodorus Siculus
speaks of him as assuredly of Egypt; and mentions moreover, that he was a
native of the Thebaïs: [1067]Καδμον εκ Θηβων οντα των Αιγυπτιων. Pherecydes
Syrus also, from whom most of the mythology of Greece was borrowed, makes
Cadmus an [1068]Egyptian, the son of Agenor and Argiope, who was the
daughter of Nilus. By others he is said to have been the son of Antiope,
the daughter of Belus: consequently he must originally have been of
Babylonish extraction. His father Agenor, from whom he is supposed to have
been instructed in the sciences, is represented by Nonnus as residing at

  [1069]Πατρια θεσπεσιης δεδαημενος οργια τεχνης,
  Αιγυπτιης σοφιης μεταναστιος, ημος Αγηνωρ
  Μεμφιδος ενναετης ἑκατομπυλον ῳκεε Θηβην.

We learn the same from the Scholiast upon Lycophron, who styles the king
Ogugus. [1070]Και ὁ Ωγυγος Θηβων Αιγυπτιων ην Βασιλευς, ὁθεν ὁ Καδμος
ὑπαρχων, ελθων εν Ἑλλαδι τας Ἑπταπυλους εκτισε. _Moreover Ogugus was king
of Thebes in Egypt: of which country was Cadmus, who came into Greece, and
built the city styled Heptapulæ_. It was from the same part of the world,
that the mysteries were imported, in which Cadmus is represented as so
knowing: and here it was, that he was taught hieroglyphics, and the other
characters, which are attributed to him. For he is said to have been expert
[1071]Χειρος οπισθοποροιο χαραγματα λοξα χαρασσων. These arts he carried
first to the coast of Sidon, and Syria; and from thence he is supposed to
have brought them to Greece: for, before he came to Hellas, he is said to
have reigned in conjunction with Phœnix, both at Sidon and Tyre.
[1072]Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την Συριαν
Τυρου και Σιδωνος εβασιλευσαν. _Phœnix and Cadmus came from Thebes in
Egypt, and reigned at Tyre and Sidon._

Thus I have taken pains to shew, that Cadmus was not, as has been generally
thought, a Phenician. My next endeavour will be to prove that no such
person existed. If we consider the whole history of this celebrated hero,
we shall find, that it was impossible for one person to have effected what
he is supposed to have performed. His expeditions were various and
wonderful; and such as in those early times would not have been attempted,
nor could ever have been completed. The Helladians say little more, than
that he built Thebes, and brought letters into Greece: that he slew a
dragon, from the teeth of which being sowed in the ground there arose an
army of earthborn men. The writers of other countries afford us a more
extensive account: among the principal of which are to be esteemed
Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias. Some of them had their
[1073]doubts about the reality of this adventurer: and from the history
which they have transmitted, we may safely infer, that no such person
existed, as has been described under the character of Cadmus.

He is said to have sailed first to [1074]Phenicia and Cyprus; and
afterwards to [1075]Rhodes. Here he instructed the people in the religion
which he professed; and founded a temple at Lindus, where he appointed an
order of priests. He did the same [1076]at Thera, and afterwards was at
[1077]Thasus: and proceeding in his travels partook of the Cabiritic
mysteries in [1078]Samothracia. He visited [1079]Ionia, and all the coast
upwards to the Hellespont and Propontis. He was at Lesbos, which he named
[1080]Issa: where some of his posterity were to be found long after. He was
also at Anaphe, one of the Sporades; which island was denominated
Membliaros from one of his [1081]followers. Mention is made of his being
upon the [1082]Hellespont, and in Thrace. Here he resided, and found out a
mine of [1083]gold, having before found one of copper in [1084]Cyprus.
Hence he is said to have procured great wealth. [1085]Ὁδε Καδμου πλουτος
περι Θρακην, και το Παγγαιον ορος. We hear of him afterwards in
[1086]Eubœa; where there are to be found innumerable traces of him, and his
followers. He was likewise at [1087]Sparta, as we may infer from the Heroüm
erected to him by Eurotas, and his brethren, the sons of Huræus. He must
have resided a great while in [1088]Attica; for there were many edifices
about Athens attributed to him. He settled at Tanagra in Bœotia; where he
lost all his companions, who were slain by a dragon. He afterwards built
Thebes. Here he was king; and is said to have reigned sixty-two
[1089]years. But as if his wanderings were never to be terminated, he
leaves his newly founded city, and goes to Illyria. Here we find him again
in regal state. [1090]Βασιλευει Καδμος των Ιλλυριων. He reigns over the
country which receives its name from his son. [1091]Ιλλυρια--απο Ιλλυριου
του Καδμονος παιδος. Now whoever is truly acquainted with antiquity, must
know, that, in the times here spoken of, little correspondence was
maintained between nation and nation. Depredations were very frequent; and
every little maritime power was in a state of [1092]piracy: so that
navigation was attended with great peril. It is not therefore to be
believed, that a person should so often rove upon the seas amid such
variety of nations, and reside among them at his pleasure: much less that
he should build temples, found cities, and introduce his religion, wherever
he listed; and this too in such transient visits. Besides, according to the
Egyptian accounts, the chief of his adventures were in Libya. He married
Harmonia at the lake [1093]Tritonis; and is said to have founded in that
part of the world no less. than an hundred cities:

                  [1094]Λιβυστιδι Καδμος αρουρᾳ
  Δωμησας πολιων ἑκατονταδα.

Some of these cities seem to have been situated far west in the remoter
parts of Africa.

  [1095]Και Λιβυες στρατοωντο παρ' Ἑσπεριον κλιμα γαιης,
  Αγχινεφη ναιοντες Αλημονος αστεα Καδμου.

Carthage itself was of old called [1096]Cadmeia: so that he may be ranked
among the founders of that city. Καρχηδων, Μητροπολις Λιβυης--εκαλειτο δε
Καινη πολις, και Καδμεια. He is mentioned by Moses Chorenensis to have
settled in [1097]Armenia, where there was a regio Cadmeia not far from
Colchis. He reigned here; and is said to have been of the giant race, and
to have come from [1098]Babylonia. And as the city Carthage in Libya was
called Cadmeia, so in this region Cadmeia, there was a city Carthage:
[1099]Καρχηδων πολις Αρμενιας.

Such are the expeditions of Cadmus. But is it credible that any person
could have penetrated into the various regions, whither he is supposed to
have gone? to have founded colonies in Phenicia, Cyprus, Rhodes, Thera,
Thasus, Anaphe, Samothracia? to have twice visited the Hellespont? to have
worked the mines in the Pangean mountains, and in other places? to have
made settlements in Eubœa, Attica, Bœotia, and Illyria? and, above all, to
have had such territories in Afric? He is represented as heir to the
kingdom of Egypt: this he quitted, and obtained a kingdom in Phenicia. He
leaves this too; and after much wandering arrives in Greece; where he
founds several cities, and reigns sixty-two years. After this, hard to
conceive! he is made king in Illyria. He must also have reigned in Afric:
and his dominions seem to have been considerable, as he founded an hundred
cities. He is represented as a king in Armenia; and had there too no small
territory. Sure kingdoms in those times must have been very cheap, if they
were so easily attainable. But the whole is certainly a mistake; at least
in respect to [1100]Cadmus. No person could possibly have effected what is
attributed to him. They were not the achievements of one person, nor of one
age. And place Cadmus at any given æra, and arrange his history, as may
appear most plausible; yet there will arise numberless inconsistencies from
the connexions he must have in respect to time, place, and people; such as
no art nor disposition can remedy.

It may be asked, if there were no such man as Cadmus, what did the antients
allude to under this character? and what is the true purport of these
histories? The travels of Cadmus, like the expeditions of Perseus,
Sesostris, and Osiris, relate to colonies, which at different times went
abroad, and were distinguished by this title. But what was the work of
many, and performed at various seasons, has been attributed to one person.
Cadmus was one of the names of Osiris, the chief Deity of Egypt. Both
Europa, and Harmonia are of the like nature. They were titles of the Deity:
but assumed by colonies, who went out, and settled under these
denominations. The native Egyptians seldom left their country, but by
force. This necessity however did occur: for Egypt at times underwent great
[1101]revolutions. It was likewise in some parts inhabited by people of a
different cast; particularly by the sons of Chus. These were obliged to
retire: in consequence of which they spread themselves over various parts
of the earth. All, who embarked under the same name, or title, were in
aftertimes supposed to have been under the same leader: and to him was
attributed the honour of every thing performed. And as colonies of the same
denomination went to parts of the world widely distant; their ideal
chieftain, whether Cadmus, or Bacchus, or Hercules, was supposed to have
traversed the same ground: and the achievements of different ages were
conferred upon a fancied hero of a day. This has been the cause of great
inconsistency throughout the mythology of the antients. To this they added
largely, by being so lavish of titles, out of reverence to their gods.
Wherever they came they built temples to them, and cities, under various
denominations; all which were taken from some supposed attribute. These
titles and attributes, though they belonged originally to one God, the Sun;
yet being [1102]manifold, and misapplied, gave rise to a multitude of
Deities, whose æra never could be settled, nor their history rendered
consistent. Cadmus was one of these. He was the same as Hermes of Egypt,
called also Thoth, Athoth, and Canathoth: and was supposed to have been the
inventor of letters. He was sometimes styled Cadmilus, another name for
Hermes; under which he was worshipped in Samothracia, and Hetruria.
Lycophron speaking of the prophet Prulis, in Lesbos, tells us, that he was
the son of Cadmus, and of the race of Atlas. And he was the person, who was
supposed to give information to the Greeks, when they were upon their
expedition towards Troy.

  [1103]Ὡς μη σε Καδμος ωφελ' εν περιῤῥυτῳ
  Ισσῃ φυτευσαι δυσμενων ποδηγετην.

These are the words of Cassandra: upon which the Scholiast observes;
Πρυλις, ὑιος του Καδμιλου, και Καδμου, ητοι Ἑρμου: _Prulis of Lesbos was
the son of Cadmilus, or Cadmus, the same as Hermes_. And afterwards he
mentions, [1104]ὁ Καδμος, ητοι Ἑρμης, _Cadmus, who is the same as Hermes_.
In another place he takes notice, that the name of Hermes among the
Hetrurians was [1105]Cadmilus: and it has been shewn, that Cadmilus, and
Cadmus, are the same. To close the whole, we have this further evidence
from Phavorinus, that Cadmus was certainly an epithet or title of Hermes.
[1106]Καδμος, ου κυριον μονον, αλλα και Ἑρμου επιθετον.

Harmonia, the wife of Cadmus, who has been esteemed a mere woman, seems to
have been an emblem of nature, and the fostering nurse of all things. She
is from hence styled [1107]παντροφος Ἁρμονια. And when Venus is represented
in the allegory as making her a visit, she is said to go [1108]εις δομον
Ἁρμονιας παμμητορος, _to the house of the all-productive parent_. In some
of the Orphic verses she is represented not only as a Deity, but as the
light of the world.

  [1109]Ἁρμονιη, κοσμοιο φαεσφορε, και σοφε Δαιμον.

Harmonia was supposed to have been a personage, from whom all knowledge was
derived. On this account the books of science were styled [1110]κυρβιας
Ἁρμονιας, the books of Harmonia, as well as the books of Hermes. These were
four in number, of which Nonnus gives a curious account, and says, that
they contained matter of wonderful antiquity.

  [1111]Ειν ἑνι θεσφατα παντα, ταπερ πεπρωμενα κοσμῳ
  Πρωτογονοιο Φανητος επιγραφε μαντιπολος χειρ.

The first of them is said to have been coeval with the world.

  [1112]Πρωτην κυρβιν οπωπεν ατερμονος ἡλικα κοσμου,
  Ειν ἑνι παντα φερουσαν, ὁσα σκηπτουχος Οφιων

From hence we find, that Hermon, or Harmonia, was a Deity, to whom the
first writing is ascribed. The same is said of Hermes. [1113]Ἑρμης λεγεται
Θεων εν Αιγυπτῳ γραμματα πρωτος ἑυρειν. The invention is also attributed to
Taut, or Thoth. [1114]Πρωτος εστι Τααυτος, ὁ των γραμματων την ἑυρεσιν
επινοησας,--ὁν Αιγυπτιοι μεν εκαλεσαν Θωυθ, Αλεξανδρεις δε Θωθ, Ἑρμην δε
Ἑλληνες μετεφρασαν. Cadmus is said not only to have brought letters into
Greece, but to have been the inventor of them: from whence we may fairly
conclude, that under the characters of Hermon, Hermes, Taut, Thoth, and
Cadmus, one person is alluded to. The Deity called by the Greeks Harmonia,
was introduced among the Canaanites very early by people from Egypt: and
was worshipped in Sidon, and the adjacent country, by the name of
[1115]Baal Hermon.

Europa likewise was a Deity; according to Lucian the same as Astarte, who
was worshipped at Hierapolis in Syria. He visited the temple, and had this
information from the priests: [1116]ὡς δε μοι τις των Ἱρεων απηγετο,
Ευρωπης εστι (το αγαλμα) της Καδμου αδελφεης. He is speaking of the statue
in the temple, which the priests told him belonged to a Goddess, the same
as Europa, the sister of Cadmus. She was also esteemed the same as Rhea;
which Rhea we know was the reputed mother of the gods, and particularly the
mother of Jupiter.

  [1117]Εστ' αν Ῥεια τεκοι παιδα Κρονῳ εν φιλοτητι.

Pindar speaks of Europa, as the [1118]daughter of Tityus: and by Herodotus
she is made the mother of [1119]Sarpedon and Minos.

I have mentioned, that Cadmus was the same as the Egyptian Thoth; and it is
manifest from his being Hermes, and from the invention of letters being
attributed to him. Similar to the account given of Cadmus is the history of
a personage called by the Greeks Caanthus; this history contains an epitome
of the voyage undertaken by Cadmus, though with some small variation.
Caanthus is said to have been the son of Oceanus; which in the language of
Egypt is the same as the son of Ogus, and Oguges; a different name for the
same [1120]person. Ogus, and with the reduplication Ogugus, was the same as
Ogyges, in whose time the flood was supposed to have happened. Ogyges is
represented both as a king of Thebes in Egypt, and of Thebes in Bœotia: and
in his time Cadmus is said to have left the former country, and to have
come to the latter, being sent in quest of his sister Europa by his father.
Caanthus was sent by his father with a like commission. His sister Melia
had been stolen away; and he was ordered to search every country, till he
found her. He accordingly traversed many seas, and at last lauded in
Greece, and passed into Bœotia. Here he found, that his sister was detained
by Apollo in the grove of Ismenus. There was a fountain [1121]of the same
name near the grove, which was guarded by a dragon. Caanthus is said to
have cast fire into this sacred recess; on which account he was slain by
Apollo. His ταφος, or tomb, was in aftertimes shewn by the Thebans. We may
perceive, that the main part of this relation agrees with that of Cadmus.
Melie, the sister of Caanthus, is by some spoken of as the mother of
[1122]Europa: which shews, that there is a correspondence between the two
histories. The person also, who sent these two adventurers, the sister, of
whom they went in quest, and the precise place, to which they both came,
exhibit a series of circumstances so similar, that we need not doubt, but
that it is one and the same history. It is said, that Caanthus threw fire
into the sacred [1123]grove: which legend, however misconstrued, relates to
the first establishment of fire-worship at Thebes in the grove of Apollo
Ismenius. The term Ismenius is compounded of Is-Men, ignis Menis. Meen,
Menes, Manes, was one of the most antient titles of the Egyptian God
Osiris, the same as Apollo, and Caanthus. What has been mentioned about
Cadmus and Caanthus, is repeated under the character of a person named
Curnus; who is said to have been sent by his father Inachus in search of
his sister [1124]Io. Inachus, Oceanus, Ogugus, and Agenor, are all the same
personages under different names; and the histories are all the same.

That Cadmus was of old esteemed a Deity may be farther proved from his
being worshipped at Gortyna in Crete, as we learn from [1125]Solinus. Iidem
Gortynii et Cadmum colunt, Europæ fratrem. He had moreover an Heroum at
Sparta, which was erected by people styled the sons of [1126]Huræus. We
learn from Palæphatus, that according to some of the antient mythologists,
Cadmus was the person, who slew the serpent [1127]at Lerna. And according
to Nonnus he contended with the giant Typhasus, and restored to Jupiter his
lost [1128]thunder. By this is meant, that he renewed the rites, and
worship of the Deity, which had been abolished. These are circumstances,
which sufficiently shew, that Cadmus was a different personage, from what
he is generally imagined. There was a hill in Phrygia of his name, and
probably sacred to him; in which were the fountains of the river
[1129]Lycus. There was also a river Cadmus, which rose in the same
mountain, and was lost underground. It soon afterwards burst forth again,
and joined the principal stream. Mountains and rivers were not denominated
from ordinary personages. In short Cadmus was the same as Hermes, Thoth,
and Osiris: under which characters more than one person is alluded to, for
all theology of the antients is of a mixed nature. He may principally be
esteemed Ham, who by his posterity was looked up to as the Sun, and
worshipped under his titles: a circumstance, however, which was common to
all, who were styled Baalim. That he was the same as Ham, will appear from
the etymology of his name. I have before shewn, that the Sun was styled
[1130]Achad, Achon, and Achor: and the name, of which we are treating, is a
compound of [1131]Achad-Ham, rendered by the Greeks Acadamus and Academus,
and contracted Cadmus. Many learned men have thought, that the place at
Athens called Academia was founded by Cadmus, and denominated from him: and
of the latter circumstance I make no doubt. [1132]Ab hoc Cadmo Eruditi
Academiam, quasi Cadmiam deducunt: quo nomine indigitari locum musis
studiisque sacratum notissimum est. The true name of Cadmus, according to
this supposition, must have been, as I have represented, Acadamus; or, as
the Ionians expressed it, Academus, to have Academia formed from it.
Herodotus informs us, that, when the Cadmians came to Attica, they
introduced a new system of [1133]Architecture; and built temples in a style
different from that to which the natives had been used. And he describes
these buildings as erected at some distance from those of the country. This
was the situation of the place called Academia, which stood at the distance
of a few furlongs from [1134]Athens. It was a place of exercise and
science; and by all accounts finely disposed: being planted with a variety
of trees, but particularly Olives, called here (Μοριαι) Moriæ. There were
likewise springs, and baths for the convenience of those who here took
their exercise. The tradition among the Athenians was, that one Ecademus,
or Academus, founded it in antient times; from whom it received its name.
Laërtius styles him the hero Ecademus: [1135]Απο τινος Ἡρωος ωνομασθη
Εκαδημου. And Suidas to the same purpose; Απο Εκαδημου τινος Ἡρωος
ονομασθεν. But Eupolis, the comic writer, who was far prior, speaks of him
as a Deity: [1136]Εν ευσκιοις δρυμοισιν Ακαδημου Θεου. The trees, which
grew within the precincts, were looked upon as very sacred, [1137]οντως
ἱεραι, and the place itself in antient times was of so great sanctity, that
it was a profanation to laugh there; [1138]προτερον εν Ακαδημιᾳ μηδε
γελασαι εξουσιαν ειναι.

The Ceramicus at Athens had the same name; and it was undoubtedly given
from the same personage. Ακαδημια. καλειται δε ὁυτως ὁ Κεραμικος. Hesych.
The common notion was, that it was denominated from the hero [1139]Ceramus,
the son of Dionusus. This arose from the common mistake; by which the place
was put for the person, to whom it was sacred, and whose name it bore. Ham
was the supposed hero: and Ceramus was Cer-Ham, the tower or temple of Ham,
which gave name to the inclosure. This abuse of terms is no where more
apparent than in an inscription mentioned by Gruter; where there is a mixed
title of the Deity formed from his place of worship.

[1140]Malacæ Hispaniæ.

Cir-Adon was the temple of Adon, or Adonis; the Amonian title of the chief
God. In like manner near mount Laphystium in Bœotia, the God [1141]Charops
was worshipped, and styled Hercules Charops. But Char-Ops, or Char-Opis,
signified the temple of the serpent Deity: and was undoubtedly built of old
by the people named Charopians, and Cyclopians; who were no other than the
antient Cadmians. Ceramicus was an Egyptian name; and one of the gates or
towers of the gates at [1142]Naucratis in that country was so called. It
was also the name of an harbour in Caria, probably denominated from some
building at the [1143]entrance.

I may possibly be thought to proceed too far in abridging history of so
many heroic personages, upon whose names antiquity has impressed a
reverence; and whose mighty actions have never been disputed. For though
the dress and colouring may have been thought the work of fancy, yet the
substance of their history has been looked upon as undeniably true. To
which I answer, that it was undoubtedly founded in truth: and the only way
to ascertain what is genuine, must be by stripping history of this
unnatural veil, with which it has been obscured; and to reduce the whole to
its original appearance. This may be effected upon the principles which I
have laid down; for if instead of Perseus, or Hercules, we substitute
bodies of men, who went under such titles, the history will be rendered
very probable, and consistent. If instead of one person, Cadmus traversing
so much ground, and introducing the rites of his country at Rhodes, Samos,
Thera, Thasus, Samothrace, and building so many cities in Libya, we suppose
these things to have been done by colonies, who were styled Cadmians, all
will be very right, and the credibility of the history not disputed. Many
difficulties may by these means be solved, which cannot otherwise be
explained: and great light will be thrown upon the mythology of the

The story then of Cadmus, and Europa, relates to people from Egypt, and
Syria, who went abroad at different times, and settled in various parts.
They are said to have been determined in their place of residence by an ox,
or cow: by which this only is meant, that they were directed by an oracle:
for without such previous inquiry no colonies went abroad. An oracle by the
Amonians was termed Alphi, and Alpha, the voice of God. In Egypt the
principal oracular temples were those of the sacred animals Apis and
Mneuis. These animals were highly reverenced at Heliopolis, and Memphis,
and in other cities of that country. They were of the male kind; but the
honours were not confined to them; for the cow and heifer were held in the
like veneration, and they were esteemed equally prophetic. Hence it was,
that they were in common with the Apis and Mneuis styled Alphi, and Alpha:
which name was likewise current among the Tyrians, and Sidonians. In
consequence of this, Plutarch, speaking of the letter Alpha, says,
[1144]Φοινικας ὁυτω καλειν τον Βουν. _The Phenicians call an ox Alpha_. And
Hesychius speaks to the same purpose. Αλφα, βους. Thus we find that Alpha
was both an oracle, and an oracular animal. The Grecians took it in the
latter acceptation; and instead of saying that the Cadmians acted in
obedience to an oracle, they gave out, that Cadmus followed a cow. What is
alluded to in the animal, which was supposed to have been his guide, may be
known by the description given of it by Pausanias: [1145]Επι δε ἑκατερας
της βοος πλευρας σημειον επειναι λευκον, εικασμενον κυκλῳ της Σεληνης.
_There was a white mark on each side of the cow like the figure of the
moon_. The poet quoted by the Scholiast upon Aristophanes speaks to the
same purpose. [1146]Λευκον σχημ' ἑκατερθε περιπλοκον, ηυτε Μηνης. This is
an exact description of the [1147]Apis, and other sacred kine in Egypt: and
the history relates to an oracle given to the Cadmians in that country.
This the Grecians have represented, as if Cadmus had been conducted by a
cow: the term Alphi, and Alpha, being liable to be taken in either of these
acceptations. Nonnus speaks of Cadmus as bringing the rites of
[1148]Dionusus, and Osiris, from Egypt to Greece: and describes him
according to the common notion as going in quest of a bull, and as being
determined in his place of residence by a [1149]cow. Yet he afterwards
seems to allude to the true purport of the history; and says, that the
animal spoken of was of a nature very different from that, which was
imagined: that it was not one of the herd, but of divine original.

  [1150]Καδμε ματην περιφοιτε, πολυπλανον ιχνος ἑλισσεις·
  Μαστευεις τινα Ταυρον, ὁν ου βοεη τεκε γαστηρ.

Under the character of Europa are to be understood people styled Europians
from their particular mode of worship. The first variation from the purer
Zabaism consisted in the Ophiolatria, or worship of the serpent. This
innovation spread wonderfully; so that the chief Deity of the Gentile world
was almost universally worshipped under this symbolical representation. The
serpent among the Amonians was styled Oph, Eph, and Ope: by the Greeks
expressed Οφις, Οπις, Ουπις: which terms were continually combined with the
different titles of the Deity. This worship prevailed in Babylonia, Egypt,
and Syria: from which countries it was brought by the Cadmians into Greece.
Serpentis eam venerationem acceperunt Græci a Cadmo. [1151]Vossius. It made
a part in all their [1152]mysteries; and was attended with some wonderful
circumstances: of which I have before made some mention in the treatise de
Ophiolatriâ. Colonies, which went abroad, not only went under the
patronage, but under some title of their God: and this Deity was in
aftertimes supposed to have been the real conductor. As the Cadmians, and
Europians, were Ophitæ, both their temples, and cities, also the hills, and
rivers, where they settled, were often denominated from this circumstance.
We read of Anopus Asopus, Oropus, Europus, Charopus, Ellopis, Ellopia; all
nearly of the same purport, and named from the same object of worship.
Europa was a [1153]Deity: and the name is a compound Eur-Ope, analogous to
Canope, Canophis, and Cnuphis of Egypt; and signifies Orus Pytho. It is
rendered by the Greeks as a feminine, upon a supposition, that it was the
name of a woman; but it related properly to a country; and we find many
places of the like etymology in Media, Syria, and Babylonia: which were
expressed in the masculine Europos, and Oropus. The same also is observable
in Greece.

I have shewn, that Cadmus was Taut, or Thoth; the Taautes of Sanchoniathon.
It is said of this person, that he first introduced the worship of the
serpent: and this so early, that not only the Tyrians and Sidonians, but
the Egyptians received it from him. From hence we may infer, that it came
from [1154]Babylonia, [1155]Την μεν ουν του Δρακοντος φυσιν, και των οφεων,
αυτος εξεθειασεν ὁ Τααυτος, και μετ' αυτον αυθις Φοινικες τε, και

The learned writers, who have treated of the Cadmians, have failed in
nothing more, than in not considering, that they were a twofold colony,
which came both from Egypt, and Syria: from Egypt first; and then from
Syria, and Canaan. In their progress westward they settled in Cyprus,
Crete, Rhodes, Samos, Lesbos, Thrace: also in Eubœa, Attica, and Bœotia. In
process of time they were enabled to make settlements in other parts,
particularly in Epirus and Illyria: and to occupy some considerable
provinces in Italy as high up as the Padus. Wherever they passed they left
behind them numberless memorials: but they are to be traced by none more
plainly than by their rites, and worship. As they occupied the greatest
part of Syria, that country was particularly addicted to this species of
idolatry. Many temples were erected to the Ophite God: and many cities were
denominated from him. Both [1156]Appian and Stephanus Byzantinus mention
places in Syrophenicia called Oropus. Upon the Euphrates also in
Mesopotamia were the cities [1157]Amphipolis, and [1158]Dura, both called
of old Oropus. The chief Syrian God had the title of Bel, Baal, and Belial:
which last the Greeks rendered Βελιαρ. Hence Clemens instead of saying,
what agreement can there be between Christ and Belial, says [1159]Τις δε
συμφωνησις Χριστου προς ΒΕΛΙΑΡ. This Belial, or Beliar, was the same as
Belorus, and Osiris, who were worshipped under the symbol of a serpent.
Hence Hesychius explains the term Beliar by a serpent. Βελιαρ--δρακων.
_Beliar is the same as a dragon or serpent._ The Cadmians are said to have
betaken themselves to Sidon, and Biblus: and the country between these
cities is called Chous at this day. To the north is the city, and province
of Hama: and a town, and castle, called by D'Anville Cadmus; by the natives
expressed Quadamus, or [1160]Chadamus. The Cadmians probably founded the
temple of Baal Hermon in Mount Libanus, and formed one of the Hivite
nations in those parts. Bochart has very justly observed, that an Hivite is
the same as an [1161]Ophite: and many of this denomination resided under
Mount Libanus, and Anti-Libanus; part of which was called Baal Hermon, as
we learn from the sacred writings. [1162]_Now these are the nations, which
the Lord left to prove Israel, namely, five Lords of the Philistines, and
all the Canaanites, and the Sidonians; and the Hivites that dwell in Mount
Lebanon from Mount Baal Hermon unto the entering in of Hamath._ There were
other Hivites, who are mentioned by Moses among the children of
[1163]Canaan. But the Cadmonites, and many of the people about Mount
Libanus were of another family. The Hivites of Canaan Proper were those,
who by a stratagem obtained a treaty with [1164]Joshua. Their chief cities
were Gibeon, Cephirah, Beeroth, and Kirjath Jearim. These lay within the
the tribe of [1165]Judah, and of Benjamin, who possessed the southern parts
of Canaan. But the other Hivites, among whom were the Cadmonites, lay far
to the north under Libanus, at the very extremities of the country. The
sacred writer distinguishes them from the Canaanites, as well as from the
other Hivites, by saying, the Hivites of Baal Hermon. And he seems to
distinguish the Sidonians from the genuine Canaanites, and justly: for if
we may credit prophane history, the Cadmians had obtained the sovereignty
in that city: and the people were of a mixed race. [1166]Καδμος--Τυρου και
Σιδωνος εβασιλευεν. The Cadmians extended themselves in these parts quite
to the Euphrates, and westward to the coast of Greece, and Ausonia; and
still farther to the great Atlantic. They went under the name of Ellopians,
Oropians, [1167]Cadmonites, Hermonians, Ophitæ, and wherever they settled
there will be always found some reference to their antient history, and
religion. As they were particularly styled Ophitæ, or Hivites, many places
whither they came, were said to swarm with [1168]serpents. Rhodes was under
this predicament, and had the name of Ophiusa: which name was given on
account of the Hivites, who there settled, and of the serpent-worship,
which they introduced. But the common notion was, that it was so called
from real serpents, with which it was infested. The natives were said to
have been of the giant race, and the [1169]Heliadæ or offspring of the Sun;
under which characters the antients particularly referred to the sons of
Chus, and Canaan. Their coming to the island is alluded to under the
arrival both of Danaus and Cadmus, by whom the rites, and [1170]religion of
the Rhodians are supposed to have been introduced. In Greece were several
cities named Oropus, by which is signified Ori Serpentis civitas. One of
these was near [1171]Tanagia upon the border of Attica, and Bœotia. This is
the very spot where the Cadmians first resided: and the city was
undoubtedly built by them. It stood near the warm baths of Amphiaraus,
whose temple belonged to the Oropians; and who was particularly worshipped
by them. We are informed by Strabo, that the temple of Amphiaraus was built
either in imitation, or in memory, of one called Cnopia at [1172]Thebes.
Cnopia is a contraction for Can-Opia; and the temple was certainly founded
by people from Egypt. It took its name from Can-ope, or Can-opus, the
Ophite God of that country; and of the people likewise, by whom the
building was erected. The natives of Bœotia had many memorials of their
having been originally Ophites. The history of their country had continual
references to serpents and dragons. They seem to have been the national
insigne: at least they were esteemed so by the people of Thebes. Hence we
find, that upon the tomb of Epaminondas there was figured a shield with a
serpent for a device, to signify that he was an Ophite, or [1173]Theban.
The Spartans were of the same race: and there is said to have been the same
device upon the shield of [1174]Menelaus, and of [1175]Agamemnon. The story
of Cadmus, and of the serpent, with which he engaged upon his arrival in
Bœotia, relates to the Ophite worship, which was there instituted by the
Cadmians. So Jason in Colchis, Apollo in Phocis, Hercules at Lerna, engaged
with serpents, all which are histories of the same purport; but mistaken by
the later Grecians.

It will not, I think, be amiss to take notice of some of those countries
westward, to which Cadmus is said to have betaken himself. From Bœotia he
is supposed to have passed to Epirus and Illyria; and it is certain, that
the Cadmians settled in many places upon that coast. In Thesprotia was a
province of the Athamanes; who were denominated from their Deity Ath-Man,
or Ath-Manes. Here were the rivers Acheron, and Cocytus, the lake
Acherusia, and the pestiferous pool [1176]Aornon Here was the city Acanthus
similar to one of the same name about forty miles above [1177]Memphis: and
a nation of people called [1178]Oreitæ: all which have a reference to
Egypt. The oracle at Dodona was founded by people from the same country, as
we are assured by [1179]Herodotus and others. And not only colonies from
that country, but people from Canaan must have betaken themselves to these
parts, as is evident from names of places. This will appear from the city
[1180]Phœnice: and from another near Oricum, called Palæste; and from the
coast and region styled Palæstina. This was the spot where Cæsar landed,
before he marched to Pharsalia. [1181]Postridie terram attigit Cerauniorum
saxa inter, et alia loca periculosa, quietam nactus stationem. At portus
omnes timens, quod teneri ab adversariis arbitrabatur, ad eundem locum, qui
adpellatur Palæste, omnibus navibus incolumibus, milites exposuit. Lucan
takes notice of the same circumstance, and the coast Palæstina.

  [1182]Inde rapi cœpere rates, atque æquora classem
  Curva sequi; quæ jam, vento fluctuque secundo
  Lapsa, Palæstinas uncis confixit arenas.

Here was the haven Comar, or [1183]Comarus, near the pool Aornus: and a
city [1184]Oropus, similar to the Oropus of Syria, and Bœotia. And higher
up was a region Europa, styled Europa Scythica by Festus Rufus. It is
observable that there was a city in Epirus called [1185]Tecmon, similar to
one in Canaan, as we may infer from the chief of David's captains being
styled the [1186]Tecmonite.

Some of this family proceeded to the western part of the Adriatic gulf, and
settled upon the Eridanus, or Po. Here were the Orobians, the same as the
Oropians, whose chief city was Comus: near which the consul Marcellus
overthrew the [1187]Galli Insubres. The story of Phaethon, who was supposed
to have fallen into the Eridanus, is manifestly of Egyptian original; as
the fable of Cycnus is from Canaan. Phaethon is by some represented as the
first king, who reigned in [1188]Chaonia, and Epirus. He was in reality the
same as Osiris, the Sun; whose worship was in there very early, as well as
upon the Padus. The names of the Deities in every country are generally
prefixed to the list of kings, and mistaken accordingly. Cycnus is supposed
to have resided not only in Liguria, but in Ætolia, and Phocis. There was
in these parts a lake [1189]Conope, from Cycnus called also [1190]Cycnëa;
which names undoubtedly came from Egypt, and Canaan. The colonies upon the
Padus left many memorials of their original; especially those, who were
from the Caphtorim of Palestina. Some of them had carried on a great work
upon the part of the river, where they settled; which from them was called
[1191]Fossa Philistina; and Fossiones Philistinæ. Of this I have made
mention [1192]before.

It is said of Cadmus, that at the close of his life, he was, together with
his wife Harmonia, changed to a serpent of stone. This wonderful
metamorphosis is supposed to have happened at Encheliæ, a town in Illyria,
which circumstance is taken notice of by Lucan.

  [1193]Tunc qui Dardaniam tenet Oricon, et vagus altis
  Dispersus sylvis Athamas, et _nomine prisco_
  Encheliæ, versi testantes funera Cadmi.

The true history is this. These two personages were here enshrined in a
temple, or Petra: and worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Scylax
Caryandensis, speaking of this part of Illyria, says, [1194]Καδμου και
Ἁρμονιας ὁι λιθοι εισιν ενταυθα, και ἱερον. _In this region are two stones
sacred to Cadmus, and Harmonia: and there is likewise a temple dedicated to
them._ Lucan, who calls the place Encheliæ, speaks of the name as of great
antiquity. It undoubtedly was of long standing, and a term from the Amonian
language. Encheliæ, Εγχελιαι, is the place of En-Chel, by which is
signified the fountain of heaven; similar to Hanes, Anorus, Anopus in other
parts. The temple was an Ophite Petra: which terms induced people to
believe, that there were in these temples serpents petrified. It is
possible, that in later times the Deity may have been worshipped under this
form: whence it might truly be said of Cadmus, and Harmonia, that they
would one day be exhibited in stone.

  [1195]Λαϊνεην ημελλον εχειν οφιωδεα μορφην.

But the notion in general arose from a mistake; and was owing to a
misinterpretation of the word Petra. On this account many personages were
said to have undergone this change. Pollux, who was of a character superior
to what is generally imagined, was said to have been turned to a stone.

  [1196]Εις λιθον αυτοτελεστον εμορφωθη Πολυδευκης.

Ariadne underwent the like [1197]change. Also Battus, Atlas, [1198]Alcmena,
and others. All these histories relate to personages, enshrined in temples
styled Petra, who had a στυλος or rude pillar erected to their honour. This
was the usage in all parts, before the introduction of images. There are
allusions to these Ophite temples, and to these pillars, upon the coins of
Syria, and Tyre. Upon these the Deity is represented between two rough
stones, with two [1199]serpents on each side of him. A temple of this sort,
which betrayed great antiquity, stood in the vicinity of Thebes, and was
called the serpent's head. Pausanius speaks of it as remaining in his
[1200]time. The same author affords another instance in his account of
Achaia; which is attended with some remarkable circumstances. He tells us,
[1201]that at Pheræ, a city of that region, was a fountain sacred to
Hermes; and the name of it was Hama. Near this fountain were thirty large
stones, which had been erected in antient times. Each of these was looked
upon as a representative of some Deity. And Pausanias remarks, that instead
of images, the Greeks in times of old universally paid their adoration to
rude unwrought [1202]stones.

That the Cadmians were the people, whom I suppose them, may I think be
proved from many other circumstances. There are some particulars in the
history of these emigrants, by which they may be as effectually
distinguished, as by any national mark of feature, or complexion. I have
taken notice in a former treatise of the Cuthites, who came from Babylonia
and settled in Egypt; and who were afterwards expelled the country. They
came under different titles; and were styled Phenicians, Arabians, and
Ethiopians; but they were more particularly distinguished by the name of
Oritæ, and of shepherds. These appellations must be carefully kept in
remembrance, for they will be found to occur in almost every part of the
world, wherever any of this family settled. In the histories above given of
Osiris, Dionusus, and others, we find, that the sons of Chus are
represented as great travellers, and at the same time general benefactors:
and it is to be observed, that the same characters occur in every history:
the great outlines are the same in all. They appear to have been zealous
worshippers of the Sun; and addicted to the rites of fire: which mode of
worship they propagated, wherever they came. They are described as of
superior stature, and were reputed the sons of Anac, and Urius, from
Canaan, and Babylonia. In respect to science, they seem to have been very
eminent, if we consider the times when they lived. They were particularly
famed for their knowledge in astronomy, architecture, and music. They had
great sagacity in finding [1203]mines, and consequently were very rich.
Lastly, there continually occurs in their history some allusion to
shepherds. Every one of these particulars may be met with in the accounts
given of the Cadmians: but it was the turn of the times to make every thing
centre in their imaginary leader, Cadmus. He is supposed to have found out
mines in Cyprus, and Thrace: and to have been the inventor of letters, and
the introducer of science. To him are ascribed the temples at Rhodes; and
the buildings in Attica and Bœotia. We find him celebrated as a great
[1204]theologist and astronomer: and it is reported of Cadmus, as it was
also of Orpheus, that he left behind him many valuable remains, which
[1205]Bion Proconnesius is said to have translated. But all these gifts, so
lavishly bestowed upon one person, should be transferred to a people, who
went under the name of Cadmians: and in whom all these requisites are to be
found. If we make this allowance, the history will be found to be true.
This people, in their migrations westward, were accompanied by others from
Canaan, and Syria. I have shewn that they settled at Rhodes, where they
were called Ophites, or Hivites. Another of their titles was Heliadæ, or
children of the [1206]Sun. They were looked upon as adepts in every branch
of science, and particularly famed for their skill in astronomy. They were
the first navigators of the seas; and the division of time, with the
notification of seasons, is ascribed to them. [1207]Ὁι δε Ἡλιαδαι διαφοροι
γεγονοτες των αλλων εν παιδειᾳ διηνεγκαν, και μαλιστα εν Αστρολογιᾳ·
εισηγησαντο δε και περι της ναυτιλιας πολλα, πολλα δε και περι τας ὡρας
διεταξαν. All these arts, if we may believe Herodotus, took their rise in
[1208]Babylonia: from whence they were carried by the Oritæ into Egypt: and
from Egypt westward to Rhodes, and to various parts besides. The Oritæ, or
Auritæ, were the same as the Heliadæ, denominated from the great object of
their worship, the Sun. He was among other titles styled [1209]Orites: as
we learn from Lycophron: which is by his Scholiast interpreted the Sun.
[1210]Ωριτην θεον, τον αυτον Ἡλιον. _The Deity, which is termed Orites, is
no other than the Sun._ These Heliadæ were Ophitæ; and introduced at
Rhodes, and in other places, the worship of the serpent. Hence they occur
in Greece under various titles, such as Ellopians, Europians, Oropians,
Asopians, and the like, being so denominated from places which they
consecrated to Ops, and Opis, the serpent. The Cadmians settled in Eubœa,
which was called Ellopia from Ellops, a supposed brother of [1211]Cothus.
Plutarch gives an account of Cothus himself coming to Eubœa in company with
another named Arclus. [1212]Κοθος, και Αρκλος, ὁι Ξουθου παιδες εις Ευβοιαν
ἡκον οικησαντες. By Cothus and Arclus are meant Cuthites and Herculeans,
people of the same family, who settled in this island. The Oritæ of Egypt
were also styled Arabians; and the Arabian nome was denominated from them.
The Cadmians, who settled in Eubœa, may be traced under the same names.
Strabo calls the people, who were supposed to attend Cadmus, Arabians,
[1213]Αραβες, ὁι συν Καδμῳ. One district in the island was denominated from
them, Æthiopium: [1214]Αιθιοπιον, ονομα χωριου εν Ευβοιᾳ. This is more
particularly described by Stephanus, as the passage is happily corrected by
Salmasius. Αιθιοπιον, χωριον Ευβοιας παρα Δηλιου, πλησιον του Ευριπου.
_There is a part of Eubœa hard by Delium, and near to the Euripus, called
Ethiopium._ But the most critical mark, by which any of these islands were
distinguished, was that of [1215]Oritæ. This is the express title of the
shepherds in Egypt; which they assumed both on account of the Deity, whom
they worshipped, and in reference to the city Ur in Chaldea, from whence
they were in part derived. They founded a city of the same name in Eubœa,
which the Greeks expressed [1216]Oria: whence came the provincial title of
Oritæ. Here Orion was supposed to have been [1217]nursed, whose history we
know was from Babylonia. The natives had a tradition, that he was the son
of [1218]Urieus, and of the gigantic race: the purport of which, I think,
cannot be mistaken. They passed, as I have shewn, from Eubœa to Attica, and
Bœotia. Here also was a city [1219]Ur, like that in Chaldea, and a
tradition about Orion being born in these parts. They likewise pretended to
shew his [1220]tomb. This city Ur, or Uria, was in the district of Tanagra,
and stood directly opposite to the province of Ethiopia in Eubœa, being
separated only by the narrow frith of the [1221]Euripus. They settled also
at Træzen, where Orus is said to have resided: by which we are to
understand his worshippers, the Oritæ. [1222]Φασι δε Ωρον γενεσθαι σφισιν
εν γῃ πρωτον· εμοι μεν ουν Αιγυπτιον φαινεται, και ουδαμως Ἑλληνικον ονομα
Ωρος ειναι. Βασιλευσαι δ' ουν φασιν αυτον, και Ωραιαν απ' αυτου καλεισθαι
την γην. _The people of Træzen_, says Pausanias, _give out, that one Orus
was the first in their country. But the name Orus to me seems to have been
of Egyptian original. They farther relate, that this Orus was a king, and
that the province was from him called Oraia._ Uria above, and Oraia here,
however differently expressed, signify literally the land of Ur. In all
these places the Cuthites went under various appellations, but particularly
of Cyclopians, Ellopians, and [1223]Europians from their worship. Agreeably
to the account which has been above given, we find, that the Heroum of
Cadmus at Sparta was built by Europus, and his brethren: and they likewise
are represented as the sons of [1224]_Uræus_. As we are acquainted with the
eastern manner of speaking; and know that by the daughter of Tyre, the
daughter of Jerusalem, the children of Moab, the children of Kedar, the
children of Seir, the children of the east, are meant the inhabitants of
those places: may we not be assured that by Europus and the sons of Urius
and Uræus, are pointed out a people styled Europians of Babylonish
extraction, who were ab origine from Ur in Chaldea? And is it not plain,
that the history of Cadmus is founded upon terms ill understood, and
greatly misapplied? Yet the truth is not totally defaced, as I hope, that I
have made appear. By Moses Chorenensis Cadmus is represented as of the
giant race; and he is said to have come from [1225]Babylonia. Nonnus
mentions his planting in Greece a colony of giants.

  [1226]Και σταχυς αυτολοχευτος ανηεξητο Γιγαντων.

Hence the Cadmians were styled Ανακες, and [1227]Ανακτες; and the temples
of their Gods, Ανακτορια, Anactoria. These terms were imported from the
Anakim of Egypt and Canaan: but as the people, who brought them, were
Oritæ, and the sons of Urius, they must ultimately have come from
Babylonia. Here astronomy, and the other sciences first commenced; and the
worship of the Sun was first instituted: where the priests, and professors
were styled Oritæ, and [1228]Orchani. Lucian indeed says, that astronomy
was not derived to the Greeks either from the Egyptians, or the Ethiopians;
but from [1229]Orpheus. This however intimates, that the Ethiopians, under
which name the sons of Chus are mentioned by the [1230]Greeks, were
supposed to have introduced science into this country; otherwise this
caveat had been unnecessary. But we shall in the end shew, that Orpheus was
from the same quarter. And to put the matter out of all doubt, we find
Herodotus maintaining very determinately, that the knowledge of the
heavens, and every thing relating to the distribution of time, was imported
from [1231]Babylonia. As these Babylonians, these sons of Urius, manifestly
came to Greece by the way of Egypt, it appears pretty evident, that they
were the sons of Chus, of the shepherd race, who so long held the
sovereignty in that kingdom. Hence it is, that throughout the whole
mythology of the Grecians there are continual allusions to shepherds; a
title, which we know was peculiar to the Auritæ of Egypt. Nonnus, in his
allegorical poem, describes Cadmus in a pastoral habit, playing upon an
instrument, and reclining himself under the shade of an oak.

  [1232]Κλινας γειτονι νωτον ὑπο δρυι φορβαδος ὑλης,
  Και φορεων αγραυλον αηθεος ἑιμα Νομηος.

He gives to him the same powers in harmony which were attributed to
Orpheus. Hence Cadmus is made to say that he could charm the woods upon the
mountains, and sooth the wild beasts of the forest: that he could even calm
the ocean, and stop the course of its turbulent waters.

  [1233]Θελξω δενδρεα παντα, και ουρεα, και φρενα θηρων·
  Ωκεανον σπευδοντα παλινδινητον ερυξω.

Almost all the principal persons, whose names occur in the mythology of
Greece and Italy, are represented as shepherds. Not only the Gods Faunus,
Apollo, Pan, Sylvanus, Pales, Adonis, but Eumelus, Triptolemus,
Ericthonius, Eumolpus, Aristæus, Battus, Daphnis, Terambus of Egypt, and
Osiris, are represented of that profession. Hence it is, that we find
altars, and inscriptions to the shepherd [1234]Gods. Apollo was styled
Νομευς, and Ποιμνιος; and was said to have been educated in [1235]Arabia.
When Rhea produced to the world Poseidon, she gave him to the care of a
[1236]shepherd to bring him up among the flocks. Atlas, the great
astronomer, is represented as a shepherd. [1237]Ατλας μαθηματικος ην Λιβυς
ανηρ.--Πολυειδος δε ὁ διθυραμβοποιος τον Ατλαντα τουτον ΠΟΙΜΕΝΑ Λιβυν
φησιν. _Atlas the great mathematician, was a person of Libya. The
Dithyrambic poet Polueidos says, that Atlas was a Libyan shepherd._ There
was a tradition that the temple of Ammon in Libya was built by a shepherd,
from whom it received its name; [1238]απο του ἱδρυσαμενου ποιμενος. It is
reported of the Muses, that they were of shepherd extraction, and tended
flocks, which they entrusted to their favourite Aristæus.

  [1239]Και μιν ἑων μηλων θεσαν ηρανον, ὁσσ' ενεμοντο
  Αμπεδιον Φθιαν Αθαμαντιον, αμφι τ' ερυμνην
  Οθρυν, και ποταμου ἱερον ῥοον Απιδανοιο.

This is the person by Virgil styled Pastor Aristæus. Zethus and Amphion are
described as of the same profession, though kings of Thebes, [1240]Ζηθος δε
και Αμφιων αδελφοι ησαν ποιμενες. Even the monster Polyphemus is taken
notice of as a musician, and a [1241]shepherd. Macrobius mentions, that
among the Phrygians the Sun was worshipped under a pastoral
[1242]character, with a pipe and a wand. Tiresias, the prophet, is by
Hyginus styled Tiresias, Eueri filius, or as some read it, Tiresias, Eurii
filius, [1243]_Pastor_. This was also one of the titles out of many
conferred upon the Phenician Hercules, to whom they attributed the
invention of purple. He was the chief Deity, the same as Cham, and Orus,
the God of light; to whom there is a remarkable invocation in the
Dionusiaca of Nonnus.

  [1244]Αστροχιτων Ἡρακλες, αναξ πυρος, Ορχαμε κοσμου,
  Ηελιε, βροτεοιο βιου δολιχοσκιε ΠΟΙΜΗΝ.

Some of the pyramids in Egypt were styled the pyramids of the shepherd
[1245]Philitis; and were said to have been built by people, whom the
Egyptians held in abomination: from whence we may form a judgment of the
persons, by whom those edifices were erected. Many hills, and places of
reputed sanctity were denominated from shepherds. Caucasus, in the vicinity
of Colchis, had its name conferred by Jupiter in memory of Caucasus a
shepherd. [1246]Το ορος εις τιμην του Ποιμενος Καυκασον μετονομασας. Mount
Cithæron in Bœotia was called Asterius; but received the former name from
one Cithæron, a [1247]shepherd, supposed to have been there slain. I have
mentioned from Herodotus, that the Cadmians built the temple of
[1248]Damater, or Ceres, in Attica, where they introduced her worship. And
there is a remarkable circumstance mentioned in consequence of this by
Hesychius, who tells us, that the priests of this Goddess were of a
particular family, called Ποιμενιδαι, or _the Shepherd race_. Ποιμενιδαι,
γενος, εξ ὁυ ὁ Δημητρος ἱερευς. The Cadmians therefore, from whom this
priesthood came, must have been in a peculiar manner shepherds. The
mountain Apæsantus in Argolis is said to have been named from
[1249]Apæsantus, a shepherd. The Cuthites settled in Thrace near Hæmus, in
Sethonia; of whom Stephanus gives this short but remarkable history:
εκαλουντο προτερον Νομαιοι. The author does not say, that they _were_
shepherds; but that they antiently were so called: so that it was not so
much the profession, as the title of the people. They settled in Hetruria,
and Latium; in which last province stood the city Præneste, of which I have
before spoken. It was said to have been of high antiquity, and was founded
by Cœculus,

  [1250]Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem,
  Inventumque focis, omnis quem credidit ætas.

We find here, that the founder of this city was a shepherd, and a king, and
the reputed son of Vulcan, the same as Urius. It is said of him, that he
was, inventum focis, because he was ab origine from the land of fire; by
which is meant Ur of Chaldea. So the personage, represented under the
character of Cacus upon Mount Aventine, is by Livy said to have been a
shepherd. [1251]Pastor accola ejus loci, nomine Cacus, ferox viribus. He
likewise is said to have been the son of the God of Fire: [1252]Huic
monstro Vulcanus erat pater. The first city which the Cadmians built in
Bœotia was named [1253]Poimandris; or as Eustathius renders it Poimandria,
[1254]Ποιμανδρια; the same which was afterwards called Tanagra. It is said
to have been so denominated from one Poimander. This name is by
interpretation a shepherd, or rather a shepherd of men. It answers to the
title of Ποιμην λαου, so frequently to be met with in Homer. That excellent
Poet was wonderfully fond of every thing, which savoured of antiquity: and
has continual references to the antient history of Egypt, and to the rites
of that country. He sometimes seems to adhere superstitiously to obsolete
terms, thinking probably, that they enriched his verse, and gave a
venerable air to the narration. Of these, no one occurs more frequently
than the title of a shepherd Prince, which he bestows on many of his
leaders. It is the translation of a title, which the sons of Chus, as well
as the Egyptians, gave to their Deities, and to their kings. Hence the
writings of Hermes were inscribed the works of the Shepherd Prince, as we
may infer from the Greek transcript: for that was written in imitation of
the former, and called [1255]Poimandras.

Thus have I endeavoured to state the progress of the Cuthites under their
different appellations to Greece; and to describe the rout which they took
in their peregrinations, I have shewn, that under the title of Phenicians
and Cadmians, they first settled in Canaan, and in the region about Tyre
and Sidon: from whence they extended themselves towards the midland parts
of Syria; where they built Antioch. [1256]Κασος, και Βηλος, Ιναχου παιδες,
προς τῳ Οροντῃ ποταμῳ την νυν Αντιοχειαν της Συριας πολιν εκτισαν. _Casus,
and Belus, two sons of Inachus, built the city in Syria, which is now
called Antioch upon the river Orontes._ By Casus is meant Chus; and Belus
is a Babylonish title of Ham, as well as of his immediate descendants, who
are here alluded to. From Syria they penetrated to the Euphrates, and from
thence to Armenia: and that there were colonies here of Amonians, and
particularly of the Cuthites, may be known from the history of Cadmus: but
more especially from the similitude of language, person, and manners, which
subsisted among these [1257]nations. Zonaras is very explicit upon this
head. He mentions the incroachments of the sons of Ham in these parts, and
shews the extent of the trespass, of which they were guilty. [1258]Ὁιδε γε
παιδες του Χαμ την απο Συριας και Αβανου και Λιβανου των ορων γην κατεσχον,
και ὁσα προς θαλασσαν αυτων ετετραπτο, μεχρις ωκεανου, κατειληφασι. _In
respect to the sons of Ham, they seized upon all the inland country, which
reaches from Syria, and particularly from the mountains Albanus, and
Libanus: and all the region, which from thence extends towards the sea,
even as far as the Ocean._ Of these emigrants Tacitus has given a curious
account, which has never been sufficiently heeded. He takes notice of those
who settled in Canaan, as well as those who passed higher towards the
north. [1259]Sunt, qui tradant Assyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum,
parte Ægypti potitos, ac mox [1260]proprias urbes, Hebræasque terras, et
propiora Syriæ coluisse. As the Cadmians settled about Byblus and Sidon,
there seems in consequence of it to have been a religious correspondence
kept up between this colony and Egypt. It is said according to the
enigmatical turn of the times, that the head of Osiris was annually wafted
by the floods to [1261]Byblus. It was reported to have been just seven days
in its passage; and the whole was performed θειῃ ναυτιλιῃ, by a voyage
truly miraculous. There are many proofs that the religion of Syria came in
great measure from Egypt. The rites of Adonis, and the lamentations upon
his account at Sidon, and Byblus, were copies of the mourning for Osiris,
and represented in the same [1262]manner. Lucian, having described the
pompous temple at Hierapolis, says, that there was another in the
neighbourhood, not of Assyrian, but Egyptian original; the rites of which
were received by the natives from Heliopolis in that [1263]country. This he
did not see: but speaks of it as very grand, and of high antiquity.

These particulars I have thought proper to discuss thoroughly, in order to
disclose the true history of the Cadmians, as I am hereby enabled to prove
the great antiquity of this people; and to shew who they were, and from
whence they came. It has been observed by many of the learned, that some
particular race of men spread themselves abroad, and got access among
numberless nations. Some have thought that they were Scythians: others,
that they were Egyptians: others still, that they were from Phenicia, and
Canaan. What they have said upon the subject, however they may seem to
differ from one another, may in some degree be allowed. But I believe, that
the true account is that which I have here given. I have endeavoured, with
great pains, to sift the history to the bottom: and it is to me manifest,
that they were for the most part the Auritæ, those shepherds of Egypt. This
people had spread themselves over that country like a deluge: but were in
time forced to retreat, and to betake themselves to other parts. In
consequence of this they were dissipated over regions far remote. They were
probably joined by others of their family, as well as by the Canaanites,
and the Caphtorim of Palestina. They are to be met with in Persis, and
Gedrosia, under the name of Oritæ. They are to be found in Bœtica upon the
Atlantic under the same [1264]name. They settled in Colchis, Thrace,
Phrygia, Sicily, and Hetruria; and upon the extreme parts of the
Mediterranean: Diluvio ex illo tot vasta per æquora vecti.

These are the migrations, of which the antient historian [1265]Istrus wrote
in a curious treatise, long since lost; which he inscribed περι των
Αιγυπτιων αποικιας. We meet with a summary account of them in Diodorus
Siculus, who mentions, that after the death of Isis and Osiris the
Egyptians sent out many colonies, which were scattered over the face of the
earth. [1266]Ὁ δε ουν Αιγυπτιοι φασι και μετα ταυτα αποικιας πλειστας εξ
Αιγυπτου κατα πασαν διασπαρηναι την οικουμενην. Of these migrations there
were two remarkable above the rest: the one of the sons of Chus, concerning
whom I have been treating; the other of the Israelites, which was somewhat
later than the former. The author above takes notice of both these
occurrences, in a most valuable extract preserved by Photius; wherein he
does not sufficiently distinguish the particular families of these
emigrants, nor the different times of the migration: yet the account is
very curious; and the history of each transaction plainly delineated.
[1267]Ευθυς ουν ὁι ξενολατουμενων των αλλοεθνων ὁι επιφανεστατοι, και
δραστικωτατοι συστραφεντες εξεῤῥιφησαν, ὡς τινες φασιν, εις την Ἑλλαδα, και
τινας ἑτερους τοπους, εχοντες αξιολογους ἡγεμονας· ὡν ἡγουντο Δαναος, και
Καδμος, των αλλων επιφανεστατοι. Ὁδε πολυς λεως εξεπεσεν εις την νυν
καλουμενην Ιουδαιαν. _Upon this, as some writers tell us, the most eminent
and enterprising of those foreigners, who were in Egypt, and obliged to
leave the country, betook themselves to the coast of Greece, and also to
other regions, having put themselves under the command of proper leaders
for that purpose. Some of them were conducted by Danaus, and Cadmus, who
were the most illustrious of the whole. There were beside these a large,
but less noble, body of people, who retired into the province called now

When therefore we speak of the history of Greece as far back as we can
carry it, and of the rites and religion introduced into that country, we
may accede to the account given of them by Zonaras. [1269]Εκ Χαλδαιων γαρ
λεγεται φοιτησαι ταυτα προς Αιγυπτον κακειθεν προς Ἑλληνας. _All these
things came from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence were derived to the
Greeks_. The same is attested by [1270]Josephus. What preceded the arrival
of the Cadmians, and other Cuthites, in these parts, is utterly unknown.
With them commences the history of the country. It is true, there are
accounts concerning Erectheus, Ericthonius, Cecrops, and other antient
kings: but they were superadded to the history of Attica, just as the names
of Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, were to that of Argos. It was therefore matter
of great surprise to Solon, when he was informed by the Egyptian priests of
the antient occurrences of their country, and of the wars of the
Atlantians, to find the same names stand at the head of their histories, as
were observable in those of Greece: [1271]Κεκροπος τε, και Ερεχθεως, και
Εριχθονιου, και Ερισιχθονος, των τε αλλων. _For instance, the names of
Cecrops, Erectheus, Ericthonius, Erisicthon, and others._ Και τα των
Γυναικων και ταυτα. _The names also of their women were the same._ In
reality, they were all titles of the Deity, as might be easily shewn.
Erectheus for instance was the God of the sea, and as such worshipped by
the very people who enlisted him among their kings. This may be proved from
Athenagoras. [1272]Αθηναιος Ερεχθει Ποσειδωνι θυει. _The Athenian
sacrifices to Erectheus the same as Poseidon_. Strabo seems to think, that
most of the antient names were foreign; [1273]such as Cecrops, and Codrus,
and Arclus, and Cothus: and he is certainly right in his opinion.

What I have here said, may in some degree prove a basis for the history of
Greece. We may indeed talk of Xuthus, Ion, and Hellen: also of the Leleges,
and Pelasgi, and thus amuse ourselves in the dark: but no real emolument
can possibly arise, till the cloud, with which history has been so long
obscured, be done away. This cannot well be effected, till some of the
first principles, upon which we are to proceed, be made out, and these
great truths determined.

This inquisition I have been obliged to make concerning some of the
principal personages in the annals of Greece. For it is impossible to lay a
foundation for a future history unless what is true, and what is false, be
previously determined. All those, of whom I have been treating, stand
foremost in the lists of antiquity, and have been admitted with too little
consideration. Many of the first Fathers in the Christian church, seeing
the high pretensions of the Grecians, tried to invalidate their claim, by
shewing that all their antient heroes were subsequent to Moses. This was
the repeated labour of Clemens of Alexandria, Theophilus, Eusebius,
Tatianus, and others. It was a point urged by them continually in their
recommendation of the Scriptures, as if priority of time were necessarily a
mark of truth. The best chronologers likewise admit these personages in
their computations; and great pains have been used to reconcile the
contradictions in their histories, and to ascertain the æra when they
flourished. These learned men acted upon a very laudable principle, but
failed in the very beginning of their process. For, as I have before taken
notice, the question should not have been about the time when these persons
lived, but whether they ever existed. The fathers proceeded upon very
precarious grounds, and brought their evidence to a wrong test. They indeed
state things very fairly, and have authorities for all that they advance.
But the traditions of the Greeks were not uniform. And if any Gentile
writer, instead of carrying the æra of Inachus and Phoroneus, or of
Dionusus and Perseus, towards the time of Moses, had extended it to the
times of the first kings in Egypt, I do not see what they could have done;
for this person, in his turn, could have produced authorities. They might
indeed have disputed the point, and have opposed evidence to evidence, but
nothing certain could have ensued.


W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.

[1] In all antient accounts of the Romans the term was expressed Poini, and
Poinicus. Poinei stipendia pendunt. Poinei sunt soliti suos sacrificare
puellos. Ennius. Annal. vii. Afterwards it was changed to Pœnus, and

[2] Simon the Canaanite. Matth. c. 10. v 4. Also the woman of Canaan.
Matthew. c. 15. v. 22.

[3] Ausonius. Epigram. 25. Ph'Anac, the Great Lord.

[4] Apuleius. l. xi. p. 246.

[5] Zachlas adest Ægyptius, propheta primarius,--et cum dicto juvenem
quempiam linteis amiculis intectum, pedesque palmeis baxeis indutum, et
adusque deraso capite, producit in medium. Apuleius. l. 2. p. 39.

[6] Pedes ambrosios tegebant soleæ, palmæ victricis foliis intextæ. Ibid.
l. 11. p. 241.

[7] Euripides in Ione. v. 920.

[8] Cantic. c. 7. v. 6.

[9] Psalm 93. v. 12.

[10] Plutarch Symposiac. l. 8. c. 4. Adversus pondera resurgit. Gellius. l.
3. c. 6.

[11] Pliny. Hist. Nat. l. 13. c. 4. Ἱερον Ἑλιου το φυτον, αγηρων τε ον.
Juliani Imp. Orat. v. p. 330.

[12] Revelations. c. 7. v. 9. Περιβεβλημενοι στολας λευκας, και Φοινικες εν
ταις χερσιν αυτων.

[13] John. c. 12. v. 13.

[14] Ἑκκαιδεκατη δυναστεια Ποιμενες Ἑλληνες Βασιλεις. Syncellus. p. 61.

[15] The Lords of the Philistines; and the Princes of the Philistines. 1
Samuel. c. 29. v. 2, 3, 4.

[16] Ezekiel. c. 26. v. 16.

[17] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.

Ezekiel. c. 28. v. 2.

[18] Herodotus brings the Phœnicians from the Mare Erythræum; by which he
means the Sinus Persicus. l. 7. c. 89. l. 1. c. 1.

[19] Philo, mentioning the march of the Israelites towards the Red Sea, and
the Amalekites, adds: νεμονται δ' αυτην Φοινικες. De V. Mosis. vol. 2. p.

Φοινικων κωμη, in Edom. Procopius. Persic. l. 1. c. 19.

[20] Phœnicus, in Crete. Steph. Byzant.

[21] Αφροι Φοινικες. Glossæ.

[22] Κατα Βουθρωτον Φοινικη. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.

Mount Olympus, in Lycia, was styled, by way of eminence, Phoinic. Ολυμπος
πολις μεγαλη και ορος ὁμωνυμον, ὁ και Φοινικους καλειται. Strabo. l. 14. p.
982. Bochart supposes Phœnic and Phœnices (Φοινικες) to be derived from
Beni Anac, changed to Pheni Anac, i.e. the sons of Anac: but how can this
be applicable to a mountain, or to the Palm tree? I am happy, however, that
in a part of my etymology, and that a principal part, I am countenanced by
that learned man.

Bishop Cumberland derives it from Anac torquis. Orig. p. 302.

[23] Hesychius.

[24] A city and mountain in Bœotia, called Phœnice: the natives,
Phœnicians. Strabo. l. 9. p. 629.

[25] Chron. p. 27.

[26] Syncellus. p. 126. from Eusebius.

[27] Βηλος απ' Ευφρηταο. κτλ. Nonnus.

[28] Bochart. Hierazoican. l. 2. c. 7.

[29] Gellius. l. 2. c. 26.

[30] Gellius. Ibidem.

[31] Iliad ψ. v. 454.

[32] John. c. 12. v. 13.

[33] 1 Maccab. c. 13. v. 51.

[34] Ibidem. c. 13. v. 37.

[35] Varro apud Nonium Marcellum.

[36] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 7. p. 11.

[37] Ælian de Animalibus. l. 7. c. 60.

He cites Hermippus and Aristotle for vouchers.

[38] Εθνος ειναι φασιν Αιθιοπων, ὁπου, κυων βασιλευει, και βασιλευς
προσαγορευται, και ἱερα και τιμας εχει βασιλεων. Ανδρες δε πρασσουσιν, ἁπερ
ἡγεμοσι πολεων προσηχει, και αρχουσιν. Plutarch adversus Stoïcos. vol. 2.
p. 1064.

[39] Ibid.

[40] Lycophron. v. 439.

[41] Comment. upon Lycophron. p. 68.

[42] Lucan. Pharsalia. l. 9. v. 787.

[43] Ausa Jovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim. Propert. l. 3. El. 11.

Ἑξης δε εστιν ὁ κυνοπολιτις νομος, και Κυνων πολις, εν ᾑ Ανουβις τιμᾳται,
και τοις κυσι τιμη, και σιτις τετακται τις ἱερα. Strabo. l. 17. p. 1166.

[44] Σεληνην δε γραφοντες, Η ΟΙΚΟΥΜΕΝΗΝ, η γραμματεα, η ἱερεα, η οργην, η
κολυμβον, κυνοκεφαλον ζωγραφουσι. l. 1. c. 14. p. 26.

[45] Ἱερογραμματεα τε παλιν, η προφητην, η οσφρησιν, η πταρμον, η αρχην, η
δικαστην, βουλομενοι γραφειν κυνα ζωγραφουσιν. l. 1. c. 39. p. 52.

[46] Εω γαρ τους Αιγυπτιους, ὁιπερ και δεισιδαιμονεστατοι εισι παντων· ὁμως
τοις θειοις ονομασιν εις κορον επιχρωμενους· σχεδον γαρ τα πλειστα ΕΞ
ΟΥΡΑΝΟΥ εστιν. Lucian de imaginibus.

See Observations on Antient History. p. 166.

Solebant autem Ægyptii sibi suisque Deorum patriorum nomina plerumque
imponere.--Moremque hunc gens illa servare perrexit, postquam salutari luce
Evangelicâ diu fruita esset. Jablonsky. v. 1. l. 1. c. 5. p. 105.

[47] It is possibly alluded to in Psalm 80. v. 16. and in Jeremiah. c. 6.
v. 20.

[48] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 365. Χενοσιρις.

[49] The purport of the term Cahen, or Cohen, was not totally unknown in
Greece. They changed it to κοης, and κοιης; but still supposed it to
signify a priest. Κοιης, ἱερευς Καβειρων, ὁ καθαιρωμενος φονεα. Hesychius.
Κοιᾳται ἱερᾳται. Ibid.

It was also used for a title of the Deity. Κοιας, ὁ στρογγυλος λιθος;
scilicet Βαιτυλος. Moscopulus. p. 5. The Bætulus was the most antient
representation of the Deity. See Apollon. Rhod. Schol. ad. l. 1. v. 919.

[50] Ου, καθαπερ τα λοιπα ζωα εν ἡμερᾳ μιᾳ τελευτᾳ, ὁυτω και τουτους: αλλα
μερος αυτων καθ' ἑκαστην ἡμεραν νεκρουμενον ὑπο των Ἱερεων θαπτεσθαι. κτλ.

Ἑως δ' αν ἁι ἑβδομηκοντα και δυο πληρωθῳσιν ἡμερας, τοτε ὁλος αποθνησκει.
Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 2.

[51] Εις ἱερον επειδαν πρωτα κομισθη Κυνοκεφαλος, δελτον αυτῳ παρατιθησιν ὁ
Ἱερευς, και σχοινιον, και μελαν, πειραζων, ει εκ της επισταμενης εστι
συγγενειας γραμματα, και ει γραφει. Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 28.

[52] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16 p. 30. Δωδεκατις της ἡμερας καθ' ἑκαστην ὡραν
ουρει· τοδε αυτο και ταις δυσι νυξι ποιει. κτλ. Speaking of the two

[53] Hoffman: Cunocephalus.

Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 78.

[54] What Orus Apollo attributes to the Cunocephalus, Damascius (in Vitâ
Isidori) mentions of the Cat. Photii Bibliotheca. c. 242. p. 1049.

[55] By Strabo expressed Κειπος, who says, that it was reverenced by the
people at Babylon, opposite to Memphis. l. 17. p. 1167. Κειπον δε
Βαβυλωνιοι ὁι κατα Μεμφιν (σεβουσι).

[56] Babun, Βαβυν, of Hellanicus Lesbius. Athenæus. l. 15. p. 680. called
Bebon, Βεβων, by Manethon. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 371, 376. Babon was
thought to have been the same as Typhon: by some esteemed a female, and the
wife of that personage. Plutarch. ibid.

The Ape and Monkey were held sacred, not in Egypt only, but in India, and
likewise in a part of Africa. Diodorus Sicul. l. 20. p. 793. Maffeus
mentions a noble Pagoda in India, which was called the monkeys' Pagoda.
Historia Ind. l. 1. p. 25: and Balbus takes notice of Peguan temples,
called by the natives Varelle, in which monkeys were kept, out of a
religious principle. See Balbi Itinerarium.

[57] Martianus Capella. l. 4. sub initio.

Astronomia is made to speak to the same purpose.--Per immensa spatia
seculorum, ne profanâ loquacitate vulgarer, Ægyptiorum clausa adytis
occulebar. Martianus Capella. l. 8.

[58] Johannes Sarisburiensis Metalogic. l. 2. p. 787. Editio Lugd. Bat.
anno 1639.

He speaks of Parmenides as if he were a native of Egypt; and seems to have
understood that Parmenides took up his residence in the Egyptian seminary,
in order to obtain a thorough knowledge in science. Et licet Parmenides
Ægyptius in rupe vitam egerit, ut rationem Logices inveniret, tot et tantos
studii habuit successores, ut ei inventionis suæ totam fere præripuerint

[59] Hermes was the same as Anubis Latrator. Jablonsky. l. 5. c. 1.

Κυνα σεβεις· τυπτω δ' εγω. Anaxandrides apud Athenæum. l. 7. p. 300.

Ἑρμην κυνα. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris.

[60] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1167. Κυνοκεφαλον δε (τιμωσιν) Ἑρμοπολιται.

[61] Ἑρμοπολιτικη φυλακη. Strabo. ibid.

[62] Analogous to this we read in Herodotus, that the Persian brigade,
whose deficiencies were supplied by continual recruits, was styled
αθανατος, immortalis. Herodotus. l. 7. c. 83.

It consisted of ten thousand men.

[63] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 37.

[64] Δωδεκατις ἡμερας καθ' ἑκαστην ὡραν ΟΥΡΕΙ Κυνοκεφαλος. Horapollo. l. 1.
c. 16.

[65] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.

Upon the Mare Erythræum, ἱδρυμα Κυνοσκεφαλων καλουμενον. Strabo. l. 16. p.
1120. Also Pliny. l. 6. c. 30. and l. 7. c. 2. of Cunocephali in Ethiopia
and India.

[66] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.

[67] Many places were named Cunocephale: all which will be found upon
inquiry to have been eminences, or buildings situated on high, agreeably to
this etymology. Κυνοσκεφαλη, ΛΟΦΟΣ τις Θεσσαλιας. Stephanus Byzant. from
Polybius. l. 17.

Κυνωγκεφαλαι near Scotiussa. ΛΟΦΩΝ πυκνων παραλληλων ΑΚΡΑΙ. Plutarch in
Flaminino, of the same place.

The citadel at Thebes was called Κυνοσκεφαλη by Xenophon. Those who speak
of the Cunocephali as a people, describe them as Mountaineers. Megasthenes
per diversos Indiæ montes esse scribit nationes caninis capitibus. Solinus.
c. 52.

A promontory of this name upon the coast of the Red Sea, mentioned above
from Strabo. Another promontory Cunocephale in Corcyra. Procopius. Goth. l.
3. c. 27.

[68] Solinus. c. 4. and Isidorus. Origi l. 9. de Portentis.

[69] Steph. Byzantinus.

[70] Ptolemy. l. 3. c. 15.

[71] Hesychius. Also a family at Lacedæmon, Φυλη Λακωνικη: and Cunosouroi,
the name of a family at Megara. See Alexander ab Alexandro. l. 1. c. 17.


  Esse duas Arctos, quarum Cynosura petatur
  Sidoniis; Helicen Graia carina notet. Ovid. Fastor. l. 3. v. 107.

[73] L. 3. p. 207.

[74] V. 99.

[75] Palæphatus περι εφευρησεως κογχυλης.. p. 124.

[76] Cassiodorus of the purple. Cum fame canis avida in Tyrio littore
projecta conchylia impressis mandibulis contudisset, illa naturaliter
humorem sanguineum diffluentia ora ejus mirabili colore tinxerunt: et ut
est mos hominibus occasiones repentinas ad artes ducere, talia exempla
meditantes fecerunt principibus decus nobile. l. 9. c. 36.

See also Chronicon Paschale. p. 43. Achilles Tatius. l. 3. Julius Pollux.
l. 1. c. 4. p. 30. Ed. Amstel. Pliny. l. 9. c. 36.

[77] Cyrus Prodromus επι αποδημῳ τῃ φιλιᾳ.

[78] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 40. p. 1034.

[79] Etymologicum Magnum.

[80] Johannes Antiochenus, who tells the story at large, says, that purple
was the discovery κυνος ποιμενικου which in the original history was
undoubtedly a shepherd king.

[81] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 355.

[82] Ουδε Σωκρατης τον κυνα και τον χηνα ομνυς επαιζεν. Porphyry de
Abstinentiâ. l. 3. p. 286.

It is said to have been first instituted by Rhadamanthus of Crete: Εκελευσε
(Ῥαδαμανθυς) κατα χηνος, και κυνος, και κριου ομνυναι. Eustathius upon
Homer. Odyss. Υ. p. 1871.

See Aristophan. Ορνιθες. Scholia, v. 521. Ομνυναι κελευσαι (Ῥαδαμανθυν)
χηνα, και κυνα, κτλ. from Socrates. l. 12. de Rebus Creticis.

The antient Abantes of Eubœa styled Zeus himself Cahen; called in
aftertimes Cenæus. There was a promontory of the same name: Κηναιον
ακρωτηριον (Αβαντων) Steph. Byzant. Here Hercules was supposed to have
sacrificed after his conquest of Æchalia.

  Victor ab Æchaliâ Cenæo sacra parabat
  Vota Jovi. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 9 v. 136.

Sophocles in Trachin. v. 242, mentions, Βωμους, τελητ' εγκαρτα Κηναιῳ Διι.

[83] Plato in Gorgiâ. vol. 1. p. 482.

[84] Porphyry. l. 3. p. 286. so corrected by Jablonsky. l. v. c. 1. p. 10

[85] Clementis Cohortatio. p. 32.

[86] Pliny. l. 8. p. 446.

[87] Anthologia. l. 1. Epigram. 144.

[88] Theophrast. Charact.

[89] Hesychius.

[90] Diodorus Siculus de pompâ Isiacâ. l. 1. p. 78.

[91] Huetius. Præp. Evang. p. 86. from Cornutus de naturâ Deorum.

A like history is given of serpents in Syria by Aristotle, περι θαυμασιων
ακουσματων: and by Pliny and Isidorus, of birds in the islands of Diomedes.

[92] Nonni Dionysica. l. 3. p. 94.

[93] Ibid.

[94] Homer. Odyss. l. 8. v. 92.

[95] Τον Κυνα τον χρυσεον απεδειξεν (ὁ Ζευς) φυλαττειν το ἱερον εν Κρητῃ.
Antoninus Liberalis. c. 35. p. 180.

[96] Pausanias of Tænarus. l. 3. p. 275.

[97] ---- of Trœzen. l. 2. p. 183.

[98] ---- of Hermione. l. 2. p. 196.

[99] Dionys. Περιηγης. v. 791. This temple stood, according to Diodorus
Siculus and Arrian, in the country of the Cimmerians, near the Acherusian
Chersonese. See Scholia to Dionysius above.

[100] Oppida tota canem venerantur. Juvenal. Sat. 15. v. 8. Diodorus. l. 1.
p. 16.

[101] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 66.

[102] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 368.

[103] Εξω κυνες was a proverbial expression among the Jews.

[104] Deuteronomy. c. 23. v. 18.

[105] In this golden cup Hercules was supposed to have passed over the
ocean. Χρυσεον ---- δεπας, εν ᾡ τον ωκεανον διεπερασεν Ἡρακλης.
Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 100.

There was likewise in the same place a story about a golden belt.
Philostratus: Vita Apollon. l. 5. p. 212.

[106] Palæphatus. Edit. Elz. 1642. p. 76. the author would not say σφοδρα
πλουσιοι, but keeps to the antient term χρυσοι, though it is scarce sense.

[107] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 2. στροφ. δ. p. 25.

[108] Χρυσοφορουσι δ' εκ του Καυνασου πολλαι πηγαι ψηγμα αφανες. Appian de
Bello Mithridat. p. 242. Salauces, an antient king of Colchis, was said to
have abounded with gold. Pliny. l. 33. c. 15. p. 614. Arrian supposes that
they put fleeces into the river, to intercept (ψηγμα αφανες) this
imperceptible mineral; and that hence arose the fable of the Golden Fleece.

[109] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7. p. 64.

[110] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 34.

In like manner there was a shower of gold at Thebes, in Bœotia. Pindar
speaks of Jupiter Χρυσῳ μεσονυκτιον νιφοντα. Isthm. Ode 7. p. 746.

[111] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 260.

[112] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 135.

[113] Πευκης ειδος ἑτερον· λειβεσθαι δ' ἁιματι, καθαπερ τῳ χρυσῳ την Ἡλιαδα
αιγειρον. Philostratus. l. 5. p. 211. Æschylus mentions the Arimaspians as
living upon a golden stream:

                  Ὁι Χρυσοῤῥυτον
  Οικουσιν αμφι ναμα Πλατωνος πορου. Prometheus. p. 49.

[114] Hence the celebrated city in Egypt had the name of Cherchusora. Some
traces of Orcus may be found in Zeus Hircius, and Orcius, mentioned by
Pausanias. l. 5. p. 442. He supposes the name to be from ὁρκος, an oath,
and mentions a legend to that purpose.

[115] Hesiod. Theog. v. 281.

[116] Χρυσαορις, πολις Καριας----Επαφροδιτος δε την Καριαν πασαν Χρυσαοριδα
λεγεσθαι (φησι). Steph. Byzant.

[117] Strabo. l. 14. p. 975. Zeus was a title conferred upon more than one
of the family.

[118] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 15. Also c. 17. and 97. called by Strabo
Κερκεσουρα. l. 17. p. 1160.

[119] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. l. 1. p. 35.

[120] Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 224.

[121] Hesiod. Theog. v. 287.

Τρισωματον βοτηρ' Ερυθειας. Euripides. Hercules Furens. v. 423.

[122] Homer. Iliad. Ο. v. 256.

[123] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 123.

[124] Second Hymn to Diana. v. 3.

Perseus is styled Χρυσαορος in Orpheus de Lapid. c. 15. v. 41.

[125] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 131.

[126] Ibid. v. 126.

[127] Apollo was represented as the author of the lyre, called among the
oriental nations Kinor, and Cuthar: from the latter of which came κιθαρις,
and cithara in the west.

[128] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 1.

[129] Χρυση, ἡ πολις του Απολλωνος εγγυς Λημνου--και της Λεσβιας τοπος· και
Πανηφαιστια της Λημνου ακρωτηριον--και εν Βιθυνιᾳ, και περι Χαλκηδονα, και
της Καριας· και εν τῃ Ἁλικαρνασιδι Δωριον πεδιον· και εν Ἑλλησποντῳ· εστι
και αλλη Χεῤῥονησος της Ινδικης· εν δε τῃ εκτος Γανγου Ινδικῃ. Stephanus

See also Χρυσοπολις ibidem.

[130] Cedrenus. p. 12.

[131] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1095.

[132] Hoffman Lexic.

[133] Plutarch de fluminibus. p. 1151. The original name was Chrusaor,
which had no relation to a golden stream: at least that part of it was so
named which ran through the city Mastaura. See Stephanus Byzant. Μασταυρα.

[134] כתם of of the Hebrews.

[135] Dionysius περιηγης. v. 589. Scholia ibidem.

[136] The antients, as I have before observed, were not consistent in their
theology. The Sun was properly Cham, styled also Orus, but, as a title, was
bestowed upon more persons than one.

[137] Josephus of Salatis, the first Shepherd King; Ὁυτος εν τῃ Μεμφιδι
κατεγινετο. Contra Apion. l. 1. §. 14.

[138] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 88.

[139] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. c. 14.

[140] Justin Martyr mentions this: Εγνω γαρ και τεμενος Χρυσης Αφροδιτης εν
Αιγυπτῳ λεγομενον, και πεδιον Χρυσης Αφροδιτης ονομαζομενον. Cohort, p. 28.
Chruse Aphrodite is plainly the Cuthite Venus; the Deity of the Cuthim.

[141] Pocock's and Norden's Travels, and maps of the country about Cairo.

[142] Colchis, near Comar. Arrian Periplus maris Erythræi. Geog. Vet. vol.
1. p. 33.

[143] Κατασχειν δε φασι και ες Πηγαδας της των Ωρειτων χωρας. Ὁιδε Ωρειται,
χαλκαι μεν αυτοις ἁι πετραι, χαλκη δε ἡ ψαμμος, χαλκουν δε ψηγμα ὁι ποταμοι
αγουσι. Χρυσιτιν ἡγουνται την γην δια την ευγενειαν του Χαλκου.
Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. p. 155.

[144] The Petra and Pagoda were the same: both names for temples.

[145] This mistake arose from Cal-Chus being styled the region of the

[146] Scholia upon Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 259.

[147] Ibid. Isth. Ode 5. p. 462.

[148] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb: Præp. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 35.

[149] Ibid.

[150] Lucian de Electro. vol. 2. p. 523. Edit. Salmurii.

[151] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 1. v. 751.

[152] Homer. Odyss. l. λ. v. 15. Phaëthon was universally allowed to be the
Sun by the antient mythologists of Greece; to whom we must appeal, and not
to the Roman poets. Orpheus says,

  Ηελιον Φαεθοντα εφ' ἁρμασι πωλοι αγουσι. de Lapid. v. 90.

And in another place;

  Ευθυς ὁτ' εκ περατων γαιης Φαεθων ανορουσων, κλ.

Phaëthon was the same as Phanes: and there is something very mysterious in
his character. He is represented as the first born of heaven: Πρωτογονος
Φαεθων περιμηκεος Ηερος ὑιος--Hunc ait (Orpheus) esse omnium Deorum
parentem; quorum causâ cœlum condiderit, liberisque prospexerit, ut
haberent habitaculum, sedemque communem: Εκτισεν Αθανατοις δομον αφθιτον.
Lactantus de falsâ religione. l. 1. c. 5. p. 15. His history will be
explained hereafter.

[153] Phœnices post multos deinde annos, a Rege Ascaloniorum expugnati,
navibus appulsi, Tyron urbem ante annum Trojanæ cladis condiderunt. Justin.
l. 18. c. 3. See Isaiah. c. 23. v. 11. They enlarged Tyre: but it was a
city before: for it is mentioned Joshua. c. 19. v. 29. as the strong city

[154] Porphyry de Abstinentiâ. l. 2. p. 158.

[155] Apuleius de genio Socratis.

[156] Argonautica. v. 32. See Clementis Cohortatio. p. 12.

[157] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 19. p. 520.

[158] Joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. 5. p. 563.

[159] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 9.

[160] 1 Esdras. c. 9. v. 52, 53.

[161] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 11.

[162] Sanchoniathon alludes to the songs of Canaan, and their great
sweetness, when he is in an allegorical manner speaking of Sidon; whom he
makes a person, and the inventress of harmony. Απο δε Ποντου γινεται Σιδων,
ἡ καθ' ὑπερβολην ευφωνιας πρωτη ὑμνον ῳδης ἑυρεν. Apud Euseb. P. E. lib. 1.
c. 10. p. 38.

[163] Stephanus Byzant.

[164] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.

[165] Υκ καθ' ἱεραν γλωσσαι βασιλεα σημαινει. Josephus contra Ap. l. 1. c.
13. p. 445.

[166] Osiris, Υσιρις, according to Hellanicus. Plutarch de Iside et

[167] Verse 129.

[168] Homer's Hymn to Apollo. v. 92.

[169] Ichnaia was a city in Sicily, and elsewhere.

Αχναι πολις Θεσσαλιας--εστι και πολις Βοιωτιας. Steph. Byzant.

Αραχναιον ορος Αργους. Ibid. Ar-Achnaion is the hill of Canaan, or the
Canaanitish mount.

[170] See Radicals. p. 106.

[171] Pliny. l. 3. p. 173.

[172] Milton. Paradise Lost. l. 1. v. 416. See also Ezekiel. c. 8. v. 14.

[173] Hyginus. Fab. 154. p. 266. not. 7. Ἑτεροι δε φασι, δικαιοτατον αυτον
ειναι Νειλον. Eratosthenes. Catasterism. 37.

[174] Καλειται δε ὑπο των εγχωριων Βυχερνος. Αιγυπτιοι δε φασι Νειλον ειναι
τον κατηστηρισμενον. Scholia in Aratum. p. 48.

[175] Plutarch de Fluminibus. vol. 2. p. 1154.

[176] Eustathius in Dionysium. v. 239. See Steph. Byzant. Αιγυπτος.

[177] Plutarch περι τον εκλελοιποτων χρηστηριων. vol. 1. p. 409.

[178] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1101. There was supposed to have been a person in
Thessaly named Cycnus, the son of Apollo. He lived upon a lake Uria; which
was so called from his mother.

  Inde lacus Hyries videt, et Cycnëia Tempe,
  Quæ subitus celebravit olor. Ovid. Metam. l. 7. v. 371.

Uria was also a river in Bœotia: and here was a Cycnus, said to have been
the son of Poseidon. Pausan. l. 10. p. 831.

[179] Ερασθεντα δε Πασιφαης Δια γενεσθαι μεν Ταυρον· νυν δε αετον και
κυκνον. Porphyry de Abstin. l. 3. p. 285.

Που νυν εκεινος ὁ αετος; που δαι ὁ κυκνος; που δαι αυτος ὁ Ζευς. Clemens.
Alex. Cohort. p. 31.

[180] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 24. p. 626.


  Προς Γοργονεια πεδια Κισθενης, ἱνα
  Ἁι φορκιδες ναιουσι, δηναιοι κοραι,
  Τρεις κυκνομορφοι, κοινον ομμ' εκτημεναι. Æschyli Prometheus. p. 48.

Ἁι μεν φορκιδες τρεις--ειχον ειδος Κυκνων. Scholia ibidem.

Φορκυν ην ανηρ Κυρηναιος· ὁιδε Κυρηναιοι κατα γενος μεν εισιν Αιθιοπες.
Palæphatus. Edit. Elz. p. 76.

[182] Τατε ωτα, και τους οφθαλμους ὁι δημιουργουντες εξ ὑλης τιμιας
καθιερουσι, τοις Θεοις ανατιθεντες εις τους νεως· τουτο δηπου αινισσομενοι,
ὡς παντα θεος ὁρᾳ, και ακουει. Clemens Alexand. l. 5. p. 671.

See Diodorus. l. 3. p. 145. This may have been one reason, among others,
why the Cyclopians and Arimaspians are represented with one eye: τον
μουνωπα στρατον Αριμασπον. Æschylus Prometh. p. 49. The Arimaspian history
was written by Aristeus Proconnesius, and styled Αριμασπεια επη.

[183] Plutarch. Ει. vol. 2. p. 387.

[184] Porph. de Abst. l. 3. p. 286.

[185] Aristophanes. Aves. Κυκνῳ Πυθιῳ και Δελιῳ. v. 870.

[186] Plato de Republicâ. l. 10. p. 620. vol.2.

[187] Porph. de Abstin. l. 4. p. 364.

[188] Lycophron. v. 426. Scholia Ibidem.

[189] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 249.

[190] Fragmenta Lini. Ex Aristobulo. See Poesis Philosoph. H. Steph. p.

[191] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 14. v. 509.

[192] Plato in Phædone. vol. 1. p. 84. Plutarch. in Ει. v. 2. p. 387.

Cicero Tusc. Quæst. l. 1. Pliny. l. x. c. 23.

Ælian de Animal. l. 2. c. 32. l. x. c. 36.

Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. c. 23.

[193] De Animalibus. l. 9. Και τινες ηδη πλεοντες παρα την Λιβυην
περιετυχον εν τῃ θαλαττῃ πολλοις αδουσι φωνῃ γοωδει· και τουτων ἑωρων
αποθνησκοντας ενιους. vol. 2. p. 423.

[194] See Brown's Vulgar Errors. l. 3. c. 27.

[195] Ὁ δε Μυνδιος φησιν Αλεξανδρος πολλοις τελευτωσι παρακολουθησας ουκ
ακουσαι αδοντων. Athenæus. l. 9. c. 11.

[196] Epigram. in Erinnam. l. 3. p. 280. H. Steph.

[197] Lucretius. l. 4. v. 182.

[198] See Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 88. p. 1212. and Pierius de
Cygnis. p. 254.

[199] Herod. l. 2. c. 109.

Γεωμετριας τε αυ ἑυρεται γεγονασιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι.) Clemens. Strom. l. 1. p.

[200] L. 4. v. 279.

[201] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 4. v. 279.

[202] Dionys. Περιηγησις. v. 688.

[203] Clem. Alexand. speaks Περι τε της Κοσμογραφιας και Γεωγραφιας
κτλ.--Χωρογραφιας τε της Αιγυπτου, και της του Νειλου διαγραφης. Strom. 6.
p. 757.

[204] Σεσωστρις δε, φασιν, ὁ Αιγυπτιος, πολλην περιεληλυθως γην πιναξι τε
δεδωκε την περιοδον, και της των πινακων αναγραφας ουκ Αιγυπτιοις μονον,
αλλα και Σκυθαις εις θαυμα μεταδουναι ηξιωσεν. Eustath. Præf. Epist. to
Dionys. p. 12.

[205] Ægyptios primos omnium tam cœlum quam terram esse dimensos: ejusque
rei scientiam columnis incisam ad posteros propagâsse. Petavii Uranalogia.
p. 121. taken from Achilles Tatius.

[206] Homer. Odyss. l. α. v. 52.

[207] The Atlantians were styled [Greek Ouraniônes], or sons of heaven. The
head of the family was supposed to be the brother of Saturn. Diodorus. l.
3. p. 193.

[208] Euseb. Ἱστοριων συναγωγη. p. 374. c. 2.

[209] L. 3. 194.

[210] Strabo. l. 1. p. 13.

[211] Diog. Laert. Anaximander.

[212] Laertius. l. 1. p. 74.

[213] In Pherecyde.

[214] Josephus cont. Apion. l. 1. c. 2.

[215] Clemens. Strom. l. 6. p. 741.

[216] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 12.

[217] Ibid. l. 1. p. 17.

[218] P. 30.

[219] Chron. Paschale. p. 34. Zonaras. p. 16.

See Salmasius upon Solinus. c. 35. concerning Ogen. Also, Windelini
Admiranda Nili. p. 12. and 16.

[220] Metamorph. l. 2. v. 9.

[221] V. 119.

[222] Iliad. l. 18. v. 483. and v. 606.

[223] Nonni Dionus. l. 40. p. 1040.

[224] Catull. Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis. v. 47.

[225] Plutarch. Life of Theseus.

[226] Add to this, what I have before taken notice of, the great absurdity
of making the Grecian Argo the first ship which sailed upon the seas: Illa
rudem cursu prima imbuit Amphitriten: when the poet, at the same instant,
is describing Theseus, previous to the Argo, _in a ship_, and attended with
_fleet of ships_.

  Namque fluentisono prospectans littore Diæ
  Thesea _cedentem celeri cum classe_ tuetur,
  Indomitos in corde gerens Ariadna furores.

Catulli. Epithal. Pel. et Thet. v. 52. See Famiani Stradæ Prolus. l. 3. p.

[227] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 41. p. 1070.

[228] Orphica ex Macrobio Saturn. l. 1. c. 18. p. 202.

[229] Maps, and books too, when writing was introduced, were made of skins,
called διφθεραι. Τας βιβλους διφθερας καλεουσι απο του παλαιου ὁι Ιωνες.
Herodot. l. 5. c. 58.

A Zone, of curious imagery, is given by Homer to Hercules. Odyss. l. Λ. v.

Χρυσεος ην τελαμων, ἱνα θεσκελα εργα τετυκτο.

A remarkable passage, from Isidorus Basilidis, quoted by Clemens
Alexandrin. Και γαρ μοι δοκει τους προσποιουμενους φιλοσοφειν, ἱνα μαθωσι,
τι εστιν ἡ ὑποπτερος δρυς, και το επ' αυτῃ πεποικιλμενον ΦΑΡΟΣ. Παντα ὁσα
Φερεκυδης αλληγορησας εθεολογησεν, λαβων απο της του Χαμ προφητειας. Strom.
l. 6. p. 767.

In the former verses from Nonnus we may see the method of deviation.
Pharos, a tower, is taken for Pharos a garment; and this altered to Χιτων:
and, after all, the genuine history is discernible, notwithstanding the
veil which is spread over it. The author says, that, at the bottom,
εϋκλωστοιο Χιτωνος, of the well-woven garment, flowed the Ocean, which
surrounded the world. This is certainly a misinterpretation of the term
φαρος: and, in the original writings, whence these verses were copied, the
history related to a tower: and it was at the foot ΦΑΡΟΥ ΕΥΚΛΥΣΤΟΙΟ that
the ocean beat, by which the earth was encircled.

[230] Bochart Geog. Sacra. l. 1. c. 228. p. 524. of תור.

[231] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1110.

[232] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 231.

[233] Strabo. l. 11. p. 762.

[234] Τυνδαριοι σκοπελοι. Ptolemæus. p. 122. See Strabo. l. 17. p. 1150.

[235] Dionysius. v. 688. Pliny styles them oppida.

Oppida--in ripâ celeberrima, Tyndarida, Circæum, &c. l. 6. c. 4.

[236] The Minotaur was an emblematical representation of Menes, the same as
Osiris; who was also called Dionusus, the chief Deity of Egypt. He was also
the same as Atis of Lydia, whose rites were celebrated in conjunction with
those of Rhea, and Cybele, the mother of the Gods. Gruter has an
inscription, M. D. M. IDÆ, et ATTIDI MINOTAURO. He also mentions an altar
of Attis Minoturannus. vol. 1. p. xxviii. n. 6.

[237] Diodor. Sicul. l. 16. p. 411.

[238] Meen was the moon: and Meno-Taurus signified Taurus Lunaris. It was a
sacred emblem, of which a great deal will be said hereafter.

[239] See Paruta's Sicilia nummata.

[240] Τυρις, ὁ περιβολος του τειχους. Hesych. From whence we may infer,
that any place surrounded with a wall or fortification might be termed a
Tor or Turris.

Ταρχωνιον πολις Τυῤῥηνιας. Stephan. Byzant.

[241] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 717.

[242] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 1242.

The Poet says of Æneas, Παλιν πλανητην δεξεται Τυρσηνια. v. 1239.

[243] Lycophron. v. 1248.

[244] Ταρκυνια πολις Τυῤῥενιδος απο Ταρχωνος· το εθνικον Ταρκυνιος. Steph.

[245] Strabo. l. 5. p. 336. Ταρκωνα, αφ' ὁυ Ταρκυνια ἡ πολις.

[246] Lycophron. v. 116.

Ἡ Τορωνε, γυνη Πρωτεως. Scholia ibidem.

[247] Τυῤῥηνοι σαλπιγγα. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 243.

[248] L. 17. p. 468.

[249] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 754.

[250] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 749.

[251] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 524.

Δειμε δε τοι μαλα καλον Ανακτορον. Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 77.

[252] Homer. Odyss. λ. v. 105. Strabo supposes Trinakis to have been the
modern name of the island; forgetting that it was prior to the time of
Homer. l. 6. p. 407: he also thinks that it was called Trinacria from its
figure: which is a mistake.

[253] Hymn to Diana. v. 56. I make no doubt but Callimachus wrote Τρινακια.

[254] Pliny. l. 5. c. 31.

[255] Etymolog. Magn.

[256] Stephanas Byzant.

[257] Τραχιν, ἡ νυν Ἡρακλεια καλουμενη. Hesych. or, as Athenæus represents
it, more truly, Ἡρακλειαν, την Τραχινιαν καλεομενην. l. 11. p. 462.

[258] Τριαινα τοπος Αργους· ενθα την τριαιναν ορθην εστησεν ὁ Ποσειδων,
συγγινομενος τη Αμυμωνη, και ευθυς κατ' εκεινο ὑδωρ ανεβλυσεν, ὁ και την
επικλησιν εσχεν εξ Αμυμωνης. Scholia in Euripidis Phœniss. v. 195.

[259] Eusebius. Præp. Evan. l. 3. c. 11. p. 113.

[260] Palæphatus. p. 56.

[261] Ibid. p. 96.

[262] Palæphatus. p. 20.

[263] Iliad. Σ. v. 486.

[264] Diodorus Siculus. l. 3. p. 324.

[265] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 243.

[266] Homer. Odyss. Λ. v. 306.

[267] Chron. Paschale. p. 36.

Νεβρωδ----καλουσιν Ωριωνα. Cedrenus. p. 14.

[268] Homer. Odyss. Λ. v. 571.

[269] Strabo. l. 3. p. 259.

[270] Alorus was the first king of Babylon; and the same person as Orion,
and Nimrod. See Radicals. p. 10. notes.

[271] Ἑλωρος, ενθα ψυχρον εκβαλλει ποτον. Lycophron. v. 1033.

Ῥειθρων Ἑλωρου προσθεν. Idem. v. 1184. Ὁ ποταμος ὁ Ἑλωρος εσχε το ονομα απο
τινος βασιλεως Ἑλωρου. Schol. ibid. There were in Sicily many places of
this name; Πεδιον Ἑλωριον. Diodorus. l. 13. p. 148. Elorus Castellum.
Fazellus. Dec. 1. l. 4. c. 2.

Via Helorina. Ἑλωρος πολις. Cluver. Sicilia Antiqua. l. 1. c. 13. p. 186.

[272] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 284.

[273] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 13. p. 356.

[274] Κατα μεσην δε την πολιν ἡ ακροπολις, ἡν εκαλουν βυρσαν, οφρυς ἱκανως
ορθια. Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189.

See also Justin. l. 18. c. 5. and Livy. l. 34. c. 62.

[275] Ζαγκλη πολις Σικελιας--απο Ζαγκλου του γηγενους. Stephanus Byzant.

[276] Scholia in Lycophron. v. 328.

Ωριων--κατα τροπην του ου εις ω απο του ουριων εστιν απο ἱστοριας του
ουρησαι τους θεους εν τῃ βυρσῃ, και γενεσθαι αυτον. Etymolog. Mag. Ωριων.

[277] Τιτθη, τιτθος, τιτθιον, μαστος. Hesychius.

[278] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 878.

[279] Ορος--ὁ δε Τιτθειον ονομαζουσιν εφ' ἡμων, τηνικαυτα δε εκαλειτο
Μυρτιον. Pausan. l. 2. p. 170.

[280] Callimach. Hymn in Delon. v. 48. Μαστοι, often taken notice of by
Xenophon. Αναβας. l. 4. p. 320. A hill at Lesbos. Εν Λεσβῳ κλεινης Ερεσου
περικυμονι ΜΑΣΤΩ. Athenæus. l. 3. p. 111. Εχει δ' εν αυτῳ και μαστον.
Polyb. l. 1. p. 57.

[281] Strabo mentions in Cyprus, Αμαθους πολις--και ορος μαστοειδες
Ολυμπος. l. 14. p. 1001.

[282] The Circean promontory in Italy seems to have been named Tit-On; for,
the bay below is by Lycophron styled Titonian. Τιτωνιον τε χευμα. v. 1275.
Rivers and seas were often denominated from places near which they flowed.

[283] Of the Cyclopes I shall hereafter treat at large.

[284] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1080. Azara signified a treasure.

[285] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1106.

[286] Bell. Jud. l. 7. p. 417.

[287] Canticles. c. 8. v. 10.

[288] Jeremiah. c. 49. v. 27.

[289] Amos. c. 1. v. 7.

[290] Ibid. c. 1. v. 10.

[291] Ibid. c. 1. v. 14.

[292] It is remarkable, that in many of the very antient temples there was
a tradition of their having suffered by lightning.

[293] Canticles. c. 8. v. 8.

[294] 2 Chron. c. 27. v. 3.

[295] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.

[296] Canticles. c. 7. v. 4.


  Pervenit ad Draconis speluncam ultimam,
  Custodiebat qui thesauros abditos. Phædrus. l. 4. Fab. 18.

See Macrobius. Saturn. l. 1. c. 20. of dragons guarding treasures.

[298] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 405.

[299] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 14. p. 408.

[300] Nonni Dionys. l. 33. p. 840.

[301] Ibid. l. 35. p. 876.

[302] Ibid. l. 6. p. 186.

[303] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1183.

[304] Εν δε τοις εδειξε και ζωον ὑπερφυες, Διονυσου αγαλμα, ᾡ Ινδοι εθυον.
Δρακων ην, μηκος πενταπλεθρον· ετρεφετο δε εν χοριῳ κοιλῳ, εν κρημνῳ βαθει,
τειχει ὑψηλῳ ὑπερ των ακρων περιβεβλημενος· και ανηλισκε τας Ινδων αγελας.
κτλ. Maximus Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 6. p. 85.

[305] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1022.

[306] Μακρα πεδιον. Εν τουτῳ δε Ποσειδωνιος ἱστορει τον Δρακοντα πεπτωκοτα
ὁραθηναι νεκρον, μηκος σχεδον τι και πλεθριαιον, παχος δε, ὡσθ' ἱππεας
ἑκατερωθεν παρασταντας αλληλους μη καθορᾳν· χασμα δε, ὡστ' εφιππον
δεξασθαι, της δε φολιδος λεπιδα ἑκαστην ὑπεραιρουσαν θυρεου.  Strabo. l.
16. p. 1095. The epithet πεπτωκως could not properly be given to a serpent:
but to a building decayed, and in ruins nothing is more applicable. A
serpent creeps upon its belly, and is even with the ground, which he goes
over, and cannot fall lower. The moderns indeed delineate dragons with
legs: but I do not know that this was customary among the antients.

[307] Virgil. Æneis. l. 6. v. 595.

[308] Homer. Odyss. l. Λ. v. 575.

Quintus Calaber styles him πουλυπελεθρος.

  Πουλυπελεθρος εκειτο κατα χθονος ευρυπεδοιο. l. 3. v. 395.

                  Τιτυον μεγαν, ὁν ῥ' ετεκεν γε
  Δι' Ἑλαρη, θρεψεν δε και αψ ελοχευσατο Γαια.
                  Apollon. Rhodius. l. 1. v. 761.

[309] Αιγυπτος--εκληθη Μυσαρα--και Αερια, και Ποταμιτις, και ΑΕΤΙΑ, απο
τινος Ινδου Αετου. Stephanus Byzant.

Eustathius mentions, Και Αετια, απο τινος Ινδου Αετου. κτλ. In Dionysium.
v. 239. p. 42.

[310] Orus Apollo styles it in the Ionian manner Ηθ. l. 1. c. 7. p. 10.
Τοδε Ηθ καρδια.

[311] Αιγυπτον δε γραφοντες, θυμιατηριον καιομενον ζωγραφουσι, και επανω
καρδιαν. l. 1. c. 22. p. 38. It also signified an eagle.

[312] See the whole in Nonnus. l. 5. p. 148. It seems to have been a winged
machine, which is called Κημος, from Cham the Sun. Hence the notion of the
chariot of the Sun, and horses of the same.

[313] Καυκασου εν κνημοισι, Τυφαονιη ὁτε πετρη. Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2.
v. 1214.

[314] Typhon was a high place; but represented as a Giant, and supposed to
be thunderstruck here, near the city Antioch. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1090. Here
was Νυμφαιον, σπηλαιον τι ἱερον. p. 1091.

[315] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1089. He mentions a place near the fountains of the
river Orontes called Paradisos: Μεχρι και των του Οροντου πηγων, ἁι πλησιον
του τε Λιβανου και του Παραδεισου. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.

[316] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 283.

[317] Servii Comment. in Virgil. Æneid. l. 2. v. 204.

[318] Nonni Dionys. l. 25. p. 668.

[319] Tot jugera ventre prementem. Ovid of the Pytho of Parnassus. Met. l.
1. v. 459.

See Pausanias. l. 10. p. 695. He says, the extent related to the place,
ενθα ὁ Τιτυος ετεθη.

[320] Ὡς δε αυθις επανηκειν (τον Κλεοντα) ες τα Γαδειρα, ανδρα ἑυρειν
θαλασσιον ΕΚΠΕΠΤΩΚΟΤΑ ες την γην· τουτον πλεθρα μεν πεντε μαλιστα επεχειν,
κεραυνωθεντα δε ὑπο του θεου καιεσθαι. Pausan. l. 10. p. 806.

[321] Diogenes Laertius. Proœm. p. 5.

[322] Τεμενος· ἱερον χωριον αφωρισμενον Θεῳ. Scholia in Homer. Il. l. Γ. v.

Και τεμενος περιπυστον Αμυκλαιοιο Κανωβου. Dionysius. Περιηγης. v. 13.

Ασυλον τεμενος at Daphne upon the Orontes. See above. p. 428.

[323] Lycophron. v. 6l3.

[324] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 56.

[325] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 1176.

[326] Βη δ' επ' εραν Διας φευγων οφιωδεα Κυπρον. Parthenius, as corrected
by Vossius. See Notes to Pompon. Mela. p. 391.

[327] Lycophron. v. 110.

[328] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 707.

[329] Hyginus. Fab. 140.

[330] Plutarch de Oraculoram defectu. v. 1. p. 417.

[331] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 29.

[332] Prolegomena to the Pyth. Odes of Pindar.

[333] P. 39.

[334] Silius Ital. l. 3. v. 29.

[335] Λυχνον ασβεστον. Plutarch de Defect. Orac. vol. 1. p. 410.

[336] Porphyr. de Abstinentiâ. l. 2.

[337] L. 1. p. 63.

[338] Το δε λυχνιον εν Πρυτανειῳ. Theoc. Idyll. 21. v. 36.

Πυρος τε φεγγος αφθιτον κεκλημενον. Æsch. Χοηφοροι. v. 268.

[339] See Hyde Relig. Vet. Persarum: and Stanley upon the Chaldaic

[340] Αει δε τοι αεναον πυρ. Callimach. Hymn to Apollo. v. 84.

[341] Vol. 2. p. 84.

[342] Clima. 4. p. 213.

[343] Leviticus. c. 6. v. 13. Hence the ξυλοφορια; a custom, by which the
people were obliged to carry wood, to replenish the fire when decaying.

[344] It is said in the Scriptures, that _there were giants in the earth in
those days; and also after that_. Genesis. c. 6. v. 4. The word in the
original for giants is Nephelim.

[345] C. 2. p. 6.

[346] V. 22.

[347] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 395.

[348] De Venatione. p. 972.

[349] Pyth. Ode 4. p. 244.

[350] Ibid. p. 246.

[351] Justin. Martyr de Monarchiâ. p. 42.

[352] De Venat. p. 972.

[353] Æsculapius was of Egypt. Cephalus is said to have lived in the time
of Cecrops αυτοχθων: or, as some say, in the time of Erectheus; many
centuries before Antilochus and Achilles, who were at the siege of Troy.

[354] Æsculapius was the Sun. Euseb. Præp. Evang. l. 3. p. 112.

[355] Oratio in Herculem. vol. 1. p. 64. Oratio in Æsculapium. p. 67.

[356] Homer. Iliad. Λ. v. 831.

[357] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 361.

[358] Μονιμος δε ἱστορει, εν τῃ των θαυμασιων συναγωγῃ, εν Πελλῃ της
Θετταλιας Αχαιον ανθρωπον Πηλει και Χειρωνι καταθυεσθαι. Clementis Cohort.
p. 36.

[359] Pocock's Travels. v. 1. p. 65.

[360] Ibid.

[361] Παρα την λιμνην την καλουμενην Αχερουσιαν. Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 86.

[362] In Phrygiâ--juxta specus est Acherusia, ad manes, ut aiunt, pervius.
Mela. l. 1. c. 19. p. 100.

[363] River Acheron, and lake Acherusia in Epirus. Pausan. l. 1. p. 40.
Strabo. l. 7. p. 499. Thucydides. l. 1. p. 34.

[364] Near Corinth Acherusia. Pausan. l. 2. p. 196.

In Elis Acheron. Strabo. l. 8. p. 530.

[365] Celsæ nidum Acherontiæ. Horat. l. 3. Ode. 4. v. 14.

[366] Near Avernus. In like manner there were πεδια Ηλυσια in Egypt,
Messenia, and in the remoter parts of Iberia. See Plutarch in Sertorio, and
Strabo. l. 3. p. 223.

[367] Also Libri Tarquitiani Aruspicum Hetruscorum, so denominated from
Tar-Cushan. Marcellinus. l. 25. c. 2. p. 322.

[368] Herodot. Vit. Hom. c. 3.

[369] Hesychius.

[370] L. 1. p. 77.

[371] Fleetwood's Inscript. p. 42.

[372] P. 319. n. 2.

[373] Sat. 14. v. 259.

[374] Pausanias. l. 2. p. l6l, 162.

There was a hill called Anakeion: Ανακειον· ορος, η των Διοσκουρων Ἱερον.

It is said of the celebrated Polygnotus, that he painted τας εν τῳ θησαυρῳ
και εν τῳ Ανακειῳ γραφας. Harpocration. The treasury we may suppose to have
been a part of the temple.

[375] Homer. Iliad. Γ. v. 237.

[376] Homer. Odyss. Μ. v. 323.

[377] Cicero in Verrem. Orat. 7. sect. ult.

[378] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 741.

[379] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 154.

[380] Hyginus. fab. 68, and 75.

[381] Antonin. Liberalis Metamorph. c. 22.

[382] Hymn. in Dian. v. 204.

[383] Cicero de Nat. Deorum. l. 3. 23.

She is supposed to be the same as Diana. Καλουσι δε την Αρτεμιν Θρακες
Βενδειαν, Κρητες δε Δικτυναν, Λακεδαιμονιοι δε Ουπιν. Palæphatus. c. 32. p.

[384] Scholia in Callimach. Hymn. in Dianam. v. 204.

Ωπιν, και Ἑκαεργην--εκ των Ὑπερβορεων. Pausan. l. 5. p. 392.

              Metuenda feris Hecaerge,
  Et Soror, optatum numen venantibus, Opis.
              Claudian in Laudes Stilic. l. 3. v. 253.

[385] 2 Kings. c. 23. v. 10. 2 Chron. c. 28. v. 3.

[386] C. 7. v. 31. and c. 19. v. 5. There was a place named Tophel
(Toph-El) near Paran upon the Red Sea. Deuteron. c. 1. v. 1.

[387] Zonar. vol. 2. p. 227. Τουφαν καλει ὁ δημωδης και πολυς ανθρωπος.

[388] Bedæ. Hist. Angliæ. l. 2. c. 16.

[389] De legibus specialibus. p. 320.

The Greek term τυφος, fumus, vel fastus, will hardly make sense, as
introduced here.

[390] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. v. 1. p. 359.

[391] Virgil. Æn. l. 2. v. 713.

[392] Την ταφην (Διονυσου) ειναι φασιν εν Δελφοις παρα τον Χρυσουν
Απολλωνα. Cyril. cont. Julian. l. 1. p. 11.

[393] Callimach. Hymn. in Jovem. v. 8.

  Ὡδε μεγας κειται Ζαν, ὁν Δια κικλησκουσι.
                  Porphyr. Vita Pythagoræ. p. 20.

[394] Hence Hercules was styled Τριεσπερος. Lycoph. v. 33.

Ζευς τρεις ἑσπερας εις μιαν μεταβαλων συνεκαθευδε τῃ Αλκμηνῃ. Schol. ibid.

[395] Abbe Banier. Mythology of the Antients explained. vol. 4. b. 3. c. 6.
p. 77, 78. Translation.

[396] Plaut. Amphitryo. Act. 1. s. 3.

[397] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 1. c. 42.

Αλλα και ταφον αυτου (Ζηνος) δεικνυουσι. Lucian. de Sacrificiis. v. 1. p.

[398] Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 38. p. 85.

[399] Clementis Cohort. p. 40.

[400] Arnobius contra Gentes. l. 4. p. 135. Clem. Alexand. Cohort. p. 24.

[401] Tertullian. Apolog. c. 14.

Πευσομαι δε σου κᾳ 'γω, ω ανθρωπε, ποσοι Ζηνες ἑυρισκονται. Theoph. ad
Autolyc. l. 1. p. 344.

[402] Newton's Chronology. p. 151.

[403] Pezron. Antiquities of nations. c. 10, 11, 12.

[404] Virgil. Æn. l. 7. v. 48.

[405] Sir Isaac Newton supposes Jupiter to have lived after the division of
the kingdoms in Israel; Pezron makes him antecedent to the birth of
Abraham, and even before the Assyrian monarchy.

[406] Arnobius has a very just observation to this purpose. Omnes Dii non
sunt: quoniam plures sub eodem nomine, quemadmodum accepimus, esse non
possunt, &c. l. 4. p. 136.

[407] Antiquus Auctor Euhemerus, qui fuit ex civitate Messene, res gestas
Jovis, et cæterorum, qui Dii putantur, collegit; historiamque contexuit ex
titulis, et inscriptionibus sacris, quæ in antiquissimis templis
habebantur; maximeque in fano Jovis Triphylii, ubi auream columnam positam
esse ab ipso Jove titulus indicabat. In quâ columnâ gesta sua perscripsit,
ut monumentum esset posteris rerum suarum. Lactant. de Falsâ Relig. l. 1.
c. 11. p. 50.

(Euhemerus), quem noster et interpretatus, et secutus est præter cæteros,
Ennius. Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 1. c. 42.

[408] Lactantius de Falsâ Relig. l. 1. c. 11. p. 52.

[409] Varro apud Solinum. c. 16.

[410] Epiphanius in Ancorato. p. 108.

Cyril. contra Julianum. l. 10. p. 342. See Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 1194.

[411] Callimach. Hymn. in Jovem. v. 6.

[412] Ταφον θεας αξιον. Pausan. l. 2. p. 161.

[413] Diodor. Sicul. l. 1. p. 23. Ταφηναι λεγουσι την Ισιν εν Μεμφει.

Osiris buried at Memphis, and at Nusa. Diodorus above. Also at Byblus in

Εισι δε ενιοι Βυβλιων, ὁι λεγουσι παρα σφισι τεθαφθαι τον Οσιριν τον
Αιγυπτιον. Lucian. de Syriâ Deâ. v. 2. p. 879.

Τα μεν ουν περι της ταφης των Θεων τουτων διαφωνειται παρα τοις πλειστοις.
Diodor. l. 1. p. 24.

[414] Procopius περι κτισματων. l. 6. c. 1. p. 109.

Αιγυπτιοι τε γαρ Οσιριδος πολλαχου θηκας, ὡσπερ ειρηται, δεικνυουσι.
Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 358. He mentions πολλους Οσιριδος ταφους εν
Αιγυπτῳ. Ibid. p. 359.

[415] L. 1. p. 79. Περι της Βουσιριδος ξενοκτονιας παρα τοις Ἑλλησιν
ενισχυσαι τον μυθον· ου του Βασιλεως ονομαζομενου Βουσιριδος, αλλα του
Οσιριδος ταφου ταυτην εχοντος την προσηγοριαν κατα την των εγχωριων
διαλεκτον. Strabo likewise says, that there was no such king as Busiris. l.
17. p. 1154.

[416] Bou-Sehor and Uch-Sehor are precisely of the same purport, and
signify the great Lord of day.

[417] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 144.

[418] Altis, Baaltis, Orontis, Opheltis, are all places compounded with
some title, or titles, of the Deity.

[419] 2 Chron. c. 33. v. 14.

[420] 2 Chron. c. 27. v. 3. _On the wall_ (חומת) _of Ophel he built much:_
or rather on the Comah, or sacred hill of the Sun, called Oph-El, he built

[421] Apollon. Rhodii Argonaut. l. 2. v. 709. Apollo is said to have killed
Tityus, Βουπαις εων. Apollon. l. 1. v. 760.

[422] Τον δε του Αιπυτου ταφον σπουδῃ μαλιστα εθεασαμην--εστι μεν ουν γης
χωμα ου μεγα, λιθου κρηπιδι εν κυκλῳ περιεχομενον. Pausan. l. 8. p. 632.

Αιπυτιον τυμβον, celebrated by Homer. Iliad. β. v. 605.

Αιπυτος, supposed to be the same as Hermes. Ναος Ἑρμου Αιπυτου near Tegea
in Arcadia. Pausan. l. 8. p. 696. Part of Arcadia was called Αιπυτις.

[423] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 11. Ανεστεμμενοι τοις οφεσιν
επολολυζοντες Ευαν, Ευαν κτλ.

[424] Porphyrii Vita Pythagoræ.

[425] Clement. Alexand. Cohort. p. 29.

[426] The Scholiast upon Pindar seems to attribute the whole to Dionusus,
who first gave out oracles at this place, and appointed the seventh day a
festival. Εν ᾡ πρωτος Διονυσος εθεμιστευσε, και αποκτεινας τον Οφιν τον
Πυθωνα, αγωνιζεται τον Πυθικον αγωνα κατα Ἑβδομην ἡμεραν. Prolegomena in
Pind. Pyth. p. 185.

[427] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 749.

[428] Ibid. l. 2. p. 155.

[429] Strabo. l. 9. p. 651.

[430] Ibid.

[431] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 376.

[432] Ibid. l. 10. p. 806.

[433] Ibid. l. 1. p. 87.

[434] At Patræ, μνημα Αιγυπτιου του Βηλου. Pausan. l. 7. p. 578.

[435] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 179.

[436] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 150. and l. 6. c. 54.

Plato in Alcibiad. 1^{mo}. vol. 2. p. 120.

Upon Mount Mænalus was said to have been the tomb of Arcas, who was the
father of the Arcadians.

  Εστι δε Μαιναλιη δυσχειμερος, ενθα τε κειται
  Αρχας, αφ' ὁυ δη παντες επικλησιν καλεονται.
                  Oraculum apud Pausan. l. 8. p. 616.

But what this supposed tomb really was, may be known from the same author:
Το δε χωριον τουτο, ενθα ὁ ταφος εστι του Αρκαδος, καλουσιν Ἡλιου Βωμους.

Ταφος, η τυμβος, η σημειον.. Hesych.

[437] Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. Εν δε τῳ πεδιῳ ΠΕΤΡΑΝ ΤΙΝΑ προσχωματι
συμπληρωσαντες εις βουνοειδες σχημα κτλ.

[438] Typhon was originally called Γηγενης, and by Hyginus Terræ Filius.
Fab. 152. p. 263. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 79. he is styled Γης ὑιος εξαισιος.
Antoninus Liberal. c. 25.

[439] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 380.

[440] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. p. 460.

[441] Porphyry de Abstinen. l. 2. p. 223.

There was Πετρα Τυφαονια in Caucasus. Etymolog. Magnum. Τιφως· Τυφαονια
Πετρα εστιν ὑψηλη εν Καυκασῳ.

Καυκασου εν κνημοισι, Τυφαονιη ὁτι Πετρη. Apollon. l. 2. v. 1214.

[442] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 79.

[443] Παρηγορουσι θυσιαις και πραϋνουσι (τον Τυφωνα), Plutarch. Isis et
Osiris. p. 362.

[444] Diodorus Sicul. l. 5. p. 338.

[445] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 362. Ισαιακου του Ἡρακλεους ὁ Τυφων.

[446] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 762.

[447] Ενιοι δε ὑπο του Τυφωνος, ὑπο δε Ατλαντος Ξεναγορας ειρηκεν.  Schol.
Apollon. l. 4. v. 264.

[448] Hesiod. Theogon. v. 824.

[449] Ibid. v. 826. Typhis, Typhon, Typhaon, Typhœus, are all of the same

[450] Nonni Dionys. l. 1. p. 24.

[451] Οφεις--τιμᾳσθαι ισχυρως. Philarchus apud Ælian: de Animal. l. 17. c.

[452] See Justin Martyr above.

Σημειον Οργιων Βακχικων Οφις εστι τετελεσμενος. Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p.
11. See Augustinus de Civitate Dei. l. 3. c. 12. and l. 18. c. 15.

[453] Ανεστεμμενοι τοις οφεσιν. Clemens above.

[454] In mysteriis, quibus Sabadiis nomen est, aureus coluber in sinum
dimittitur consecratis, et eximitur rursus ab inferioribus partibus.
Arnobius. l. 5. p. 171. See also Clemens, Cohort. p. 14. Δρακων διελκομενος
του κολπου. κ. λ.

Sebazium colentes Jovem anguem, cum initiantur, per sinum ducunt. Julius
Firmicus. p. 23. Σαβαζιος, επωνυμον Διονυσου. Hesych.

[455] Τους Οφεις ανεστεμμενοι, ευαζοντες το Ουα, Ουα, εκεινην την Ευαν ετι,
την δια του Οφεως απατηθεισαν, επικαλουμενοι. Epiphanius. tom. 2. l. 3. p.

[456] Cohortatio. p. 11.

[457] Ibid.

[458] Plutarch. Alexander. p. 665.

[459] Οφεις μεγαλους χειροηθεις εφειλκετο τοις θιασοις (ἡ Ολυμπιας), ὁι
πολλακις εκ του κιττου και των μυστικων λικνων παραναδυομενοι, και
περιελιττομενοι θυρσοις των γυναικων, και τοις στεφανοις, εξεπληττον τους
ανδρας. Plutarch. ibid.

[460] Τους οφεις τους Παρειας θλιβων, και ὑπερ της κεφαλης αιωρων, και
βοων, Ευοι, Σαβοι, και επορχουμενος Yης Αττης, Αττης Yης. Demosth. Περι
στεφανου. p. 516.

[461] Hesych.

[462] Της Ισιδος αγαλματα ανεδουσι ταυτῃ, ὡς τινι διαδηματι βασιλειῳ.
Ælian. Hist. Animal. l. 10. c. 31.

[463] Τους Βασιλεις--χρησθαι πιλοις μακροις επι του περατος ομφαλον εχουσι,
και περιεσπειραμενοις οφεσι, ὁυς καλουσιν ασπιδας. l. 3. p. 145.

[464] Priscian. l. 5. and l. 6.

[465] Pausan. l. 10. p. 859.

[466] Bochart supposes this term to signify a father, and the purport of
the name to be Pater magnificus. He has afterwards a secondary derivation.
Sed fallor, aut Abdir, vel Abadir, cum pro lapide sumitur, corruptum ex
Phoenicio Eben-Dir, lapis sphæricus. Geog. Sac. l. 2. c. 2. p. 708.

[467] See Radicals. p. 59. and Deuteronomy. c. 18. v. 11.

[468] Εχουσαι βασιλεα εφ' ἁντων τον Αγγελον της Αβυσσου· ονομα αυτῳ
Ἑβραϊστι Αβαδδων, εν δε τη Ἑλληνικῃ ονομα εχει Απολλυων.  Revelations. c.
20. v. 11.

[469] Revelations. c. 20. v. 2. Abadon signifies serpens Dominus, vel
Serpens Dominus Sol.

[470] Daniel Heinsius. Aristarchus. p. 11.

[471] Euseb. P. E. l. 1. p. 41, 42.

[472] Euseb. ibidem. Ταδε αυτα και Οστανης κτλ.

[473] Herod. l. 2. c. 189. also Ptolemy.

[474] M. Maimonides in more Nevochim. See Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 1. c.
3. p. 49.

[475] Ουβαιον, ὁ εστιν Ἑλληνιστι Βασιλισκον· ὁνπερ χρυσουν ποιουντες Θεοις
περιτιθεασιν. Horapollo. l. 1. p. 2.

Ουβαιον is so corrected for Ουραιον, from MSS. by J. Corn. De Pauw.

[476] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3.

[477] Præp. Evan. l. 1. p. 41.

[478] Euseb. supra.

[479] L. 6. p. 345.

[480] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683. It was supposed to have had its name from
Ellops, the Son of Ion, who was the brother of Cothus.

[481] Callimachus. H. in Delon. v. 292. Ευαιων, Eva-On, Serpens Sol.

[482] Athenagoras. Legatio. p. 294. Ηρακλης Χρονος.

[483] Athenag. p. 295. Ἡρακλης Θεος--δρακων ἑλικτος.

[484] It is said to have been named Rhodus from Rhod, a Syriac for a
serpent. Bochart. G. S. p. 369.

[485] Ενταυθα μυθυουσι τους Οφιογενεις συγγενειαν τινα εχειν προς τους
οφεις. Strabo. l. 13. p. 850. Ophiogenæ in Hellesponto circa Parium. Pliny.
l. 7. p. 371.

[486] Pausan. l. 8. p. 614.

[487] Aristoph. Plutus. Schol. v. 718.

[488] L. 3. c. 96. Strabo. l. 10. p. 692.

[489] Steph. Byzant. Παταρα.

[490] Βη δ' επ' εραν Διας φευγων οφιωδεα Κυπρον. Parthenius. See Vossius
upon Pomp. Mela. l. 1. c. 6. p. 391.

Ovid Metamorph. l. 10. v. 229. Cypri arva Ophiusia.

[491] They were particularly to be found at Paphos. Apollon. Discolus.
Mirabil. c. 39. Οφις ποδας εχων δυο.

[492] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 90. Ὁι δε απο Αιθιοπιης, ὡς αυτοι Κυπριοι

[493] Ὁ γαρ Μινως οφεις, και σκορπιους, και σκολοπενδρας ουρεσκεν κλ.
Antonin. Liberalis. c. 41. p. 202. See notes, p. 276.

[494] Tacitus. Annal. l. 4. c. 21.

[495] In Ceiri.

[496] Strabo. l. 10. p. 746.

[497] What the Greeks rendered Σεριφος was properly Sar-Iph; and Sar-Iphis,
the same as Ophis: which signified Petra Serpentis, sive Pythonis.

[498] Herodotus. l. 8. c. 41.

[499] Strabo. l. 9. p. 603.

[500] Lycophron Scholia. v. 496. απο των οδοντων του δρακοντος.

[501] Meursius de reg. Athen. l. 1. c. 6.

[502] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 191.

[503] Diodorus. l. I. p. 25. Cecrops is not by name mentioned in this
passage according to the present copies: yet what is said, certainly
relates to him, as appears by the context, and it is so understood by the
learned Marsham. See Chron. Canon. p. 108.

[504] Eustat. on Dionys. p. 56. Edit. Steph.

[505] Τον βαρβαρον Αιγυπτιασμον αφεις. κτλ. ibid.

See also Tzetzes upon Lycophron. v. 111.

[506] Chron. Canon, p. 109.

[507] It may not perhaps be easy to decypher the name of Cecrops: but thus
much is apparent, that it is compounded of Ops, and Opis, and related to
his symbolical character.

[508] Δρακοντας δυο περι τον Ερικθονιον. Antigonus Carystius. c. 12.

[509] Aristot. de Mirabilibus. vol. 2. p. 717.

[510] Pliny. l. 3. p. 153. l. 8. p. 455.

[511] Æschyli Supplices. p. 516.

[512] L. 3. p. 184.

[513] Apollonius Discolus. c. 12. and Aristot. de Mirabilibus, vol. 2. p.

[514] Aves Diomedis--judicant inter suos et advenas, &c. Isidorus Orig. l.
12. c. 7. Pliny. l. 10. c. 44.

[515] Apollodorus. l. 1. p. 37.

[516] Stephanas Byzant. Οπικοι.

[517] The same is said by Epiphanius. Ἑυια τον οφιν παιδες Ἑβραιων
ονομαζουσι. Epiphanius advers. Hæres. l. 3. tom. 2. p. 1092.

[518] Steph. Byzant.

[519] Ptolemy. p. 93. Ευια.

[520] Pausanias. l. 4. p. 356.

[521] L. 2. p. 202.

[522] Pausan. l. 3. p. 249.

[523] There was a city of this name in Macedonia, and in Troas. Also a

[524] Ovid Metamorph. l. 7. v. 357.

[525] Strabo. l. 13. p. 913. It is compounded of Eva-Ain, the fountain, or
river of Eva, the serpent.

[526] Strabo. l. 5. p. 383.

[527] Μενελαον, ὁς ην Πιτανατης. Hesych.

Δρακων επι τῃ ασπιδι (Μενελαου) εστιν ειργασμενος. Pausan. l. 10. p. 863.

[528] Πιτανατης, λοχος. Hesych.

[529] It was the insigne of many countries. Textilis _Anguis_

Discurrit per utramque aciem. Sidon. Apollinaris. Carm. 5. v. 409.


  Stent bellatrices Aquilæ, sævique _Dracones_.
                  Claudian de Nuptiis Honor. et Mariæ. v. 193.

  Ut primum vestras Aquilas Provincia vidit,
  Desiit hostiles confestim horrere _Dracones_.
                  Sidon. Apollinaris. Carm. 2. v. 235.

[531] Epiphanius Hæres. 37. p. 267.

[532] Clemens. l. 7. p. 900.

[533] Tertullian de Præscript. Hæret. c. 47. p. 221.

[534] Vossius, Selden, and many learned men have touched upon this subject.
There is a treatise of Philip Olearius de Ophiolatriâ. Also Dissertatio
Theologico-Historico, &c. &c. de cultu serpentum. Auctore M. Johan.
Christian. Kock. Lipsiæ. 1717.

[535] Homer. Odyss. l. 10. v. 106.

[536] Hæc a principio patria Cyclopum fuit. Justin. of the island Sicily.
l. 4. c. 2.


  Ος οψεται μεν του μονογληνου στεγας
  Χαρωνος. Lycophron. v. 659.

Charon was not a person, but Char-On, the temple of the Sun.

[538] Των περι την Αιτνην και Λεοντινην Κυκλωπας (δυναστευσαι). Strabo. l.
1. p. 38.

[539] The province of Leontina called Xuthia. Diodorus. l. 5. p. 291.

[540] Cyclops. v. 297.

[541] Lycophron. v. 659.


  Γλυκυτατα φασι τα κρεα τους ξενους φερειν.
  Ουδεις μολων δευρ', ὁστις ου κατεσφαγη. Euripid. Cyclops. v. 126.

[543] The river Nilus was called Triton, and afterwards Nilus. Μετωνομασθῃ
δε απο Νειλου του Κυκλωπος. Scholia in Apollon. l. 4. v. 268.

Nilus Deorum maximus. Huetii Demons. Evang. Prop. 4. p. 111.

[544] Αιγυπτιε Ζευ, Νειλε. Athenæus. l. 5. p. 203.

Vulcanus--Nilo natus, Opas, ut Ægyptii appellant. Cicero de Naturâ Deor. l.
3. c. 22. Hence Νειλος Κυκλωψ must have been the chief Deity; and the
Cyclopians his votaries and priests.

Νειλοιο τεμενος Κρονιδα. Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 239. He was no other than
Ouranus, and Cœlus.

[545] Αστεριων, ὑιος Ανακτος, who was buried in the island Lade, near
Miletus, is mentioned as a gigantic personage by Pausanias. l. 1. p. 87.
Large bones have been found in Sicily; which were probably the bones of
elephants, but have been esteemed the bones of the Cyclopians by Kircher
and Fazellus. Fazellus. Dec. 1. l. 1. c. 6.

[546] Herodotus. l. 5. c. 61. He alludes to them under the name of

[547] Odyss. 10. v. 190.

[548] Æneid. l. 3. v. 619.

[549] Hymn in Dian. v. 51.

Μουνος δ' οφθαλμος μεσσῳ επεκειτο μετωπῳ. Hesiod. Theogon. v. 143.

Clemens Alexandrinus tells us, that Homer's account of Polyphemus is
borrowed from the character of Saturnus in the Orphic poetry. Strom. l. 6.
p. 751.

[550] Scholia in Æschyl. Prometh. p. 56.

[551] Παιδες Ουρανου, και Γης.

[552] Εξ ἡς αυτῳ (Ουρανῳ) τρεις παιδας γινωσκουσιν ἑκατονταχειρας, και
τρεις ἑτερους αποτικτουσι Κυκλωπας. Proclus in Photio. c. ccxxxix. p. 982.

Euripides makes them the sons of Oceanus.

  Ἱν' ὁι μονωπες ποντιου παιδες Θεου
  Κυκλωπες οικουσ' αντρ' ερημ' ανδροκτονοι. Cyclops. v. 21.

[553] Και δη Ἱερον εστιν αρχαιον, Κυκλωπον καλουμενος βωμος, και θυουσιν
επ' αυτᾳ Κυκλωψι. Pausanias. l. 2. p. 114.

[554] Odyss. Ζ. v. 5. Ὑπερειαν, ὁι μεν την εν Σικελια Καμαρινην.  Schol.

[555] Εν πολει της Βαβυλωνιας Καμαρινῃ, ἡν τινας λεγειν πολιν Ουριαν.
Alexand. Polyhist. apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. l. 9. p. 418.

[556] Natalis Comes. l. 9. p. 510. By the Celtæ are meant those of Iberia:
οψιγονοι Τιτηνες of Callimachus.

[557] Lycoph. v. 659. Appian mentions a nation of Cyclopians in Illyria,
who were near the Pheacians.

[558] The liba made in such temples were from it named Charisia. Χαρισιον,
ειδος πλακουντων. Hesych.

[559] In Parthia, Καλλιοπη, Χαρις. Appian. Syriac. p. 125.

Φρυγιας πολις Καρις. Steph. Byzant.

Charisiæ in Arcadia. Ibid. The island Cos, called of old Caris. Ibid.

[560] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 13. Αριμασπους ανδρας μουνοφθαλμους.

Strabo. l. 1. p. 40. Ταχα δε και τους μονομματους Κυκλωπας εκ της Σκυθικης
ἱστοριας μετενηνοχεν (Ὁμηρος.)

[561] Ουπις τε, Λοξω τε, και ευαιων Ἑκαεργη. Callimach. H. in Delon. v.

[562] Casaubon. not. in Strabon. l. 1. p. 40.

Μουνωπα στρατον Αριμασπον. Æschyl. Prineth. p. 49.

[563] Τον γαρ βασιλεα και κυριον Οσιριν οφθαλμῳ και σκηπτρῳ γραφουσιν.
Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 354.

[564] Lycophron. v. 328. See Suidas.

Φιλοχορος Τριτοπατορας παντων γεγονεναι πρωτους. Etymolog. Mag. See Meursii
not. in Lycophron. v. 328. Ῥαισει τριπατρου φασγανῳ Κανδαονος.

[565] Iliad. Σ. v. 382. and Ξ. v. 275. See Pausan. l. 9. p. 781.

[566] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 29. p. 760.

The Graces and the Furies (Charites et Furiæ) were equally denominated from
the Sun, and fire; and in consequence of it had joint worship in Arcadia.
Pausan. l. 8. p. 669. Charis, Χαρις, of the Greeks, was the same personage
as Ceres of the Romans. She was also called Damater, and esteemed one of
the Furies. Pausan. l. 8. p. 649.

[567] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 781. So Coronis is said to have been the daughter
of Phlegyas. Pausan. l. 2. p. 170: and Cronus the son of Apollo. l. 2. p.
123. Chiron the son of Saturn; Charon the son of Erebus and night. The hero
Charisius, the son of Lycaon, which Lycaon was no other than Apollo, the
God of light. These were all places, but described as personages; and made
the children of the Deity, to whom they were sacred.

[568] Δεινους Θεοις τε ἱερα κατασκευασασθαι, και βασιλεια ανθρωποις· και
γαρ τῳ Απολλωνι τον Ναον ῳκοδομησαντο τον εν Δελφοις, και Ὑριει τον
Θησαυρον. Pausan. l. 9. p. 785.

Turres, ut Aristoteles, Cyclopes (invenerunt). Pliny. l. 7. c. 56.

[569] Virgil. Æn. l. 6. v. 630.

[570] Lutatius Placidus in Statii Thebaïd. l. 1. p. 26.

[571] Τας Ὑακινθου κορας--επι τον Γεραιστου του Κυκλωπος ταφον κατεσφαξαν.
Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 205.

[572] Hercules furens. Act. 4. v. 996.

[573] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 41. p. 1068.

Euripides styles the walls of Argos Ουρανια:

'Ινα τειχεα λαϊνα, Κυκλωπει', ουρανια νεμονται. Troades. v. 1087.

[574] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 146.

[575] Seneca Thyestes. Act. 2. v. 406.

[576] Εντος δε του Ισθμου της Τροιζηνος ὁμορος εστιν Ἑρμιονη· Οικιστην δε
της αρχαιας πολεως Ἑρμιονεις γενεσθαι φασιν Ἑρμιονα Ευρωπος. Pausanias. l.
2. p. 191.

[577] Strabo. l. 8. p. 573. It was inhabited by people particularly styled
Ἁλιεις, or men of the sea; who were brought thither by Druops Arcas.

[578] Pausan. l. 2. p. 147. Κυκλωπων μεν εστιν εργον. p. 169.

See Strabo. l. 8. p. 572. Τειχισαι δια Κυκλωπων.

[579] Τα τειχη τα εν Τιρυνθι--ουδε οντα ελαττονος θαυματος (των Πυραμιδων).
Pausanias. l. 9. p. 783.

[580] Εφεξης δε τῃ Ναυπλιᾳ, τα σπηλαια, και ὁι εν αυτοις οικοδομητοι
λαβυρινθοι. Κυκλωπεια δ' ονομαζουσιν. Strabo. l. 8. p. 567.

[581] Pausanias. l. 4. p. 367.

[582] Εμοι μεν ουν Αιγυπτιον φαινεται, και ουδαμως Ἑλληνικον ονομα Ωρος
ειναι. κτλ. Pausan. l. 2. p. 181.


              Κυκλωπων βαθρα
  Φοινικι κανονι και τυκοις ἡρμοσμενα.
              Eurip. Herc. Furens. v. 944.

[584] Strabo. l. 8. p. 572.

[585] Many places were denominated from Aster; such as Asteria, Asterion,
Asteris, Astræa, Astarte. See Steph. Byzantinus. Αστεριον, πολις
Θετταλιας--ἡ νυν Πιρεσια. Idem. Αστεριη, ἡ Δηλος, και ἡ Κρητη, εκαλειτο.
Hesychius. Δηλος Αστεριη. Callimach. H. in Delon. v. 37. and 40. Asteria
signifies the island of Aster.

[586] L. 8. p. 572.

[587] Pausanias mentions the apartments of the daughters of Prœtus. l. 2.
p. 169. But the daughters of Prœtus were property the virgins who
officiated at the Purait, the young priestesses ot the Deity.

The Sicilian Cyclopes were three, because there were three towers only,
erected upon the islands called Cyclopum Scopuli; and that they were
lighthouses is apparent from the name which still remains: for they are at
this day styled Faraglioni, according to Fazellus. The Cyclopes of Tiryns
were seven, as we learn from Strabo; because the towers probably were in
number so many. From this circumstance we may presume, that the ideas of
the antients concerning the Cyclopians, were taken from the buildings which
they erected.

[588] The Cyclopian buildings were also called Ouranian. Κυκλωπεια τ'
ουρανια τειχεα. Euripid. Electra. v. 1158.

[589] Both Cuclops, and Cuclopes, was the name of a place. We may,
therefore, I think, be pretty well assured, that the Cyclopians were from
hence denominated. And as sacred places had their names from the Deity, to
whom they were dedicated, it is very probable, that the Cuclopian towers
were named from Cœlus Ops, the Deity there worshipped: for I have shewn,
that this people were the reputed children of Ouranus and Cœlus.

[590] Aristoteles de mirabil. auscult. p. 732.

[591] In excerptis apud Sononem. See not. Meursii in Antigonum Carystium.
p. 183.

[592] Of the Cyclopians of Thrace see Scholia in Euripid. Orest. v. 966.
Κυκλωπες, Θρακικον εθνος. Also Scholia in Statii Theb. l. 2. p. 104.

[593] παρα δε το ἱερον του Κηφισσου Μεδουσης λιθου πεποιημενη κεφαλη.
Κυκλωπων φασιν ειναι και τουτο εργον. Pausan. l. 2. p. 156. Κηφισσος,
Doricè Καφισσος, vel Καφισος: from Caph-Isis, Petra Deæ Isidis.

[594] Ηελιου, ὁς παντ' εφορᾳ και παντ' ὑπακουει. Homer. Odyss. l. Λ. v.

[595] Orphic Fragment. 6. v. 19. the same as Phanes, and Dionusus. Frag. 8.
v. 2. Schol. ibid.

[596] Hence the stream and lake of Cephisus in Bœotia were styled ὑδατα και
λιμνη Κηφισσιδος: by the antient Dorians expressed Καφισιδος, from

[597] Orphic Hymn. 31. v. 10.

[598] Hymn. 10. v. 10. Metis was the same as Pan.

Meed-Ous whence came Μεδουσα, is exactly analogous to Cotinousa, Aithousa,
Alphiousa, Ampelousa, Pithecousa, Scotousa, Arginousa, Lampadousa,
Amathousa, Ophiousa, Asterousa; and signifies the temple of Metis, or
divine wisdom. Aster-Ous was a temple on Mount Caucasus: Amath-Ous, the
same in Cyprus: Ampel-Ous, a temple in Mauritania: Alphi-Ous, in Elis:
Achor-Ous, in Egypt: all dedicated to the Deity, under different titles.

[599] Χασμασι λεοντειοις τα των ἱερων θυρωματα κοσμουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι).
Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 366.

[600] Odyss. Λ. v. 610. It is a term which seems to have puzzled the
commentators. Χαροποι, επιπληκτικοι, φοβεροι. Scholiast. Ibid. It was
certainly an Amonian term: and the Poet alluded to a Charopian temple.

Της δ' ην Τρεις κεφαλαι, μια μεν χαροποιο λεοντος. Hesiod. Theogon. v. 321.
Homer in another place mentions,

  Λυκων κλαγγην, χαροπων τε Λεοντων. Hymn. εις Μητερα θεων. v. 4.

As a lion was from hence styled Charops, so from another temple it was
named Charon. Χαρων ὁ λεων. Hesych. Achilles is styled Αιχμητης Χαρων,
Lycoph. v. 260. a martial Charonian Lion.

[601] Pausan. l. 8. p. 696.

[602] Pausan. l. 1. p. 49.

[603] Hesiod. Theogon. v. 141. Scholia Apollon. l. 1. v. 730.

Κυκλωπες τοτε Διι μεν διδοασι βροντην, και αστραπην, και κεραυνον.
Apollodorus. l. 1. p. 4.

[604] See Stephanus. Ακμονια πολις Φρυγιας κτλ. He styles Acmon Ακμονα τον
Μανεως. Manes was the chief Deity of Lydia, Lycia, and Persis; and the same
as Menes of Egypt.

There was a city Acmonia in Thrace. Ptol. l. 5. p. 138.

[605] Εστι και αλλο Ακμονιον αλσος περι Θερμαδοντα. Steph. Byzant.
Apollonius takes notice of Αλσεος Ακμονιοιο. l. 2. v. 994. Here Mars was
supposed to have married Harmonia, the mother of the Amazonians.

[606] Acmonides is represented as a patronymic; but there is reason to
think that it is an Amonian compound, Acmon-Ades, Acmon the God of light,
the same as Cœlus, Cronus, and Osiris. Acmon and Acmonides were certainly
the same person: Ακμων· Κρονυς, Ουρανος. Hesych. Ακμονιδης, ὁ Χαρων, και ὁ
Ουρανος. ibid. He was the Cyclopian God, to whom different departments were
given by the mythologists. Charon Cyclops is mentioned by Lycophron. v.
659. above quoted.

[607] Simmiæ Rhodii Πτερυγια. Theocritus. Heinsii. p. 214.

[608] Callimachi Hymn. in Dianam. v. 146.

[609] Δακτυλοι Ιδαιοι Κρηταεες. Apollonius Rhod. l. 1. v. 1129.

The Scholiast upon this Poet takes notice of only three; of which one was

  Κελμις, Δαμναμενευς τε μεγας, και ὑπερβιος Ακμων,
  Ὁι πρωτοι τεχνην πολυμητιος Ἡφαιστοιο
  Ἑυρον εν ουρειῃσι ναπαις ιοεντα σιδηρον,
  Ες πυρ τ' ηνεγκαν, και αριπρεπες εργον εδειξαν.

These verses are quoted from the antient author, ὁ την φορωνιδα συνθεις.

Diodorus Siculus, l. 1. p. 333. says, that some made the Idæi Dactyli ten
in number; others an hundred.

[610] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 401. Strabo. l. 10. p. 725.

[611] Strabo. l. 10. p. 715. They are by Tatianus Assyrius spoken of as the
Cyclopes, and the same invention attributed to them. Χαλκευειν Κυκλωπες
(εδιδαξαν). p. 243.

Fabricam ferrariam primi excogitârunt Cyclopes, See Hoffman. Ferrum.

[612] Κυκλωπες, Θρακικον εθνος, απο Κυκλωπος βασιλεως ὁυτως
ονομαζομενοι.--πλειονες δε αυτων εν τῃ Κουρητιδι· ησαν δε ΑΡΙΣΤΟΙ ΤΕΧΝΙΤΑΙ.
Schol. in Euripid. Orest. v. 966.

Mention is afterwards made των εκ της Κουρητιδος Κυκλωπων. The Curetes
worshipped Cronus: so that Cronus and Cuclops were the same. See Porphyry
de Abstin. l. 2. p. 225.

[613] They are said to have made the altar upon which the Gods were sworn,
when the Titans rebelled against Jupiter. Scholiast upon Aratus. p. 52. In
memorial of this altar an Asterism was formed in the Sphere, denominated
βωμος, ara.

[614] Virgil Æn. l. 8. v. 424.

[615] Prœtides implerunt falsis mugitibus auras. Virgil. Eclog. 6. v. 48.

[616] Herod. l. 7. c. 123.

Ἡ Παλληνη Χερρονησος, ἡ εν τῳ Ισθμῳ κειται. ἡ πριν μεν Ποτιδαια, νυν δε
Κασσανδρεια, Φλεγραια δε πριν εκαλειτο· ωκουν δ' αυτην ὁι μυθυομενοι
Γιγαντες, εθνος ασεβες, και ανομον. Strabo. Epitome. l. 7. p. 510.

[617] Lycophron. v. 115.

[618] Stephanus places Torone in Thrace, and supposes it to have been named
from Torone, who was not the wife, but daughter of Proteus. Απο Τορωνης της
Πρωτεως. Some made her the daughter of Poseidon and Phœnice. See Steph.
Φλεγραια. There were more towers than one of this name.

[619] Παλληνιαν επηλθε Γηγενων τροφον, Lycoph. v. 127.

[620] Lycophron. v. 124.

[621] Eustath. on Dionysius. v. 259.

[622] Herodot. l. 2. c. 112.

[623] Πρωτεα κικλησκω, ποντου κληιδας εχοντα. Orphic Hymn. 24.

[624] Aristides. Oratio Ægyptiaca. v. 3. p. 608.

[625] Stephanus Byzant. Φαρος.

[626] Chilias. 2. Hist. 44. p. 31. Πρωτευς φοινικης φινικος παις--περι την
φαρον κατοικων.

[627] Orphic Hymn to Proteus. 24.

[628] Eustath. in Dionys. v. 14.

Φροντιν Ονητοριδην. Homer. Odyss. Γ. v. 282. See also Hesych.

[629] Æneid. l. 6. v. 556.

[630] Virg. Æneid. l. 6. v. 618.

[631] Stephanus. Αιθιοπια.

[632] The hieroglyphic was a man with the head of a bull; which had the
same reference, as the Apis, and Mneuis of Egypt.

[633] Diodorus Sic. l. 20. p. 756.

[634] Homer. Odyss. Μ. v. 222.

[635] Epist. 79.

[636] Ακουσιλαος Φορκυνος και Ἑκατης την Σκυλλαν λεγει. Στησικορος δε, εν
τῃ Σκυλλῃ, Λαμιας την Σκυλλαν φησι θυγατερα ειναι. Apollonius. Schol. l. 4.
v. 828.

[637] Euripides. Cyclops. v. 126.

[638] Odyss. l. Ι. v. 389.

[639] Imitated by Mr. Pope.

[640] Ennius translated into Latin the history of Euhemerus, who seems to
have been a sensible man, and saw into the base theology of his country. He
likewise wrote against it, and from hence made himself many enemies. Strabo
treats him as a man devoted to fiction. l. 2. p. 160.

[641] Ex Ennii Historiâ sacrâ, quoted by Lactantius. Divin. Institut. vol.
1. c. 13. p. 59.

[642] Μεσσηνιον Ευημερον. Strabo. l. 1. p. 81.

[643] Clemens. Cohort. p. 11. Arnobius. l. 5.

[644] Διονυσον Μαινολον οργιασουσι Βακχοι, ωμοφαγιᾳ την ἱερομανιαν αγοντες,
και τελισκουσι τας κρεονομιας των φονων ανεστεμμενοι τοις οφεσιν. Clemens
Cohort. p. 11.

[645] Julius Firmicus. p. 14.

[646] Apollon. Rhod. l. 1. v. 636.

[647] Scholia Apollon. l. 1. v. 635.

[648] Porphyry περι αποχης. l. 2. p. 224.

[649] Turricolas Lamias, Fauni quas Pompiliique

Instituere Numæ. Lactant. de falsâ Relig. l. 1. c. 22. p. 105.

[650] Homer Odyss. Κ. v. 81.

[651] Ibid. Κ. v. 120.

[652] Εν μερει τινι της χωρας (της Σικελιας) Κυκλωπες, και Λαιστρυγονες,
οικησαι. Thucyd. l. 6. p. 378.

[653] Scholia. v. 956. Leon in Leontium is a translation of Lais (לוש) Leo:

[654] Lycoph. above.

[655] Plutarch de Defect. Orac. vol. 1. p. 398.

Ἑτεροι δε φᾳσιν εκ Μαλιαιων αφικεσθαι Λαμιας θυγατερα Σιβυλλαν. Clem. Alex.
Strom. l. 1. p. 358. Pausanias makes her the daughter of Jupiter and Lamia.
l. 10. p. 825.

[656] Clemens Alex. l. 1. p. 358.

[657] See Diodorus. l. 20. p. 778. of the Lamia in Libya, and of her

[658] Euripides quoted ibid.

[659] Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 4. p. 183.

[660] Aristot. Ethic. l. 7. c. 6. p. 118. See Plutarch περι
πολυπραγμοσυνης, And Aristoph. Vespæ. Schol. v. 1030.

[661] Horace, l. 3. ode 17.

[662] Virgil Æn. l. 7. v. 1. See Servius.

[663] Strabo. l. 5. p. 357. Κολπον Καιατταν. κλ.

[664] Ibid. p. 356.

[665] Silius. l. 8.

[666] De Virgilianâ continentiâ. p. 762. Caiat signified a kind of whip, or
thong, probably such was used at Caiate.

[667] Virgil. Æneid. l. 5. v. 873.

[668] See Nonnus. l. 19. p. 320.

[669] V. 653. See Natalis Comes.

[670] L. 4. v. 892.

[671] V. 1269.

[672] Odyss. l. Μ. v. 39.

[673] From Mr. Pope's translation.

[674] Callimachi Frag. 184. p. 510.

[675] Apollon. l. 4. v. 828. Scholia. She is said also to have been the
daughter of Hecate and Phorcun. Ibid. The daughter of a Deity means the
priestess. Phor-Cun signifies Ignis Dominus, the same as Hephastus.

[676] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 90.

[677] Κυρος ὁ ἡλιος. See Radicals. p. 48.

[678] Strabo. l. 14. p. 1002. the promontory was called Curias Κυριας ακρα·
ειτα πολις Κουριον.

[679] L. 4. c. 103.

[680] Virgil. Æneid. l. 8. v. 190.

[681] Livy. l. 1. c. 7.

[682] Plutarch. in Amatorio. vol. 2. p. 762.

[683] Lactantius de F. R. l. 1. c. 20. p. 90.

[684] Milton. l. 2. v. 579.

[685] Theoc. Idyl. 17. v. 47.

[686] Aristoph. Βατραχ. v. 474. So Cocytus is by Claudian described as the
river of tears.

      ---- presso lacrymarum fonte resedit
  Cocytos. De Rapt. Proserp. l. 1. v. 87.

[687] He makes Metis the same as Athena. H. 31. l. 10.

In another place Metis is styled πρωτος γενετωρ. Frag. 6. v. 19. p. 366.

[688] Ibid. Fragm. 8. p. 373.

[689] Eusebii. Chron. Log. p. 4. l. 42.

[690] Ἱππαν κικλησκω Βακχου τροφον. Hymn. 48.

[691] Hymn. 47. v. 4.

[692] Orphic Frag. 43. Ἡ μεν γαρ Ἱππα του παντος ουσα ψυχη κτλ.  Proclus.
ibid. p. 401.

[693] Among the Egyptians, the emblems of which they made use were
arbitrary, and very different from the things to which they referred. An
eagle, an ox, and a horse, were all used as symbols, but had no real
connexion with the things alluded to, nor any the least likeness. The
Grecians not considering this were always misled by the type; and never
regarded the true history, which was veiled under it.

[694] Ἱππεις. v. 548.

[695] Pausan. l. 5. p. 414.

[696] Ibid. l. 5. p. 416.

[697] Hesych. Ἱππια.

[698] Pausan. l. 8. p. 649.

[699] Metam. l. 6. v. 117.

[700] Ibid. l. 2. v. 668.

[701] Virg. Georg. l. 3. v. 92.

[702] Iliad. Β. v. 766. He also mentions the mares of Eresicthon, with
which Boreas was supposed to have been enamoured.

  Ταων και Βορεης ηρασσετο βοσκομεναων,
  Ἱππῳ δ' εισαμενος παρελεξατο κυανοχαιτῃ.
  Ἁι δ' ὑποκυσσαμεναι ετεκον δυοκαιδεκα πωλους. Odyss. Υ. v. 224.

[703] H. to Apollo. v. 47.

[704] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1188.

[705] Hesych. Ἱππειον.

[706] Προϊουσι δε Ἱππου καλουμενον μνημα εστιν.--Κιονες δε ἑπτα, ὁι του
μνηματος τουτου διεχουσιν ου πολυ, κατα τροπον οιμαι τον αρχαιον, ὁυς
αστερων των Πλανητων φασιν αγαλματα. Pausan. l. 3. p. 262.

[707] They included the moon among the primary planets; not being
acquainted with any secondary.

[708] See Steph. Byzant. and Cellarius.

[709] Ovid. Deianira ad Hero. Epist.

[710] Geog. Vet. vol. 2. v. 665. See also Diodorus. l. 4. p. 223. also
Strabo Epitome. l. 7. p. 511.

[711] See Radicals. p. 119.

[712] The birds at the lake Stymphalus are described as feeding upon human
flesh. Λογος Ορνιθας ποτε ανδροφαγους επ' αυτῳ τραφηναι.  Pausan. l. 8. p.
610. The real history of the place was, that the birds called Stymphalides
were a set of Canibal priests.

[713] Glaucus, the son of Sisiphus is said to have been eaten by horses.
Palæphatus. p. 58.

[714] P. 54.

[715] Metamorph. l. 8. v. 873.

[716] Josephus calls Egypt Mestra. Antiq. l. 1. c. 6. §. 2. See Radicals,
p. 8. Notes.

[717] Ὁ πρωτος οικησας την Μεστραιαν χωραν, ητοι Αιγυπτον, Μεστραιμ.
Euseb. Chron. p. 17.

[718] Herodotus. l. 2 c. 55.

[719] Ovid Metam. l. 5. v. 341. Most temples of old were courts of justice;
and the priests were the judges, who there presided.

Ælian. V. H. l. 14. c. 34. Δικασται το αρχαιον παρ' Αιγυπτιοις ὁι ἱερεις

[720] Oratio in Verrem. 5. Sect. ultima. vol. 3. p. 291.

[721] Ceres is mentioned by Varro quasi Geres. l. 4. p. 18.

[722] Hesychius. Αχειρω.

[723] Repentur in poematiis antiquis, a Pithæo editis, carmen in laudem
Solis; quod eum esse Liberum, et Cererem, et Jovem statuit. Huetius.
Demonst. Evang. Prop. 4. p. 142.

[724] Cœlius. Rhodog. l. 17. c. 27.

[725] Varro speaks of Ceres, as if her name was originally Geres. l. 4. p.

[726] There was a place called Charisia in Arcadia. Pausan. l. 8. p. 603.
Charesus, and Charesene, in Phrygia. Charis in Persis, and Parthia. See
Treatise upon the Cyclopes.

[727] Pausan. l. 9. p. 781. Nonnus. l. 29. p. 760.

[728] Etymolog. Mag. and Suidas.

[729] Χρησμολογοι μετειχον της εν τῳ Πρυτανειῳ σιτησεως.. Aristoph. Ειρηνη.
Scholia, v. 1084.

[730] L. 8. p. 6l6.

[731] L. 5. p. 415.

[732] Πρυτανεια τε εχουσα και Αρχοντας. Thucyd. l. 2. p. 107.

[733] Το δε λυχνιον εν Πρυτανειῳ. Theocrit. Idyl. 21.

[734] Suidas.

[735] L. 2. p. 107. Others gave another reason. Πρυτανειον εκαλειτο, επειδη
εκει εκαθηντο ὁι Πρυτανεις, ὁι των ὁλων πραγματων διοικηται. Ibid.

[736] Julius Pollux. l. 1. c. 1. p. 7.

[737] Πρυτανειον εστιν, εν ᾡ νομοι του Σολωνος εισι γεγραμμενοι. Pausan. l.
1. p. 41.

[738] Plutarch in Solone. p. 92.

[739] L. 41. p. 1152.

[740] L. 8. p. 649. Mount Caucasus was denominated, as is supposed, from a
shepherd Caucasus. The women, who officiated in the temple, were styled the
daughters of Caucasus, and represented as Furies: by which was meant
priestesses of fire.

Caucasi filiæ Furiæ. See Epiphanius Anchorat. p. 90.

[741] Lycophron. Scholia. v. 1225. Και Καλλιμαχος Εριννυν καλει Δημητρα.

Neptune is said to have lain with Ceres, when in the form of a Fury.
Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 157. She is said from thence to have conceived the
horse Areion.

Lycophron alludes to her cruel rites, when he is speaking of Tantalus, and

  Ὁυ παππον εν γαμφαισιν Ἑνναια ποτε
  Ερκυν' Εριννυς, θουρια, ξιφηφορος,
  Ασαρκα μιστυλλουσ' ετυμβευσεν ταφῳ. v. 152.]

[742] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 197.

[743] L. 2 v. 288.

[744] The Sirens and Harpies were persons of the same vocation, and of this
the Scholiast upon Lycophron seems to have been apprised. See v. 653.

[745] Harpya, Ἁρπυια, was certainly of old a name of a place. The town so
called is mentioned to have been near Encheliæ in Illyria. Here was an
Amonian Petra of Cadmus, and Harmonia.

[746] Τιτυῳ εναλιγκιος ανηρ. Theocrit. Idyl. 22. v. 94.

[747] Pausan. l. 1. p. 94.

[748] Κερκυον is compounded of Ker-Cuon, and signifies the temple of the

[749] L. 1. p. 94.

[750] Ovid. Ibis. v. 411.

[751] Anacharsis. vol. 2. p. 388. Γυμνασιον ὑφ' ἡμων ονομαζεται, και εστιν
ἱερον Απολλωνος Λυκιου.

[752] Και ὁ τοπος ὁυτος παλαιστρα και ες εμε εκαλειτο ολιγον που ταφου της
Αλοπης απεχων. Pausan. l. 1. p. 94.

That very antient temple of Pan on Mount Lycæum in Arcadia had a Gymnasium
in a grove. Εστι εν τῳ Λυκαιῳ Πανος τε Ἱερον, και περι αυτο αλσος δενδρων,
και Ἱπποδρομος τε, και προ αυτου σταδιον. Pausan. l. 8. p. 678.

[753] I have mentioned, that Torone was a temple of the Sun, and also
φλεγραια, by which was meant a place of fire, and a light-house. This is
not merely theory: for the very tower may be seen upon coins, where it is
represented as a Pharos with a blaze of fire at the top. See vol. 2. page

[754] Plutarch. Theseus, p. 6.

[755] Chron. Logos. p. 31. He was also named Asterus, Asterion, and
Asterius. Lycoph. v. 1299. Schol. and Etymolog. Mag. Minois. Asterius was
represented as the son of Anac. Αστεριου του Ανακτος. Pausan. l. 7. p. 524.
Ανδρειᾳ τους αποθανοντας ὑπο Θησεως ὑπερεβαλεν ὁ Αστεριων (ὁ Μινω) Pausan.
l. 2. p. 183.

[756] Pausan. l. 1. p. 94.

[757] Diodorus explains farther the character of this personage, τον
παλαιοντα τοις παριουσι, και τον ἡττηθεντα διαφθειροντα. l. 4 p. 226.

[758] Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 225, and 233.

[759] Ιδεως τον Ανταιον φησι των ΞΕΝΩΝ των ἡττημενων ΤΟΙΣ ΚΡΑΝΙΟΙΣ ερεφειν
τον του Ποσειδωνος ναον. Pindar. Isth. Ode 4. Scholia. p. 458. See Diodorus
concerning Antæus συναναγκαζοντα τους ξενους διαπαλαιειν. l. 4. p. 233.

[760] V. 866, and Scholia.

[761] Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 263.

[762] Hercules Furens. v. 391.

[763] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 10. p. 97. Scholia. from the Cygnus of

[764] Euripides. Orestes. v. 1648. Schol. Lycaon was a Deity, and his
priests were styled Lycaonidæ. He was the same as Jupiter Lycæus, and
Lucetius: the same also as Apollo.

[765] Pausan. l. 8. p. 600.

[766] Odyss. l. Φ. v. 307.

[767] Μνησομαι, ουδε λαθοιμι Απολλωνος Εκατοιο. Homer. Η. to Apollo. v. 1.

Ευ ειδως αγορευε θεοπροπιας Ἑκατοιο. Iliad. Α. v. 385.

Αρτεμις ιοχεαιρα, κασιγνητη Ἑκατοιο. Iliad. Υ. v. 71.

[768] Odyss. Σ. v. 83.

[769] Purchas. Pilg. vol. 5. p. 872. and Garcilasso della Vega. Rycaut. p.

[770] See Plutarch's life of Theseus. p. 3, 4. vol. 1.

[771] V. 146.

[772] Campio, Gladiator. Isidorus.

[773] Vegetius. l. 2. c. 7.

[774] Nonnus. l. 18. p. 500.

[775] Eustathius on Dionysius. v. 357.

[776] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 13, 14.

[777] Ὁμοιως δε τους Ινδους τον θεον τουτον παρ' ἑαυτοις αποφανεσθαι
γεγονεναι. Diod. Sic. l. 4. p. 210.

[778] Diodorus. l. 1. p. 14.

[779] Diodorus. l. 1. p. 17.

[780] Ibid. p. 14. This city is also said to have been built by Hercules.
Diodorus. l. 4. p. 225.


  Primus aratra manu sollerti fecit Osiris,
  Et teneram ferro sollicitavit humum. Tibull. l. 1. El. 8. v. 29.

[782] Ζυθος, εκ των κριθων πομα. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 37.

[783] Βασιλευοντα δε Οσιριν Αιγυπτιους ευθυς απορου βιου και θηριωδους
απαλλαξαι, καρπους τε δειξαντα, και νομους θεμενον αυτοις. Plut. Is. et
Osir. p. 356.

[784] Eusebius. Pr. Ev. l. 1. p. 44, 45.

[785] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 24.

[786] Both the Patriarch, and his son Ham, had the name of Cronus, as may
be learned from Sanchoniathon. Εγεννηθησαν δε και εν Παραιᾳ Κρονῳ τρεις
παιδες, Κρονος ὁμωνυμος τῳ πατρι, κτλ.  Euseb. Præp. l. 1. c. 10. p. 37.

Paraia is the same as Pur-aia, the land of Ur; from whence the Gentile
writers deduce all their mythology.

[787] See Radicals. p. 42.

[788] Ῥαγδαιων δε γενομενων ομβρων και πνευματων,--δενδρου λαβομενον τον
Ουσωον, και αποκλαδευσαντα, πρωτον τολμησαι εις θαλασσαν εμβηναι.  Euseb.
Pr. Ev. l. 1. c. 10. p. 35.

[789] Euseb. Chron. p. 7. l. 43.

[790] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1168.

[791] Τας Γοργονας επ' ωκεανον ουσας τον περι πολιν Ιβηριας την Ταρτησσον.
Schol. in Lycophr. ad v. 838.

[792] [Atlas] Apex Perseo et Herculi pervius. Solin. c. 24.

[793] Andromedam Perseus nigris portârit ab Indis. Ovid. Art. Amand. l. 1.
v. 53.

[794] Pausan. l. 4. p. 370.

[795] Pliny mentions these bones being brought from Joppa to Rome in the
ædileship of M. Scaurus; longitudine pedum 40, altitudine costarum Indicos
elephantos excedente, spinæ crassitudine sesquipedali. l. 9. c. 5.

[796] Deseritur Taurique jugum, Perseaque Tarsus. Lucan. l. 3. v. 225. See
Solin. c. 38.

[797] Perseam quoque plantam ---- a Perseo Memphi satam. Plin. l. 15. c.

Of Perseus in Cilicia, see Chron. Pasch. p. 39.

[798] Pindar. Pyth. Od. 10. v. 49 and 70. Εις το των Μακαρων ανδρων εθνος.
Schol. in v. 70.

[799] Virgil. Æn. l. 7. v. 409.

Ardea a Danae Persei matre condita. Plin. Hist. Nat l. 3. p. 152.

[800] Servius in Virgil. Æn. l. 8.

[801] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 21.

[802] Ibidem.

[803] Herodotus. l. 6. c. 54. See Chron. Paschale. p. 38.

Some make him a Colchian. Ἡλιῳ γαρ φησιν ὑιους γενεσθαι δυο εν τοις τοποις
εκεινοις, ὁις ονοματα ην Περσευς και Αιητης· τουτους δε κατασχεσιν την
χωραν· και Αιητην μεν Κολχους και Μαιωτας, Περσεα δε Ταυρικης Βασιλευσαι.
Schol. in Apollon. Argonautic. l. 3. v. 199.

[804] Ἡ δε Περσου γυνη Αστερια παις ην Κοιου και Φοιβης· ὁι Κοιος δε και
Φοιβη ΟΥΡΑΝΟΥ παιδες. Schol. in Lycophron. v. 1175.

[805] Natalis Comes. l. 7. c. 18.

[806] Schol. in Lycophr. v 18.

Lycophr. v. 17.

Τον χρυσοπατρον μορφνον--τον Περσεα. Schol. in Lycophr. v. 838.

[807] Εγγυς της Νεης πολιος. He is said to have introduced here Gymnic
exercises. Herodot. l. 2. c. 91. And to have often appeared personally to
the priests. Herodot. ibid.

Herodotus of the Dorians. l. 6. c. 54.

[808] Εν λαρνακι ξυλινῳ. Schol. in Lycophr. v. 838.

Εν κιβωτῳ τινι. Chron. Pasch. p. 38. from Euripides.

The father of Danae ενειρξας αυτην εις την Κιβωτον μετα του ΠΑΙΔΟΣ καθηκεν
εις το πελαγος. Schol. in Pind. Pyth. Od. 10. v. 72.

[809] All salutary streams were consecrated to the Sun. There were some
waters of this nature near Carthage, which were named Aquæ Persianæ. See
Apuleii Florida. c. 16. p. 795, and p. 801. They were so named from Perez,
the Sun, to whom they were sacred.

[810] Ovid. Trist. l. 1. eleg. 3. v. 48. See Natalis Comes. l. 7. c. 18.

[811] Polyb. l. 5. p. 389.

[812] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 6. c. 16. See Q. Curtius, and Strabo.

[813] Parrhasii in Hyrcania. Strabo. l. 11. p. 775.

[814] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 2. c. 98.

[815] Of Parrhasians in Arcadia. Strabo. l. 8. p. 595. See Plin. Hist. Nat.
l. 4. c. 6.

  Ὑιος Δινυττα Δαμαρχος την δ' ανεθηκεν
    Εικον', απ' Αρκαδιας Παῤῥασιος γενεαν.
              Pausan. l. 6. p. 471. See also l. 8. p. 654.

[816] Plato in Alcibiad. vol. 2. p. 120.

[817] Herodot. l. 7. c. 150.

[818] Statii Theb. l. 1. v. 717.

[819] Diodorus Sicul. l. 3. p. 185.

[820] Πολλαις γενεαις προτερον των Τρωικων. Ibid.

[821] Της Λιβυης εν τοις προς ἑσπεραν μερεσιν επι του περατος της
οικουμενης. Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 186.

She likewise was in possession of the νησοι ευδαιμονες, or Islands of the
blessed, which lay opposite to her dominions in Africa.

[822] Writers mention that she raised over the slain three large mounds of
earth, which were called ταφοι Αμαζωνων, the tombs of the Amazons. This
shews that the Gorgons and Amazons were the same people, however separated,
and represented in a state of warfare.

[823] Iliad Β. v. 811. Μυρινα· ονομα κυριον Αμαζονος. Scholia ibid.

[824] Diodorus Sicul. l. 4. p. 216, 217, 225, 227, &c. See also Justin. l.
44. c. 4. and Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 100.

Hercules of Tyre was said to have been the Son of Athamas, the same as

[825] Ludovicus Nonnius in Hispania. p. 196, 170.

[826] Diodorus Sicul. l. 4. p. 227.

Corunna the same as Kir-Ona.

Many Amonian cities of similar analogy to Alesia.

[827] Diodorus, above.

[828] Χρυσα μηλα--προβατα. Schol. in Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 1396. εξ
Αγροιτου εν γ' Λιβυκων.

[829] Τον Ἡρακλεα, συμμαχουντων αυτῳ των θεων, κρατησαι τῃ μαχῃ, και τους
πλειστους ανελοντα την χωραν ηξημερωσαι. Diodorus Sicul. l. 4. p. 229.
Strabo. l. 5. p. 376. and l. 6. p. 430.

[830] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1007. and l. 11. p. 771. Diodorus Sic. l. 2. p.

[831] Arrian. Hist. Indica. p. 321.

[832] Herod. l. 4. c. 9. Aristid. Orat. v. 1. p. 85.

[833] Ovid. Metam. l. 11. v. 218.

[834] Poculo Herculem vectum ad Erytheiam. Macrob. Sat. l. 5. c. 21.
Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 100. Schol. Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 1396. from
Pherecydes Syrus; and from the Libyca of Agroitas. Λαβων χρυσουν δεπας παρ'
Ἡλιου--δια του ωκεανου πλειν.

[835] Strabo. l. 3. p. 237. He was supposed to have been the founder of
Tartossus, where he was worshipped under the name of Archaleus. Etymolog.
Mag. Γαδαρα.

[836] Syncellus. p. 171.

[837] Pomponius Mela. l. 3. c. 6.

[838] Athenæus. l. 12. c. 512.

[839] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1009. Πλασμα των Ἡρακλειαν ποιουντων.

[840] Nat. Deorum. l. 3. c. 16.

[841] Arrian speaks of this Indian Hercules, together with the others
mentioned by Cicero. Ει δε τῳ πιστα ταυτα, αλλος αν ουτος Ἡρακλεης ειη, ουχ
ὁ Θηβαιος, η ὁ Τυριος ὁυτος, η ὁ Αιγυπτιος, η τις και κατα ανω χωρην ου
ποῤῥω της Ινδων γης ῳκισμενην μεγας βασιλευς. Hist. Ind. p. 319. Varro
mentions forty of this name, who were all reputed Deities.

[842] See Ludovicus Nonnius, in Hispan. p. 196, 170.

[843] See Audigier Origines des François. part. 1. p. 225, 230.

[844] Mela. l. 2. c. 5. l. 30.

[845] Petronius. p. 179. Est locus Herculeis aris sacer.

[846] He was worshipped by the Suraceni, a particular Indian nation, who
styled him Γηγενης, or the Man of the Earth. Arrian. Hist. Indic. p. 321.

[847] Hercules apud Celtas. See Voss. de Idolat. l. 1. c. 35. l. 2. c. 15.

[848] Eumenius in Orat. pro Scholis instaurandis. See Lilius Gyraldus,
Synt. 10. p. 330.

[849] Suetonius in Augusto. c. 29. Livy. l. 40. c. 51.

[850] Johan. Sambuci Emblemata.

[851] He was the same as Osiris, the Sun. Τον εν πασι και δια παντων Ἡλιον.
Macrob. Saturn. l. 1. c. 20. p. 207. See Porphyry apud Euseb. Præp. Evang.
l. 3. p. 112.

[852] See Lilius Gyraldus Syntag. 10. p. 592. Pausanias expresses the name
Αιχμαγορας. l. 8. p. 624.

[853] Lilius Gyrald p. 595.

[854] In the following extracts we may see the character of this Deity
among different nations. Ἡρακλεα δε ὁντινα ες Ινδους αφικεσθαι λογος
κατεχει παρ' αυτοισιν Ινδοισιν Γηγενεα λεγεσθαι· τουτον τοι Ἡρακλεα μαλιστα
προς Συρασηνων γεραιρεσθαι, Ινδικου εθνους. Arrian. Hist. Ind. p. 321.

Αλλα τις αρχαιος εστι θεος Αιγυπτιοισι Ἡρακλεης· ὡς δε αυτοι λεγουσι ετεα
εστι επτακισχιλια και μερια ες Αμασιν βασιλευσαντα. Herod. l. 2. c. 43.
Αλλ' ισμεν Αιγυπτιους, ὁσον τινα αγουσιν Ἡρακλεα, και Τυριους, ὁτι πρωτον
σεβουσι Θεων. Aristid. Orat. v. 1. p. 59. He had at Tyre a Temple, as old
as the city. Εφασαν γαρ ἁμα Τυρῳ οικιζομενῃ και το Ἱερον του θεου
ἱδρυνθηναι. Herod. l. 2. c. 44.

Εστι γαρ εν Τυρῳ Ἱερον Ἡρακλεους παλαιοτατον, ὡν μνημῃ ανθρωπινῃ
διασωσεται· ου του Αργειου Ἡρακλεους. κ. λ. Arrian. Expedit. Alex. p. 88.

[855] Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 195. 196. and p. 200.

[856] Διονυσου απογονους Οξυδρακας. Strabo. l. 15. p. 1008. The Tyrians
laid the same claim to him. Τον Διονυσον Τυριοι νομιζουσιν ἑαυτων ειναι.
Achill. Tatius. l. 2. p. 67. So did likewise the Cretans, and the people of
Naxos. Some of the Libyans maintained, that he was educated in the grotto
of the Nymphs upon the river Triton. Diodor. Sic. l. 3. p. 202. 203.
Concerning Dionusus the benefactor, see Arrian. Hist. Ind. p. 321.

Of his coming to India from the west. Philostratus. l. 2. p. 64. Επηλυτον
αυτον Ασσυριον.

[857] Of his travels, see Strabo. l. 15. p. 1008.

[858] Τον δ' ουν Διονυσον, επελθοντα μετα στρατοπεδου πασαν την οικουμενην,
διδαξαι την φυτειαν του αμπελου. Diodor. Sic. l. 3. p. 197.

Και προ Αλεξανδρου, Διονυσου περι πολλος λογος κατεχει, ὡς και τουτου
στρατευσαντος ες Ινδους. Arrian. Hist. Indic. p. 318.

[859] Diodorus. l. 3. p. 204.

[860] Ινδους και Τυῤῥηνους λεγουσιν, ὡς κατεστρεψατο (Διονυσος). Aristid.
Orat. in Dionus. p. 54.

[861] Cic. de Nat. Deor. l. 3. c. 23. Of the various places of his birth,
see Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 200.

[862] Linus, Orpheus, Panopides, Thymætes, and Dionysius Milesius, Diodorus
Sic. l. 3. p. 201.

[863] It was a common subject for Elegy. Plutarch. Isis et Osir.

Ποιησομεθα δε την αρχην απο Διονυσου, διο και παλαιον ειναι σφοδρα τουτον,
και μεγισταις ευεργεσιαις κατατεθεισθαι τῳ γενει των ανθρωπων. Diodorus
Sicul. l. 4. p. 210.

Λινον φασι τοις Πελασγικοις γραμμασι συνταξαμενον τας του πρωτου Διονυσου
πραξεις. Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 201.

[864] L. 4. p. 210.

Τον Οσιριν Διονυσον ειναι λεγουσιν. Herodot. l. 2. c. 42. c. 145.

[865] The Indians gave the same account of Dionusus, as the Egyptians did
of Osiris. Πολιας τε οικησαι (Διονυσον) και νομους θεσθαι τῃσι πολεσιν,
οινου τε δοτηρα Ινδοις γενεσθαι·--και σπειρειν διδαξαι την γην, διδοντα
αυτον σπερματα·--βοας τε ὑπ' αροτρῳ ζευξαι Διονυσον πρωτον·--και θεους
σεβειν ὁτι εδιδαξε Διονυσος--κτλ. Arrian. Hist. Indic. p. 321.

[866] Pausan. l. 3. p. 272. As his rites came originally from Chaldea, and
the land of Ur, he is in consequence of it often styled Πυριγενης, αμδ
Πυρισπορος· Strabo. l. 13. p. 932. Ελθε, μακαρ Διονυσε, ΠYΡΙΣΠΟΡΕ,
ταυρομετωπε. Orphic. Hymn. 44. v. 1.

[867] There was a cavern, where they supposed him to be buried, at Delphi,
παρα χρυσεῳ Απολλωνι. Cyril contra Jul. p. 342.

[868] Κρονος περιεων την οικουμενην. Sanchoniath. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang.
l. 1. c. 10. p. 38.

[869] Τον μεν ουν Κρονον οντα πρεσβυτατον βασιλεα γενεσθαι· και τους καθ'
ἑαυτον ανθρωπους εξ αγριου διαιτης εις βιον ἡμερον μεταστησαι, και δια
τουτο αποδοχης μεγαλης τυχοντα πολλους επελθειν της οικουμενης τοπους·
εισηγησασθαι δε πασι την τε δικαιοσυνην και την ἁπλοτητα της ψυχης.
Diodorus Sicul. l. 5. p. 334.

[870] Ουρανον--τους ανθρωπους σποραδην οικουντας συναγαγειν εις πολεως
περιβολον, και της μεν ανομιας και θηριωδους βιου παυσαι--κατακτησασθαι δε
αυτον της οικουμενης την πλειστην. Ibid. l. 3. p. 1*9.

[871] Απολλωνα μετα Θεμιδος, ωφελησαι βουλομενον το γενος ἡμων· ειτα την
ωφελειαν ειπων, ὁτι εις ἡμεροτητα προυκαλειτο. Strabo. l. 9. p. 646.

[872] Καθ' ὁν χρονον Απολλωνα την γην επιοντα ἡμερουν τους ανθρωπους απο τε
των ανημερων καρπων και βιων. Ibid.

[873] Diodorus Sicul. l. 3. p. 195.

The wanderings of Isis and Iona relate to the same history: as do likewise
those of Cadmus.

[874] Eusebii Chron. p. 7. l. 37.

[875] Θουλις. Ὁυτος εβασιλευσε πασης Αιγυπτου, και ἑως ωκεανου· και μιαν
των εν αυτῳ νησων εκαλεσεν απο του ιδιου ονοματος Θουλην. Suidas.

[876] Μετα Οσιριν εβασιλευσεν Ορος· και μετα τον Ορον εβασιλευσε Θουλις,
ὁστις παρελαβε μετα δυναμεως τινος πασαν την γην ἑως του ωκεανου.  Chron.
Pasch. p. 46.

He is mentioned by Cedrenus. Θουλης, ὁς και ἑως του ωκεανου πυσαν την γην
παρειληφεν. p. 20.

[877] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 49.

[878] See Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 277. and Herodot. l. 2. c. 102.

Syncellus. p. 59, 60

[879] Diodorus Sic. above. He was near losing his whole army.

[880] Την δε χωραν ὁπλοις κατεστρεψατο τοις ἑαυτου Βασιλευς Βασιλεων, και
Δεσποτης Δεσποτων Σεσοωσις. Diodor. Sicul. ibid.

[881] He passed through all Ethiopia to the Cinnamon country. Strabo. l.
17. p. 1138. This must be Indica Ethiopia, and the island Seran-Dive. Hence
came Cinnamon: here were στηλαι και επιγραφαι.

Venit ad occasum, mundique extrema Sesostris. Lucan. l. 10. v. 276

[882] Σεσωστρις ετη μη, ὁς ἁπασαν εχειρωσατο την Ασιαν εν ενιαυτοις εννεα.
Syncellus. p. 59.

Some make him advance farther, and conquer all Europe: ὁμοιως ὑπεταξε και
την Ασιαν πασαν, και ΤΗΝ ΕΥΡΟΠΗΝ, και την Σκυθιαν, και την Μυσιαν. Chron.
Pasch. p. 47. Herodotus thinks he did not proceed farther than Thrace. l.
2. c. 103.

[883] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 49.

[884] Of all the great actions of Sesostris, see Marsham. Can. Chron. sec.
14. p. 354.

[885] Περι δε τουτων το μεν αληθες εκθεσθαι μετ' ακριβειας ου ῥαδιον.
Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. p. 52.

[886] Sir John Marsham's Can. Chron. sec. 14. p. 354.

Sir Isaac Newton's Chronology, p. 217.

[887] 1 Kings. c. 14. v. 25, 26. _And it came to pass, that in the fifth
year of king Rehoboam Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem
(because they had transgressed against the Lord); with twelve hundred
chariots, and threescore thousand horsemen; and the people were without
number, that came with him out of Egypt; the Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the
Ethiopians._ 2 Chron. c. 12. v. 2, 3.

[888] Παραλαβῳν δε Σουσακος αμαχητι την πολιν. Joseph. Antiq. l. 8. c. 10.

[889] Sethosis of Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. p. 447.

[890] Euseb. Chron. p. 7. l. 43. Θουλης· μετα δε τουτον Σεσωστρις.

[891] Σεσογχωσις, Αιγυπτου πασης βασιλευς μετα Ωρον της Ισιδος και Οσιριδος
παιδα, την μεν Ασιαν ὁρμησας πασαν κατεστρεψατο, ὁμοιως δε τα πλειστα της
Ευρωπης. Θεοπομπος δε εν τριτῳ Σεσωστριν αυτον καλει.  Schol. in Apollon.
Argonaut. l. 4. v. 272.

[892] Δικαιαρχος εν πρωτῳ, μετα τον Ισιδος και Οσιριδος Ωρον, βασιλεα
γεγονεναι Σεσογχωσιν λεγει· ὡστε γενεσθαι απο της Σεσογχωσιδος βασιλειας
μεχρι της Νειλου ετη δισχιλια. Schol. in Apollon. Argonaut. ibid.

[893] Cedrenus. v. 1. p. 20. Osiris, Orus, Thoules, Sesostris.

[894] Succeeded by Φαραω. Chron. Pasch. p. 48.

[895] Joannes Antiochenus has borrowed the same history, and calls this
king Sostris. Εβασιλευσεν Αιγυπτιων πρωτος εκ της φυλης του Χαμ Σωστρις. p.
23. He adds, that Sostris, or Sesostris, lived in the time of Hermes, Ἑρμης
ὁ τρισμεγιστος Αιγυπτιος. He was succeeded by Pharaoh, πρωτος, the first of
the name. Ibid. Herodotus calls him Pheron, and Pherona. l. 2. c. 111.

[896] Πολυ ὑπερτεινει τοις χρονοις την Μινω βασιλειαν ἡ Σεσωστριος.
Politic. l. 7. c. 10.

[897] Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 272. Ενθεν δη τινα φασι--Σεσογχωσις,
Αιγυπτου πασης βασιλευς--Θεοπομπος δε εν τριτῳ Σεσωστριν αυτον καλει.
Schol. ibid.

Περι δε των χρονων, καθ' ὁυς εγενετο Σεσογχωσις, ὁ μεν Απολλωνιος τουτο
μονον φησι, πολυς γαρ αδην απενηνοθεν αιων. Schol. ibid.

Lycophron speaks of Apollo Ζωστηριος, and a promontory Ζωστηριον, εν ᾡ
ἱερον Ζοστηριου Απολλωνος. Schol. ad v. 1278.

[898] Schol. Apollon. l. 4. v. 272. Syncellus joins him with Serapis. p.

[899] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 144.

Ουπω τειρεα παντα κ. τ. λ. Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 261. See the whole,
and Schol. ibid.

[900] Canon. Chronic. Sec. 10. p. 238, 239.

[901] Quis igitur Sesonchosis ille, qui, Menen antevertens annis amplius
5000, inter Semideos locum habere videatur? Marsham. Canon Chronic. Sec.
10. p. 238.

Sesostris in XII. Africani Dynastiâ (quæ Eusobiani Canonis epocham
antevertit) ex Scaligeri calculis regnavit anno Per. Jul. 1392: quo
ratiocinio Sesostris factus est annos 2355 ipso Sesostre senior. Nam ex S.
literis (suo loco) apparebit, Sesostrim expeditionem suscepisse in Asiam,
et Hierosolyma cepisse Anno Per. Jul. 3747. Ibid. p. 239.

[902] Antiq. l. 8. c. 10. p. 449. and 450.

[903] He came merely as a confederate to Jeroboam, in favour of the kingdom
of Israel; and his intention was to ruin Judah: but his cruel purpose was
averted by the voluntary submission both of the king and people; and by the
treasures they gave up to him, which were the purchase of their security.

[904] Hercules is said to have commanded the armies of Osiris. Diodorus.
Sicul. l. 1. p. 15.

[905] L. 2. c. 106. Concerning the interpretation of these emblems, see
Joan Pierii Hieroglyph. l. 34. c. 20.

[906] Pausan. l. 1. p. 101. The Statue remains to this day. In like manner
it was reported that Dionusus raised Pillars. Strabo. l. 3. p. 260.

Ενθα τε και Στηλαι Θηβαιγενεος Διονυσου. Dionys. Perieg. v. 623.

Hercules erected the like. All which was done by people styled Dionysians
and Herculeans.

[907] Joshua. c. 12. v. 24. Adonibezek had threescore and ten vassal
princes at his feet; if the headman of every village may be so called.
Judges. c. 1. v. 7.

[908] Benhadad of Damascus was attended with thirty-two kings, when he
invaded Samaria. 1 Kings. c. 20. v. 1.

[909] The people plowed, and sowed, and had fruits, and pastures, within
their walls.

[910] 2 Kings. c. 17. v. 6. and c. 18. v. 11. and v. 34. Isaiah. c. 10. v.
9. c. 37. v. 13.

[911] Diodorus Sicul. l. 2. p. 90.

[912] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 91.

[913] Ibid. p. 92.

[914] Ἁυτη μεν απεδεξατο χωματα ανα το πεδιον εοντα αξιοθεητα.  Herod. l.
1. c. 184.

Such χωματα were raised by the Amonians in all places where they settled,
called ταφοι.

Four such were in Troas. Εισι μεν ουν λοφοι τετταρες, Ολυμπιοι καλουμενοι.
Strabo. l. 10. p. 720. There were such also of the Amazons in Mauritania.

[915] She carried back but twenty men, according to Strabo. l. 15. p. 1051.

[916] Chron. Paschale. p. 36. Semiramis was, we find, Rhea: and Rhea was
the same as Cybele, the mother of the Gods: την Ῥεαν, Κιβελην, και Κυβην,
και Δινδυμηνην. Strabo. l. 10. p. 721.

[917] Cononis narrationes apud Phot. p. 427.

[918] Herodot. l. 1. c. 184. five ages (γενεαι) before Nitocris the mother
of Labynitus, whom Cyrus conquered.

It may be worth while to observe the different opinions of authors about
the time, when Semiramis is supposed to have lived.

According to Syncellus she lived before Christ                      2177
Petavius makes the term                                             2060
Helvicus                                                            2248
Eusebius                                                            1984
Mr. Jackson                                                         1964
Abp. Usher                                                          1215
Philo Biblius from Sanchoniathon (apud Euseb. Præp. Evang.          1200
l. 1. p. 31.) about
Herodotus about                                                      713

What credit can be given to the history of a person, the time of whose life
cannot be ascertained within 1535 years? for so great is the difference of
the extremes in the numbers before given.

See Dionys. Perieg. Schol. in v. 1006.

[919] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 90.

[920] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 98.

[921] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 92.

[922] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1007.

[923] Arrian. Hist. Ind. p. 318.

[924] Josephus cont. Ap. l. 1. c. 19. p. 451.

[925] Steph. Byzant. Βαβυλων.

[926] Suidas: Σεμιραμις.

[927] Pliny. l. 7. p. 417.

[928] Semiramis teneros mares castravit omnium prima. Marcellinus. l. 14.
c. 6.

[929] Σεμιραμις λαγνος γυνη, και μιαιφονος. Athenag. Legatio. p. 307.

[930] Claudian. in Eutrop. l. 1. v. 339.

[931] This is the reason that we find these kingdoms so often confounded,
and the Babylonians continually spoken of as Assyrians, and sometimes as
Persians. Βαβυλων Περσικη πολις. Steph. Byz.

[932] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1071.

[933] These mounds were high altars, upon which they sacrificed to the Sun.
By Ctesias they are supposed to have been the tombs of her lovers, whom she
buried alive. Syncellus. p. 64.

[934] They built Babylon itself; which by Eupolemus was said to have been
the work of Belus, and the Giants. Euseb. Præp. l. 9. c. 17. p. 418. Quint.
Curt. l. 5. c. 1. Abydenus apud Euseb. Præp. l. 9. c. 15. Syncellus. p. 44.

[935] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 364.

[936] He ordered it to be inscribed upon his tomb, ὁτι και Μαγικων γενοιτο
διδασκαλος. Porph. de Abstin. l. 4. p. 399.

[937] By Zoroaster was denoted both the Deity, and also his priest. It was
a name conferred upon many personages.

[938] Zerdûsht, seu, ut semel cum vocali damna scriptum vidi, Zordush't,
idem est, qui Græcis sonat Ζωροαστρης. Hyde Relig. Vet. Persar. c. 24. p.

[939] L. 30. c. 1. p. 523.

[940] Arnobius. l. 1. p. 31.

[941] Clemens. l. 1. p. 399.

[942] Ibid. l. 5. p. 711. Ταδε συνεγραφεν Ζοροαστρης ὁ Αρμενιου το γενος
Παμφυλος. κλ. Εν αδῃ γενομενος εδαην παρα Θεων.

[943] Clemens. l. 1. p. 357. Apuleius Florid. c. 15. p. 795, mentions a
Zoroaster after the reign of Cambyses.

[944] Justin. l. 1. c. 1.

[945] Syncellus. p. 167.

[946] P. 315. It is also taken notice of by Huetius. Sinam recentiores
Persæ apud Indos degentes faciunt (Zoroastrem). D.E. Prop. 4. p. 89.

[947] Sed haud mirum est, si Europæi hoc modo dissentiant de homine
peregrino, cum illius populares orientales etiam de ejus prosapiâ dubitent.
At de ejus tempore concordant omnes, unum tantum constituentes Zoroastrem,
eumque in eodem seculo ponentes. p. 315.

[948] Plures autem fuere Zoroastres ut satis constat. Gronovius in
Marcellinum. l. 23. p. 288. Arnobius and Clemens mention more than one.
Stanley reckons up six. See Chaldaic Philosophy.

[949] P. 312.

[950] Zoroaster may have been called Zerdusht, and Zertoost: but he was not
Zerdusht the son of Gustasp, who is supposed to have lived during the
Persian Monarchy. Said Ebn. Batrick styles him Zorodasht, but places him in
the time of Nahor, the father of Terah, before the days of Abraham. vol. 1.
p. 63.

[951] Diogenes Laert. Proœm. p. 3.

[952] Προ των Τρωικων ετεσι φ' Ζωροαστρης.

[953] Laertius Proœm. p. 3.

[954] Pliny. l. 30. c. 1.

[955] Ζωροαστρις ὁ Μαγος, ὁν πεντακισχιλιοις ετεσιν των Τρωικων γεγονεναι
πρεσβυτερον ἱστορουσιν. Isis et Osir. p. 369.

[956] Zoroastrem hunc sex millibus annorum ante Platonis mortem. Pliny. l.
30. c. 1.

[957] P. 16. and p. 47.

[958] Euseb. Chron. p. 32. Syncellus. p. 167.

[959] Pliny. l. 30. c. 1. p. 524.

[960] Ουκ ειναι μαθειν ποτερον Δαρειου πατηρ, ειτε και αλλος κ λ. He owns,
that he could not find out, when Zoroaster lived. Ὁπηνικα μεν (ὁ
Ζωροαστρης) ηχμασε την αρχην, και τους νομους εθετο, ουκ ενεστι σαφως
διαγνωναι. l. 2. p. 62.

[961] Pliny. l. 30. c. 1.

[962] Huetii Demons. Evan. Prop. 4. p. 88. 89.

[963] See Huetius ibid.

[964] Αστρονομιαν πρωτοι Βαβυλωνιοι εφευρον δια Ζωροαστρου, μεθ' ὁν
Οστανης·--αφ' ὡν Αιγυπτιοι και Ἑλληνες εδεξαντο. Anon. apud Suidam. Αστρον.

[965] Primus dicitur magicas artes invenisse. Justin. l. 1. c. 1.

[966] Diog. Laertius Proœm. p. 6.

[967] Την Μαγειαν την Ζωροαστρου του Ωρομαζου. Plato in Alcibiade l. 1. p.

Agathias calls him the son of Oromasdes. l. 2. p. 62.

[968] Pliny. l. 7. c. 16. Risit eodem, quo natus est, die. See Lord's
account of the modern Persees in India. c. 3. It is by them said, that he
laughed as soon as he came into the world.

[969] Hermippus apud Plinium. l. 30. c. 1.

[970] Dio. Chrysostom. Oratio Borysthenica. 38. Fol. 448. Euseb. Præp. l.
1. p. 42. See also Agathias just mentioned.

[971] Θυειν ευκταια και χαριστηρια. Plutarch Is. et Osir. p. 369.

[972] Primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse, et mundi principia,
siderumque motus diligentissime spectâsse. Justin. l. 1. c. 1.

[973] Ζαραδης· διττη γαρ επ' αυτῳ επωνυμια. Agath. l. 2. p. 62.

[974] Ζαρητις, Αρτεμις, Περσαι. Hesych.

Zar-Ades signifies the Lord of light: Zar-Atis and Atish, the Lord of fire.

[975] L. 1. c. 5. p. 16. Of the title Zar-Ovanus, I shall treat hereafter.

[976] Plutarch. Is. et Osiris. p. 369.

[977] See Agathias. l. 2. p. 62.

[978] Plutarch says, that Zoroaster lived five thousand years before the
Trojan war. Plutarch above.

[979] Ὁυτος (ὁ Θεος) εστιν ὁ πρωτος, αφθαρτος, αϊδιος, αγεννητος, αμερης,
ανομοιοτατος, ἡνιοχος παντος καλου, αδωροδοκητος, αγαθων αγαθωτατος,
φρονιμων φρονιμωτατος. Εστι δε και πατηρ ευνομιας, και δικαιοσυνης,
αυτοδιδακτος, φυσικος, και τελειος, και σοφος, και ἱερου φυσικου μονος
ἑυρετης. Euseb. P. E. l. 1. p. 42.

[980] Clemens. l. 5. p. 711.

[981] Εν ᾁδη γενομενος εδαην παρα Θεων. Ibid.

[982] Dion. Chrysostom. Oratio Borysthenica. p. 448.

[983] Hyde. p. 312.

[984] Abulfeda. vol. 3. p. 58. See Hyde. p. 312.

[985] Hesych. Μαγον.

[986] Suidas. Μαγοι.

[987] Oratio Borysthen. p. 449.

Μαγοι, ὁι περι το θειον σοφοι. Porph. de Abst. l. 4. p. 398.

Apuleius styles Magia--Diis immortalibus acceptam, colendi eos ac venerandi
pergnaram, piam scilicet et diviniscientem, jam inde a Zoroastre Oromazi,
nobili Cælitum antistite. Apol. 1. p. 447. so it should be read. See
Apuleii Florida. c. 15. p. 793. l. 3.

Τους δε Μαγους περι τε θεραπειας θεων διατριβειν κλ. Cleitarchus apud
Laertium. Proœm. p. 5.

[988] Diodorus Sic. l. 2. p. 94.

[989] Marcellinus. l. 23. p. 288.

[990] Ibidem. It should be Regis prudentissimi; for Hystaspes was no king.

[991] Rerum Franc. l. 1. He adds, Ab hoc etiam ignem adorare consueti,
ipsum divinitus igne consumptum, ut Deum colunt.

[992] Αστρον ζωον. Clemens Recognit. l. 4. c. 28. p. 546. Greg. Turonensis
supra. Some have interpreted the name αστροθυτης.

[993] Προσαγορευουσι και Συριον. Pr. Evan. l. 1. p. 27. Some would change
it to Σειριον: but they are both of the same purport; and indeed the same
term differently expressed. Persæ Συρη Deum vocant. Lilius Gyrald. Synt. 1.
p. 5.

[994] Joshua. c. 15. v. 58.

[995] 1 Maccab. c. 4. v. 61. called Beth-Zur. 2 Chron. c. 11. v. 7. There
was an antient city Sour, in Syria, near Sidon. Judith. c. 2. v. 28. it
retains its name at this day.

[996] Βηθσουρ. Antiq. l. 8. c. 10.

The Sun was termed Sehor, by the sons of Ham, rendered Sour, Surius,
Σειριος by other nations.

Σειριος, ὁ Ἡλιος. Hesych. Σειριος ονομα αστερος, η ὁ Ἡλιος. Phavorinus.

[997] Βεδσουρ--εστι νυν κωμη Βεθσορων. In Onomastico.

[998] Bethsur est hodie Bethsoron. In locis Hebræis.

[999] Lilius Gyraldus Syntag. 13. p. 402.

[1000] Jovi. O. M. et Deæ Suriæ: Gruter. p. 5. n. 1.

D. M. SYRIÆ sacrum. Patinus. p. 183.

[1001] Apud Brigantas in Northumbriâ. Camden's Britannia. p. 1071.

[1002] See Radicals. p. 42. of Zon.

[1003] Chron. Paschale. p. 43. Servius upon Virg. Æneid. l. 6. v. 14.

[1004] Lycophron. v. 1301.

[1005] Zor and Taur, among the Amonians, had sometimes the same meaning.

[1006] See the engraving of the Mneuis, called by Herodotus the bull of
Mycerinus. Herod. l. 2. c. 130. Editio Wesseling. et Gronov.

[1007] See the Plates annexed, which are copied from Kæmpfer's Amœnitates
Exoticæ. p. 312. Le Bruyn. Plate 158. Hyde. Relig. Vet. Pers. Tab. 6. See
also plate 2. and plate 4. 5. vol. 1. of this work. They were all
originally taken from the noble ruins at Istachar, and Naki Rustan in

[1008] Huetii Prop. 4. p. 92.

Lord, in his account of the Persees, says, that Zertoost (so he expresses
the name) was conveyed by an Angel, and saw the Deity in a vision, who
appeared like a bright light, or flame. Account of the Persees. c. 3.

[1009] See Stanley's Chaldaic Philos. p. 7. and p. 11. They were by
Damascius styled Ζωνοι and Αζωνοι: both terms of the same purport, though
distinguished by persons who did not know their purport.

[1010] See Plates annexed.

[1011] Martianus Capella. l. 1. c. 17. Ex cunctis igitur Cœli regionibus
advocatis Diis, cæteri, quos Azonos vocant, ipso commonente Cyllenio,
convocantur. Psellus styles them Αζωνοι, and Ζωναιοι. See Scholia upon the
Chaldaic Oracles.

[1012] Arnobius. l. 1. p. 31.

[1013] The Sun was styled both Zon, and Azon; Zan and Azan: so Dercetis was
called Atargatis: Neith of Egypt, Aneith. The same was to be observed in
places. Zelis was called Azilis: Saba, Azaba: Stura, Astura: Puglia,
Apuglia: Busus, Ebusus: Damasec, Adamasec. Azon was therefore the same as
Zon; and Azon Nakis may be interpreted Sol Rex, vel Dominus.

[1014] Antholog. l. 3. p. 269.

[1015] See Huetius. Demons. Evang. prop. 4. p. 129.

[1016] In Theolog. Platonis. l. 1. c. 4.


  Ουδε τι φαρμακον
  Θρησσαις εν σανισι,
  Τας Ορφειη κατεγραψε γηρυς. Alcestis. v. 968.

[1018] Plato de Repub. l. 2. p. 364.

[1019] Lactant. de F. R. l. 1. p. 105.

[1020] Scholia in Alcestin. v. 968.

Concerning Orpheus, see Diodorus. l. 1. p. 86. Aristoph. Ranæ. v. 1064.
Euseb. P. E. lib. 10. p. 469.

[1021] L. 22. See Natalis comes. l. 7. p. 401.

[1022] L. 9. p. 768.

[1023] V. 41.

[1024] Ibid. v. 99.

[1025] L. 6. p. 505.

[1026] Apollon. Rhod. l. 1. v. 23.

[1027] Scholia. ibid.

[1028] Natalis Comes. l. 7. p. 400.

[1029] De Repub. l. 2. p. 364. Musæus is likewise, by the Scholiast upon
Aristophanes, styled ὑιος Σεληνης. Ranæ. v. 106. Schol.

[1030] Lucian. Astrologus.

[1031] See Lilius Gyraldus de Poetarum Hist. Dialog. 2. p. 73. Ορφευς,
φορμικτας αοιδαν πατηρ. Pindar. Pyth. Ode. 4. p. 253.

[1032] Clementis Cohort. p. 12. Diog. Laert. Proœm. p. 3. Herodotus. l. 2.
c. 49. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 87. l. 3. p. 300. Apollodorus. l. 1. p. 7.

[1033] Linus was the son of Apollo and Calliope. See Suidas, Λινος.

[1034] There were, in like manner, different places where he was supposed
to have been buried.

[1035] Proœm. p. 5. Antholog. l. 3. p. 270. In like manner Zoroaster was
said to have been slain by lightning.

[1036] Suidas, Ορφευς.

[1037] Tzetzes makes him live one hundred years before the war of Troy.
Hist. 399. Chil. 12.

[1038] Ορφευς.

[1039] Vossius de Arte Poet. c. 13. p. 78.

[1040] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 1. c. 38. See also Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 8.
c. 6.

[1041] C. 24. p. 84.

[1042] Through the whole of this I am obliged to dissent from a person of
great erudition, the late celebrated Professor I. M. Gesner, of Gottingen:
to whom, however, I am greatly indebted, and particularly for his curious
edition of the Orphic poems, published at Leipsick, 1764.

[1043] All the Orphic rites were confessedly from Egypt. Diodorus above.
See Lucian's Astrologus.

[1044] Suidas.

[1045] Maximus Tyrius. c. 37. p. 441.

[1046] Scholia upon the Hecuba of Euripides. v. 1267. See also the
Alcestis. v. 968.

[1047] Plato de Repub. l. 10. p. 620.

[1048] Diodorus. l. 4. p. 282. The history of Aristæus is nearly a parody
of the histories of Orpheus and Cadmus.

[1049] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 10. v. 81. The like mentioned of the Cadmians.
See Æschylus. Ἑπτ' επι Θηβαις. Proœm. Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 13. c. 5.

[1050] Hecatæus apud Steph. Byzant. Λημνος. The first inhabitants are said
to have been Thracians, styled Σιντιες και Σαπαιοι; the chief cities
Myrina, and Hephaistia.

[1051] Philostrati Heroica. p. 677. εν κοιλῃ τη γῃ χρησμωδει.

[1052] Steph Byz. Χαλδαιος.

[1053] Pocock's Travels. vol. 2. p. 159.

[1054] Pausan. l. 6. p. 505.

[1055] See Huetii Demonst. Evang. pr. 4. p. 129.


  Στικτους δ' ἡμαξαντο βραχιονας, αμφι μελαινη
    Δευομεναι σποδιη θρηικιον πλοκαμον. Antholog. l. 3. p. 270.

[1057] Servius in Virgil. eclog. 8. See Salmasius upon Solinus. p. 425.

[1058] Περι την πεντηκοστην Ολυμπιαδα. Tatianus. Assyr. p. 275. These were
the Orphic hymns, which were sung by the Lycomedæ at Athens.

[1059] Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 322.


                  Αιγυπτιου Διονυσου
  Μυστιδος εννυχιας τελετας εδιδαξετο τεχνης. Nonnus. Dionus. l. 4. p. 128.

There will be found in some circumstances a great resemblance between
Cadmus and Orpheus.

[1061] Ὁι δε Φοινικες ὁυτοι ὁι συν Καδμῳ απικομενοι--εισηγαγον διδασκαλια
ες τους Ἑλληνας, και δη και γραμματα, ουκ εοντα πριν Ἑλλησιν. Herod. l. 5.
c. 58.

Literas--in Greciam intulisse e Phœnice Cadmum, sedecim numero. Pliny. l.
7. c. 56.

[1062] Plutarch. De genio Socratis. vol. 1. p. 578.

[1063] Plutarch. above.


  Ὁ μεν δη ἑις των τριποδων επιγραμμα εχει,
  Αμφιτρυων μ' ανεθηκεν εων απο Τηλεβοαων.
  Ταυτα ἡλικιην αν ειη κατα Λαϊον τον Λαβδακου. Herod. l. 5. c. 59.

[1065] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 628.

[1066] He is said to have introduced Διονυσιακην, τελετουργιαν, φαλληφοριαν

[1067] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 20.

[1068] Cadmum Pherecydes. l. iv. Historiarum ex Agenore et Argiope, Nili
fluvii filiâ natum esse tradidit. Natalis Comes. l. 8. c. 23. p. 481. There
are various genealogies of this personage. Λιβυης της Επαφου και
Ποσειδωνος, Αγηνωρ και Βηλος. Αγηνωρος και Αντιοπης της Βηλου Καδμος.
Scholia Euripid. Phœniss. v. 5.

Φερεκυδης δε εν δ ὁυτω φησιν. Αγηνωρ δε ὁ Ποσειδωνος γαμει Δαμνω την Βηλου·
των δε γινονται Φοινιξ και Ισαια, ἡν ισχει Αιγυπτος, και Μελια, ἡν ισχει
Δαναος. επειτα ενισχει Αγηνωρ Αργιοπην την Νειλου του ποταμου· του δε
γινεται Καδμος. Apollon. Scholia. l. 3. v. 1185.

[1069] Dionusiac. l. 4. p. 126.

[1070] V. 1206. The Poet calls the Thebans of Bœotia, Ωγυγου σπαρτος λεως.

[1071] Nonnus, l. 4. p. 126.

[1072] Euseb. Chron. p. 27. and Syncellus. p. 152.

[1073] See Pausan. l. 9. p. 734.

[1074] Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την Συριαν
κτλ. Euseb. Chron. p. 27.

[1075] Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 329.

[1076] Καδμος--προσεσχε την Θηραν. Herod. l. 4. c. 147.

[1077] Conon apud Photium. p. 443. and Scholia Dionysii. v. 517. Ειχε δε
ἱερον Ἡρακλεους ἡ Θασος, ὑπο των αυτων Φοινικων ἱδρυθεν, ὁι πλευσαντες κατα
ζητησιν της Ευρωπης την Θασον εκτισαν.

[1078] Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 323.

[1079] Nonnus. l. 3. p. 86. Priene in Ionia called Cadmia. Strabo. l. 14.
p. 943.

[1080] Lycophron. v. 219.

[1081] Steph. Byzant.

[1082] Nonnus. p. 86.

[1083] Auri metalla et conflaturam Cadmus Phœnix (invenit) ad Pangæum
montem. Plin. l. 7. c. 56. Καδμος, και Τηλεφασσα εν Θρακῃ κατωκησαν.
Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 130.

[1084] Plin. l. 34. c. 10. Hygin. f. 274.

[1085] Strabo. l. 14. p. 998.

[1086] Ibid. l. 10. p. 685.

[1087] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 245.

[1088] Herodotus. l. 5. c. 61.

[1089] Cedrenus. p. 23.

[1090] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 143. Pausan. l. 9. p. 719.

[1091] Stephanus Byzantin.

[1092] Thucydid. l. 1. c. 5, 6.


                  Παρα Τριτωνιδι λιμνῃ
  Ἁρμονιη παρελεκτο ῥοδωπιδι Καδμος αλητης. Nonnus. l. 13. p. 372.

Diodorus says that he married her in Samothracia. l. 5. p. 323.

[1094] Nonnus. l. 13. p. 372.

[1095] Nonnus. l. 13. p. 370.

[1096] Stephanus Byzant. The Carthaginians are by Silius Italicus styled

                  Sacri cum perfida pacti
  Gens Cadmea super regno certamina movit. l. 1. v. 5.

[1097] L. 1. c. 9, 10. p. 26. l. 2. c. 4. p. 87.

[1098] Moses Choren. l. 1. c. 9. p. 26. There was a city Cadmea in Cilicia.
Καδμεια εκτισθη και Σιδη εν Κιλικια. Eusebii Chron. p. 30. l. 23.

[1099] Stephanus Byzant. Some think that this is a mistake for Καλχηδων,
Chalcedon. But Chalcedon was not in Armenia, nor in its vicinity.

[1100] Cadmus was coeval with Dardanus. He was in Samothrace before the
foundation of Troy. Diodorus Sicul. l. 5. p. 323. Yet he is said to be
contemporary with the Argonauts: Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. l. 1. p. 382.
and posterior to Tiresias, who was in the time of Epigonoi. Yet Tiresias is
said to have prophesied of Cadmus, and his offspring.

                  πολλα δε Καδμῳ
  Χρησει, και μεγαλοις ὑστερα Λαβδακιδαις
                  Callimachi Lavacra Palladis. v. 125.

The son of Cadmus is supposed to have lived at the time of the Trojan war:
Lycophron. v. 217. and Scholia. His daughter Semele is said to have been
sixteen hundred years before Herodotus, by that writer's own account. l. 2
c. 145. She was at this rate prior to the foundation of Argos; and many
centuries before her father; near a thousand years before her brother.

[1101] See Excerpta ex Diodori. l. xl. apud Photium. p. 1152. concerning
the different nations in Egypt, and of their migrations from that country.

[1102] Diana says to her father Jupiter,

  Δος μοι παρθενιην αιωνιον, Αππα, φυλαξαι,
  Και πολυωνυμιην. Callim. H. in Dianam. v. 6.

  Παντας επ' ανθρωπους επειη πολυωνυμος εστιν. Homer. Η. in Apoll. v. 82.

  Πολλη μεν ανθρωποισι κ' ουκ ανωνυμος
  Θεα κεκλημαι Κυπρις. Eurip. Hippolytus. v. 1.

The Egyptian Deities had many titles.

ISIDI. MYRIONYMÆ. Gruter. lxxxiii. n. 11.

[1103] Lycophron. v. 219.

[1104] Scholia. ibid.

[1105] Lycophron. Schol. v. 162.

[1106] Vetus Auctor apud Phavorinum.

[1107] Nonnus. l. 41. p. 1070. Harmonia, by the Scholiast upon Apollonius,
is styled Νυμφη Ναϊς l. 2. v. 992. The marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia is
said to be only a parody of the marriage of Peleus and Thetis. Diodorus. l.
5. p. 323.

[1108] Nonnus. l. 41. p. 1068.

[1109] Oraculum Apollinis Sminthei apud Lactantium, D. I. l. 1. c. 8. p.
32. She is styled the mother of the Amazons. Steph. Byzant. Ακμονια.

[1110] Nonnus. l. 12. p. 328.

[1111] Ibid.

[1112] Nonnus. l. 12. p. 328.

[1113] Plutarch. Sympos. l. 9. quæst. 13. p. 738.

[1114] Philo apud Euseb. P. E. l. 1. p. 31.

[1115] Judges. c. 3 v. 3. Hermon was particularly worshipped about Libanus,
and Antilibanus, where was the country of the Cadmonites, and Syrian

[1116] Lucian de Syriâ Deâ. p. 6.

[1117] Apud Proclum in Timæum. p. 121. See Orpheus. Fragm. p. 403.

[1118] Pyth. Ode 4. p. 237.

[1119] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 173.

[1120] Og, Ogus, Ogenus, Ogugus, Ωγυγης, Ωγενιδαι, all relate to the ocean.

[1121] Ανωτερω δε του Ισμενιου την κρηνην ιδοις αν, ἡντινα Αρεως φασιν
ἱεραν ειναι, και δρακοντα ὑπο του Αρεως επιτεταχθαι φυλακα τῃ πηγῃ· προς
ταυτη τῃ κρηνῃ ταφος εστι Καανθου· Μελιας δε αδελφον, και Ωκεανου παιδα
ειναι Καανθον λεγουσιν σταληναι δε ὑπο του πατρος ζητησαντα ἡρπασμενην την
αδελφην κτλ. Pausan. l. 9. p. 730.

[1122] Dicitur Europa fuisse Agenoris Phœnicum Regis, et Meliæ Nymphæ,
filia. Natalis Comes. l. 8. p. 481.

[1123] So Phlegyas was said to have fired the temple of Apollo at Delphi.
Euseb. Chron. p. 27. Apud Delphos templum Apollinis incendit Phlegyas.
Lutatius Placidus upon Statius. Thebaid. l. 1. v. 703. But Phlegyas was the
Deity of fire, prior to Apollo and his temple. Apollo is said to have
married Coronis the daughter of Phlegyas. Hyginus. f. 161. and by her he
had a son Delphus, from whom Delphi had its name. ibid. See Pausan. l. 10.
p. 811. The mythologists have made Apollo slay Caanthus: but Caanthus,
Cunthus, Cunæthus, were all titles of the same Deity called Chan-Thoth in

[1124] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 331.

[1125] Solinus. l. 17.

[1126] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 245.

[1127] Palæphatus. p. 22.

[1128] Dionysiaca. l. 1. p. 42. l. 1. p. 38.

[1129] Strabo. l. 12. p. 867.

[1130] See Radicals. p. 95.

[1131] Places sacred to the Sun had the name of Achad, and Achor. Nisibis
was so called. _In Achor, quæ est Nisibis_. Ephraimus Syrus. _Et in Achad,
quæ nunc dicitur Nisibis_. Hieron. See Geograph. Hebræor. Extera. p. 227.
of the learned Michaelis.

The Deity, called Achor, and Achad, seems to be alluded to by Isaiah. c.
65. v. 10. and c. 66. v. 17. Achad well known in Syria: Selden de Diis
Syris. c. 6. p. 105.

[1132] Hoffman--Academia. Hornius. Hist. Philos. l. 7.

[1133] Και σφι Ἱρα εστι εν Αθηνῃσι ἱδρυμενα, των ουδεν μετα τοισι λοιποισι
Αθηναιοισι, αλλα τε κεχωρισμενα των αλλων Ἱρων· και δη και Αχαιϊης Δημητρος
Ἱρον τε και οργια. Herod. l. 5. c. 61.

[1134] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 71.

[1135] Diog. Laertius. l. 3. § 6. Hornius says, Academia a Cadmo nomen
accepit, non ab Ecademo. l. 7. c. 3. but Ecademus, and Cadmus, were
undoubtedly the same person. Harpocration thinks that it took its name from
the person, who first consecrated it. Απο του Καθιερωσαντος Ακαδημου.

Ἡ μεν Ακαδημια απο Ἡρωος τινος Ακαδημου κτισαντος τον τοπον.  Ulpian upon
Demosthen. contra Timocratem.

[1136] Eupolis Comicus: εν Αστροτευτοις apud Laërtium in Vitâ Platonis. l.
3. §. 7.

[1137] Ην γαρ γυμνασιον απο Ακαδημου--περι αυτον δε ησαν ἁι οντως ἱεραι
Ελαιαι της Θεου, ἁι καλουνται Μοριαι. Schol. upon Aristoph. Νεφελαι. v.

[1138] Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 3. c. 35.

[1139] Το δε χωριον ὁ Κεραμικος το μεν ονομα εχει απο Ἡρωος Κεραμου·
Διονυσου τε ειναι και Αριαδνης. Pausan. l. 1. p. 8.

[1140] Gruter. Inscrip. p. 57. n. 13.

[1141] Pausan. l. 9. p. 779.

[1142] Athenæus. l. 11. p. 480.

[1143] Pliny. l. 5. c. 29.

[1144] Plutarch. Sympos. l. ix. c. 3. p. 738. Alpha likewise signified a
leader: but I imagine, that this was a secondary sense of the word. As
Alpha was a leading letter in the alphabet, it was conferred as a title
upon any person who took the lead, and stood foremost upon any emergency.

[1145] Pausan. l. 9. p. 733.

[1146] Scholia in Aristoph. Βατραχ. v. 1256.

[1147] Herodot. l. 3. c. 28.


                  Αιγυπτιου Διονυσου
  Ευια φοιτητηρος Οσιριδος Οργια φαινων. l. 4. p. 126.


  Πατριδος αστυ πολισσον ***
  ** βαρυγουνον ἑον ποδ* **. Nonnus l. 4. p. 130*.

[1150] L. 4. p. 128.

[1151] Vossius de Idol. vol.3. Comment. in Rabbi M. Maimonidem de
Sacrificiis. p. 76.

[1152] Justin Martyr. 1. Apolog. p. 60.

See Radicals. p. 59.

[1153] Europa was the same as Rhea, and Astarte. Lucian. Dea Syria.

[1154] Hence Nonnus alluding to the Tauric oracle, which Cadmus followed,
calls it Assyrian: by this is meant Babylonian; for Babylonia was in
aftertimes esteemed a portion of Assyria.

Ασσυριην δ' αποειπε τεης ἡγητορα πομπης. l. 4. p. 128.

[1155] Eusebius. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 40.

[1156] Appian de Bello Syriac. p. 125.

Stephanus. Oropus.

[1157] Pliny. l. 5. c. 25.

[1158] Isidorus Characenus, apud Georgr. Vet. v. 2.

[1159] Clemens Alexand. l. 5. p. 680.

[1160] See D'Anville's Map of Syria.

[1161] Bochart Geog. Sacra. l. 4. p. 305.

[1162] Judges. c. 3. v. 1, 3.

[1163] Genesis. c. 10. v. 17.

[1164] Joshua. c.9. v. 3. and 7.

[1165] Joshua. c. 15. v. 9. and c. 18. v. 25, 26.

[1166] Eusebii. Chron. p. 27.

[1167] Cadmus is called Καδμων. Steph. Byzant. Ιλλυρια. Berkelius has
altered it to Καδμος, though he confesses, that it is contrary to the
evidence of every Edition and MSS.

[1168] Concerning Hivite Colonies, see backward. vol. 2. p. 207.

[1169] Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 327. 329.

[1170] Ibid.

[1171] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 83.

There was Oropia as well as Elopia in Eubœa. Steph. Byzant. Oropus in
Macedonia. Ibid. Also in Syria: Orobii Transpadani. Europus near Mount
Hæmus. Ptolemy. Europa in Epirus. Ibid.

[1172] Strabo. l. 9. p. 619.

[1173] Suidas. Epaminondas.

[1174] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 863.

[1175] Both Menelaus and Agamemnon were antient titles of the chief Deity.
The latter is supposed to have been the same as Zeus, Æther, and Cœlus. He
seems to have been worshipped under the symbol of a serpent with three
heads. Hence Homer has given to his hero of this name a serpent for a
device, both upon his breastplate, and upon his baldrick.

  Της δ' εξ αργυρεος τελαμων ην, αυταρ επ' αυτῳ
  Κυανεος ελελικτο δρακων· κεφαλαι δε ὁι ησαν
  Τρεις αμφιστεφεες, ἑνος αυχενος εκπεφυυιαι. Iliad. Λ. v. 38.

[1176] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 40. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.

Aornon, and an oracular temple in Thesprotia. Pausanias. l. 9. p. 768.

[1177] Και εν Αιγυπτῳ Ακανθος, Μεμφιδος απεχουσα σταδιους τριακοσιους
εικοσι·--εστι δε ἡ Αθαμανιας. Steph. Byzant.

[1178] Ειτα μετα τουτον εισιν ΟΡΕΙΤΑΙ λεγομενοι. Dicæarchus. Geog. Vet.
vol. 2. p. 3. v. 45.

[1179] L. 2. c. 57, 58.

[1180] Κατα Βουθρωτον Φοινικη. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499. It was a place of
great note. Polybius. l. 1. p. 94, 95.

[1181] Cæsar de Bello Civili. l. 3. c. 6.

[1182] Lucan. l. 5. v. 458.

[1183] Κομαρας. Strabo. l. 7. p. 500. The same observable in India-Petra
Aornon near Comar. Arrian. Exped. p. 191. and Indic. p. 319.

[1184] Steph. Byzant.

[1185] Τεκμων πολις Θεσπρωτων. Steph. Byzant. See T. Livius. l. 45. c. 26.

[1186] 2 Samuel. c. 23. v. 8. In our version rendered the Tachmonite, chief
among the captains.

[1187] Victoria ad Comum parta. T. Livius. l. 33. c. 36.

[1188] Gurtler. l. 2. p. 597.

[1189] Also a city Conope, by Stephanus placed in Acarnania.

[1190] Antoninus Liberalis. c. 12. p. 70. A city Conopium was also to be
found upon the Palus Mæotis. Steph. Byzant.

[1191] Plin. l. 3. c. 16. The Cadmians of Liguria came last from Attica and
Bœotia: hence we find a river Eridanus in these parts, as well as in the
former country. Ποταμοι δε Αθηναιοις ῥεουσιν Ἑιλισσος τε, και Ηριδανῳ τῳ
Κελτικῳ κατα αυτα ονομα εχων. κ. λ.  Pausan. l. 1. p. 45.

[1192] Vol. 1. p. 376.

[1193] Lucan. l. 3. v. 187. The same is mentioned by the poet Dionysius.

  Κεινον δ αυ περι κολπον ιδοις περικυδεα τυμβον,
  Τυμβον, ὁν Ἁρμονιης, Καδμοιο τε φημις ενισπει,
  Κειθε γαρ εις Οφιων σκολιον γενος ηλλαξαντο. v. 390.

[1194] Geog. Vet. vol. 1. p. 9. Here were Πετραι Πλαγται.

[1195] Nonni Dionys. l. 44. p. 1144.

[1196] Nonnus. l. 25. p. 646.

[1197] Λαινεην ποιησε κορυσσομενην Αριαδνην. Nonnus. l. 44. p. 1242.

[1198] Pausan. l. 9. p. 743.

[1199] See Goltius, Vaillant, and Suidas, Ἡρακλης.

[1200] ---- λιθοις χωριον περιεχομενον λογασιν Οφεως καλουσιν ὁι Θηβαιοι
κεφαλην. Pausan. l. 9. p. 747.

[1201] Pausan. l. 7. p. 579.

[1202] Τιμας θεων αντι αγαλματων ειχον αργοι λιθοι. Ibid.

[1203] Καδμος Φοινιξ λιθοτομιαν εξευρε, και μεταλλα χρυσου τα περι το
Παγκαιον επενοησεν ορος. Clemens. Strom. l. 1. p. 363. See Natalis Comes of

[1204] Nonnus. Dionys. l. 4. p. 128.

[1205] Clemens. Alex. l. 6. p. 753.

[1206] Styled παιδες Ἡλιου by Diodorus. l. 5. p. 327.

[1207] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 328.

[1208] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 109.

[1209] Η τον Θοραιον, Πτωον, Ωριτην, θεον. Lycophron. v. 352.

[1210] Scholiast. Ibid.

[1211] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683.

[1212] Quæstiones Græcæ. p. 296.

[1213] Strabo. l. 10. p. 685.

[1214] Harpocration.

[1215] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683. Polybius. l. 11. p. 627.

[1216] Εν τῃ Ωριᾳ καλουμενῃ της Ἱστιαιωτιδος. Strabo. l. 10. p. 683.

Oria is literally the land of Ur.

[1217] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683. He mentions a domestic quarrel among some of
this family, and adds, τους Ωριτας--πολεμουμενους ὑπο των Ελλοπιεων, _that
the Oritæ were attacked by the Ellopians_.

[1218] Antoninus Liberalis. c. 25. p. 130.

[1219] Ἡ Ὑρια δε της Ταναγρικης νυν εστι, προτερον δε της Θηβαϊδος, ὁπου ὁ
Ὑριος μεμυθευται, και ἡ του Ωριωνος γενεσις. Strabo. l. 9. p. 620. He is
called Ὑριευς by Euphorion. See Homer. Σ. Scholia. v. 486.

[1220] Εστι και Ωριωνος μνημα εν Ταναγρα. Pausan. l. 9. p. 749.

[1221] Εστι δ' ἡ μεν Ὑρια προς τον Ευριπον. Steph. Byzant.

[1222] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 181.

[1223] Europus is the same as Oropus, and signifies Orus Pytho. Ops, Opis,
Opus, Opas, all signify a serpent. Zeus was the same as Orus and Osiris;
hence styled Europus, and Europas; which Homer has converted to Ευρυοπας,
and accordingly styles Jupiter Ευρυοπα Ζευς.

[1224] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 245. ειναι δε αυτους Ὑραιου παιδας.

[1225] L. 2. c. 4. p. 87.

[1226] Nonnus. l. 4. p. 136.

[1227] Ο γαρ δη χρονος εκεινος ηνεγκεν ανθρωπους χειρων μεν εργοις, και
ποδω ταχεσι, και σωματων ῥωμαις, ὡς εοικεν, ὑπερφυους, και ακαματους.
Plutarch. in Theseo. p. 3.

[1228] Εστι δε και φυλον τι των Χαλδαιων, και χωρα της Βαβυλωνιας ὑπ'
εκεινων οικουμενη, πλησιαζουσα και τοις Αραψι, και τη κατα Περσας λεγομενη
θαλαττῃ. Εστι δε και των Χαλδαιων των Αστρονομικων γενη πλειω· και γαρ
Ορχηνοι τινες προσαγορευονται. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1074.

[1229] Lucian de Astrolog. p. 987.

[1230] Χους, εξ ὁυ Αιθιοπες. Euseb. Chron. p. 11.

[1231] Πολον μεν γαρ, και γνωμονα, και τα δυωδεκα μερεα της ἡμερης παρα
Βαβυλωνιων εμαθον Ἑλληνες. l. 2. c. 109.

[1232] L. 1. p. 32.

[1233] Nonnus. l. 1. p. 38.

[1234] Romæ Inscriptio Vetus.

  ΤΟΙΣ ΝΟΜΙΟΙΣ ΘΕΟΙΣ. Gruter. xcii. n. 4.


                  Omne benignum
  Virus odoriferis Arabum quod doctus in arvis
  Aut Amphrysiaco Pastor de gramine carpsi.
                  Statii Sylv. l. 1. Soteria. v. 104.

[1236] Ρεα, ἡνικα Ποσειδωνα ετεκε, τον μεν ες ποιμνην καταθεσθαι, διαιτην
ενταυθα ἑξοντα μετα των αρνων. Pausan. l. 8. p. 6l3.

[1237] Scholia in Lycophron. v. 879.

[1238] Pausanias. l. 4. p. 337. So also says Eustathius. Ὁι δε φασι τον
εκει Δια Αμμωνα κληθηναι απο τινος ὁμωνυμου Ποιμενος, προκαταρξαντος της
του Ἱερου ἱδρυσεως. Schol. in Dionys. v. 211.

[1239] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 515.

The same Poet of the nymph Cyrene.

  Ενθα δ' Αρισταιον Φοιβῳ τεκεν, ὁν καλεουσιν
  Αγρεα, και Νομιον πολυληϊοι Ἁιμονιηεις l. 2. v. 568.

[1240] Syncellus. p. 156.

[1241] Homer. Odyss. l. 1. Pastor Polyphemus of Virgil.

[1242] Macrobii Saturn. l. 1. c. 21. p. 210.

[1243] Hyginus. Fab. 68. Euri, and Eueris Filius. He is by Theocritus
styled Μαντις Ευηρειδης. Idyl. 24. v. 70.

[1244] Nonni Dionys. l. 40. p. 1038.

[1245] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 128.

[1246] Cleanthes περι Θρομαχιας, quoted by Plutarch de Flum. Φασις.

[1247] Plutarch de Flum. Ισμηνος.

[1248] Herodotus. l. 5. c. 61.

[1249] Plut. de Fluv. Inachus.

[1250] Virgil. Æneid. l. 7. v. 678.

[1251] T. Livius. l. 1. c. 7.

[1252] Virgil. l. 8. v. 198.

[1253] Ἡ Ποιμανδρις εστιν ἡ αυτη τῃ Ταναγρικῃ. Strabo. l. 9. p. 619.

[1254] Ποιμανδρια πολις Βοιωτιας, ἡ και Ταναγρα καλουμενη. Schol. Lycoph.
v. 326. Ποιμανδρια is by some interpreted mulctrale: but that was not the
original purport of the word.

[1255] Hermes Trismegistus, sive Ποιμανδρης.

[1256] Syncellus. p. 126. Eusebius. Chron. p. 24.

[1257] By which are meant the Syrians, Arabians, and Armenians. Το μεν γαρ
των Αρμενιων εθνος, και το των Συρων, και των Αραβων πολλην ὁμοφυλιαν
εμφαινει κατα τε την διαλεκτον, και τους βιους, και τους των σωματων
χαρακτηρας κτλ.--εικαζειν δε δει και τας των εθνων τουτων κατονομασιας
εμφερεις αλληλαις ειναι. Strabo. l. 1. p. 70.

[1258] Zonaras. l. 1. p. 21.

[1259] Tacitus. Hist. l. 5. c. 2.

[1260] It should perhaps be proximas urbes. The same history is alluded to
by Eusebius. Επι Απιδος του Φορωνεως μοιρα του Αιγυπτιων στρατου εξεπεσεν
Αιγυπτου, ὁι εν Παλαιστινη καλουμενη Συριᾳ ου ποῤῥω Αραβιας ωκησαι. Euseb.
Chron. p. 26.

[1261] Lucian de Deâ Syriâ.

[1262] They were in each country styled the mourning for Thamas, and

[1263] Εχουσι δε και αλλο Φοινικες Ἱρον, ουκ Ασσυριον, αλλα Αιγυπτιον, το
εξ Ἡλιουπολιος ες την Φοινικην απικετο. κλ. Lucian de Deâ Syriâ.

[1264] In Bœtica they were called Oritani. Strabo. l. 8. p. 204.

There were Oritæ in Epirus. Dicæarchus status Græciæ. Μετα τουτον εισιν
Ορειται. p. 4. v. 45.

Oritæ in Persis. Arrian. l. 4. c. 26. also in Gedrosia. See Auctor Peripli
Maris Erythræi.

Προς τον δυσιν του Ινδου ποταμου Οριται. Schol. Dionys. v. 1095. Ωριται
εθνος Ινδικον. Steph. Byzant. There were Oritæ in Persis, hard by the Cutha
of Josephus. Ant. l. 9. c. 4. and c. 15.

[1265] Clemens. Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 382.

[1266] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 24.

[1267] Ex Diodori. l. xl. apud Photium. p. 1152.

[1268] A similar account is given by the same author. l. 1. p. 24.

[1269] Zonaras. v. 1. p. 22. Also Syncellus. p. 102.

[1270] He is very full upon this head. Contra Apion. l. 1. p. 443. and 444.

[1271] Plato. Critias. vol. 3. p. 110.

[1272] Legatio. p. 279.

[1273] Και απο των ονοματων δε ενιων το βαρβαρον εμφαινεται. Κεκροψ, και
Κοδρος, και Αικλος (read Αρκλος) και Κοθος. κ. λ. l. 7. p. 495.

       *       *       *       *       *

Corrections made to printed original.

(Cahen, near ref. 93) ανθερεωνες: 'ανθεριωνες' in original

(ibid., near ref. 99) instances: 'intances' in original

(Chus, near ref. 110) πολυχρυσος: 'πολοχρυσος' in original

(ibid., near ref. 145) represented: 'respresented' in original

(Canaan, near ref. 193) Aristotle: 'Asistotle' in original

(Temple Science, near ref. 210) γεωγραφικον: 'γεογραφικον' in original

(ibid., near ref. 228) περιαυγους: 'εριαυγους' in original

(Tar, near ref. 226) τοι γε: no space in original

(Tit, near ref. 316) worshipped a serpent: 'woshipped a sepent' in original

(Cuclopes, near ref. 607) Ακμονιδαν: 'Λκμονιδαν' in original

(Temple Rites, near ref. 647) κατασχισθεντα: 'κατασχιθεντα' in original

(ibid., near ref. 660) την (ανθρωπον): 'τηη' in original

(Hippa, near ref. 694) χρεμετισμος: 'χρεματισμος' in original

(Damater, near ref. 763) επεκερτομει: 'επεκερατομει' in original

(Campe, near ref. 773) taken: duplicated over page end in original

(Myrina, near ref. 823) αιπεια: 'αιπυια' in original

(Ninus, near ref. 912) period (after 'all to be crucified'): comma in

(ibid., near ref. 916) title: 'titled' in original

(Zoroaster, near ref. 1005) analogous: 'analagous' in original

(Cadmus, near ref. 1142) country: 'county' in original

(ibid., near ref. 1237) μαθηματικος: 'μαθεματεκος' in original

(ibid., near ref. 1264) Phenicia,: repeated word (on 2 lines) in original

(Note 1.) soliti suos: 'solitei sos' in original

(Note 50.) θαπτεσθαι: 'θαππεσθαι' in original

(Note 226.) corde: 'codre' in original

(Note 229.) εϋκλωστοιο: dialytika on ε in original

(Note 401.) κᾳ 'γω: no space in original

(Note 534.) Theologico: 'Tehologico' in original

(Note 538.) δυναστευσαι: 'δυναστυσαι' in original

(Note 552.) ερημ': apostrophe printed as comma in original

(Note 752.) της (Αλοπης): 'τκς' in original

(Note 781.) sollerti: 'solerti' in original

(Note 803.) κατασχεσιν: 'κατασχσειν' in original

(Note 854.) (Αργειου) Ἡρακλεους: 'Ἡηρακλεους' in original

(Note 1136.) l. 3. §. 7.: 'l. §. c. 7.' in original, cf. previous note

(Note 1175.) κεφαλαι: 'κεφελαι' in original

(Note 1177.) εικοσι: only 'ικοσι' legible in scan (at start of line)

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