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Title: Game and Playe of the Chesse - A Verbatim Reprint of the First Edition, 1474
Author: Caxton, William, 1422-1491
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Game and Playe of the Chesse - A Verbatim Reprint of the First Edition, 1474" ***

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CAXTON'S

GAME AND PLAYE OF THE CHESSE.

1474.

A VERBATIM REPRINT OF THE FIRST EDITION.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION

BY

WILLIAM E.A. AXON, M.R.S.L.

"And ther was founde by clerkes full prudent Of the chesse the play most
glorious."


JOHN LYDGATE.

LONDON: ELLIOT STOCK,
62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.
1883.



[Transcribers Note: This is a reprint of Caxton's 1474 original.
"Englifh" long s's which look very similar to f's have been transposed
to s's for readability; yogh (looks like a mutated 3) has been rendered
as a 3; thorn, þ, has been left as such and macrons over letters are
given as e.g. [=o].  Otherwise the text has been left as is.

The original punctutation has been preseved. Virgula suspensiva, shown
here as / was in common use from the thirteenth to the seventeenth
century. Often used for short pauses (such as the cæsura in the middle
of a line of poetry), but sometimes was used as equivalent to the
punctus. "'9" represents a superscripted 9 and is an ancestor to the
modern apostrophe. It usually indicates the omission of a terminal -us.

A small amount of text in this edition is in Blackletter, which was used
in the Caxton original, and these sections have been marked up as such.

The book contains many attractive illustrations copied from the Caxton
original and an HTML version exists to give a better representation
of this.]



CONTENTS


INTRODUCTION.

Jonathon Oldbuck on the Game of Chess, 1474
The First Edition: copies in libraries and at sales
Where was it printed?
Caxton's account of the translation
The Second Edition: copies in libraries and at sales
Ferron and De Vignay's "Jeu d'Echecs"
Jacques de Cessoles: "Liber de Moribus hominum"
Sermons on Chess
Ægidius Romanus, his life and his book: "De Regimine Principum"
Occleve's imitation
William Caxton as a translator
Bibliography of the Chess Book:
  Colonna
  Cessoles
  Ferron and De Vignay
  Conrad van Ammenhaufen
  Mennel
  Heinrich von Beringen
  Stephan
  Caxton
  Sloane
  The scope and language of the Chess-book
  Authors quoted and named
  Biblical names and allusions
  Xerxes the inventor of Chess!
  Sidrac
  John the monk
  Truphes of the Philosophers
  Helinand
  Classical allusions
  Mediæval allusions and stories
  John of Ganazath
  St. Bernard
  The dishonest trader
  The drunken hermit
  A violent remedy
  Murder of Nero
  Theodorus Cyrenaicus
  Democritus of Abdera
  Socrates disguised
  Didymus and raised letters for the blind
  Shaksperean etymology
  Caxton at Ghent
  The history of Chess
  The ethical aim of the writer of the Chess-book


THE GAME OF THE CHESSE.

Dedication to the Duke of Clarence

Prologue to second edition


   BOOK I.

   This booke conteyneth. iiii. traytees/ The first traytee is of the
   Invencion of this playe of the chesse/ and conteyneth. iii.
   chapitres.

   The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden.

   The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe.

   The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of. iii. causes why hit was made and
   founden.


   BOOK II.

   The seconde traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and
   conteyneth .v. chapitres.

   The first chapitre treteth of the forme of a kynge and of suche
   thinges as apperteyn to a kynge.

   The .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners.

   The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and
   maners.

   The .iiii. chapitre is of the knygth and of his offices.

   The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices.


   BOOK III.

   The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath
   .viii. chapitres.

   The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe.

   The .ii. of smythis and other werkes in yron & metall.

   The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries.

   The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers.

   The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries.

   The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers.

   The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & customers.

   The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours.


   BOOK IV.

   The .iiii. traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii.
   chapitres.

   The first is of the eschequer.

   The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge.

   The thirde of the yssue of the quene.

   The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns.

   The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes.

   The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks.

   The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple.

   And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion and of the
   recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres.


GLOSSARY

INDEX



INTRODUCTION

The readers of the "Antiquary" will remember the anecdote told with so
much effusion by Jonathan Oldbuck. '"Davy Wilson," he said, "commonly
called Snuffy Davy, from his inveterate addiction to black rappee, was
the very prince of scouts for searching blind alleys, cellars, and
stalls, for rare volumes. He had the scent of a slow-hound, sir, and the
snap of a bull-dog. He would detect you an old black-letter ballad among
the leaves of a law-paper, and find an _editio princeps_ under the mask
of a school Corderius. Snuffy Davy bought the 'Game of Chess, 1474,' the
first book ever printed in England, from a stall in Holland for about
two groschen, or two-pence of our money. He sold it to Osborne for
twenty pounds, and as many books as came to twenty pounds more. Osborne
re-sold this inimitable windfall to Dr. Askew for sixty guineas. At Dr.
Askew's sale," continued the old gentleman, kindling as he spoke, "this
inestimable treasure blazed forth in its full value and was purchased by
Royalty itself for one hundred and seventy pounds! Could a copy now
occur, Lord only knows," he ejaculated with a deep sigh and lifted-up
hands, "Lord only knows what would be its ransom; and yet it was
originally secured, by skill and research, for the easy equivalent of
two-pence sterling."'

Sir Walter Scott in a footnote adds:--"This bibliomaniacal anecdote is
literally true; and David Wilson, the author need not tell his brethren
of the Roxburghe and Bannatyne Clubs, was a real personage." Mr. Blades,
whose iconoclastic temper is not moved to mercy even by this good story,
says that although it "looks like a true bibliographical anecdote," its
appearance is deceptive, and that "not a single statement is founded
on fact."[1]

Jonathan Oldbuck did not venture to estimate the sum that would ransom a
copy of the "Game of Chesse," and the world of the bibliomania has moved
even since his days, so that prices which seemed fabulous, and were
recounted with a sort of awe-struck wonder, have been surpassed in these
latter days, and the chances of any successor of "Snuffy Davy" buying a
Caxton for two groschen have been greatly reduced.

According to Mr. William Blades, our latest and best authority on the
subject, there are but ten copies known of the first edition of the
"Chesse" book.[2] There is a perfect copy in the King's Library in the
British Museum. This is what ought to be Snuffy Davy's copy. A previous
owner--R. Boys--has noted that it cost him 3_s_. The copy in the
Grenville Library has the table and last leaf supplied in facsimile. The
copy in the Public Library at Cambridge is defective to the extent of
five leaves. The Bodleian copy wants the last leaf. The Duke of
Devonshire's copy formerly belonged to Roger Wilbraham, and the first
and eighth leaves are supplied in facsimile. The exemplar belonging to
the Earl of Pembroke is perfect, "but on weak and stained paper." Earl
Spencer's copy is perfect, clean, and unusually large. Mr. H. Cunliffe's
copy came from the Alchorne and Inglis Libraries, and wants the first
two printed leaves, two near the end, and the last two. Mr. J. Holford's
copy is perfect and in its original binding. It was once in the library
of Sir Henry Mainwaring of Peover Hall, as his bookplate shows. On a
fly-leaf is written, "Ex dono Thomæ Delves, Baronett 1682." The copy
belonging to the Rev. Edward Bankes is imperfect, and wants the
dedicatory leaf and is slightly wormed.

The book, when complete, consists of eight quaternions or eight leaves
folded together and one quinternion or section of five sheets folded
together, making in all seventy-four leaves, of which the first and last
are blank. The only type used throughout is that styled No. 1 by Mr.
Blades. The lines are not spaced out; the longest measure five inches; a
full page has thirty-one lines. Without title-page, signatures,
numerals, or catch-words. The volume, as already mentioned, begins with
a blank leaf, and on the second recto is Caxton's prologue, space being
left for a two-line initial, without director. The text begins with a
dedication:--"(T)o the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince
George duc of Clarence Erl of Warwyk and of Salisburye/ grete
chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant of Ireland oldest broder of kynge
Edward by the grace of god kynge of England and of France/ your most
humble servant william Caxton amonge other of your servantes sendes unto
yow peas. helthe. Joye and victorye upon your Enemyes/ Right highe
puyssant and." The text ends on the seventy-third recto, thus:--"And
sende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Joyous and vertuous
desirs Amen:/: Fynysshid the lastday of Marche the yer of our lord god.
a. thousand foure honderd and LXXIIII. *. *. *. *." The seventy-fourth
leaf is blank.

It is unnecessary to say that this book seldom comes into the market.
The recorded sales are very few. In 1682 R. Smith sold a perfect copy
for 13s. 2d. In 1773 J. West's copy was bought by George III. for.£32
0s. 6d. Alchorne's imperfect copy was bought by Inglis for £54 12s., and
at the sale of his books found a purchaser in Lord Audley for £31 10s.,
and was again transferred, in 1855, to the possession of Mr. J. Cunliffe
for £60 l0s. 0d.[3] Mr. J. Holford's copy was bought at the Mainwaring
sale for £101.

The last copy offered for sale was described in one of Mr. Bernard
Quaritch's catalogues issued in 1872, and the account given by that
veteran bibliopole is well worth reproduction.

CAXTON'S GAME AND PLAY OF CHESS MORALIZED, (translated 1474) FIRST
EDITION, folio, 65 LEAVES (of the 72), bound in old ruffia gilt, £400.

    [Blackletter: Fynyshid the last day of Marche the yer of our Lord God,
         a thousand foure hondred and lxxiiii....]

An extremely large, though somewhat imperfect copy of

THE FIRST BOOK PRINTED IN ENGLAND, from Caxton's press.

Mr. Blades quotes 9 copies (4 perfect, 5 imperfect), the present is the
10th known copy, and is TALLER than even the Grenville--hitherto the
tallest known copy; my copy measures 11-1/8 inch in height by 8 in
width, whilst the Grenville copy (also imperfect) is only 11
inches high.


COLLATION of _my copy_:

[Blackletter: This Booke conteyneth iiii traytees]          1 _leaf_.
[Blackletter: This first chapiter of the first tractate]    1 _leaf_.
[Blackletter: The trouthe for to do Justice right wysly,]
   etc. to the end                                         62 _leaves_.
  _The last leaf with the date:_
[Blackletter: In conquerynge his rightful inheritance,]
  _ending:_ [Blackletter: fynyshed], _etc._ 1474  1 _leaf_.
                                                           -------------
                                                           65 leaves.

My copy wants therefore 7 leaves, the two blank ones being out of
question. The imperfections include the first leaf, and two leaves in
the second chapitre of the fourth tractate, the end is all right. I
should be glad to hear of any IMPERFECT COPY of this work, which would
supply me with what I want. In the mean time this precious relic of the
Infancy of Printing in England can be feen by BUYERS of Rare books.

_See_ Dibdin's Bibl. Spenc. IV. p. 189.

No copy of this edition has been sold for years; in 1813, Alchorne's
copy, wanting first two leaves, the last two leaves and two leaves in
the second chapter of the fourth tractate, fetched at Evans', £54.
12_s_. The value of this class of books has much risen since then, and
may now be considered, as ten times greater.

In comparing the first edition of "Caxton's Game of Chess" with the
second, one perceives many variations in the spelling. I confider the
_first edition_ to be the more interesting, for a variety of reasons:

1. It is the first book printed in England.
2. It is the _Editio princeps_ of the English version.
3. It shows the Art of Printing in its crudest form.
4. It has a Post-script not in the second edition.

Both editions run on together to the passage on the last page of the
second edition:

[Blackletter:
And a mon that lyvyth in thys world without vertues lyveth not
as a man but as a beste.]

The first edition ends thus:

[Blackletter: And therefore my right redoubted Lord I pray almighty god
to save the Kyng our soverain lord to gyve him grace to yssue as a Kynge
tabounde in all vertues/ to be assisted with all other his lordes in
such wyse yn his noble royame of England may prospere/ habounde in
vertues and yn synne may be eschewid justice kepte/ the royame defended
good men rewarded malefactours punyshid the ydle peple to be put to
laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously.

In conquerynge his rightfull inheritaunce / that verraypeas and charitie
may endure in both his royames and that marchandise may have his cours
in suche wise that every man eschewe synne/ and encrese in vertuous
occupacions / Praynge your good grace to resseyve this lityll and symple
book made under the hope and shadow of your noble protection by hym that
is your most humble servant in gree and thanke. And I shall praye
almighty god for your long lyf & welfare / which he preserve And sende
now thaccomplishment of your hye noble joyous and vertuous
desirs Amen:|:

Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god a. thousand
four hondred and lxxiiii. *.:.:.*.]

The second edition ends thus:

[Blackletter: Thenne late every man of what condycion he be that redyth
or herith this litel book redde. take therby ensaumple to amend hym.
Explicit per Caxton.]

This copy came from the library of Mr. L.M. Petit.[4]

It will be noticed that Mr. Quaritch calls the _editio princeps_ of
Caxton's "Game and Play of the Chesse" the first book printed in
England. This was the general opinion of bibliographers before the
investigations of Mr. Blades. Dibdin, although he seems to have had some
doubt, pronounced in favour of that view. Yet it is clearly erroneous.
The only materials for judgment are those afforded by the colophon and
the prologue to the second edition, with the silent but eloquent
testimony of typography. Caxton ends the first edition with the
words:--"Fynysshid the last day of Marche the yer of our lord god a
thousand four hondred and LXXIIII." The word "fynysshid," as Mr. Blades
observes, "has doubtless the same signification here as in the epilogue
to the second book of Caxton's translation of the Histories of Troy,
'Begonne in Brugis, contynued in Gaunt and finysshed in Coleyn,' which
evidently refers to the translation only. The date, 1475-6, has been
affixed, because in the Low Countries at that time the year commenced on
Easter-day; this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day of
the conclusion of the translation, 31 March 1475, the same year being
the earliest possible period of its appearance as a printed book." Then
there is Caxton's own racy account of the circumstances under which the
book first appeared:--

"And emong alle other good werkys It is a werke of ryght special
recomendacion to enforme and to late vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto
them that be not lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye Th[=e]ne
emonge whom there was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of
fraunce of the ordre of thospytal of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which
entended the same and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed whiche at
suche tyme as I was resident in brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam
into my handes/ whiche whan I had redde and ouerseen/ me semed ful
necessarye for to be had in englisshe/ And in eschewyng of ydlenes And
to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen it/ ne [=v]nderstonde frenssh
ne latyn J delybered in my self to translate it in to our maternal
tonge/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd translacion/ J dyde doo sette
in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/ Whiche anone were depesshed and
solde wherfore by cause thys sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and
requysyte vnto euery astate and degree/ J haue purposed to enprynte it/
shewyng therin the figures of suche persons as longen to the playe."

It is clear from this that both the translation and printing belong to
the period of Caxton's residence in Bruges. From the use of the
instrumental form "dyde doo sette en enprynte" it might be thought that
Caxton employed the services of some printer, but although commonly so
employed, there are instances which will not bear this interpretation of
its intention.[5] He either employed a printer or made some partnerfhip
with one, and there are various indications that confirm Mr. Blades'
theory that the book came from the press of Colard Mansion.

The second edition is undoubtedly the work of our first English printer.
"Explicit per Caxton" is the unambiguous statement of the colophon. It
is a much more advanced specimen of typography than the first edition.
It has signatures, of which _a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i,_ are
quaternions, _k_ and _l_ are terternions, making in all eighty-four
leaves, of which the first is blank. There is no title-page, and the
type used is that which Mr. Blades reckons as No. 2*. The lines are
spaced out to an even length. There are twenty-nine lines to a full
page, and the full line measures 4-7/8 inches. The prologue begins on _a
ij_., and the table of chapters begins on the next page. The text begins
on the recto of _a iii_. The text ends on the recto of _l_ 6, the last
page being blank. There are sixteen woodcuts in the volume, which are
used twenty-four times. There has been some diversity of opinion as to
the year in which this "Game of the Chesse" came from the press of
Caxton. The book is not dated. Dibdin thought it one of the printer's
earliest efforts. Figgins regarded it as the earliest issue of the
Westminster press, and further believed that it was printed from cut
metal types. This is not the view of Mr. Blades, who says: "An
examination of the work, however, with a typographical eye does not
afford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All Caxton's early
books were uneven in the length of their lines--this is quite even. Not
one of the early works had any signatures--this is signed throughout.
These two features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date of
impression at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first began the use of
signatures; but when we find that every known copy of this edition of
the 'Chess-Book' presents a thicker and more worn appearance than any
one copy of any other book, there is good reason for supposing that this
may have followed the 'Tulli' of 1481, and have been the last book for
which Type No. 2* was used."[6]


Mr. Blades describes nine known copies, so that even fewer exemplars
remain of the second edition than of its predecessor. The copy in the
King's Library in the British Museum is imperfect, wanting several
leaves, and is mended in many places. The copy in the Pepysian
Collection at Cambridge wants one-half of the last leaf. Trinity
College, Cambridge, has a perfect copy, "but a bad impression." The
Bodleian copy is defective in not having the last leaf. St. John's
College, Oxford, has a copy, from which one-half of _d iii_. has been
torn away. The Imperial Library at Vienna has an imperfect copy. The
Duke of Devonshire's copy is perfect, but it is "a poor impression, and
slightly stained." The Earl of Pembroke's copy is very imperfect. Earl
Spencer's is only slightly imperfect. The prices fetched by the second
edition have a sufficiently wide range. In 1698, at Dr. Bernard's sale,
a copy fold for 1s. 6d. Farmer's copy in 1798 fetched £4 4s. Ratcliffe's
copy was bought at his sale for £16 by Willett; and when his books came
to the hammer in 1813, it was purchased by the Duke of Devonshire for
£173 5s.[7] It is interesting to know that the copy of the second
edition in the Bibliotheca Spenceriana formerly belonged to Laurence
Sterne, who bought it for a few shillings at York![8]

In the present reprint, the text followed is that of the first edition,
transcribed from the copy in the British Museum; but the variations,
alterations, and additions made in the second issue are all recorded in
footnotes. The reader has, therefore, before him the work in all its
fulness. The same reasons that have led to the adoption of this course
have also decided the publisher to include facsimiles of the curious
woodcuts which appeared in the second edition. These, although
necessarily reductions in size, reproduce the quaint vigour of the
originals.

Caxton, we have seen, translated the "Game of the Chesse" from the
French. There were in effect two, if not three, from which he may have
taken his version. One of these is by Jean Faron, Perron, or Feron (as
the name is variously spelled), a monk of the order of St. Dominic, of
whom the notices are exceedingly scanty.[9] La Croix du Maine styles him
"de l'Ordre des Frères Prescheurs ou Jacobins du Paris." La Monnaye says
that the translation was made from the Latin of Cessoles, and was begun
in the year 1347. It has not been printed.[10] The translation is
considered a literal version of the Latin of Cessoles.

The prologue of Perron's version is as follows:--"Chy ensuit le geu des
Eschas moralisé, ouquel a plusiers exemples bien à noter. A noblehomme,
Bertrand de Tarascon, frere Jehan Perron, de l'ordre des Freres
precheurs de Paris, son petil et humble chappelain soy tout. Le Sainte
Escripture dit que Dieux a fait a chascun commandement de pourchassier à
tous nos prochains leur sauvement. Or est-il ainsi que nos prochains ne
sont pas tout un, ains sont de diverses condicions, estas et manieres,
sy comme il appert. Car les uns sont nobles; les aultres non: les
aultres sont de cler engin; les aultres, non: les aultres sont enclins a
devocion; les aultres, non. Et pour ce, affin que le commandement de
Dieu soit mis à execution bien convenablement, il convient avoir
plusiers voyes et baillier à chascun ce qui lui est plus convenable; et
ainsi pourroit il le commandement de Dieu accomplir; .... Pour tant je,
vostre petit chappelain, à vostre requeste, que je tieng pour
commendement, vous ai volu translata de latin en français le Gieu des
Eschas moralisé, que fist l'un de nos freres, appelé frere Jaques de
Cossoles, maistre en divinité, si que vous l'entendés plus legierrement;
et à exemple des nobles hystoires qui y sont notteés, veuillés
maintenir, quant à vous, honnestement, et quant aux autres justement....
Or prenés done ce petit present, comencié le 4'e jour de May, l'an
1347."[11]

That Caxton made use of Perron's version is clear. Thus Mr. Blades
mentions the description of Evilmerodach as "un homme joly sans justice"
as peculiar to Ferron, whose version he regards as the basis of the
first and third chapters of Caxton's work.

Dr. Van der Linde mentions a number of MSS.; in some the date is given
as 1357, and in one as 1317. This version remains unprinted, but there
are MSS. of it in the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Aosta, Cambrai, at
Brussels, in the British Museum, Chartres, at Bern, and at Stockholm.[12]

Dr. Van der Linde also describes a MS. on parchment of the fifteenth
century, forming part of the national library at Paris, which contains
the Game of Chess in verse.

   "Mès si d'esbat te prent tallant,
    Pren ton esbat déuement;
    Mès si à jouer vieulx attendre,
    Un noble jou te faulte attendre,
    C'est des echecs qui est licite
    Et à touz bien les gens incite."

The author has concealed his name with an ingenuity that has so far
defied penetration.

   "Nommez mon nom et mon surnom,
    Je ey escript tout environ,
    A vingt et dous lettres sans plus,
    Sera trouvé cy au dessus
    En enscript, et sans plus ne moins."

On this it is only necesiary to quote the remarks of a French
critic:--"Ou ne nous dit pas si c'est dans la suite même de la phrase,
ou seulement en acrosticke, que se trouvent les vingt-deux lettres de
ces nom mystérieux. Nous ne saurions former aucun nom avec les initiales
des trente vers qui précèdent ceux que nous venons de citer; et le
merite de l'ouvrage ne nous encourage pas à faire des longues recherches
pour découvrir un nom que l'auteur a pris plaisir à nous cacher."[13]

The bulk of Caxton's work is undoubtedly from the French translation of
Jehan de Vignay, whose dedication to Prince John of France has simply
been transformed into a similar address to the Duke of Clarence. He
styles De Vignay "an excellent doctor of the order of the Hospital of
St. John's of Jerusalem." This is the only authority we have for
supposing De Vignay to be connected with that order. He styles himself
"hospitaller de l'ordre de haut pas," which was situated in the Faubourg
St. Jacques of Paris. It is curious that two members of the same
order--for Ferron was also a Jacobin--should independently have occupied
themselves with the same work. The version by De Vignay was probably the
later of the two, and it was also the most popular, for whilst Ferron's
is still unprinted, that of De Vignay has been frequently re-issued from
the press. The work is dedicated to Jean de France, Duc de Normandie,
who became king in 1350. It will be seen from this that these two French
versions were practically contemporaneous.

The prologue to the book is as follows:--"A Tres noble & excellent
prince Jehan de france duc de normendie & auisne filz de philipe par le
grace de dieu Roy de france. Frere Jehan de vignay vostre petit
Religieux entre les autres de vostre seignorie/ paix sante Joie &
victoire sur vos ennemis. Treschier & redoubte seign'r/ pour ce que Jay
entendu et scay que vous veez & ouez volentiers choses proffitables &
honestes et qui tendent alinformacion de bonne meur ay Je mis vn petit
liuret de latin en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement/
ou quel plussieurs auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de
poetes & des anciens sages/ sont Racontez & sont appliquiez a la
moralite des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des
eschez le quel liure Tres puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou
nom & soubz vmbre de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign'r Je vous
suppli & requier de bonne voulente de cuer que il vo daigne plaire a
receuvoir ce liure en gre aussi bien que de vn greign'r maistre de moy/
car la tres bonne voulente que Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie me doit
estre reputee pour le fait/ Et po'r plus clerement proceder en ceste
ouure/ Jay ordene que les chappitres du liure soient escrips & mis au
commencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere de quoy le dit
liure pole."[14]

It will be seen that this is the foundation of Caxton's dedication of
the Chess-book to the Earl of Warwick. The "Golden Legend," printed by
Caxton in 1484, was in effect a translation from "La Legende Dorée,"
made before the year 1380 by Jehan de Vignay, who in his prologue
mentions that he had previously translated into French "Le miroir des
hystoires du monde," at the request of "Ma dame Jehanne de Borgoigne,
royne de France."[15] This preface Caxton, as usual, adopted with some
changes of name and other alterations, amongst which is a reference to
"the book of the chesse" as one of his works. The "Legenda Aurea" of
Jacobus de Voragine is, of course, the original source of De Vignay's
"Legende Dorée," and Caxton's "Golden Legend."

Ferron and de Vignay were avowedly translators. Their original was
Jacques de Cessoles. The name of this author has been tortured into so
many fantastic forms that one may almost despair of recovering the
original. Cæsolis, Cassalis, Castulis, Casulis, Cesolis, Cessole,
Cessulis, Cesulis, Cezoli, de Cezolis, de Cossoles, de Courcelles,
Sesselis, Tessalis, Tessellis, de Thessolus, de Thessolonia, and de
Thessolonica are different manners of spelling his surname, and the two
last are certainly masterpieces of transformation. Prosper Marchand has
amused himself by collecting some vain speculations of previous writers
as to the age, country, and personality of Jacques de Cessoles. Some
counted him a Lombard, some an Italian, whilst others again boldly
asserted that he was a Greek!

He lived towards the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the
fourteenth century, and having joined the Dominican order, was a "Maître
en Théologie" of that brotherhood at Reims. Various works are attributed
to him, and his learning and piety had many eulogists.

It is more than probable that his name would have been much less widely
known but for the happy accident that turned his attention to the game
of chess. It was a popular diversion, and in the moralizing spirit of
the age he saw in it an allegory of the various components of the
commonwealth. The men who were merely killing time were perhaps
flattered at the thought that they were at the same time learning the
modes of statecraft. Then, as now, the teachers of morality felt that a
song might reach him who a sermon flies, and they did not scruple to use
in the pulpit whatever aids came handy. The popular stories, wise saws,
and modern instances, were common enough on the lips of the preachers,
and such collections as the "Gesta Romanorum show what a pitch of
ingenuity in unnatural interpretation they had reached. An appropriate
instance is furnished by it in the following quaint fashion of
moralizing the chess play:--

   "Antonius was a wys emp_er_our regnyng in the cite of Rome, the which
   vsid moche to pley with houndis; and aftir þat pley, all þe day
   aftir he wolde vse þe chesse. So yn a day, as he pleide at þe
   chesse, & byheld the kyng fette yn the pley, som tyme hy and som tyme
   lowe, among aufyns and pownys, he thought þ_er_with þ_a_t hit
   wold be so with hi_m_, for he shuld dey, and be hid vndir erth. And
   þ_er_fore he devided his Reame in thre p_ar_ties; and he yaf oo
   part to þe kyng of Ier_usa_l_e_m; þe secunde p_ar_t vnto
   þe lordis of his Reame or his empire; and the thrid p_ar_tie vnto
   the pore people; & yede him self vnto the holy londe, and ther he
   endid his lyf in peas.

   MORALITE.

   Seth now, good sirs; this emp_er_our, þat lovith so wele play, may
   be called eche worldly man þat occupieth him in vanytes of the
   world; but he moste take kepe of the pley of the chesse, as did the
   emp_er_oure. the chekir or þe chesse hath viij. poyntes in eche
   p_ar_tie. In eu_er_y pley beth viij. kyndes of men, s_cil_.
   man, woman, wedewer, wedowis, lewid men, clerk_es_, riche men, and
   pou_er_e men. at this pley pleieth vj. men. the first man, þat
   goth afore, hath not but oo poynt, but whenne he goth aside, he
   takith anoþ_er_; so by a pou_er_e man; he hath not, but when he
   comyth to þe deth with pacience, þen shall he be a kyng in
   heuen, w_i_t_h_ þe kyng of pore men. But if he grucche ayenst his
   neighbour of his stat, and be a thef, and ravissh þat wher he may,
   þen he is ytake, and put in to the p_re_son of helle. The secund,
   f_cil_. alphyn, renneth iij. poyntes both vpward and douneward; [he]
   betokenyth wise men, the whiche by deceyuable eloquence & takyng of
   money deceyueth, & so he is made oonly. The iij. _scil._ þe kny3t,
   hath iij. poyntes, & goth þ_er_with; [he] betokenyth gentilmen
   þat rennyth aboute, & ravisshith, and ioyeth for her kynrede, &
   for habundaunce of richesse. The fourth, s_cil._ þe rook, he
   holdith length & brede, and takith vp what so is in his way; he
   betokenyth okerers and false m_er_chaunt3, þat rennyth aboute ouer
   all, for wynnyng & lucre, & rechith not how thei geten, so that thei
   haue hit. The fifthe is þe quene, that goth fro blak to blak, or
   fro white to white, and is yset befide þe kyng, and is ytake fro
   the kyng. This quene bytokenyth virgyns and damesels, þat goth fro
   chastite to synne, and beth ytake by the devill, for glovis or such
   man_e_r yiftis. The vj. is to whom all owe to obey and mynystre; and
   he goth forth, and bakward ayen, & in either side, & takith ouer all;
   so sone discendith in to þe world, and ascendith to god by
   praiers; But when he takith [no] kepe of god, and hath no meyne,
   þan is hit to þe man chekmate. And þ_er_fore let vs not
   charge of oure estatis, no more þan is w_i_t_h_ þe men, when
   þei be put vp in þe poket; then hit is no charge who be above
   or who be byneth; and so by the Spirit of loulynesse we may come to
   þe ioy of heven. And þat graunt vs, _qui viuit_ &c."

It is not, therefore, surprising to learn that Jacques de Cessoles found
texts for sundry sermons on the game that formed so favourite a
diversion of clergy and laity. The favour with which these discourses
were received no doubt gratified the worthy Dominican father. At the
request of some of those who heard them he began to write down the
substance of his sermons. The result was the "Liber de moribus Hominum
et officiis Nobilium ac Popularium super ludo scachorum," which
immediately attained great popularity. This is shown by the bibliography
of Dr. A. Van der Linde in a striking manner, for he has described two
hundred codices to be found in the various public libraries of
Europe.[16]

The difficulties in the way of forming any clear conception as to the
life and personality of Cessoles, Ferron, and De Vignay are well shown
in an article by M.C. Leber.[17] Dr. Ernst Köpke, who has reexamined the
evidences as to Cessoles, holds that he was a Lombard.[18]

The chief source from which Cessoles took his material was the treatise
"De Regimine Principum" of Egidius Romanus.

He was of the great Neapolitan family of the Colonna, and his Christian
name appears to have been Guido, but his designations have undergone
some curious transformations. Born at Rome, 22nd Sept., 1216, Guido
Colonna went at an early age to Paris, where, from the name of his
birthplace, he became known as Ægidius Romanus, with the French form of
Gilles de Rome. He was an ardent and enthusiastic disciple of St. Thomas
Aquinas, and his familiarity with that great doctor of the Church led
him to desire admission to the Dominican order, but a difficulty
intervened from the circumstance that he had already contracted ties
which bound him to the order of St. Augustine. To this untoward accident
may probably be attributed no little of the extension of the
philosophical doctrine of Aquinas; for Colonna, unable or unwilling to
be relieved of the vows that bound him to the Augustinians, preached
eagerly amongst them the Thomist speculations of his friend and master.
In the controversy with the Franciscans, those whom he had indoctrinated
were valuable allies to the Thomists, for their aid, coming from an
independent organization, appeared to carry the weight of impartiality,
and to be unassailable on the plea of partisan interest. In the year
1287 there was a general convocation of the order of St. Augustine at
Florence, and at this assembly it was decreed that the doctors of the
order should teach in conformity with the decisions arrived at by
Colonna. To him is largely due the success of the Thomist scheme, of
which he was an able, persistent, and vigorous exponent. Many tracts by
him remain in print and MS. on these subjects. The fame he had thus
acquired gained him the name of _doctor fundamentarius_ and _doctor
fundatissimus_. His lectures at Paris attracted to him the attention of
Philippe le Hardi, who thought him a fitting person to be entrusted with
the education of his son, who was afterwards known to hiftory as
Philippe le Bel. It was whilst occupied with this royal youth that the
thought of composing or compiling--and the terms were in practice
interchangeable in those days--occurred, and the result was the treatise
"De regimine Principum libri iii." Philippe le Hardi, if not an educated
man himself--and there are doubts as to whether he could write his own
name--was laudably anxious that his heir should have the best
instruction that could be obtained. It cannot well be claimed that the
able, handsome, and unscrupulous Philippe was any great credit to his
preceptor. The despotic and perfidious character of the king probably
owed more to the influence of Nogaret and other defenders of the "right
divine of kings to govern wrong," than to the soberer precepts of
Colonna. That Philippe had some tincture of literary feeling may be
inferred from his employment of Jehan de Meung to translate the military
treatise of Vegetius Flavius Renatus, a compilation of the second
century of the present era, which was so popular in the middle ages that
it was translated by Caxton into English. Still better evidence is the
translation made for the king by the same poet of Boethius, whose
stoical philosophy must have had a special appropriateness for those
times of political storm and stress, when the fickleness of fortune must
have been a matter of only too common repute. Guido Colonna was elected
by his admiring brethren the general of the order in 1292, and took up
his residence at Bourges, its metropolitan seat.

In this honourable office he continued his literary labours, and to this
period are assigned the greater part of his numerous works. He died at
Avignon in 1316. His body was translated to Paris, where his effigy in
black marble, with his epitaph, remained until the French
revolution.[19] It would be superfluous to enumerate his philosophical
writings, for they would have no interest in the present day. His
commentary on Aristotle "De Anima," it may be observed, was dedicated to
Edward I. His name is now chiefly remembered because his work on the
rule of princes formed the basis of the treatise in which Jacques de
Cessoles moralized the fashionable game of the chess.

One interesting instance of the popularity of Colonna's work is the
translation of it made into English verse by Thomas Occleve.[20] He
wrote it in 1411 or 1412, and its object was to obtain the payment of an
annuity from the exchequer which had been granted to him, but the
payment of which was very irregular. The book was dedicated to the
Prince of Wales. After mentioning his purpose to translate from the
(apocryphal) letter of Aristotle to Alexander and "Gyles of Regement of
Prynces," he proceeds:--

   "There is a booke, Jacob de Cessoles,
    Of the ordre of Prechours, made, a worthy man,

    That the Chesse moralisede clepede is,
    In whiche I purpose eke to labour ywis
    And here and there, as that my litelle witte
    Afforthe may, I thynke translate it.

    And al be it that in that place square
    Of the lystes, I meane the eschekere,
    A man may learn to be wise and ware;
    I that have avanturede many a yere,
    My witte therein is but litelle the nere,
    Save that somewhat I know a Kynges draught,
    Of other draughts lernede have I naught."--(p. 77.)

"In those days," says Warton, "ecclesiastics and schoolmen presumed to
dictate to kings and to give rules for administering states, drawn from
the narrow circle of speculation, and conceived amid the pedantries of a
cloister. It was probably recommended to Occleve's notice by having been
translated into English by John Trevisa, a celebrated translator about
the year 1390.[21]

Having thus traced the stream back to its fountain, we return to Caxton.
The story of his life has been told by Mr. Blades, and only the most
essential facts of his busy and useful career need be recapitulated
here. He was born in the Weald of Kent, and it has been conjectured that
the manor of Caustons, near Hadlow, was the original home of the family.
He was apprenticed to Alderman Robert Large, a mercer, who was
afterwards Lord Mayor. The entry in the books of the Mercers' Company
leads to the inference that Caxton was born about 1422. Probably on the
death of Large, in 1441, Caxton went abroad, for he tells us that in
1471 he had been resident outside England for thirty years. About 1462
or 1463 he was Governor of the English Nation or Merchant Adventurers at
Bruges. This was a position of great influence, and it is thought to
have enabled the loyal mercer to give good service to Edward IV., who
was an exile in 1470. Caxton's marriage was not much later than 1469,
and it is conjectured that this led him to enter the service of the
Duchess of Burgundy. She had literary tastes, and at her request he
translated the "Recuyell des Histoires de Troyes" of Raoul Le Fevre. It
was the demand for copies of this that exhausted Caxton's calligraphic
patience, and led to his employment of a printer. The incident may have
been casual, but it led to great results. It has been said that he
learned the printers' art at Cologne, but Mr. Blades supposes that he
entered its mystery at Bruges under Colard Mansion, with whom he appears
to have had some partnership. Probably towards the end of 1476 Caxton
returned to England. He had the favour of Edward IV. and of his sister,
Duchess of Burgundy, and the friendship of the King's brother-in-law,
Earl Rivers. Ninety-nine distinct productions issued from Caxton's
press, he was printer, publisher, translator, and something of author as
well. He set in good earnest about the work that is still going on--of
making the best accessible literature widely and commonly known. This
useful career was only ended by his death. The exact date is not known,
but it was probably late in 1491. He left a married daughter. Caxton was
a good business man. He was also a sincere lover of literature, and he
was at his favourite work of translation only a few hours before the
final summons came.

The quality of Caxton as a translator is not a matter of much doubt. It
may be that the archaic forms give an additional flavour to his style,
since they present few difficulties to the modern reader, and yet sound
like echoes from the earlier periods of the language. Generally he is
content to follow his author with almost plodding fidelity, but
occasionally he makes additions which are eminently characteristic. His
author having remarked:--"Il nest an Jour Duy nulle chose qui tant
grieue Rome ne ytalie com~e fait le college Des notaires publiques Car
ilz ne sont mie en accort ensemble"--Caxton improves the passage thus:--

   "For ther is no thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and
   Italye as doth the college of notaries and aduocates publicque. For
   they ben not of oon a corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the
   aduocats. men of law. And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of
   y'e royame as well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how
   torne they the lawe and statutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the
   peple/ how enpouere they the comynte/ I suppose that in alle
   Cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys and men of the lawe as
   ben in englond onely/ for yf they were nombrid all that lange to the
   courtes of the channcery kinges benche. comyn place. cheker. ressayt
   and helle And the bagge berars of the same/ hit shold amounte to a
   grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of whome. yf hit shold be
   vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they entende to theyr
   synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/"

Another addition is the brief passage in the first chapter of the fourth
tract in which the "good old times" are lamented and contrasted with the
decadence of the then present--now the four centuries past.

   "Alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what
   prosþite/ In whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office
   contente/ how stood the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how
   was renomed the noble royame of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And
   spack worship of hit/ how hit now standeth and in what haboundance I
   reporte me to them that knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the
   royame or on the see/ they knowe that laboure in the royame And sayle
   on the see I wote well the same is grete therof I pray god saue that
   noble royame And sende good true and politicque counceyllours to the
   gouernours of the same &c./"

The concluding paragraph of the book is also due to Caxton.

   "And therfore my ryght redoubted lord I pray almighty god to saue the
   kyng our souerain lord & to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge &
   tabounde in all vertues/ & to be assisted with all other his lordes
   in such wyse y't his noble royame of Englond may prospere & habounde
   in vertues/ and y't synne may be eschewid iuftice kepte/ the royame
   defended good men rewarded malefactours punysshid & the ydle peple to
   be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne
   gloriously In conquerynge his rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray
   peas and charite may endure in bothe his royames/ and that
   marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that euery man eschewe
   synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge your good grace
   to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the hope and
   shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most humble
   seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for your
   longe lyf & welfare/ whiche he preferue And sende yow
   thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs
   Amen:/: Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god. a.
   thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii"

This was struck out in the second edition, and the following briefer
farewell substituted:--

   "Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith
   this litel book redde take therby ensaumple to amend hym.

   Explicit per Caxton."

The alteration may perhaps be received as an evidence of our first
English printer's fastidiousness as an author.

The bibliography of the editions, translations, and imitations of
Cessoles is long and intricate. Details of MSS. have not been thought
necessary. They have been amply described by Dr. Van der Linde. The
treatise on the rule of princes of Colonna has been taken as furnishing
the matter which Jacques de Cessoles afterwards re-arranged under the
attractive form of a description of the game of chess. The editions of
the Latin text are followed by particulars of the translations into
French, English, Spanish, Italian, and other languages. Each title has
appended the name of the bibliographer on whose authority it is given.

These are as follows:--

_Hain._--Repertorium Bibliographicum ... opera Ludovici Hain. Stuttgart,
1826.

_Ebert._--A General Bibliographical Dictionary, from the German of
Frederic Adolphus Ebert. Oxford, 1837. 4 vols.

_Græsse._--Trésor de Livres rares et précieux: par Jean George Théodore
Græsse. Dresde, 1859-67. 6 vols.

_Brunet._--Manuel du Libraire par Jacques-Charles Brunei. Paris, 1860.

_Linde._--Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels von Antonius van der
Linde. Berlin, 1874.

Das erste Jartausend der Schachlitteratur (850-1880) zusammengestellt
von Dr. A.v.d. Linde. Berlin, 1881.

Dr. van der Linde's work is so complete that, for the most part, it has
been thought sufficient to give his name, even when older authorities
have been consulted.


COLONNA.

(See _antè_, p. xxviii.)

Ægidius Romanus de regimine principum L. III. s. l. 1473. Folio.

This Ebert and Græsse conjecture to have been printed by G. Zainer.
They describe it as the first edition of a work frequently reprinted,
and say that the last edition appeared at Lugd. Batav. in 1643, and had
on the title-page the name of St. Thomas Aquinas as author. Hain
mentions editions at Rome--Stephanum Plannck, 1482, folio;
Venetiis, 1498.

       *       *       *       *       *

(_French translation._)

Miroir exemplaire, selon la compilation du Gilles de Rome du regime et
gouvernement des rois etc. (by Henri de Gauchy or de Gauchay) et avec
est compris le secret de Aristote appellé le secret des secrets, et les
noms des rois de France com bien de temps ils out regné. Paris,
1517. Folio.

(_Græsse._)

This was printed by Guillaum Eustace: "On les v=et au palais au Tiers
pillier Et a la me neufue nostre dame a lenseigne de Lagnus dei"
(_Brunef_). Ebert mentions a French translation as having been printed
at Paris, in 1497; but Brunet, in the article on Aristotle, gives a
somewhat minute account of the book, to show that it is not that
of Colonna.

       *       *       *       *       *

(_Spanish translation._)

Regimi[=e]to de los principes sechs y ordenado par Don fray Gil de Roma de
la orden de s[=a]t Augustin. E fizolo trasladar de latín en rom[=a]ce do
Bernardo obispo de osma etc. Suilla--a espenses de Mæstre Conrado
aleman. & Melchior gurrizo, mercadores de libros, fue impresso per
Meynardo Ungut alememo: & Stanislas Polono compañeros. Acabaron se a
veynte dias del mes de octubre Año del señor de Mill & quarto cientos &
nouenta & quarto [1494] folio.

(_Hain, Brunet, Græffe_.)

Ebert notes that there was an edition under the name of Th. Aquino at
Madrid, 1625, 4to.

(_Catalan translation_.)

Regiment des Princeps. Barcelona per Mestre Nicolau Spindaler
emprentador. 1480. Folio.

(_Græffe_.)

Regiment del Princeps. Barcelona per Johan
Luchner. 1498. Fol.

(_Brunei, Græffe_.)

(_Italian translation_.)

Ebert mentions an Italian version by Val. Averoni. Firenze, 1577, 8vo.

(_Græffe_.)

(_English translation_.)

De regimine Principum, a poem by Thomas Occleve, written in the reign of
Henry IV. Edited for the first time by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A.,
F.S.A., &c. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London, J.B. Nichols.
1860. 4to.

(See _antè_, p. xxxii., for notice of another Early English version.)



CESSOLES.

(See _antè_, p. xxiv.)

Incipit solati[=u] ludi schacor. Scilicz regiminis ac morum nominu= et
officium viror' nobili[=u] quor' si quis formas menti impresserit bellum
ipsum et ludi virtutem cordi faciliter poterit optinere. (E)Go frater
iacobus de thessolonia multor' fratru= &c. Ends: Explicit folaci[=u] ludi
schacor'. Folio. 40 leaves.

There is neither date, place, nor printer's name given; but it is
considered to have been the work of Nic. Ketelær and Ger. de Leempt, at
Utrecht (Ultrajectus), about 1473.

(_Linde, Græsse_.)

Incipit libellus de ludo Scaccorum, et de dictis factisque nobilium
virorum, philosophorum et antiquorum. Explicit tabula super ludum
Scacchorum. Deo gratias. 4to. 29 leaves. Sign. A--H.

This is in black letter, and has neither date nor place.

(_Linde_.)

Incipit libelles de ludo Schaccorum.... Explicit doctrina vel morum
informatio, accepta de modo et ordine Ludi Schaccorum. 4to.

(_Linde_.)

Incipit liber quem composuit frater. Jacobus' de cessolis ordinis
fratr[=u] predicatorum qui intitulatur liber de moribus hominum et
officiis nobilium super ludo scacorum. Impressum Mediolani ad impensas
Paulini de suardis Anno a natali christiano. MCCCCLXXviiij. die xxiij.
Mensis augusti. Folio. 24 leaves.

(_Linde, Græsse_.)

Jacobi de Cessolis Ord. Præd. Informatio morum, excerpta ex modo et
ratione ludi Scacchorum; sive de moribus hominum officiisque nobilium et
super eo commentarius. Mediolani. 1497. Folio.

(_Linde, Græsse_.)

Tractatus de Scachis mistice interpretatus de moribus per singulos
homin[=u] status. 4to. Anno 1505.

On leaf 31b:--

                                 "Ad lectorum
    Qum paucis rigidos possis compescere mons
    Accipe: quod offert hiberna ex arce Johannes
    Scacherii munus: sapiens Philometer et illud
    Tradidit. ut regis babilonis crimina mergat
    Hunc tibi si soties capiet te lectio frequens
    Noveris et iuste que ius moderamina vite."

No place or date, but supposed to be printed at Vienna, by Joh.
Winterburg.

(_Linde, Græsse_.)

Jacobus de Cessoles. Von Prof. Dr. Ernft Köpke, Mittheilungen, aus den
Handschriften der Ritter. Akademie zu Brandenburg. Brandenburg a.d.
Havel, 1879, 4to.

(_Linde_, "Jartausend.")

(_French translation_.)

Les jeu des Echez moralisé, nouvellement imprimé à Paris (ends). Cy
finist le livre des Echez et l'Ordre de Chevalerie, translaté de latin
en françois, imprimé nouvellement à Paris; et fut achevé le vendredy,
VI'e jour de septembre, l'an MVC et IIII, pour Anthoine Verart, libraire
juré en l'université de Paris, demourant à Paris, à l'imaige Sainct
Jehan l'evangeliste, devant la rue neufve Nostre Dame, &c. Folio,
102 leaves.

(_Linde._)

"On trouve an f. LX un autre traité de Morale et an f. lxxxij celui de
_Melibee et de Prudence_. Il y a à la bibl. imp. un exempl. de cette éd.
tiré sur vélin et orné de 4 Miniatures."

(_Græsse._)

Le Jeu de Echets moralisé ... Cy finist le liure des eschecz et lordre
de cheualerie, translattée de latin en françoys imprimé à Paris: et fut
acheué le xiiii iour de nouembre mil cinq cent et cinq. Par Michel le
noir libraire ... demourant deuant Saint Denys de la chartre à limaige
nostre dame. 90 leaves.

(_Linde._)

On trouve à la fin du _Livre de l'ordre de chevalerie_ le même Dialogue
entre Melibée et Prudence sous le titre: _Ung petit traictie a
lenseignement et au prouffit de tous princes barons & aultres que le
vouldront entendre & garder lequel fut fonde & extrait d'une fiction
trouvee en escript_. Ce qui a induit _Du Verdier_ (vol. i. p. 556) en
erreur de croire que cette traduction, publiée en 1505, diffère de
celle de 1504.

(_Græsse._)

{_Italian translation_.}

Libro di Giuocho di Scacchi intitulato de costumi degli huomin et degli
officii de nobili. 4to.

"Ohne Angabe des Druckortes und des Jahres. Ausser dem
Titelblattbildchen bringt das Buch dreizehn Abbildungen, welche die von
Cessoles auf dem Schachbrett statuirten Würden und Gewerke darstellen."

(_Linde_)

Libro di givocho di scacchi intitulato de costumi degl huomini & degli
offitii de nobili. (Fol. 2a:) In comincia un tractato gentile & utile
della uirtu del giuocho degli scachi cioe intitulato de costumi
deglhuomini & degli ufitii denobili: composto pel Reu[=e]redo Mæstro
Jacopo dacciesole dellordine de fratri predicatori. Fol. 67b: Impresso
in Fir[=e]ze per Mæstro Antonio Miscomini Anno M.CCCCLXXXXIII. Adi primo
di Marzo 8vo.

(_Linde_.)

"Cette ed. bien incorrecte quant an texte (comme les reimpressions: f.
l. 1534, in 8vo. [56 ff.] I 1. 206, Gallarini) est recherchée pour ses
belles gravures en bois, don't une partie a été copiée par Dibdin, Aedes
Althorp, vol. ii. p. 5-13. II y a une nouvelle édition: _Mil. tipogr. di
Giulio Terrario_, 1829, gr. in 8°, avec des copies de ces mêmes figures
et des corrections du texte d'après des de Florence. On a tiré de cette
dernière édition 24 exempl. _in carte distinte_, 1 sur peau velin
d'Augsbourg et 1 _in capretti di Roma_."

(_Græsse_.)

Opera nvova nella quale se insigna il vero regimento delli huomini &
delle do[=n]e di qualunqu grado, stato, e condition esser si voglia:,
Composta per lo Reuerendissimo Padre Frate Giacobo da Cesole del ordine
di predicatori sopra il giuoco delli Scacchi, Intitulata Costvme delli
hvomini, & vfficii delli nobeli, nuouamente Stampata. M.D. XXXIIII.
Stampata in Vineggia per Fransesco di Alessandro Bin doni & Mapheo
Pasini compagni: Nelli anni del Signore, 1534. del mese di Zenaro 8vo.
56 leaves.

(_Linde_.)

Volgarizzamento del libro de' costumi e degli officii de' nobili sopra
il giuoco degli scacchi di frate Jacopo da Cessole tratto nuovamente da
un codice Magliabechiano. Milano, 1829. Dalla tipografia del dottore
Giulio Ferrario Contrado del Bocchetto al No. 2465 8vo. Pp. xx and 162,
and 1 leaf.

(_Linde_.)

_Catalan translation_.

This does not appear to have been printed. There is a codex in the
Vatican and another at Barcelona. They are described by Linde. See ante,
p. xxviii.

_Spanish translation_.

Dechado de la vida humana. moralmento Sacado del juego del Axedrez.
tradizado agora de nuevo per el licenciado Reyna Vezino della Villa de
Aranda de duero. En este año M.D.XLIX. 4to. 56 leaves.

Printed at Valladolid by Francifque Fernandes de Cordoue.

(_Linde_.)

_German translation_.

Ich bruder Jacob von Caffalis prediger ordens, bin überwunder worden von
der bruder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten
vnd d'ampt der edeln. Folio. 40 leaves.

Without place or year, but printed before the year 1480.

(_Linde_.)

I (Ch) bruder Jacob von Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden
vo(n) der brüder gebet wegen vn(d) der weltlichen studenten vn(d) andern
edlen leut die mich haben horen predigen das spil das do heysset
schachzabel. Das ich davon gemacht hab ditz buch. vn(d) hab das pracht
zenutz menschlichs geschlechts. Vn(d) hab es geheissen das buch
menschlicher sitten vnnd der ampt der edlen ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich
das buch menschlicher sitten vnd der ampt der edeln I.4.7.7. Folio.
40 leaves.

This is believed to have been printed with the type of G. Zainer at
Augftmrg.

(_Linde_)

(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden
von der brüder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das Buch menschlicher
sitten vnd der ampt der edlen. Gedruckt zu Augsburg in der
Kayserliche(n)stat anno dni MCCCC LXXX IIJ. am osterabe(n)t geent.
Folio. 36 leaves.

(_Linde_.)

Dis buchlein weiset die aufzlegung des schachzabel spils, Vnd
menschlicher fitten, Auch von den ampten der edeln. (Leaf Aiia)

(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger orde(n)s ... (Leaf 39b)
Getruckt vnd volendet von henrico knoblochzern in der hochgelobten stat
Strassburg vff Sant Egidius tag In dem LXXX iij Jor. &c. Folio.
39 leaves.

(_Linde_.)

Jacobus de Cessolis, de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac
popularium; oder, Das Schachwerk des Cessolis, von den Sitten der
Menschen und den Pflichten der Vornehmen und Niedern. Von Heydebrand v.
d. Lafa. (Schachzeitung, 1870.)

(_Linde._)

(_German rhyming version of Conrad von Ammenhausen_.)

Ueber das Schachzabelbuch Konrads von Ammenhausen und die Zofinger
Handsschrift desselben, von Wilhelm Wackernagel (Beitrage zur Geschichte
und Literatur vorzuglich aus den Archiven und Bibliotheken des Kanton
Aargau. Herausgegeben von Dr. Heinrich Kurz ... und Placid Weissenbach.
Erster Band. Aarau 1846.)

Dr. van der Linde gives particulars of various MSS. of this rhyming
version of Cessolis.

(_German rhyming version of Dr. Jacob Mennel_.)

Schachzabel. (Ends.) Getruckt vund vollendet in der loblichen statt
Costentz vo Hanfen schäffeler. Vf zinftag vor sant Vits tag Anno M. cccc
vn vii iar. 4to 13 leaves. Sig. a ii--c ii.

In the prologue Jacob Mennel, doctor, claims the paternity of this
rhyming treatise, but he is supposed to have taken much of his
material--ready made--from Ammenhausen.

Schachtzabel Spiel. D Esz Ritterlich[=e] kunst lich[=e] Schachtzabel Spiels
vnderweygung, erclärung, vn(d) verstant, wo here das kommen, were das am
ersten erfunden, vund ausz was vrsach es erdacht sey, Auch wie man das
künstlich lernen ziehen vn(d) spielen solle, sampt etlich[=e] kunstlich[=e]
geteylten spielen &c. [Illustration: hand] Zu dem Schachtzieher.

   "Dein Augen scherpff, nicht uberseh
    Dem wyderteyl, sleiszlich nach speh,
    Wie fich gebürt, im Feld und Heer,
    Dein volck das schich an zu der weer,
    Vnd orden das recht an dem streyt,
    Ders überlicht, gern vnden leyt."

Getruckt zu Oppenheym. 4to.

This second edition was issued by Jacob Köbel, who printed about 1520.

(_Linde._)

Des Altenn Ritterlichenn spils des Schachzabels, grüntlich bedeutung
vund klarer bericht, dasselbig künstlich zuziehenn vund spilen. Mit ein
newenn zusatz ettlicher besonderen Meisterstück, nach der Current,
welfchen art, vn(d) von Hutten, deszgleichen ettlichener besondern
Regeln des Schachziehens, vormals nie auszgangen. Franckfurt, 1536. 4to.

(_Linde._)

Vnderweifzung, erklärung, vund auszlegung desz Ritterlichenn,
kunstlichenn spielfz des Schachzabels, durch den Hochgelartenn Doctor
Jacob Mennel... auff dem heiligen Reichsztag zu Kostentz, Anno &c. 1507
in Rheimen gedicht, vund desselbinn spiels Vrsprung vn(d) wesenn, Auch
wie man das auff das aller kurtzest zu ziehenn vund spilen begreissen
mag, offenbart. Frankfurt, 1536, 4to.

This is given on the authority of Massmann by Dr. van der Linde.

Das Schachzabelspiel. Des alten ritterlichen Spiels des Schachzabels'
gründlich Bedeutung... Frankf. 1536. [Reprint.]

Dr. van der Linde does not speak well of this reprint which appeared
in:--Schaltjahr, welches ist der teutsch Kalendar, durch J. Scheible.
Dritter Band. Stuttgart, 1847.

(_German rhyming version of Heinrich von Beringen._)

There is a third rhyming version of the Chessbook by Heinrich von
Beringer, of which a MS., dated 1438, is in the Stuttgart library.
(_Linde._)

(_Low German rhyming translation by Stephan._)

Van dogheden vnde van guden zeden fecht dyt boek wol dat valen ouer left
de wert ok des schackspeles klock. (Lubeck, about 1489.) Small 4to. or
large 8vo.

    "Hir gheyt vth ghemaket to dude
    Dat schackspil der eddelen lude
    Des bokes dichter het stephan."

(_Linde._)

(_Dutch Translation._)

(D)It is die tafel van desen boeck datmen hiet dat scæcspel (Fol. 2'a)
(H)Ier beghint ee suuerlyc boec vanden tytuerdryf edelre heren ende
vrouwen. als vande scæc spul. dær nochtant een ygherlyck mensche van
wat stæt dat hi si. vele scoenre en(de) saliger leren wt neme(n) mach.
næ welcken hi syn leuen sal regieren tot profyt ende salicheyt synre
sielen (Fol. 67'b), ghebruyken Amen In iær ons heren dusent vierhondert
ende neghentseuentich. opten anderden dach van october, soe is dit
ghenoechlycke boeck voleynt en(de) Ghemæct ter goude in hollant. by my
gherært leeu. Lof heb god Folio.

(_Linde._)

Tractat van den Tydverdryf der Edele Heeren ende Vrouwen, genoemt dat
scækspel, verciert met veele schoone historien (Ends:) Int iær ons
heren M.CCCC.LXXXIII. opten veertienden dach van februario: so is dat
ghenoecklike bock volmæckt te Delff in hollant. 4to.

(_Linde._)

Hier beghint een suyuerlijck boeck vande(n) tytuerdrijf edelre heere(n)
ende vrouwen, als vanden scæck spel, dær nochtans een ieghelijck
me(n)sche va wat stæt dz by sy, vele scoonre en(de) saligher
leerighe(n) wt nemen mach, næ welcken hy sijn leuen sal regeren tot
profijt ende salicheyt synre sielen. (Ends.) Gheprint tot Louen in de
Borchstrate in den Lupært by my Anthonis Maria Bergaigne ghesworen
boecprinter. Int iær ons Heren. M.CCCCC. ende LI. den VI. dach van
Augustus. 8vo. 120 leaves.

(_Linde_.)

(_Scandinavian rhyming translation_.)

De ludo Scacchorum seu de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac
popularium. Poema suecanum vetustum. e codice manuscripto biblioth. Reg.
Universitatis Havn. nunc primum editum. quod consensu ampl. ord. phil.
Lund. p.p. Ernestus Rietz et Augustus Ludovicus Sjöberg, scanus in
Academia Carolina die vi Decembris MDCCCXLVIII. Lundæ, Typis
Berlingianis. MDCCCXLVIII. 8vo.

Fourteen dissertations, of which there is a set in the Jena Library.

There is a MS. of this Scandinavian poetical version of Cessolis dated
1492, and another dated 1492 in the Kopenhagen University Library.

(_Linde_.)

(_English translation._)

The Game and Playe of the Chesse. folio. E. P.

The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Explicit per Caxton. folio.

The Game at Chesse, a metaphorical Discourse shewing the present Estate
of this Kingdome. London. 1643, 4to.

This title is given by Lowndes, but examination only would show whether
it is in any way an imitation of Caxton.

The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. [Facsimile reprint of the
second edition, with remarks by Vincent Figgins.] London: J. R. Smith,
1855. folio.

The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. Reproduced in facsimile from a
copy in the British Museum. With a few remarks on Caxton's Typographical
Productions. By Vincent Figgins. London: John Russell Smith. 1860.

The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. A facsimile reproduction of
the first work printed in England, from the copy in the British Museum.
London: Trübner and Co. 1862. fol.

Caxton and the Spelling Reform. [Signed] Isaac Pitman, Bath, 10th March,
1877. 4to. Pp. 4.

This contains an extract from the "Game of the Chess" in four
columns:--i. Caxton's spelling. 2. The supposed pronunciation of the
same represented by the Phonetic alphabet. 3. Modern spelling. 4.
Phonetic spelling.

The Game of the Chesse: a moral treatise on the duties of life. The
First Book Printed in England, by William Caxton in the year 1474.
Reprinted in Phonetic spelling, with a preface and contents in Caxton's
orthography, and a fac-simile page of the original work. Second edition.
London, F. Pitman. Bath, Isaac Pitman, James Davies. 1872 [1879].

The printing of this book began in 1872, when the title-page and earlier
sheets were worked, but it was not finished until May, 1879. This is the
second time that Mr. Pitman has printed the Chess-book in his reformed
orthography. The first issue was in 1855. Although the title-page
repeats the old belief that "The Game of Chess" was the first book
printed in England, and gives the date of 1474, it is really a reprint
of the second edition of Caxton.

(_Sloane's version_.)

The Buke of the Chesse. Auchinleck Press. 1818. 4to.

This is printed from a MS. which is believed to have been written about
the beginning of the sixteenth century. The work is in verse, and ends:
"Heir endis y'e buke of y'e Chess, Script per manu Jhois Sloane." Only
forty copies were reprinted by Sir Alexander Boswell at the
Auchinleck Press.

(_Linde. Lowndes_.)

The "Game and Play of the Chess" is an interesting specimen of mediæval
English literature. It is so near our own time that the language
prefents few difficulties, in spite of its many Gallicisms, and yet it
is so remote as to seem like the echo of an unknown world. The
distinctly dogmatic portions of the book are but few, and their paucity
is indeed a matter of some surprise, since it is in effect a detailed
treatise on practical ethics, and is, in part if not wholly,
systematized from the discourses of one distinguished preacher, who had
borrowed much of his matter from another eminent ecclesiastic. The
author aims not at the enforcement of doctrine, but at the guidance of
life, though he no doubt assumes that his hearers are all faithful and
orthodox sons of the Church.[22]

The ideal of the commonwealth of the middle ages finds an interesting
expression. The sharp lines of demarcation between class and class are
stated with the frankness that comes of a belief that the then existing
social fabric was the only one possible in the best of worlds. There is
no doubt in the author's mind as to the rightful position of king and
baron, of bishp and merchant. The "rights of man" had not been invented,
apparently, and the maxim that the king reigns but does not govern,
would have perplexed the souls of Cessoles and his translators. They had
no more doubt as to the divine right of the monarch, than the Thibetan
has of the divine right of the grand lama. The Buddhist thinks he has
secured the continuous re-appearance of supernatural wisdom in human
form, and the regular transmission of political ability in the same
family was the ideal for which the devotees of mediæval despotism had to
hope. Nothing could be further from the aspirations of our author than a
race of mere palace kings seeking enjoyment only in self-indulgence. The
king was to be the ruler and leader of his people. The relation and
interdependence of the several classes is emphatically proclaimed, and
the claims of duty are urged upon each.

The book enables us to gauge the literary culture of the thirteenth,
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. Poor as it may now seem, it
belonged, in those days, to the "literature of power," and had great
influence. The form is one which lent itself readily to poetic and
historic illustration, and indeed demanded such treatment. The authors
and translators were chiefly learned and distinguifhed ecclesiastics.
Caxton, the representative of the new time when literature was to be the
common heritage, was filled to overflowing with the best literature then
accessible. A writer of the present century, probably borrowing his
sentiment, has defined originality to be undetected imitation. Such
refinements were unknown to Cessoles and his contemporaries. A writer
took whatever suited his purpose from any and every source that was open
to him. A quotation was always as good as an original sentiment, and
sometimes much better. Why should a man take the trouble of laboriously
inventing fresh phrases about usury or uncleanness when there were the
very words of St. Augustine or St. Basil ready to hand? Why seek modern
instances when the great storehouse of anecdotes of Valerius Maximus was
ready to be rifled? Very frequently the author is given, mostly it may
be imagined from a sense of the value of the authority of the names thus
cited. Whatever the intention of the writer, the effect is to show us
what were the authors known, studied, and quoted in the middle ages.

The authors named are:--Saint Ambrose (2 references), Anastasius (1),
Avicenna (2), Saint Augustine (9), Saint Basil (1), Saint Bernard (2),
Boethius (3), Cassiodorus (1), Cato (5), Cicero (6), Claudian (2),
"Crete" (1), Diomedes (1), Florus (1), Galen (1), Helinand (4),
Hippocrates (4), Homer (1), Saint Jerome (3), John the Monk (1),
Josephus (4), Livy (2), Lucan (1), Macrobius (1), Martial (1), Ovid (6),
Paulus Diaconus (1), Petrus Alphonsus (2), Plato (4), Quintilian (3),
Sallust (1), Seneca (15), Sidrac (1), Solinus (1), Symmachus (1),
Theophrastus (1), "Truphes of the Philosophers" (2), Turgeius Pompeius
(1), Valerius Maximus (23), Valerian (7), Varro (1), Virgil (2), "Vitas
Patrum" (2).

It will be seen that the great classical writers are but poorly
represented, and the main dependence has been upon the later essayists,
and chiefly upon Valerius Maximus, who has pointed many of the morals
enforced in this book. It may, perhaps, be doubted if the writer had
more to work from than Valerius, Seneca, and St. Augustine, with
occasional quotations such as memory would supply from other sources.
The verification of all these quotations would not repay the labour it
would involve; but in most cases where the experiment has been tried,
the result has been fairly creditable to the old author.

The biblical allusions may be taken as typical. There are references to
the "bible," "holy scripture," "Ecclesiastes," and "Canticles." There
also occur the names of Adam, Eve, Abel, Cain, Noah, Ham, Lot, David,
Abner, Joab, Abishai, Solomon, Isaiah, Evilmerodach, Belshazzar, Darius,
Cyrus, Tobias, John the Baptist, and Paul. The citations are not all
literally exact. Solomon had not a very good opinion of his fellow-men;
but the comprehensive estimate of the number of fools with which he is
credited on p. 3 is not to be found in the writings canonically
attributed to him. The quotation from the Canticles on p. 25 may be
compared with the translation in the Wicliffite verfion made by Nicholas
de Hereford, A. D. 1380. This passage is rendered: "His left hond is
vndur myn heed; and his ri3t hond shal biclippe me" ("Song of Solomon,"
ii. 6). Clip is still current in Lancashire, in the sense of embrace.

The extract from St. Paul, with which the prologue to the second edition
opens, is no doubt intended for the following passage: "All Scripture is
given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for
reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness" (2 Tim.
iii. 16).

In the reference to the Athenians (p. 16), we seem to hear an echo of
the words: "For all the Athenians and strangers that were there spent
their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing
" (Acts xvii. 21).

The most curious reference to a biblical personage is that relating to
Evilmerodach (p. 10). Cessoles seems to have been the first to associate
the name of the son of Nebuchadnezzar with the invention of the game of
chess. The biblical references to Evilmerodach are few; they throw no
light on the reason of his selection by the mediæval scribe for a bad
pre-eminence of parricide. The epithet of _joli_ applied to the king has
an odd effect, followed as it is by the narrative of his most unfilial
conduct. Dr. Van der Linde shows how widely the legend spread. Lydgate
evidently hesitates between the divided authority of Guido--that is,
Colonna, the author of the Troy book--and Cessoles, whom he quotes
through Jacobus de Vitriaco.[23]

Amongst the authors not identified are "Crete" (p. 133), and Diomedes
(p. 10). The account of the origin of chess attributed to the last is
amplified a little further on. The legend that Palamedes invented a game
of this kind at the siege of Troy is emphatically rejected by our
author, who pins his fame on Xerxes, a Greek philosopher! This became
the received opinion, as may be gathered from the unhesitating language
of Polydore Vergil in a passage which is thus rendered by John
Langley:--"The chesse were invented the year of the world 3635, by a
certain Wise man called Xerxes, to declare to a Tyrant, that Majesty or
Authority without strength, assistance & help of his subjects, was
casual feeble & subject to many calamities of fortune; his intent was to
break the fierce cruelty of his heart, by fear of such dangers as might
come to passe in the life of man." [24]

The curious treatise which contains the supposed conversations of King
Bocchus and the philosopher Sidrac (p. 171) was a favourite science book
of the middle ages. It is probably of oriental origin, but there are
editions in Latin, French, German, Flemish, Dutch, Italian, and English.
By way of question and answer very decided statements are made on a wide
variety of topics of which the author was profoundly ignorant. The
particular part referred to by Cessoles is chap, cclxxxi: "Pourquoy
sacostent les hommes charnellement aux femmes grosses et les bestes ne
le font pas?"[25] John the Monk (p. 70) is the noted canonist Giovanni
Andrea, who died at the plague of Bologna in 1347. His learning gained
him such titles as _rabbi doctorum_ and _normaque morum_. His
commentaries on the decretals were frequently reprinted. He gave the
name of "Novellæ" to this work after the name of his mother and
daughter. His code of morality contained no prohibition of literary
theft, for his additions to the "Speculum Juris" of Durand are said to
have been taken bodily from Oddrale. In the same magnificent manner he
appropriated the treatise "De Sponsalibus et Matrimonio" of Anguissola.
His daughter Novella was a learned woman, and became the wife of
Giovanni Calderino, a jurist of Bologna. Their son, Gaspard Calderino,
wrote a commentary on the decretals. Father, daughter, son-in-law, and
grandson appear to have all been experts in the canon law.[26]

The reference to the "first book of the Truphes of the Philosophers by
figure" does not convey a very definite idea as to the particular work
intended. It must have been somewhat miscellaneous in character, for one
extract describes the fountain of the syrens (p. 122), and the other is
an anecdote, which though told here of Julius Cæsar (p. 71), is really
the story of the soldier who had fought at Actium with Augustus Cæsar.
It occurs also in the "Gesta Romanorum," where the emperor is
named Agyos.

"Helmond" (p. 33, &c.) is intended for Helinand, who died some time
after 1229. After a brilliant period at the court of Philip Augustus,
where he is represented as reciting his heroic verses before the king
and his surrounding, he became a monk of the Cistercian Abbey of
Froidmont. One of his surviving poems deals with the melancholy subject
of death. The "Flores Helinandi" are said to have been popular as well
as his "Chronique." He is also the reputed author of some sermons, and
of the life of St. Gereon, published by the Bollandists, and of other
works still inedited. He is sometimes confounded with another French
monk of the same name, who lived in the eleventh century, and was an
inmate of the monastery at Persigne in Maine. This second Helinand was
the author of commentaries or glosses on the Apocalypse and Exodus.[27]
The first-named has been credited with the authorship of "Gesta
Romanorum." The grounds for this are very slight. "On a longtemps ignoré
le nom de l'auteur de cette compilation, mais un passage du 68^e
dialogue du livre intitulé 'Dialogus creaturarum' nous le révele par ces
mots: _Elimandus in gestis romanorum_."[28] But, as Sir F. Madden and
Mr. Herrtage have pointed out, the name of "Gesta Romanorum" was given
to any book treating of Roman affairs. A French translation of Livy, by
Robert Gaguin, has been catalogued as a version of the "Gesta." The
reference cited by Brunet is to the Chroniques of Helinand.[29]

Many of the stories and anecdotes are the commonplaces of ancient
history, such as the friendship of Damon and Pythias, the sword of
Damocles, the chastity of Scipio, the magnanimity of Alexander, the
fable of the Dog and the Shadow, &c. Others current in the middle ages
had great popularity, and even in our own days occasionally renew their
youth. The story of John of Ganazath (p. 48) is to be found in Occleve's
translation of Colonna. Mr. Thomas Wright remarks: "This story, under
different forms, was a very common one in the middle ages. One version
will be found in my 'Latin Stories,' p. 28. It will hardly be necessary
to remark that the story of King Lear and his daughters is another
version."[30]

The story appears also in some modern compilations. In one instance it
is given as the will of Jehan Connaxa, of Antwerp, about 1530.[31] The
incident is given in the following form in the popular collection known
as the "Percy Anecdotes":[32]--

"An eminent trader at Lyons, who had acquired an easy fortune, had two
handsome daughters, between whom, on their marriage, he divided all his
property, on condition that he should pass the summer with one and the
winter with the other. Before the end of the first year, he found
sufficient grounds to conclude that he was not a very acceptable guest
to either; of this, however, he took no notice, but hired a handsome
lodging, in which he resided a few weeks; he then applied to a friend,
and told him the truth of the matter, desiring the gift of two hundred
livres, and the loan of fifty thousand, in ready money, for a few hours.
His friend very readily complied with his request; and the next day the
old gentleman made a very splendid entertainment, to which his daughters
and their husbands were invited. Just as dinner was over, his friend
came in a great hurry; told him of an unexpected demand upon him, and
desired to know whether he could lend him fifty thousand livres. The old
man told him, without any emotion, that twice as much was at his
service, if he wanted it; and going into the next room, brought him the
money. After this, he was not suffered to stay any longer in lodgings;
his daughters were jealous if he stayed a day more in one house than the
other; and after three or four years spent with them, he died; when,
upon examining his cabinet, inftead of livres, there was found a note
containing these words: 'He who has suffered by his virtues, has a right
to avail himself of the vices of those by whom he has been injured; and
a father ought never to be so fond of his children as to forget what is
due to himself.'"

Amongst other versions of the story is a novelle by Giovanni Brevio,
published as part of his "Rime" in 1545. Piron's comedy of "Les Fils
Ingrats," also known as "L'Ecole des Pères," appeared in 1728. "The
story," adds Dunlop, "is also told in the 'Pieuses Recreations d'Angelin
Gazée,' and is told in the 'Colloquia Mensalia' of Luther, among other
examples to deter fathers from dividing their property during life among
their children--a practice to which they are in general little
addicted."[33]

There is yet another verfion of the story in John of Bromyard's "Summa
Predicantium." After describing the discovery of the club it says, "in
quo Anglice scriptum erat"--

    "Wyht fuyle a betel be he smetyn,
    That al the werld hyt mote wyten,
    That gyfht his sone al his thing,
    And goht hym self a beggyn."

Mr. Wright gives another version, and adds that he is inclined to think
that the story and verses had some connection with "a superstition not
yet forgotten, which is thus told by Aubrey in his 'Remains of Gentilism'"
(Thorn's "Anecdotes and Traditions," p. 84)--"The Holy Mawle, which
they fancy was hung behind the church door, which when the father was
seaventie, the sonne might fetch to knock his father in the head, as
effete and of no more use."[34]

Herodotus has attributed the same unfilial conduct to some Indian
tribes.

The incident of St. Bernard playing at dice for a soul (p. 151), is in
the "Gesta Romanorum." The anecdote how a son induced his father to
become a monk (p. 81) which is quoted from the "Vitas Patrum" is also in
the "Gesta Romanorum," and has so much of the Buddhist flavour as to
give rise to the suspicion that it comes from an Oriental source.[35]
The story of two merchants quoted from Petrus Alphonsus is also in the
"Gesta Romanorum." It is the foundation of Lydgate's "Two Friends," and
is beyond doubt an Eastern importation. In a MS. of the "Speculum
Laicorum," described by Prof. Ingram, the writer has transformed one of
the merchants into an Englishman.[36]

The story quoted from "Paul, the historiagraph of the Lombards" (p. 46),
is also given in the "Gesta Romanorum." Mr. Herrtage says it is
"evidently founded on the classical legend of Tarpeia." The narrative in
the chess-book is taken from Paulus Diaconus.[37]

The stratagem by which deposited money was recovered from a dishonest
trustee (p. 114) is told by Petrus Alphonsus, and is also in the "Gesta
Romanorum."

The story of the danger of drunkenness (p. 129) was a favourite with our
forefathers. It is given by John of Bromyard, and is the subject of a
fabliau which is given by Meon.[38]

The somewhat violent remedy recorded as having been adopted by
Demosthenes (p. 103) will remind some readers of a passage in the life
of St. Francis of Assisi. "He had given up," says Mrs. Oliphant,
"without hesitation, as would appear, all the indefinite sweetness of
youthful hopes. But, nevertheless, he was still young, still a man, with
human instincts and wishes, the tenderest nature, and an imagination
full of all the warmth and grace of his age and his country. It does not
appear that he ever put into words the musings which caught him
unawares--the relics of old dreams or soft recollections which now and
then would steal into his heart. But one night suddenly he rose from the
earthen floor which was his bed, and rushed out into the night in an
access of rage and passion and despair. A certain brother who was
praying in his cell, peering, wondering, through his little window, saw
him heap together seven masses of snow in the clear moonlight. 'Here is
thy wife,' he said to himself; 'these four are thy sons and daughters,
the other two are thy servant and thy handmaid; and for all these thou
art bound to provide. Make haste, then, and provide clothing for them,
lest they perish with cold. But if the care of so many trouble thee, be
thou careful to serve our Lord alone.' Bonaventura, who tells the story,
goes on, with the true spirit of a monkish historian, to state how, 'the
tempter being vanquished, departed, and the holy man returned victorious
to his cell.' The piteous human yearning that is underneath this wild
tale, the sudden access of self-pity and anger, mixed with a strange
attempt, not less piteous than the longing, at self-consolation--all the
struggle and conflict of emotion which stilled themselves, at least for
a moment, by that sudden plunge into the snow, and wild, violent, bodily
exertion, are either lost upon the teller of the tale, or perhaps he
fears to do his master injustice by revealing any consciousness of the
possibility of such thoughts. But it is a very remarkable peculiarity of
Francis's history, that whereas every saint in the Calendar, from Antony
downwards, is sometimes troubled with visions of voluptuous delight,
only Francis, in his pure dreams, is tempted by the modest joys of wife
and children--the most legitimate and tenderest love."[39]

The reader must not expect any historical exactitude or critical spirit
from our author. For his purpose a narrative was just as useful whether
true or false, but it probably never occurred to him to question the
exact truth of any statement that he found written in a book. The murder
of Seneca (p. 9) is certainly not the least of the many crimes which
stain the memory of Nero, but the circumstances of his death are not
exactly described by the mediæval scribe. Whether the philosopher and
former tutor was implicated in the conspiracy of Piso may be doubted,
but some ambiguous phrases he had used were reported to the Emþeror,
whose messenger demanded an explanation of their meaning. The reply of
Seneca was either unsatisfactory or the tyrant had decided to be rid of
his former guide. As in more recent times in Japan the condemned man was
expected to be his own executioner, and Seneca opened his veins and
allowed the life to ooze from them with a stoicism that was certainly
heroic if not untainted by theatrical display. The character of Seneca
will ever remain one of the puzzles of history, for the grave moralist
was accessory to the murder of Agrippina, and not unsuspected of
licentiousness, and of the accumulation of an enormous fortune of three
hundred million sestertii by injustice and fraud. The statements of Dion
Cassius as to the misdeeds of the philosopher must be weighed against
the absence of any condemnation of his proceedings in the pages
of Tacitus.

The Theodore Cerem named on p. 12, is Theodorus Cyrenaicus, who was
probably a native of Cyrene, and a disciple of Aristippus. He was
banished from the (supposed) place of his birth, and was shielded at
Athens by Demetrius Phalerus, whose exile he is assumed to have shared.
Whilst in the service of Egypt he was sent as an ambassador to
Lysimachus, whom he offended by the directness and plainness of his
speech. The offended monarch threatened him with crucifixion, and he
replied in a phrase which became famous, "Threaten thus your courtiers,
for it matters not to me whether I rot on the ground or in the air."[40]
The king's threat was not executed, as Theodorus was afterwards at
Corinth, and is believed to have died at Cyrene. That he was condemned
to drink hemlock is a statement cited from Amphicrates by Diogenes
Lærtius (_Aristippus_, xv.). The anecdote of his colloquy with
Lysimachus would easily be perverted into a belief that he had been put
to death for the freedom with which he exercised his biting wit.

The Democreon mentioned at pp. 12 and 16 is Democritus of Abdera, of
whom the anecdote is told. He was a man whose knowledge and wisdom won
even the respect of Timon, the universal scoffer. The tradition that he
deprived himself of sight with a view to philosophic abstraction is
mentioned by Cicero, Aulus Gellius, and others, but it is hardly
necessary to account for a too uncommon calamity by a supposition so
remarkable.

The transformations of some of the names are peculiar. At p. 12 we read
of Defortes. The philosopher disguised under this strange name appears
to be Socrates. The story is told in the Apology of Socrates attributed
to Xenophon. The person to whom the saying was addressed was not
Xanthippe, but was a disciple named Apollodorus, whose understanding was
not equal to his admiration.

The statement that Didymus voluntarily blinded himself is made both by
Jerome (_Ep_. 68) and in the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates (iv.
29). Didymus was born 309 or 314, and became blind at the age of four,
as the result of disease. He learned the alphabet by wooden letters, and
by application and force of character became learned in all the learning
of his time. Is this a real anticipation of the use of raised letters
for the blind? What would be the use of a knowledge of the alphabet so
acquired in obtaining that skill in geometry, rhetoric, arithmetic, and
music for which he was famous? He owed to Athanasius his position as
head of the Catechetical School of Alexandria.

The readers of "Cymbeline" will remember the passage in the concluding
scene:--

    "The piece of tender air, thy virtuous daughter,
    Which we call _mollis ær_; and _mollis ær_
    We term it _mulier_; which mulier, I divine,
    Is this most constant wife: who even now,
    Answering the letter of the oracle,
    Unknown to you unsought, were clipp'd about
    With this most tender air."

This quaint piece of etymology will be found at p. 123 of the present
volume.

There is an interesting personal reference in the following passage
which has not, it is believed, been pointed out:--

"And also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune &
not propre is most acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious
men as monkes freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & kepe
the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue my
self ben conuersant in a religious hous of white freris at gaunt Which
haue all thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/
in so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii.d or iiii.d to praye for
hym in his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his
ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute
freris And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy
church wold neuer suffre hit in religion."

This description by the busy merchant of the "best life" might serve to
point anew the distinction between the real and the ideal, and perhaps
not to the advantage of the latter.

Nothing has yet been said as to the place of this book in the history of
chess, and, indeed, it must be confessed that it has very little
practical bearing on the game. The learned dreams by which the chess of
to-day was connected with the _latrunculi_ and with the amusement said
to have been invented by Palamedes, have been dissipated by the cool air
of modern criticism. The student of the history of chess may now follow
its fortunes under the safe guidance of Dr. van der Linde, who rejects
unhesitatingly the claim made for it, and admitted even by Forbes, of an
antiquity of 5,000 years.[41] The game of chess, which, whilst remaining
an amusement, has acquired the dignity of a science, is one that Europe
owes to India, where it was probably invented not earlier than five
centuries before Christ; the triumphant progress of Islam aided in the
extension of this oriental pastime. It was known at the courts of
Nicephorus at Conftantinople and his contemporary Haroun-al-Rashid at
Bagdad. One would like to add that Charlemagne also was acquainted with
it, but there is no good evidence for that legend. It was known in Spain
in the tenth century, since the library of the learned caliph Hakam II.
of Cordova contained some Arabic MSS. on the game. By the middle of the
eleventh century it was common in the western world. In 1061 a
Florentine bishop is said to have been ordered by Cardinal Damiani to
expiate the offence of playing chess in public by three recitations of
the Psalter, by washing the feet of twelve poor persons, and by giving
them liberal alms. The gradual developments of the game in Europe are
illustrated in detail by Dr. van der Linde. Chess in its prefent form is
comparatively modern, and refults from the enlargement of the powers of
the Queen (originally the Vizier or minister) and of the Bishop
(formerly the Alfil or Elephant). The greater powers of these pieces
came into play between 1450 and 1500, but the period of transition was
prolonged to a much later date in some cafes, and the Portuguese Damiano
may be regarded as the founder of the modern school. The player of
to-day on consulting the elementary directions given in this book (p.
159, _et seq_.), will see how greatly the present play exceeds in
complexity and scientific interest the moves that excited the enthusiasm
of Jacobus de Cessoles, and led him to the composition of the book of
the chess which has had such long and widespread popularity.

Incidentally his book is a monument in the history of chess, but it was
never intended to make its primary object that of teaching the game. The
author's aim was almost exclusively ethical. It was to win men to a
sober life and to the due performance of individual and social duties,
that the preacher exhausted his stores of learning, and invoked alike
the reproofs of the fathers of the Church, the history and legend of
chroniclers, pagan and Christian, and the words of prophets and poets.
As a memorial of the literature and learning of the middle ages, it must
always possess a permanent value. From it we may learn, and always with
interest, what was the literary taste and social ideal of the
thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. There is, doubtless,
ample room for dissatisfaction with that ideal, but it is not without
some bright aspects. Possibly there are modern realms that are not any
happier now than they would be if governed in strict accordance with the
rules laid down by the earnest author of the game and play of the chess.

       *       *       *       *       *

It only remains for the editor to thank the friends who have interested
themselves in his work. Mr. J.E. Bailey, F.S.A., has shown his usual
scholarly courtesy and liberality in the communication of books and
references. To Mr. R.C. Christie, the Chancellor of the Diocese of
Manchester, a similar acknowledgment is due. Mr. C.W. Sutton, and Mr.
W.R. Credland, of the Manchester Free Library, on this, as on many other
occasions, have not only given the editor many facilities for his work,
but some suggestions by which he trusts he has profited. The index is
chiefly the work of the editor's eldest daughter.



[DEDICATION.]

[42] To the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince George duc of
Clarence Erle of warwyck and of salifburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond
& leutenant of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace of god
kynge of England and of france/ your most humble servant william Caxton
amonge other of your seruantes sendes unto yow peas. helthe. Joye and
victorye upon your Enemyes/ Right highe puyssant and redoubted prynce/.
For as moche as I haue understand and knowe/ that y'e are enclined unto
the comyn wele of the kynge our sayd saueryn lord. his nobles lordes and
comyn peple of his noble royame of Englond/ and that y'e sawe gladly the
Inhabitants of y'e same enformed in good. vertuous. prouffitable and
honeste maners. In whiche your noble persone wyth guydyng of your hows
haboundeth/ gyuyng light and ensample unto all other/ Therfore I haue
put me in deuour to translate a lityll book late comen in to myn handes
out of frensh in to englisshe/ In which I fynde thauctorites. dictees.
and stories of auncient Doctours philosophes poetes and of other wyse
men whiche been recounted & applied unto the moralite of the publique
wele as well of the nobles as of the comyn peple after the game and
playe of the chesse/ whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid lord I
haue made in the name and under the shadewe of your noble protection/
not presumyng to correcte or enpoigne ony thynge ayenst your noblesse/.
For god be thankyd your excellent renome shyneth as well in strange
regions as with in the royame of england gloriously unto your honour and
lande/ which god multeplye and encrece But to thentent that other of
what estate or degre he or they stande in may see in this sayd lityll
book/ yf they gouerned themself as they ought to doo/ wherfor my right
dere redoubted lord I requyre & supplye your good grace not to desdaygne
to resseyue this lityll sayd book in gree and thanke/ as well of me your
humble and unknowen seruant as of a better and gretter man than I am/.
For the right good wylle that I haue had to make this lityll werk in the
best wyse I can/ ought to be reputed for the fayte and dede/ And for
more clerely to procede in this sayd book I haue ordeyned that the
chapitres ben sette in the begynnynge to thende that y'e may see more
playnly the mater wherof the book treteth &c.



[PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.]


The holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt Poule sayth in his
epystle. Alle that is wryten is wryten unto our doctryne and for our
lernyng. Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred them to wryte and
compyle many notable werkys and historyes to the ende that it myght come
to the knowlege and vnderstondyng of suche as ben ygnoraunt. Of which
the nombre is infenyte/ And accordyng to the same saith Salamon. that
the nombre of foles. is infenyte/ And emong alle other good werkys. It
is a werke of ryght special recomendacion to enforme and to late
vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not lernyd ne can not
dyscerne wysedom fro folye. Th[=e]ne emonge whom there was an excellent
doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of fraunce of the ordre of thospytal
of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which entended the fame and hath made a
book of the chesse moralysed. which at suche tyme as J was resident in
brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam in to my handes/ which whan J had
redde and ouerseen/ ne semed ful necessarye for to be had in englisshe/
And in eschewyng of ydlenes And to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen
it/ ne understonde frenssh ne latyn I delybered in my self to translate
it in to our maternal tongue/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd
translacion/ I dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/
Whiche anone were depesshed and folde. wherfore by cause thys sayd book
is ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte unto every astate and degree/ J
haue purposed to enprynte it/ shewyng therin the figures of suche
persons as longen to the playe. Jn whom al astates and degrees ben
comprysed/ besechyng al them that this litel werke shal see/ here/ or
rede to have me for excused for the rude & symple makyng and reducyn in
to our englisshe/ And where as is defaute to correcte and amende/ and in
so doyng they shal deserve meryte and thanke/ and I shal pray for them/
that god of his grete mercy shal rewarde them in his everlastyng blisse
in heven/ to the whiche he brynge us/ that wyth his precious blood
redemed us Amen



[TABLE.]


This booke conteyneth .iiii. traytees/

The first traytee is of the Invencion of this playe of the chesse,/ and
conteyneth .iii. chapitres

The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden

The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe

The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of .iii. causes why hit was made and founden

The second traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and conteyneth .v.
chapitres

The first chapitre treteth of the form of a kynge and of suche thinges
as apperteyn to a kynge

The .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners

The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and
maners

The .iiii. chapitre is of the knyght and of his offices

The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices

The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath .viii.
chapitres

The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe

The .ii. of fmythis and other werkes in yron & metall

[43] The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries

The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers

[44] The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries

[45] The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers

[46] The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & cuftomers

[47] The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours The .iiii.
traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii. chapitres

The first is of the eschequer

The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge

The thirde of the yssue of the quene

The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns

The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes

The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks

The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple

And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion.

And of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres.



BOOK I.



[Illustration]

_This first chapiter of the first tractate sheweth under what kynge the
play of the chesse was founden and maad.:._


Amonge all the euyll condicions and signes that may be in a man the
first and y'e grettest is whan he feereth not/ ne dredeth to displese
and make wroth god by synne/ and the peple by lyuyng disordynatly/ whan
he reccheth not/ ner taketh hede unto them that repreue hym and his
vices/ but fleeth them/ In suche wyse as dide the emperour Nero/ whiche
dide do slee his maister seneque For as moche as he might not suffre to
be repreuid and taught of hym In lyke wyse was somtyme a kynge in
babiloine that was named Evilmerodach a Jolye man with oute Justice and
so cruell that he dyde do hewe his faders body in thre honderd pieces/
And gaf hit to ete and deuour to thre honderd birdes that men calle
wultres And was of suche condicion as was Nero/ And right well resemblid
and was lyke unto his fader Nabogodonosor/ whiche on a tyme wold do flee
alle the sage and wyse men of babylonye/ For as moche as they coude not
telle hym his dreme that he had dremed on a nyght and had forgoten hit
lyke as it is wreton in the bible in the book of danyell/ Under this
kynge than Evilmerodach was this game and playe of the chesse founden/
Trewe it is that some men wene/ that this playe was founden in the tyme
of the bataylles & siege of troye But that is not soo For this playe cam
to the playes of the caldees as dyomedes the greek sayth and reherceth
That amonge the philosophrs was the most renomed playe amonge all other
playes/ And after that/ cam this playe in the tyme of Alixandre the
grete in to Egipte And so unto alle the parties toward the south/ And
the cause wherfore thys playe was so renomed shall be sayd in the
thirde chapitre.



[Illustration]

_This second chapitre of the first tra3tate sheweth who fonde first the
playe of the chesse._


Thys playe fonde a phylosopher of Thoryent whiche was named in Caldee
Exerses or in greke philometor/ which is as moche to saye in english as
he that loveth Justice and mesure/ And this philosopher was renomed
gretly amonge the grekes and them of Athenes whiche were good clerkys
and philosophers also renomed of theyr connynge. This philosopher was so
Juste and trewe that he had leuyr dye/ than to lyue longe and be a fals
flaterer wyth the sayd kynge. For whan he behelde the foull and synfull
lyf of the kynge/ And that no man durst blame hym. For by his grete
cruelte he putte them alle to deth that displesid hym/ he put hym self
in paryll of deth/ And louyd and chees rather to dye than lenger to
lyue: The euyll lyf and diffamed of a kynge is the lyf of a cruell
beste/ And ought not longe to be susteyned/ For he destroyeth hym that
displesith hym/ And therfore reherceth valerius/ that ther was a wise
man named theodore cerem whom his kynge dyde do hange on the crosse for
as moche as he repreuyd hym of his euyll & fowll lyf And all way as he
was in the torment he said to y'e kynge/ upon thy counceyllours & them
that ben cladd in thy clothynge & robes were more reson that this
torment shold come/ For as moche as they dar not saye to the The trouthe
for to do Justice right wysly/ of my self I make no force whether I dye
on the lande or on the water or otherwyse &c as who sayth he recched not
to dye for Justice/ In lyke wyse as democreon the philosophre put out
his owen eyen be cause he wold not see that no good myght come to the
euyll and vicyous peple wyth out right And also defortes the philosophre
as he went toward his deth/ his wyf that folowed after hym saide that he
was dampned to deth wrongfully/ than he answerd and sayd to her/ holde
thy peas and be styll/ hit is better and more merytorye to dye by a
wronge and unrightfull Jugement/ than that I had deseruyd to dye.



[Illustration.]

_The thirde chapitre of the first tractate treteth wherfore the playe
was founden and maad._


The causes wherfore this playe was founden ben thre/ the first was for
to correcte and repreue the kynge .For whan this kynge Evilmerodach sawe
this playe And the barons knyghtes and gentillmen of his court playe
wyth the philosopher/ he meruaylled gretly of the beaulte and nouelte of
the playe/ And desired to playe agaynst y'e philosopher/ The philosopher
answerd and sayd to hym that hit myght not be doon. But yf he first
lerned the playe/ The kynge said hit was reson and that he wold put him
to the payne to lerne hit Than the philosopher began to teche hym and to
shewe hym the maner of the table of the chesse borde and the chesse
meyne/ And also the maners and condicions of a kynge of the nobles and
of the comun peple and of theyr offices and how they shold be touchid
and drawen. And how he shold amende hymself & become vertuous And whan
this kynge herde that he repreuyd hym/ He demanded hym upon payne of
deth to tell hym wherfore he had founden and made this playe/ And he
answerd my ryght dere lord and kynge/ the grettest and most thinge that
I desire is that thou haue in thy self a gloryous and vertuous lyf And
that may I not see/ but yf thou be endoctrined and well manerd and that
had/ so mayst thou be belouyd of thy peple Thus than I desire y't thou
haue other gouernement than thou hast had/ And that thou haue upon thy
self first seygnorye and maistrye suche as thou hast upon other by force
and not by right Certaynly hit is not ryght that a man be mayster ouer
other and comandour/ whan he can not rewle ner may rewle himself and
that his vertues domyne aboue his vices/. For seygnourye by force and
wylle may not longe endure/ Than thus may thou see oon of the causes why
and wherfore I haue founden and maad thys playe/ whyche is for to
correcte and repent the of thy tyrannye and vicyous lyuynge/ .For alle
kynges specyally ought to here her corrygeours or correctours and her
corrections to hold and kepe in mynde/ In lyke wyse as Valerius
reherceth that the kynge Alixandre had a noble and renomed knyght that
sayd in repreuynge of Alixandre that he was to moche couetous and in
especyall of the honours of the world/ And sayd to hym yf the goddes had
maad thy body as greet as is thy herte Alle the world coude not holde
the/. For thou holdest in thy right hand alle the Oryent/ And in thy
lyfte hande the occident/ syn than hit is so/ or thou art a god or a man
or nought/ yf thou be god doo than well and good to the peple as god
doth/ And take not from them that they ought to haue and is theyres. yf
thou be a man/ thinke that thou shalt dye/ And than thou shalt doo noon
euyll/ yf thou be nought forgete thy self/ ther is no thynge so stronge
and ferme/ but that somtyme a feble thinge casteth doun and ouerthrowe
hit How well that the lyon be the strengest beste/ yet somtyme a lityll
birde eteth hym/ The seconde cause wherfore this playe was founden and
maad/ was for to kepe hym from ydlenesse/ whereof senecque saith unto
lucylle ydlenes wyth oute ony ocupacion is sepulture of a man lyuyng/
and varro saith in his sentences that in lyke wise as men goo not for to
goo/ the same wyse the lyf is not gyuen for to lyue but for to doo well
and good/ And therfore secondly the philosopher fonde this playe for to
kepe the peple from ydlenes/. For there is moche peple. Whan so is that
they be fortunat in worldly goodes that they drawe them to ease and
ydlenes wherof cometh ofte tymes many euyllys and grete synnes And by
this ydlenes the herte is quenchid wherof cometh desperacion/ The thirde
cause is that euery man naturelly desireth to knowe and to here
noueltees and tydynges. For this cause they of atthenes studyed as we
rede/ and for as the corporall or bodyly fight enpessheth and letteth
otherwhyle the knowleche of subtyll thinges/ therfore we rede that [48]
democrion the phylosopher put oute his owen eyen/ for as moche as he
myght haue the better entendement and understondynge/ Many haue ben made
blynde that were grete clerkis in lyke wyse as was dydymus bisshop of
Alixandrye/ that how well that he sawe not yet he was so grete a clerk/
that gregore nazan & saynt Ierome that were clerkes and maystres to
other/ came for to be his scolers & lerned of hym And saynt Anthonie The
grete heremyte cam for to see hym on a tyme/ and amonge all other
thynges/ he demanded hym yf he were not gretly displesid that he was
blynde and sawe not. And he answerd that he was gretly abasshid for that
he supposid not that he was not displesid in that he had lost his sight/
And saynt Anthonye answerd to hym I meruayle moche that hit displesith
the that thou hast lost that thynge whiche is comyn betwene the and
bestes. And thou knowest well that thou hast not loste that thynge that
is comyn bitwene the and the angellis And for thise causes forsayd the
philosopher entended to put away alle pensisnes and thoughtes/ and to
thinke only on this playe as shall be said & appere in this book after.



BOOK II.



[Illustration]

_The seconde tractate/ the first chapiter treteth of the forme of a
kynge of his maners and of his estate_.


The kynge must be thus maad. For he must sitte in a chayer clothed in
purpure/ crowned on his heed in his ryght hand a ceptre and in the lyfte
hande an apple of gold/. For he is the most grettest and hyest in
dignyte aboue alle other and most worthy. And that is signefyed by the
corone/. For the glorye of the peple is the dignite of the kynge/ And
aboue all other the kynge ought to be replenysshid with vertues and of
grace/ and thys signefieth the purpure. For in lyke wyse as the robes of
purpure maketh fayr & enbelysshith the body/ the same wise vertues
maketh the sowle/ he ought alleway thenke on the gouernement of the
Royame and who hath thadmynystracion of Justice/ And thys shuld be by
hym self pryncipally. This signefieth the appell of gold that he holdeth
in his lyfte honde/ And for as moche as hit apperteyneth unto hym to
punysshe the rebelles hath he y'e sceptre in his right hand And for as
moche as mysericorde and trouthe conserue and kepe the kynge in his
trone/ Therfore ought a kynge to be mercyfull and debonayr For whan a
kynge or prynce desired or will be belouyd of his peple late hym be
gouerned by debonarite And valerius saith that debonairte percyth the
hertes of straungers and amolisshith and maketh softe the hertes of his
enemyes/ wherof he reherceth that philostratus that was due of athenes
had a doughter/ whom a man louyd so ardantly/ that on a tyme as he sawe
her wyth her moder/ sodaynly he cam and kyssed her/ wherof the moder was
so angry and soroufull that she wente and requyred of her lord the duc/
that his heed myght be smyten of/ The prynce answerd to her and sayde/
yf we shold slee them that loue us/ what shall we doo to our enemyes
that hate us/ Certaynly this was thanswer of a noble & debonair prynce
That suffred that villonye don to his doughter and to hymself yet more
This prince had also a frende that was named Arispe that sayd on a tyme
as moche villonye unto the prynce as ony man miht saye And that might
not suffise hym/ but he scracchid hym in the visage/ The prynce suffryd
hym paciently in suche wyse as thowh he had doon to hym no vilonye but
curtoysye And whan his sones wold haue auengid this vilonye/ he comanded
them that they shold not be so hardy so to do The next day folowyng
arispe remembrid of the right grete vilonye that he had don to his
frende and lord wythoute cause. He fyll in dispayr and wold haue slayn
hym self/ whan the duc knewe and understode that/ he cam to hym and sayd
ne doubte the nothynge And swore to hym by his fayth/ that also well he
was and shold be his frende fro than forthon as euery he had ben to fore
yf he wold And thus he respited hym of his deth by his debonairte. And
in lyke wyse rede we of the kynge pirre to whom was reported that they
of tarente had said grete vilonye of hym. For whiche cause he maad alle
them to come to fore hym And demanded of them yf they had so sayd. Than
oon of them answerd and sayd/ yf the wyn and the candellys had not
fayllyd/ thys langage had ben but a Iape/ In regarde of that we had
thought to haue doon/ Than the kynge began to lawhe/ for they had
confessid that suche langage as was sayd and spoken was by dronkenship/
And for this cause of debonairte the peple of tarante toke for a custome
that the dronken men shold be puuysshyd/ And the sobre men preyfed. The
kynge than thus ought to loue humylyte and hate falsite after the holy
scripture that speketh of euery man generally/ For the kynge in his
royame representeth god/ And god is verite/ And therfore hym ought to
saye no thynge but yf hit were veritable and stable. Valerius reherceth
that Alixandre wyth alle his ooste rood for to destroye a cyte whyche
was named lapsare/ whan than a phylosophre whiche had to name Anaximenes
which had ben to fore maistre & gouernour of Alixandre herd and
understood of his comyng Cam agayn Alixandre for to desire and requyre
of hym. And whan he sawe Alixandre he supposid to haue axid his
requefte/ Alixandre brake his demande to fore and swore to hym to fore
he axid ony thynge by his goddes. That suche thynge as he axid or
requyryd of hym/ he wold in no wyse doon/ Than the philosopher requyred
hym to destroye the cyte/ whan Alixandre understood his desire/ and the
oth that he had maad/ he suffrid the cyte to stande and not to be
destroyed For he had leuer doo his wyll than to be periured and forsworn
and doo agaynst his oth/ Quyntilian saith that no grete man ne lord
shold not swere/ but where as is grete nede/ And that the symple parole
or worde of a prynce ought to be more stable than the oth of a
marcha[=u]t/ Alas how kepe the prynces their promisses in thise dayes/
not only her promises but their othes her fealis and wrytynges & signes
of their propre handes/ alle faylleth god amende hit &c. A kynge also
ought to hate alle cruelte/ For we rede that neuer yet dyed ony pietous
persone of euyll deth ne cruell persone of good deth Therfore recounteth
valerius that ther was a man named theryle a werke-man in metall/ that
made a boole of coppre and a lityll wyket on the side/ wherby men myght
put in them that shuld be brent therin/ And hit was maad in suche
manere/ that they that shold be put and enclosid therin shold crye
nothinge lyke to the wys of a man but of an oxe. And this made he be
cause men shold haue the lasse pite of them. Whan he had made this hole
of copper/ he presented hit unto a kynge which was callyd philarde that
was so cruell a tyrant that he delited in no thinge but in cruelte And
he told hym the condicion of the bole/ Whan philarde herde and
understode this/ he alowed and preysed moche the werke/ And after sayde
to hym/ thou that art more cruell than I am/ thou shalt assaye & prove
first thy þsente and yeft/ And so made hym to goo in to the boole and
dye an euyll deth/ Therfore faith Ouide ther is no thinge more
raisonable than that a man dye of suche deth as he purchaseth unto other
Also the kynge ought souerainly kepe Iustice/ who maketh or kepeth a
royame with oute Iustice/ of verray force ther muste be grete robberye
and thefte Therfor reherceth saint Augustyn in a book which is intituled
the cyte of god/ that there was a theef of the see named diomedes that
was a grete rouar and dide so moche harme that the complaintes cam to
fore Alixander whiche dide hym to be taken & brought to fore hym/ and he
demanded hym wherfore he was so noyous & cruell in the see And he
answerd to hym agayn/ for as moche as thou art oon a lande in the world/
so am I another in y'e see/ but for as moche as the euyll y't I doo is
in oon galeye or tweyne therfore I am callyd a theef/ but for as moche
as thou dost in many shippis and with grete puyssance and power/
therfore art thou callyd an emperour/ but yf fortune were for me in
suche wyse/ I wold be come a good man and better than I now am/ but
thou/ the more richer and fortunat that thou art/ the more worse art
thou/ Alixander sayd to hym I shall change thy fortune in suche wyse as
thou ne saye/ that thou shalt doo hit by pouerte/ but for euyll and
mauaiste/ And so he made hym ryche/ And thys was he that afterward was a
good prynce and a good Iusticyer/ The kynge ought to be soueraynly
chaste/ And this signefyeth a quene that is only on his ryght syde For
hit is to be beleuyd and credible that whan the kynge is a good man
Iuste. trewe & of good maners and condicions/ that his children shall
folowe gladly the same/ for a good sone & a trewe ought not to forsake &
goo fro y'e good condicions of his fader. For certes hit is agaynst god
and nature in partie whan a man taketh other than his propre wyf/ And
that see we by birdes/ of whom the male and female haue to gyder the
charge in kepynge and norisshinge of their yonge fowlis and birdis/. For
some maner of fowlis kepen them to theyr femeles only/ As hit appereth
by storkes dowues and turtils/ But tho fowles that norisshith not their
birdes haue many wyues and femelles/ As the cock that no thynge
norisshith his chekens/ And therfore amonge alle the bestes that been/
Man and woman putteth most theyr entente and haue moste cure & charge in
norisshyng of their children/ And therfore doon they agaynst nature in
partye whan they leue theyr wyues for other women/ Of this chastete
reherceth valerius an example and faith that ther was a man of rome
which was named scipio affrican. For as moche as he had conquerd
affricque how well that he was of rome born. Whan he was of .xxxiiii.
yer of age he conquerd cartage And toke moche peple in Ostage/ Amonge
whom he was presented wyth a right fair mayde for his solas and playsir
whiche was assurid and handfast unto a noble yong gentillman of cartage
whiche was named Indiuicible/ And anon as this gentill scipio knewe that
Notwythstandyng that he was a prynce noble & lusty Dyde do calle anon
the parents and kynnesmen of them And deliuerid to them their doughter
wyth oute doyng of ony vilonye to her/ and y'e rænsom or gold that they
had ordeyned for their doughter/ gaf hit euery dele In dowaire to her
And the yong man that was her husbonde sawe the fraunchise and gentilnes
of hym/ torned hymself and the hertes of the noble peple unto the loue &
alliance of the romayns/ And this suffiseth as towchynge the kynge &c.



[Illustration]

_The seconde chapitre of the seconde book treteth of the
forme and maners of the Quene._


Thus ought the Quene be maad/ she ought to be a fair lady sittynge in a
chayer and crowned wyth a corone on her heed and cladd wyth a cloth of
gold & a mantyll aboue furrid wyth ermynes And she shold sytte on the
lyfte syde of the kinge for the amplections and enbrasynge of her
husbonde/ lyke as it is sayd in scripture in the canticles/ her lyfte
arme shall be under my heed And her ryght arme fhall[49] be clyppe and
enbrace me/ In that she is sette on his lyfte syde is by grace gyuen to
the kynge by nature and of ryght. For better is to haue a kynge by
succession than by election/ For oftentymes the electours and chosers
can not ne wyll not accorde/ And so is the election left/ And otherwhyle
they chese not the beste and most able and conuenyent/ but hym that they
best loue/ or is for them most proffytable/ But whan the kynge is by
lignage and by trewe succession/ he is taught enseygned and nourrishid
in his yongth in alle good & vertuous tacches and maners of hys fader/
And also the prynces of the royame dar not so hardily mene warre agaynst
a kynge hauynge a sone for to regne after hym And so a Quene ought to be
chaste. wyse. of honest peple/ well manerd and not curyous in
nourisshynge of her children/ her wyfedom ought not only tappere in feet
and werkes but also in spekynge that is to wete that she be secrete and
telle not suche thynges as ought to be holden secrete/ Wherfore it is a
comyn prouerbe that women can kepe no counceyle And accordyng therto
Macrobe reherceth in the book of the dremes of Scipio. That ther was a
child of rome that was named papirus that on a tyme went with his fader
whiche was a senatour into the chambre where as they helde their
counceyll And that tyme they spak of suche maters as was comanded and
agreed shold be kept secrete upon payn of their heedes And so departed
And whan he was comen home from the senatoire and fro the counceyll with
his fader/ his moder demanded of hym what was the counceyll and wherof
they spack and had taryed so longe there And the childe answerd to her
and sayd he durst not telle ner saye hit for so moche as hit was
defended upon payn of deth Than was the moder more desirous to knowe
than she was to fore/ And began to flatere hym one tyme And afterward to
menace hym that he shold saye and telle to her what hit was And whan the
childe sawe that he might haue no reste of his moder in no wife He made
her first promise that she shold kepe hit secrete And to telle hit to
none of the world/ And that doon/ he fayned a lesing or a lye and sayd
to her/ that the senatours had in counceyll a grete question and
difference whiche was this/ whether hit were better and more for the
comyn wele of rome/ that a man shold have two wyuys/ or a wyf to haue
two husbondes/ And whan she had understonde this/ he defended her that
she shold telle hit to none other body And after this she wente to her
gossyb and told to her this counceyll secretly/ And she told to an
other/ And thus euery wyf tolde hit to other in secrete And thus hit
happend anone after that alle the wyues of rome cam to the senatorye
where the senatours were assemblid/ And cryed wyth an hye voys/ that
they had leuer/ and also hit were better for the comyn wele that a wyf
shold haue two husbondes than a man two wyues/ The senatours heerynge
this. were gretly abasshid and wist not what to saye/ ner how to
answere/ tyll at laste that the child papire reherced to them all the
caas and feet how hit was happend And whan the senatours herd &
understood the mater they were gretly abasshid/ and comended gretly y'e
Ingenye & wytte of the child that so wisely contriued the lye rather
than he wolde discouere their co[=u]ceyll/ And forthwith made hym a
senatour/ and establisshid & ordeyned fro than forthon that no childe in
ony wise sholl entre in to y'e counceyll hous amonge them with their
faders exept papirus/ whome they wold y't he shold alwey be among them/
also a quene ought to be chaste/ for as she is aboue all other in astate
& reuer[=e]ce so shold she be ensample to all other in her liuyng
honestly/ wherof Ierome reherceth agaynst Ionynyan/ that ther was a
gentilman of rome named duele/ and this man was he y't first fond y'e
maner to fight on y'e water/ and had first victorie/ this duele had to
his wif one of the best women & so chaste/ that euery woman might take
ensample of her/ And at y't tyme the synne of the flesshe was the
grettest synne y't ony might doo agaynst nature/ And this sayd good
woman was named ylye/ and so it happend that this duele becam so olde
that he stowped & quaqued for age And on a tyme one of his aduersaries
repreuyd & reprochid hym sayng that he had a stynkynge breth/ And
forthwyth he wente home to his wyf alle angry and abasshid and axid her
why and wherfore she had not told his defaulte to hym that he myght haue
founden remedye to haue ben purgid therof/ And she answerd that as for
as moche as she supposid that euery man had that same faute as well as
he. For she kyst neuer ony mannes mouth but her husbondes/ O moche was
this woman to be preysed & haue a singuler lawde wenynge that this
defaulte had not ben only in her husbonde/ wherfore she suffrid hit
paciently in suche wyse that her husbonde knewe his defaute sonner by
other than by her/ Also we rede that ther was a wedowe named anna/
whiche had a frende that counceyllid her to marye/ For she was yong fayr
and riche/ to whom she answerd that she wold not so doo in no wise For
yf I shold haue an husbond as I haue had and that he were as good as he
was/ I shold euer ben a ferd to lose hym/ lyke as I lost that other/ And
than shold I lyue all wey in fere & drede/ whiche I wyll not And yf hit
happend me to haue awors/ what shold hyt prouffite me to haue an euyll
husbond after a good. And so she concluded that she wold kepe her
chastete. Saynt Austyn reherceth in the book de Civitate dei that in
rome was a noble lady gentill of maners & of hyghe kynrede named
lucrecia/ And had an husbonde named colatyne/ whiche desired on a tyme
the Emþours sone named Torquyne thorguyllous or the proude and he was
callid sixte for to come dyne and sporte hym in his castell or manoir
And whan he was entrid amonge many noble ladyes he sawe lucrecia/ And
whan this Emþours sone had seen & aduertised her deportes. her
contenance. her manere. and her beaulte/ he was all rauysshid and
esprised wyth her loue forthwyth And espyed a tyme whan her husbonde
collatyn wente unto the ooste of themþour/ and camm to the place where
as lucresse was with her felawship/ whom she receyuyd honorably/ and
whan tyme came to goo to bedde and slepe she made redy a bedde ryally
for hym as hit apperteyned to the emperours sone And this sixtus espyed
where lucresia laye. And whan he supposyd & knewe that euery body was in
his first sleep/ he cam to the bedde of lucresse and that oon hand sette
on her breste and in that other hand a naked swerd/ and sayd to her/
lucresse holde thy pees and crye not/ For I am sixte tarquynus sone/ for
yf y'u speke ony worde thou shalt be dede/ And for fere she held her
pees/ Than he began to praye and promise many thinges And after he
menaced & thretenyd her that she shold enclyne to hym to do his wyll/
And whan he sawe he coude ner might haue his entent he sayd to her yf
thou do not my wyll/ I shall slee the and o[=o]n of thy seruantes and
shall leye hym all ded by thy syde And than I shall saye that I haue
slayn yow for your rybawdrye/ And lucresse that than doubted more the
shame of the world than the deth consentid to hym/ And anone after as
the Emþours sone was departid/ the ladye sente l*res to her husbond her
fader her brethern & to her frendes/ and to a man callid brute
conceyllour & neuewe to tarquyn/ And sayd to them/ that yesterday sixte
the emp*ours sone cam in to myn hous as an enemye in likenes of a
frende/ & hath oppressid me And knowe y'u colatyn that he hath
dishonorid thy bedde And how well y't he hath fowled & dishonored my
body/ yet myn herte is not/ wherfore I beseche the of pardon foryfnes &
absolucion of the trespas but not of the payne/ and he y't hath doon
this synne to me hit shall ben to his meschance yf y'e doo your deuoir/
And be cause no woman take ensample of lucresse and lyue after the
trespaas/ but that she in lyke wyse take ensample also of the payne And
forthwyth wyth a swerd that she helde under her gowen or robe/ she roof
her self unto the herte And deyde forthwyth to fore them/ And than brute
the counseillr And her husbond collatyn and alle her other frendes swore
by the blood of lucresse that they wold neuer reste vnto the tyme that
they had put out of rome tarquyn and and alle his lignee/ And that neuer
after none of them shold come to dignite/ And alle this was doon. For
they bare the dede corps thurgh the cyte and meuyd the peple in suche
wyse/ that tarquyn was put in exyle And fixte his sone was slayn/ A
Quene ought to be well manerd & amonge alle she ought to be tumerous and
shamefast/ For whan a woman hath loste shamefastnes/ she may ner can not
well be chaast/ Wherfore saith symachus that they that ben not shamefast
haue no conscience of luxurye/ And saynt Ambrose saith that oon of the
best parements and maketh a woman most fayr in her persone/ is to be
shamefast/ Senecque reherceth that ther was oon named Archezille whiche
was so shamefast That she put in a pelow of fethers a certain some of
money/ and put hit vnder y'e heed of a pour frende of heeris/ whiche
dissimyled his pouerte and wold not ner durst not be a knowen of his
pouerte For for shame she durst not gyue hit openly/ but had leuer that
he shold fynde hit/ than that she had gyuen hit hym/ Wherfore otherwhile
men shold gyue & helpe her frendes so secretly That they knowe not whens
hit come/ For whan we kepe hit secret and make no boost therof/ our
deedes and werkes shall plese god and them also/ A Quene ought to be
chosen whan she shall be wedded of the most honest kynrede and peple/
For oftentymes the doughters folowen the tacches and maners of them that
they ben discended from/ Wherof Valerius maximus sayth that ther was one
that wold marye/ whiche cam to a philosopher and axid counceyll what wif
he might best take He answerd that he shold take her that thou knowe
certaynly that her moder and her grauntdame haue ben chaast and well
condicioned/ For suche moder/ suche doughter comunely/ Alfo a quene
ought to teche her childern to ben contynent and kepe chastite entyerly/
as hit is wreton in ecclesiastes/ yf thou haue sones enseigne and teche
them/ And yf thou haue doughters kepe well them in chastite/ For
helemonde reherceth that euery kynge & prynce ought to be a clerke for
to comande to other to studye and rede the lawe of our lord god/ And
therfore wrote themperour to the kynge of france that he shold doo lerne
hys children sones the seuen sciences lyberall/ And saide amonge other
thynges that a kynge not lettryd resembleth an asse coroned/ Themperour
Octauian maad his sones to be taught and lerne to swyme. to sprynge and
lepe. to Iufte. to playe wyth the axe and swerde/ And alle maner thynge
that apperteyneth to a knyght/ And his doughters he made hem to lerne.
to sewe. to spynne. to laboure as well in wolle as in lynnen cloth/ And
alle other werkis longynge to women And whan his frendes demanded
wherfore he dyde so/ he answerd how well that he was lord & syre of alle
the world/ yet wyste he not what shold befalle of his children and
whether they shold falle or come to pouerte or noo/ and therfore yf they
conne a good crafte they maye alleway lyue honestly/ The Quene ought to
kepe her doughters in alle chastyte/ For we rede of many maydens that
for theyr virginite haue ben made quenes/ For poule the historiagraph of
the lombardes reherceth y't ther was a duchesse named remonde whiche had
.iii. sones & two doughters And hit happend that the kynge of hongrye
cantanus assaylled a castell where she behelde her enemyes And amonge
all other she sawe the kynge that he was a well faryng and goodly man/
Anone she was esprised and taken wyth his loue/ And that so sore/ that
forthwith she sent to hym that she wold deliuere ouer the castell to hym
yf he wold take her to his wyf and wedde her And he agreed therto/ and
sware that he wold haue her to his wyf on that condicion/ whan than the
kynge was in the castell/ his peple toke men and women and alle that
they fonde/ her sones fledde from her/ of whom one was named Ermoaldus
and was yongest/ and after was duc of boneuentan/ And syn kynge of the
lumbardis. And the two susters toke chikens And put hem vnder her armes
next the flessh and bytwene her pappes/ that of the heete & chaffyng the
flessh of the chikens stanke. And whan so was that they of hongrye wold
haue enforcid & defowled hem anone they felte the stenche and fledde
away and so lefte hem sayng/ fy how these lombardes stynke/ and so they
kept their virginite/ wherfore that one of them afterward was Quene of
france And that other Quene of Aleman/ And hit happend than that the
kynge Catanus toke acordynge to his promyse the duchesse/ and laye with
her one night for to saue his oth And on the morn he made her comune
unto alle the hongres/ And the thirde day after he dyde doo put a staf
of tre fro the nether part of her/ thurgh her body vnto her throte or
mouthe/ for be cause of the lust of her flessh she betrayed her cyte and
sayd suche husbond/ suche wyf &c And this sufficeth of the Quene.



_The thirde chapitre of the seconde tractate treteth of the alphyns her
offices and maners._


The Alphyns ought to be made and formed in manere of Iuges syttynge in a
chayer wyth a book open to fore their eyen/ And that is be cause that
some causes ben crymynell/ And some ben cyuyle as aboute possessyons and
other temporell thynges and trespaces/ And therfore ought to be two
Iuges in the royame/ one in the black for the first cause/ And that
other in whyte as for the seconde/ Theyr office is for to counceyll the
kynge/ And to make by his comandements good lawes And to enforme alle
the royame in good and vertuous maners/ And to Iuge and gyue sentence
well and truly after the caas is had/ And to counceyll well and Iustely
alle them that are counceyll of hem/ wyth oute hauynge of ony eye opene
to ony persone/ And to estudye diligently in suche wyse and to ordeygne
alle that/ that ought to be kept be obseruyd be faste and stable/ So
that they be not founde corrupt for yeft for favour ne for lignage ne
for enuye variable And as touchynge the first poynt Seneque sayth in the
book of benefetes that the poure Dyogenes was more stronge than
Alixandre/ For Alixandre coude not gyue fo moche as Diogenes
wold reffuse.

Marcus cursus a romayn of grete renome sayth thus. That whan he had
besiegid & assayllyd them of amente And boneuentans whiche herde that he
was poure/ they toke a grete masse and wegghe of gold and ended hit to
hym prayng hym that he wold resseyue hyt and leue his assault and siege/
And whan they cam with the present to hym they fonde hym sittynge on the
erthe and ete his mete oute of platers and disshes of tree and of wode
and dyde than her message/ to whom he answerd and sayde that they shold
goo hoome and saye to them that sente hem that marcus cursus loueth
better to be lord and wynne richesses than richesses shold wynne hym/
For by bataylle he shall not be ouercome and vaynquysshid Nor be gold ne
siluer he shal not be corrupt ne corompid Often tymes that thynge taketh
an euyll ende that is vntrewe for gold and siluer/ And that a man is
subgett vnto money may not be lord therof/ helimond reherceth that [50]
demoncene demanded of aristodone how moche he had wonne for pletynge of
a cause for his clyent/ And he answerd a marck of gold. [51] Demoscenes
answerd to hym agayn that he had wonne as moche for to hold his pees and
speke not Thus the tonges of aduocates and men of lawe ben þyllous and
domegeable/yet they must be had yf thou wylt wynne thy cause for wyth
money and yeft thou shall wynne And oftetymes they selle as welle theyr
scilence/ as theyr vtterance/ Valerius reherceth that the senatours of
rome toke counceyll to geder of two persones that one was poure/ And
that other riche and couetous/ whiche of hem bothe were moft apte for to
sende to gouerne and Iuge the contre of spayne/ and scipion of affricque
sayd that none of them bothe were good ner prouffitable to be sente
theder/ For that one hath no thynge And to that other may nothynge
suffise And despised in his saynge alle pouerte and auerice in a Iuge/
For a couetous man hath nede of an halfpeny For he is seruant & bonde
vnto money/ and not lord therof. But pouerte of herte & of wylle ought
to be gretly alowed in a Iuge Therfore we rede that as longe as the
romayns louyd pouerte they were lordes of all the world For many ther
were that exposed alle their goodes for the comyn wele and for that was
most prouffitable for the comynaulte that they were so poure that whan
they were dede they were buryed & brought to erthe with the comyn good/
And theyr doughters were maryed by the comandement of the senatours/ But
syn that they despised pouerte/ And begonne to gadre rychesses/ And haue
maad grete bataylles/ they haue vsed many synnes And so the comyn wele
perysshid/ For there is no synne but that it regneth there/ Ther is none
that is so [52] synfull as he that hath alle the world in despyte/ For
he is in pees that dredeth no man/ And he is ryche that coueyteth no
thynge/ Valere reherceth that he is not ryche that moche hath/ But he is
ryche that hath lytyll and coueyteth no thynge/ Than thus late the Iuges
take hede that they enclyne not for loue or for hate in ony Iugement/
For theophrast saith that alle loue is blynde ther loue is/ ther can not
ryght Iugement by guyen/ For alle loue is blynde And therfore loue is
none euyn Iuge For ofte tymes loue Iugeth a fowll & lothly woman to be
fayr And so reherceth quynte curse in his first book that the grete
Godaches sayth the same to Alixandre men may saye in this caas that
nature is euyll For euery man is lasse auysed and worse in is owne feet
and cause than in an other mans/ And therfore the Iuges ought to kepe
hem well from yre in Iugement/ Tullius sayth that an angry & yrous
þsone weneth that for to doo euyll/ is good counceyll/ and socrates
saith y't .ii. thinges ben contraryous to co[=u]ceyll/ and they ben
haftynes & wrath/ and Galeren sayth in Alexandrye/ yf yre or wrath
ouercome the whan thou sholdest gyue Iugement/ weye all thinge in y'e
balance so that thy Iugement be not enclyned by loue ne by yeste/ ne
fauour of persone torne not thy corage. Helemond reherceth that Cambyses
kynge of perse whiche was a rightwys kynge had an vnrightwys Iuge/
whiche for enuye and euyll will had dampned a man wrongfully and agaynst
right/ wherfore he dide hym to be flain all quyk/ and made the chayer or
fiege of Iugement to be couerid wyth his skyn/ And made his sone Iuge
and to sitte in the chayer on the skyn of his fader/ to thende that the
sone shold Iuge rightwysly/ And abhorre the Iugement & payne of his
fader/ Iuges ought to punysshe the defaultes egally And fullfille the
lawe that they ordeyne/ Caton sayth accomplisshe and do the lawe in
suche wyse as thou hast ordeyned and gyuen. Valerius reherceth that
calengius a consull had a sone whiche was taken in adwultrye. And
therfore after the lawe at that tyme he was dampned to lose bothe his
eyen The fader wold y't the lawe shold be acc[=o]plisshid in his sone
with out fauour/ but all the cyte was meuyd herewyth And wold not suffre
hit/ but in the ende his fader was vaynquysshid by theyr prayers/ And
ordeyned that his sone shold lese oon eye whiche was put oute And he
hymself lost an other eye/ And thus was the lawe obserued and kept/ And
the prayer of the peple was accomplisshid We rede y't ther was a
counceyllour of rome that had gyen counceill to make a statute/ that who
some euer that entrid in to the senatoire/ & a swerd gyrt aboute hym
shold be ded/ Than hit happend on a tyme that he cam from with out and
entrid in to the senatoyre & his swerd gyrt aboute hym/ wherof he took
n[=o]n heede/ and [=o]n of the senatours told hym of hit/ and whan he
knewe hit & remembrid the statute/ he drewe oute his swerd & slewe
hymself to fore them/ rather to dye than to breke the lawe/ for whos
deth all the senatours made grete sorowe/ but alas we fynde not many in
thise dayes that soo doo/ but they doo lyke as anastasius saith that the
lawes of some ben lyke vnto the nettis of spyncoppis that take no grete
bestes & fowles but lete goo & flee thurgh. But they take flyes &
gnattes & suche smale thynges/ In lyke wise the lawes now a dayes ben
not executed but vpon the poure peple/ the grete and riche breke hit &
goo thurgh with all And for this cause sourden bataylles & discordes/
and make y'e grete & riche men to take by force and strengthe
lordshippis & seignouries vpon the smale & poure peple/ And this doon
they specially that ben gentill of lignage & poure of goodes And causeth
them to robbe and reue And yet constrayned them by force to serue them
And this is no meruayll/ for they that drede not to angre god/ ner to
breke the lawe and to false hit/ Falle often tymes by force in moche
cursednes and wikkidnes/ but whan the grete peple doo acordinge to the
lawe/ and punysh the tr[=a]nsgressours sharply The comyn peple abstayne and
withdrawe hem fro dooyng of euyll/ and chastiseth hem self by theyr
example/ And the Iuges ought to entende for to studie/ for y't yf
smythes the carp[=e]ntiers y'e vignours and other craftymen saye that it is
most necessarye to studye for the comyn prouffit And gloryfye them in
their connyng and saye that they ben prouffitable Than shold the Iuges
studie and contemplaire moche more than they in that/ that shold be for
the comyn wele/ wherfore sayth seneke beleue me that they seme that they
do no thynge they doo more than they that laboure For they doo
spirytuell and also corporall werkis/ and therfore amonge Artificers
ther is no plesant reste/ But that reson of the Iuges hath maad and
ordeyned hit/ And therfore angelius in libro actiui atticatorum de
socrate sayth That socrates was on a tyme so pensyf that in an hole
naturell daye/ He helde one estate that he ne meuyd mouth ne eye ne
foote ne hand but was as he had ben ded rauyshyd. And whan one demanded
hym wherfore he was fo pensyf/ he answerd in alle worldly thynges and
labours of the fame And helde hym bourgoys and cytezeyn of the world And
valerius reherceth that carnardes a knyght was so age wye and laborous
in pensifnes of the comyn wele/ that whan he was sette at table for to
ete/ he forgate to put his hande vnto the mete to fede hymself. And
therfore his wys y't was named mellye whom he had taken more to haue her
companye & felawship than for ony other thynge/ Fedde hym to thende that
he shold not dye for honger in his pensifnes/ Dydymus sayd to
Alix-andrie we ben not deynseyns in the world but stra[=u]gers/ ner we
ben not born in the world for to dwell and abyde allway therein/ but for
to goo and passe thurgh hit/ we haue doon noon euy dede/ but that it is
worthy to be punysshid and we to suffre payne therfore And than we may
goon with opon face and good conscience And so may we goo lightly and
appertly the way that we hope and purpose to goo This suffiseth as for
the Alphyns.



[Illustration]

_The fourth chapitre of the seconde book treteth of the ordre of
cheualerye and knyghthode and of her offices and maners._


The knyght ought to be made alle armed upon an hors in suche wyse that
he haue an helme on his heed and a spere in his ryght hande/ and coueryd
wyth his sheld/ a swerde and a mace on his lyft syde/ Cladd wyth an
hawberk and plates to fore his breste/ legge harnoys on his legges/
Spores on his heelis on his handes his gauntelettes/ his hors well
broken and taught and apte to bataylle and couerid with his armes/ whan
the knyghtes ben maad they ben bayned or bathed/ that is the signe that
they shold lede a newe lyf and newe maners/ also they wake alle the
nyght in prayers and orysons vnto god that he wylle gyue hem grace that
they may gete that thynge that they may not gete by nature/ The kynge or
prynce gyrdeth a boute them a swerde in signe/ that they shold abyde and
kepe hym of whom they take theyr dispenses and dignyte. Also a knyght
ought to be wise, liberall, trewe, stronge and full of mercy and pite
and kepar of the peple and of the lawe/ And ryght as cheualrye passeth
other in vertu in dignite in honour and in reu[=e]rece/ right so ought he
to surmounte alle other in vertu/ For honour is no thing ellis but to do
reuer[=e]ce to an other þsone for y'e good & vertuo'9 disposicion y't is
in hym/ A noble knyght ought to be wyse and preuyd to fore he be made
knyght/ hit behoued hym that he had longe tyme vsid the warre and armes/
that he may be expert and wyse for to gouerne the other For syn that a
knyght is capitayn of a batayll The lyf of them that shall be vnder hym
lyeth in his hand And therfore behoueth hym to be wyse and well aduysed/
for some tyme arte craft and engyue is more worth than strengthe or
hardynes of a man that is not proued in Armes/ For otherwhyle hit
happeth that whan the prynce of the batayll affieth and trusteth in his
hardynes and strength And wole not vse wysedom and engyne for to renne
vpon his enemyes/ he is vaynquysshid and his peple slayn/ Therfore saith
the philosopher that no man shold chese yong peple to be captayns &
gouernours For as moche as ther is no certainte in her wysedom.
Alexandra of macedone vaynquysshid and conquerid Egypte Iude Caldee
Affricque/ and Affirye vnto the marches of bragmans more by the
counceyll of olde men than by the strength of the yong men/ we rede in
the historye of rome y't ther was a knyght whiche had to name malechete
that was so wyse and trewe that whan the Emþour Theodosius was dede/ he
made mortall warre ayenst his broder germain whiche was named Gildo or
Guye For as moche as this said guye wold be lorde of affricque with oute
leue and wyll of the senatours. And this sayd guye had slayn the two
sones of his broder malechete/ And dide moche torment vnto the cristen
peple And afore that he shold come in to the felde ayenst his broder
Emyon/ he wente in to an yle of capayre And ladde with hym alle the
cristen men that had ben sente theder in Exyle And made hem alle to
praye wyth hym by the space of thre dayes & thre nyghtis/ For he had
grete truste in the prayers of good folk/ & specially that noman myght
counceyll ne helpe but god/ and .iii. dayes to fore he shold fight saynt
Ambrofe whiche was ded a lityl to fore apperid to hym/ and shewde hym by
reuelacion the tyme & our that he shold haue victorie/ and for as moche
as he had ben .iii. dayes and .iii nyghtes in his prayers & that he was
assewrid for to haue victorie/ He faught with .v. thousand men ayenst
his broder y't had in his companye .xxiiii. thousand men And by goddes
helpe he had victorie And whan the barbaryns y't were comen to helpe
guion fawe y'e disconfiture they fledde away/ and guion fledd also in to
affricque by shiipp/ and whan he was ther arryued he was sone after
stranglid/ These .ii. knyghtes of whom I speke were two bredern
germayns/ whiche were sent to affricque for to defende the comyn weele/
In likewise Iudas machabe'9 Ionathas & symon his bredern put hem self in
the mercy and garde of our lord god And agayn the enemyes of the lawe of
god with lityll peple in regard of the multitude that were agayn them/
and had also victorye/ The knights ought to ben trewe to theyr princes/
for he that is not trewe leseth y'e name of a knight Vnto a prince
trouth is the grettest precious stone whan it is medlid with Iuftice/
Paule the historiagraph of the lombardes reherceth that ther was a
knight named enulphus and was of the cyte of papye that was so trewe to
his kynge named patharich/ that he put hym in parill of deth for hym/
For hit happend that Grymald Due of [53] buuentayns of whom we haue
touched to fore in the chapitre of the Quene/ Dyde do flee Godebert
whiche was kynge of the lombardes by the hande of Goribert duc of
Tauryn/ whiche was discended of the crowne of lombardis And this grimald
was maad kynge of lombardis in his place/ and after this put &
bannysshid out of the contrey this patharych whiche was broder vnto the
kynge Godebert/ that for fere and drede fledd in to hongrye/ And than
this knyght Enulphus dide so moche that he gate the peas agayn of his
lord patharich agaynft the kynge grymalde/ and that he had licence to
come out of hongrye where he was all wey in paryll. and so he cam and
cryed hym mercy And the kynge grymalde gaf hym leue to dwelle and to
lyue honestly in his contree/ allway forseen that he toke not vpon hym
and named hymself kynge/ how well he was kynge by right This doon a
litill while after/ the kynge that beleuyd euyll tonges/ thought in
hymself how he myght brynge this patharich vnto the deth And alle this
knewe well the knyght enulphus/ whiche cam the same nyght with his
squyer for to visite his lord And made his squyer to vnclothe hym & to
lye in the bedde of his lord And made his lord to ryse and clothe hym
wyth the clothis of his squyer/ And in this wyse brought hym oute/
brawlynge and betynge hym as his seruant by them that were assigned to
kepe the hows of patharik y't he shold not escape Whiche supposid that
hit had ben his squyer that he entretid so outragiously/ & so he brought
hym to his hous whiche Ioyned with the walles of the toun/ And at
mydnyght whan alle men were asleepe/ he lete a doun his maistre by a
corde/ whiche toke an hors oute of the pasture And fled vnto the cyte of
Aast and ther cam to the kynge of fraunce/ And whan hit cam vnto the
morn. Hit was founden that Arnolphus and his squyer had deceyvyd the
kynge and the wacchemen/ whom the kyng comanded shold be brought to fore
hym And demanded of them the maner how he was escaped And they told hym
the trouthe/ Than the kynge demanded his counceyll of what deth they had
deseruyd to dye that had so doon and wrought agayn the wylle of hym/
Some sayde that they shold ben honged/ and some sayd they shold ben
slayn And other sayd that they shold be beheedid. Than sayd the kynge by
that lord that made me/ they ben not worthy to dye/ but for to haue
moche worship and honour/ For they haue ben trewe to theyr lord/
wherfore the kynge gaf hem a grete lawde and honour for their feet And
after hit happend that the propre squyer and seruant of godeberd slewe
the traytre Goribalde that by trayson had slayn his lord at a feste of
seynt Iohn in his Cyte of Tauryn wherof he was lord and duc/ Thus ought
the knyghtes to love to gyder/ And eche to put his lyf in aventure for
other/ For so ben they the strenger And the more doubted/ Lyke as were
the noble knyghtes Ioab and Abysay that fought agaynst the syryens and
Amonytes/ And were so trewe that oon to that other that they
vaynquysshid theyr enemies And were so Ioyned to gyder that yf the
siryens were strenger than that one of them/ that other helpe hym/ we
rede that damon and phisias were so ryght parfyt frendes to gyder that
whan Dionisius whiche was kynge of cecylle had Iuged one to deth for his
trespaas in the cyte of syracusane whom he wold haue executed/ he
desired grace and leue to goo in to hys contre for to dispose and
ordonne his testament/ And his felawe pleggid hym and was sewrte for hym
vpon his heed that he shold come agayn. Wherof they that sawe & herd
this/ helde hym for a fool and blamed hym/ And he said all way that he
repentid hym nothynge at all/ For he knewe well the trouth of his felawe
And whan the day cam and the oure that execusion shold be doon/ his
felawe cam and presented hymself to fore the Iuge/ And dischargid his
felawe that was plegge for hym/ wherof the kynge was gretly abasshid And
for the grete trouthe that was founden in hym He pardonyd hym and prayd
hem bothe that they wold resseyue hym as their grete frende and felawe/
Lo here the vertues of loue that a man ought nought to doubte the deth
for his frende/ Lo what it is to doo for a frende/ And to lede a lyf
debonayr And to be wyth out cruelte/ to loue and not to hate/ whiche
causeth to doo good ayenst euyll And to torne payne into benefete and to
quenche cruelte Anthonyus sayth that Julius Cesar/ lefte not lightly
frenshippe and Amytye/ But whan he had hit he reteyned hit faste and
maynteyned hit alleway/ Scipion of Affricque sayth that ther is no
thynge so stronge/ as for to mayntene loue vnto the deth The loue of
concupiscence and of lecherye is sone dissoluyd and broken/ But the
verray true loue of the comyn wele and prouffit now a dayes is selde
founden/ where shall thou fynde a man in thyse dayes that wyll expose
hymself for the worshippe and honour of his frende/ or for the comyn
wele/ selde or neuer shall he be founden/ Also the knyghtes shold be
large & liberall For whan a knyght hath regarde vnto his singuler
prouffit by his couetyse/ he dispoylleth his peple For whan the
souldyours see that they putte hem in paryll. And theyr mayster wyll not
paye hem theyr wages liberally/ but entendeth to his owne propre gayn
and proussryt/ than whan the Enemyes come they torne sone her backes and
flee oftentymes/ And thus hit happeth by hym that entendeth more to gete
money than victorye that his auaryce is ofte tymes cause of his
confusion Than late euery knyght take heede to be liberall in suche wyse
that he wene not ne suppose that his scarcete be to hym a grete wynnynge
or gayn/ And for thys cause he be the lasse louyd of his peple/ And that
his aduersarye wythdrawe to hym them by large gyuynge/ For oftetyme
bataylle is auaunced more for getynge of siluer. Than by the force and
strengthe of men/ For men see alle daye that suche thynges as may not be
achieuyd by force of nature/ ben goten and achieuyd by force of money/
And for so moche hit behoueth to see well to that whan the tyme of the
bataylle cometh/ that he borowe not ne make no tayllage/ For noman may
be ryche that leuyth his owne/ hopyng to gete and take of other/ Than
all waye all her gayn and wynnynge ought to be comyn amonge them exept
theyr Armes. For in lyke wyse as the victorie is comune/ so shold the
dispoyll and botye be comune vnto them And therfore Dauid that gentyll
knyght in the fyrst book of kynges in the last chapitre made a lawe/
that he that abode behynde by maladye or sekenes in the tentes shold
haue as moche parte of the butyn as he that had be in the bataylle/ And
for the loue of thys lawe he was made afterward kynge of Isræll/
Alexander of Macedone cam on a tyme lyke a symple knyght vnto the court
of Porus kynge of Inde for to espye thestate of the kynge and of the
knyghtes of the court/ And the kynge resseyuyd hym ryght worshipfully/
And demanded of hym many thynges of Alexander and of his constance and
strengthe/ nothynge wenynge that he had ben Alexander But antygone one
of his knyghtis and after he had hym to dyner And whan they had feruyd
Alexander in vayssell of gold and siluer with dyuerce metes &c. After
that he had eten suche as plesid hym he voyded the mete and toke the
vayssell and helde hit to hymself and put hit in his bosom or sleuys/
wherof he was accusid vnto the kynge After dyner than the kynge callid
hym and demanded hym wherfore he had taken his vayssell And he answerd/
Syre kynge my lord I pray the to vnderstande and take heede thy self and
also thy knyghtes/ I haue herd moche of thy grete hyenes And y't thou
art more myghty and puyssant in cheualrye & in dispensis than is
Alexander/ and therfore I am come to the a pour knyght whiche am named
Antygone for to serue the/ Than hit is the custome in the Courte of
Alexandre/ that what thynge a knyght is seruyd wyth all is alle his/
mete and vayssell and cuppe And therfore I had supposid that this
custome had ben kept in thy court for thou art richer than he/ whan the
knyghtes herd this/ an[=o]n they lefte porus/ and wente for to serue
alixandre/ and thus he drewe to hym y'e hertes of them by yeftes/ whiche
afterward slewe Porus that was kynge of Inde/ And they made Alexandra
kynge therof Therfore remembre knyght alleway that wyth a closid and
shette purse shalt thou neuer haue victorye. Ouyde sayth that he that
taketh yeftes/ he is glad therwyth/ For they wynne wyth yeftes the
hertes of the goddes and of men For yf Iupiter were angrid/ wyth yestes
he wold be plesid/ The knyghtes ought to be stronge not only of body but
also in corage. Ther ben many stronge and grete of body/ that ben faynt
and feble in the herte/ he is stronge that may not be vaynquysshid and
ouercomen/ how well that he suffryth moche otherwhile/ And so we beleue
that they that be not ouer grete ne ouer lityll ben most corageous &
beste in batayll. We rede that cadrus duc of athenes shold haue a
batayll agayn them of polipe/ And he was warned and had a reuelacion of
the goddes/ that they shold haue the victorie of whom the prynce shold
be slayn in the batayll/ And the prince whiche was of a grete corage and
trewe herte Toke other armes of a poure man/ And put hymself in the
fronte of the batayll to thende that he might be slain And so he was/
for the right trewe prince had leuer dye Than his peple shold be
ouercomen/ And so they had the victorye/ Certes hyt was a noble and fayr
thynge to expose hym self to the deth for to deffende his contrey. But
no man wold doo so/ but yf he hopyd to haue a better thynge therfore/
Therfore the lawe sayth that they lyue in her sowles gloriously that ben
slain in the warre for the comyn wele A knyght ought also to be
mercifull and pyetous For ther is nothynge y't maketh a knyght so
renomed as is whan he sauyth the lyf of them that he may slee/ For to
shede and spylle blood is the condicion of a wylde beste and not the
condicion of a good knyght Therfore we rede that scylla that was Duc of
the Romayns wyth oute had many fayr victoyres agaynst the Romayns wyth
Inne that were contrayre to hym/ In so moche that in the batayll of
puylle he slewe .xviii. thousand men/ And in champanye .lxx. thousand.
And after in the cyte he slewe thre thousand men vnarmed And whan one of
his knyghtes that was named Quyntus catulus sawe this cruelte sayd to
hym/ Sesse now and suffre them to lyue and be mercyfull to them wyth
whom we haue ben victorious And wyth whom we ought to lyue/ For hit is
the most hyest and fayr vengeance that a man may doo/ as to spare them &
gyue hem her lyf whome he may slee Therfore Joab ordeyned whan absalom
was slayn/ he sowned a trompette/ that his peple shold no more renne &
slee theyr aduersaryes. For ther were slayn aboute .xx. thousand of
them/ and in lyke wyse dide he whan he faught ayenst Abner And Abner was
vaynquysshid and fledde. For where that he wente in the chaas he
comanded to spare the peple The knyghtes ought to kepe the peple/ For
whan the peple ben in theyr tentes or castellis/ the knyghtes ought to
kepe the wacche/ For this cause the romayns callyd them legyons And they
were made of dyuerce prouynces and of dyuerce nacyons to thentente to
kepe the peple/ And the peple shold entende to theyre werke/ For no
crafty man may bothe entende to his craft & to fighte/ how may a crafty
man entende to hys werke sewrely in tyme of warre but yf he be kept And
right in suche wyse as the knyghtes shold kepe y'e peple in tyme of peas
in lyke wise the peple ought to pourveye for theyr dispensis/ how shold
a plowman be sewre in the felde/ but yf the knyghtes made dayly wacche
to kepe hem/ For lyke as the glorye of a kynge is vpon his knyghtis/ so
hit is necessarye to the knyghtes that the marchantis craftymen and
comyn peple be defended and kepte/ therfore late the knyghtes kepe the
peple in suche wyse that they maye enioye pees and gete and gadre the
costis and expensis of them bothe/ we rede that Athis sayd to dauid
whiche was a knyght/ I make the my kepar and defendar alleway. Thus
shold the knightes haue grete zele that the lawe be kept/ For the
mageste ryall ought not only to be garnysshid wyth armes but also wyth
good lawes/ And therfore shold they laboure that they shold be well kept
Turgeus pompeyus reherceth of a noble knyght named Ligurgyus that had
made auncyent lawes the whiche the peple wold not kepe ne obserue/ For
they semed hard for them to kepe And wold constrayne hym to rapele &
sette hem a part whan the noble knight sawe that He dyde the peple to
vnderstande that he had not made them/ but a god that was named Apollo
delphynus. had made them/ And had comanded hym that he shold do the
peple kepe them/ Thise wordes auayled not/ they wold in no wyse kepe
them/ And than he sayd to them that hit were good that er the said lawes
shold be broken that he had gyuen to them that he shold goo and speke
wyth the god Appollo/ For to gete of hym a dispensacion to breke hem/
And that the peple shold kepe & obserue them tyll that he retorned
agayn/ The peple acorded therto & swore that they shold kepe them to the
tyme he retorned Than the knighte wente in to grece in exyle & dwellid
ther alle his lyf/ And whan he shold dye he comanded that his body shold
be cast in the see/ For as moche as yf his body shold be born theder/
the people shold wene to be quyt of theyr oth/ And shold kepe no lenger
his lawes that were so good & resonable/ & so the knight had leuer to
forsake his owne centre & to dye so than to repele his lawes And his
lawes were suche/ The first lawe was that y'e peple shold obeye & serue
the princes/ And the princes shold kepe the peple & do Iustice on the
malefactours The second lawe that they shold be all sobre/ For he wiste
well that the labour of cheualrye is most stronge whan they lyue
sobrely/ The thirde was y't noman shold bye ony thynge for money but
they shold change ware for ware & one marchandyse for an other/ The
fourthe was that men shold sette no more by money ner kepe hit more than
they wold donge or fylthe/ The fyfthe he ordeyned for the comyn wele
alle thynge by ordre/ that the prynces myght meue and make bataylle by
her power, to the maistres counceillours he comysid the Iugementis. And
the Annuell rentes/ to the senatours the kepynge of the lawe/ And to the
comyn peple he gaf power to chese suche Iuges as they wold haue/ The
sixte he ordeyned that all thinge shold be departid egally & all thinge
shold be comyn And none richer than other in patry-monye/ The seuenth
that euery man shold ete lyke well in comen openly/ that riches shold
not be cause of luxurye whan they ete secretly/ The eygthe that the
yonge peple shold not haue but o[=n] gowne or garment in the yere/ The
nynth that men shold sette poure children to laboure in the felde/ to
thende that they shold not enploye theyr yongthe in playes and in folye/
but in labour/ The tenthe that the maydens shold be maryed wythoute
dowayre/ In suche wyfe that no man shold take a wyf for moneye/ The xi.
that men shold rather take a wyf for her good maners and vertues than
for her richesses/ The twelfthe that men shold worshippe the olde and
auncyent men for theyr age and more for theyr wysedom than for her
riches this knyght made none of thyse lawes/ but he first kepte hem.



[Illustration]

_The fyfthe chapitre of the second book of the forme
and maners of the rooks._


The rooks whiche ben vicaires and legats of the kynge ought to be made
lyke a knyght vpon an hors and a mantell and hood furryd with meneuyer
holdynge a staf in his hande/ & for as moche as a kyng may not be in
alle places of his royame/ Therfore the auctorite of hym is gyuen to the
rooks/ whiche represent the kynge/ And for as moche as a royame is grete
and large/ and that rebellion or nouelletes might sourdre and aryse in
oon partye or other/ therfore ther ben two rooks one on the right side
and that other on the lifte side They ought to haue in hem. pyte.
Iuftice. humylite. wilfull pouerte. and liberalite/ Fyrst Iustice for
hit is most fayr of the vertues/ For it happeth oftetyme that the
ministris by theyr pryde and orgueyll subuerte Iuftice and do no ryght/
Wherfore the kynges otherwhyle lose theyr royames with out theyr culpe
or gylte/ For an vntrewe Iuge or officyer maketh hys lord to be named
vnIufte and euyll And contrarye wyse a trewe mynestre of the lawe and
ryghtwys/ causeth the kynge to be reputed Iuste and trewe/ The Romayns
therfore made good lawes/ And wolde that/ that they sholde be Iufte and
trewe/ And they that establisshid them for to gouerne the peple/ wold in
no wyse breke them/ but kepe them for to dye for them/ For the auncyent
and wyse men sayd comynly that it was not good to make and ordeygne that
lawe that is not Iuste Wherof Valerius reherceth that ther was a man
that was named Themistides whiche cam to the counceyllours of athenes
and sayd that he knewe a counceyll whiche was ryght prouffytable for
them/ But he wolde telle hyt but to But to one of them whom that they
wold/ And they asligned to hym a wyse man named Aristides/ And whan he
had vnderstand hym he cam agayn to the other of the counceyll And sayd
that the counceyll of Themystides was well prouffitable/ but hit was not
Iuste/ how be hit y'e may reuolue hit in your mynde/ And the counceyll
that he sayd was this/ that ther were comen two grete shippis fro
lacedome and were arryued in theyr londe. And that hit were good to take
them/ And whan the counceyll herde hym that sayde/ that hit was not
Iuste ner right/ they lefte hem alle in pees And wold not haue adoo with
alle/ The vicarye or Iuge of the kynge ought to be so Iuste/ that he
shold employe alle his entente to saue the comyn wele And yf hit were
nede to put his lyf and/ lose hit therfore/ we haue an ensample of
marcus regulus wherof Tullius reherceth in the book of offices And saynt
Augustyn also de ciuitate dei/ how he faught agayn them of cartage by
see in shippis and was vaynquysshid and taken/ Than hit happend that
they of cartage sente hymm in her message to rome for to haue theyr
prisoners there/ for them y'e were taken/ and so to cha[=u]ge one for an
other And made hym swere and promyse to come agayn/ And so he cam to
rome And made proposicion tofore the senate And demanded them of cartage
of the senatours to be cha[=u]ged as afore is sayd And than the senatours
demanded hym what counceyll he gaf Certayn sayd he I co[=u]ceyll yow that
y'e do hit not in no wise For as moche as the peple of rome that they of
cartage holde in prison of youris ben olde men and brusid in the warre
as I am my self/ But they that y'e holde in prison of their peple is alle
the flour of alle their folke/ whiche counceyll they toke/ And than his
frendes wolde haue holde hym and counceyllyd hym to abide there and not
retorne agayn prysoner in to cartage/ but he wold neuer doo so ner
abide/ but wold goo agayn and kepe his oth How well that he knewe that
he went toward his deth For he had leuyr dye than to breke his oth
Valeri9 reherceth in the sixth book of one Emelye duc of the romayns/
that in the tyme whan he had assieged the phalistes/ The scole maystre
of the children deceyuyd the children of the gentilmen that he drewe hym
a lityll and a lytyll vnto the tentys of the romayns by fayr speche. And
sayd to the duc Emelie/ that by the moyan of the children that he had
brought to hym/ he shold haue the cyte/ For theyr faders were lordes and
gouernours. Whan Emelie had herde hym he sayd thus to hym Thou that art
euyll and cruell And thou that woldest gyue a gyfte of grete felonnye
and of mauuastye/ thou shalt ner hast not founden here Duc ne peple that
resembleth the/ we haue also well lawes to kepe in batayll & warre As in
our contres & other places/ and we wole obserue and kepe them vnto euery
man as they ought to be kept And we ben armed agaynst our enemyes y't
wole defende them And not ayenst them y't can not saue their lyf whan
their contre is taken/ as thise lityll children/ Thou hast vaynquysshid
them as moche as is in the by thy newe deceyuable falsenes and by
subtilnes and not by armes/ but I that am a romayn shall vainquysshe
them by craft and strengthe of armes/ And anon he comanded to take the
said scole maister/ And to bynde his handes behynde hym as a traytour
and lede hem to the parentis of the children And whan the faders &
parentis sawe the grete courtosie that he had don to them They opend the
yates and yelded them vnto hym/ we rede that hanyball had taken a prince
of rome whiche vpon his oth and promyse suffrid hym to gon home/ and to
sende hym his raunson/ or he shold come agayn within a certain tyme And
whan he was at home in his place/ he sayde that he had deceyuyd hym by a
false oth And whan the senatours knewe therof/ they constrayned hym to
retorne agayn vnto hanyball/ Amos florus tellyth that the phisicien of
kynge pirrus cam on a nyght to fabrice his aduersarye And promyfid hym
yf he wold gyue hym for his laboure that he wold enpoysone pirrus his
maister/ whan fabricius vnderstode this He dyde to take hym and bynde
hym hande & foote/ and sente hym to his maistre and dyde do saye to hym
word for worde lyke as the physicien had sayd and promysid hym to doo/
And whan pirrus vnderstode this he was gretly ameruaylled of the loyalte
and trouth of fabrice his enemye/ and sayd certaynly that the sonne
myghte lighther and sonner be enpesshid of his cours/ than fabrice shold
be letted to holde loyalte and trouthe/ yf they than that were not
cristen were so Iuste and trewe and louyd their contrey and their good
renomee/ what shold we now doon than that ben cristen and that cure lawe
is sette alle vpon loue and charyte/ But now a dayes ther is nothynge
ellys in the world but barate Treson deceyte falsenes and trecherye Men
kepe not theyr couenantes promyses. othes. writynges. ne trouthe/ The
subgettis rebelle agayn theyr lorde/ ther is now no lawe kepte. nor
fidelite/ ne oth holden/ the peple murmure and ryse agayn theyr lord and
wole not be subget/ they ought to be pietous in herte/ whiche is
auaillable to all thinge ther is pite in effecte by compassion/ and in
worde by remission and pardon/ by almesse/ for to enclyne hymself to the
poure For pite is nothynge ellis but a right grete will of a debonaire
herte for to helpe alle men/ Valerius reherceth that ther was a Iuge
named sangis whiche dampned a woman that had deseruyd the deth for to
haue her heed smyten of or ellis that she shold dye in prison/ The
Geayler that had pite on the woman put not her anone to deth but put her
in the pryson/ And this woman had a doughter whiche cam for to se and
conforte her moder But allway er she entryd into the pryson the Iayler
serchid her that se shold bere no mete ne drynke to her moder/ but that
she shold dye for honger/ Than hit happend after this that he meruaylled
moche why this woman deyd not/ And began to espye the cause why she
lyuyd so longe/ And fonde at laste how her doughter gaf souke to her
moder/ And fedde her with her melke. whan the Iayler aawe this meruaill/
he wente & told the Iuge/ And whan the Iuge sawe this grete pite of the
doughter to the moder he pardoned her and made her to be delyuerid oute
of her pryson what is that/ that pite ne amolisshith/ moche peple wene
that it is agaynst nature and wondre that the doughter shold gyue the
moder to souke/ hit were agayn nature but the children shold be kynde to
fader and moder/ Seneca sayth that the kynge of bees hath no prykke to
stynge with as other bees haue. And that nature hath take hit away from
hym be cause he shold haue none armes to assaylle them And this is an
example vnto prynces that they shold be of the fame condicion/ Valerius
reherceth in his .v. book of marchus martellus that whan he had taken
the cyte of siracusane. And was sette in the hyest place of the cyte/ he
behelde the grete destruction of the peple and of the cyte/ he wepte and
sayde/ thou oughtest to be sorofull/ for so moche as thou woldest haue
no pite of thy self/ But enioye the for thou art fallen in the hande of
a right debonaire prynce. Also he recounteth whan pompeye had conqueryd
the kynge of Germanye that often tymes had foughten ayenst the romayns
And that he was brought to fore hym bounden/ he was so pietous that he
wold not suffre hym to be longe on his knees to fore hym/ but he
receyuyd hym cortoysly And sette the crowne agayn on his heed and put
hym in thestate that he was to fore/ For he had oppynyon that hit was as
worshipfull and fittynge to a kynge to pardone/ as to punysshe. Also he
reherceth of a co[=u]ceyllour that was named poule that dide do brynge to
fore hym a man that was prisonner And as he knelid to fore hym he toke
hym vp fro the ground & made hym to sytte beside hym for to gyue hym
good esperance and hoope And sayd to the other stondynge by/ in this
wyse. yf hit be grete noblesse that we shewe our self contrarye to our
enemyes/ than this fete ought to be alowed that we shew our self
debonair to our caytyfs & prisonners Cesar whan he herde the deth of
cathon whiche was his aduersarye sayde that he had grete enuye of his
glorye. And no thinge of his patrimonye/ and therfore he lefte to his
children frely all his patrimonye Thus taught vyrgyle and enseygned the
gloryus prynces to rewle and gouerne the peple of rome. And saynt
Augustin de ciuitate dei saith thus Thou emperour gouerne the peple
pietously And make peas ouerall/ deporte and forbere thy subgets/
repreue & correcte the prowde/ for so enseyne And teche the the lawes/
And hit was wreton vnto Alexander/ that euery prynce ought to be pyetous
in punysshynge/ and redy for to rewarde/ Ther is no thynge that causeth
a prynce to be so belouyd of hys peple/ As whan he speketh to hem
swetly/ and co[=u]ersith with hem symply/ And all this cometh of the roote
of pyte/ we rede of the Emperour Traian that his frendes repreuyd hym of
that he was to moche pryue and familier wyth the comyn peple more than
an emperour ought to be/ And he answerd that he wold be suche an
emperour as euery man desired to haue hym/ Also we rede of Alixander
that on a tyme he ladde his oost forth hastely/ and in that haste he
beheld where satte an olde knight that was sore acolde Whom he dide do
arise and sette hym in his owne sete or siege/ what wondre was hit
though y'e knightes desired to serue suche a lord that louyd better
theyr helth than his dignite/ The rookes ought also to be humble & meke
After the holy scripture whiche saith/ the gretter or in the hier astate
that thou arte/ so moche more oughtest thou be meker & more humble
Valerius reherceth in his .vii. book that ther was an emperour named
publius cesar/ That dide do bete doun his hows whiche was in the middis
of y'e market place for as moche as hit was heier than other houses/ for
as moche as he was more glorious in astate than other/ Therfore wold he
haue a lasse hous than other And scipion of affrique that was so poure
of vol[=u]tarie pouerte y't whan he was dede/ he was buried at y'e
dispencis of y'e comyn good/ They shold be so humble y't they shold leue
theyr offices/ and suffre other to take hem whan her tyme comyth/ & doo
honour to other/ for he gouerneth wel y'e royame y't may gouerne hit
whan he will Valeri'9 saith In his thirde book that fabyan the grete had
ben maistre counceyllour of his fader his grauntsire/ And of his
grauntsirs fader & of alle his antecessours And yet dide he alle his
payne and labour/ that his sone shold neuer haue that office after hym/
but for nothynge that he mystrusted his sone/ For he was noble and wise
and more attemprid than other/ but he wold that the office shold not all
way reste in the familye and hows of the fabyans Also he reherceth in
his seuenth book that they wold make the sayd fabyan emþour/ but he
excused hym and sayd that he was blynde and myght not see for age/ but
that excusacion myght not helpe hym/ Than sayd he to hem/ seke y'e and
gete yow another/ For yf y'e make me your emþour I may not suffre your
maners/ nor y'e may not suffre myn/ Ther was a kynge of so subtyll engyne
That whan men brought hym the crowne/ to fore that he toke hit/ he
remembrid hym a lityll and saide/ O thou crowne that art more noble than
happy For yf a kynge knewe well and parfaytly how that thou art full of
paryls of thoughte and of charge/ yf thou were on the grounde/ he wolde
neuer lyfte ner take the vp/ Remembre the that whan thou art most
gloryous/ than haue some men moste enuye on the/ and whan thou haste
moste seignourye and lordships than shalt thou haue moste care. thought
and anguysshes/ Vaspasian was so humble that whan Nero was slayn alle
the peple cryed for to haue hym emþour/ and many of his frendes cam &
prayde hym that he wold take hit vpon hym/ so at the last he was
constrayned to take hit vpon hym. And sayd to his frendes Hit is better
and more to preyse and alowe for a man to take thempire agaynst his wil/
than for to laboure to haue hit and to put hym self therin/ Thus ought
they to be humble and meke for to resseyue worship/ Therfore sayth the
bible that Ioab the sone of Saryre that was captayn of the warre of the
kynge Dauid/ whan he cam to take and wynne a Cyte/ He sente to Dauid and
desired hym to come to the warre/ that the victorye shold be gyuen to
Dauid/ And not to hym self/ Also they ought to be ware that they chaunge
not ofte tymes her officers/ Josephus reherceth that the frendes of
tyberyus meruaylled moche why he helde hys offycyers so longe in theyr
offices wyth oute changynge/ And they demanded of hym the cause/ to whom
he answerd/ I wold chaunge them gladly/ yf I wyste that hit shold be
good for the peple/ But I sawe on a tyme a man that was roynyous & full
of soores/ And many flyes satte vpon the soores and souked his blood
that hit was meruaylle to see/ wherfore I smote and chaced them away.
And he than said to me why chacest and smytest away thyse flyes that ben
full of my blood/ And now shallt thou late come other that ben hongrye
whiche shall doon to me double payne more than the other dide/ for the
prikke of the hongrye is more poyngnant the half/ than of y'e fulle And
therfore sayde he I leue the officiers in their offices. for they ben
all riche/ and doo not so moch euyl & harme As the newe shold doo & were
poure yf I shold sette hem in her places/ They ought also to be pacyent
in herynge of wordes & in suffrynge payne on her bodyes/ as to the first
One said to alisander that he was not worthy to regne. specially whan he
suffrid that lecherie and delyte to haue seignoire in hym/ he suffrid
hit paciently/ And answerd none otherwyse but that he wolde corrette hym
self. And take better maners and more honeste Also hit is reherced that
Iulius cezar was ballyd wherof he had desplaysir so grete that he kempt
his heeris that laye on the after parte of his heed forward for to hyde
the bare to fore. Than sayd a knyght to him Cezar hit is lighther And
sonner to be made that thou be not ballid/ than that I haue vsid ony
cowardyse in the warre of rome/ or hereafter shall doo ony cowardyse/ he
suffrid hit paciently and sayd not aword/ Another reproched hym by his
lignage And callyd hym fornier/ he answerd that hit is better that
noblesse begynne in me/ than hit shold faylle in me/ Another callid hym
tyraunt/ he answerd yf I were one. thou woldest not saie soo A knight
callid on a tyme scipion of affricque fowle & olde knyght in armes And
that he knewe lityll good And he answerd I was born of my moder a lityll
child and feble and not a man of armes. And yet he was at alle tymes one
of the best and moste worthy in armes that liuyd. Another sayd to
vaspasian/ And a wolf shold sonner change his skyn and heer/ than thou
sholdest cha[=u]ge thy lyf For the lenger thou lyvest the more thou
coueytest And he answerd of thyse wordes we ought to laughe. But we
ought to amende our selfe And punysshe the trespaces. Seneque reherceth
that the kynge Antygonus herde certayn peple speke and saye euyll of
hym/ And therwas betwene hem nomore but a courtyne/ And than he sayde
make an ende of your euyll langage leste the kynge here yow/ for the
courtyne heereth yow well[54] I nowhe. Than as towchynge to the paynes
that they ought to suffre paciently Valerius reherceth that a tyrant
dide do tormente Anamaximenes & thretenyd hym for to cutte of his tonge.
To whom he sayd hit is not in thy power to doo soo/ and forthwyth he
bote of his owne tonge/ And shewed hit wyth his teth and casted hit in
the visage of the Tyrant Hit is a grete vertu in a man that he forgete
not to be pacyent in corrections of wronges/ Hit is better to leue a
gylty man vnpunysshyd/ than to punysshe hym in a wrath or yre Valerius
reherceth that archita of tarente that was mayster to plato sawe that
his feldes & lande was destroyed and lost by the necligence of his
seruant To whom he sayd yf I were not angry with the I wold take
vengeance and turmente the/ Lo there y'e may see that he had leuer to
leue to punysshe/ than to pugnysshe more by yre & wrath than by right
And therfore sayth seneque/ doo no thynge that thou oughtest to doo whan
y'u art angry/ For whan thou art angry thou woldest doo alle thynges
after thy playsir/ And yf thou canst not vaynquysshe thyn yre/ than
muste thyn yre ouercome the/ After thys ought they to haue wylfull
pouerte/ lyke as hit was in the auncyent prynces/ For they coueyted more
to be riche in wytte and good maners than in moneye/ And that reherceth
Valerius in his .viii. booke that scipion of Affryque was accused vnto
the Senate that he shold haue grete tresour/ And he answerd certes whan
I submysed affryque in to your poeste/ I helde no thynge to myself that
I myght faye this is myn save only the surname of affryque/ Ner the
affryquans haue not founden in me ner in my broder ony auarice/ ner y't
we were so couetouse that we had ne had gretter enuye to be riche of
name than of rychesses/ And therfore sayth seneque that the kynge
Altagone vsid gladly in his hows vessels of erthe/ And some sayde he
dyde hit for couetyse/ But he sayde that hit was better and more noble
thynge to myne in good maners than in vayssell And whan some men
demanded hym why and for what cause he dyde so/ he answerd I am now
kynge of secylle/ and was sone of a potter/ and for as moche as I doubte
fortune. For whan I yssued out of the hous of my fader and moder/ I was
sodaynly made riche/ wherfore I beholde the natiuyte of me and of my
lignage/ whiche is humble & meke/ And alle these thynges cometh of
wilfull pouerte/ for he entended more to the comyn prouffyt than to his
owen/ And of thys pouerte speketh saynt Augustyn in the booke of the
cyte of god That they that entende to the comyn prouffyt. sorowe more
that wilfull pouerte is lost in rome/ than the richesses of rome/ For by
the wilfull pouerte was the renomee of good maners kept entierly/ thus
by this richesse pouerte is not only corrupt in thyse dayes ner the cyte
ner the maners/ but also the thoughtes of the men ben corrupt by thys
couetyse and by felonnye that is worse. than ony other enemye And of the
cruelte of the peple of rome speketh the good man of noble memorye Iohn
the monke late cardynall of rome in the decretall the syxte in the
chapitre gens sancta where he sayth/ that they ben felo[=u]s ayenst god.
contrarye to holy thynges. traytres one to that other. enuyous to her
neyghbours. proude vnto straungers. rebelle and vntrewe vnto theyr
souerayns Not suffringe to them that ben of lower degree than they and
nothinge shamfast to demande thinges discouenable and not to leue tyll
they haue that they demande/ and not plesid but disagreable whan they
haue resseyuyd the yeft They haue their tonges redy for to make grete
boost/ and doo lityll/ They ben large in promysynges/ And smale gyuers/
they ben ryght fals deceyuours/ And ryght mordent and bitynge
detractours/ For whiche thynge hit is a grete sorowe to see the humylite
the pacyence And the good wisedom that was woute to be in this cyte of
rome whiche is chief of alle the world is peruertid & torned in to
maleheurte and thise euylles/ And me thynketh that in other partyes of
crestiante they haue taken ensample of them to doo euyll/ They may saye
that this is after the decretale of seygnourye and disobeysance/ that
sayth That suche thynges that the souerayns doo/ Is lightly and sone
taken in ensample of theyr subgets/ Also thise vicayres shold be large
and liberall/ In so moche that suche peple as serue them ben duly payd
and guerdoned of her labour/ For euery man doth his labour the better
and lightlyer whan he seeth that he shall be well payd and rewarded/ And
we rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian was so large and so liberall/
That he gaf and promysyd somewhat to euery man/ And whan hys moste pryuy
frendes demanded of hym why he promysid more that he myght gyue/ he
answerd for as moche as hyt apperteyneth not to a prynce that ony man
shold departe sorowfull or tryste fro hym/ Than hit happend on a day
that he gaf ner promysid no thynge to ony man And whan hit was euen
auysed hymself/ he sayd to hys frendes/ O y'e my frendes thys day haue I
lost for this day haue I don no good,' And also we rede of Iulius Cefar
that he neuer saide in alle his lyue to his knyghtes goo oon but all way
be sayde come come/ For I loue allway to be in youre companye/ And he
knewe well that hit was lasse payne & trauayll to the knyghtes whan the
prynce is in her companye that loueth hem & c[=o]forted hem And also we
rede of the same Iulius cesar in the booke of truphes of phylosophers/
that ther was an Auncyent knyght of his that was in paryll of a caas
hangynge to fore the Iuges of rome so he callyd cefar on a tyme and said
to hym to fore all men that he shold be his aduocate And cesar deliueryd
and assigned to hym a right good aduocate And the knyght sayd to hym O
cesar I put no vicaire in my place whan thou were in parill in y'e
batayll of assise/ But I faught for the. And than he shewed to hym the
places of his woundes that he had receyuyd in the batayll And than cam
cesar in his propre persone for to be his aduocate & to plete his cause
for hym/ he wold not haue the name of vnkyndenes/ but doubted that men
shold saye that he were proude And that he wold not do for them that had
seruyd hym They that can not do so moche/ as for to be belouyd of her
knyghtes/ can not loue the knyghtes And this sufficeth of the rooks.



BOOK III.



[Illustration]

_The thirde tractate of the offices of the comyn peple. The fyrst
chapitre is of the office of the labourers and werkemen_.


For as moche as the Noble persone canne not rewle ne gouerne with oute
y'e seruyce and werke of the peple/ than hit behoueth to deuyse the
oeuurages and the offices of the werkemen/ Than I shall begynne fyrst at
the fyrst pawne/ that is in the playe of the chesse/ And signefieth a
man of the comyn peple on fote For they be all named pietous that is as
moche to saye as footemen And than we wyll begynne at the pawne whiche
standeth to fore the rooke on the right side of the kinge for as moche
as this pawne apperteyneth to serue the vicaire or lieutenant of the
kynge and other officers vnder hym of necessaryes of vitayll/ And this
maner a peple is figured and ought to be maad in the forme & shappe of a
man holdynge in his ryght hande a spade or shouell And a rodde in the
lifte hand/ The spade or shouell is for to delue & labour therwith the
erthe/ And the rodde is for to dryue & conduyte wyth all the bestes vnto
her pasture also he ought to haue on his gyrdell/ a crokyd hachet for to
cutte of the supfluytees of the vignes & trees/ And we rede in the
bible that the first labourer that euer was/ was Caym the firste sone of
Adam that was so euyll that he slewe his broder Abel/ for as moche as
the smoke of his tythes went strayt vnto heuen'/ And the smoke & fumee
of the tythes of Caym wente downward vpon the erthe And how well that
this cause was trewe/ yet was ther another cause of enuye that he had
vnto his broder/ For whan Adam their fader maried them for to multyplie
y'e erthe of hys lignye/ he wolde not marye ner Ioyne to gyder the two
that were born attones/ but gaf vnto caym her that was born wyth Abel/
And to Abel her that was born with caym/ And thus began thenuye that
caym had ayenst abel/ For his wyf was fayrer than cayms wyf And for this
cause he slough abel with the chekebone of a beste/ & at that tyme was
neuer no maner of yron blody of mannes blood/ And abel was y'e first
martier in tholde testament/ And this caym dide many other euyl thinges
whiche I leue/ for hit apperteyneth not to my mater/ But hit behoueth
for necessite y't some shold labour the erthe after y'e synne of adam/
for to fore er adam synned/ the erthe brought forth fruyt with out
labour of handes/ but syn he synned/ hit muste nedes be labourid with
y'e handes of men And for as moche as the erthe is moder of alle thynges
And that we were first formed and toke oure begynnyng of the erthe/ the
same wyse at the laste. she shall be the ende vnto alle vs and to alle
thynges/ And god that formed vs of the erthe hath ordeyned that by the
laboure of men she shold gyue nourysshyng vnto alle that lyueth/ and
first the labourer of y'e erthe ought to knowe his god that formed and
made heuen & erthe of nought And ought to haue loyaulte and trouth in
hymself/ and despise deth for to entende to his laboure And he ought to
gyue thankyngis to hym that made hym And of whom he receyueth all his
goodes temporall/ wherof his lyf is susteyned/ And also he is bounden to
paye the dismes and tythes of alle his thynges And not as Caym dyde. But
as Abell dyde of the beste that he chese allway for to gyue to god & to
plese hym/ For they that grucche and be greuyd in that they rendre and
gyue to god the tienthes of her goodes/ they ought to be aferd and haue
drede that they shall falle in necessite And y't they might be
dispoyllyd or robbed by warre or by tempeste that myght falle or happen
in the contrey And hit is meruayll though hit so happen For that man
that is disagreable vnto god And weneth y't the multiplynge of his
goodes temporell cometh by the vertu of his owne co[=u]ceyll and his
wytte/ the whiche is made by the only ordenance of hym that made alle.
And by the same ordenance is soone taken away fro hym that is
disagreable/ and hit is reson that whan a man haboundeth by fortune in
goodes/ And knoweth not god/ by whom hit cometh/ that to hym come some
other fortune by the whiche he may requyre grace and pardon And to knowe
his god/ And we rede of the kynge Dauid that was first symple & one of
the comyn peple/ that whan fortune had enhaunsed and sette hym in grete
astate/ he lefte and forgate his god/ And fyll to aduoultrye and
homicyde and other synnes/ Than anon his owne sone Absalom assaylled &
began to persecute hym And than whan he sawe that fortune was contrarye
to hym/ he began to take agayn his vertuous werkis and requyred pardoun
and so retorned to god agayn. We rede also of the children of ysræl
that were nyghe enfamyned in desert and sore hongry & thrusty that they
prayd & requyred of god for remedy/ Anon he changed his wyll & sente to
hem manna/ & flessh &c./ And whan they were replenesshid & fatte of the
flessh of bestes & of the manna/ they made a calf of gold and worshippid
hit. Whiche was a grete synne & Inyquyte/ For whan they were hongry they
knewe god/ And whan theyre belyes were fylde & fatted/ they forgid
ydoles & were ydolatrers. After this euery labourer ought to be
faythfull & trewe That whan his maystre delyuereth to hym his lande to
be laboured/ that he take no thinge to hymself but that hym ought to
haue & is his/ but laboure truly & take cure and charge in the name of
his maistre/ and do more diligently his maisters labours than his owen/
for the lyf of y'e most grete & noble men next god lieth in y'e handes
of the labourers/ and thus all craftes & occupacions ben ordeyned not
only to suffise to them only/ but to the comyn/ And so hit happeth ofte
tyme that y'e labourer of the erthe vseth grete and boystous metes/ and
bringeth to his maister more subtile & more deyntous metes/ And valerius
reherceth in his. vi. book that ther was a wife & noble maistre y't was
named Anthoni9 that was accused of a caas of aduoultrye/ & as the cause
henge to fore the Iuges/ his accusers or denonciatours brought I
labourer that closid his land for so moche as they sayde whan his
maistre wente to doo the aduoultrye/ this same seruant bare the
lanterne. wherof Anthonyus was sore abasshyd and doubted that he shold
depose agaynst hym But the labourer that was named papirion sayd to his
maister that he shold denye his cause hardyly vnto the Iuges For for to
be tormentid/ his cause shold neuer be enpeyrid by hym/ ner no thynge
shold yssue out of his mouth wherof he shold be noyed or greuyd And than
was the labourer beten and tormentid and brent in many places of his
body But he sayd neuer thynge wherof his mayster was hurte or noyed/ But
the other that accused his maister were punysshid And papiryon was
deliuerid of his paynes free and franc/ And also telleth valerius that
ther was another labourer that was named penapion/ that seruyd a maister
whos name was Themes which was of meruayllous faith to his maystre For
hit befell that certain knyghtes cam to his maisters hows for to slee
hym And anone as papiryon knewe hit/ he wente in to his maisters chambre
And wold not be knowen For he dide on his maisters gowne and his rynge
on his fynger/ And laye on his bedde And thus put hym self in parill of
deth for to respite his maisters lyf/ But we see now a dayes many fooles
that daigne not to vse groos metes of labourers. And flee the cours
clothynge And maners of a seruant Euery wise man a seruant that truly
serueth his maister is free and not bonde/ But a foole that is ouer
proude is bonde/ For the debilite and feblenes of corage that is broken
in conscience by pryde Enuye. or by couetyse is ryght seruytude/ yet
they ought not to doubte to laboure for feere and drede of deth/ no man
ought to loue to moche his lyf/ For hit is a fowll thynge for a man to
renne to the deth for the enemye of his lyf/ And a wyse man and a
stronge man ought not to flee for his lyf/ but to yssue For ther is no
man that lyueth/ but he must nedes dye. And of this speketh claudyan and
sayth that alle thoo thynges that the Ayer goth aboute and enuyronned.
And alle thynge that the erthe laboureth/ Alle thyngys that ben
conteyned wyth in the see Alle thynges that the floodes brynge forth/
Alle thynges that ben nourysshid and alle the bestes that ben vnder the
heuen shall departe alle from the world/ And alle shall goo at his
comandement/ As well Kynges Prynces and alle that the world enuyronned
and gooth aboute/ Alle shall goo this waye/ Than he ought not to doubte
for fere of deth. For as well shail dye the ryche as the poure/ deth
maketh alle thynge lyke and putteth alle to an ende/ And therof made a
noble versifier two versis whiche folowe Forma. genus. mores.
sapi[=e]cia. res. et honores/ Morte ruant subita sola manent merita/
Wherof the english is Beaulte. lignage. maners. wysedom. thynges &
honoures/ shal ben deffetid by sodeyn deth/ no thynge shal abide but the
merites/ And herof fynde we in Vitas patrum. that ther was an erle a
riche & noble man that had a sone onely/ and whan this sone was of age
to haue knowlech of the lawe/ he herde in a sermone that was prechid
that deth spareth none/ ne riche ne poure/ and as well dyeth y'e yonge
as the olde/ and that the deth ought specially to be doubted for .iii.
causes/ one was/ y't noman knoweth whan he cometh/ and the seconde/ ner
in what state he taketh a man/ And the thirde he wote neuer whither he
shall goo. Therfore eche man shold dispise and flee the world and lyue
well and hold hym toward god And when this yong man herde this thynge/
he wente oute of his contrey and fledde vnto a wyldernesse vnto an
hermytage/ and whan his fader had loste hym he made grete sorowe/ and
dyde do enquere & seke hym so moche at last he was founden in the
hermitage/ and than his fader cam theder to hym and sayde/ dere sone
come from thens/ thou shalt be after my deth erle and chyef of my
lignage/ I shall be lost yf thou come not out from thens/ And he than
that wyste non otherwise to eschewe the yre of his fader bethought hym
and sayde/ dere fader ther is in your centre and lande a right euyll
custome yf hit plese yow to put that away I shall gladly come out of
this place and goo with yow The fader was glad and had grete Ioy And
dema[=u]ded of hym what hit was And yf he wold telle hym he promysid him
to take hit away and hit shold be left and sette aparte. Than he sayde
dere fader ther dyen as well the yong folk in your contrey as the olde/
do that away I pray yow/ Whan his fader herde that he sayde Dere sone
that may not be ner noman may put that away but god only/ Than answerd
the sone to the fader/ than wylle I serue hym and dwelle here wyth hym
that may do that. And so abode the childe in the hermytgage & lyuyd
there in good werkes After this hit apperteyneth to a labourer to
entende to his laboure and flee ydlenes/ And thou oughtest to knowe that
Dauid preyseth moche in the sawlter the treve labourers and sayth/ Thou
shalt ete the labour of thyn handes and thou art blessid/ and he shall
do to the good And hit behoueth that the labourer entende to his labour
on the werkedayes for to recuyell and gadre to gyder the fruyt of his
labour/ And also he ought to reste on the holy day/ bothe he and his
bestes. And a good labourer ought to norysshe and kepe his bestes/ And
this is signefied by the rodde that he hath. Whiche is for to lede and
dryue them to the pasture/ The fiste pastour that euer was/ was Abel
whiche was Iuste and trewe/ and offryd to god the bestes vnto his
sacrefice/ And hym ought he to folowe in craft & maners But no man that
vseth the malice of Caym may ensue and folowe Abel/ And thus hit
apperteyneth to the labourer to sette and graffe trees and vygnes/ and
also to plante and cutte them And so dyde noe whiche was the first that
planted the vygne after y'e deluge and flood For as Iosephus reherceth
in y'e book of naturell thinges Noe was he that fonde fyrst the vygne/
And he fonde hym bitter and wylde/ And therfore he toke .iiii. maners of
blood/ that is to wete the blood of a lyon. the blood of a lamb, the
blood of a swyne. and the blood of an ape and medlid them alto geder
with the erthe/ And than he cutte the vygne/ And put this aboute the
rootes therof. To thende that the bitternes shold be put away/ and that
hyt shold be swete/ And whan he had dronken of the fruyt of this vygne/
hit was so good and mighty that he becam so dronke/ that he dispoylled
hym in suche wise y't his pryuy membres might be seen/ And his yongest
sone cham mocqued and skorned hym And whan Noe was awakid & was sobre &
fastinge/ he assemblid his sones and shewid to them the nature of the
vygne and of the wyn/ And told to them the caufe why y't he had put the
blood of the bestes aboute the roote of the vygne and that they shold
knowe well y't otherwhile by y'e strength of the wyn men be made as
hardy as the lyon and yrous And otherwhile they be made symple &
shamefast as a lambe And lecherous as a fwyn/ And curyous and full of
playe as an Ape/ For the Ape is of suche nature that whan he seeth one
do a thynge he enforceth hym to doo the same/ and so doo many whan they
ben dronke/ they will medle them wyth alle officers & matiers that
apperteyne no thynge to them/ And whan they ben fastynge & sobre they
can scarfely accomplisshe theyr owne thynges And therfore valerian
reherceth that of auncyente and in olde tyme women dranke no wyn for as
moche as by dronkenship they myght falle in ony filthe or vilonye And as
Ouide sayth/ that the wyns otherwhyle apparaylle the corages in suche
manere that they ben couenable to alle synnes whiche take away the
hertes to doo well/ They make the poure riche/ as longe as the wyn is in
his heed And shortly dronkenshyp is the begynnynge of alle euyllys/ And
corrompith the body/ and destroyed the fowle and mynusshith the goodes
temporels/ And this suffyseth for the labourer.



[Illustration]

_The seconde chapitre of the thirde tractate treteth of the forme and
maner of the second pawne and of the maner of smyth_.


The seconde pawne y't standeth to fore the knyght on the right side of
the kynge hath the forme and figure of a man as a smyth and that is
reson For hit apperteyneth to y'e knyghtes to haue bridellys sadellys
spores and many other thynges made by the handes of smythes and ought to
holde an hamer in his right hande. And in his lyfte hand a dolabre and
he ought to haue on his gyrdell a trowell For by this is signefied all
maner of werkemen/ as goldsmithes. marchallis, smithes of all forges/
forgers and makers of monoye & all maner of smythes ben signefyed by
[55] the hamer/ The carpenters ben signefyed by the dolabre or squyer/
And by the trowell we vnderstande all masons & keruars of stones/
tylers/ and alle them that make howses castels & tours/ And to alle
these crafty men hit apperteyneth that they be trewe. wise and stronge/
and hit is nede y't they haue in hemself faith and loyaulte/ For vnto
the goldsmythes behoueth gold & siluer And alle other metallys. yren &
steel to other/ And vnto the carpenters and masons/ ben put to theyr
edifices the bodyes and goodes of the peple/ And also men put in the
handes of the maronners body and goodes of the peple/ And in the garde
and sewerte of them men put body & sowle in the paryls of the see/ and
therfore ought they to be trewe/ vnto whom men commytte suche grete
charge and so grete thynges vpon her fayth and truste. And therfore
sayth the philosopher/ he that leseth his fayth and beleue/ may lose no
gretter ne more thynge. And fayth is a fouerayn good and cometh of the
good wyll of the herte and of his mynde And for no necessite wyll
deceyue no man/ And is not corrupt for no mede. Valerius reherceth that
Fabius had receyuyd of hanybal certayn prysoners that he helde of the
romayns for a certayn some of money whiche he promysid to paye to the
sayd hanyball/ And whan he cam vnto the senatours of rome and desired to
haue y'e money lente for hem They answerd that they wold not paye ner
lene And than fabius sente his sone to rome & made hym to selle his
heritage & patrimonye/ and fente the money that he resseyuyd therof vnto
hanibal/ And had leuer & louyd better to be poure in his contrey of
herytage/ than of byleue and fayth/ But in thyfe dayes hit were grete
folye to haue fuche affiance in moche peple but yf they had ben preuyd
afore For oftentymes men truste in them by whom they ben deceyuyd at
theyr nede/ And it is to wete that these crafty men and werkemen ben
souerainly prouffitable vnto the world And wyth oute artificers and
werkmen the world myght not be gouerned/ And knowe thou verily that alle
tho thynges that ben engendrid on the erthe and on the see/ ben made and
formed for to do prouffit vnto the lignage of man/ for man was formed
for to haue generacion/ that the men myght helpe and prouffit eche other
And here in ought we to folowe nature/ For she shewed to vs that we
shold do comyn prouffit one to an other/ And y'e first fondement of
Iustice is that no man shold noye or greue other But that they ought doo
the comyn prouffit/ For men saye in reproche That I see of thyn/ I hope
hit shall be myn But who is he in thyse dayes that entendeth more to the
comyn prouffit than to his owne/ Certaynly none/ But all way a man ought
to haue drede and feere of his owne hows/ whan he seeth his neyghbours
hous a fyre And therfore ought men gladly helpe the comyn prouffit/ for
men otherwhile sette not be a lityll fyre And might quenche hit in the
begynnyng/ that afterward makyth a grete blasyng fyre. And fortune hath
of no thinge so grete playsir/ as for to torne & werke all way/ And
nature is so noble a thynge that were as she is she wyll susteyne and
kepe/ but this rewle of nature hath fayllid longe tyme/ how well that
the decree sayth that alle the thynges that ben ayenst the lawe of
nature/ ought to be taken away and put a part And he sayth to fore in
the .viii. distinction that the ryght lawe of nature differenceth ofte
tymes for custome & statutes establisshid/ for by lawe of nature all
thinge ought to be comyn to euery man/ and this lawe was of old tyme And
men wene yet specially y't the troians kept this lawe And we rede that
the multitude of the Troians was one herte and one sowle/ And verayly we
fynde that in tyme passid the philosophres dyde the same/ And also hit
is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune & not propre is
most acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious men as monkes
freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & kepe the wilfull
pouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue my self ben
conuersant in a religio'9 hous of white freris at gaunt Which haue all
thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/ in so
moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii. d or .iiii. d to praye for hym
in his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his
ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute
freris And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy
church wold neuer suffre hit in religion And acordynge thereto we rede
in plato whiche sayth y't the cyte is well and Iustely gouernid and
ordeyned in the whiche no man maye saye by right, by cuftome. ne by
ordenance/ this is myn/ but I say to the certaynly that syn this custome
cam forth to say this is myn/ And this is thyn/ no man thought to
preferre the comyn prouffit so moche as his owen/ And alle werkemen
ought to be wise & well aduysyd so that they haue none enuye ne none
euyll suspecion one to an other/ for god wylle that our humayne nature
be couetous of two thynges/ that is of Religion. And of wysedom/ but in
this caas ben some often tymes deceyued For they take ofte tymes
religion and leue wisedom And they take wysedom and reffuse religion And
none may be vraye and trewe with oute other For hit apperteyneth not to
a wyse man to do ony thynge that he may repente hym of hit/ And he ought
to do no thynge ayenst his wyll/ but to do alle thynge nobly, meurely.
fermely. and honestly And yf he haue enuye vpon ony. hit is folye For he
on whom he hath enuye is more honest and of more hauoir than he whiche
is so enuyous/ For a man may haue none enuye on an other/ but be cause
he is more fortunat and hath more grace than hym self/ For enuye is a
sorowe of corage y't cometh of dysordynance of the prouffit of another
man And knowe thou verily that he that is full of bounte shall neuer
haue enuye of an other/ But thenuyous man seeth and thynketh alleway
that euery man is more noble/ And more fortunat that hymself And sayth
alleway to hymself/ that man wynneth more than I/ and myn neyghebours
haue more plente of bestes/ and her thynges multiplye more than myn/ and
therfore thou oughtest knowe that enuye is the most grettest dedely
synne that is/ for she tormenteth hym that hath her wythin hym/ wyth
oute tormentynge or doyng ony harme to hym/ on whome he hath enuye. And
an enuyous man hath no vertue in hymself/ for he corrumpeth hymself for
as moche as he hateth allway the welthe and vertues of other/ and thus
ought they to kepe them that they take none euyll suspec[=o]n For a man
naturally whan his affection hath suspecion in ony man that he weneth
that he doth/ hit semeth to hym verily that it is doon. And hit is an
euyll thynge for a man to haue suspecion on hymfelf/ For we rede that
dionyse of zecyll a tyrant Was so suspecionous that he had so grete fere
and drede For as moche as he was hated of all men/ that he putte his
frendes oute of theyr offices that they had/ And put other strangers in
theyr places for to kepe his body/ and chese suche as were ryght Cruell
and felons/ And for fere and doubte of the barbours/ he made hys
doughters to lerne shaue and kembe/ And whan they were grete. He wold
not they shold vse ony yron to be occupied by them/ but to brenne and
senge his heeris/ and manaced them and durst not truste in them/ And in
lyke wyse they had none affiance in hym And also he dyde do enuyronne
the place where he laye wyth grete diches and brode lyke a castell/ And
he entryd by a drawbrygge whiche closyd after hym/ And hys knyghtes laye
wyth oute wyth his gardes whiche wacchid and kept straytly thys
forteresse/ And whan plato sawe thys Dionyse kynge of cezille thus
enuyronned and set aboute wyth gardes & wacche-men for the cause of his
suspecion sayd to hym openly to fore all men kinge why hast thou don so
moche euyll & harme/ that the behoueth to be kept wyth so moche peple/
And therfore I saye that hit apperteyneth not to ony man that wylle
truly behaue hym self in his werkis to be suspecyous/ And also they
ought to be stronge and seure in theyr werkes/ And specyally they that
ben maysters and maronners on the see/ for yf they be tumerous and
ferdfull they shold make a ferde them that ben in theyr shippis/ that
knowe not the paryls/ And so hit might happene that by that drede and
fere alle men shold leue theyr labour/ And so they myght be perisshid
and despeyred in theyr corages/ For a shippe is soone perisshid and lost
by a lityll tempest/ whan the gouernour faylleth to gouerne his shippe
for drede/ And can gyue no counceyll to other than it is no meruayll/
thangh they be a ferd that ben in his gouernance/ And therfore ought be
in them strengthe force and corage/ and ought to considere the peryls
that might falle/ And the gouernour specially ought not to doubte/ And
if hit happen that ony paryll falle/ he ought to promyse to the other
good hoope/ And hit apperteyneth well/ that a man of good and hardy
corage be sette in that office/ In suche wyse that he haue ferme and
seure mynde ayenst the paryls that oftetymes happen in the see/ and with
this ought the maroners haue good and ferme creance and beleue in god/
and to be of good reconforte & of fayr langage vnto them that he
gouerneth in suche paryls/ And this sufficeth to yow as touchynge the
labourers.



[Illustration]

_The thirde chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the office of
notaryes aduocats skryueners and drapers or clothmakers_.


The thirde pawne whiche is sette to fore the Alphyn on the right side
ought to be figured as a clerk And hit is reson that he shold so be/ For
as moche as amonge y'e comon peple of whom we speke in thys book they
plete the differencis contencions and causes otherwhile the whiche
behoueth the Alphins to gyue sentence and Iuge as Iuges And hit is reson
that the Alphin or Iuge haue his notarye/ by whom y'e processe may be
wreton/ And this pawne ought to be made and figured in this mamere/ he
muste be made like a man that holdeth in his right hand a pair of sheres
or forcetis/ and in the lifte hand a grete knyf and on his gurdell a
penuer and an ynkhorn/ and on his eere a penne to wryte wyth And that
ben the Instrumentis & the offices that ben made and put in writynge
autentyque/ and ought to haue passed to fore the Iuges as libelles
writtes condempnacions and sentences/ And that is signefied by the
scriptoire and the penne and on that other part hit appertayneth to them
to cutte cloth. shere. dighte. and dye/ and that is signefied by the
forcettis or sheres/ and the other ought to shaue berdes and kembe the
heeris/ And the other ben coupers. coryers. tawiers. skynners. bouchers
and cordwanners/ and these ben signefyed by the knyf that he holdeth in
his hand and some of thise forsayd crafty men ben named drapers or
clothmakers for so moche as they werke wyth wolle. and the Notayres.
skynners. coryours. and cardewaners werke by skynnes and hydes/ As
parchemyn velume. peltrye and cordewan/ And the Tayllours. cutters of
cloth, weuars. fullars. dyers/ And many other craftes ocupye and vse
wulle/ And alle thyse crafty men & many other that I haue not named/
ought to doo theyr craft and mestyer/ where as they ben duly ordeyned
Curyously and truly/ Also ther ought to be amonge thyse crafty men
amyable companye and trewe/ honest contenance/ And trouthe in their
wordes/ And hit is to wete that the notaries ben right prouffitable and
ought to be good & trewe for the comyn And they ought to kepe them fro
appropriynge to themself that thynge y't apperteyneth to the comyn And
yf they be good to them self/ they ben good to other. And yf they be
euyll for themself/ they ben euyll for other And the processes that ben
made to fore the Iuges ought to ben wreton & passid by them/ and hit is
to wete that by their writynge in the processis may come moche prouffit
And also yf they wryte otherwyse than they ought to doo/ may ensewe
moche harme and domage to the comyn Therfore ought they to take good
heede that they change not ne corrumpe in no wyse the content of the
sentence. For than ben they first forsworn And ben bounden to make
amendes to them that by theyr tricherye they haue endomaged/ And also
ought they to rede visite and to knowe the statutes. ordenances and the
lawes of the cytees of the contre/ where they dwelle and enhabite/ And
they ought to considere yf ther be ony thynge therein conteyned ayenst
right and reson/ and yf they fynde ony thinge contraire/ they ought to
admoneste and warne them that gouerne/ that suche thynges may be chauged
into better astate/ For custome establisshid ayenst good maners and
agaynst the fayth/ ought not to be holden by right. For as hit is sayd
in the decree in the chapitre to fore/ alle ordenance made ayenst ryght
ought to be holden for nought Alas who is now that aduocate or notaire
that hath charge to wryte and kepe sentence that putteth his entente to
kepe more the comyn prouffit or as moche as his owen/ But alle drede of
god is put a back/ and they deceyue the symple men And drawen them to
the courtes disordinatly and constrayned them to swere and make othes
not couenable/ And in assemblyng the peple thus to gyder they make moo
traysons in the cytees than they make good alyances And otherwhile they
deceyue their souerayns/ whan they may doo hit couertly For ther is no
thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and Italye as doth the
college of notaries and aduocates publicque For they ben not of oon a
corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the aduocats. men of lawe.
And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y'e royame as well in the
spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how torne they the lawe and
statutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the peple/ how enpouere they the
comynte/ I suppose that in alle Cristendom ar not so many pletars
attorneys and men of the lawe as ben in englond onely/ for yf they were
nombrid all that lange to the courtes of the channcery kinges benche.
comyn place. cheker. ressayt and helle And the bagge berars of the same/
hit shold amounte to a grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of
whome. yf hit shold be vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they
entende to theyr synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/ how
well they ought to be of good wyll to gyder/ and admoneste and warne the
cytes eche in his right in suche wise that they myght haue pees and loue
one with an other And tullius saith that frendshippe and good wyll that
one ought to haue ayenst an other for the wele of hym that he loueth/
wyth the semblable wylle of hym/ ought to be put forth to fore alle
other thynges/ And ther is no thynge so resemblynge and lyke to the bees
that maken honye ne so couenable in prosperite and in aduersite as is
loue/ For by loue gladly the bees holden them to gyder/ And yf ony
trespace to that other anone they renne vpon the malefactour for to
punysshe hym/ And verray trewe loue faylleth neuer for wele ne for
euyll/ and the most swete and the most confortynge thynge is for to haue
a frende to whom a man may saye his secrete/ as well as to hym self/ But
verayly amytye and frendship is somtyme founded vpon som thinge
delectable And this amytye cometh of yongthe/ in the whiche dwelleth a
disordinate heete.

And otherwhile amytie is founded vpon honeste/ And this amytie is
vertuouse/ Of the whiche tullius faith y't ther is an amytie vertuous by
the whiche a man ought to do to his frende alle that he requyreth by
rayson For for to do to hym a thynge dishonneste it is ayenst the nature
of verray frendshipe & amytie/ And thus for frendshipe ne for fauour a
man ought not to doo ony thinge vnresonable ayenst the comyn prouffit
ner agaynst his fayth ne ayenst his oth/ for yf alle tho thynges that
the frendes desire and requyre were accomplisshid & doon/ hit shold seme
that they shold be dishoneste coniuracions/ And they myght otherwhile
more greue & hurte than prouffit and ayde/ And herof sayth seneque that
amytie is of suche wylle as the frende wylle/ And to reffuse that ought
to be reffusid by rayson/ And yet he sayth more, that a man ought to
alowe and preyse his frende to fore the peple/ and to correcte and to
chastyse hym pryuyly. For the lawe of amytie is suche For a man ought
not to demande ner doo to be doon to his frende no vyllayns thynge that
ought to be kept secrete And valerian sayth that it is a fowll thynge
and an euyll excufacion/ yf a man conffesse that he hath done ony euyll
for his frende ayenst right and rayson/ And sayth that ther was a good
man named Taffile whiche herde one his frende requyre of hym a thynge
dishonnefte whiche he denyed and wold not doo And than his frende sayth
to hym in grete dispyte/ what nede haue I of thy frendship & amytie whan
thou wylt not doo that thynge that I requyre of the And Taffile answerd
to hym/ what nede haue I of the frendship and of the amytie of the/ yf I
shold doo for the thynge dishonefte And thus loue is founded otherwhile
vpon good prouffitable/ and this loue endureth as longe as he seeth his
prouffit And herof men faye a comyn prouerbe in england/ that loue
lasteth as longe as the money endureth/ and whan the money faylleth than
there is no loue/ and varro reherceth in his smmes/ that y' riche men
ben alle louyd by this loue/ for their frendes ben lyke as y'e huse
whiche is aboute the grayn/ and no man may proue his frende so well as
in aduersite/ or whan he is poure/ for the veray trewe frende faylleth
at no nede/ And seneque saith y't some folowe the empour for riches/ and
so doon y'e flies the hony for the swetenes/ and the wolf the karayn And
thise companye folowe the proye/ and not the man And tullius saith that
Tarquyn y'e proude had a neuewe of his suster which was named brutus/ and
this neuewe had banysshid tarquyn out of rome and had sente hym in
exyle/ And than sayd he first that he parceyuyd & knewe his frendes
whiche were trewe & untrewe/ and y't he neuer perceyuyd a fore tyme whan
he was puyssant for to doo their wyll/ and sayd well that the loue that
they had to hym/ endured not but as longe as it was to them
prouffitable/ and therfore ought till the ryche men of the world take
hede/ be they Kynges Prynces or ducs to what peple they doo prouffit &
how they may and ought be louyd of theyr peple/ For cathon sayth in his
book/ see to whom thougyuyst/ and this loue whiche is founded vpon theyr
prouffit/ whiche faylleth and endureth not/ may better be callyd and
said marchandyse than loue/ For yf we repute this loue to our prouffit
only/ and nothynge to the prouffyt of hym that we loue/ It is more
marchandyse than loue/ For he byeth our loue for the prouffit that he
doth to vs/ and therfor saith the versifier thise two versis Tempore
felici multi murmerantur amici Cum fortuna perit nullus amicus erit/
whiche is to saye in English that as longe as a man is ewrous and
fortunat he hath many frendes but whan fortune torneth and perisshith,
ther abideth not to hym one frende/ And of this loue ben louyd the
medowes, feldes, Trees and the bestes for the prouffit that men take of
them/ But the loue of the men ought to be charyte, veray gracious and
pure by good fayth/ And the veray trewe frendes ben knowen in pure
aduersite/ and pers alphons saith in his book of moralite that ther was
a philosophre in arabye that had an onely sone/ of whom he demanded what
frendes he had goten hym in his lyf. And he answerd that he had many And
his fader sayd to hym/ I am an olde man/ And yet coude I neuer fynde but
one frende in alle my lyf/ And I trowe verily that it is no lytyll
thynge for to haue a frende/ and hit is well gretter and more a man to
haue many/ And hit appertayneth and behoueth a man to assaye and preue
his frende er he haue nede And than comanded the philosopher his sone/
that he shold goo and slee a swyne/ and putte hit in a sack/ and fayne
that hit were a man dede that he had slayn and bere hit to his frendes
for to burye hit secretly/ And whan the sone had don as his fader
comanded to hym and had requyred his frendes one after an other as a
fore is sayd/ They denyed hym/ And answerd to hym that he was a vylayne
to requyre & desire of them thynge that was so peryllous And than he cam
agayn to his fader and sayd to hym how he had requyred alle his frendes/
And that he had not founden one that wolde helpe hym in his nede And
than his fader said to hym that he shold goo and requyre his frende
whiche had but one/ and requyre hym that he shold helpe hym in his nede
And whan he had requyred hym/ Anone he put oute alle his mayne oute of
his hows/ And whan they were oute of the waye or a slepe he dide do make
secretly a pytte in the grounde/ And whan hyt was redy and wold haue
buryed the body/ he fonde hit an hogge or a swyne and not a man/ And
thus thys sone preuyd thys man to be a veray trewe frende of his fader/
And preuyd that his frendes were fals frendes of fortune/ And yet
reherceth the sayd piers Alphons/ That ther were two marchantes one of
Bandach and that other of Egipte whiche were so Joyned to gyder by so
grete frendshippe that he of Bandach cam on a tyme for to see hys frende
in Egipte/ of whom he was receyuyd ryght honourably And thys marchant of
Egipte had in his hows a fayr yonge mayden whom he shold haue had in
maryage to hymslf/ Of the whiche mayde thys marchant of Bandach was
esrysd wyth her loue so ardantly that he was ryght seeke/ And that men
supposid hym to dye. And than the other dyde doo come the phisicyens
whiche sayd that in hym was none other sekenes sauf passyon of loue/
Than he axid of the seeke man yf ther wer ony woman in hys hows that he
louyd and made alle the women of his hows to come to fore hym/ And than
he chees her that shold haue ben that others wyf and sayd that he was
seek for the loue of her/ Than hys frende sayd to hym Frende conforte
your self/ For trewly I gyue her to yow to wyf wyth alle the dowayre
that is gyuen to me wyth her/ And had leuer to suffre to be wyth oute
wyf than to lese the body of his frende And than he of Bandach wedded
the mayde. And wente wyth his wyf and wyth his richesse ayen in to his
contrey And after this anone after hit happend that the marcha[=n]t of
Egipte be cam so poure by euyll fortune/ that he was constrayned to
feche and begge his brede by the contrey in so moche that he cam to
bandach. And whan he entrid in to the toun hit was derke nyght that he
coude not fynde the hows of his frende/ but wente and laye this nyght in
an olde temple/ And on the morn whan he shold yssue oute of the temple/
the officers of the toun arestid hym and sayd that he was an homycide
and had slayn a man whiche laye there dede And an[=o]n he confessid hit
wyth a good wylle/ And had leuyr to ben hangid/ than to dye in that
myserable and poure lyf that he suffrid And thus whan he was brought to
Iugement And sentence shold haue ben gyuen ayenst hym as an homicide/
his frende of bandach cam and sawe hym and anone knewe y't this was his
good frende of Egipte And forthwyth stept in and sayde that he hymself
was culpable of the deth of this man/ and not that other/ and enforced
hym in alle maners for to delyuer and excuse that other/ And than whan
that he that had don the feet and had slayn the man sawe this thynge/ he
considerid in hym sels that these two men were Innocente. of this feet/
And doubtynge the dyuyn Iugement he cam to fore the Iuge and confessid
alle the feet by ordre/ And whan the Iuge sawe and herd alle this mater/
and also the causes he considerid the ferme and trewe loue that was
betwene the two frendes And vnderstode the cause why that one wold saue
that other/ and the trouth of the fayte of the homicide And than he
pardoned alle the feet hoolly and entierly/ and after the marchant of
bandach brought hym of egipte wyth hym in to his hous/ and gaf to hym
his suster in mariage/ and departid to hym half his goodes/ And so bothe
of hem were riche/ And thus were they bothe veray faythfull and trewe
frendes/ Furthermore Notaires. men of lawe and crafty men shold and
ought to loue eche other And also ought to be contynent chaste &
honeste/ For by theyr craftes they ought so to be by necessite/ For they
conuerse & accompanye them ofte tyme with women And therfor hit
apperteyneth to them to be chaste and honeste And that they meue not the
women ner entyse them to lawhe/ and Iape by ony disordinate ensignees or
tokens/ Titus liuyus reherceth that the philosopher democreon dyde do
put oute his eyen for as moche as he myght not beholde the women wyth
oute flesshely desire/ And how well hit is said before that he dide hit
for other certayn cause yet was this one of the pryncipall causes/ And
Valerian telleth that ther was a yonge man of rome of ryght excellent
beaute/ And how well that he was ryght chaste/ For as moche as his
beaute meuyd many women to desyre hym/ in so moche that he vnderstode
that the parents and frendes of them had suspecion in hym/ he dyde his
visage to be cutte wyth a knyf and lancettis endlonge and ouerthwart for
to deforme his visage/ And had leuer haue a fowle visage and disformed/
than the beaute of hys visage shold meue other to synne/ And also we
rede that ther was a Nonne a virgyne dyde do put oute bothe her eyen For
as moche as the beaute of her eyen meuyd a kynge to loue her/ whyche
eyen she sente to the kynge in a presente/ And also we rede that plato
the ryght ryche and wyse phylosophre lefte hys owne lande and Contre.
And cheese his mansion and dwellynge in achadomye a town/ whiche was not
only destroyed but also was full of pestelence/ so that by the cure and
charge and customance of sorowe that be there suffrid/ myght eschewe the
heetes and occasions of lecherye/ And many of his disciples dyde in lyke
wyse/ Helemand reherceth that demostenes the philosopher lay ones by a
right noble woman for his disporte/ and playnge with her he demanded of
her what he shold gyue to haue to doo wyth her/ And she answerd to hym/
a thousand pens/ and he sayd agayn to her I shold repente me to bye hit
so dere/ And whan he aduysed hym that he was so sore chauffid to speke
to her for tacc[=o]plissh his flesshely defire/ he dispoyled hym alle
naked and wente and putte hym in the middes of the snowe And ouide
reherceth that this thynge is the leste that maye helpe and moste greue
the louers And therfore saynt Augustyn reherceth in his book de Ciuitate
dei that ther was a ryght noble romayne named merculian that wan and
toke the noble cyte of siracuse And to fore er he dyde do assaylle hit
or befyghte hit/ and er he had do be shedde ony blood/ he wepte and
shedde many teeris to fore the cyte And that was for the cause that he
doubted that his peple shold defoyle and corrumpe to moche dishonestly
the chastyte of the toun And ordeyned vpon payne of deth that no man
shold be so hardy to take and defoylle ony woman by force what that euer
she were/ After this the craftymen ought to vnderstond for to be trewe/
and to haue trouthe in her mouthes And that theyr dedes folowe theyr
wordes For he that sayth one thynge and doth another/ he condempneth
hymself by his word Also they ought to see well to that they be of one
Acorde in good, by entente, by word, and by dede/ so that they ben not
discordant in no caas/ But euery man haue pure veryte and trouth in hym
self/ For god hym self is pure verite/ And men say comynly that trouthe
seketh none hernes ne corners/ And trouthe is a vertu by the whyche alle
drede and fraude is put away/ Men saye truly whan they saye that they
knowe/ And they that knowe not trouthe/ ought to knowe hit/ And alleway
vse trouthe/ For Saynt Austyn sayth that they that wene to knowe
trouthe/ And lyuyth euyll & viciously It is folye yf he knoweth hit not/
And also he sayth in an other place that it is better to suffre peyne
for trouthe. Than for to haue a benefete by falsenes or by flaterye. And
man that is callyd a beste resonable and doth not his werkes after reson
and trouthe/ Is more bestyall than ony beste brute/ And knowe y'e that
for to come to the trouthe/ Hit cometh of a raysonable forsight in his
mynde/ And lyenge cometh of an outrageous and contrarye thought in his
mynde/ For he that lyeth wetyngly/ Knoweth well that hit is agaynst the
trouthe that he thynketh/ And herof speketh Saynt Bernard and sayth/
That the mouthe that lyeth destroyeth the sowle/ And yet sayth Saynt
Austyn in an other place For to saye ony thynge/ And to doo the
contrarye. maketh doctryne suspecious/ And knowe y'e veryly that for to
lye is a right perillous thynge to body and sowle For the lye that the
auncyent enemye made Eue & adam to beleue hym/ made hem for to be
dampned wyth alle theyr lignage to the deth pardurable And made hem to
be cast oute of Paradyse terrestre/ For he made them to beleue that god
had not forboden them the fruyt. But only be cause they shold not knowe
that her maister knewe But how well that the deuyll said thise wordes
yet had she double entente to hem bothe For they knewe ann as they had
tasted of the fruyt that they were dampned to the deth pardurable/ And
god knewe it well to fore But they supposid well to haue knowen many
other thynges And to belyke vnto his knowleche and science And therfor
fayth saynt poule in a pistyll/ hit ne apperteyneth to saure or knowe
more than behoueth to saure or knowe/ but to fauoure or knowe by mesure
or fobrenes/ And valerian reherceth that ther was a good woman of
siracusane that wold not lye vnto the kynge of *ecylle whiche was named
dyonyse And this kynge was so full of tyrannye & so cruell that alle the
world defired his deth and cursid hym/ Saauf this woman onely whiche was
so olde that she had seen thre or .iiii. kynges regnynge in the contre/
And euery mornynge as sone as she was rysen she prayd to god that he
wold gyue vnto the tyrant good lyf and longe And that she myght neuer
see his deth/ And when the kynge dyonise knewe this he sent for her And
meruayllid moche herof For he knewe well that he was fore behated/ And
demaunded her/ what cause meuyd her to pray for hym. And she answerd and
said to hym Syre whan I was a mayde we had a right euyll tyrant to our
kynge of whom we coueyted fore the deth And whan he was ded ther cam
after hym a worse/ of whom we coueyted also the deth/ And whan we were
deliueryd of hym/ thou camst to be our lord whiche arte worste of alle
other. And now I doubte yf we haue one after the he shall be worse than
thou art/ And therfore I shall pray for the And whan dionyse vnderstod
that she was so hardy in sayynge the truthe/ he durste not doo tormente
her for shame be cause she was so olde.



[Illustration]

_The fourth chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the maner of the
fourth pawn and of the marchants or changers._


The fourth pawn is sette to for the kynge And is formed in the fourme of
a man holding in his ryght hand a balance/ And the weyght in the lifte
hand/ And to fore hym a table And at his gurdell a purse fulle of monoye
redy for to gyue to them that requyre hit And by this peple ben
signefied the marchans of cloth lynnen and wollen & of all other
marchandises And by the table that is to for hym is signefied y'e
changeurs/ And they that lene money/ And they that bye & selle by the
weyght ben signefyed by the balances and weight And the customers.
tollers/ and resseyuours of rentes & of money ben signefied by the purse
And knowe y'e that alle they that ben signefied by this peple ought to
flee auaryce and couetyse/ And eschewe brekynge of the dayes of
payement/ And ought to holde and kepe theyr promyssis/ And ought also to
rendre & restore y't/ that is gyuen to them to kepe/ And therfor hit is
reson that this peple be sette to for y'e kynge/ for as moche as they
signefie the resseyuours of the tresours royall that ought all way to be
redy to fore y'e kynge/ and to answere for hym to the knightes and other
persones for their wages & souldyes And therfore haue I sayd that they
ought to flee auarice. For auarice is as moche to say as an adourer or
as worshipar of fals ymages/ & herof saith Tullius that auarice is a
couetise to gete y't thing that is aboue necessite/ & it is a loue
disordinate to haue ony thynge And it is one of the werst thyngis that
is And specially to prynces and to them that gouerne the thynges of the
comunete And this vice caufeth a man to do euyll/ And this doynge euyll
is whan hit regneth in olde men And herof saith Seneque That alle wordly
thynges ben mortifyed and appetissid in olde men reserued auaryce only/
whiche alleway abideth wyth hym and dyeth wyth hym But I vnderstande not
well the cause wherof this cometh ne wherfore hit may be And hit is a
fowle thynge and contrarie to reson That whan a man is at ende of his
Iourney for to lengthe his viage and to ordeyne more vitayll than hym
behoueth And this may well be lykened to the auarycious wolf For the
wolf doth neuer good tyll he be dede And thus it is sayd in the
prouerbis of the wisemen/ that thauaricious man doth no good tyll that
he be ded/ And he desireth no thynge but to lyue longe in this synne For
the couetouse man certaynly is not good for ony thynge For he is euyll
to hymself and to the riche and to the poure. And fynde cause to gayn
saye theyr desire/ and herof reherceth seneque and sayth that Antigonus
was a couetous prynce/ & whan Tinque whiche was his frende requyred of
hym a besa[=u]t/ he answerd to hym that he demanded more than hit
apperteyned to hym And than tinque constrayned by grete necessite axid
and requyred of hym a peny/ And he answerd to hym that hit was no yefte
couenable for a kynge and so he was allway redy to fynde a cause nought
to gyue For he myght haue gyuen to hym a besa[=u]t as a kynge to his
frende/ And the peny as to a poure man And ther is no thynge so lytyll/
but that the humanyte of a kynge may gyue hit Auarice full of couetyse
is a maner of alle vices of luxurye And Josephus reherceth in the book
of auncyent histories/ that ther was in rome a ryght noble lady named
Paulyne/ And was of the most noble of rome/ right honeste for the
noblesse of chastete/ whiche was maryed in the tyme that the women
gloryfied them in theyr chastete vnto a yonge man fayr. noble. and riche
aboue alle other/ and was lyke and semblable to his wyf in alle caasis/
And this paulyne was belouyd of a knight named emmerancian And was so
ardautly esprysed in her loue that he sente to her many right riche
yeftes/ And made to her many grete promissis/ but he might neuer torne
the herte of her whiche was on her side also colde and harde as marbill
But had leuer to reffuse his yeftes and his promisses. Than to entende
to couetise & to lose her chastete/ and we rede also in the historyes of
rome that ther was a noble lady of rome/ whiche lyuyd a solitarye lyf
and was chaste & honeste/ And had gadrid to gyder a grete some of gold/
And had hid hit in the erthe in a pytte wyth in her hous/ And whan she
was ded/ the bisshop dyde do burye her in the churche well and honestly/
And anone after this gold was founden & born to the bisshop/ And the
bisshop had to caste hit in to the pytte wher she was buryed. And .iii.
dayes men herd her crye & make grete noyse/ and saye that she brennyd in
grete payne/ and they herd her ofte tymes thus tormentid in y'e chirche/
the neighbours wente to the bisshop & told hym therof/ and y'e bisshop
gaf hem leue to open the sepulcre/ and whan they had opend hit/ they
fonde all the gold molten with fyre full of sulphre/ And was poured and
put in her mouth/ and they herd one saye/ thou desiredest this gold by
couetyse take hit and drynke hit/ And than they toke the body out of the
tombe And hit was cast oute in a preuy place Seneque reherceth in the
book of the cryes of women that auarice is foundement of alle vices/ And
valerian reherceth that auarice is a ferdfull garde or kepar of
rychessis for he that hath on hym or in his kepynge moche money or other
rychessis/ is allway a ferd to lose hit or to be robbid or to be slayn
therfore/ And he is not ewrous ner happy that by couetyse geteth hit/
And alle the euyllys of this vice of auarice had a man of rome named
septemulle For he was a frende of one named tarchus And this septemulle
brente so sore and so cruelly in this synne of couetyse/ that he had no
shame to smyte of the hede of his frende by trayson/ For as moche as one
framosian had promysed to hym as moche weyght of pure gold as the heed
weyed And he bare the sayd heed vpon a staf thurgh the cyte of rome/ and
he wyded the brayn out therof and fyld hit full of leed for to weye the
heuyer This was a right horrible and cruell auarice Ptolome kynge of the
Egipciens poursewed auarice in an other manere For whan anthonie
emperour of rome sawe that he was right riche of gold and siluer/ he had
hym in grete hate and tormentid hym right cruelly And whan he shold
perishe be cause of his richessis/ he toke alle his hauoyr and put hit
in a shippe And wente wyth alle in to the hye see to thende for to
drowne and perishe there the shippe and his rychesses be cause Anthonie
his enemye shold not haue hit/ And whan he was there he durst not
perisshe hit ner myght not fynde in his herte to departe from hit/ but
cam and brought hit agayn in to his hows where he resseyuyd the reward
of deth therfore. And wyth oute doubte he was not lord of the richesse
but the richesse was lady ouer hym/ And therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe
that a man ought to seignorye ouer the riches/ and not for to serue hit/
and yf thou canst dewly vse thy rychesse than she is thy chamberyer/ And
yf thou can not departe from hit and vse hit honestly at thy playsir/
knowe verily y't she is thy lady For the richesse neuer satisfieth the
couetouse/ but the more he hath/ the more he desireth/ And saluste sayth
that auarice distourblith fayth poeste honeste and alle these other good
vertues/ And taketh for these vertues pryde. cruelte. And to forgete
god/ And saith that alle thynges be vendable And after this they ought
to be ware that they leue not to moche/ ner make so grete creances by
which they may falle in pouerte/ For saynt Ambrose saith upon tobye.
pouerte hath no lawe/ for to owe hit is a shame/ & to owe and not paye
is a more shame/ yf y'u be poure beware how thou borowest/ and thinke
how thou maist paye & rendre agayn yf y'u be ryche y'u hast none nede to
borowe & axe/ & it is said in the prouerbes y't hit is fraude to take/
that y'u wilt not ner maist rendre & paye agayn/ and also hit is said in
reproche/ whan I leue I am thy frend/ & whan I axe I am thy enemye/ as
wo saith/ god at the lenynge/ & the deuyll at rendrynge/ And seneque
sayth in his au[*c]torites/ that they y't gladly borowe/ ought gladly to
paye/ and ought to surmonte in corage to loue hem the better be cause
they leue hem & ayde hem in her nede/ For for benefetes & good tornes
doon to a man ought to gyue hym thankinges therfore/ And moche more
ought a man to repaye that Is lente hym in his nede/ But now in these
dayes many men by lenynge of their money haue made of their frendes
enemyes/ And herof speketh Domas the philosopher and sayth that my
frende borowed money of me/ And I haue lost my frende and my money
attones/ Ther was a marchant of Gene & also a chaungeour/ whos name was
Albert gauor/ And this albert was a man of grete trouth and loyaulte/
for on a tyme ther was a man cam to hym and said & affermed that he had
delyueryd in to his banke .v. honderd floryns of gold to kepe whiche was
not trouth for he lyed/ whyche fyue honderd floryns the said Albert
knewe not of/ ner coude fynde in all hys bookes ony suche money to hym
due And this lyar coude not brynge no wytnessis/ but began to braye.
crye and deffame the said albert And than this Albert callid to hym this
marcha[=u]t and sayd/ Dere frende take here v. honderd florins whyche
thou affermest and sayst that thou hast deliuerid to me And forthwyth
tolde hem and toke hem to hym And lo this good man had leuer to lose his
good than his good name and renome And this other marchant toke these
florins that he had wrongfully receyuyd/ and enployed them in diuerce
marchandise in so moche that he gate and encresid and wan with them .xv.
thousand florins And whan he sawe that he approchid toward his deth/ and
that he had no children He establisshid albert his heyr in alle thingis
And sayd that with the .v. honderd florins that he had receyuyd of
albert falsely/ he had goten all y't he had in the world And thus by
dyuyne pourueance he that had be a theef fraudelent/ was made afterward
a trewe procurour and attorney of the sayd albert/ But now in this dayes
ther ben marcha[=u]s that do marchandise with other mens money whiche is
taken to hem to kepe/ And whan they ben requyred to repaye hit they haue
no shame to denye hit appertly/ wherof hit happend that ther was a
marchant whyche had a good & grete name and renome of kepynge well suche
thynges as was delyueryd to hym to kepe/ But whan he sawe place and
tyme/ he reteynyd hyt lyke a theef/ So hyt befelle that a marchant of
withoute forth herd the good reporte & fame of this man/ cam to hym and
deliuerid hym grete tresour to kepe/ And this tresour abode thre yer in
his kepynge. And after this thre yer thys marchant cam & requyred to
haue hys good deliueryd to hym agaym/ And thys man knewe well that he
had no recorde ne wytnes to preue on hym this duete/ Nor he had no
obligacion ne wrytynge of hym therof/ In suche wyse that he denyed alle
entyerly/ And sayd playnly he knewe hym not. And whan thys good man
herde and vnderstode thys. he wente sorowfully and wepynge from hym so
ferre and longe that an old woman mette wyth hym/ And demanded of hym
the cause of hys wepynge/ And he sayd to her/ woman hit apperteyneth no
thynge to the Go thy way/ And she prayd hym that he wold telle her the
cause of hys sorowe/ For parauenture she myght gyue hym counceylle good
and prouffytable. And than this man told to her by ordre the caas of his
fortune/ And the old woman that was wyse & subtyll demanded of hym yf he
had in that cyte ony frende whiche wold be faythfull and trewe to hym
And he sayd y'e that he had dyuerce frendes/ Than said she goo thou to
them and saye to them that they do ordeyne and bye dyuerce cofres &
chestis/ And that they do fylle them with som olde thinges of no value/
and that they fayne And saye that they be full of gold, siluer & other
Iewels and of moche grete tresour/ And than that they brynge them to
this sayd marchant And to saye to hym that he wold kepe them/ For as
moche as they had grete trust and affiance in hym And also that they
haue herd of his grete trouthe and good renome/ And also they wold goo
in to a fer contre And shold be longe er they retorned agayn And whilis
they speke to hym of this mater/ thou shalt come vpon them and requyre
hym that he do deliuere to the/ that thou tokest to hym/ And I trowe be
cause of tho good men that than shall profre to hym the sayd tresour/
And for the couetise to haue hit/ he shall deliuere to the thy good
agayn/ But beware late hym not knowe in no wyse that they ben thy
frendes ner of thy knowleche This was a grete and good co[=u]ceyll of a
woman And verily hit cometh of nature oftentymes to women to gyue
counceyll shortly and vnauysedly to thynges that ben in doute or
perillous and nedeth hasty remedye/ And as y'e haue herd/ this good man
dyde And dyde after her counceyll And cam vpon them whan they spack of
the mater to the marchant for to deliuere to hym the sayd cofres to kepe
whyche his frendes had fayned and requyred of hym that he had taken to
hym to kepe/ and than an[=o]n the sayd marchant sayd to hym I knowe the
now well. For I haue auysed me that thou art suche a man/ And camst to
me suche a tyme/ And deliuerest to me suche a thynge whiche I haue well
kept/ And than callyd his clerck/ and bad hym goo fecche suche a thynge
in suche a place/ and deliuere hit to that good man For he deliuerid hit
to me/ And than the good man receyuyd his good. And wente his way right
Ioyously and gladd/ And this marchant trycheur and deceyuour was
defrauded from his euyll malice/ And he ne had neyther that one ne that
other ony thynge that was of value/ And therfore hit Is sayd in prouerbe
to defraude the beguylar is no fraude/ And he that doth well foloweth
oure lord And seneke faith that charyte enseygneth and techeth that men
shold paye well For good payement is sometyme good confession/ And this
marchant trycheour & deceyuour resembleth & Is lyke to an hound that
bereth a chese in his mouth whan he swymmeth ouer a watre For whan he is
on the watre He seeth the shadowe of the chese in the watre/ And than he
weneth hit be an other chese/ And for couetyse to haue that/ he openth
his mouth to cacche that/ And than the chese that he bare fallyth doun
in to the watre/ And thus he loseth bothe two/ And in the same wise was
seruyd this marchant deceyuour/ For for to haue the coffres/ whiche he
had not seen/ He deliueryd agayn that he wold haue holden wrongfully &
thus by his couetise and propre malice he was deceyuyd/ And therfore hit
apperteyneth to euery good & wyse man to knowe & considere in hym self
how moche he had resseyuyd of other men/ And vpon what condicion hit was
deliuerid to hym And hit is to wete y't this thinge apperteyneth to
resseyuours & to chaungeours And to alle true marchans and other what
som euyr they bee/ and ought to kepe their bookes of resaytes & of
payements of whom & to whom and what tyme & day. and yf y'e demande what
thynge makyth them to forgete suche thynges as ben taken to them to kepe
I answere & saye that hyt Is grete couetyse for to haue tho thynges to
themself and neuer to departe from them/ And it is all her thought and
desire to assemble alle the good that they may gete For they beleue on
none other god/ but on her richessis theyr hertes ben so obstynat/ and
this sufficeth of the marchantes.



[Illustration]

_This fifth chapitre of the thirde book treteh of phisiciens spicers and
Apotyquarys._


The paw[=o]n that is sette to fore the quene signefyeth the phisicyen/
spicer and Apotyquaire/ and is formed in the figure of a man/ And he is
sette in a chayer as a maystre and holdeth in his right hand a book/ And
an ample or a boxe wyth oynementis in his lyft hand/ And at his gurdell
his Instrumentis of yron and of siluer for to make Incysions and to
serche woundes and hurtes/ and to cutte apostumes/ And by thyse thynges
ben knowen the cyrurgyens/ By the book ben vnderstanden the phisicyens/
and alle gramaryens. logicyens/ maistres of lawe. of Geometrye.
Arismetryque. musique and of astronomye/ And by the ampole/ ben
signefyed the makers of pigmentaries spicers and apotiquayres/ and they
that make confections and confytes and medecynes made wyth precyous
spyces And by the ferremens and Intrumentis that hangen on the gurdell
ben signefied the cyrurgyens & the maistres And knowe y'e for certain
that a maystre & phisicyen ought to knowe the proporcions of lettres of
gramayre/ the monemens the conclusions and the sophyms of logyque. the
gracio'9 speche and vtterance of rethorique/ the mesures of the houres
and dayes/ and of the cours and astronomye/ the nombre of arsmetryk/ &
the Ioyous songes of musyque And of all thyse tofore named/ the maistres
of rethorique ben the chyef maistres in speculatyf/ And the two laste
that ben practisiens and werkers ben callyd phisicyens and cyrurgyens/
how well they ben sage and curyous in thyse sciences/ And how well that
mannes lyf is otherwhile put in thordonance of the phisicyen or
cyrurgyen/ yf he haue not sagesse and wysedom in hym self of dyuerce
wrytynges and is not expert/ And medlyth hym in the craft of phisique/
He ought better be callyd a slear of peple than a phisicyen or
cyrurgyen. For he may not be a maystre but yf he be seure and expert in
the craft of phisike that he sle not moo than he cureth and maketh
hoole/ And therfore sayth Auycenne in an Enphormye/ yf thou curest the
seke man. And knowest not the cause/ wherof the maladye ought to be
cured/ Hit ought to be sayd that thou hast cured hym by fortune and
happe more than by ony comynge. And in alle thyse maner of peple/ Ther
ought to be meurte of good maners/ Curtoysie of wordes/ Chastite of the
body promysse of helthe/ And as to them that ben seke contynuell
visitacion of them/ And they ought to enquere the cause of theyr
sekenessis and the sygnes and tokens of theyr maladyes/ As is rehercid
in the bookes of the au[ct]ours by ryght grete diligence/ And specially
in the bookes of ypocras galyene and of Auycene And whan many maysters
and phisicyens ben assemblid to fore the pacyent or seke man/ They ought
not there to argue and dispute one agaynst an other/ But they ought to
make good and symple colacion to geder. In suche wyse as they be not
seen in theyr desputynge one agaynst an other/ for to encroche and gete
more glorye of the world to them self/ than to trete the salute and
helthe of the pacyent and seke man/ I meruayll why that whan they fee
and knowe that whan the seke man hath grete nede of helthe wherfore than
they make gretter obiection of contraryousnes for as moche as the lyf
of man is demened and put amonge them but hit is be cause that he is
reputed most sage and wise that argueth and bryngeth in moste subtyltes/
And alle this maner is amonge doctours of lawe that treteth no thynge of
mannes lyf. But of temporelle thynges/ that he is holden most wyse and
best lerned/ that by his counceyll can beste acorde the contencions and
discencions of men And therfore ought the phisicyens and cyrurgyens leue
whan they be to fore the seke men all discencions and contrariousnes of
wordes/ in suche wyse that hit appere that they studye more for to cure
the seke men than for to despute And therfore is the phisicien duly
sette to fore the quene/ So that it is figured that he ought to haue in
hymself chastite and contynence of body For hit apperteyneth somtyme
vnto the phisicien to visite and cure Quenes duchesses and countesses
and alle other ladyes and see and beholde some secrete sekenessis that
falle and come otherwhile in the secretis of nature And therfore hit
apperteyneth to them that they be chaste and followe honeste and
chastite/ and that they be ensample to other of good contynence/ For
valerian reherceth that ypocras was of meruayllous contynence of his
body/ For whan he was in the scoles of Athenes/ he had by hym a ryght
fayr woman whyche was comyn And the yonge scolers and the Ioly felaws
that were students promisyd to the woman a besa[=u]t/ yf she myght or
coude torne the corage of ypocras for to haue to doon wyth her/ And she
cam to hym by nyght and dyde so moche by her craft that she laye wyth
hym in his bedd/ but she coude neuer do so moche y't she myghte corrumpe
his chaste liuynge ne defoule the crowne of his conscience/ and whan the
yonge men knewe that she had ben with hym all the night And coude not
chaunge his contynence/ they began to mocque her/ And to axe and demande
of her the besant that they had gyuen to her. And she answerd That hit
was holden & gaged vpon an ymage/ For as moche as she might not change
his contynence she callyd hym an ymage/ And in semblable wyse reherceth
Valerian of Scenocrates philosopher that ther laye with hym a woman all
night And tempted hym disordinatly/ but that ryght chafte man/ made
neuer femblant to her/ Ner he neuer remeuyd from his ferme purpoos/ In
fuche wyfe as fhe departid from hym alle confufid and fhamed/ Cornelius
fcipion that was fent by the romayns for to gouerne fpayne/ as fone as
he entryd in to the caftellis & in to the townes of that lande He began
to take away all the thynges that miht ftyre or meue his men to lecherye
wherfore men fayd that he drof & chaced oute of the ofte moo than two
thoufand bourdellys/ And he that was wyfe knewe well that delyte of
lecherye corrupted and apayred the corages of tho men that ben
abandonned to that fame delyte/ And herof hit is fayd in the fables of
the poetes in the first book of the Truphes of the Philofophers by
figure. That they that entryd in to the fontayne of the firenes or
mermaydens/ were corrumpid and they toke them away with hem/ And alfo y'e
ought to knowe that they ought to entende diligently to the cures of the
enfermytees in cyrugerye/ They ought to make theyr playfters acordynge
to the woundes or fores/ yf the wounde be rounde The enplaftre muft be
round/ and yf hyt be longe/ hyt mufte be longe/ and otherwhile hit mufte
be cured by his contrarye/ lyke as it apperteyneth to phifique/ For the
hete is cured by cold/ and the colde by hete/ and Ioye by forowe/ and
fbrowe by Ioye/ and hit happeth ofte tymes that moche peple be in grete
paryll in takynge to moche Ioye and lefe her membris/ and become half
benomen in the fodayn Ioye/ And Ioye is a replection of thynge that is
delectable fprad a brode in all the membris with right grete gladnes And
all men entende and desire to haue the sayd ryght grete Ioye naturelly/
But they knowe not what may ensue and come therof And this Ioye cometh
otherwhile of vertue of conscience/ And the wyse man is not wyth out
this Ioye And this Ioye is neuer Interrupt ne in deffaulte at no tyme
For hit cometh of nature And fortune may not take a waye that nature
geueth. And merciall saith that Ioyes fugitiues abide not longe But flee
away an[=o]n And valerian reherceth that he that hath force and
strengthe raysonable/ hath hit of verray matier of complection and that
cometh of loue And this Ioye hath as moche power to departe the sowle
fro the body/ as hath the thondre/ wherof hit happend that ther was a
woman named lyna whiche had her husbonde in the warre in the shippis of
the romayns/ And she supposid verily that he was ded/ But hit happend
that he cam agayn home And as he entryd in to his yate/ his wif met wyth
hym sodeynly not warned of his comyng. whiche was so glad and Ioyous/
that in enbrasynge hym she fyll doun ded Also of an other woman to whom
was reportid by a fals messanger that her sone was ded/ whiche wente
home soroufully to her hows/ And afterward whan her sone cam to her/ As
sone as she sawe hym/ she was so esmoued wyth Ioye y't she deyde to fore
hym/ But this is not so grete meruaylle of women as is of the men/ For
the women ben likened vnto softe waxe or softe ayer and therfor she is
callid mulier whyche Is as moche to saye in latyn as mollys ær. And in
english soyfte ayer/ And it happeth ofte tymes that the nature of them
that ben softe and mole/ taketh sonner Inpression than the nature of men
that is rude and stronge/ Valerye reherceth & sayth that a knyght of
rome named Instaulosus that had newly conquerid and subiuged the yle of
Corsika/ And as he sacrefyed his goddes/ he receyuyd lettres from the
senate of rome In whiche were conteyned dyuerse supplicacyons/ The
whiche whan he vnderstood he was so glad and so enterprysed wyth Ioye/
that he knewe not what to doo And than a great fumee or smoke yssued out
of the fyre In whiche he dispayred and fyll in to the fyre/ where he was
anone ded/ And also it is sayd that Philomenus lawhed so sore and
distemperatly that he deyde alle lawhynge/ And we rede that ypocras the
phisicien fonde remedye for thys Ioye/ For whan he had longe dwellyd
oute of his contreye for to lerne connynge and wysedom/ And shold
retorne vnto his parentis and frendes/ whan he approchid nyghe them/ He
sente a messanger to fore for to telle to them his comynge/ and comanded
hym to saye that he cam/ for they had not longe to fore seen hym/ And
y't they shold attempre them in that Ioye er they shold see hym/ And
also we rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian whan he had conquerd
Iherusalem and abode in y'e contrees by/ he herde y't his fader
vaspasian was chosen by alle the senate for to gouerne the empire of
rome/ wherfore he had so right grete Ioye that sodaynly he loste the
strength of all his membres And be cam all Impotent And whan Iosephus
that made the historye of the romayns ayenst the Iewis/ whiche was a
ryght wyse phisicien sawe and knewe the cause of this sekenes of the
sayd Titus/ he enquyred of his folk yf he had in hate ony man gretly so
moche that he myght not here speke of hym ner well see hym And one of
the seruantes of Titus sayd that he had one persone in hate so moche.
That ther was no man in his court so hardy that durste name hym in his
presence/ and than Iosephus assigned a day whan this man shold come/ and
ordeyned a table to sette in y'e sight of Titus/ and dide hit to be
replenysshid plenteuously wyth alle dayntees/ and ordeyned men to be
armed to kepe hym in suche wyse that no man shold hurte hym by the
comandement of Titus/ and ordeyned boutellers. Coques/ and other
officers for to serue hym worshipfully lyke an Emþour/ and whan all this
was redy/ Iosephus brought in this man that tytus hated and sette hym at
the table to fore his eyen and was seruyd of yonge men wyth grete
reuerence ryght cortoisly/ And whan titus behelde his enemye sette to
fore hym wyth so grete honour/ He began to chauffe hym self by grete
felonnye And comanded his men that this man sholde be slayn/ And whan he
sawe/ that none wold obeye hym But that they all way seruyd hym
reuerently/ he waxe so ardante/ and enbrasid wyth so grete yre/ that he
that had lost alle the force and strengthe of his body and was alle
Impotent in alle his membres/ Recoured the helthe agayn and strengthe of
his membris/ by the hete that entryd in to the vaynes and sinewis And
Iosephus dide so moche that he was recouerid and hole/ And that he helde
that man no more for his enemye/ but helde hym for a verray true frende/
And afterward made hym his loyall felawe and compaignon And the espicers
and Apotecayres ought to make truly suche thynges as Is comanded to them
by the physicyens/ And they ought taccomplisshe theyr billis and charge
curyously wyth grete dilygence/ that for none other cause they shold be
ocupied but in makynge medicynes or confections truly. And that they
ought vpon paryll of theyr sowle not to forgete/ by negligence ne
rechelesnes to gyue one medecyne for an other/ In suche wyse that they
be not slears of men/ And that they do putte no false thynges In her
spyces for to empayre or encrecynge the weyght. For yf they so doo they
may better be callyd theuys than espiciers or apotecayris/ And they that
ben acustomed to make oynements they ought to make hyt proprely of true
stuf and of good odoure after the receptes of the auncyent doctours/ And
after the forme that the phisicyens and cyrurgyens deuyse vnto them/
Also they ought to beware that for none auayle ne gyfte that they myght
haue/ that they put in theyr medicynes no thynge venemous ner doynge
hurte or scathe to ony persone of whom they haue none good ne veray
knowlege/ to thende that they to whom the medicynes shold be gyuen/
torne not to them hurte ne domage/ ne in destructions of theyr
neyghbours/ and also that they that haue mynystrid tho thyngis to them/
ben not taken for parteners of the blame and of the synne of them The
cyrurgyens ought also to be debonayr. amyable. & to haue pytye of their
pacyents. And also they ought not be hasty to launse and cutte apostumes
and soores/ ne open the heedes/ ner to arrache bones broken/ but yf the
cause be apparant/ For they myght ellys lose theyr good renome And myght
better be callyd bouchers than helars or guarisshors of woundes and
soores And also hit behoueth that alle this maner of peple foresayd that
haue the charge for to make hole and guarisshe alle maner of maladyes
and Infirmitees that they first haue the cure of themself/ and they
ought to purge themself fro alle apostumes and alle vices/ In suche wyse
that they be net and honeste and enformed in alle good maners/ And that
they shewe hem hole and pure & redy for to hele other And herof sayth
Boecius de Consolacione In his first booke that the sterres that ben hid
vnder the clowdes maye gyue no light. And therfore yf ony man wole
beholde clerly the verite. Late hym wythdrawe hym fro the obscurete and
derkenes of the clowdes of ignorance/ for whan the engyne of a man
sheweth in Ioye or in sorowe/ The pensee or thought is enuoluped in
obscurete & vnder the clowdes.



[Illustration]

_The sixthe chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the sixth pawn/
whiche is lykened to tauerners hostelers and vitayllers._


The sixthe pawn whiche standeth to fore the Alphyn on the lyfte syde is
made in thys forme. For hit is a man that hath the right hande stracched
oute as for to calle men/ And holdeth in his lyfte hande a loof of breed
and a cuppe of wyn/ And on his gurdell hangynge a boudell of keyes/ And
this resembleth the Tauerners. hostelers. and sellars of vitaylle. And
thise ought proprely to be sette to fore the/ Alphyn as to fore a Iuge
For ther sourdeth ofte tymes amonge hem contencion noyse and stryf/
whiche behoueth to be determyned and trayted by the alphyn/ whiche is
Iuge of the kynge/ And hit apperteyneth to them for to seke and enquyre
for good wyns and good vitayll for to gyue and selle to the byers/ And
to them that they herberowe/ And hit apperteyneth to them well to kepe
their herberowes and Innes/ and alle tho thyngis that they brynge in to
their loggynge and for to putte hyt in seure and sauf warde and kepynge/
And the firste of them Is signefyed by the lyfte hande in whiche he
bereth brede and wyn/ and the seconde is signefied by the right hande
whiche Is stracched oute to calle men/ And the thirde is representid by
the keyes hangynge on y'e gurdell And thyse maner of peple ought
teschewethe synne of glotonye/ For moche peple comen in to theyr howses
for to drynke and to ete for whyche cause they ought resonably to rewle
them self and to refrayne them from to moche mete and drynke/ to thende
that they myght the more honestly delyuere thyngis nedefull vnto the
peple that come vnto them/ And no thynge by oultrage that myght noye the
body/ For hit happeth ofte tymes that ther cometh of glotonye tencyons.
stryfs. ryottes. wronges. and molestacyons/ by whiche men lese other
while their handes. theyr eyen. and other of their membres/ And somtyme
ben slayn or hurt vnto the deth/ As it is wreton In vitas patrum As on a
tyme an heremyte wente for to visite his gossibs/ And the deuyll apperyd
to hym on the waye in lykenes of an other heremyte for to tempte hym/
and saide thou hast lefte thyn heremitage And goost to visyte thy
gossibs/ The behoueth by force to doo one of y'e thre thynges that I
shall saye to the/ thou shalt chese whether thou wylt be dronke/ or
ellys haue to do flessly wyth thy gossib or ellys thou shalt sle her
husbond whiche is thy gossip also/ And the hermyte that thought for to
chese the leste euyll chace for to be dronke/ and whan he cam vnto them
he dranke so moche that he was veray dronke And whan he was dronke and
eschaussed wyth the wyn/ he wold haue a doo wyth hys gossib/ And her
husbonde withstode hym. And than the hermyte slewe hym/ And after that
laye by his gossib and knewe her flessly/ And thus by this synne of
dronkenship he accomplisshid the two other synnes/ By whyche thynge y'e
may vnderstande and knowe y't whan the deuyll wyll take one of the
castellis of Ihesu cryst/ that is to wete the body of a man or of a
woman/ he doth as a prynce that setteth a siege to fore a castell that
he wold wynne/ whiche ent[=e]deth to wynne the gate/ For he knoweth well
whan he hath wonne the gate/ he may sone doo hys wylle wyth the castell.
And in lyke wyse doth the deuyll wyth euery man and woman For whan he
hathe wonne the gate/ that is to wete the gate of y'e mouth by glotonye
or by other synne He may doo wyth the offices of the body alle his wylle
as y'e haue herd to fore/ And therfore ought euery man ete and drynke
sobrely in suche wyse as he may lyue. And not lyue to ete glotonsly &
for to drynke dronke. y'e see comunly that a grete bole is suffisid wyth
right a lityll pasture/ And that a wode suffiseth to many olefauntes And
hit behoueth a man to be fedde by the erthe or by the see/ neuertheles
it is no grete thynge to fede the bely/ no thynge so grete as is the
desire of many metes Wherof Quyntylian sayth/ That hit happeth ofte
tymes in grete festes & dyners/ that we be fylde wyth the sight of the
noble and lichorous metis and whan we wolde ete we ben saciat and fild/
And therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe/ hit is better to fylle the bely
than the eye/ And lucan sayth that glotonye is the moder of alle vices/
and especiall of lecherye/ and also is destroyer of all goodes And may
not haue suffisance of lityll thynge/ A couetous honger what sekest thou
mete and vitayllis on the lande & in the see/ And thy Ioye is nothynge
ellis but to haue playnteuous disshes & well fylde at thy table lerne
how men may demene his lyf with lityll thynge/ And Cathon sayth in no
wyse obeye to glotonye whiche is frende to lecherye/ And the holy
doctour saynt Augustyn sayth/ the wyn eschausseth the bely that falleth
anone to lecherye/ The bely and the membrers engendreurs ben neyghebours
to lecherye/ And thus the vice of glotonye prouoketh lecherye/ wherof
cometh forgetenes of his mynde and destruction of alle quyk and sharp
reson And is cause of distemþance of his wittes/ what synne is fowler
than this synne and more stynkynge ne more domageous For this synne hath
taken away the vertue of the man/ his prowesse languisshed/ his vertue
is torned to diffame/ the strengthe of body and of corage is torned by
the/ And therfore sayth Basille le grant/ late vs take hede how we serue
the bely & the throte by glotonye lyke as we were dombe bestes/ and we
studye for to be lyke vnto belucs of the see/ to whom nature hath gyuen
to be alleway enclined toward the erthe & ther to loke for to serue
theyr belyes/ And herof saith Boecius de consolacione in his fourth
book/ that a man that lyuyth and doth not the condicions of a man/ may
neuer be in good condicion/ Than muste hit nedes be that he be
transported in nature of a beste or of a belue of the see. How well that
ryght grete men and women full of meruayllous sciences and noble
counceyll in thise dayes in the world ben kept and nourisshid in this
glotonye of wyns and metes/ and ofte tymes ben ouerseen/ how suppose y'e/
is hit not right a perillous thinge that a lord or gouernour of the
peple and c[=o]mun wele/ how well that he be wyse/ yf he eschauffe hym
sone so that y'e wyn or other drynke surpryse hym and ouercome his
brayn. his wisedom is loste/ For as Cathon sayth/ Ire enpessheth the
corage in suche as he may not kepe verite and trouthe And anon as he is
chauffed/ lecherye is meuyd in hym in suche wyse that the lecherye
maketh hym to medle in dyuerse villayns dedes/ For than his wyfedom is a
slepe and goon/ And therfore fayth Ouide in his booke De remedio amoris/
yf thou take many and dyuerce wyns/ they apparylle and enforce the
corages to lecherye And Thobie witnessith in his booke/ that luxurye
destroyeth the body/ and mynussheth richesses/ she loseth the sowle/ she
febleth y'e strengthe she blyndeth the syght/ and maketh the wys hoos &
rawe/ Ha A ryght euyll and fowle synne of dronkenship/ by the perissheth
virginite/ whiche is suster of angellis possedynge alle goodnes and
seurte of all Ioyes pardurable/ Noe was one tyme so chauffed with wyn/
that he discouerd and shewid to his sones his preuy membres in suche
wyse as one of his sones mocqued hym/ And that other couerd hem/ And
loth whiche was a man right chaste. was so assoted by moche drynkynge of
wyn/ that on a montayne he knew his doughters carnelly/ And had to doo
wyth them as they had ben his propre wyues. And crete reherceth that
boece whiche was flour of the men/ tresor of rychesses/ singuler house
of sapience myrour of the world/ Odour of good renome/ and glorye of his
subgettis loste alle thyse thynges by his luxurye We haue seen that
dyuerce that were Ioyned by grete amyte to geder whiles they were sobre/
that that one wolde put his body in paryll of deth for that other/ and
whan they were eschauffed with wyn & dronke/ they haue ronne eche vpon
other for to fle* hem/ And somme haue ben that haue slayn so his frende/
Herodes Antipas had not doon saynt Iohn baptist to ben beheded/ ne had
y'e dyner ben full of glotonye and dronkenship/ Balthazar kynge of
babilone had not ben chaced out of his kyngdom ne be slayn yf he had ben
sobre amonge his peple whom tyrus and dares fonde dronken and slewe hym
The hostelers ought to be well bespoken and courtoys of wordes to them
that they receyue in to their loggynge For fayr speche & Ioyous chiere &
debonayr/ cause men to gyue the hostelyer a good name/ And therfore it
is said in a comyn prouerbe/ Courtoyse langage and well saynge is moche
worth and coste lityll/ And in an other place it is said that curtoysie
passeth beaulte/ Also for as moche as many paryls and aduentures may
happen on the wayes and passages to hem that ben herberowed with in
their Innes/ therfore they ought to accompanye them whan they departe
and enseigne them the wayes and telle to them the paryls/ to thende that
they may surely goo theyr viage and Iourney/ And also they ought to kepe
their bodies, their goodes. And the good fame and renomee of their
Innes/ we rede that loth whan he had receyuyd the angels in to his hous
right debonairly whiche he had suppofid had ben mortall men and
stra[=u]gers/ to thende that they shold eskape the disordinate and
vnnaturell synne of lecherye of the sodamites/ by the vertu of good
fayth/ he sette a part the naturell loue of a fader/ and proferd to them
his doughters whiche were virgyns/ to thende that they shld kepe them
and defende them fro that vyllayne and horrible synne/ And knowe y'e for
certayn that alle tho thynges that ben taken and delyueryd to kepe to
the hoste or hostesses they ought to be sauf and yelden agayn wyth out a
payringe For the ooste ought to knowe/ who that entryth in to his hous
for to be herberowhed taketh hit for his habitacion for the tyme/ he
hymself and alle suche thynges as he bryngeth wyth hym ben comysed of
ryght in the warde and kepynge of the hoost or hosteler And ought to be
as sauf as they were put in his owen propre hous And also suche hoostis
ought to hold seruantes in their houses whiche shold be trewe and wyth
oute auarice In suche wise that they coueyte not to haue the goodes of
their ghestes And that they take not away the prouender fro theyr horses
whan hyt is gyuen to them/ that by thoccasion therof theyr horsis
perisshe not ne faylle theyr maister whan they haue nede/ and myght
falle in the handes of theyr enemyes/ For than sholde the seruantes
because of that euyll/ wherfore theyr maisters shold see to For wyth
oute doubte this thynge is worse than thefte Hit happend on a tyme in
the parties of lomberdye in the cyte of Iene y't a noble man was logged
in an hostelerye wyth moche compaignye/ And whan they had gyuen
prouendour to their horses/ In the first oure of the nyght, the seruant
of the hous cam secretly to fore y'e horses for to stele away their
prouender/ And whan he cam to the lordes hors/ The hors caught wyth his
teth his Arme and helde hit faste that he myght not escape/ And whan the
theef sawe that he was so strongly holden/ he began to crye for the
grete payne that he suffryd and felte/ In suche wyse that the noble
mannes meyne cam with the hooste/ But in no maner/ ner for ought they
coude doo They coude not take the theef out of the horses mouth vnto the
tyme that the neyghbours whiche were noyed wyth the noyse cam and sawe
hit/ And than the theef was knowen and taken and brought to fore the
Iuge And confessid the feet and by sentence diffinytyf was hanged and
lost his lyf/ And in the same wyse was an other that dyde so/ And the
hors smote hym in the visage/ That the prynte of the horse shoo and
nayles abode euer in his visage/ Another was right cruell and villaynous
fylle at tholouse/ Hit happend a Ionge man and his fader wente a
pilgremage to saynt Iames in Galyce And were logged in an hostelrye of
an euyll hoost and full of right grete couetyse/ In so moche that he
defired and coueyted the goodes of the two pilgrimes And here vpon
auysed hym and put a cuppe of siluer secretly in the male that the yonge
man bare/ And whan they departed oute of their loggynge/ he folowed
after hem and sayd to fore the peple of the court that they had stolen
and born away his cuppe/ And the yonge man excused hym selfe and his
fader/ And sayde they were Innocent of that caas/ And than they serchid
hem and the cuppe was founden in the male of the yonge man And forthwyth
he was dampned to the deth and hanged as a theef/ and this feet doon all
the goodes that langed to the pilgrym were deliuerid to the ooft as
c[=o]fisqued And than the fader wente for to do his pilgremage/ and whan he
cam agayn he muste nedes come & passe by the place where his sone henge
on the gibet And as he cam he complaygned to god and to saynt Iames how
they might suffre this auenture to come vnto his sone,' Anone his sone
that henge spack to his fader And sayde how that saynt Iames had kepte
hym with out harme And bad his fader goo to the Iuge and shewe to hym
the myracle/ And how he was Innocent of thot fayte/ And whan this thynge
was knowen the sone of the pilgryme was taken down fro the gibet/ and
the cause was brought to fore the Iuge And the hooste was accused of the
trayson/ and he confessid his trespaas/ and sayd he dide hit for
couetyse to haue his good And than the Iuge dampned hym for to be hanged
on the same gibet where as the yonge pilgryme was hanged And that I haue
sayd of the seruantes beynge men/ the same I saye of the women as
chambriers and tapsters For semblable caas fille in spayne at saynt
donne of a chamberier/ that put a cup in lyke wyse in the scrippe of a
pilgryme/ be cause he wold not haue a doo wyth her in the synne of
lecherye/ wherfore he was hanged And his fader & moder that were there
with hym wente and dyde her pilgremage/ And whan they cam agayn they
fonde her sone lyuynge/ And whan they wente and told the Iuge/ whiche
Iuge sayd that he wolde not byleue hit tyll a cok and an henne which
rosted on the fyre were a lyue & the cok crewe. And anon they began wexe
a lyue & the cok crewe and began to crowe and to pasture/ and whan the
Iuge sawe this miracle/ he wente and toke doun the sone/ and made the
chamberyer to be taken and to be hanged/ wherfore I saye that the
hoostes ought to hold no tapsters ne chamberyers/ but yf they were good
meure and honeste/ For many harmes may be falle and come by the
disordenat rewle of seruantes.



[Illustration]

_The seventh chapitre of the thirde Tractate treteth of kepars of townes
customers and tolle gaderers &c._


The gardes and kepars of of cytees ben signefied by the .vii. pawn
whiche stondeth in the lyfte side to fore the knyght/ And is formed in
the semblance of a man holdynge in his right hande grete keyes And in
his lifte hande a potte & an elle for to mesure with And ought to haue
on hys gurdell a purse open/ And by the keyes ben signefyed the kepars
of the cytees and townes and comyn offices/ And by the potte and elle
ben signefyed them that haue the charge to weye and mete & mesure truly
And by the purse ben signefyed them that reseyue the costumes. tolles.
scawage. peages/ and duetes of the cytees & townes And thyse peple ben
sette by ryght to fore the knyght/ And hit behoueth that the gardes and
offycers of the townes be taught And enseygned by the knyghtes/ And that
they knowe and enquyre how y'e cytees or townes ben gouerned/ whiche
apperteyneth to be kept and defended by the knyghtes. And first hit
apperteyneth that the kepars of the cyte be dilygente. besy. clere
seeynge and louers of the comyn prouffit & wele/ as well in the tyme of
pees as in the tyme of warre/ They ought allewaye to goo in the cyte and
enquyre of all thynges and ought rapporte to the gouernours of the cyte
suche thynge as they fynde and knowe And suche thynge as apperteyneth
and to the seuerte of the same/ and to den[=o]nce and telle the defaultes
and paryls that ther bee/ And yf hit be in tyme of warre they ought not
to open the yates by nyght to no man/ And suche men as ben put in this
office/ ought to be of good renome. & fame, trewe. and of good
conscience/ In suche maner that they loue them of the Cyte or town/ And
that they put to no man ony blame or vilanye with out cause by enuye.
Couetyse ne by hate/ but they ought to be sory and heuy whan they see
that ony man shold be complayned on for ony cause. For hit happeth ofte
tymes that diuerce officers accuse the good peple fraudulently/ To
thende that they myght haue a thanke & be preysed and to abide stille in
theyr offices And trewly hit is a grete and hye maner of malyse to be in
will to doo euyll and diffame other wyth oute cause to gete glorie to
hymself Also the kepars and officers of cytees ought to be suche that
they suffre no wronges ne vylonyes to fore the Iuges and gouernours of
cytees wyth out cause to be doon to them that ben Innocents/ but they
ought to haue theyr eyen and regarde vnto hym/ that knoweth the hertes
and thoughtes of alle men/ And they ought to drede & doubte hym wyth
oute whos grace theyr wacche and kepynge is nought And that promyseth to
them that doubte hym shall be ewrous & happy/ And by hym ben alle
thynges accomplisshid in good/ Hit is founden in the historyes of rome
that Temperour Frederik the seconde dide do make a gate of marble of
meruayllous werke and entayll in the cyte of capnane vpon the watre that
renneth aboute the same/ and vpon this yate he made an ymage lyke
hymself sittynge in his mageste/ and two Iuges whiche were sette/ one on
the right side and that other on the lifte side. And vpon the sercle
aboue the hede of the Iuge on y'e ryght side was wreton/ Alle they entre
seurly that will liue purely/ And vpon the sercle of the Iuge on the
lifte side was wreton/ The vntrewe man ought to doubte/ to doo thynge
that he be put to prison fore/ and on the sercle aboue thempour was
wreton/ I make them live in misery/ that I see lyue dismesurably/ And
therfore hit apperteyneth to a Iuge to shewe to the peple for to drede
and doubte to doo eyull/ And hit apperteyneth to the gardes and officers
to doubte the Iuges and to do trewly their seruyces and offices And hit
apperteyneth to a prynce to menace the traytours and the malefactours of
right greuous paynes. And herof we fynde in the auncyent historyes of
cecylle that the kynge denys had a broder whom he louyd sore well/ But
allway where he wente he made heuy and tryste semblant/ And thus as they
wente bothe to gyder on a tyme in a chare/ ther cam agayn hem two poure
men wyth glad visage but in foule habite/ And y'e kynge anon as he sawe
them/ sprange out of his chare and resseyuyd them worshipfully with
grete reuerence/ wherfore his barons were not only ameruaylled but also
angry in their corages/ notwithstandynge fere and drede letted them to
demande hym the cause/ But they made his broder to demande the cause and
to knowe the certaynte/ And whan he had herde his broder saye to hym the
demande/ and that he was blessyd & also a kynge whiche was ryche and
full of delites & worshipis/ he demanded hym yf he wold assaye & knowe
the grace and beneurte of a kynge And his broder answerd y'e/ And that he
desired and requyred hit of hym/ and than the kinge comanded vnto alle
his fugettis that they shold obeye in alle thynges only vnto his broder
And than whan the oure of dyner cam and alle thynge was redy/ the broder
was sette at the table of the kynge And whan he sawe that he was seruyd
wyth right noble botelliers and other officers. And he herde the sownes
of musicque right melodious The kynge demanded hym than/ yf he supposid
y't he were benerous and blessid. And he answerd I wene well that I am
right well blessid and fortunat/ and that I haue well proued and fele
and am expert therof And than the kynge secretly made to be hanged ouer
his heed a sharp cuttynge swerde hangynge by an hors heer or a silken
threde so small that no man myght see hit where by hit henge/ and whan
he sawe his broder put no more his hand to the table/ ne had no more
regarde vnto his seruantes/ he sayd to hym why ete y'e not/ ar y'e not
blessid/ saye yf y'e fele ony thynge otherwyse than blessid and well/ And
he answerde for as moche as I see this sharp swerde hangynge so subtilly
and parillously ouer my hede I fele well that I am not blessid for I
drede that hit shold falle on my hede/ and than discouerd the kynge vnto
hem alle wherfore he was allway so heuy cherid and triste For where he
was/ he thought alleway on the swerde of the secrete vengeance of god/
whiche he behelde alleway in his herte/ wherfore he had all way in
hymself grete drede And therfore he worshipid gladly the poure peple
wyth glad visage and good conscience And by this sheweth the kynge well/
that what man that is all way in drede is not all way mery or blessid.
And herof fayth Quyntilian that this drede surmounteth alle other
maleurtees and euyllys/ For it is maleurte of drede nyght and day/ And
it is verite that to hym that Is doubtid of moche peple/ so muste he
doubte moche/ And that lord is lasse than hys seruantes that dredeth hys
seruantes/ And truly hit Is a ryght sure thynge to drede no thinge but
god/ And sumtyme right hardy men ben constrayned to lyue in drede/ Drede
causeth a man to be curyous and besy to kepe the thynges that ben
commysed to hym that they perisshe not/ But to be to moche hardy & to
moche ferdfull/ bothe two ben vices The comyn officers ought to be wise,
discrete. and well aduysed in suche wyse that they take not of y'e peple
ne requyre no more than they ought to haue by reson/ ne that they take
of the sellars ne of the byars no more than the right custom and toll/
for they bere the name of a c[=o]mun þsone/ and therfore ought they
to shewe them c[=o]mune to all men/ and for as moche as the byars and
sellars haue somtyme moche langage/ they ought to haue with them these
vertues/ that is to wete pacience and good corage with honeste/ for they
that ben despiteus to the c[=o]mun/ ben otherwhile had in vilayns
despite/ therfore beware y't thou haue no despite to the poure
mendicants/ yf thou wilt come and atteyne to thingis fouerayn/ for the
Iniurye that is don wyth oute cause/ torneth to diffame hym that doth
hit/ A Iogheler on a tyme beheld socrates and sayd to hym/ thou hast the
eyen of corrumpour of children & art as a traytre. And whan his
disciples herde hym/ they wold auengid their maister/ But he repreuyd
hem by suche sentence saynge/ Suffre my felaws for I am he and suche one
as he saith/ by the sight of my visage/ But I refrayne and kepe me well
from suche thynge/ This same socrates hymself was chidde and right fowll
spoken to of his wyf/ and she Imposid to hym many grete Iniuries with
out nombre/ and she was in a place a boue ouer his heed And whan she had
brawlid I nowh/ she made her watre and pourid hit on his heed And he
answerd to here no thynge agayn/ sauf whan he had dryed and wypid his
heed he said/ he knewe well that after suche wynde and thonder sholde
comen rayn and watre And the philosophres blamed hym that he coude not
gouerne two women/ that was his wyf and his chambrere/ And shewde hym
that one cokke gouerned well .xv. hennes He answerd to them that he was
so vsed and accustomed wyth theyr chydynge that the chydynges of them ne
of estrangers dyde hym no greef ne harme/ gyue thou place to hym that
brawleth or chydeth/ and in suffrynge hym thou shalt be his
vaynquysshour/ And Cathon fayth whan thou lyuyst ryghtfully recche the
not of the wordes of euyll peple/ And therfore it is sayd in a comyn
prouerbe/ he that well doth reccheth not who seeth hit/ & hit is not in
our power to lette men to speke. And prosper sayth that to good men
lacketh no goodnes/ ner to euyll men tencions stryfs and blames And
pacience is a ryght noble vertu/ as a noble versifier sayth That
pacience is a ryght noble maner to vaynquysshe. For he that suffreth
ouercometh. And yf thou wylt vaynquysshe and ouercome/ lerne to suffre/
The peagers ner they that kepe passages ought not to take other peage ne
passage money but suche as the prynce or the lawe haue establisshid/ so
that they be not more robbeurs of moneye than reseyuours of peage and
passage And hit apperteyneth to them to goo out of the paryllo*9 weyes
and doubteuous for to kepe their office and they ought to Requyre theyr
passage of them that owe to paye hit wyth oute noynge and contencion/
And they ought not to loue the comyn prouffyt so moche/ That they falle
in the hurtynge of theyr conscience/ For that shold be a manere of
robberye And herof sayth ysaye Woo to the that robbest/ For thou thy
self shalt be robbed/ The gardes or porters of the gates of cytees and
of the comyn good ought to be good and honeste. And alle trouthe ought
to be in them and they ought not to take ne withdrawe the goodes of the
comyn that they haue in kepynge/ more than apperteyneth to them for
theyr pension or ffee/ So that they that ben made tresorers and kepars
ben not named theuys/ For who that taketh more than his/ He shall neuer
thryue wyth alle/ ner shall not enioye hit longe/ For of euyll gooten
good the thyrde heyr shall neuer reioyce/ And this suffisith &c.



[Illustration]

_This chapitre of the thirder book treteth of Rybauldis players of dyse
and messagers and corrours_


The rybaulders, players of dyse and of messagers and corrours ought to
be sette to fore the rook/ For hit apperteyneth to the rook whiche is
vicayre & lieutenant of the kynge to haue men couenable for to renne
here and there for tenquyre & espie the place and cytees that myght be
contrarye to the kynge/ And thys pawn that representeth thys peple ought
to be formed in this maner/ he must haue the forme of a man that hath
longe heeris and black and holdeth in his ryght hand a lityll monoye And
in his lyfte hande thre Dyse And aboute hym a corde in stede of a
gyrdell/ and ought to haue a boxe full o lettres And by the first/
whiche is money is vnderstand they that be fole large & wastours of
theyr goodes/ And by the seconde whiche is the dyse Ben represented the
players at dyse/ Rybauldes and butters/ And by the thyrde whiche is the
boxe full of lettres ben representid the messagers. corrours/ And berars
of lettres/ And y'e shall vnderstande that the roock whiche is vicaire of
the kynge whan he seeth to fore hym suche peple as ben folelarge and
wastours. He is bounden to constitute and ordeyne vpon them tutours and
curatours to see that they etc not ne waste in suche maner theyr goodes
ne theyr heritages/ that pouerte constrayne hem not to stele/ For he
that of custome hath had haboundance of moneye and goth and dispendith
hit folily and wasteth hit away/ whan he cometh to pouerte and hath
nought/ he must nedes begge and axe his breed, orellis he must be a
theef/ For suche maner of peple/ yf they haue ben delicyous they wyll
not laboure/ for they haue not lerned hit And yf they be noble and comen
of gentilmen/ they be ashamed to axe and begge/ And thus muste they by
force whan they haue wasted theyr propre goodes yf they wyll lyue they
muste stele and robbe the goodes of other And y'e shall vnderstande that
folelarge is a right euyll vice/ for how well that she dooth good and
prouffyt somtyme to other yet she doth harme and domage to hym that so
wasteth. Caffiodore admonesteth the fole larges to kepe theyr thynges/
that by no necessite they falle in pouerte/ And that they be not
constrayned to begge ne to stele of other men For he faith that hit is
gretter subtilte to kepe well his owne goodes/ than to fynde strange
thynge/ and that it is gretter vertue to kepe that is goten than to gete
and wynne more/ and claudian saith in like wise in his book that hit is
a gretter thynge & better to kepe that is goten Than to gete more And
therfore hit is sayd y't the poure demandeth and beggeth er he felith/
and also hit is sayd that he y't dispendith more than he hath/ with oute
strook he is smyten to the deth/ Ther was a noble man named Iohn de
ganazath whiche was ryght ryche/ And this man had but two doughters whom
he maryed to two noble men/ And whan he had maryed them/ he loued so
well his sones in lawe their husbondes/ that in space & succession of
tyme/ he departed to them alle his goodes temporell/ And as longe as he
gaf to them they obeyed hym & were right diligent to plese and serue
hym/ so hit befell that on a tyme that he had alle gyuen in so moche
that he had ryght nought/ Than hit happend that they to whom he had
gyuen his goodes/ whiche were wonte to be amyable & obeyssant to hym as
longe as he gaf. Whan tyme cam that he was poure and knewe that he had
not they becam unkynde Disagreable and disobeyssant/ And whan the fader
sawe that he was deceyuyd by his debonayrte and loue of his doughters/
He desired and couetyed fore teschewe his pouerte/ At laste he wente to
a marchant that he knewe of olde tyme. And requyred hym to lene to hym.
x. thousand pound for to paye and rendre agayn wyth in thre dayes/ And
he lente hit hym/ and whan he had brought hit in to his hows/ Hit
happend that hit was a day of a solempne feste/ on whiche daye he gaf to
his doughters and her hufbonde a right noble dyner/ and after dyner he
entrid in to his chambre secretly wyth them/ And drewe out of a coffre
that he had do make all newe shettynge with iii. lockis/ the menoye that
the marchant had lente hym And poured out vpon a tapyte that his
doughtres and theyr hufbondes myght see hit/ And whan he had shewid hit
vnto them he put hit vp agayn and put hit in to the cheste saynynge that
hit had ben all his And whan they were departed he bare the money home
to the marchant that he had borowed hit of/ And the next day after his
doughters and theyre hufbondes Axid of hym how moche moneye was in the
cheste that was shette wyth. iii. lockis/ And than he fayned and saide
that he had therein. xxv. thousand pound/ whiche he kepte for to make
his testament and for to leue to his doughters and hem/ yf they wolde
here hem as well to hym ward as they dyde whan they were maried/ And
than whan they herde that/ they were right Ioyous and glad And they
thoughte and concluded to serue hym honorably as well in clothynge as in
mete and drynke & of alle other thynges necessarye to hym vnto his ende
And after this whan the ende of hym began tapproche/ he callyd his
doughters and her husbondes and sayd to hem in thys mauere/ y'e shall
vnderstande that the moneye that is in the chest shette vnder. iii.
lockes I wylle leue to yow Sanynge I wyll that y'e gyue in my prefence er
I dye whilis I lyue to the frere prechours. C. pound and to the frere
menours. C. pound/ And to the heremytes of saynt Augustyn .I. pound to
thende that whan I am buryed and put in the erthe y'e may demande of them
the keyes of y'e cheste where my tresour is Inne/ whiche keyes they
kepe/ and I haue put on eche keye a bille & writynge In witnessinge of
the thynges abouesayd/ And also y'e shall vnderstande that he dyde do to
be gyuen whilis he laye in his deth bedde to eche churche and recluse
and to poure peple a certayn quantyte of moneye by the handes of his
doughters husbondes/ whiche they dyde gladly. In hope to haue shortly
the money that they supposid had ben in the cheste/ And whan hit cam to
the last day/ that he deyde/ He was born to churche and his exequye don
and was buryed solempnly/ And the eyght daye the seruyse worshipfully
accomplisshid/ They wente for to demande the keyes of the Religious men
that they had kept/ whiche were deliueryd to them/ And than they wente
and opend the coffre where they supposid the money had ben Inne/ And
there they fonde no thyng but a grete clubbe/ And on the the handlynge
was wreton/ J Iohn of canazath make this testament/ that he be slayn
wyth this clubbe/ that leuyth his own prouffit. And gyuyth hit to other/
as who sayth hit is no wysedom for a man to gyue his good to his
children and kepe none for hym self/ And y'e shall vnderstande that it is
grete folye to dispende and waste his good/ In hope for to recoure hit
of other/ be hit of sone or doughter or ryght nyghe kyn/ For aman ought
to kepe in his hande in dispendynge his owen goodes/ to fore he see that
he dyspende other mennys/ And he ought not to be holden for a good man/
That hath lityll renome and spendeth many thyngys/ And I trowe that
suche persones wold gladly make noueltees as for to noye and greue
feignories and meue warres and tencions agaynst them that habounde in
rychesses and goodes/ And also make extorcyons clamours & trybulacyons
ayenst theyr lordes to thende to waste the goodes of the peple. lyke as
they haue wasted theyris And suche a wastour of goodes may neuer be good
for the comyn prouffit. And y'e shall vnderstande that after these
wastours of goodes we saye that the pleyars of dyse and they that vse
bordellis ben worst of alle other For whan the hete of playnge at the
dyse/ And the couetyse of theyr stynkynge lecherye hath brought hem to
pouerte/ hit foloweth by force that they muste ben theuys and robbeurs
And also dronkenship. glotonye. And alle maner of euyllis folowe them
and myschief/ And they folowe gladly the companyes of knyghtes and of
noble men whan they goon vnto the warre or batayllis And they coueyte
not so moche the victorye as they do the robberie And they do moche
harme as they goo And they brynge lityll gayn or wynnynge/ wherof hit
happend on a tyme that fsaynt bernard rode on an hors aboute in the
contrey And mette wyth an hasardour or dyse-player/ whiche sayd to hym/
thou goddes man wilte thou playe at dyse wyth me thyn hors ayenst my
sowle/ to whom saynt Bernard answerd/ yf thou wilt oblige thy sowle to
me ayenst my hors/ I wolle a lighte doun & playe wyth the/ and yf thou
haue mo poyntes than I on thre dyse I promyse the thou shalt haue myn
hors/ And than he was glad/ and an[=o]n cafte. iii. dyse/ And on eche dyse
was a fyfe/ whiche made. xviii. poynts And anone he toke the hors by the
brydell/ as he that was fewr that he had wonne/ and said that the hors
was his And than saynt Bernard sayde abyde my sone For ther ben mo
poyntes on the dyse than. xviii. And than he caste the dyse/ In suche
wyse that one of the. iii. dyse clefte a sonder in the myddes/ And on
that one parte was fyfe and on that other an Aas/ And eche of that other
was a fyfe/ And than Saynt Bernard sayde That he had wonne hys sowle for
as moche as he had caste on thre dyse. xix. points/ And than whan thys
player sawe and apperceyuyd thys myracle/ He gaf hys sowle to saynt
Bernard and be cam a monke and finysshid his lyf in good werkes/ The
corrours and berars of lettres ought hastely and spedily do her viage
that comanded hem/ with oute taryenge/ For their taryenge might noye and
greue them that sende hem forth/ or ellis them to whom they ben sent
too/ And torne hem to ryght grete domage or villonye/ for whiche cause
euery noble man ought well to take hede to whom he deliuere his lettres
and his mandements/ and otherwhilis suche peple ben Ioghelers &
dronkelewe/ And goon out of their waye for to see abbayes and noble men
for to haue auantage And hit happeth ofte tymes/ that whan suche
messagers or currours ben enpesshid by ony taryenge/ That other currours
bere lettres contrarye to his/ And come to fore hym/ of which thinges
ofte tymes cometh many thinges discouenable of losse of frendes of
castellys & of lande & many other thinges as in the feet of marchandise
&c. And otherwhile hit happeth that a prynce for the faulte of suche
messangers lefeth to haue victorye vpon hys enemyes/ And also ther ben
some that whan they come in a cyte where they haue not ben to fore/ that
ben more besy to visyte the Cyte and the noble men that dwelle theryn/
Than they ben to doo theyr voyage/ whyche thynge they ought not to doo/
But yf they had specyall charge of them that sente hem forth so to doo.
And also whan they be sente forth of ony lordes or marchauntes they
ought to be well ware/ that they charge hem not wyth ouer moche mete on
morenynges ne with to moche wyn on euenynges/ wherby her synewis and
vaynes myght be greuy/ that they muste for faute of good rewle tarye But
they ought to goo and come hastely for to reporte to their maistres
answers as hit apperteyneth And this suffisen of the thynges aboue sayd.



BOOK IV.


[Illustration]

_The fourth tractate & the last of the progression and draughtes of the
forsayd playe of the chesse.

The first chapitre of the fourth tractate of the chesse borde in genere
how it is made._


Ze haue deuised aboue the thinges that apperteyne vnto the formes of the
chesse men and of theyr offices/ that is to wete as well of noble men as
of the comyn peple/ than hit apperteyneth that we shold deuyse shortly
how they yssue and goon oute of the places where they be sette/ And
first we ought to speke of the forme and of the facion of the chequer
after that hit representeth and was made after/ For hyt was made after
the forme of the cyte of Babyloyne/ In the whiche this same playe was
founden as hit is sayd afore/ And foure thinges The first is/ wher y'e
shal vnderstande that y'e ought to consydere here in fore that. lxiiii.
poyntes ben sette in the eschequer whiche ben alle square/ The seconde
is wherfore the bordeur aboute his hyher than the squarenes of the
poyntes/ The thirde is wherfore the comyn peple ben sette to fore the
nobles/ The fourthe wherfore the nobles and the peples ben sette in
their propre places Ther ben as many poyntes in y'e eschequer wyde as
full And y'e shall first vnderftande wherfore that ther ben. lxiiii.
poyntes in the eschequer/ For as the blessid saint Iherome saith/ the
cyte of babilone was right grete and was made alle square/ and in euery
quarter was. xvi. myle by nombre and mesure/ the whiche nombre foure
tymes told was. lxiiii. myles/ After the maner of lombardye they be
callid myles/ and in france leukes/ and in englong they be callid mylis
also/ And for to reprefente the mesure of thys cyte/ In whiche thys
playe or game was founden/ The philosopher that fonde hit first ordeyned
a tablier conteynyng .lxiiii. poynts square/ the which ben comprised
wyth in the bordour of the tablier/ ther ben xxxii. on that on fide &.
xxxii. on that other whiche ben ordeyned for the beaulte of the playe/
and for to mewe the maner & drawynge of the chesse as hit shall appere
in the chapitres folowynge/ and as to the seconde wherfore y'e bordour
of theschequyer is hyher than the table wyth in. hit is to be
vnderftande y't the bordour aboute representeth the walle of t'e cyte/
whiche is right hyghe/ And therfor made y'e philosopher the bordour more
hyghe than y'e tablier. And as y'e blessid saint Iherome saith vpon y'e
prophesie of ysaye/ that is to wete vpon a montayne of obscurete. whiche
wordes were said of babilone whiche standeth in chaldee and nothinge of
that babilone that stondeth in egipte/ for it is so y't babilone whiche
standeth in chaldee was sette in a right grete playne/ & had so hyghe
walles that by the heyghte of them/ was contynuell derkenes environed &
obscurete/ that none erthely man might beholde and see the ende of y'e
hyghnes of the walle/ And therfore ysaye callid hit y'e montaigne
obscure/ And saint Iherome sayth y't the mesure of the heyght of this
walle was thre thousand paas/ whiche extendeth vnto y'e lengthe of thre
myle lombardes/ hit is to wete that lombarde mylis and english myles ben
of one lengthe And in one of the corners of this cyte was made a toure
treangle as a shelde wherof the heyght extended vnto the lengthe of
.vii. thousand paas/ whiche is .vii. myle english And this tour was
callyd the tour of Babell/ The walles aboute the tour made a woman whos
name was semiranus as sayth virgilius/ As to the thirde wherfore the
comyn peple ben sette to fore the nobles in the felde of the bataylle in
one renge First for as moche as they ben necessarye to alle nobles For
the rooke whiche standeth on the ryght syde and is vicaire of the kynge
what may he doo yf the labourer were not sette to fore hym and labourid
to mynystre to hym suche temporell thynges as be necessary for hym/ And
what may the knyght doo yf he ne had to fore hym the smyth for to forge
his armours. sadellis. axis and spores and suche thynges as apperteyneth
to hym/ And what is a knyght worth wyth oute hors and armes/ certaynly
nothynge more than on of the peple or lasse pauenture And in what maner
shold the nobles lyue yf no man made cloth and bought and solde
marchandyse/ And what shulde kynges and quenes and the other lordes doo
yf they had no phisicyens ne cyrurgiens/ than I saye that the peple ben
the glorye of the Crowne And susteyne. the lyf of the nobles And
therfore thou that art a lord or a noble man or knyght/ despise not the
comyn peple for as moche as they ben sette to fore the in y'e pleye The
seconde cause is why the peple ben sette to fore the nobles and haue the
table wyde to fore them/ is be cause they begyn the bataylle/ They ought
to take hede and entende to do theyr offices and theyr craftes/ In suche
wyse that they suffre the noble men to gouerne the cytees and to
counceylle and make ordenances of the peple of the batayll how shold a
labourer a plowman or a craftyman counceylle and make ordenance of suche
thynges as he neuer lerned/ And wote ne knoweth the mater vpon what
thynge the counceylle ought to be taken/ Certes the comyn peple ought
not to entende to none other thynge but for to do their seruyse and the
office whiche is couenable vnto hem/ And hyt apperteyneth not to hem to
be of counceyllys ne at the aduocacions/ ne to menace ne to threte
noman/ for ofte tymes by menaces and by force good counceylle is
distroublid/ And where good counceyll faylleth/ there ofte tymes the
cytees ben betrayed and destroyed/ And Plato sayth That the comyn
thynges and the cytees ben blessid whan they ben gouerned by wyse men/
or whan the gouernours studye in wisedom/ And so hit apperteyneth to the
comyn to lerne to vttre the maters & the maner of procuracion to fore
they be counceyllours/ For hit happeth oftetymes that he that maketh hym
wyser that he vnderstandeth is made more foole than he is/ And the
fourth cause wherfore y't ther ben in the tabler as many poynts wyde as
ben full. hit is to wete for that they what euer they be that haue peple
to gouerne/ ought tenforce to haue cytees & caftellis & possessions for
to sette his peple theryn/ And for to laboure & doo their ocupacion/ For
for to haue the name of a kynge with out royame is a name voyde/ and
honour with oute prouffit/ And alle noblesse wyth oute good maners/ and
with out suche thinges as noblesse may be mayntenyd/ ought better be
callid folye than noblesse. And shamefull pouerte is the more greuous
whan hit cometh by nature of an hyhe and noble burth or hous. For noman
gladly wole repreue a poure man of the comyn peple/ But euery man hath
in despite a noble man that is poure yf he haue not in hym good maners
and vertuous/ by whiche his pouerte is forgoten/ and truly a royame with
oute haboundance of goodes by whiche hit may be gouerned and prospere/
may better be callyd a latrocynye or a nest of theeuys than a royame/
Alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what prosþite/
In whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office contente/ how stood
the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how was renomed the noble
royame of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And spack worship of hit/
how hit now standeth and in what haboundance I reporte me to them that
knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or on the see/ they
knowe that laboure in the royame And sayle on the see I wote well the
fame is grete therof I pray god saue that noble royame And sende good
true and politicque counceyllours to the gouernours of the same &c./ And
noblesse of lignage wyth oute puyssance and might is but vanyte and
despite. And hit is so as we haue sayd to fore that theschequer whiche
the philosopher ordeyned represented and figured the sayd cyte of
Babilone And in lyke wyse may hit figure a royame and signefye alle the
world And yf men regarde and take heed vnto the poyntes vnto the middes
of euery quadrante and so to double euery quadrant to other the myles of
this cyte all way doublinge vnto the nombre of .lxiiii. The nombre of
the same shulde surmounte alle the world/ And not only the world but
many worldes by the doublinge of mylis/ whiche doublinge so as a fore is
sayd shuld surmounte alle thynges/ And thus endeth the first chapitre of
the fourth booke.



[Illustration]

_The seconde chaitre of the fourth tractate tretheth of the draught of
the kynge/ And how he meuyth hym in the chequer._


We ought to knowe that in this world/ the kynges seygnourye and regne
eche in his royame. And in this playe we ought to knowe by the nature of
hit how the kynge meueth hym and yssueth oute of his place/ For y'e shall
vnderstande that he is sette in the fourth quadrante or poynt of
theschequer. And whan he is black/ he standeth in the white/ and the
knyght on his ryght side in white/ And the Alphyn and the rooke in
black/ And on the lifte side the foure holden the places opposite/ And
the rayson may be suche/ For be cause that the knyghtes ben the glorye &
the crowne of the kynge,' They ensiewe in semblable residence/ that they
doo whan they ben sette semblably on the ryght side of the kynge & on
the lyfte side of the quene/ And for as moche as the rook on the ryght
syde is vicayre of the kynge he accompanyeth the quene in semblable
siege that the Alphyn doth whiche is Iuge of the kynge/ And in lyke wyse
the lifte rook & the lyfte Alphyn accompanye the kynge in semblable
siege/ In suche wyse as they ben sette aboute the kynge in bothe sides
wyth the Quene in manere of a crowne/ That they may seurely kepe the
royame that reluyseth and shyneth in the kynge and in the Quene/ In
suche wyse as they may conferme and diffende hym in theyr sieges and in
theyr places. And the more hastily renne vpon his enemyes And for as
moche as the Iuge, the knyght/ and the vicaire. kepe and garnysshe the
kynge on that one syde/ They that ben sette on the other syde kepe the
Quene/ And thus kepe they alle the strength and fermete of the royame/
And semblably otherwhile for to ordeyne the thynges that apperteyne to
the counceyll/ and to the besoygne of the royame/ For yf eche man shold
entende to his owen proper thynges/ And y't they defended not ner toke
hede vnto the thingis y't apperteynen to the kynge to the comyn and to
the royame/ the royalme shold an[=o]n be deuided in parties And thus
myght the Iuge regne/ And the name of the dignyte royall shold be lost/
And truly for as moche as the kynge holdeth the dignyte aboue alle other
and the seygnourye royall/ therfore hit apperteyneth not that he absente
hym longe/ ne wythdrawe hym ferre by space of tyme from the maister
siege of his royame/ For whan he wele meue hym/ he ought not to passe at
the first draught the nombre of .iii. poynts/ And whan he begynneth thus
to meue from his whyt poynt/ he hath the nature of the rooks of the
right syde and of the lifte syde for to goo black or whithe/ And also he
may goo vnto the white poynt where the gardes of the Cyte ben sette And
in this poynt he hath the nature of a knyght. And thyse two maners of
meuynge apperteyneth otherwhile to the quene/ and for as moche as the
kynge and the quene that ben conioyned to geder by mariage ben one
thynge as one flessh and blood/ therfore may the kynge meue on the lifte
side of his propre poynt also wele as he were sette in the place of the
quene whiche is black/ and whan he goth right in maner of the rook only/
And hit happen that the aduersarie be not couered in ony poynt in the
seconde ligne/ The kynge may not passe from his black poynt vnto the
thirde ligne/ And thus he sortisith the nature of the rook on the ryght
syde and lyfte syde vnto the place of the knyghtes and for to goo ryght
to fore In to the whyte poynt to fore the marchant/ And the kynge also
sortyst the nature of the knyghtes whan he goth on the ryght syde in two
maners/ For he may put hym in the voyde space to fore the phisicyen/ And
in the black space to fore the tauerner/ And on the other side he goth
in to other two places in lyk wise that is to fore the smyth/ and the
notarye/ And thus as in goynge out first in to .iiii. poynts he sorteth
the nature of knyghtes/ and also the kynge sortiseth the nature of the
alphins at his first yssu in to .ii. places And he may goo on bothe
sides vnto the white place voyde/ that one to fore y'e smith on that on
side/ and that other to for the tauerner on that other side/ All these
yssues hath y'e kyng out of his propre place of his owen vertue whan he
begynneth to meue. But whan he is ones meuyd fro his propre place/ He
may not meue but in to one space or poynt/ and so from one to an other/
And than he sortiseth the nature of the comyn peple/ and thus by good
right he hath in hymfelf the nature of alle/ For alle the vertue that is
in the membres cometh of the heed and all meuyng of the body/ The
begynnynge & lyf comen from the herte/ And all the dignyte that the
subgettes haue by execucion/ and contynuell apparence of their meuynge &
yssue/ The kynge deteyneth hit & is attribued to hym/ the victorye of
the knightes/ the prudence of y'e Iuges/ the auctorite of the vicaires
or legates The c[=o]tynence of the quene/ the c[=o]corde & vnyte of y'e
peple Ben not all thise thinges ascribed vnto the honour and worship of
the kynge Jn his yssue whan he meuyd first The thirde ligne to fore the
peple he neuer excedeth/ Fro in the .iii. nombre alle maner of states
begynne to meue For the trynary nombre conteyneth .iii. parties/ whiche
make a perfect nombre/ For a trynarye nombre hath. i. ii. iii. Whiche
Ioyned to geder maken .vi. Whiche is the first parfyt nombre And
signefieth in this place/ vi. persones named that constitute the
þfection of a royame That is to wete the kynge. the quene. Iuges,
knyghtes. the vicaires or legats/ and the comyn peple And therfor the
kynge ought to begynne in his first meuynge of .iii. poyntes/ that he
shewe perfection of lyf as well in hym self as in other After that the
kynge begynneth to meue he may lede wyth hym the quene/ after the maner
of his yssue For why the quene foloweth vnto two angularye places/ after
the maner of the alphyn/ and to a place indirect in the maner of a rook
in to the black poynt to fore the phisicien/ herin is signefied that the
women may not meue neyther make vowes of pylgremage ner of viage
wythoute the wylle of theyr husbondes/ For yf a woman had a vowed ony
thynge/ her husbonde lyuynge/ and agaynsaynge/ she may not yelde ne
accomplisshe her vowe/ yf the husbond wyll goo oughwer. he may well goo
wyth oute her And yf so be that the husbond wyll haue her wyth hym/ she
is bounden to folowe hym/ And by reson For a man is the heed of a woman/
and not econuerso/ For as to suche thingis as longe to patrymony/ they
ben lyke/ but the man hath power ouer her body/ And so hath not the
woman ouer his And therfore whan the kynge begynneth to meue. the Quene
may folowe/ And not alleway whan she meuyd it is no nede the kynge to
meue/ For why four the first lignes be with in the limytes and space of
the royame/ And vnto the thirde poynt the kynge may meue at his first
meuynge out of his propre place/ And whan he passith the fourth ligne he
goeth oute of his royame. And yf he passe oon poynt late hym beware/ For
the persone of a kynge Is acounted more than a thousand of other/ For
whan he exposeth hym vnto the paryllis of bataylle/ Hit is necessarye
that he goo temperatly and slyly/ For yf he be taken or ded/ or ellis
Inclusid and shette vp/ Alle the strengthes of alle other faylle and
alle Is fynysshid and loste/ And therfore he hath nede to goo and meue
wysely/ And also therfore he may not meue but one poynt after hys fyrst
meuynge but where that euer he goo foreward or bacward or on that one
syde or that other or ellis cornerwyse/ He may neuer approche hys
aduersarye the kynge nerrer than in the thirde poynt/ And therfore the
kynges in batayll ought neuer tapproche one nyghe that other/ And also
whan the kynge hath goon so ferre that alle his men be lost/ than he is
sole/ And than he may not endure longe whan he is brought to y't
extremyte/ And also he ought to take hede that he stande not soo that a
knyght or an other saith chek rook/ than the kyng loseth y'e rook/ That
kynge is not well fortunat that leseth hym to whom his Auctoryte
delegate apperteyneth/ who may doo the nedes of the royame yf he be
priuyd taken or dede/ that was prouisour of alle the royame/ he shall
bere a sack on his hede that Is shette in a cyte/ And alle they that
were theryn ben taken in captiuite and shette vp &c.



[Illustration]

_The seconde chapiter of the fourth book of the quene and how she
yssueth oute of her place._ [Transcriber's note: The printer's
error in the original text, labeling the third chapter as "The
seconde chapiter" is preserved here.]


Whan the Quene whiche is accompanyed vnto the kynge begynneth to meue
from her propre place/ She goth in dowble manere/ that is to wete as an
Alphyn whan she is black/ fhe may goo on the ryght syde & come in to the
poynt to fore the notarye And on the lifte syde in the black poynt and
come to fore the gardees of the cyte And hit is to wete that me
sortiseth in her self the nature in .iii. maners first on the ryght syde
to fore the alphyn/ Secondly on the lifte syde where the knyght is/ And
thirdly indirectly vnto the black poynt to fore the phisicyen And the
rayson why. Is for as moche as she hath in her self by grace/ the
auctrorite that the rooks haue by c[=o]myscion/ For she may gyue &
graute many thynges to her subgetts graciously And thus also ought she
to haue parfyt wisedom/ as the alphyns haue whiche ben Iuges/ as hit
sayd aboue in the chapitre of the Quene/ And she hath not the nature of
knyghtes/ And hit is not fittynge ne couenable thynge for a woman to goo
to bataylle for the fragilite and feblenes of her/ And therfore holdeth
she not the waye in her draught as the knyghtes doon/ And whan she is
meuyd ones oute of her place she may not goo but fro oon poynt to an
other and yet cornerly whether hit be foreward or backward takynge or to
be taken/ And here may be axid why the quene goth to the bataylle wyth
the kynge/ certainly it is for the solace of hym/ and ostencion of loue/
And also the peple desire to haue sucession of the kynge And therfore
the tartaris haue their wyues in to the felde with hem/ yet hit is not
good that men haue theyr wyuys with hem/ but that they abyde in the
cytees or within their owne termes/ For whan they ben oute of theyr
cytees and limytes they ben not sure/ but holden suspecte/ they shold be
shamfast and hold alle men suspect/ For dyna Iacob's doughter as longe
as she was in the hows of her brethern/ she kept her virginite/ But
assone as she wente for to see the strange Regyons. Anone she was
corrupt and defowled of the sone of sichem/ Seneca sayth that the women
that haue euyll visages ben gladly not chaste/ but theyr corage desireth
gladly the companye of men/ And Solynus saith that no bestes femellys
desyre to be towched of theyr males whan they haue conceyuyd/ Exept
woman whyche ought to be a best Raysonable/ And in thys caas she lefeth
her rayson/ And Sidrac wythnesseth the same And therfore in the olde
lawe/ the faders hadd dyuerce wyues and Ancellys to thende whan one was
wyth childe/ they myght take another/ They ought to haue the visage
enclyned for teschewe the fight of the men/ that by the fight they be
not meuyd with Incontynence and diffame of other/ And Ouyde sayth that
ther ben some That how well that they eschewe the dede/ yet haue they
grete Joye whan they ben prayed/ And therfore ought the good women flee
the curyositees and places wher they myght falle in blame and noyse
of the peple.



[Illustration]

_The fourth chapitre of the fourth book Is of the yssuynge of the
Alphyn._


The manere and nature of the draught of the Alphyn is suche/ that he
that is black in his propre fiege is sette on the right side of the
kynge/ And he that is whyt is sette on the lifte side/ And ben callyd
and named black and white/ But for no cause that they be so in subftance
of her propre colour/ But for the colour of the places in whiche they
ben sette/ And alleway be they black or white/ whan they ben sette in
theyr places/ the alphyn on the ryght syde/ goynge oute of his place to
the ryght sydeward comyth to fore the labourer/ And hit is reson that
the Iuge ought to deffende and kepe the labourers and possessions whiche
ben in his Iurisdiction by alle right and lawe/ And also he may goo on
the lyste syde to the wyde place to fore the phisicien/ For lyke as the
phisiciens haue the charge to hele the Infirmites of a man/ In lyke wyse
haue the Iuges charge to appese alle stryues and contencions and reduce
vnto vnyte/ And to punyfshe and correcte causes crymynels/ The lyste
alphyn hath also two wayes fro his owen place oon toward y'e right syde
vnto the black space voyde to fore the marchant/ For the marchants nede
ofte tymes counceylle and ben in debate of questions whiche muste be
determyned by the Iuges/ And that other yssue is vnto the place to fore
the rybauldis/ And that ys be caufe that ofte tymes amonge them. falle
noyses discencions thefte and manslaghter/ wherfore they ought to be
punysshid by the Iuges/ And y'e shall vnderstande that the alphyn goth
alleway corner wyse fro the thirde poynt to the thirde poynt kepynge all
way his owne fiege/ For yf he be black/ he goth all way black/ And yf he
be whyte he goth alleway whyte. the yssue or goynge cornerly or
angularly signefieth cautele or fubtylyte/ whiche Iuges ought to haue/
The .iii. poyntes betoken .iii. thynges that the Iuge ought to attende/
A Iuge ought to furder rightfull & trewe causes. secondly he ought to
gyue trewe counceyll/ and thirdly he ought to gyue and Iuge rightfull
sentences after tha legeances/ And neuer to goo fro the ryghtwisnes of
the lawe/ And it is to wete that the Alphyn goth in fix drawhtes alle
the tablier round aboute/ and that he cometh agayn in to his owen place/
And how be hit that alle rayson and good perfection shold be in a kynge/
yet ought hit also specially be in them that ben conceyllours of the
kynge and the Quene And the kynge ought not to doo ony thynge doubtouse/
tyll he haue axid counceyll of his Iuges And of the sages of the royame
And therfore ought the Iuge to be parfaytly wyse and sage as well in
science as in good maners/ And that is signefied whan they meue from
thre poynts in to thre/ For the fixt nombre by whiche they goo alle
theschequer/ And brynge hem agayn in to her propre place in suche wyse
that thende of her moeuynge is conioyned agayn to the begynnynge of the
place frowhens they departed/ And therfore hit is callid a parfayt
moeuynge.



[Illustration]

_The fyfth chapitre of the fourth Tractate Is of the meuynge of the
knyghtes._


After the yssue of the Alphyns we shall deuyse to yow the yssue & the
moeuynge of the knyghtes/ And we saye that the knyght on the right syde
is whyt/ And on the lifte syde black/ And the yssue and moeuynge of hem
bothe is in one maner whan so is that the knyght on the ryght syde Is
whyt/ The lyfte knyght is black/ The moeuynge of hem is suche/ That the
whyte may goo in to the space of the alphyn/ as hit apperyth of the
knyght on the right side that is whyte. And hath thre yssues fro his
proper place/ one on his ryght syde in the place to fore the labourer/
And hit is well reson that whan the labourer and husbonde man hath
laboured the feldes/ the knyghtes ought to kepe them/ to thentent that
they haue vitailles for them self and their horses/ The second yssue is
that he may meue hym vnto the black space to fore the notarye or draper.
For he is bounden to deffende and kepe them that make his vestementis &
couertours necessarye vnto his body. The thirde yssue is that he may go
on the lifte syde in to the place to fore y'e marchant whiche is sette to
fore the kynge/ the whiche is black/ And the refon is for as moche as he
ought and is holden to deffende the kynge as well as his owen persone/
whan he passith the first draught/ he may goo foure wayes/ And whan he
is in the myddes of the tabler he may goo in to .viii. places fondry/ to
whiche he may renne And in lyke wise may the lyste knyght goo whiche is
black and goth oute of his place in to white/ and in that maner goth the
knyght fightynge by his myght/ and groweth and multiplieth in hys
poyntis/ And ofte tymes by them the felde Is wonne or lost/ A knyghts
vertue and myght is not knowen but by his fightynge/ and in his
fightynge he doth moche harme for as moche as his myght extendeth in to
fo many poyntis/ they ben in many peryllis in theyr fightynge/ And whan
they escape they haue the honour of the game And thus is hit of euery
man the more vailliant/ the more honoured And he that meketh hym self
ofte tymes shyneth clerest.



[Illustration]

_The sixt chapitre of the fourth tractate treleth of the yssue of the
rooks and of her progression._


The moeuynge and yssue of the rooks whiche ben vicairs of the kynge is
suche/ that the ryght rook is black and the lifte rook is whyte/ And
whan the chesse ben sette as well the nobles as the comyn peple first in
their propre places/ The rooks by their propre vertue haue no wey to
yssue but yf hyt be made to them by the nobles or comyn peple/ For they
ben enclosed in their propre sieges/ And the refon why is suche That for
as moche as they ben vicaires lieutenants or comyssioners of the kynge/
Theyr auctoryte is of none effecte to fore they yssue out/ And that they
haue begonne tenhaunce theyr office/ For as longe as they be within the
palais of the kynge/ So longe may they not vse ne execute theyr
commyssion/ But anon as they yssue they may vse theyr auctorite/ And y'e
shall vnderstande that their auctorite is grete/ for they represente the
þsone of the kynge/ and therfore where the tablier is voyde they may
renne alle the tablier/ In lyke wyse as they goon thurgh the royame/ and
they may goo as well white as black as well on the right side & lifte as
foreward and backward/ And as fer may they renne as they fynde the
tablier voyde whether hit be of his aduersaryes as of his owen
felowship/ And whan the rook is in the myddell of the tablier/ he may
goo whiche way he wyll in to foure right lignes on euery side/ and hit
is to wete that he may in no wyse goo cornerwyse/ but allway ryght forth
goynge & comynge as afore is sayd/ wherfore all the subgettis of the
kinge as well good as euyll ought to knowe by their moeuynge that
auctorite of y'e vicaires and comyssioners ought to be verray true
rightwis & Iuste/ and y'e shall vnderstande that they ben stronge and
vertuous in bataylle For the two rooks only may vaynquyfshe a kynge
theyr aduersarye and take hym/ and take from hym his lyf and his royame/
And this was doon whan chirus kynge of perse And darius kynge of medes
slewe baltazar and toke his royame from hym. Whiche was neuew to
euylmoradach vnder whom this game was founden.



[Illustration]

_The seuenth chapitre of the fourth book treteth of the yssue of the
comyn peple &c._


One yffue and one mouynge apperteyneth vnto alle the peple/ For they may
goo fro the poynt they stande in at the first meuynge vnto the thirde
poynt right forth to fore them/ & whan they haue so don they may
afterward meue no more but fro one poynt ryght forth in to an other/ And
they may neuer retorne backward And thus goynge forth fro poynt to poynt
They may gete by vertue and strengthe/ that thynge that the other noble
fynde by dignyte/ And yf the knyghtes and other nobles helpe hem that
they come to the ferthest lygne to fore them where theyr aduersaryes
were sette. They acquyre the dignyte that the quene hath graunted to her
by grace/ For yf ony of them may come to thys sayd ligne/ yf he be white
as labourer draper phisicyen or kepar of the cyte ben/ they reteyne
suche dignyte as the quene hath/ for they haue goten hit/ and than
retornynge agayn homeward/ they may goo lyke as it is sayd in the
chapitre of the quene And yf ony of the pawns that is black/ as the
smyth the marchant the tauerner and the rybaulde may come wyth oute
domage in to the same vtterist ligne/ he shall gete by his vertu the
dignyte of the black quene And y'e shall vnderftande/ whan thyse comyn
peple meue right forth in her ligne/ and fynde ony noble persone or of
the peple of their aduersaries sette in the poynt at on ony side to fore
hym/ In that corner poynt he may take his aduersarye wherther hit be on
the right side or on the lifte/ And the cause is that the aduersaries
ben suspecyous that the comyn peple lye In a wayte to Robbe her goodes
or to take her persones whan they goo vpward right forth. And therfore
he may take in the right angle to fore hym one of his aduersaries/ As he
had espied his persone/ And in the lifte angle as robber of his goodes/
and whether hit be goynge foreward or retornynge fro black to whyte or
whyte to black/ the pawn must allway goo in his right ligne/ and all way
take in the corner that he findeth in his waye/ but he may not goo on
neyther side tyll he hath ben in the furdest ligne of theschequer/ And
that he hath taken the nature of the draughtes of the quene/ And than he
is a fiers/ And than he may goo on alle sides cornerwyse fro poynt to
poynt only as the quene doth fightynge and takynge whom he findeth in
his waye/ And whan he is thus comen to the place where y'e nobles his
aduersaries were sette he shall be named white fiers or black fiers/
after the poynt that he is in/ and there taketh he the dignyte of the
quene &c. And all these thinges may appere to them that beholden y'e
play of the chesse/ and y'e shall vnderstande that no noble man ought to
haue despite of the comyn peple/ for hit hath ben ofte tymes seen/ that
by their vertu & witte/ Diuerce of them haue comen to right highe &
grete astate as poopes bisshoppes Emþerours and kynges/ As we haue in
the historye of Dauid that was made kynge/ of a shepherd and one of the
comyn peple/ and of many other &c. And in lyke wyse we rede of the
contrary/ that many noble men haue ben brought to myserye by their
defaulte As of gyges whiche was right riche of landes and of richesses
And was so proude that he wente and demanded of the god appollo/ yf ther
were ony in the world more riche or more happy than he was/ and than he
herde a voys that yssued out of the fosse or pitte of the sacrefices/
that a peple named agalaus sophide whiche were poure of goodes and riche
of corage was more acceptable than he whiche was kynge And thus the god
Appollo alowed more the sapience & the seurte of the poure man and of
his lityll mayne/ than he dide the astate and the persone of giges ne of
his ryche mayne/ And hit is more to alowe a lityll thynge seurly
poursiewed than moche good taken in fere and drede And for as moche as a
man of lowe lignage is by his vertue enhaunsed so moche the more he
ought to be glorious and of good renomee/ virgile that was born in
lombardye of y'e nacion of mantua and was of lowe and symple lignage/
yet he was souerayn in wisedom and science and the moste noble of alle
the poetes/ of whome the renome is and shall be durynge the world/ so
hit happend that an other poete axid and demanded of hym wherfore he
setted not the versis of homere in his book/ And he answerd that he
shold be of right grete strength and force that shold pluck the clubbe
out of hercules handes/ And thys suffyceth the state and draughtis of
the comyn peple &c.



[Illustration]

_The eyght chapitre and the last of the fourth book of the epilogacion
and recapitulation of this book._


For as moche as we see and knowe that the memorye of the peple is not
retentyf but right forgetefull whan some here longe talis & historyes
whiche they can not alle reteyne in her mynde or recorde Therfore I haue
put in this present chapitre all y'e thynges abouesayd as shortly as I
haue conne/ First this playe or game was founden in the tyme of
euilmerodach kynge of Babilone/ And exerses the philosopher otherwyse
named philometer fonde hit/ And the cause why/ was for the corre3tion of
the kynge lyke as hit apperith in thre the first chapitres/ for the said
kynge was so tyrannous and felon that he might suffre no correction/ But
slewe them and dide do put hem to deth/ that corre3tid hym/ and had than
do put to deth many right wyse men Than the peple beynge sorowfull and
ryght euyll plesid of this euyll lyf of the kynge prayd and requyred the
philosopher/ that he wolde repryse and telle the kynge of his folye/ And
than the philosopher answerd that he shold be dede yf he so dide/ and
the peple sayd to hym/ Certes thou oughtest sonner wille to dye to
thende that thy renome myght come to the peple/ than the lyf of the
kynge shold contynue in euyll for lacke of thy counceyll/ or by faulte
of reprehension of the/ or that thou darst not doo and shewe/ that thou
faist/ And whan the philosopher herd this he promisid to the peple y't
he wold put hym in deuoyr to correcte hym/ and than he began to thynke
in what maner he myght escape the deth and kepe to the peple his
promesse/ And than thus he made in this maner and ordeyned the schequer
of. lxiiii. poynts as Is afore sayd/ And dide doo make the forme of
chequers of gold and siluer In humayne fygure after the facyons and
formes as we haue dyuysid and shiewid to yow to fore in theyr chapitres/
And ordeyned the moeuynge and thestate after that it is said in the
chapitres of theschesses And whan the philosopher had thus ordeyned the
playe or game/ and that hit plesid alle them that sawe hit/ on a tyme as
the philosopher playd on hit/ the kynge cam and sawe hit and desired to
playe at this game/ And than the phylosopher began tenseigne and teche
the kynge the science of the playe & the draughtes. Saynge to hym fyrst
how the kynge ought to haue in hymself pytie. debonairte and rightwisnes
as hit is said to fore in the chapitre of the kynge And he enseygned to
hym the estate of the queue and what maners she ought to haue And than
of the alphyns as connceyllours and luges of the royame And after the
nature of the knyghtes/ how they ought to be wise. trewe and curtoys and
alle the ordre of knyghthode And than after/ the nature of the vicaires
& rooks as hit apperyth in theyr chappitre And after this how the comyn
peple ought to goo eche in his office/ And how they ought to serue the
nobles. And whan the philosopher had thus taught and enseigned the kynge
and his nobles by the maner of the playe and had rephended hym of his
euyll maners/ The kynge demanded hym vpon payne of deth to telle hym the
cause why and wherfore he had made & founden thys playe and game And
what thynge meuyd hym therto/ And than the philosopher constrayned by
fere and drede answerd/ that he had promysid to the peple whiche had
requyred hym that he shold correcte and reprise the kynge of his euyll
vices/ but for as moche as he doubtid the deth and had seen that the
kynge dide do flee the fages & wyse men/ That were so hardy to blame hym
of his vices/ he was in grete anguysshe & sorowe/ how he myght fynde a
maner to correcte & reprehende the kynge/ And to saue his owen lyf/ and
thus he thought longe & studyed that he fonde thys game or playe/ Whiche
he hath do sette forth for to amende and corre3te the lyf of the kynge
and to change his maners/ and he adioustyd with all that he had founden
this game for so moche as the lordes and nobles habondynge in delyces &
richessis/ And enioynge temporell peas shold eschewe ydlenes by playnge
of this game/ And for to gyue hem cause to leue her pensisnes and
sorowes/ In auysynge & studyynge this game. And whan the kynge had herd
alle thyse causes/ He thought that the philosopher had founde a good
maner of correction/ And than he thanketh hym gretly/ and thus by
thenseygnement and lernynge of the phylosopher he changid his lyf his
maners & alle his euyll condicions And by this maner hit happend that
the kynge that to fore tyme had ben vicyous and disordynate in his
liuyng was made Iuste. and vertuous. debonayre. gracious and and full of
vertues vnto alle peple/ And a man that lyuyth in this world without
vertues liueth not as a man but as a beste[56]/ And therfore my ryght
redoubted lord I pray almighty god to saue the kyng our souerain lord &
to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge & tabounde in all vertues/ & to be
assisted with all other his lordes in such wyse y't his noble royame of
Englond may prospere & habounde in vertues/ and y't synne may be
eschewid iustice kepte/ the royame defended good men rewarded
malefa3tours punysshid & the ydle peple to be put to laboure that he
wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously In conquerynge his
rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray peas and charite may endure in bothe
his royames/ and that marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that
euery man eschewe synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge
your good grace to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the
hope and shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most
humble seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for
your longe lyf & welfare/ whiche he preserue And sende yow
thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs Amen:/:
Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god. a. thousand
foure honderd and lxxiiii



[Footnote 1: Blades' "Life of Caxton," ii., 12.]

[Footnote 2: Mr. Blades enumerates only ten, but between the publication
of his work in 1863 and the appearance in 1880 of a more popular one, an
eleventh copy turned up. It is described further on. As both editions of
Mr. Blades' book are frequently cited, it may be stated here that where
the reference is to the page only, the one volume edition of 1880
is meant.]

[Footnote 3: Blades, ii., 12.]

[Footnote 4: Van der Linde, "Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels,"
Berlin, 1874, ii., 125.]

[Footnote 5: Blades, ii., 48.]

[Footnote 6: Blades, ii., 97.]

[Footnote 7: Blades, ii., 95.]

[Footnote 8: Dibdin's "Bibliotheca Spenceriana," iv., 195.]

[Footnote 9: See Prosper Marchand, "Dict. Hist.," t. i., p. 181.]

[Footnote 10: "Les Bibliothéques Françoises de La Croix du Maine et de
Du Verdier." n. e. Paris, 1782, t. i., p. 493.]

[Footnote 11: Dr. Van der Linde, "Geschichte," 114.]

[Footnote 12: Cf. Van der Linde, "Geschichte," and his "Jartausend."]

[Footnote 13: Jaubert, cited by Van der Linde, "Geschichte," t. i., p.
122.]

[Footnote 14: Blades' "Caxton," 173-175.]

[Footnote 15: Blades, i., 166.]

[Footnote 16: "Geschichte," i., 29. There is a manuscript copy in the
Chetham Library, Manchester, which he does not name. It came from the
Farmer Collection, and is in a volume containing a number of fifteenth
century Latin tracts. See account of European MSS. in the Chetham
Library, Manchester, by James Orchard Halliwell, F.R.S., Manchester,
1842, p. 15.]

[Footnote 17: "Bulletin du Bibliophile," 1836-1837, 2ième serie, p.
527.]

[Footnote 18: "Academy," July 12, 1881.]

[Footnote 19: Blades' "Life of Caxton," vol. ii., p. 9.]

[Footnote 20: "De regimine Principum," a poem by Thomas Occleve, written
in the reign of Henry IV. Edited, for the first time, by Thomas Wright,
Esq., M.A., F.S.A., &c. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London: J. B.
Nichols, 1860, 410.]

[Footnote 21: Warton's "History of English Poetry," 1871, iii., 44.]

[Footnote 22: The fires of purgatory are finely and amply illustrated in
the story at p. 110, whilst the power of the saints and the value of
pilgrimages would be impressed upon the hearers by the narrative of the
miracles wrought by St. James of Compostella (p. 136)]

[Footnote 23: "Hist. of Siege of Troye."]

[Footnote 24: "Works of Polidore Virgil." London, 1663, p. 95.]

[Footnote 25: Græsse: Trésor, s.v. Sydrach. See also Warton's "History
of English Poetry," 1871, vol. ii., p. 144, Hazlitt's "Handbook of Early
English Literature," p. 43.]

[Footnote 26: Hoeffer: "Nouvelle Biographie Universelle."]

[Footnote 27: Hoeffer, "Nouvelle Biographie Générale," xxxiii. 818.]

[Footnote 28: Brunei, "Manuel du Libraire," s. v. Gesta.]

[Footnote 29: "Gesta Romanorum," edited by Herrtage. London, 1879, p.
vii.]

[Footnote 30: Occleve, "De Regimine Principum," p. 199.]

[Footnote 31: "Curiosities of Search Room." London, 1880, p. 32.]

[Footnote 32: "Percy Anecdotes: Domestic Life," iv. 446.]

[Footnote 33: Dunlop, "History of Fiction," 1876, p. 259.]

[Footnote 34: "Latin Stories," edited by Thomas Wright. Percy Society,
1842, p. 222.]

[Footnote 35: See "Gesta Romanorum," edit, by Herrtage, p. 364.]

[Footnote 36: "On Two Collections of Mediæval Moralized Tales," by John
K. Ingram, LL.D. Dublin, 1882, p. 137.]

[Footnote 37: Muratori: "Rerum Italicarum Scriptores," t. i. p. 465.]

[Footnote 38: Wright, "Latin Stories," p. 235.]

[Footnote 39: "Francis of Assisi," Mrs. Oliphant. London, 1874, p. 87.]

[Footnote 40: "Valerius Maximus," vi. 2, 3.]

[Footnote 41: It will be sufficient here to refer for further details to
the following works:--"Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels," von
Antonius van der Linde, Berlin, 1874, 2 vols.; "Quellenstudien zur
Gefchichte des Schachspiels," von Dr. A. v.d.Linde, Berlin, 1881.]

[Footnote 42: This dedication is omitted in the second edition.]

[Footnote 43: Second edit. reads "Thossyce of notaries/ aduocates
scriueners and drapers and clothmakers capitulo iii"]

[Footnote 44: Sec. edit. reads "The forme of phisiciens leches spycers
and appotycaryes"]

[Footnote 45: Sec. edit. "Of tauerners hostelers & vitaillers"]

[Footnote 46: Sec. edit. "Of kepers of townes Receyuers of custum and
tollenars"]

[Footnote 47: Sec. edit. "Of messagers currours Rybauldes and players at
the dyse"]

[Footnote 48: "democrite" in the sec. edit.]

[Footnote 49: "beclyppe" in sec. edit.]

[Footnote 50: "demotene" in sec. edit.]

[Footnote 51: "demostenes" in sec. edit.]

[Footnote 52: "blisful" in the sec. edit.--The reading of the first
edition is evidently a misprint.]

[Footnote 53: Sec. edit. "buneuentayns."]

[Footnote 54: sec. edit, "y nough."]

[Footnote 55: sec. edit. "by the martel or hamer."]

[Footnore 55: "And therfore &c." to the end, is wanting in the second
edition, and, instead thereof, the treatife concludes in the
following manner--

"Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith
this litel book redde take therby enfaumple to amende hym.

Explicit per Caxton."]



GLOSSARY


Aas; ace.
Aduocacions; Latin _advocationis_, assembly of advocates, the bar.
Agaynesaynge; gain-saying.
Alphyns. The alphin, or elephant, was the piece answering to the bishop
   in the modern game of chess.
Ameruaylled; astonished.
Ample, ampole; Latin _ampulla_, vessel for holding liquids.
Ancellys; Latin _ancilla_, handmaids, concubines.
Appertly; openly.
Appetissid; satisfied, satiated.
Ardautly [ardantly]; ardently.
Arrache; French _arracher_, to pull, to pluck.

Auenture; adventure.
Axe; ask.

Barate; trouble, suffering.
Beaulte; beauty.
Benerous; French _bénir_, blessed.
Besaunt; besant, a Byzantine gold coin.
Beneurte; French _bonheur_, good fortune.
Bole; bull.
Bourdellys; brothels, stews.
Butters; freebooters.
Butyn; French _butin_, plunder, spoils.

Chamberyer; Chambrere; woman servant, concubine.
Chequer; chefs-board.
Chauffed; French _échauffer_, to warm.
Compaignon; French _compagnon_, companion.
Connynge; cunning, knowledge.
Corrompith; French _corrompre_, to corrupt.
Couenable; French _convenable_, proper, fit.
Courrours; French _coureurs_, runners, messengers.
Curatours; guardians, trustees.

Dampned; condemned.
Debonairly; debonairte, French de ban air, in a good manner, with good
   will.
Depesshed; French depecher, defpatched.
Deporte; deport.
Devour; French devoir, duty.
Dismes; Latin decimal, tenths, or tithes.
Disobeyfance; disobedience.
Difpendynge; spending.
Distemprance; intemperance.
Dolabre; Latin dolabra, axe, pick-axe.
Doubted; redoubted, of doughty.
Drawhtes; draughts, movements.
Drof; drove.
Dronkelewe; drunkenness.
Dronkenshyp; drunkenness.
Dyse; dice.

Enbrasid; embraced.
Enpessheth; French empécher, to forbid.
Enpoigne; French empoigner, to take in hand.
Enfeygned; French enfeigner, to teach.
Eschauffed; French échauffer, to warm.
Esmoued; French émouvoir, to move.
Espicers; French epicier.
Espryfed; French epris, taken.
Ewrous, in; French heureuse, happy.

Feet; French fait, act, feat.
Ferremens. See Serremens.
Flessly; fleshily.
Folelarge; prodigal, extravagant.
Fumee; French fumee, smoke, vapour.
Garnyfche; garnish, adorn, set off.
Genere; general.
Goddes man; godsman, saint or religious person.
Gossibs; gossyb; gossips, gossip.
Gree; French gré, liking.
Grucche; grudge.
Guarisshors; French guèrir, to cure.

Hauoyr; French avoir, possessions.
Herberowe; harbour.
Historiagraph; historian.
Hoos; hoarse.

Iape; jape, trick.

Jolye, lvii; fine (French joli).

Keruars; carvers.

Langed; belonged.
Latrocynye; Latin latrocinium.
Lecherye; lechery.
Letted; prevented.

Male; mail, trunk.
Maleheurte; French malheur, misfortune, sorrow.
Maronners; mariners.
Martel; hammer.
Meure; French moeurs, manners.
Mordent; biting.
Mortifyed;  mortified, deadened.
Mufyque; mufic.

Nonne; nun.
Noye; annoyance.

Oeuurages; French outrages, works.
Oftencion; show.
Olefauntes; elephants.
Oughwer; over.
Oultrage; outrage.

Pardurable; everlasting.
Parfyt; French parfait, perfeft.
Pawon; pawn.
Payringe; "without a pareing," i.e. undiminished.
Peages; peagers; French péage, péager. A local tax on merchandise in
   paflage for the maintenance of roads and bridges. A gatherer of
   the péage.
Pensee; French pensée, thought.
Pourueance; providence.
Rawe; rough.
Renomee; renown.
Roynyous; ruinous.
Rybauldes; ribalds.

Saciat; satiated.
Sawlter; þsalter.
Scawage; scavage, toll or tax.
Semblant; French sembler, to appear, to seem.
Serremens; cerements.
Siege; feat.
Slear; slayer.
Spores; spurs.
Spyncoppis; spiders.
Stracched; stretched.
Supplye; French supplier, to supplicate.
Syfe; fix.

Tacches; gifts, bequests. A. S. tacan, having the double meaning of
   giving and taking.
Tapyte; carpet.
Tencyons; temptations.
Trycheur; tricker.
Tryste; sad.
Tutours; tutors, guardians.

Vignours; vine-dresser.

Wetyngly; knowingly.

Yates; gates.
Yre; ire.



INDEX


Abel,
Abner,
Absalom,
Abstrastion,
Abysay,
Accusation, false,
Adam,
Adultery,
Adversity,
Advocates,
Ægidius Romanus. See Colonna.
Agyos,
Albert gauor,
Alchorne library,
Alexander,
Alisander,
Alixanander,
Alphyn,
Altagone,
Ambrose, St.,
Amity,
Ammenhaufen,
Ammomtes,
Amos florus,
Amphicrates,
Anastatius,
Anaximenes,
Andrea, Giovanni,
Anger,
Anguissola,
Anna,
Anthonie,
Anthonius,
Anthony, St.,
Anthonyus,
Antigonus,
Antonius,
Antygone,
Ape,
Apollo,
Apollodorus,
Apothecaries,
Aquinas, St. Thomas,
Archezille,
Arismetryque,
Arispe,
Aristides,
Aristippus,
Aristotle,
Armour,
Astronomy,
Athenes,
Aubrey, John,
Audley, Lord,
Augustine, St.,
Augustus, Cæsar,
Aulus Gellius,
Austyn, Saynt. See Augustine.
Auycene,
Auycenne,
Avarice,
Avicenna,
Axedrez,

Babylon and the Chess-board,
Baldness of Cæsar,
Baltazar,
Bankes, Rev. Edw.,
Barbers, women,
Bafille le grant,
Basil, St.,
Bearers of letters,
Beauty and chastity.
Bees,
Begging,
Beringen, H. von,
Bernard, W.,
Bernard, St.,
Biblical allusions,
Bibliography of the Chess-book,
Birds,
Blades, William,
Blindness, philosophical,
Blind, raised letters for,
Boasting,
Bocchus,
Bodleian Library,
Body of Man a castle of Jefus,
Boece,
Boecius,
Boethius,
Boneuentan,
Borrowing,
Boys, R.,
Breath, stinking,
Brevio, Giovanni,
Bribery,
Bromyard, John of,
Brudgys. See Bruges.
Bruges,
Brunet, J.C.,
Brutus,
Burgundy, Duchess of,
Bull of copper,
Bulls,

Cadrus, duc of athenes,
Cæsolis. See Cessoles.
Cain,
Calderino, Giovanni,
Calengius,
Cambridge Public Library,
Cambyfes,
Cantanus,
Capayre,
Carpenters,
Carthage,
Carvers,
Cassalis. See Cessoles.
Cassiodorus,
Castle of Jesus Christ,
Castulis. See Cessoles.
Casulis. See Cessoles.
Cato,
Cauftons,
Caxton, William,
   prologue of Chess-book, epilogue, finished in 1474, his account of
   the translation, printed at Bruges, translated from the French,
   adapts De Vignay's dedications, translates Vegetius, chief dates of
   his life, opinion of lawyers, epilogue to Chefs-book, editions of
   it, representative of a new time for literature, at Ghent
Caym.
Cesar.
Cesolis. See Cessoles.
Cessole. See Cessoles.
Cessoles, Jacques de.
Cessulis. See Cessoles.
Cesulis. See Cessoles.
Cezolis, de. See Cessoles.
Cezoli. See Cessoles.
Cham.
Changers.
Charlemagne.
Chastity.
Chequer.
Chess-book,
   copies of first edition described; prices at which it has sold; where
   printed; second edition described; when printed; prices at which it
   has sold; translated from the French; Ferron's version; version in
   French verse; De Vignay's version.
Chess, game of.
-- how the board is made.
-- manner of its invention.
-- moralized.
-- movements of pieces.
Chetham Library.
Child hostages.
Children, ungrateful.
Chivalry.
Cicero.
Cities, guarding.
Clarence, George, Duke of.
Claudian.
Clip.
Cloth cutters.
-- merchants.
-- workers.
Colatyne.
Colonna, Guido.
Common life.
Common people;
   not to be despised; not to be at councils; those who have become
   great.
-- profit.
-- weal.
Commonwealth.
Communities.
Community of goods.
Contemplation.
Continence.
Connaxa, Jehan.
Cordwainers.
Cossoles, de. See Cessoles.
Council, women apt in.
Courage.
Courcelles, de. See Cessoles.
Couriers.
Covetousness.
Crafts.
Crete.
Crime and punishment.
Crown apostrophized.
Cruelty.
Cunliffe, H.
-- J.
Cures, accidental and scientific.
Curse.
Cursus.
Curtius Marcus.
Curtius Quintus.
Customary and natural law.
Customers.
Cyrurgyens.
Cyrus.

Dacciesole. See Cessoles.
Damiani, Cardinal,
Damiano,
Damocles,
Damon,
Dares (Darius),
Daughters and their ancestresses,
Daughter, dutiful,
David,
Death,
  from joy,
Defence of the people,
Defortes,
Delves, Sir Thomas,
Demetrius Phalerus,
Democrion,
Democritus,
Democritus of Abdera,
Demothenes,
Denys,
De Vignay. See Vignay.
Devonshire, Duke of,
Dialogus creaturarum
Dibdin, T.F.,
Dice,
  play for a foul,
Didymus,
Diogenes,
Diogenes Lærtius,
Diomedes,
Diomedes, a "theefe of the see,"
Dion Cassius,
Dionysius,
Dionyse,
Disobedient children,
Divine right,
Dog and the Shadow,
Drapers,
Draughts of the Chess,
Drunkenness,
  danger of,
Duele,
Dunlop, J.,
Durand,
Du Verdier,
Dydymus,
Dyers,
Dyna,
Dyonyse,

Ebert,
Ecclesiastes,
Edward I.,
Edward IV.,
Education of kings,
Education of physician,
Egidius Romanus.  See Colonna.
Election, or hereditary succession?
Elephants,
Elimandus,
Emelie,
Emmerancian,
Emyon,
England's good old times,
Enulphus,
Envy,
Ermoaldus,
Ethics,
Eustace, Guillaum,
Eve,
Evilmerodach,
Example,

Fabian,
Fabius,
Fabricius,
Faith,
Faron. See Ferron.
Fear,
Fears of a tyrant,
Feron. See Ferron.
Ferron, Jean,
Fevre, Raoul le,
Fidelity,
Figgins, V.,
Florus,
Folly
Fools
Forbes, D.
Forgers
Fornier
Fortune misdoubted
Framosian
Francis of Assisi
Frederick II.
Friend in need
Friends, many and few
 and enemies
Friendship
Frugality
Fullers

Gaguin, Robert
Galen
Galeren
Galyene
Game at Chesse
Ganazath, John of
Gaunt
Gauchay, H. de
Gauchy, H. de
Gazée, Angelin
Genoa
Geometry
Gereon, St.
Gesta Romanorum
Ghent, White-friars
Gibbet
Gifts
Gildo
Gilles de Rome. See Colonna.
Gluttony
Godaches
Godebert
Golden Legend
Goldsmiths
Good old times
Goribert
Goribald
Government of wise men
Græsse, J.G.T.
Grammarians
Gregory Nazianzen
Grenville Library
Grymald
Guards of cities
Guests and hosts
Guido
Guilt not to be punished in wrath
Guye
Gyles of Regement of Prynces
Gyges

Hain, Ludovici
Hakam II.
Halliwell, J. O.
Ham
Hanniball
Haroun-al-Rashid
Hate
Hazlitt, W. C.
Health
Helemand. See Helinand.
Helemond. See Helinand.
Helemonde, See Helinand.
Helimond. See Helinand.
Helinand
Helmond. See Helinand.
Heredity, influence of
Hereford, N. de
Hermits
Herodes Antipas
Heredotus
Herrtage, S. J.
Hippocrates
Hoeffer
Holford, J.
Holy Mawle
Holy Scripture
Homer
Honesty
Horse and the thief
Hospitallers
Hosts, duties of
Hound and the cheese
Hunger
  and piety

Idols
Iene (Genoa)
Inglis Library
Ingram, Prof.
Inns
Inns, thievish servants
Instaulosus
Intemperance

James of Compostella
Jaubert
Jean II. of France
Jehanne de Borgoigne
Jerome
Joab
John Baptist
John of Ganazath
John the Monke (Giovanni Andrea)
Josephus
Jovinian
Joy, its dangers
Jherome. See Jerome.
Judas Machabeus
Judges' duties
  skin
Jugglers
Julius Cæsar
Justice

Keepers of towns
King, estate and duties of
  should take council
  unpleasantness of the office
Kings, unlettered
Knight, education
  estate and duties
Knight's followers
Köpke, Dr. E.

Labourers' office and duties
La Croix du Maine
Langley, John
Large, Alderman Robert
Latrunculi
Laws
  like cobwebs
Law courts
Lawyers
Lear and his daughters
Leber, C.
Lechery
Legenda Aurea
Legende Dorée
Lending
Letter-carriers
Liberality
Liber de Moribus Hominum. See Cessoles.
Lineage, high and low
Linde, Dr. A. van
Ligurgyus
Literature
Livy
Logicians
Lot
Love
Love of the commonweal
Love of nature
Lowndes, W. T.
Loyalty
Lucan
Lucretia
Luther
Luxury
Lycurgus
Lydgate
Lying
Lyna
Lylimachus

Macrobius
Madden, Sir F.
Mainwaring, Sir H.
Magnanimity
Malechete
Mansion, Colard, teacher and partner of Caxton
Marchand, Prosper
Mariners
Marshals
Martial
Masons
Meats and Drinks
Medicines
Mennel, Dr. J.
Meon
Merchandise
Merchant, anecdote
Merchant, dishonest
Merchant who valued his good name
Merchants
Merchants of Bandach and Egipte
Merciall
Merculian
Mercy
Messengers
Metalworkers
Meung, Jehan de
_Mollis Aer_
Money, its force
Moneyers
Money-lenders,
_Mulier_, derivation of
Muratori
Music

Natural laws
Nature, rule of
Nero
Nicephorus
Noah
Nobility
Noblemen
Nogaret
Normandie, Duc de
Notaries, office of
Novella
Nun, anecdote of a

Oaths
Oaths of princes
Occleve
Octauian
Oddrale
Office no inheritance
Offices
Officials
Oldbuck, Jonathan
Originality
Osma, Bishop of
Ovid

Palamedes
Papirion
Papirus
Paradise lost
Pardoning a mother for the daughter's sake
Passage money
Patharich
Paul, St.
Paul, the historiagraph
Paulus, Diaconus
Paulyne
Pawn
Pembroke, Earl of
Penapion
Percy Anecdotes
Pers Alphons. See Petrus Alphonsus
Petit, L. M.
Petrus Alphonsus,
Philarde,
Philip Augustus,
Philippe le Bel,
Philippe le Hardi,
Philomenus,
Philostratus,
Philometor,
Phisias. See Pythias.
Physicians,
Physiognomy,
Pigmentaries,
Pilgrimages,
Piron,
Pirre,
Pitman, Isaac,
Pity,
Plaisters,
Plato,
Polygamy,
Polygamy or polyandry?
Pompeye,
Porters of gates,
Porus,
Poverty,
Princes' oaths and promises,
Prisoners,
Prodigality,
Promises,
Proverbs,
Ptolome,
Publius Ceser,
Purgatory,
Pyrrhus,
Pythias,

Quaritch, Bernard,
Quarrels,
Queen, estate and duties,
Quintilian,
Quintus Catullus,

Reason,
Regimine Principum. See Colonna.
Religion,
Religious communities,
Renatus, Vegetius Flavius,
Reyna Vezina,
Ribalds,
Riches,
Rivers,
Robbers,
Robbery,
Romanus, Egidius. See Colonna.
Romans, character of,
Rome, Gilles de. See Colonna.
Rook,
Rook, chess-piece,
Rooks, form and manners,

Sallust,
Scenocrates,
Schoolmaster who betrays the children,
Scipio,
Scott, Sir Walter,
Scriveners,
Scylla,
Secrets,
Semiramis,
Seneca,
Septemulle,
Servants,
Sesselis. See Cessoles.
Shakespeare,
Shamefastness,
Scheible, J.,
Ships and shipwrecks,
Sidrac,
Slander,
Sloane, John,
Smith, office and duty of,
Smith, R.,
Snuffy Davy,
Sobriety,
Socrates,
Solinus,
Solomon,
Solynus,
Speculum Laicorum,
Spelling reform,
Spencer, Earl,
Spicers,
Stars and clouds,
Stephan,
St. James of Compostella,
Suicide,
Surgeons,
Syrens, Fountain of the,
Symmachus,
Syrians,

Tacitus,
Tailors,
Tarascon, Bertrand de,
Tarchus,
Tarentum,
Tarpeia,
Tarquin,
Tartar women go to the wars,
Tassile,
Taverners,
Tessalis. See Ceffoles.
Tessellis. See Ceffoles.
Themes,
Themistides,
Theodorus Cyrenaicus,
Theodosius,
Theophrastus,
Theryle,
Thessolonia, J. de. See Cessoles.
Thessolonica, J. de. See Cessoles.
Thessolus, J. de. See Cessoles.
Thieves,
Thievish inn servants,
Thobie,
Thorn's Anecdotes and Traditions,
Tiberius,
Timon,
Tinque,
Titus,
Toll-gatherers,
Torture,
Trajan,
Treachery, 60, 61.
Trevisa, John,
Troy, and the invention of Chess,
Troy-book,
Truphes of the Philosophers,
Trustee, dishonest,
Truth,
Tullius. See Cicero.
Turgeius Pompeius,
Tyranny,
Tyrus. See Cyrus.

Valere. See Valerius Maximus.
Valerian,
Valerius Maximus,
Valerye. See Valerius Maximus.
Varro,
Vergil, Polydore,
Vespasian,
Vessels, earthen,
Victory,
Victuallers,
Vignay, Jehan de,
Vine legend,
Virgil,
Virginity,
Visions,
Vitas Patrum
Vow of a woman

Wages should be paid punctually
War
Warton, T.
Warwick, George, Earl of
Weavers
Weft, J.
White Friars at Ghent
Wilbraham, Roger
Wilson, "Snuffy Davy"
Wine
Wine forbidden to women
Wine, origin of
Wisdom
Woollen merchants
Workmen
Workmen, office and duty
Woman
  advice
  education
  vow
  and lawyers
  dangers abroad
  forbidden to drink wine
  going to the wars
Women barbers
Wright, T.

Xanthippé
Xenocrates
Xenophon
Xerxes the philosopher

Ylye
Youth and government
Ypocras
Ysaye





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