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Title: The North American Indian
Author: Curtis, Edward S., 1868-1952
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The North American Indian" ***
[Illustration: The Pool - Apache]
The Pool - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
The North American Indian
Being A Series Of Volumes Picturing And Describing
The Indians Of The United States And Alaska
Written, Illustrated, And Published By Edward S. Curtis
Edited By Frederick Webb Hodge
Foreword By Theodore Roosevelt
Field Research Conducted Under The Patronage Of J. Pierpont Morgan
In Twenty Volumes This, The First Volume, Published In The Year Nineteen
Hundred And Seven
JOHNSON REPRINT CORPORATION
111 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10003
JOHNSON REPRINT COMPANY LTD.
Berkeley Square House, London, W1X6BA
Copyright 1907, by Edward S. Curtis
_Landmarks in Anthropology_, a series of reprints in cultural
anthropology
_General Editor:_ Weston La Barre
First reprinting 1970, Johnson Reprint Corporation
CONTENTS
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME ONE
THE APACHE
HISTORICAL SKETCH
HOMELAND AND LIFE
MYTHOLOGY - CREATION MYTH
MEDICINE AND MEDICINE-MEN
THE MESSIAH CRAZE
PUBERTY RITE
DANCE OF THE GODS
THE JICARILLAS
HOME AND GENERAL CUSTOMS
MYTHOLOGY - CREATION MYTH
MIRACLE PERFORMERS
ORIGIN OF FIRE
THE NAVAHO
HOME LIFE, ARTS, AND BELIEFS
HISTORY
MYTHOLOGY - CREATION MYTH
MIRACLE PERFORMERS
LEGEND OF THE HAPPINESS CHANT
LEGEND OF THE NIGHT CHANT
CEREMONIES—THE NIGHT CHANT
MATURITY CEREMONY
MARRIAGE
APPENDIX
TRIBAL SUMMARY - THE APACHE
THE JICARILLAS
THE NAVAHO
SOUTHERN ATHAPASCAN COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY
INDEX
ALPHABET USED IN RECORDING INDIAN TERMS
[The consonants are as in English, except when otherwise noted]
a as in father
ă as in cat
â as _aw_ in awl
ai as in aisle
e as _ey_ in they
ĕ as in net
i as in machine
ĭ as in sit
o as in old
ŏ as in not
ô as _ow_in how
oi as in oil
u as in ruin
ŭ as in nut
ü as in German hütte
ụ as in push
h always aspirated
q as _qu_ in quick
th as in thaw
w as in wild
y as in year
ch as in church
sh as in shall, sash
n nasal, as in French dans
zh as _z_ in azure
’ a pause
ILLUSTRATIONS
The Pool - Apache
_Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho
Illustration: Theodore Roosevelt
White River - Apache
By The Sycamore - Apache
The Fire Drill - Apache
A Noonday Halt - Navaho
Apache Camp
Typical Apache
_Ténokai_ - Apache
At The Ford - Apache
The Bathing Pool - Apache
_Alchĭsé_ - Apache
Mescal Hills - Apache
Primitive Apache Home
Cutting Mescal - Apache
Mescal - Apache
Filling the Pit - Apache
The Covered Pit - Apache
Apache Still Life
Among the Oaks - Apache
Mescal Camp - Apache
Sacred Buckskin - Apache
Apache Girl
The Ford - Apache
Apache Medicine-man
Maternity Belt - Apache
Medicine Cap and Fetish - Apache
_Dan Lan_ - Apache
Apache Village
Sand Mosaic - Apache
Apache _Gaŭn_
Apache Maiden
Lone Tree Lodge - Jicarilla
A Jicarilla
A Jicarilla Feast March
Jicarillas
Jeditoh - Navaho
Lake Lajara - Navaho
Into the Desert - Navaho
Nature’s Mirror - Navaho
Canon _Hogan_ - Navaho
A Drink in the Desert - Navaho
Under the Cottonwoods - Navaho
Cornfields in Canon Del Muerto - Navaho
The Blanket Maker - Navaho
_Pĭké̆hodĭklad_ - Navaho
_Hástĭn Yázhĕ_ - Navaho
Navaho _Hogan_
Navaho Still Life
Navaho Medicine-man
Through the Canon - Navaho
Evening in the Desert - Navaho
_Hasché̆ltĭ_ - Navaho
_Haschógan_ - Navaho
Antelope Ruin - Canon del Muerto
_Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho
_Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ_ - Navaho
_Hasché̆zhĭnĭ_ - Navaho
_Ga__n__askĭdĭ_ - Navaho
_Tónenĭlĭ_ - Navaho
_Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho
_Haschĕbaád_ - Navaho
_Gá__n__ askĭdĭ. Zahadolzhá. Hasché̆ltĭ_ - Navaho
_Tónenĭlĭ, Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ, Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho
_Yébĭchai_ Sweat - Navaho
_Pĭkéhodĭklad_ - Navaho
_Shĭlhné’ohlĭ_ - Navaho
_Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho
_Yébĭchai Hogán_ - Navaho
_Yébĭchai_ Dancers - Navaho
Mescal Harvest - Apache
White River Valley - Apache
_Nalin Lage_ - Apache
Infant Burial - Apache
_Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ_ - Navaho
_Ga__n__askĭdĭ_ - Navaho
_Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho
_Hasché̆ltĭ_, _Haschĕbaád_, _Zahadolzhá_—Navaho
Navaho Women
_Photogravures by John Andrew & Son, Boston._
[Illustration: _Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho]
_Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
FOREWORD
_In Mr. Curtis we have both an artist and a trained observer, whose
pictures are pictures, not merely photographs; whose work has far more
than mere accuracy, because it is truthful. All serious students are to be
congratulated because he is putting his work in permanent form; for our
generation offers the last chance for doing what Mr. Curtis has done. The
Indian as he has hitherto been is on the point of passing away. His life
has been lived under conditions thru which our own race past so many ages
ago that not a vestige of their memory remains. It would be a veritable
calamity if a vivid and truthful record of these conditions were not kept.
No one man alone could preserve such a record in complete form. Others
have worked in the past, and are working in the present, to preserve parts
of the record; but Mr. Curtis, because of the singular combination of
qualities with which he has been blest, and because of his extraordinary
success in making and using his opportunities, has been able to do what no
other man ever has done; what, as far as we can see, no other man could
do. He is an artist who works out of doors and not in the closet. He is a
close observer, whose qualities of mind and body fit him to make his
observations out in the field, surrounded by the wild life he
commemorates. He has lived on intimate terms with many different tribes of
the mountains and the plains. He knows them as they hunt, as they travel,
as they go about their various avocations on the march and in the camp. He
knows their medicine men and sorcerers, their chiefs and warriors, their
young men and maidens. He has not only seen their vigorous outward
existence, but has caught glimpses, such as few white men ever catch, into
that strange spiritual and mental life of theirs; from whose innermost
recesses all white men are forever barred. Mr. Curtis in publishing this
book is rendering a real and great service; a service not only to our own
people, but to the world of scholarship everywhere._
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
_October 1st, 1906._
[Illustration: Theodore Roosevelt]
[Illustration: White River - Apache]
White River - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
The task of recording the descriptive material embodied in these volumes,
and of preparing the photographs which accompany them, had its inception
in 1898. Since that time, during each year, months of arduous labor have
been spent in accumulating the data necessary to form a comprehensive and
permanent record of all the important tribes of the United States and
Alaska that still retain to a considerable degree their primitive customs
and traditions. The value of such a work, in great measure, will lie in
the breadth of its treatment, in its wealth of illustration, and in the
fact that it represents the result of personal study of a people who are
rapidly losing the traces of their aboriginal character and who are
destined ultimately to become assimilated with the "superior race."
It has been the aim to picture all features of the Indian life and
environment—types of the young and the old, with their habitations,
industries, ceremonies, games, and everyday customs. Rather than being
designed for mere embellishment, the photographs are each an illustration
of an Indian character or of some vital phase in his existence. Yet the
fact that the Indian and his surroundings lend themselves to artistic
treatment has not been lost sight of, for in his country one may treat
limitless subjects of an æsthetic character without in any way doing
injustice to scientific accuracy or neglecting the homelier phases of
aboriginal life. Indeed, in a work of this sort, to overlook those
marvellous touches that Nature has given to the Indian country, and for
the origin of which the native ever has a wonder-tale to relate, would be
to neglect a most important chapter in the story of an environment that
made the Indian much of what he is. Therefore, being directly from Nature,
the accompanying pictures show what actually exists or has recently
existed (for many of the subjects have already passed forever), not what
the artist in his studio may presume the Indian and his surroundings to
be.
The task has not been an easy one, for although lightened at times by the
readiness of the Indians to impart their knowledge, it more often required
days and weeks of patient endeavor before my assistants and I succeeded in
overcoming the deep-rooted superstition, conservatism, and secretiveness
so characteristic of primitive people, who are ever loath to afford a
glimpse of their inner life to those who are not of their own. Once the
confidence of the Indians gained, the way led gradually through the
difficulties, but long and serious study was necessary before knowledge of
the esoteric rites and ceremonies could be gleaned.
At times the undertaking was made congenial by our surroundings in
beautiful mountain wild, in the depths of primeval forest, in the
refreshing shade of cañon wall, or in the homes and sacred places of the
Indians themselves; while at others the broiling desert sun, the
sand-storm, the flood, the biting blast of winter, lent anything but
pleasure to the task.
The word-story of this primitive life, like the pictures, must be drawn
direct from Nature. Nature tells the story, and in Nature’s simple words I
can but place it before the reader. In great measure it must be written as
these lines are—while I am in close touch with the Indian life.
At the moment I am seated by a beautiful brook that bounds through the
forests of Apacheland. Numberless birds are singing their songs of life
and love. Within my reach lies a tree, felled only last night by a beaver,
which even now darts out into the light, scans his surroundings, and
scampers back. A covey of mourning doves fly to the water’s edge, slake
their thirst in their dainty way, and flutter off. By the brookside path
now and then wander prattling children; a youth and a maiden hand in hand
wend their way along the cool stream’s brink. The words of the children
and the lovers are unknown to me, but the story of childhood and love
needs no interpreter.
[Illustration: By The Sycamore - Apache]
By The Sycamore - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
It is thus near to Nature that much of the life of the Indian still is;
hence its story, rather than being replete with statistics of commercial
conquests, is a record of the Indian’s relations with and his dependence
on the phenomena of the universe—the trees and shrubs, the sun and stars,
the lightning and rain,—for these to him are animate creatures. Even more
than that, they are deified, therefore are revered and propitiated, since
upon them man must depend for his well-being. To the workaday man of our
own race the life of the Indian is just as incomprehensible as are the
complexities of civilization to the mind of the untutored savage.
While primarily a photographer, I do not see or think photographically;
hence the story of Indian life will not be told in microscopic detail, but
rather will be presented as a broad and luminous picture. And I hope that
while our extended observations among these brown people have given no
shallow insight into their life and thought, neither the pictures nor the
descriptive matter will be found lacking in popular interest.
Though the treatment accorded the Indians by those who lay claim to
civilization and Christianity has in many cases been worse than criminal,
a rehearsal of these wrongs does not properly find a place here. Whenever
it may be necessary to refer to some of the unfortunate relations that
have existed between the Indians and the white race, it will be done in
that unbiased manner becoming the student of history. As a body politic
recognizing no individual ownership of lands, each Indian tribe naturally
resented encroachment by another race, and found it impossible to
relinquish without a struggle that which belonged to their people from
time immemorial. On the other hand, the white man whose very own may have
been killed or captured by a party of hostiles forced to the warpath by
the machinations of some unscrupulous Government employé, can see nothing
that is good in the Indian. There are thus two sides to the story, and in
these volumes such questions must be treated with impartiality.
Nor is it our purpose to theorize on the origin of the Indians—a problem
that has already resulted in the writing of a small library, and still
with no satisfactory solution. The object of the work is to record by word
and picture what the Indian is, not whence he came. Even with this in view
the years of a single life are insufficient for the task of treating in
minute detail all the intricacies of the social structure and the arts and
beliefs of many tribes. Nevertheless, by reaching beneath the surface
through a study of his creation myths, his legends and folklore, more than
a fair impression of the mode of thought of the Indian can be gained. In
each instance all such material has been gathered by the writer and his
assistants from the Indians direct, and confirmed, so far as is possible,
through repetition by other members of their tribe.
Ever since the days of Columbus the assertion has been made repeatedly
that the Indian has no religion and no code of ethics, chiefly for the
reason that in his primitive state he recognizes no supreme God. Yet the
fact remains that no people have a more elaborate religious system than
our aborigines, and none are more devout in the performance of the duties
connected therewith. There is scarcely an act in the Indian’s life that
does not involve some ceremonial performance or is not in itself a
religious act, sometimes so complicated that much time and study are
required to grasp even a part of its real meaning, for his myriad deities
must all be propitiated lest some dire disaster befall him.
Likewise with their arts, which casual observers have sometimes denied the
Indians; yet, to note a single example, the so-called "Digger" Indians,
who have been characterized as in most respects the lowest type of all our
tribes, are makers of delicately woven baskets, embellished with symbolic
designs and so beautiful in form as to be works of art in themselves.
The great changes in practically every phase of the Indian’s life that
have taken place, especially within recent years, have been such that had
the time for collecting much of the material, both descriptive and
illustrative, herein recorded, been delayed, it would have been lost
forever. The passing of every old man or woman means the passing of some
tradition, some knowledge of sacred rites possessed by no other;
consequently the information that is to be gathered, for the benefit of
future generations, respecting the mode of life of one of the great races
of mankind, must be collected at once or the opportunity will be lost for
all time. It is this need that has inspired the present task.
[Illustration: The Fire Drill - Apache]
The Fire Drill - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
In treating the various tribes it has been deemed advisable that a
geographic rather than an ethnologic grouping be presented, but without
losing sight of tribal relationships, however remote the cognate tribes
may be one from another. To simplify the study and to afford ready
reference to the salient points respecting the several tribes, a summary
of the information pertaining to each is given in the appendices.
In the spelling of the native terms throughout the text, as well as in the
brief vocabularies appended to each volume, the simplest form possible,
consistent with approximate accuracy, has been adopted. No attempt has
been made to differentiate sounds so much alike that the average student
fails to discern the distinction, for the words, where recorded, are
designed for the general reader rather than the philologist, and it has
been the endeavor to encourage their pronunciation rather than to make
them repellent by inverted and other arbitrary characters.
I take this opportunity to express my deep appreciation to those who have
so generously lent encouragement during these years of my labor, from the
humblest dwellers in frontier cabins to the captains of industry in our
great commercial centres, and from the representatives of the most modest
institutions of learning to those whose fame is worldwide. Without this
encouragement the work could not have been accomplished. When the last
opportunity for study of the living tribes shall have passed with the
Indians themselves, and the day cannot be far off, my generous friends may
then feel that they have aided in a work the results of which, let it be
hoped, will grow more valuable as time goes on.
EDWARD S. CURTIS.
[Illustration: A Noonday Halt - Navaho]
A Noonday Halt - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME ONE
While it is the plan of this work to treat the tribes in the order of
their geographic distribution, rather than to group them in accordance
with their relationship one to another, we are fortunate, in the present
volume, to have for treatment two important southwestern Indian groups—the
Navaho and the Apache—which are not only connected linguistically but have
been more or less in proximity ever since they have been known to history.
Because of his cunning, his fearlessness, and his long resistance to
subjection both by the missionary and by the governments under whose
dominion he has lived, but until recent times never recognized, the
Apache, in name at least, has become one of the best known of our tribal
groups. But, ever the scourge of the peaceable Indians that dwelt in
adjacent territory, and for about three hundred years a menace to the
brave colonists that dared settle within striking distance of him, the
Apache of Arizona and New Mexico occupied a region that long remained a
_terra incognita_, while the inner life of its occupants was a closed
book.
There is little wonder, then, that we have known practically nothing of
the Apache and their customs beyond the meagre record of what has been
given us by a few army officers; consequently their study was entered into
with especial interest. Although much time was expended and much patience
consumed before the confidence of their elders was gained, the work was
finally successful, as will be seen particularly by the creation legend
and the accompanying mythologic picture-writing on deerskin, which give an
insight into the mode of thought of this people and a comprehensive idea
of the belief respecting their genesis. Not satisfied with the story as
first related by the medicine-men lest error perchance should have crept
in, it was repeated and verified by others until no doubt of its entire
accuracy remained. It is especially fortunate that the chief
investigations were made in the summer of 1906, when the new "messiah
craze" was at its height, thus affording exceptional opportunity for
observing an interesting wave of religious ecstasy sweep over this
primitive folk.
The Navaho tribe, second only to the Sioux in numbers, have been the least
affected by civilizing influences. The Navaho is the American Bedouin, the
chief human touch in the great plateau-desert region of our Southwest,
acknowledging no superior, paying allegiance to no king in name of chief,
a keeper of flocks and herds who asks nothing of the Government but to be
unmolested in his pastoral life and in the religion of his forebears.
Although the mythology and ceremonials of this virile people would alone
furnish material for many volumes, it is believed that even with the
present comparatively brief treatment a comprehensive view of their
character and activities will be gained.
It is with pleasure that I acknowledge the able assistance rendered by Mr.
W. W. Phillips and Mr. W. E. Myers during the last two years of field work
in collecting and arranging the material for this volume, and the aid of
Mr. A. F. Muhr in connection with the photographic work in the laboratory.
EDWARD S. CURTIS
[Illustration: Apache Camp]
Apache Camp
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
[Illustration: Typical Apache]
Typical Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
THE APACHE
HISTORICAL SKETCH
The Indian and his history present innumerable problems to the student.
Facts seemingly contradict facts, well-founded theories contradict other
theories as well founded. Linguistically the Apache belong to the great
Athapascan family, which, according to the consensus of opinion, had its
origin in the far North, where many tribes of the family still live. Based
on the creation legends of the Navaho and on known historical events, the
advent of the southern branch of this linguistic group—the Navaho and the
Apache tribes—has been fixed in the general region in which they now have
their home, at about the time of the discovery of America. Contrary to
this conclusion, however, the legend of their genesis gives no hint of an
origin in other than their historical habitat. The history and the
legendary lore of the Indian are passed down from generation to
generation, so that it would seem hardly credible that all trace of this
migration from a distant region should have become lost within a period of
somewhat more than four hundred years.
Again, judging by the similarity in language, the Apache and the Navaho in
prehistoric times were as nearly a single group as the present bands of
Apache are; and, likewise, there is sufficient similarity in the
underlying principles of their mythology to argue a common tribal origin.
The names as well as the functions of several of the mythic characters are
identical in both tribes, as, for example, the war gods Nayé̆nĕzganĭ and
Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ. These miracle-performing twins in each case are the sons
of a woman (who occupies an almost identical position in both Navaho and
Apache mythology) and the sun and water respectively. Pollen also is
deified by each—as Hádĭntĭn Boy among the Apache and Tádĭtĭn Boy among the
Navaho. If, therefore, we may concede that the Navaho and the Apache were
originally one tribe, as their language certainly indicates, we have many
arguments in favor of the theory of long residence in the South-west of
this branch of the Athapascan family, for the striking differences in the
details of their myths would seem to indicate that the tribal separation
was not a recent one, and that the mythology of the two tribes became
changed in the course of its natural development along different lines or
through accretion of other peoples since the original segregation. The
Apache story of their creation portrays human beings in their present
form, while in the Navaho genesis myth occurs the remarkable story,
unquestionably aboriginal, of the evolution of the lower animals through
successive underworlds until the present world is reached, then as spirit
people miraculously creating human life.
The beautiful genesis myth of the Apache is complete; it does not reflect
an incipient primitive culture, but one developed by age. The mythology
and ceremonial of the Navaho exhibit unquestioned signs of being composite
in origin. Their ceremonials are perhaps the most elaborate of any Indians
except the Pueblos; indeed the very life of this people so teems with
ceremony as almost to pass comprehension. The Navaho ritual probably
reached its highest phase about the beginning of the nineteenth century.
It would seem impossible for a religion so highly developed as this to
have attained such a stage within a comparatively short time.
Before the early years of the seventeenth century the Spanish chroniclers
give us nothing definite regarding the Apache of what is now Arizona and
New Mexico, but there are numerous accounts of their aggressiveness from
this time onward.
[Illustration: _Ténokai_ - Apache]
_Ténokai_ - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
Father Francisco Garcés, who in 1775-76 journeyed from his mission of San
Xavier del Bac, in southern Arizona, to San Gabriel, California, thence to
the Hopi country, and back to his mission by way of the Colorado and the
Gila rivers, had sufficient knowledge of the Apache to keep well out of
their country, for they had ever been enemies of Garcés’ peaceful
neophytes, the Papago and the Pima. To the warlike, marauding Apache
Garcés gave much thought, drawing up a plan for holding them in subjection
by the establishment of a cordon of presidios. To read his simple plan and
compare the ineffectual efforts of the Americans, who had the Apache
country virtually surrounded by military posts for many years, will
convince one that while Garcés held the Apache in justifiable fear, he
little knew the true character of those with whom he was reckoning.
So far as diligent field research reveals, there was but one tribe or band
of Indians living within proximity of the Apache Indians of Arizona in
early times who ever affiliated with them, or associated with them in any
way save on terms of enmity. This tribe was the Apache-Mohave, of Yuman
stock, whose domain extended along the Rio Verde in central Arizona,
immediately adjacent to the territory over which the Apache proper held
undisputed sway. With these, affiliation practically became fusion, for in
outward semblance, characteristics, mode of living, and handicraft they
are typically Apache; but their mother tongue, though impaired, and
remnants of their native mythology are still adhered to. Through the
Apache-Mohave, allied with the Apache since early times, and resembling
them so closely as to have almost escaped segregation until recent years,
did the tribe now so widely known as Apache undoubtedly receive its name.
The Apache-Mohave call themselves _Apátĭĕh_, which means, simply,
"people." The Walapai, another Yuman tribe farther north, whose dialect
resembles that of the Apache-Mohave more closely than do the dialects of
the Mohave and the Yuma, also call themselves _Apátĭĕh_. Although the
pronunciation of this word is indicated more nearly correctly by this
spelling than by "Apache," only a trained ear can distinguish the
difference in sound when the average Yuman Indian utters it.
Etymologically it comes from _apá_, "man," and the plural suffix -_tĭĕh_.
The mountain fastness of the Apache in Arizona permitted easiest approach
from the south and the west for all who wished to seek peace or revenge.
The Apache-Mohave, living as Apache in close affiliation, were on the
western border of this stronghold, whence they made raids upon several
other Yuman groups, north, west, and south, in company with the Apache.
They were also the first to be attacked by enemies waging offensive
warfare, hence any name by which they designated themselves might readily
have been transmitted to the whole Apache group. Early Spanish
missionaries alluded to the Apache-Mohave as true Apache.
Contradistinguished from the Apache proper, the Apache-Mohave are called
Yavapai and Yavapĕh by their congeners of the Colorado river, a term that
has been employed by early writers, misled through the close association
of the Apache-Mohave with the Apache, to designate also the latter people.
It is further evident that the term Apache came to be applied to this
great division of the Athapascan family indirectly, as its component
tribes are not known by that name in any of the Indian languages of the
Southwest, and there is no evidence of its being of other than Indian
origin.
[Illustration: At The Ford - Apache]
At The Ford - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
Since known to history, the many bands of Apache have occupied the
mountains and plains of southern Arizona and New Mexico, northern Sonora
and Chihuahua, and western Texas—an area greater than that of the states
of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Connecticut, Massachusetts,
Vermont, Maine, Ohio, North Carolina, South Carolina, and West Virginia.
They were always known as "wild" Indians, and indeed their early warfare
with all neighboring tribes, as well as their recent persistent hostility
toward our Government, which precipitated a "war of extermination," bear
out the appropriateness of the designation. An admission of fear of
anything is hard to elicit from the weakest of Indian tribes, but all who
lived within raiding distance of the Apache, save the Navaho, their
Athapascan cousins, freely admit that for generations before their
subjugation the Apache were constantly held in mortal terror.
Through the constant depredations carried on against the Mexican
settlements in northern Sonora and Chihuahua, under the leadership of Juan
José, an Apache chief educated among the Mexicans, those two states were
led, in 1837, to offer a bounty for Apache scalps. The horror of this
policy lay in the fact that the scalp of a friendly Indian brought the
same reward as that of the fiercest warrior, and worse still, no exception
was made of women or children. Nothing could have been more effective than
this scalp bounty in arousing all the savagery in these untamed denizens
of the mountains, and both Mexico and the United States paid dearly in
lives for every Apache scalp taken under this barbarous system. Predatory
warfare continued unabated during the next forty years in spite of all the
Mexican government could do. With the consummation of the treaty of
Guadalupe Hidalgo, in 1848, the Apache problem became one to be solved by
the United States as well.
In 1864, under General James H. Carleton, the "war of extermination" was
begun in a most systematic manner. On April 20 this officer communicated a
proposal of co-operation to Don Ignacio Pesqueira, Governor of Sonora,
saying: "If your excellency will put a few hundred men into the field on
the first day of next June, and keep them in hot pursuit of the Apaches of
Sonora, say for sixty or ninety days, we will either exterminate the
Indians or so diminish their numbers that they will cease their murdering
and robbing propensities and live at peace."
This request was met. The settlers in Arizona, under agreement, placed a
force in the field provisioned with army supplies. Several hundred Pima,
Papago, and Maricopa Indians also were supplied with guns, ammunition, and
clothing, and pressed into service; but a year’s effort netted the
combined forces little gain. Although two hundred Apache were killed and
many head of stolen stock recovered, practically no advance toward the
termination of hostilities was accomplished.
In April, 1865, Inspector-General Davis arranged a conference at the
Copper Mines in New Mexico with Victorio, Nané, Acosta, and other chiefs,
among whom were Pasquin, Cassari, and Salvador, sons of Mangas Coloradas,
through which he learned of the existence of dire destitution among the
Apache and a desire for peace on condition that they be permitted to
occupy their native haunts. But the Government had adopted a policy of
removal by which the Arizona Apache desiring peace should join the
Mescaleros at the Bosque Redondo in New Mexico. To this they flatly
refused to agree, and the warfare continued.
[Illustration: The Bathing Pool - Apache]
The Bathing Pool - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
Practically all the Apache were assembled in Arizona in 1865, and waged
hostilities with renewed energy for the next five years, being joined by
the Walapai in 1868. The close of this period found the situation quite as
unsettled as ever.
On June 4, 1871, General George Crook was placed in command. Crook was not
an exterminator. In the fall of the same year he said:
"I think that the Apache is painted in darker colors than he deserves, and
that his villainies arise more from a misconception of facts than from his
being worse than other Indians. Living in a country the natural products
of which will not support him, he has either to cultivate the soil or
steal, and as our vacillating policy satisfies him we are afraid of him,
he chooses the latter, also as requiring less labor and being more
congenial to his natural instincts. I am satisfied that a sharp, active
campaign against him would not only make him one of the best Indians in
the country, but it would also save millions of dollars to the Treasury,
and the lives of many innocent whites and Indians."
Crook’s policy was one of peace, but he made it plain to the Indians that
if they did not agree to peace when liberal terms were offered, they could
expect a campaign against them hitherto unequalled in vigor. It was thus
that by 1873 the Tontos, Coyoteros, and Apache-Mohave were subdued and the
backbone of Apache resistance broken.
The Apache-Mohave and the Tontos were placed on a reservation on the Rio
Verde; the Coyoteros were taken to the White Mountain district near Fort
Apache; the Pinaleños and parts of other bands surrendered and were
established at San Carlos; in all, approximately three thousand Apache had
been brought under control. About one thousand hostiles yet remained in
the mountains, but by 1874 they had become so nearly subjugated as to make
it seem advisable to transfer the Arizona reservations from the War
Department to the Office of Indian Affairs, which was done. The policy of
the Indian Office from the beginning had been to concentrate the various
bands upon one reservation at San Carlos. Disaffection arose between
different bands until this became a despicable place to nearly all, while
continued adherence to the removal policy drove the Chiricahua from their
southern Arizona reservation to seek refuge with the Ojo Caliente Apache
in southwestern New Mexico, in 1876, although they had been living in
comparative peace for four years. In 1877 these Chiricahua and the Ojo
Caliente band were forcibly removed to San Carlos, but while en route
Victorio and a party of forty warriors made their escape. In September of
the same year three hundred more fled from San Carlos and settler after
settler was murdered. In February, 1878, Victorio and his notorious band
surrendered at Ojo Caliente, but gave notice that they would die fighting
before submitting to removal to San Carlos. The major portion of the three
hundred Chiricahua who had left San Carlos surrendered at Fort Wingate,
New Mexico, shortly before. All these were taken to the Mescalero
reservation in New Mexico.
Haunted by the dread of removal to San Carlos, the appearance of a party
of Grant County officials at the Mescalero agency on a hunting tour a few
months later caused Victorio and his band to flee with a number of
Chiricahua and Mescaleros to the mountains of southern New Mexico.
For two years, until he met his death at the hands of Mexican troops in
the fall of 1880, Victorio spread carnage throughout the southern portions
of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, and the northern states of Mexico,
enlisting the aid of every willing renegade or refugee of whatever band or
tribe in that section. After him Nané, Chato, Juh, Geronimo, and other
doughty hostiles carried the fighting and raiding along until June, 1883,
when Crook, reassigned to the Arizona district, followed the Chiricahua
band under Geronimo into the Sierra Madre in Chihuahua, whence he brought
them back whipped and ready to accept offers of peace. The captives were
placed upon the San Carlos and White Mountain reservations, where, with
the various other Apache bands under military surveillance, and with Crook
in control, they took up agriculture with alacrity. But in 1885 Crook’s
authority was curtailed, and through some cause, never quite clear,
Geronimo with many Chiricahua followers again took the warpath. Crook
being relieved at his own request, Gen. Nelson A. Miles was assigned the
task of finally subduing the Apache, which was consummated by the
recapture of Geronimo and his band in the Sierra Madre in September, 1886.
These hostiles were taken as prisoners to Florida, later to Alabama, and
thence to Fort Sill, Oklahoma, where, numbering 298, they still are,
living as farmers in peace and quiet, but still under the control of the
military authorities.
[Illustration: _Alchĭsé_ - Apache]
_Alchĭsé_ - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
One of the last hostile movements of note was the so-called Cibicu fight
in 1882. In the spring of that year an old medicine-man, Nabakéltĭ,
Attacking The Enemy, better known as Doklínĭ, started a "medicine" craze
in the valley of the Cibicu on the White Mountain reservation. He had
already a considerable following, and now claimed divine revelation and
dictated forms of procedure in bringing the dead to life. As medicine
paraphernalia he made sixty large wheels of wood, painted symbolically,
and twelve sacred sticks, one of which, in the form of a cross, he
designated "chief of sticks." Then with sixty men he commenced his dance.
One morning at dawn Nabakéltĭ went to the grave of a man who had been
prominent in the tribe and who had recently died. He and his adherents
danced about the grave and then dug up the bones, around which they danced
four times in a circle. The dancing occupied the entire morning, and early
in the afternoon they went to another grave, where the performance was
repeated. In each instance the bones were left exposed; but later four
men, specially delegated, went to the graves and erected a brush hut over
the remains.
Nabakéltĭ told the people that they must pray each morning for four days,
at the end of which time the bleached bones would be found clothed with
flesh and alive again. By the end of the second day the Apache band on the
Cibicu became excited almost to the degree of frenzy. They watched the
little grave-houses constantly and gathered in groups about other graves.
Some of the Apache employed as scouts with the detachment stationed at
Fort Apache heard of the craze and obtained leave of absence to
investigate. They returned and informed the commanding officer, then
acting as agent, that their people were going mad, whereupon a number of
scouts and troopers were sent to learn the cause of the trouble and to ask
Nabakéltĭ to come to the fort for an interview. Though angered by the
message, the old man agreed to come in two days. Meanwhile he had the
little brush houses over the bones tightly sealed to keep out preying
animals and curious Indians. He then explained to his people that, owing
to the interruption by the whites, it was probable that the bones would
not come to life at the end of four days, as predicted, but that he would
make a new dance later and prove the efficacy of his creed.
Then he started for the fort with his entire band of dancers, sixty-two in
number, each with his "sacred medicine"—wheels, sticks, and drums. They
journeyed afoot, stopping occasionally to dance, and reached the grounds
of the fort late in the afternoon of the second day. On they passed,
dancing in a spectacular manner, and camped that night on the flat a
little above the fort, where they waited for someone to come over to
interview them. The agent did not send for Nabakéltĭ that night, so at
daybreak he started up White river with his band, passing by the present
agency site, and crossing into Bear Springs valley. Thence they took the
trail toward the Cibicu again, reaching the Carrizo in the evening, where
they camped for the night and performed another dance. The following
morning they took the trail for their home, which they reached rather
early in the day.
As soon as the band had reached its destination, another summons was
delivered to Nabakéltĭ to appear before the agent at the fort. This time
the old man sent back word that he would not come: he had gone once, and
if any had wished to see him, they had had their chance.
On receipt of this reply, sixty mounted soldiers, armed and provisioned,
were sent over to the Cibicu to put a stop to the dancing. Apache scouts
had been stationed to watch the manœuvres of the Indians and to keep the
officials informed. They met the troopers, who made a night ride to the
stream, and informed them where the old medicine-man was encamped. Early
in the morning the soldiers reached the Cibicu at a point about two miles
above Nabakéltĭ’s camp, whence a detachment was despatched to arrest the
medicine-man and bring him to the place where headquarters were being
established. It was the intention merely to arrest and hold him while the
troops rested for the day, preparatory to taking him back to the fort; but
it was deemed necessary to send a force sufficiently large to cope with
the Indians should they attempt resistance.
[Illustration: Mescal Hills - Apache]
Mescal Hills - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
Nabakéltĭ yielded without hesitation to the demands of the soldiers, and
forthwith rode up to headquarters. Everything seemed very quiet. There was
no demonstration against the soldiers, who stacked their arms and unloaded
the pack-trains. The mules were hobbled and turned loose, and the cavalry
horses tethered and fed.
While this apparently peaceful condition prevailed, a brother of the
medicine-man, angered because of the arrest, dashed into camp on a pony
and shot and killed the captain in command. Instantly, hardly realizing
whence the shot had come, one of the troopers struck Nabakéltĭ on the head
with a cudgel, killing him. Assured that a fight was imminent, the
soldiers receded to higher ground, a short distance back, where they
hurriedly made preparations for defence.
On learning that Nabakéltĭ had been killed, and deeming the soldiers
wholly to blame, a small party of Apache attacked the troopers while
retreating to the higher ground. Six of the soldiers were killed, the
mules stampeded, and the provisions burned, all within a short space of
time. The hostiles made their escape, practically all of them leaving the
valley.
The Government probably never lost money faster in an Indian campaign than
it did as a result of its interference with Nabakéltĭ’s harmless medicine
craze. Had he been left alone his inevitable failure, already at hand, to
bring the dead to life would have lost him his following, and in all
probability his ill-success would have cost his life at the hands of one
of his tribesmen. As it was, the hostilities that followed extended over
several months, costing many lives and a vast sum of money.
HOMELAND AND LIFE
The present Apache population is approximately six thousand, including the
Jicarillas and Mescaleros of New Mexico. It is doubtful if the number ever
exceeded ten thousand. In population, therefore, the Apache seem almost
too insignificant to have kept the other tribes of the vast Southwest, as
well as two civilized nations, in constant dread for so long a period.
At the present time the greater part of the Apache reside on the White
Mountain reservation, Arizona, comprising more than 3,500,000 acres, with
agency headquarters at Whiteriver and San Carlos. This reservation is a
part of the great tableland of southeastern Arizona, being a succession of
mountains and high, park-like mesas, broken here and there with valleys
and watered by limpid streams. The highlands are wooded with pine, cedar,
fir, juniper, oak, and other trees, while in the valleys are
mistletoe-laden cottonwood as well as willow, alder, and walnut, which,
with smaller growths, are interwoven with vines of grape, hop, and
columbine, in places forming a veritable jungle. On every hand, whether on
mountain or in valley, many varieties of cactus grow in profusion; and in
springtime cañon and vale, mountain-side and mesa, are all aglow with wild
flowers.
In midsummer the temperature of the lower reaches seems as great as that
of a furnace. At the same season in the mountain and high mesa country,
especially in the shade of the beautiful forests, the atmosphere is ideal;
but in winter these higher levels are covered deep with snow, swept by
fierce winds that chill one to the very marrow.
The typical Apache habitation, called _kówa_, consists of a framework of
poles loosely thatched with native grass, through which the smoke from the
central fire finds its outlet and the rain and snow sift in, rendering it
anything but a comfortable shelter in time of storm. The _kówa_ is erected
by the women, who are little more than drudges, and as an Apache may have
as many wives as he feels able to support, he may have as many homes as
circumstances require. The various wives are prone to be quarrelsome among
themselves, for which reason a man usually maintains one wife on one part
of the reservation and another wife perhaps many miles away.
[Illustration: Primitive Apache Home]
Primitive Apache Home
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
In the good old days the radius of Apache wandering centred in the
mountains of what is now southeastern Arizona; this was their stronghold,
their lair, whence they raided to the south, well down into Sonora and
Chihuahua, westward to the Colorado river, northward into the Hopi and
Navaho country, and eastward as far at least as western Texas. From this
mountain rendezvous they swept down upon the Mexicans and Indians of
Sonora and Chihuahua, and on the Pueblo villages of the north, while in
later years they terrorized the white settlers of the entire Southwest. To
follow them was a fruitless task which often led to the destruction of the
pursuers.
The primitive Apache was a true nomad, a wandering child of Nature, whose
birthright was a craving for the warpath, with courage and endurance
probably exceeded by no other people, and with cunning beyond reckoning.
Although his character is a strong mixture of courage and ferocity, the
Apache is gentle and affectionate toward those of his own flesh and blood,
particularly his children. Fear, to him, is unknown. Death he faces with
stolid indifference; yet Apache men have been known to grieve so deeply
over the loss of a friend as to end their troubles by self-destruction.
No people could be better fitted than the Apache to conduct continuous
predatory warfare. Every form of plant and animal life pays him tribute.
An entirely naked Indian, without implements of any sort, would stop on a
mountain slope and in a few minutes be sitting by a cheerful fire
preparing a welcome meal. With a fragment of stone he would shape
fire-sticks from the dead stalk of a yucca. Sitting with the flattened
piece held firmly by his feet, a pinch of sand at the point of contact
between the two sticks, with a few deft whirls of the round stick over his
improvised hearth the lone traveller would soon have a fire kindled. Into
the blaze he would cast a few sections of green, juicy mescal(1) stalk
which, when cooked, would afford him both food and drink. This part of his
meal finished, the Apache might gather other dead yucca stalks, split
them, and often find within small stores of honey.
Many plants furnish small seeds rich in nutriment. These are gathered in a
basket, ground on a metate, and the oily mass formed into a ball with the
hands. The Apache assert that a lump as large as one’s two fists would
subsist a man for two days; but in addition he would eat wild greens of
various kinds, either cooked or raw. One of the principal vegetal foods of
the Apache is the mescal—in their language, _náta_. Nothing can give a
better idea of the economic life of these people than a description of one
of their annual mescal harvests.
The mescal harvest occurs in the season of new life and growth, when the
call from the wild is strong in the blood, and like a class of
children—for they are but grown-up children—they pour out into the wilds.
From the camp where they have passed the winter they take to the trails
which lead to the mescal hills.
For some hours after leaving the huts on White river the path leads across
the hot, dusty desert; then it reaches the rim of White river cañon and
follows its edge so closely that a pebble tossed from the saddle would
drop into the torrent more than a thousand feet below. How musical the
roar of the stream, and how cool its waters look! As the trail passes some
especially dizzy spot the Indian women lean away from the sheer edge in
fear. For miles the trail traverses the bluff. At times the river is out
of sight and hearing, then it emerges again and both eye and ear receive
its greeting. At the hour when the piñon trees stretch their long shadows
across the land the Indians urge their horses down a steep, winding trail
and arrive at the river’s bank. Here they ford, follow the course of the
stream for a while, and then at a bend reach an open flat dotted here and
there with shapely live-oaks. In this park-like opening the long
straggling line comes to a halt.
[Illustration: Cutting Mescal - Apache]
Cutting Mescal - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
All the worldly possessions of the Apache woman are packed on the horse
which she and her children have ridden. The mother, with the youngest in
her arms, first clambers down, followed by the little girl four years of
age; she then removes the blankets that cover the pack, then the burden
basket containing her cooking utensils, next the water bottle, and from
across the saddle seat the large rawhide carryall that contains the family
supplies and extra clothing. A smaller rawhide bag holds those little
essentials necessary to the comfort of the family. The unloading finished,
the woman fills the water bottle at the stream and gathers fuel for
preparing the simple meal, which is soon over. If anything is more simple
than the cooking it is the preparation of the bed. A small circular spot
is cleared and an armful of grass, if any exists, is spread over it; the
blankets are laid on the grass, and the bed is made. The blankets may not
be clean, and certainly the pallet is not downy, but this matters little
to a people inured to hardship; they are happy.
With a laugh the children tumble upon the blankets. Being dressed in a
single garment a little girl innocently exposes more of her body than
meets with her modest mother’s approval. The scolding is full and
positive. Little Miss Apache, sitting in the middle of the blanket with
her knees drawn to her chin and with scant skirt now tucked carefully
about her feet, looks up with roguish smile, then down at her wiggling
toes in coquettish defiance.
From far down the stream resound the splash of water and the merry
laughter of matrons and maidens bathing in the clear pools, and from above
the more boisterous shouts of men and boys. Surely he who says the
American Indian is morose, stolid, and devoid of humor never knew him in
the intimacy of his own home.
With the coming of light the women are at work building the campfires, and
the rising sun finds them at their morning meal. The breaking of camp is a
brief task. To-day they are to cross the divide, ford Black river, and
continue on to the mountains where the mescal grows abundantly. Travel in
the cool morning hours is a delight, and seven o’clock finds the party
well on its way. The long cavalcade winds slowly over the mountain trail.
Just ahead is a mother with two children, a little girl astride behind her
and a two-year-old boy standing in her lap. The mourning dove sounds its
melancholy note from the forest, and the children take up the call. The
little boy is not very proficient in the imitation, and sister corrects
him time after time. Truly, in Indian-land, nature study begins early in
life.
There is noticeable change in the vegetation. The giant yuccas appear
almost as a forest to-day; yesterday there was none. Soon the party gains
the summit of the range, before which winds the valley of the Black with
miles of placid stream in view. Quite different is this from White river,
which is ever hurrying, rushing along. The Black flows within its grassy
banks for long distances with scarcely a ripple; then a whirling rapid is
passed, beyond which glides another long stretch of almost silent water.
However, mescal does not grow by cool streams, and the trail again leads
up into high mountains. On a broad slope well toward the summit the final
halt is made. Close by is the mescal pit, perhaps twenty feet in diameter
and three feet deep; it may have been used a hundred years or a thousand,
abandoned for a long period, and then brought into use again. Each time it
is employed it must first be cleaned of the refuse from the last burning;
this done, a large supply of fuel is gathered and thrown in, and over all
are piled great quantities of stones.
Then begins the harvest of the mescal. With baskets on their backs the
women go out to gather the plants. Their implements consist of a stick
about two inches in diameter and three feet long, wedge-shaped and
sharpened at one end, and a broad hatchet-like knife. On reaching a plant,
the woman places the sharp end of the stick at its base and by a blow with
a stone severs the root and pries it up. Nothing could be more primitive.
The women of the Stone Age who gathered mescal on the same ground, and
perhaps used the same pit, thus far must have used identical tools.
[Illustration: Mescal - Apache]
Mescal - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
When the plant is cut from its root it is turned over and trimmed. For the
latter the women employ the hatchet-like knife, cutting off the outer ends
of the leaves. The plant now resembles a large head of cabbage and weighs
from five to twenty pounds. As fast as the plants are cut the women place
them in the burden baskets and carry them to the pit, load after load. To
make it possible for each woman to identify her mescal after the cooking,
each piece is branded with a distinguishing device—a property mark. The
gathering of the mescal continues for several days, an area covering a
radius of perhaps two miles being stripped of its budding plants, for such
only are harvested.
The pit being ready and the mescal gathered, the work of cooking
commences. Just at daylight the old woman in charge takes her place at the
rim of the pit and prays that the cooking may be successful and that the
people may be in condition to partake of the food. In igniting the fuel
the old-fashioned fire-sticks must be employed; to use matches would bring
ill fortune. When the fuel in the pit becomes a blazing mass the women go
to prepare breakfast, but are soon at work again gathering brush and grass
to cover the mescal. Within four hours the fuel is entirely consumed and
the red-hot stones have settled to the bottom of the pit. When it is
certain that no fuel remains unburned, as even a small amount of smoke
would spoil the quality of the mescal, the head-woman says, "It is good,"
and with great eagerness her followers begin to fill the pit. There is
need for haste in throwing in and covering the mescal, as the steam must
be confined to prevent the hot stones from scorching it. The covering
consists of alternate layers of green brush, grass, dry leaves, and
finally a layer of earth, about six inches in thickness. After forty-eight
hours of steaming the seething mass is uncovered and each woman removes
her portion.
The greater part of the product of this cooking is now to be prepared for
winter use by pulling the leaves apart and pounding them into pulp. This
can be kneaded and handled much the same as dough, and while in this
plastic state is formed into large cakes two inches thick and perhaps
three feet long. These are dried in the sun, when they have all the
appearance of large slabs of India rubber, and are easily packed on horses
for the homeward journey.
This dried mescal may be eaten without further preparation, but it is
generally made into a gruel by mixing with water. Alone it is very sweet,
and berries of the aromatic sumac, and frequently walnuts, are crushed
with it to give it flavor.
The fruit of the opuntia, or prickly-pear cactus, which the Apache call
_hush_, is much used for food both in its fresh state and dried. It is
picked from the plant with pincers of split sticks. When the _tú̆tza_, or
burden basket, is filled its contents are poured on the ground and the
fruit is brushed about with a small grass besom until the spines are worn
off. In preparing _hush_ the women grind seeds and pulp into a mass, thus
retaining the full food value of the fruit.
Manzanita, piñon nuts, juniper berries, acorns of the scrub oak, fruit of
the yucca, wild potatoes, wild onions, mesquite pods, and many varieties
of fungi also furnish food. As a drink the Apache make a tea from the
green or dried inner bark of the piñon.
The intoxicant and curse of their lives is _túlapai_, or _tizwin_ as it is
sometimes called. _Túlapai_ means "muddy or gray water." It is, in fact, a
yeast beer. In preparing it corn is first soaked in water. If it be winter
time the wet corn is placed under a sleeping blanket until the warmth of
the body causes it to sprout; if summer, it is deposited in a shallow
hole, covered with a wet blanket, and left until the sprouts appear, when
it is ground to pulp on a metate. Water and roots are added, and the
mixture is boiled and strained to remove the coarser roots and sprouts. At
this stage the liquid has the consistency of thin cream soup. It is now
set aside for twenty-four hours to cool and ferment, when it is fit for
drinking. As the _túlapai_ will spoil in twelve hours it must be drunk
quickly. Used in moderation it is not a bad beverage, but by no means a
pleasant one to the civilized palate. The Apache, however, knows no
moderation in his _túlapai_ drinking. He sometimes fasts for a day and
then drinks great quantities of it,—often a gallon or two—when for a time
he becomes a savage indeed.
[Illustration: Filling the Pit - Apache]
Filling the Pit - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
Another intoxicant, more effective than _túlapai_, is made from the
mescal—not from the sap, according to the Mexican method, but from the
cooked plant, which is placed in a heated pit and left until fermentation
begins. It is then ground, mixed with water, roots added, and the whole
boiled and set aside to complete fermentation. The Indians say its taste
is sharp, like whiskey. A small quantity readily produces intoxication.
Of game foods the Apache has deer, antelope, and wild turkey, with quail,
some water fowl, smaller birds, rabbits, and wood-rats. Fish and bear meat
are strictly tabooed.
The graphic art of the Apache finds expression chiefly in ceremonial
paintings on deerskin, and in basketry. Only rarely have they made
pottery, their roving life requiring utensils of greater stability. Such
earthenware as they did make was practically the same as that of the
Navaho, mostly in the form of small cooking vessels. Usually the pictures
are painted on the entire deerskin, but sometimes the skin is cut square,
and at others ceremonial deerskin shirts are symbolically painted.
Occasionally the Apache attempts to picture the myth characters literally;
at other times only a symbolic representation of the character is made. In
addition to the mythic personages, certain symbols are employed to
represent the incident of the myth. These paintings are made under the
instruction of a medicine-man and are a part of the medicine
paraphernalia. On some skins the most sacred characters in Apache
mythology are represented symbolically—Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, the War God;
Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, his younger brother; Kútĕrastan, the Creator of All;
Stĕnátlĭhăn, the chief goddess. In fact the symbolism on an elaborately
painted deerskin may cover every phase of Apache cosmology.
In their basketry the Apache women display great taste in form, and in
their more superior work employ much symbolic decoration. Since the
beginning of the present "messiah craze" all baskets display the sacred
symbols believed to have been revealed to Das Lan by Chuganaái Skhĭn—a
combination of the cross and the crescent. There are many baskets, made
before this new religious wave swept over the tribe, into which the
symbolism has since been woven.
The basket most used is the _tú̆tza_, or burden basket, roughly and
loosely woven, ornamented with circular lines as often painted on as woven
in. Previous to a messiah craze, which had its origin with the Apache
about 1901, the designs in these baskets were purely decorative, without
attempt at symbolism; but now, by order of a crafty old medicine-man,
every _tú̆tza_ must display the combined cross and crescent.
The _tus_ is a water bottle, made invariably of withes of the aromatic
sumac, loosely woven, and coated inside and out with piñon gum. To use
material other than sumac would be considered very bad. In the Apache
deluge myth the people, instructed by Stĕnátlĭhăn, built a monster _tus_
of piñon branches in which they floated away.
The _tsa-naskú̆dĭ_ is a bowl or tray-shaped basket of splendid form, with
symbolic decoration of intricate pattern.
The most pretentious basket is the _tus-naskú̆dĭ_, in general form like
the _tus_, but much larger; it is used for the storage of grain. Its lines
are most beautiful, as are also its inwoven symbolic designs.
Owing to the extremely secretive nature of the Apache, it is difficult for
the casual student to learn anything of the relations between their
mythology and the designs used in their basketry. Questioned, they will
perhaps say, "We don’t know," or "To make it look pretty." But an
intelligent and trustworthy interpreter will tell you, "That woman knows,
but she will not tell." A law of the cult brought about by the recent
messiah religion is that every woman must have in readiness for use during
the migration to the future world a _tus_, a _tú̆tza_, a _tsa-naskú̆dĭ_,
and a gourd drinking-cup, all decorated with the cross and crescent. These
are not used and are carefully preserved.
The clan and gentile systems of the American Indians have been the bulwark
of their social structure, for by preventing intermarriage within the clan
or the gens the blood was kept at its best. Added to this were the
hardships of the Indian life, which resulted in the survival only of the
fittest and provided the foundation for a sturdy people. But with
advancing civilization one foresees the inevitable disintegration of their
tribal laws, and a consequent weakening of the entire social structure,
for the Indians seem to have absorbed all the evil, and to have embodied
little of the good, that civilized life teaches.
[Illustration: The Covered Pit - Apache]
The Covered Pit - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
The Coyoteros are divided into five bands, each consisting of a number of
clans, although in one band there are now survivors of a single clan only,
while in others as many as seven or eight clans are still to be found.
Descent among the Apache generally is reckoned through the mother; that
is, the children belong to their mother’s clan. An exception to this rule
is said by "Peaches," an old Apache scout under Crook, to exist among the
Chiricahua, where the children take the gens of the father. Among the
Apache some of the younger generation are inclined to disregard tribal
laws respecting marriage, but in former times they were rigidly enforced,
marriage within the clan or the gens being regarded as incestuous. When
asked what would happen if a man and a woman belonging to the same clan
should marry, one old man answered that both would be quickly put to
death.
In the Appendix are given the clan names of the Coyoteros, also of the
Arivaipa and the Chiricahua. Geronimo, Chato, and Cochise were members of
the Aiahán, People of the East, clan. Most of the clan names are derived
from localities in which the ancestors of the clan are supposed to have
first lived.
With the Apache, as with other tribes, the clan organization has an
important bearing on property right. Regardless of what property either
spouse may hold or own at the time of marriage, the other immediately
becomes possessed of his or her moiety. Should the wife die, her husband
retains possession of the property held in common so long as he does not
remarry, but what might be termed the legal ownership of the wife’s half
interest becomes vested in her clan. Should he attempt to dissipate the
property the members of the deceased wife’s clan would at once interfere.
If the widower wishes to marry again and the woman of his choice belongs
to the clan of his former wife, then he and the new wife become owners in
common of all personal property held by him; but if the second wife
belongs to a different clan from that of the former wife, then the husband
must make actual transfer of half of the common property to the
clanspeople of the deceased woman, who inherited the legal interest in it
at their relative’s death. The same tribal law applies in the case of a
widow.
Much internal strife naturally results whenever an actual distribution of
property is made. In the first place the surviving spouse unwillingly
relinquishes the moiety of the property to the relatives of the deceased,
and the immediate relatives often disagree with the remainder of the clan.
In former times death of one or more members of contending clans often
resulted when the division of much property was made. Having no tribunal
for making an equitable division, the matter was left to mutual agreement,
resulting in disputes and frequently murder.
With the breaking up of the clans, together with the rapid disintegration
of ancient customs and laws, this property law is fast becoming forgotten;
but so recently as 1906 such disputes as those mentioned occurred under
both the Fort Apache and San Carlos agencies, creating no little
ill-feeling. In one instance a man refused to deliver possession of half
of his little herd of horses to his deceased wife’s clanspeople when
contemplating marriage with another woman, and appealed to the
missionaries for aid. He was compelled to make the division, however,
before he could remarry.
MYTHOLOGY - CREATION MYTH
There was a time when nothing existed to form the universe—no earth, no
sky, and no sun or moon to break the monotony of the illimitable darkness.
But as time rolled on, a spot, a thin circular disc no larger than the
hand, yellow on one side and white on the other, appeared in midair.
Inside the disc sat a bearded man but little larger than a frog, upon whom
was to fall the task of creating all things. Kútĕrastan, The One Who Lives
Above, is the name by which he is now known, though some call him
Yŭádĭstan, Sky Man.
[Illustration: Apache Still Life]
Apache Still Life
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
Kútĕrastan, as if waking from a long sleep, sat up and rubbed his face and
eyes with both hands. Then bending forward, he looked up into the endless
darkness, and lo! light appeared everywhere above him. He then looked
down, and all below became a sea of light. A glance to the east created
yellow streaks of dawn, another to the west the saffron tints of the dying
day, both soon becoming obscured by numerous clouds of many hues, formed
by his looking around and about in all directions.
Again with both hands Kútĕrastan wiped his eyes and sweating face and,
rubbing his hands together as if he were rolling a small pebble between
the palms, suddenly parted them with a quick downward fling, and there
before him on a shining, vaporless, mirage-like cloud sat a little girl no
larger than a doll. Kútĕrastan directed her to stand up, asking where she
intended to go, but she replied not. He cleared his vision once more with
his hands, then proffered his right hand to the girl, Stĕnátlĭhăn, Woman
Without Parents, who grasped it, with the greeting "Whence came you?"
For reply Kútĕrastan merely repeated her question, adding, "Look to the
east, it is light! There will be light in the south, in the west, and in
the north." And as she looked she saw light. He then came out upon the
cloud.
"Where is the earth?" asked Stĕnátlĭhăn, to which Kútĕrastan replied by
asking:
"Where is the sky?" Then requesting that he be not disturbed, he began to
sing: "I am thinking, thinking, thinking, thinking what shall I do next."
Four times he thus sang, at the end of the fourth time brushing his face
with his hands, which he rubbed briskly together and parted quickly; and
there before him stood Chuganaái, the Sun. Raising his left hand to his
brow, from the sweat thereon, which he rolled in his hands as before,
Kútĕrastan let drop from his right palm a small boy, Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn.
The four sat upon that still cloud for a time as if in reverie, the first
to break the silence being he who commenced the creation: "What shall we
do next? I do not like this cloud to live upon, but we are to rule and
must stay together. How dreary it is here! I wish we had some place to
go." And then he set to work again, creating Nacholécho, the Tarantula,
who was later to help in completing the earth, and Nôkusé, the Big Dipper,
whose duty it would be to befriend and to guide. The creation of
Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, the Wind, Ndídĭlhkĭzn, the Lightning Maker, and the clouds
in the west to house Ndísâgochan, Lightning Rumbler, whom he placed in
them at the same time, next occupied his attention. Then turning to
Stĕnátlĭhăn, Kútĕrastan said, "Truly this is not a fit place in which to
live; let us make the earth." And so saying he at once began to sing, "I
am thinking of the earth, the earth, the earth; I am thinking of the
earth," which he repeated four times. As he ceased, Stĕnátlĭhăn,
Chuganaái, and Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn each shook hands with him. Sweat from their
hands adhered to his. He at once began rubbing his palms, when suddenly
there slipped from between them a small brown body, no larger than a bean.
Kútĕrastan kicked it and it expanded; Stĕnátlĭhăn then kicked it and its
size further increased; Chuganaái next gave it a severe blow with his foot
and it became larger still; a kick from Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn made it greater
yet. Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, the Wind, was told to go inside and blow outward in
all directions. This he did, greatly expanding the dimensions of that
body, now so wide that they could hardly see its edge. The Lightning was
next directed to exert his strength, so with a terrific flash and roar he
penetrated the body to its centre, spreading it still wider. Then
Tarantula was called on to assist, and accordingly he started off to the
east, spinning a strong black cord, on which he pulled with all his might;
another cord of blue was spun out to the south, a third of yellow to the
west, and a fourth of glistening white to the north. A mighty pull on each
of these stretched the surface of that dark brown body to almost
immeasurable size. Finally Kútĕrastan directed all to cover their eyes
with their hands, and when they opened them a moment later they beheld
Nigostú̆n, the Earth, complete in extent. No hills or mountains were there
in sight, nothing but a smooth, treeless, reddish-brown plain.
Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, the Wind, scratched his chest and rubbed his fingers
together, when out from between them flew Dátĭlyĕ, the Humming-bird.
Dátĭlyĕ was told to make a circuit of the earth and report what he saw. He
started off toward the east, circled south, west, north, and back from the
east. All was well; the earth was most beautiful, very smooth, and covered
with water on the western side.
But the Earth was not still; it kept shifting and rolling and dancing up
and down, so Kútĕrastan made four great posts—colored black, blue, yellow,
and white—to support it. Then he directed Stĕnátlĭhăn to sing a song. She
sang, "The world is made and will soon sit still." These two then stood
and faced Chuganaái and Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, when into their midst came
Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, who dashed away to the cardinal points with the four
posts, which he placed under the sides of the earth; and upon them it sat
and was still. This pleased Kútĕrastan, so he sang a song, repeating, "The
world is now made and sits still."
Then Kútĕrastan began another song, referring to the sky. None existed as
yet, and he felt there ought to be one. Four times he chanted the song, at
the end of the fourth time spreading his hands wide before him, when lo!
there stood twenty-eight men and women ready to help make a sky to cover
the earth. He next chanted a song for the purpose of making chiefs for the
sky and the earth, and at its close sent Ndídĭlhkĭzn, the Lightning Maker,
to encircle the world. Ndídĭlhkĭzn departed at once, but returned in a
short time with three very uncouth persons, two girls and a boy, whom he
had found in the sky in a large turquoise bowl. Not one of them had eyes,
ears, hair, mouth, nose, or teeth, and though they had arms and legs, they
had neither fingers nor toes.
Chuganaái at once sent for Doh, the Fly, to come and erect a _kaché̆_, or
sweat-house. It took but a short time to put up the framework, which
Stĕnátlĭhăn covered closely with four heavy clouds: a black cloud on the
east, a blue one on the south, a yellow one on the west, and a white one
on the north. Out in front of the doorway, at the east, she spread a soft
red cloud for a foot-blanket after the sweat. Twelve stones were heated in
a fire, and four of them placed in the _kaché̆_. Kútĕrastan, Stĕnátlĭhăn,
Chuganaái, and Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn each inspected the sweat-house and
pronounced it well made. The three newcomers were bidden to enter and were
followed by Chuganaái, Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, Ndídĭlhkĭzn, Nôkusé, and Doh. The
eight sang songs as their sweat began. Chuganaái led, singing four songs,
and each of the others followed in turn with the same number. They had had
a good sweat by the time the songs were finished, so Stĕnátlĭhăn removed
the black cloud and all came out. She then placed the three strangers on
the red-cloud blanket, and under the direction of Kútĕrastan made for them
fingers, toes, mouth, eyes, ears, hair, and nose. Then Kútĕrastan bade
them welcome, making the boy, whom he called Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn, Sky Boy,
chief of the sky and its people. The second he named Nigostú̆n Nalí̆n,
Earth Daughter, and placed her in charge of the earth and its crops; while
to the third, Hádĭnĭn Nalí̆n, Pollen Girl, was assigned the care of the
health of the earth’s people. This duty also devolved upon Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn,
but each looks more to the welfare of his own sex than to that of the
other.
[Illustration: Among the Oaks - Apache]
Among the Oaks - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
The earth was smooth, flat, and barren, so Kútĕrastan made a few animals,
birds, trees, and a hill. Then he sent Ágocho, the Pigeon, to see how the
world looked. Four days later Ágocho returned and said all was beautiful,
but that in four days more the water on the opposite side would rise and
flood the land. Kútĕrastan at once created a piñon tree. This Stĕnátlĭhăn
skilfully tended until it grew to be of gigantic size at the end of four
days. Then with four great limbs as a framework she made a very large
water bottle, _tus_, covering it with gum from the piñon. When the water
appeared as predicted, Kútĕrastan went up on a cloud, taking his
twenty-eight helpers with him, while Stĕnátlĭhăn summoned all the others
and put them into the _tus_, into which she climbed last, closing the
mouth at the top.
[Illustration: Mescal Camp - Apache]
Mescal Camp - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
The flood completely submerged the earth for twelve days. Then the waters
subsided, leaving the _tus_ on the summit of the hill Kútĕrastan had made.
The rush of the waters had changed the once smooth, level plain into
series of mountains, hills, rivers, and valleys, so that Stĕnátlĭhăn
hardly knew where they were when she opened the _tus_ and came out. Tázhĭ,
the Turkey, and Gấgĕ, the Crow, were the first to make a tour of the land.
At the base of the hill they descended into a small muddy alkaline creek,
in which the Turkey got the tips of his tail-feathers whitened, and they
have been white ever since. On return they reported that all looked
beautiful as far as they had travelled. Stĕnátlĭhăn then sent Ágocho to
make a complete circuit and let her know how things appeared on all sides.
He came back much elated, for he had seen trees, grass, mountains, and
beautiful lakes and rivers in every direction.
Directing the others to remain where she left them, Stĕnátlĭhăn summoned
Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, Hádĭntĭn Naln, Ndídĭlhkĭzn, and Ágocho, and took them up
in a cloud, in which they drifted until they met Kútĕrastan and his band
of workers, who had completed the sky during the time of the flood. The
two clouds floated to the top of the hill on which stood the _tus_. All
descended to the valley below, where Stĕnátlĭhăn marshalled them into
line, that Kútĕrastan might talk to them. He briefly told them that he was
going to leave them and wished each one to do his part toward making the
world perfect and happy. "You, Ndísâgochan, shall have charge of the
clouds and the water. You, Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn, I leave in charge of the sky.
Nigostú̆n Nalí̆n, you are to look after the crops of our people; and you,
Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, must care for their health and guide them." He then called
Stĕnátlĭhăn to him and placed her in charge of all.
The people stood in line facing their god, with hands extended as if in
supplication. Kútĕrastan and Stĕnátlĭhăn stood facing each other. Each
rubbed their thighs with their hands, then cast their hands downward, and
there arose between them a great pile of wood. Stĕnátlĭhăn knelt and
slipped a hand under it, and as she did so Kútĕrastan passed his hand over
the top. Great white billowy clouds of smoke at once issued forth, rising
straight skyward. Into these Kútĕrastan disappeared. All the other gods
and goddesses soon followed, leaving the twenty-eight whom Kútĕrastan had
made to build the sky to remain upon the earth and people it. Chuganaái
went east to travel with the sun; Stĕnátlĭhăn departed westward to make
her home in clouds on the horizon, while Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn and Hádĭntí̆n
Nalín sought homes among the clouds in the south, and Nôkusé may still be
seen in the northern sky at night.
The Apache is inherently devoutly religious; his life is completely
moulded by his religious beliefs. From his morning prayer to the rising
sun, through the hours, the days, and months—throughout life itself—every
act has some religious significance. Animals, elements, every observable
thing of the solar system, all natural phenomena, are deified and revered.
Like all primitive people, not understanding the laws of nature, the
Apache ascribe to the supernatural all things passing their understanding.
The medicine-men consider disease evil, hence why try to treat evil with
drugs? Disease is of divine origin, so to the beneficent and healing gods
the Apache naturally make supplication for cure.
The Apache, even if willing, could not directly impart their religious
beliefs or their philosophy. It is only by study of their myths, myth
songs, and medicine practices, and by close observance of their life, that
a comprehensive idea of such beliefs can be gained.
A concise outline of the mythology of the Apache is given in the following
description of the painted medicine skin(2) shown in the accompanying
plate.
A—The nucleus of the universe, called Chalhké̆lh Nalíín, Night Girl. In
the beginning it was merely a spot of color in which, during the course of
time, a form appeared, and later emerged. This was Kútĕrastan, the
Creator.
B—Kútĕrastan, the Creator of All, is standing on the clouds, his first
home, holding lightning in each hand. To his left is the _tus_, or water
bottle, in which the people of the earth took refuge from the flood
shortly after their creation. Above him are four clouds, those into which
he departed when leaving the earth for his celestial abode. He first
created several assistants, who in turn created others by rubbing sweat
and small particles of cuticle from the face and body.
C—Stĕnátlĭhăn, the chief goddess, first helper of Kútĕrastan, is seen
standing on the clouds. In her right hand is a piñon tree, from the
branches and gum of which the large _tus_ was made at the time of the
deluge. Above her flies Dátĭlyĕ, the Humming-bird, who was sent as a
messenger about the world to note how its creation progressed.
D—Chuganaái Skhĭn was the second person created by Kútĕrastan. He followed
Stĕnátlĭhăn, and is therefore third in importance of the many deities. Not
only does he give light to the day, but he has the power to relieve and
cure disease with the aid of the first beams of his morning light. The
Apache ask his blessing before sunrise, generally imploring his
beneficence "as soon as you look upon me." The serrated circles typify the
abodes of these gods, which are protected by insurmountable barriers.
E—Here the sun as first made by the great creator is pictured. As time
wore on, it grew to become the full round disc it now is.
F—The moon as first made by Stĕnátlĭhăn, at the behest of Kútĕrastan, who
asked that she make something to illumine the night. The streaks represent
catamenia, and the gradual growth of the moon is assumed to be parallel
with prenatal growth.
G—This single symbol, a maltese cross, represents the four personages who
made the stars. They have to do with the stars only, and are not prayed to
as deities having power over the people on earth.
[Illustration: Sacred Buckskin - Apache]
Sacred Buckskin - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
EXPLANATION OF PLATE
A—Chalhké̆lh Nalín, Night Girl
B—Kútĕrastan, The One Who Lives Above
C—Stĕnátlĭhăn, Woman Without Parents
D—Chuganaái Skhĭn, Sun Boy
E—Chuganaái, The Sun
F—Klĕganaái, The Moon
G—Yádĭlhkĭh Bĭnálzĕ, Sky Messengers
H—Nigostú̆n Bĭká Bĭnálzĕ, Earth Messengers
I, J—Nasté̆lh, Makers of Dreams and Visions
K—Hádĭlhkĭh, Lightning
Disc L
1—Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, Slayer of Alien Gods
2—Dutlí̆shĭ Skhĭn, Turquoise Boy
3—Yólkai Skhĭn, White-Shell Boy
4—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, Pollen Boy
Disc M
1—Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, Born From Water
2—Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn, Sky Boy
3—Yólkai Skhĭn, White-Shell Boy
4—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, Pollen Boy
Disc N
1—Yólkai Nalí̆n, White-Shell Girl
2—Dutlí̆shĭ Nalí̆n, Turquoise Girl
3—Ĕnásho Dĭlú̆hklí̆shĕn, Black Alien Talker
4—Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n, Pollen Girl
Disc O
1—Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n, Pollen Girl
2—Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, The Wind
3—Yólkai Nalíí̆n, White-Shell Girl
4 —Yakósha Skhĭn, Frost Boy
P—Gáŭncho - Gods
Q—Gaŭnchĭné̆ - Gods
R—Gáŭn - Gods
S—Gaŭnchí - Gods
H—Another maltese cross, symbolizing four spirits of the air, who act as
messengers of the gods. They are supposed to communicate with the
medicine-men, bringing to them words of wisdom from the several gods as
they sit and chant in ceremony, or when they are fasting. Their name,
Nigostú̆n Bĭká Bĭnálzĕ, Earth Messengers, indicates that their powers
extend to both the earth and the sky.
I and J symbolize spirits of the air who reveal to the medicine-men the
wonders they claim to know in a priestly way. Such revelations are made to
them in visions as they sit and drum and sing when endeavoring to discover
some new cure for an affliction, or to initiate new customs that might be
pleasing to the gods. The priests often take a medicine skin of this sort
and go out into the mountains, where they fast and sing over it for hours
at a time, awaiting the coming of the spirits.
K—It is supposed that any of the various gods have the power of calling on
the lightning to carry messages from one to the other. Wherever shown in
the symbolism of the Apache, lightning lines are drawn to indicate
communication from one god to another.
Disc L 1—Nayé̆nĕzganĭ is the first son of Stĕnátlĭhăn, who was made to
conceive by the sun’s rays as she lay asleep on the eastern slope of a
mountain. He is the War God and miracle performer, the culture hero who in
parallel legends appears in many North American aboriginal cults. Great
monsters in the form of giant antelopes, rolling stones, and beasts of
hideous conception are supposed to have inhabited the earth for a time,
destroying its people. These monsters typify only the evils of this life;
in fact death itself is spoken of in many legends as one of the monsters,
in such form engaging in a long discussion with the miracle performer to
prove that he should not be destroyed; if he were, the earth would become
overpopulated. With his bow and arrow and turquoise lance Nayé̆nĕzganĭ
banished these curses from earth. He himself was invulnerable as he
appeared before these monsters, for the reason that he always buried his
veins near a tree before attacking them. After he had killed them all, he
and his younger brother, Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, quarrelled. The Bluebird revealed
to the latter the spot where Nayé̆nĕzganĭ kept his veins buried, so he
sought them out and shot arrows into them, thus killing him. Other myths
relate how Nayé̆nĕzganĭ was later resurrected, and he is still prayed to
as the chief War God.
[Illustration: Apache Girl]
Apache Girl
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
2—Dutlí̆shĭ Skhĭn was created within the blue clouds at the time they were
made, and emerged from them. He took part in the creation, assisting
Kútĕrastan and Stĕnátlĭhăn in finishing their work. At their direction he
made a few people and many birds and animals.
3—To Yólkai Skhĭn is attributed the creation of all white things. He
himself was brought into existence in the white cloud, and on emerging
therefrom immediately began the work of making white rock and shells under
the direction of Kútĕrastan and Stĕnátlĭhăn.
4—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn is the God of Disease and Health. It is he who causes
much sickness and he who can cure any disease, if he be so disposed.
Especial care is taken by the Apache not to arouse his displeasure, and he
is supplicated and propitiated whenever disease appears among them.
Disc M 1—Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, the second son of Stĕnátlĭhăn, is the God of
Water, because his mother conceived as she slept one afternoon under a
ledge of rock from which drops of water trickled upon her. In the dance
for rain all prayers and songs are addressed to him. It was he who created
the ocean.
2—Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn is Chief of the Sky. In the origin story the Lightning
was sent to encircle the earth to find how things appeared on all sides.
On his return he brought back with him a large turquoise bowl containing
three ill-formed persons, one of whom was Sky Boy. Later all three were
put through a sweat-bath and their bodies perfected.
3—Yólkai Skhĭn, described above.
4—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, described above.
[Illustration: The Ford - Apache]
The Ford - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
Disc N 1—Yólkai Nalí̆n, one of the most venerated and greatly feared
personages in the Apache mythology. She is the Goddess of Death, or rather
of the after-life, for she controls all souls that pass on to the future
world. The road to this afterworld is supposed to cross her shoulders and
is symbolized by the Milky Way, a trail made by the departing spirits. The
Apache will not utter the name of a deceased person, because they say the
dead have gone on to Yólkai Nalí̆n and are her people. If they talked of
them it might anger her, and when their death ensues she might refuse them
admittance to the eternal paradise. This goddess is supposed to preside
over the birth of children, hence supplications and offerings are made to
her immediately before childbirth. She is invoked at other times to
withhold her call, for it is believed that she can cause death. These
prayers are addressed to Yólkai Nalí̆n through the medium of small white
shells and white stone beads. The white beads are symbolic of purity, and
through them Yólkai Nalí̆n is asked to keep the minds of the people free
from evil thoughts or deeds.
2—Dutlí̆shĭ Nalí̆n, the Turquoise Girl, is the creator of all things
green. She has to do with the crops in the fields, and the devout Apache
prays to her every morning during the season of growth.
3—Ĕnásho Dĭlhklí̆shĕn is the God of Intellect. He controls the minds of
the people, making their thoughts good or evil at will. It was he who
first talked to the people on earth. When a child is born its parents
often pray that Kútĕrastan will make it grow to be like Ĕnásho
Dĭlhklí̆shĕn, to whom prayers are addressed for aid when one must talk to
the people. In such case no offering of pollen is made unless the request
be presented to an image representing this god, when pollen is sprinkled
upon it.
4—Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n is Chieftainess of Pollen, because she causes pollen to
grow on the trees. The Indians know the function of pollen in plants and
pray that their corn and other products of the fields, as well as the nuts
and fruits that grow wild, may be fructified early in the season, to
insure good harvests.
Disc O 1—Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n, described above.
2—Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, Chief of the Winds. The Apache never complains of the
wind, for should he become impatient about them and give vent to
sacrilegious utterances he might anger the Wind God and thereby bring on
destructive storms.
3—Yólkai Nalí̆n, described above.
4—Yakósha Skhĭn, God of Moisture and also Controller of Rain. Since snow,
ice, hail, frost, dew, and fog are derived from the clouds, Yakósha Skhĭn
is sometimes termed Chief of the Clouds, but in general the clouds are
regarded as his workshop, for there is another who has direct charge and
control of them.
P, Q, R, and S—These figures represent gods, or, in Apache, _gáŭn_, who
are supposed to have been made by the Sun for the purpose of curing people
stricken with bodily disease. Diseases of the body are regarded as
distinct from those of the mind. The _gáŭn_ live in the four cardinal
directions and are impersonated in medicine ceremonies by men wearing
stick masks, who always take stations at the four sides of the patient.
These doctors are not called in case of illness until after the four chief
deities have been supplicated, when, as a last resort, the medicine-man
prays to the _gáŭn_. If the _gáŭn_ cannot help, there is believed to be no
hope for the patient. In ancient times all animals could talk, and many
were used as beasts of burden. The bear and the deer were the horses of
that time. In the graphic representations of the Apache these four spirits
are often pictured riding deer and bear.
MEDICINE AND MEDICINE-MEN
The medicine-men of the Apache are most influential personages. They are
usually men of more than ordinary ability, claiming, through their many
deities and their knowledge of the occult and ominous, to have
supernatural power. In sickness any individual may make supplication to
the deities, but the prayers of the medicine-men are accepted as being
most efficacious.
[Illustration: Apache Medicine-man]
Apache Medicine-man
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
Many of the medicine-men have some knowledge of the medicinal properties
of plants and generally make use of them in the treatment of disease, but
their treatment consists more of incantation than aught else. Even in
collecting the plants they invoke the deities, usually facing the cardinal
points in turn. In case the prescription calls for a combination of herbs
or other vegetal products, the number four is always strictly adhered to;
it might be a decoction made of four roots of one variety or of a single
root from each of four varieties of plants.
Every Apache medicine-man has a medicine skin, his _ĕpú̆n ezchí_,
inscribed with the symbolism of the tribal mythology. With his prayer
wands he rehearses the symbolic figures, praying to the mythical
characters who are regarded as most efficacious in the particular ailment
under treatment. In his own little _kówa_, or dwelling, with the painted
deerskin spread before him, on which are delineated the symbolic
representations of a score of gods comprising the Apache pantheon, a
medicine-man will sit and croon songs and pray all day and all night in
the hope of hearing the voices of celestial messengers.
Many of the prayers and songs of the Apache medicine-men are very
beautiful. The following is an example:
1 _Stĕná pĕhí̆nda nzhóni, tógonĭl ádahĕ bé̆oĭshka__n__._
2 _Inaté̆sh nzhóni bé̆oĭshka__n__._
3 _Ĕnŭdé̆tsos nzhóni bé̆oĭshka__n__._
4 _Ĭnyátĭl nzhóni bé̆oĭshka__n__._
5 _Bé̆hnandahĭ ĭnkéhĭ tógonĭl ádahĕ bé̆oĭshka__n__._
6 _Ĭndú̆h bĭnandáhĕ bé̆oĭshka__n__._
7 _Bĕh nashálolĕzh ndĕ; nashéyo shĭchí̃sĭgo__n__ zhó__n__dolĕzh._
8 _Ndĕ shĭnklóho bĕh sanandáhĕ bé̆oĭshka__n__._
9 _Bĕh sanashádo bé̆oĭshka__n__._
10 _No oskó__n__go adĭshní daházhĭ bĕhnashádo ti ndĕ ta nashéyo
go__n__zhódo._
11 _Shágocho paógo násha._
12 _Akúd ndĕ sa nzhóni yé̆sĭtchĭ yé̆atido._
13 _Pídi yú̆gga sa nzhóni yé̆kĭssĭn shí̃dĭl é̆ndo._
14 _Shĭtú̆h gozhó__n__dolĕzh pógo hádĭshndi._
1 _Stĕnátlĭhă__n__, you are good, I pray for a long life._
2 _I pray for your good looks._
3 _I pray for good breath._
4 _I pray for good speech._
5 _I pray for feet like yours to carry me through a long life._
6 _I pray for a life like yours._
7 _I walk with people; ahead of me all is well._
8 _I pray for people to smile as long as I live._
9 _I pray to live long._
10 _I pray, I say, for a long life to live with you where the good people
are._
11 _I live in poverty._
12 _I wish the people there to speak of goodness and to talk to me._
13 _I wish you to divide your good things with me, as a brother._
14 _Ahead of me is goodness, lead me on._
While this prayer is worded as if uttered by the supplicant, it is in
reality offered by the medicine-man in his behalf.
There are head medicine-men and medicine-men of lesser degree. The man who
becomes influential enough to be considered the head medicine-man of the
tribe is more of a politician than a doctor of diseases, and in important
cases only is he called to treat in a healing ceremony. It requires a
particularly capable Indian to attain the position of head medicine-man,
for to do so he must not only make the people subservient to his will, but
must wrest the leadership from some other and usually older medicine-man
who is himself an influential character. Unfortunately it is apt to be the
most crafty, scheming man who gains such power over his tribesmen.
A case in point was the recent strife between Das Lan and Goshonné. For
some years the latter, an Indian of exceptional ability and withal
apparently an honest man in his treatment of diseases, was the head
medicine-man of the White Mountain Apache. Then it came to pass that the
crafty old Das Lan of the Cibicu had his vision, in which was revealed a
special message brought by Chuganaái Skhĭn from Kútĕrastan to the Apache
people. This was the beginning of the present so-called messiah craze.
[Illustration: Maternity Belt - Apache]
Maternity Belt - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
From the first there was promise of a battle to the end between Goshonné
and Das Lan. Goshonné well knew that if the new cult gained a firm footing
he would lose his influence and at best be but a mediocre medicine-man.
Das Lan, on the other hand, knew that he must break the power of such a
man as Goshonné, if he was to assume the leadership. Goshonné scoffed and
scorned, and would have none of the new belief. Still, he was an Indian,
and the prophecies of his rival gradually filled him with superstitious
fear, while his followers were either deserting him openly or were
secretly joining the ranks of the enemy. Death was predicted for the
members of Goshonné’s own family, and well could Das Lan make such
prophecies, for Goshonné’s two brothers were already stricken with
tuberculosis. First one died, then the other. Das Lan could now point to
him and say, "That is what Kútĕrastan does to those who do not believe!"
It was thus that Goshonné’s power finally was broken and Das Lan became a
seer.
Sacred pollen, _hádĭntĭn_, is used in all ceremonies, particularly in
those designed for healing. The principal source of _hádĭntĭn_ is the
tule, but much of it comes from the piñon. For prayers invoking an
abundance of corn, pollen is mixed with cornmeal. Not only do the
medicine-men use this powder, but each individual carries a small quantity
of it in a deerskin pouch somewhere about his person. In the pollen may be
small medicine trinkets—sometimes consisting of a few shell beads from
prehistoric ruins—and there is scarcely a person, old or young, who does
not have a small section of the candle cactus fastened somewhere about his
clothing.
When childbirth approaches, the medicine-men are always summoned. Nothing
can give a better idea of the medicine rites on such an occasion, and of
the use of sacred pollen, than a description of a maternity belt procured
by the writer and here illustrated. So far as can be learned, this belt is
very old, so old that its painted symbolic figures have been three times
renewed. Belts of this kind are very rare, and are hired whenever their
use is required. The owner of this particular belt, a widow, did not care
to dispose of it; as she expressed it, "it is like a husband": the
remuneration from granting its use was sufficient to support her.
The belt is made from skin of the mountain lion, the black-tail deer, the
white-tail deer, and the antelope—animals which give birth to their young
without trouble. Medicine-men are called in to pray to the spirits of
these animals when a woman approaching confinement puts on the belt. It is
worn for a day or so only, but constantly during the critical period, not
being removed until after the child is born. Prayers are made, first by a
mother or father for their daughter, then by a medicine-man, and lastly by
the patient to the gods and elements depicted on the belt. These figures
are all connected with lightning lines. The first one to the left is
Stĕnátlĭhăn; on the same portion is the Snake Girl, Klĭshcho Nalí̆n; the
next is Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, the third Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, and the last Yólkai
Nalí̆n. The sharp points around the circular abodes of the two goddesses
represent barricades for protection. At the real homes of these deities,
none can pass through these barriers.
Each of the gods from left to right is prayed to successively, and
_hádĭntĭn_ is sprinkled around them afterward. Stĕnátlĭhăn is the first to
be addressed by the prospective mother:
"We are your children. When you gave birth to your children, it caused you
no trouble. Make me like yourself, that my child, soon to be born, may
come into this world easily and quickly, without pain to me."
Next the Snake Girl is prayed to:
"Klí̆shcho Nalí̆n, you came into this life with ease. Do what you can for
me now, that my child may come in like manner."
Then to Nayé̆nĕzganĭ:
"Help my babe, soon to be born, to come as you did—quickly, easily, and
without pain."
The belt in Nayé̆nĕzganĭ’s left hand represents the one worn by his
mother, Stĕnátlĭhăn, when he was born. There was a time when skirts, too,
having the same magic power the belt is supposed to possess, were worn by
women at childbirth. One such is shown in the hand of Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, next
pictured, to whom the woman addresses a prayer much the same as the last.
The skirt also is the one worn by Stĕnátlĭhăn when the two brothers were
born.
[Illustration: Medicine Cap and Fetish - Apache]
Medicine Cap and Fetish - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
Yólkai Nalí̆n is the favorite goddess from whom, in their belief, the
Apache women are endowed with great beneficence. She lives in the skies,
where all souls go. The prayer to her is, as to the others, "Save me from
pain and let my child come as you did."
Clouds at the feet of Nayé̆nĕzganĭ typify the bounties of the world into
which it is hoped and prayed the child will be happily born.
The prayers finished, _hádĭntĭn_ is sifted over all the figures. Beginning
at the left, the lightning line is followed into Stĕnátlĭhăn’s abode,
which is then encircled, and the sacred powder is liberally sprinkled
around and over her body. Each figure is treated in like manner.
The accompanying plate shows a medicine-cap made by Yotlú̆nĭ, a
medicine-man, about forty years ago, to cure a boy of lightning stroke
which had impaired his reason, and a small wooden image of a god recently
made to be carried by a girl troubled with nervousness. On both these
objects the gods and elements which cause afflictions and which alone can
give relief are symbolically represented.
The central figure on the cap pictures Ndídĭlhkĭzn, Lightning Maker, with
lightning, _hádĭlhkĭh_, in zigzag lines above his head and beneath his
feet. The broad arch indicates clouds with rifts in them, out of which the
evil came and into which it may return. The cross of abalone, the small
white bead, and the eagle feather are media through which Tu Ntĕlh (Wide
Water), Yólkai Nalí̆n (White-Shell Girl), and Itsád Ndé̆yu (Eagle People)
are supplicated.
The cap was worn at night by the boy, whose parents each morning at
sunrise prayed to the various gods and elements represented on it,
invoking them to take back that which they had left with the boy, and
adding: "Keep us even in temper and mild and clean in action. We do wrong
at times, but that is not our wish. If our minds are kept clean we will do
nothing bad. We wish to have good thoughts and to do good deeds. Keep our
minds clear that we may think them and do them." After each prayer
_hádĭnĭn_ was sifted upon the symbol representing the deity addressed.
As the boy soon recovered, the virtue of the cap was attested, and
subsequently its owner often hired it to others.
The little wooden image represents Hádĭnĭn Skhĭn, Pollen Boy, God of
Health. The painted figures on the skin pouch in which it is carried are
similar to those on the cap, and all are supplicated in the same manner.
The medicine-man who made the image and pouch received a horse from the
father of the patient in payment; but not the least interesting feature of
the case for which these objects were made is that the god of the natives
received all the credit for the efficient treatment given the afflicted
girl for a year by the reservation physician.
Dry-paintings, or figures drawn upon the ground with colored earths, were
used in the Apache healing ceremonies, but never to a great extent, and of
late years they have been practically abandoned. These paintings, compared
with the beautiful, conventional productions of the Navaho, are crude; in
making them the Apache always attempt to picture the objects literally
rather than to represent them conventionally or symbolically.
On the infrequent occasions when the dry-paintings are employed, the
medicine-man in charge of the ceremony directs his assistants, at
daylight, to begin the painting. When it is finished he takes his station
close to the easternmost figure of the painting, on its northern side. At
the right of the medicine-man sit twelve chosen singers with a drum. The
four masked _gáŭn_, or gods, at the same time take their places at the
cardinal points. The patient then enters from the east and sits down on
the head of the large figure in the centre of the dry-painting. As he does
so the medicine-man commences to sing, and is joined by the chorus at
once. They may sing the song four times, or sing four different songs, or
any multiple of four, at the pleasure of the medicine-man. When the songs
are finished the four masked personages scrape the colored earths into a
heap about the patient and rub them in handfuls over his body. If this
ceremony proves to be ineffectual, it is believed to be the will of the
gods that the patient be not cured.
[Illustration: _Dan Lan_ - Apache]
_Dan Lan_ - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
THE MESSIAH CRAZE
Among the Apache, in the spring of 1906, the excessive use of a combined
cross and crescent symbol was noted. Men, women, and children had this
anchor-like design cut into wood, tin, and metal talismans, and also
tattooed on their faces and branded on their horses. It was used also as a
decorative device in much of the new basketry and worked in beads on their
moccasins, and new shirts and waists seldom failed to display a cross in
narrow yellow and black ribbon in front.
Four years before this time a forceful old medicine-man living on the
Cibicu, in a remote corner of the Apache reservation, either through the
influence of a vision or other hallucination, or by a desire to become the
ruling spirit in the tribe, proclaimed the gospel of a messiah who, he
claimed, had appeared to him in the hills and would later return to the
deliverance of his tribespeople.
In childhood this future prophet was given the name Das Lan, Hanging Up,
by which designation he is commonly known in familiar discourse among his
tribesmen; but on the census rolls of the White Mountain agency he is
recorded simply as "V-9." On becoming a medicine-man in his youth, in
accordance with tribal custom he adopted the name—what may be termed a
professional title—Dónĭ Tlí̆shĭ Nôĭltánsh, which signifies Turquoise
Rolling Stone.
As hitherto mentioned, the Apache is the personification of devoutness in
the performance of his religious duties, and no matter where circumstances
may place him, he manages always to have a small pouch of _hádĭntĭn_
carefully secreted about his person for use in paying his devotions to
half a score of gods, at least once every four days. If occasion demands,
he may pray every day, or four times a day, or any multiple of four times.
This custom has a direct bearing on the story of the messiah, which is
this:
Das Lan, in a spirit of more than usual devotion, began a series of
prayers to the gods of Life, Peace, and Plenty, delivered as usual just as
the sun appeared over the eastern mountains. On the fourth morning, with
offerings of _hádĭntĭn_, he invoked the benediction of Kútĕrastan, the
Creator, Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, God of Health, Hádĭntĭn Nalín, Goddess of Crops,
and of Chuganaái himself, the All-seeing Sun. As the fourth pinch of
pollen wafted away on the breeze there appeared the vision, immediately
beneath the sun, of a small bearded dwarf, less than three feet in height,
who approached him, and said:
"I am a messenger sent by Kútĕrastan to talk to you. The Sun is my father;
I have just left him to come to you. You are to inform all your people
that a change is about to be made in their lives and in the nature of the
whole world. In place of this life of strife and toil with little to eat,
all, the white man as well as the Indian, will be taken to a place where
all things grow without labor, and where there will be no rough, barren
mountains, but instead broad valleys filled with grass, trees, corn,
fruits, nuts, and all kinds of game in abundance. There, too, you will
meet all your fathers and mothers and brothers and sisters and children
who have gone before you from their homes, for they are now there. There
no sickness or death will visit anyone. The old and feeble will become
strong, the crooked straight, and the blind shall see. But to be taken,
all must have faith, believing as one, and observe these instructions I am
to leave with you. You are commissioned to instruct the people. Those who
believe must adopt the _dáiita ílhnaha_, the cross and crescent, as a
symbol of faith, for it represents the shape the new world will have and
the road all must travel to reach it, and any who start on the journey
without using this sign will be lost on the way. When the time comes to
depart, I will return to lead you. A great cloud, open in the centre, will
come down from above and surround us all, so that none shall see whither
he goes. Until then those who would go must do as you bid them. All males,
boys or men, must have caps of deerskin with the _dáiita ílhnaha_ marked
on them in beads on four sides, and two eagle feathers attached to the
top, ready to wear on the journey. They must also have new shirts,
leggings, and moccasins upon which this figure has been made in black and
white.
[Illustration: Apache Village]
Apache Village
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
"The girls and the women must likewise have new clothing, bearing the
sacred symbol, ever in readiness. All their water bottles, burden baskets,
and saddlebags must also bear the sign, and should any desire to ride
horses, only the best, fleet and strong, branded upon the left buttock
with the _dáiita ílhnaha_, may be taken. The permanent homes of all people
living in bands under a chief must no longer be scattered, but must be
built close together in long rows, that no time may be lost in assembling
when our Great Father wills that you depart from this life to go to that
where all is peace and plenty. Until that time, which is not far off, you
must conduct yourselves as I have directed, discarding also all old
medicine symbols for the new."
The plain Greek cross and the crescent have been used by the Apache as
decorative and religious symbols from early times, but this recent
adaptation of the combined form came as a sudden wave.
With an unusually strong personality, Das Lan had long been held in fear
by those who knew him best, and with his story of the new messiah he soon
became of great prominence in the tribe. Das Lan first made confidants of
the leading spirits in the various bands, who in turn converted others to
the new faith before public announcement was made. Having won the
strongest men in the tribe through personal appeal to their vanity, the
crafty Das Lan could now remain at home, enjoying the prosperous practice
that grew out of his new cult.
Throughout the reservation those most deeply affected by the messiah
belief have been appointed spies over the others. If any persist in the
use of old medicine paraphernalia, they are reported at once and harassed
by threats of plague, sickness, ill-luck, disaster, and even death, which
Das Lan claims to be able to cause or to dispel at pleasure. Once the
threat is made, nothing unwelcome can happen to one under the ban that is
not immediately attributed, by all the medicine-man’s disciples, to the
disfavor of the gods; and nothing more potent is necessary to convert the
unbeliever, for there is no Indian reared in the wilds who is not steeped
in the belief that his gods are all-powerful in both causing and
eradicating every ill.
About two years ago, on the Cibicu, a woman murdered her husband. She did
not deny the act, but pleaded justification, alleging that her husband was
guilty of unfatherly conduct toward his daughter. The local authorities
were very sceptical of her defence, since the murdered man had always
borne an excellent reputation among both Indians and whites; but no
contradictory evidence could be adduced upon which to base an open trial,
so the matter became quieted. After time had cancelled the crime in the
mind of the guilty, it became known that the murder had been committed at
the instigation of the scheming Das Lan, who found the deceased an
obstacle to his prophetic assumptions, and under the guise of an order
from Kútĕrastan had him despatched. Naturally fierce, strong, and bold,
Das Lan has become more emboldened by his success as a prophet, and
indirect threats of further crafty murders are sometimes uttered by the
more fanatical members in each band when anyone presumes to defy his creed
and will.
In 1903, throughout the White Mountain reservation, the Government farmers
found it difficult to persuade the Apache to plant the usual corn. The
following winter found them with a scant food supply, and Government aid
was neccessary to relieve suffering. The cause of the failure to plant,
none of the officials then knew; but to his tribesmen Das Lan had
prophesied the probable advent of the messiah at that time—so why plant
corn?
Another effect of Das Lan’s prophecy is noted in the fact that although a
few years ago the Apache houses were scattered far and wide, now there are
many villages consisting of long straight rows of grass-thatched huts,
bearing testimony to that deep-seated superstition which in the Apache
apparently will never be eradicated.
[Illustration: Sand Mosaic - Apache]
Sand Mosaic - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
This pictures an Apache dry-painting employed in an attempt to cure a
paralytic about the year 1882. The several figures are crude
representations of masked deities—_gáŭn_. The wavy lines are lightning
symbols. The patient entered upon the central figure, when the colored
earths were gathered from about him and rubbed upon his body by masked men
personating the _gáŭn_.
PUBERTY RITE
The ceremonial celebration of the arrival of the period of puberty in
girls is more rigidly adhered to than any ancient religious rite or social
custom in vogue among the Apache. By this ceremony the social position of
the girl is established, and she is given assurance, on the eve of her
womanhood, of a long, happy, active life. At this critical period, if the
favor of the gods were not thus invoked in behalf of the girl, it might
augur ill for her in after life.
This Nalín Bagúdzĭtash, or Girl Dance, is held always at dawn and is
brought to a close when the sun shines full upon the participants. The
ceremony is conducted by a woman selected from among the friends of the
girl’s parents for her comeliness, activity, and good character. So far as
the performance of the successive parts of the ceremony is concerned, no
special knowledge on the part of the leader is required, as a medicine-man
is engaged to give the necessary directions and to sing the songs. The
girl lies on a blanket upon the ground, and her sponsor, so to speak,
straightens her arms and legs, rubs her joints, and otherwise simulates
remoulding and beautifying her body. The girl then sits up, and those
assembled dance and sing in a circle about her. An eagle feather and a
white-shell bead are tied in her hair, and sacred pollen is rubbed on her
face, in deference respectively to the bird of war and the god and goddess
of health and fructification—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn and Hádĭntĭn Nalín.
When the dancing is finished the sponsor takes a basket of corn prepared
for ceremonial use and deposits it fifty yards or more to the east of the
circle. The girl arises and runs around the basket, then back to the
blanket on the ground, followed by little boys and girls. The godmother
then moves the basket farther away, and the girl runs around it again,
followed by children as before. This performance is repeated four times at
the east of the circle, after which the basket is carried around to the
south and the girl runs around it four times again, then to the west, and
lastly to the north. When she returns from her fourth run at the north the
girl stops on the blanket as usual, where the basket of corn is emptied on
her head. A lively scramble for the corn follows on the part of all
present, for it is deemed good fortune to bear away a handful of the
consecrated kernels, which, if planted, are certain to be very prolific.
The act of running out and back, followed by children, symbolically
attests that the young woman will be strong and active throughout life,
beloved by her offspring, who will always follow and obey her. That of
pouring corn upon her head is an invocation to the gods that she may be
blessed with fruitfulness.
The girl wears her ceremonial raiment of whitened deerskin or new white
muslin, with a white feather, a stone bead, and a piece of shell in her
hair, for four days after the performance, abstaining during that time
from flesh and from food containing salt, being careful, too, not to
scratch herself with her fingers. At the end of this period she bathes,
dons her usual clothing, and partakes of the customary food.
DANCE OF THE GODS
The Gáŭn Bagúdzĭtash, or Dance of the Gods, is the one ceremony of the
Apache that bears any material resemblance to the many Yébĭchai dances or
"chants" of the Navaho, and even then the only feature common to the two
is that the men, typifying gods, wear elaborate masks. The Apache are not
unfamiliar with the making and employment of dry-paintings for the
treatment of the sick, as has been seen. Originally the dry-paintings and
the _gáŭn_, or gods, always appeared together, but in recent years the
Gáŭn dance has been conducted preliminary to and as a part of medicine,
puberty, and war ceremonies. Captain Bourke, in his "Medicine-men of the
Apache" (Ninth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892), speaks of this as
the Spirit or Ghost dance. Though performed infrequently now, as compared
with other dances, on account of the expense and of disapproval by the
agents, the Gáŭn Bagúdzĭtash is unquestionably the most popular ceremony
conducted by the Apache.
[Illustration: Apache _Gaŭn_]
Apache _Gaŭn_
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
Four always, but generally five, deities are impersonated in this
dance—Gaŭnchĭné̆ of the east, Gáŭncho of the south, Gáŭn of the west,
Gaŭnchí of the north, and Gaŭnĕskí̆dĕ the fun-maker. These are arrayed in
short kilts, moccasins, and high stick hats supported upon tightly fitting
deerskin masks that cover the entire head. Each carries two flat sticks
about two feet in length, painted with zigzag lines representing
lightning.
For the dance a circular plot of ground, fifty or sixty feet in diameter,
is cleared of stones and brush, and four small cedar trees are planted
about its edge, one at each of the cardinal points. All in attendance
assemble in a circle outside the trees, leaving an opening at the eastern
side. Unheralded the five masked personators march in from the east and
take position in front of the cedar trees, the fifth man standing behind
the fourth at the northern side. Four drummers with small drums and an
indefinite number of drummers around a large one, at a signal from the
medicine-man in charge, who sings, begin drumming. The personated gods
dance all about the circle, making motions with their sticks as if picking
up and throwing something away, followed by blowing with the breath for
the purpose of expelling evil spirits from their midst. While this is
going on the fifth masker, Gaŭnĕskídĕ, performs antics designed to amuse
the audience. When the songs are finished the dancers depart in an
eastwardly direction, whence they came, and all rest.
The drummers begin the next period in the dance by beating their tomtoms.
As soon as they commence the _gáŭn_ again appear, coming from the east as
before, and stop in single file in front of the cedar tree on the eastern
side. There the spectators throw _hádĭntĭn_ upon them and offer prayers,
after which the five _gáŭn_ take the same positions as before in front of
the small trees. Upon the trees little wheels of cedar twigs have been
hung; these the dancers now take, and each dances toward the fire in the
centre of the circle and back four times. As the gods dance back and forth
the people assembled in the encircling line shift their positions, so that
all the women are on the north side and all the men on the south; then the
entire body dances, with brief intervals of rest, while twelve songs are
sung. The maskers next form in single file on the east, march around the
fire, through the flames of which each passes the ends of his two sacred
wands to destroy any lurking evil, then back around the eastern cedar
tree, again around the fire, then to the southern tree, and so on to each
of the four trees, when they take their leave.
This much constitutes that part of the ceremony in which the _gáŭn_ are
the chief participants and which usually occupies half the night. The
remainder of the night is consumed by the performance of some ceremony
forming the principal objective—often the puberty rite above described.
[Illustration: Apache Maiden]
Apache Maiden
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
THE JICARILLAS
[Illustration: Lone Tree Lodge - Jicarilla]
Lone Tree Lodge - Jicarilla
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
HOME AND GENERAL CUSTOMS
The Jicarillas, or, as they are commonly called, "Jicarilla Apaches,"
occupy a reservation of nearly four hundred and fifty square miles of
mountainous country in northern New Mexico. Linguistically the Jicarillas
are of the same stock as the Apache of Arizona; but here the relationship
ceases, for the two peoples have virtually no knowledge one of the other;
each, according to their respective genesis myths, had their origin in the
general region in which they live to-day, while the dialect, mythology,
legends, and medicine rites of the Jicarillas more closely resemble those
of the Navaho than any of the Apache groups. The designation "Jicarilla
Apaches" is an inheritance from the early Spaniards, who were wont to
designate as Apache any warlike tribe which had not been brought under
subjection. Such were the Apaches de Nabajú (Navaho), the Apaches del
Perrillo, the Apaches Gileños, Apaches Tejuas, Apaches Vaqueros, Apaches
Faraones, Apaches Llaneros, Apaches Lipanes, and a host of others, of whom
the Spanish missionaries and colonists had little or no knowledge except
that derived, alas, from predatory raids on the peaceable Indians among
whom they were established. The name "Apache," therefore, was applied in
the Rio Grande country of New Mexico in much the same way as the term
"Yavapai" was given in the Rio Colorado region of Arizona, and, naturally
enough, it still survives.
[Illustration: A Jicarilla]
A Jicarilla
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
Owing to their composite nature the Jicarillas are a peculiarly
interesting group. Too small in numbers to resist the cultural influence
of other tribes, and having been long in contact with the buffalo hunters
of the great plains as well as in close touch with the pueblo of Taos with
its great wealth of ceremony and ritual, it is not surprising that the
Jicarillas, in life and ceremony, have been deeply influenced by adjacent
tribes. As previously stated, the Jicarilla medicine rites are much like
those of the Navaho, but are far simpler in character. In dress the
Jicarillas resemble the Indians of the plains, even to the feather
headdress, which is never worn by the tribes to their south and west.
Features of an annual fiesta have been borrowed directly from the Pueblos.
The typical habitation of the Jicarillas is a tipi, or lodge, called
_kozhán_, patterned after that of the Plains tribes. Formerly they hunted
the buffalo, making periodical excursions from their mountain home to the
plains and bringing back quantities of prepared meat and large numbers of
hides, which were fashioned into tents and used for many other purposes.
To all intents and purposes, therefore, the Jicarillas were a plains
tribe. Only within recent years have they grown crops of any kind. They
exhibit fair skill in basketry, this being their chief industry and source
of barter with neighboring tribes; indeed it was through this custom of
making "little baskets" that the Spaniards applied to them the name by
which they are popularly known. The Pueblos of the Rio Grande use many
baskets, which they obtain chiefly from the Jicarillas in exchange for
corn. During late years many of these _jicarillas_ have been disposed of
to traders. Like the Navaho they make but little pottery, and that only
for utilitarian purposes.
The Jicarillas seem to have no system of clans or gentes. The tribe is
divided into two bands—commonly called by their Spanish names, _Olleros_
(Potters) and _Llaneros_ (Plainsmen)—within which marriage is not
prohibited. In the days of the buffalo a part of the tribe, preferring the
prairie country, remained there for a short time and received the name
Kolhkahín, People of the Plains. The others returned to the mountains and
from the pottery they there made were called Sait Ndĕ, Sand People, sand
being used in mixing the clay. In event of marriage between members of
different bands, sons born of the union belong to the father’s band, while
daughters belong to the band of the mother.
Generally speaking, chieftainship is hereditary, passing to the eldest
son, if there be such, otherwise to a brother, on the death of the
incumbent; but this rule might be set aside if public opinion were strong
enough to warrant it, and the chief be selected from another family. Each
band has a headman, chosen by reason of his personal bravery and
worthiness. The tribal chief, however, is the recognized leader, the two
band chiefs being little more than figureheads.
The social customs of the Jicarillas are well defined. A young man wishing
to marry sends a near relation to procure the consent of the girl’s
parents, with whose decision the wishes of the daughter have little
weight. If the young man meets their approval, he is sent out to hunt, and
the game which he kills is distributed among the girl’s relations. The
following day his family build a _kozhán_ and place in it the personal
effects of the young couple, who, at night, enter with friends and
kinsfolk. A medicine-man prays to Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ, asking his beneficence
toward the new home. This ceremony lasts until midnight, when the visitors
depart and the marriage is consummated. Polygamy was common. Divorce is
effected without ceremony, the discontented one deserting the other and
leaving him or her in possession of the dwelling.
Property right is governed by tribal laws. The wife’s belongings are
inherited by her children or, if she should have none, by her parents, not
by the husband. On the death of the husband his property passes to the
children and the wife.
The dead are buried in secret, only a few of the close relations having
knowledge of the place. Immediately after death the body is carried on
horseback to a high point, where it is placed on the ground and covered
with the personal possessions of the deceased, such as clothing, blankets,
saddles, and weapons, and over all are heaped brush and stones. Formerly a
man’s horse was killed near his grave, and sometimes as many as three or
four horses were similarly sacrificed at different places. In former times
also the _kozhán_ was burned after the burial, and members of the family
cut their hair as a sign of mourning. The souls of the dead are believed
to rise skyward. In one portion of the sky, among vast herds of buffalo,
all those who have met death in battle assemble, rich and happy; in
another part, those who have succumbed to sickness and old age. The evil,
or those who have practised witchcraft, have a place apart from the rest.
Between the latter and the spirits of the good stands a high rock wall at
which the evil ones are condemned to dig for eternity in an effort to
reach the happier home. Spirits can work only in darkness, and the work of
the night is ever brought to naught by recurring daylight.
[Illustration: A Jicarilla Feast March]
A Jicarilla Feast March
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
The Jicarillas, like their kindred the Navaho and Apache, pay much
attention to religion and ceremony. Compared with the Navaho their life
seems almost lacking in ceremony, but when contrasted with the various
Yuman tribes on the Colorado and Gila rivers of Arizona it is fairly rich.
Their healing or medicine rites include a dance, called _Isánĕ_, that
occupies four days and four nights, and many one-day "sings," in all of
which dry-paintings are employed. Like the Apache the Jicarillas attach
much importance to the girls’ puberty ceremony and still rigidly adhere to
it.
A four-day medicine dance is founded on the following legend:
Two maidens lived at the bottom of a deep pit. Many of the men wished to
marry them, but the girls were well content and refused to come out. The
Bear and the Snake formed a plan to carry them off and make them their
wives. A beautiful butterfly was sent fluttering down over the girls’
heads, but they paid little heed to its beauties. Another was sent, then
another, and yet a fourth, which was so beautiful that the girls reached
up to catch it, for they wished to copy its splendid colors on a large
basket they were weaving. But the butterfly escaped them and flew upward,
keeping ever out of reach as the girls followed to the mouth of the pit.
There the Bear and the Snake in waiting suddenly reached over, seized the
girls, and carried them away. The people, learning of this, asked them to
bring the girls back, but the Bear and the Snake refused, so an appeal was
made to Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ and Kobadjischínĭ. These two gods built a fence
around the world to keep the Bear and the Snake from escaping, and,
summoning all the people, compelled the Bear and the Snake to bring the
two young women back. The one the Bear had married had grown very fat and
coarse, like her master. "What have you done to make this girl so fat?"
demanded Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ in anger. "You must give her medicine to make her
comely again." So the Bear sang songs and made medicine until the girl was
herself again. Then came the Snake with the girl he had stolen. She had
become thin, like her master. "What have you done to make this girl so
thin?" cried Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ. "You must give her medicine to make her well
again." The Snake then sang his songs and made medicine until the girl
became again robust and beautiful.
As already mentioned, the performance of this ceremony extends through a
period of four days and four nights. The day preceding is spent in
preparation: the head of the family of the sick person makes ready for a
feast, and helpers build a corral of piñon and spruce branches. This
corral is circular, about forty yards in diameter and six feet high, with
an opening at the east. To the west, close to the fence, is the medicine
_kozhán_. The latter part of each morning of the four days is spent by the
medicine-man and his assistants in the _kozhán_, where a dry-painting of
blue, black, yellow, and red earths is made in the shape of a snake lying
in a circle with a space between the head and the tail. The circle is
about six feet in diameter, and within it are represented numerous
animals: the bear, turkey, deer, eagle, buffalo, elk, badger, gopher, and
others. A decoction is mixed in an earthen bowl and the patient is
summoned. Sand from the various parts of the painting are sprinkled on the
corresponding parts of his body, and the medicine mixture is given him to
drink.
The night portions of the ceremony begin shortly after dark. The
medicine-man and any persons who know the songs gather in the _kozhán_ and
sing, accompanied with a drum made of a basket inverted over a hole in the
ground and covered with a buffalo skin, the head toward the east. The hole
represents the pit in the legend, the basket the one the girls were
weaving, and a figure interwoven in the latter symbolizes the butterfly of
the story. The beating of the drum is varied at intervals by the use of a
leg-bone of a mountain sheep rasped quickly over a notched stick. Any men
of the tribe may enter the _kozhán_, and even a white man who is well
known. The songs consist of recitals of the powers of the medicine-man and
invocations to the various animals, as the bear, snake, and mountain
sheep. Some of the songs consist merely in naming the parts of the
animal’s body, while others are supposed to be those used by the Bear and
the Snake in the legend. After singing these songs for about three hours,
with intervals of rest, the dancing begins. On each side of the enclosure
are three fires. Behind these on the north side are the men, on the south
the women; thus a large open space is bounded by the two lines of fires,
the _kozhán_, and the opening of the corral. Two women walk slowly into
this space, their heads modestly bent. They stop, and a young man
approaches to ascertain with whom they would dance. He then finds the
desired persons, takes each by the arm, and drags him out. The men always
feign unwillingness to go. In the meanwhile other pairs of women have come
out and other young men become busy finding partners for them. As a rule
they dance in groups of four, men and women facing each other and moving
backward and forward five or six steps. As the dance progresses the man is
likely to lay his hands upon the woman’s shoulders, but modesty forbids
her a similar liberty. The same pair may remain dancing together
throughout the night, or they may cease when either desires. On the first
night the dancing continues until about midnight; the second, an hour or
two longer; the third, until well toward dawn; the fourth, until sunrise.
[Illustration: Jicarillas]
Jicarillas
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
On the last night the top of a small spruce tree, tipped with eagle down,
is planted near the door of the _kozhán_, and a new element in the dancing
is introduced. About midnight, before any dancing has been engaged in, the
ceremonial dancers enter from two dressing _kozhán_ some two hundred yards
east of the corral. These consist of two parties. The first, eight in
number, enter in single file, preceded and followed by a man in everyday
costume. These dancers, called _Tsa__n__natí̆_, are nude, save for the
breech-cloth, with body and face painted in white and black, and the hair
hanging loose. Immediately following them are the _Cha__n__zhiní̆_, six in
number, accompanied by four keepers, two in front and two behind. The six
are nude, the bodies painted solid white with six black stripes encircling
them. The hair is painted white and is done up into two long, stiff
braids, which project from the sides of the head like a pair of horns. The
faces are hideously made up to represent clowns, as indeed their name
signifies. In dancing, the Chanzhiní̆ and Tsannatí̆ do not take steps, but
shuffle sidewise, locomotion being effected by means of a sort of
exaggerated shivering of the legs. This movement is common to Plains
tribes in many of their dances. The whole line of dancers proceed with
their peculiar motion into the _kozhán_ and around the fire, passing
before the patient, the Chanzhiní̆ all the while uttering hoarse,
animal-like cries. Their utterances are always coarse and obscene, causing
much merriment, which is supposed to aid the patient in casting off his
illness. After passing through the _kozhán_ the Tsannatí̆ form in line
outside and with their feet keep time to the singing and drumming, while
the others break ranks and in a promiscuous throng pass before the
spectators, first on the men’s side, then on the women’s. Just before
their departure from the corral any woman who feels an indisposition may
crouch in their path near the gate, facing the west, and the Chanzhiní̆
one by one leap over her, first from the east, then from the other three
directions, ever continuing their hoarse cries.
These characters make their appearance four times during the course of the
night, the spectators dancing during the intervals. After their last exit
dancing continues until shortly before sunrise; then the medicine-man and
the singers arise, and, forming a circle about the fire in the centre of
the _kozhán_, sing a number of songs. A maiden is summoned from the
gathering to carry a basket of sacred meal, and the medicine-man, taking
up the top of the spruce tree, passes out of the enclosure toward the
rising sun, followed by the maiden, the patient, the singers, and any who
may be afflicted with a bodily ailment. At a distance of about a hundred
yards the medicine-man stops and plants the little spruce tip, to which
the disease is now supposed to have been transferred, under a tree,
sprinkling over it quantities of the sacred meal. Then each of the others,
the patient leading, steps forward, throws a pinch of the meal on the
tree, and passes on, always facing the east. When the last one has thus
passed, the procession stops, everybody holds his blanket ready, and on
signal from the medicine-man, just as the sun appears, gives it a shake
and runs at full speed to the _kozhán_ and around the fire. Thus is
disease shaken out and the pursuit of the evil spirits of sickness eluded.
[Illustration: Jeditoh - Navaho]
Jeditoh - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
It is interesting to note the difference between the Apache of Arizona and
the Jicarillas in their assignment of colors to the cardinal directions.
The former invariably associate black with the east, blue with the south,
yellow with the west, and white with the north.
MYTHOLOGY - CREATION MYTH
In the beginning all people, birds, and beasts were far beneath this
earth, somewhere in the darkness; there was no sun, no moon. It was not a
good place in which to live, because of the darkness. After a time came
Chunnaái, the Sun, and Klĕnaái, the Moon. They directed the people to
leave the world of darkness, showing the way they were to go by passing up
through a rift in the sky. But the sky was so far above that the people
knew of no way to reach it, so they made a pile of sand in the form of a
mountain, and painted the east side white, the south blue, the west
yellow, and the north side all colors.[1] Then they gathered seeds from
all the plants they knew and placed them inside the little mountain.
Chunnaái sent back his messenger, Ánltsĭstn, the Whirlwind, to instruct
them how to make the mountain increase in size.
Then all gathered about it and danced and sang, until after four days the
seeds sprouted and the mountain began to expand and to increase in height.
This continued for four days, at the end of which time the mountain seemed
almost to reach the sky; but suddenly its growth ceased, and none knew the
cause. From Chunnaái came Whirlwind to tell the inhabitants how two of
their maidens had entered the sacred space on the mountain top and had
wantonly broken and destroyed plants and fruits, thus causing the mountain
to cease growing.
With two long poles and four buffalo horns, which then were straight, the
people made a ladder, which, when placed on the mountain top, reached the
sky. One of the four Great Whirlwinds, Níchitso, went up to see what this
new place was like. He put his head through the opening, and seeing that
the world was covered with water, at once descended the ladder. The four
Whirlwinds then went up; White Wind rolled the water to the east, but
still there was water at the south; Blue Wind rolled it away to the south,
but still there was water at the west; so Yellow Wind blew it away to the
west, and then there was water only at the north, which All-Color Wind
quickly blew away. Then the Winds blew over the earth for four days to dry
it; but they left some of the water, which flowed along in streams.
When they returned and told what they had done, the people sent Ká̑gĕ, the
Crow, who was wise, to view the land. They waited long, but Ká̑gĕ did not
return. Then they sent Little Whirlwind, who found the Crow perched upon
some dead bodies, plucking out their eyes; and because of his wickedness
in forgetting the people, his feathers, once white, had turned black. Then
Nagánschitn, the Badger, was sent to see if the land was good, but just as
soon as he had crawled through he sank in the black mud and could go no
farther, so Little Whirlwind was despatched to succor him. To this day
Badger’s legs are black. Next Kĕldinshé̆n, the Skunk, was sent, because he
was light in weight; but even he sank in the mud and blackened his legs.
Then the people sent Cha, the Beaver, who travelled about for a long time,
and finding all the water running away in streams, built dams and thus
formed many lakes. He came back and told the people that the land was good
to live in, which pleased them greatly. Then they started up the ladder,
and when all had passed over, it was found that their weight had bent the
buffalo horns, which ever since have been curved. Thus all the people came
out upon this earth at a place in the north.(3)
During the first days the Sun did not rise above the horizon, having been
held back in the east by a web that Mansché̆, the Spider, had woven about
him. But the people succeeded in tearing the web away, and from that time
the Sun each day has travelled across the whole sky.
On emerging from the underworld the inhabitants began moving in a great
circle, travelling from the north to the east, then to the south, then to
the west. When any found a spot that pleased them, they settled there, and
Chunnaái and Klĕnaái gave them a language of their own. Four times the
land was thus encircled, but each time the circle became smaller, and when
the people came the last time to the north, Haísndayĭn, the Jicarillas,
found their home in the mountains near the Rio Chama.
MIRACLE PERFORMERS
During the wanderings of the people a girl, Yólkai Ĕstsán, became
separated from the rest. She would lie all day on a hillside in the
sunshine, and the Sun saw that no harm came to her. By and by she bore a
child, whose father was Chunnaái, the Sun, and the child was
Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ. Another girl, Ĕstsán Nátlĕshĭn, was fond of lying asleep
under a rock, and by the trickling water that fell upon her Kobadjischínĭ
was begotten.
[Illustration: Lake Lajara - Navaho]
Lake Lajara - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
The two women and their sons lived together. To amuse the children the
mothers made them a wheel, but cautioned them never to roll it toward the
north. Whenever he heard the sound of water, Kobadjischínĭ, to seek its
source, would leap straight into any torrent, and his mother hoped that
the toy would deter him from falling into such danger. One day the two
boys became curious to know what was in the north, so they rolled the
wheel in that direction. It went straight on for a long time, then came to
a ladder leading up the steep side of a rock, up which it rolled. The boys
stopped in astonishment. The wheel rolled on down into a cave, where lived
Yíyĕ, a monster Owl, who ate human flesh. A young girl, Yíyĕ’s slave, was
sent up to see who was outside. "Two young, fine-looking boys," she
reported. Yíyĕ sent her to tell them to come into the cave, but this they
refused to do, even when he urged them himself, saying, "No! Give us our
wheel!" But at last the boys yielded to Yíyĕ’s persuasions and proceeded
up the ladder and down into the cave. Owl built a fire under a huge pot of
water, seized the boys, and put them into it. He boiled them a long time,
then lifted them out with a stick. They stood up and said, "Why do you not
give us our wheel and let us go home?" Then Yíyĕ became angry and thrust
them into a great heap of hot ashes and built a fresh fire over them.
After a long time he took them out, but they were still unharmed, and only
asked, "Why do you not give us our wheel?" At this Owl became very angry
and, seizing them, cut them into small pieces, put them into the pot, and
boiled them again; but when he took them out they were alive and whole.
Owl said not a word, but gave them their wheel and motioned them to go.
All this time the mothers of the two boys knew from the Sun where they
were, and by a burning stick could tell when their children were in
danger; for if they were safe the flame burned high, but if in danger it
burned low.
Because there were so many monsters on the earth that destroyed people,
the mothers of Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ and Kobadjischínĭ sent them on a visit to
Chunnaái to learn how to kill these evil beings. Chunnaái sent down the
rainbow, and up this the two boys climbed and went into the house of the
Sun. For Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ the Sun made a complete suit of turquoise—shirt,
leggings, and moccasins—and in his hair fastened a long eagle feather. He
gave him also huge arrows made of pine trees pointed with flint of white,
blue, yellow, and all-colors, and a bow made of a part of the rainbow. To
Kobadjischínĭ he gave a suit of flint of many colors and a long whip with
which to drive away sickness, and in his hair he tied a downy eagle
feather. Then he said to Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ, "Shoot down and see if you can
hit that tree." So Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ shot, and the arrow shattered the tree
like a bolt of lightning.
[Illustration: Into the Desert - Navaho]
Into the Desert - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
After his return from the home of the Sun, Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ and his mother,
Yólkai Ĕstsán, went over to the pueblo of Taos, where in a lake lived a
monster Turtle which had destroyed many people by dragging them beneath
the water. Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ went into the village and asked for food, but
the people refused him, not knowing who he was. In the night he sent worms
into their corn, spoiling it all; and in the morning, when they discovered
it, they were filled with fear, and said:
"You must be some great man. In the west is a large lake, and in it a
being which has dragged many of our people into the water. Will you go and
kill it?"
"I will kill it," replied Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ, "but first you must give me as
much turquoise as I now have in my suit."
This they did, and Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ asked Chunnaái how he should kill this
creature. His father gave him four wheels—white, blue, yellow, and
all-colors. Then from the east he threw the white one into the middle of
the lake, and the water receded a little. From the south he threw the blue
wheel, from the west the yellow, from the north the wheel of all-colors,
and each time the water decreased a little more, until a ladder leading
downward was exposed. From the centre in four directions led rows of large
stones, upon which Turtle walked in going to his house. Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ
went out on one of these stone-trails and down the ladder. At the bottom
he found two mountain lions, which he quieted by giving them eagle
feathers. He went through a long passage and successively met two fierce
bears, two snakes, and two spotted wildcats, but each in turn was pacified
with eagle feathers. At the end of the passage was a door, which
Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ burst open, coming suddenly upon the great Turtle. The
monster tried in vain to seize and kill him, but Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ took out
his fire-stick, and said:
"Release the people you have here, or I will destroy you with my fire!"
"I have only one," said Turtle, "and you may take him."
When the one came out Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ asked him if there were any more
captives in the house, and the man said there were many more. So again he
threatened Turtle, and other prisoners were released; but these were not
all, and he compelled Turtle to free still more. On the fourth demand,
however, the monster refused to give up any more of his prisoners,
whereupon Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ killed him with his fire and smoke. Then going
through the rooms he released all the people he found. There were two
young Turtles, whom he told not to grow any larger, nor to kill people or
animals; and small Turtles yet inhabit the land.
Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ heard that to the east of the mountains of the Haísndayĭn
lived Tzĕs, the enormous Elk, in the midst of a great high plain, which no
one could approach unseen. So he journeyed thither, thinking to ascend the
eastern side; but Elk saw him, and he went no closer. Then he tried from
the south, the west, and the north, but always Elk saw him. At the
northern side of the plain Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ heard someone ask, "What are you
doing here?"
It was Maínĕlin, the Gopher; and when he learned what Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ
wished to do, he promised his help. So he burrowed into the ground and
came up under the spot where Elk was lying, and just behind the shoulder
gnawed away the thick hair that protected the monster’s heart. Elk felt
the gnawing, and cried out, "Who is doing that?"
Gopher answered, "I need fur to make a nest for my little children."
So Elk became quieted and Gopher went back into the ground, and from the
centre dug holes in four directions to the edge of the plain.
Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ then entered one from the east, and coming to the centre
looked up and saw Elk’s heart beating. Drawing his flint-pointed arrow to
the head, he shot the monster through the heart, then quickly dropped down
into Gopher’s burrow beneath four stones which, one below the other,
stopped the vertical channel. But first he made with his fire-stick a
dense white smoke at the end of the burrow that ran to the east. Elk
leaped down into the opening and rushed in the direction of the smoke,
seeking his enemy. Then in his rage he went to the centre, but in the
meantime Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ had made a cloud of blue smoke at the south, so
Elk ran thither. Successively Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ made yellow smoke at the west
and all-color smoke at the north, each time at the mouth of the burrow,
and each time Elk ran in the direction of the newly made smoke. All the
time blood was pouring from the wound in Tzĕs’ heart. At last he espied
the hole blocked with four stone doors of white, blue, yellow, and
all-colors, which led straight down from the floor of the passage. With
his great antlers the monster broke through the first three doors, but at
the fourth he fell dead. Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ divided the meat with Gopher, and
taking the greater portion on his back, for by this time he was grown
large and strong, he started back to his mother, who was overjoyed by his
safe arrival and because he had brought such a quantity of meat. Near the
village he stopped to rest, and the weight of himself and of Elk’s body
flattened the top of the hill on which he sat. Where Elk’s blood soaked
into the ground the soil is still red.
[Illustration: Nature’s Mirror - Navaho]
Nature’s Mirror - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
From his father, Chunnaái, Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ had knowledge of another evil
thing and how to destroy it. Cutting off a piece of Elk’s intestine, he
filled it with blood and fastened it about his waist. Then he told his
mother to strip off the hide and while it was still soft sew it into a
suit that would cover him completely. When the suit was finished he put it
on, hid Elk’s antlers under it, and departed westward in search of Itsá,
the Eagle, who every day killed a man. When Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ approached the
home of Eagle the latter swooped down from his high rock and four times
tried to seize him, but could not fasten his talons in the hardened hide.
At the fourth attempt Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ allowed Eagle to take hold of his
suit in the front, whereupon the bird carried him up and up, and from a
tremendous height dropped him upon the sharp rocks. Though unhurt, to
deceive Eagle he tore open the piece of intestine, allowing the blood to
gush out upon the rock. Itsá told his two children to go and eat, but when
they drew near Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ made a sound, "Sh!" and they stopped in
fright. Again they came near and again heard the sound "Sh!" So the
Eaglets went to their father, perched high on the point of the rock, and
said:
"That body is not dead, it makes a noise ’Sh!’"
"Never mind that; go and eat!" commanded the parent Eagle, who then flew
away for his day’s hunting.
When Itsá was gone, Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ arose, took off the elk-skin suit, and
addressed the frightened Eagle children:
"In what weather does your father come home?"
"In a great storm of thunder and lightning," they answered.
"And in what weather does your mother come home?"
"When all the sky is clouded and a slow rain falls."
Presently a great storm arose, and the Eaglets exclaimed, "Our father is
coming!" Soon the Eagle came rushing through the air, and from afar
Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ heard wailing, for Eagle had a man in his talons. From far
aloft, as was his wont, he dropped the man upon the rocks. Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ
took up one of Elk’s antlers and just as the great bird was alighting on
his perch hurled it at him, striking him on the head. Listening, he heard
the body drop upon the rocks far below. Then a slow rain began to fall,
and the Eaglets cried, "Our mother is coming!" Soon the mother Eagle came.
She too had a man in her talons, and with the other horn Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ
killed her. Then he warned the Eagle children that they must not grow any
larger, or ever attempt to carry away people; and they promised to be
content with hunting animals.
But Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ found that there was no way to get down from the rock,
for it was steep and very high, so high that it made him dizzy to look
over the edge. Chunnaái told him to wait there, for he would send someone
to bring him down safely. At last Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ saw somebody below, who
proved to be Bat.
"Come, help me down!" he called.
[Illustration: Canon _Hogan_ - Navaho]
Canon _Hogan_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
Bat came up, flying round and round the rock. On his back was a basket,
supported from his shoulders by two cords that looked like Spider’s
thread.
"That will not hold me!" exclaimed Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ.
"But it will," answered Bat; "it will hold the biggest of mountain sheep!"
And to prove the truth of his assertion he filled the basket with stones
and jumped up and down, and the threads held. Then Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ was
satisfied and got in, and Bat began the descent. "Don’t open your eyes!"
he commanded. After a long time, feeling that they must be near the
bottom, Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ opened his eyes, but the sight made him dizzy, and
he almost fell out of the basket. Bat became angry at this, for the lurch
almost threw him from the rock. At last, however, they reached the ground
in safety.
There they dragged the bodies of the two great Eagles together, plucked
them, and filled Bat’s basket with the feathers, which Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ
wished to take home. "Don’t go in the low places," he advised Bat, as the
latter started on ahead. But Bat forgot, and because the walking was
easier went across the low places, where the birds stole all the feathers
for their nests; so he had to return and fill the basket again. These he
carried safely to Yólkai Ĕstsán, who gave many of them to the people of
the village.
From Chunnaái, Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ learned of one more monster on the earth, a
huge Rolling Stone, which lived in the south near the pueblo of Picuris;
so he and his mother went southward. They stopped in a cañon through which
Rolling Stone often passed on its way to and from the village, and by and
by it came crashing along, destroying everything in its path. Just as it
passed, Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ shot with one of his great flint-pointed arrows and
shattered it, as he had shattered the tree when Chunnaái first gave him
his weapons; and the ground in that spot is still red from the blood that
flowed from Rolling Stone’s heart.
ORIGIN OF FIRE
Black Man, Haschí̆n Dí̆lhĭli, was created by Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ to be his
helper in the task of making the earth a good dwelling-place for the
people. Haschí̆n made the animals, mountains, trees, and rivers, gave the
people weapons and implements, and showed how they were to be used. When
all were supplied with houses to live in and weapons with which to protect
themselves and to kill game, he called Coyote, Tsilité̆n, the Mimic.
"Go to the Land of the Fireflies," he commanded, "and bring back their
fire, for the people have no fire with which to cook their food."
Coyote started, and found the Land of the Fireflies. These beings lived at
the bottom of a deep, deep hole—an enormous cave in the solid rock. Its
sides were smooth and straight, and how to get down Coyote did not know.
He went to the edge of the pit, and there found growing Little Tree.
"Help me down to the Land of the Fireflies," he said. So Little Tree sent
its roots down, down, down, until they extended quite to the bottom, and
Coyote descended. There he played with the little Firefly boys, romping
about, running back and forth, pretending to be thinking of nothing but
their amusement, for the Fireflies guarded their fire carefully and would
let no one touch it.
On the tip of his tail Coyote had tied a tuft of cedar bark. Suddenly he
dashed through the great fire which always burned in the centre of the
village, and was off before the Firefly people knew what he had done. When
they discovered that he had stolen some of their fire, they set out in
pursuit; but Coyote was very swift of foot, and reached the wall of the
pit far ahead of them.
"Little Tree, help me out!" he called.
Little Tree drew its roots up, up, up, while Coyote held on and was drawn
safely out of the hole. Then he ran quickly about among the people,
lighting the piles of wood they had prepared, until every family was
supplied with fire.
THE NAVAHO
[Illustration: A Drink in the Desert - Navaho]
A Drink in the Desert - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
HOME LIFE, ARTS, AND BELIEFS
[Illustration: Under the Cottonwoods - Navaho]
Under the Cottonwoods - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
The Navaho are a pastoral, semi-nomadic people whose activities centre in
their flocks and small farms. Their reservation of more than fourteen
thousand square miles is the desert plateau region of northern Arizona and
New Mexico. Its mesas and low mountains are sparsely covered with piñon
and cedar, and on the higher levels are small but beautiful forests of
pine. Back and forth in all parts of this vast region the Navaho drive
their flocks. At the season when the slight rainfall produces even scant
pasturage on the desert plains the flocks are pastured there; but as the
grass becomes seared by the summer sun and exhausted from pasturing, the
flocks are taken into the mountains, where the shade of the pines lends
grateful coolness. Again, as the deep snows of winter come, the sheep and
goats are driven down to the wooded mesas, where there is little snow and
an abundance of fuel, of which there is none on the plains. And so, year
in, year out, the flocks slowly drift back and forth from plain to mesa
and from mesa to mountain.
While the Navaho leads a wandering life, the zone of his movements is
surprisingly limited; indeed the average Navaho’s personal knowledge of
his country is confined to a radius of not more than fifty miles. The
family usually has three homes, the situation of which is determined by
the necessities of life. Near their summer home they cultivate small crops
of corn and vegetables in narrow, sandy washes, where by deep planting
sufficient moisture is insured to mature the crop. In a few sections small
farming is conducted by means of irrigation. In Cañon de Chelly, which may
be termed the garden spot of the reservation, there are diminutive farms
and splendid peach orchards irrigated with freshet water. The cañon drains
an extensive region, and even a light rain causes the stream which flows
at the base of its lofty walls to become swollen. This water the natives
divert to their miniature cornfields and orchards, one or two freshets
assuring good crops.
[Illustration: Cornfields in Canon Del Muerto - Navaho]
Cornfields in Canon Del Muerto - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
Owing to its lowness and its earth covering, the Navaho house, or _hogán_,
is the most inconspicuous of habitations. One might ride from morning till
night across the reservation and not observe either a hogán or an Indian,
although he has no doubt passed within a stone’s throw of many of these
houses and been peered at by many more dark eyes from brush concealments.
At the end of a long day in the saddle the traveller may wonder where the
many thousands of Navaho reside; but his inquiry may be answered if he
will but climb to the summit of one of the many low mountains and view the
panorama as the long shadows of evening are creeping on. Here and there in
every direction the thin blue smoke of the campfire may be seen curling
upward as these desert people prepare their evening meal. In this clear,
rare atmosphere the far distant horizon is the only limit to his vision.
Just below, a mile or so away, may perhaps be seen the smoke from a group
of half a dozen hogáns. Miles beyond is another group, and still beyond
another, and so throughout the sweep of vision. These people and their
life are delightfully Indian, but slightly influenced by the white man’s
ways. As the chief human touch of the great southwestern desert the Navaho
are the artist’s joy, and as a subject for the ethnologist their
ceremonial life furnishes limitless material for study.
The handicraft of the Navaho is seen at its best in their blanketry, which
is one of the most important industries of any Indians within our domain.
The greater portion of the wool from their hundreds of thousands of sheep
is used in weaving, and in addition a considerable quantity of commercial
yarn is employed for the same purpose. The origin of the textile art among
the Navaho is an open question. It is probable that they did not learn it
from anyone, but that it developed as a part of their domestic culture. It
is contended by some that the early Spanish missionaries taught the Navaho
to weave; but why should the white man be accredited with this art? The
mummies found in the prehistoric cliff-ruins of the Navaho country are
wrapped in cloth finer than any ever produced with a Navaho loom, and no
doubt now remains that Pueblo people were incorporated by the Navaho in
ancient times.
The blankets made in earlier days, say from fifty to a hundred and fifty
years ago, are beautiful examples of primitive handicraft. The body of a
so-called bayeta blanket was woven of close-spun native wool, dyed dark
blue, while the red pattern was from the ravellings of Spanish bayeta.
Much of the beauty of the old blankets is due to the mellowing of the
native colors by age, but practically none of these rare examples are to
be found among the Navaho at the present time. The blankets of to-day may
be roughly divided into three classes: 1. Those made from the close-spun
native yarn dyed in the old colors and woven in the simple old patterns;
when aged they closely resemble the old bayeta blankets. 2. Blankets woven
in a great variety of designs from coarse, loose-spun yarn dyed with
commercial dyes of many shades; these are the Navaho blankets of commerce.
3. Those woven from commercial or "Germantown" yarn; they are of fine
texture and sometimes beautiful, but lack interest in that their material
is not of Indian production. Fortunately the decrease in the demand for
blankets woven of commercial yarn is discouraging their manufacture.
The Navaho woman weaves her blanket not so much for profit as for love of
the work. It is her recreation, her means of expressing imagination and
her skill in execution. Civilized women may write books, paint pictures,
or deliver ringing addresses; these are unknown worlds to the Navaho
woman: but when after months of labor she finishes a blanket, her pride in
her work of art is indeed well justified.
Because of their pastoral life the Navaho are not villagers. Their
dome-shaped, earth-covered hogáns are usually grouped two or three in the
same locality. The summer house is a rude brush shelter, usually made with
four corner posts, a flat top of brush, and a windbreak of the same
material as a protection against the hot desert siroccos. The hogán
proper, used for storage during the summer, affords a warm and comfortable
shelter to its occupants through the cold winters of their high altitude.
When a hogán is built it is ceremonially consecrated, and if an occupant
should die in it, it is forever deserted and is called _tsí̆ndi hogán_,
"evil house." No Navaho will go near such a house or touch anything taken
from it. If a meal were cooked with decayed wood from a hogán a hundred
years deserted, a Navaho, even if starving, could not be induced to
partake of it. Thus strong are the religious beliefs of this primitive
people.
[Illustration: The Blanket Maker - Navaho]
The Blanket Maker - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
The domestic equipment of the Navaho is simplicity itself and reflects the
simple life of the tribe. Of household furniture there is none. The
bedding consists usually of a few sheepskins; cooking utensils are earthen
pots of their own making, and cups, knives, and spoons of civilization.
Plates they do not need, as the family eat directly from the pot in which
the food is cooked. The principal food is mutton, boiled, and corn
prepared in many ways. Considerable flour obtained from traders is
consumed; this is leavened slightly and made into small cakes, which are
cooked over the embers like Mexican tortillas.
The women are an important factor in the Navaho tribe. The sheep usually,
and the house, with all that pertains to it, always are the property of
the wife. The independent spirit of the women, instilled by this
incontestable property right, manifests itself throughout the tribe, and
by reason of it the Navaho husband is not apt to seek an opportunity to
criticise his wife so long as she is in a position to say, "If I and the
hogán do not suit you, go elsewhere!" Polygamy is common, but as a rule
the wives of one man are sisters, an arrangement conducive to domestic
harmony.
Many of the Navaho men are skilled silversmiths. Every well-to-do Navaho
possesses a silver belt consisting of a dozen or more wrought oval discs,
each about two by three inches, fastened to a leather strap. Such a belt,
weighing several pounds, is of course a valuable piece of property. The
wearer may also have a broad silver bracelet set with turquoise, a heavy
string of silver beads with a massive pendant of the same material, and a
pair of deerskin leggings with a row of silver buttons on the outer side.
Frequently their horses are gaily bedecked with bridles and saddles
heavily weighted with silver ornaments. The long strap over the shoulder,
from which the pouch of the medicine-man is suspended, is always studded
with silver buttons. Mexican coins, especially the peso, are the principal
source of all this silverwork, the Navaho preferring this coin to our own
dollar because it is heavier. Buttons and beads also are made from
American dimes and twenty-five cent pieces; the small beads from dimes,
and the larger ones from two coins of the same value. They learned
silversmithing from the Mexicans, but since their first lessons have
developed a high degree of individuality in the art. While the metal-work
of the Navaho at the present time is practically all in silver, only a few
copper objects being made, their earliest work in metal was with iron, and
occasionally an example of this is found. The silver and shell bead
jewelry of the Navaho is his savings bank. During times of prosperity he
becomes the possessor of all the jewelry his means afford, and when poor
crops or long winters threaten distress he pawns it at a trader’s, so that
many of the traders often have thousands of dollars’ worth of silverwork
and shell beads on hand at one time. The system seems to be a very fair
one, and in time of stress is certainly a boon to the impecunious Navaho.
The little pottery made by this people is an undecorated ware for
utilitarian purposes only. For carrying water a gum-coated water bottle of
basketry is in general use. Few baskets are made, and these are of but a
single pattern—a flattish tray for use in ceremonies. Most of the baskets
used by the Navaho in their ceremonies, however, are purchased from
neighboring tribes, especially the Havasupai and the Paiute, who weave
them primarily for purposes of trade. Such baskets must be of a prescribed
pattern, with a break in the design at one side. When the basket is in use
this side is always placed toward the east.
Most Navaho ceremonies are conducted, at least primarily, for the purpose
of healing disease; and while designated medicine ceremonies, they are, in
fact, ritualistic prayers. There are so many of these ceremonies that no
student has yet determined their number, which reaches into scores, while
the component ritual prayers of some number hundreds. The principal
ceremonies are those that require nine days and nine nights in their
performance. Of the many now known the names of nine are here given: Kléjĕ
Hatál, Night Chant;(4) Tzĭlhkí̆chĭ Hatál, Mountain Chant; Hozhónĭ Hatál,
Happiness Chant; Natói Hatál, Shooting Chant; Toi Hatál, Water Chant;
Atsósĭ Hatál, Feather Chant; Yoi Hatál, Bead Chant; Hochónchĭ Hatál,
Evil-Spirit Chant; Mai Hatál, Coyote Chant. Each is based on a mythic
story, and each has four dry-paintings, or so-called altars. Besides these
nine days’ ceremonies there are others whose performance requires four
days, and many simpler ones requiring only a single day, each with its own
dry-painting.
[Illustration: _Pĭké̆hodĭklad_ - Navaho]
_Pĭké̆hodĭklad_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
This, the first of the dry-paintings employed in the rites of the Mountain
Chant—a nine days’ healing ceremony of the Navaho—as in the Night Chant,
is used on the fifth night, when the purpose of the performance is to
frighten the patient, and thus banish the evil within him. The name of
this painting, "Frighten Him On It," is identical with that of the one
used at the corresponding moment in the Night Chant.
The whole represents the den of a hibernating bear. Inside the ceremonial
hogán is thrown up a bank of earth two or three feet high, with an opening
toward the doorway. Colored earths picture bear-tracks leading in;
bear-tracks and sunlight—sun dogs—are represented at the four quarters,
and the bear himself, streaked with sunlight, in the centre. The twigs at
the entrance of the bear den represent trees, behind which bears are wont
to dig their dens in the mountain side. Everything tends to make the
patient think of bears. He enters midst deep silence and takes his seat
upon the pictured animal. The play of his imagination has barely begun
when a man, painted and garbed as a bear, rushes in, uttering hideous
snarls and growls, in which all assembled join. Women patients seldom fail
to faint.
The figures shown in the dry-paintings are conventionalized
representations of the characters in Navaho mythology and of incidents in
the myth. With how many such paintings the Navaho medicine-men are
familiar is an unanswered question; but more than sixty have been noted,
some of them most elaborate. In making them, the ground within the
ceremonial hogán is evenly covered with fine brown earth, upon which the
figures are drawn with fine sands and earths of many colors allowed to
flow between the thumb and the first two fingers. The Navaho become so
skilled in this work that they can draw a line as fine as a broad pencil
mark. Many of the paintings are comparatively small, perhaps not more than
four feet in diameter; others are as large as the hogán permits, sometimes
twenty-four feet across. To make such a large painting requires the
assistance of all the men who can conveniently work at it from early
morning until mid-afternoon.
The most elaborate ceremonies are conducted between the first frost of
autumn and the second moon following the winter solstice. While primarily
designed to restore the health of an individual, they are intended also to
benefit the entire tribe, many of the prayers being offered for the
general welfare of the people rather than for the patient under immediate
treatment. Nor, so far as the individual is concerned, is the ceremony
designed necessarily for the cure of an acute ailment, but is for the
treatment of long-standing chronic afflictions, mental or physical.
Especially peculiar is the Navaho belief that many illnesses are the
results of fright to which ancestors have been subjected during prenatal
life, and long and costly ceremonies are often performed to rid persons of
such baneful inheritance. In fact Indians physically normal have submitted
to prolonged treatment by their medicine-men when advised by them for such
imaginative reasons to submit to it.
The medicine-men, who are termed singers, _hatálĭ_, are a dominant factor
in the Navaho life. Like all primitive people, the Navaho are intensely
religious, and the medicine-men, whose function it is to become versed in
the mysteries of religion, are ever prone to cultivate in the minds of the
people the belief that they are powerful not only in curing disease of
mind and body but of preventing it by their incantations. Anyone who
possesses the requisite ability may become a medicine-man, but owing to
the elaborate ceremonies connected with their practices it requires long
years of application ere one can attain sufficient knowledge to give him
standing among his tribesmen. To completely master the intricacies of any
one of the many nine days’ ceremonies requires close application during
the major portion of a man’s lifetime. The only way a novice has of
learning is by assisting the elders in the performance of the rites, and
as there is little probability that opportunity will be afforded him to
participate in more than two or three ceremonies in a year, his
instruction is necessarily slow. The medicine-men recognize the fact that
their ritual has been decadent for some time, and they regard it as
foreordained that when all the ceremonies are forgotten the world will
cease to exist.
[Illustration: _Hástĭn Yázhĕ_ - Navaho]
_Hástĭn Yázhĕ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
The most pronounced dread manifested by the Navaho is that derived from
their belief respecting the spirits of the dead. It is thought that the
spirit leaves the body at death and travels to a place toward the north
where there is a pit whence the gods and the animals emerged from an
underworld before the first Navaho were created, and which the dead now
enter. Their myths tell of the disappearance of a beautiful daughter of
one of the animal chiefs on the fourth day after the gods and the animals
came up into this world; diligent search was unrewarded until two of the
searchers looked down through the hole and espied her sitting beside a
stream in the lower world combing her hair. Four days later death came to
these searchers, so that now the Navaho will go to any extreme to avoid
coming into contact with spirits of the dead, _tsí̆ndi_, which they
believe travel anywhere and everywhere at will, often doing evil, but
never good. The body is prepared for burial previous to death, and is
never touched afterward if it can be avoided.
To the end that the spirit may begin aright its journey to the afterworld,
the body is taken out of the hogán through an opening specially made in
the wall on the northern side, for the doorway always faces the east. The
immediate relatives of the deceased avoid looking at the corpse if
possible. Friends of the family or distant relations usually take charge
of the burial. A couple of men dig a grave on a hillside and carry the
body there wrapped in blankets. No monument is erected to mark the spot.
Before the body is taken out, the hogán is vacated and all necessary
utensils are carried away. The two men who bury the remains of the former
occupant carefully obliterate with a cedar bough all footprints that the
relations of the deceased may have made in the hogán, in order to conceal
from the departed spirit the direction in which they went should it return
to do them harm. The premises are completely abandoned and the house often
burned. Never will a Navaho occupy a _tsí̆ndi hogán_, and when travelling
at night he will take a roundabout trail in order to avoid one. Formerly
horses were killed at the grave. So recently as 1906 a horse was
sacrificed within sight of a Catholic mission on the reservation, that its
spirit might accompany that of a dead woman to the afterworld. This horse
was the property of the woman, and her husband, fearing to retain it, yet
not daring to kill it himself, called upon another to do so.
HISTORY
Although raiders and plunderers since known to history, the Navaho cannot
be designated a warring tribe, for however courageous they may be, their
lack of political integrity has ever been an obstacle to military
organization. They never have had a tribal chief, properly so called,
while their many leading men could never command more than a small
following. Manuelito, who was acclaimed head-chief in 1855 at the
conference with Governor Meriwether for the purpose of negotiating a
treaty, probably had a greater following than any other Navaho in historic
times, but he could never have relied on a majority of the warriors of his
widely scattered tribe. Although divided into many bands, like the Apache,
the Navaho, unlike them, were not engaged in ceaseless depredation, their
sporadic raids having been conducted by small parties quite independent of
any organized tribal movement. They preferred rather to follow a pastoral
life. With their large population, had they possessed the Apache’s
insatiable desire for war and a political organization that permitted
concerted action, the subjugation of the Southwest would have been far
more difficult than it proved to be.
While the statement is made that the Navaho were never a warlike people,
it must not be presumed that they never caused our Government trouble.
Those familiar with the Navaho admire their energy, industry,
independence, and cheerful disposition, and their ability to attack the
problems of life in a way that no other wandering tribe has exercised. On
the other hand, cunning and trickery are among their characteristics, and
they are expert horse-thieves. With the Indian, as well as with civilized
man, honesty may be interpreted in various ways. If one should leave his
camp equipage unprotected in a tent, it would be entirely safe from all
except the renegade, already recognized by his people as a thief. But if
one should turn his back and later find that his horse had been run off by
a Navaho in the hope of being rewarded for returning it, the tribesmen of
the raider would regard him as one whose cunning should be emulated.
[Illustration: Navaho _Hogan_]
Navaho _Hogan_
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
For a long period prior to the acquisition from Mexico of the territory
now forming the northern portion of Arizona and New Mexico, which, since
first known, has been occupied in part by the Navaho, the tribe had been
in the habit of making raids on the New Mexican Indian pueblos and the
white settlements along the Rio Grande, chiefly for the capture of
livestock, although both Indians and Mexicans also were taken and
enslaved. The Mexicans lost no opportunity to retaliate, with the result
that scattered throughout their villages in the valley of the Rio Grande
there were more captives of Navaho blood than there were Mexican prisoners
among the Navaho tribe; but in the matter of sheep, cattle, and horses,
the Navaho were far ahead in the game of thievery, and even boasted that
they could easily have exterminated the Mexicans had they not needed them
as herders of their stolen flocks. In consequence, bitter enmity early
arose between the Mexicans and the Navaho, which reached its height about
the time Col. Stephen W. Kearny took possession of the territory in behalf
of the United States in 1846.
In the year named a military expedition was sent into the Navaho country
for the purpose of making a treaty of peace and friendship with this
marauding tribe; but this treaty, like several others that followed, was
soon broken, and the raids continued as before. In 1858 the troubles
arising from the plunderings became especially severe and led to several
other expeditions, but with little result. The problem became a serious
one in 1861, when the Civil War necessitated the withdrawal of troops from
the frontier, leaving the way open to the devastation of the country by
the Navaho and Mescaleros, until General Carleton, who assumed command of
the military forces in New Mexico in 1862, formulated a policy to
thoroughly subdue the Navaho and to transfer them to the Bosque Redondo,
on the Rio Pecos in New Mexico, where Fort Sumner had been established,
and there hold them as prisoners of war until some other plan could be
devised. His plan was successfully carried out. By the spring of 1863 four
hundred Mescaleros were under guard on the new reservation, and by the
close of that year about two hundred Navaho prisoners had either been
transferred thither or were on the way. Early in 1864 Col. Kit Carson led
his volunteers to the Cañon de Chelly, the Navaho stronghold, where in a
fight he succeeded in killing twenty-three, capturing thirty-four, and
compelling two hundred to surrender. The backbone of the hostility was now
broken, and before the beginning of 1865 about seven thousand, later
increased to 8491, were under military control within the new reservation.
But the Bosque Redondo proved unhealthful and disappointing as a
reservation, while its maintenance was costly to the Government. A treaty
was therefore made with the Navaho in 1868, one of the provisions of which
was the purchase of fifteen thousand sheep to replenish their exterminated
flocks. In July 7304 Navaho, the remainder having died or escaped, arrived
at Fort Wingate on the way to their old home, where they have since lived
in peace and prosperity.
MYTHOLOGY - CREATION MYTH
In the world below(5) there was no sun and no moon, and therefore no
light, yet vegetation in innumerable forms and the animal people thrived.
Among the latter were Gray Wolf people, Naklétso; Mountain Lion,
Nashtuítso; Badger, Naaschí̆d; Locust, Wónĕschĭdĭ; Pine Squirrel,
Klozĕslskái and Klozĕslzhí̆nĭ; Blue Fox, Mai-Dotlí̆shĭ; Yellow Fox,
Mai-Iltsói; Owl, Náscha; Crow, Gấgĕ; Buzzard, Jésho; four different
varieties of the Hawk people, and many others.
[Illustration: Navaho Still Life]
Navaho Still Life
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
Their world was small. At its eastern rim stood a large white mountain,
and at the south a blue one. These formed the home of Ástsĕ Hástĭn, First
Man. A yellow mountain in the west and a black one in the north harbored
Ástsĕ Ĕstsán, First Woman.(6) Near the mountain in the east a large river
had its source and flowed toward the south. Along its western bank the
people lived in peace and plenty. There was game in abundance, much corn,
and many edible fruits and nuts. All were happy. The younger women ground
corn while the boys sang songs and played on flutes of the sunflower
stalk. The men and the women had each eight chiefs, four living toward
each cardinal point; the chiefs of the men lived in the east and south,
those of the women in the west and north. The chiefs of the east took
precedence over those of the south, as did those of the west over those of
the north.
One day, led by their eight brave chiefs, all the men went off on a hunt.
It occurred to the head-chief when they had been gone but a short time
that the women should have been instructed to clean the camp thoroughly
and bake a quantity of bread while all the men were away; so he despatched
the youngest of the four chiefs of the south to the camp to make known his
wishes, but instead of doing as bidden, the young chief visited with the
head-chief’s wife. The hunters were gone four days, at the end of which
time they returned with much game, weary and very hungry. To their
surprise they found the camp in a very unkempt condition and no bread
baked in anticipation of their return. The messenger was called before the
head-chief at once and questioned as to the directions he had given the
women. He explained that he had told the chief of the women what they were
expected to do, but she refused to listen to him, and he was powerless to
do more. Then the head-chief went to his wife and demanded to know why she
had refused to issue his orders to the women. She curtly replied that that
was her business and not his; as it was, the women did more work than the
men, for they tilled the fields, made the clothing, cared for the
children, and did the cooking, while the men did practically nothing, so
if they chose to spend a few days in idleness, it was nothing more than
they had a right to do and no one’s concern but their own. The chief
became angry, and during a quarrel that ensued he was told that he and all
his followers might leave if they would, for the women could get along
better without them.
Remonstrance and reasoning availed nothing; the chief of the women grew
more vehement as she argued, so the head-chief determined to put the women
to the test. The following morning he issued orders that all the men in
camp prepare to depart, for the women had declared they could live better
independently of them and were to be given an opportunity to do so.
Having decided to cross the great river flowing from the east, work at
once began on four large cottonwood rafts to be used as ferries. Four days
it took to put all in readiness, and at dawn of the fifth day the crossing
of the stream began. Orders were issued that all food supplies, clothing,
and utensils be left with the women, save enough seed corn to plant crops
the next spring, and no males, infant or aged, were to be left behind.
Four _nú̆tlĭ_ (hermaphrodites) objected strongly at being taken from the
women, but were forced to join the men, as they were needed to care for
the babies. Four old cripples, too weak to move, were left behind, but
other than these not a male inhabitant remained in the old village at the
end of four days. After all had crossed the river, the rafts were fastened
securely to the bank in order that the women might not get them and
follow.
[Illustration: Navaho Medicine-man]
Navaho Medicine-man
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
As soon as the men had landed they began to work with zeal, for houses had
to be built, game caught, skins tanned, and land prepared for crops. They
suffered much from scarcity of food and clothing the first winter, but
managed to exist. The women, however, had bountiful crops, and all through
the late fall and winter could be heard revelling in great delight,
feasting daily and dancing much of the time to the music of songs sung by
the four old cripples. The following autumn found the men in much better
circumstances, for they had grown small crops; but the women were less
fortunate. Having none but themselves to work and provide for, they had
become negligent from the beginning, dissipating the contents of their
granaries and allowing their fields to grow fallow. By the end of the
second year clothing had become very scarce, and not knowing how to hunt,
they had no way to obtain more skins. The men, on the contrary, had grown
more prosperous; their well-tended farms yielded an ample supply of corn
for the winter, and the pelts of deer and antelope furnished a deal of
warm clothing and bedding. The third year found the men living in ease and
comfort, while the women had become reduced to absolute want, many having
fallen ill from self-neglect. They called across to the men, pleading to
be taken over and promising faithful allegiance, but the chief was
resolute and refused to forget how he had been wronged.
Then it was that the youngest of the eight ruling men, in a moment of
compassion, confessed his guilt, admitting in a plea to the head-chief for
clemency that he was in fact responsible for the attitude his wife had
taken. This served only to renew the old chief’s anger; he stoutly refused
to listen to further appeals and expressed his regret that the first seeds
of wrong should have been thus sown. No longer able to keep up the fight,
with starvation staring them in the face, and being in nakedness, at the
end of the fourth year the women attempted to swim the river in parties,
but the attempts resulted only in death, for the swift current would have
been too much even for the strongest men to buffet. Seeing this
self-sacrifice and realizing that the race would be ultimately
exterminated if the women continued it much longer, appeals were made
daily to the head-chief to permit the rescue of the remainder. Four times
was he sought to grant such permission before he consented, then at dawn
of the fifth morning he gave directions to loose the rafts and ferry the
women over. A miserable remnant they were, unclad, wan, and wasted; but a
return to the old habits of life soon restored them to their former
selves, and peace, happiness, and prosperity reigned again.
The broad river that flowed from the east had its source in two very large
springs, a he-spring and a she-spring, in which lived two large Water
Monsters. These had a pair of youngsters who delighted in emerging from
the depths of the spring and swimming out across the meadows in the
shallow water where there was neither current nor river banks. Coyote
spied them one day, and being ever a meddler and trouble-maker—though
withal a fellow of polished mien—stole them, putting the two under the
folds of his jacket.
Now there was no sun, moon, or stars to give light; but in the east every
morning appeared White Dawn four fingers high. The midday was lighted by
Blue Dawn in the south, and late afternoon by Yellow Dawn from the west.
The north remained always dark. On the morning following Coyote’s return
from his trip to the east, ostensibly to discover, if possible, the source
of the dawn, the head-chief noticed that it was not so broad as usual—only
three fingers high, with a dark streak beneath. A Wolf man was sent to
learn what was wrong. He hurried off, returning at nightfall with the
report that all was well in the east. The next morning White Dawn was much
narrower and the darkness beneath had increased. A Mountain Lion messenger
was despatched to seek the cause. He reported everything in normal
condition, but those in camp noticed deer in the distance travelling
westward at a rapid pace. The third morning the belt of darkness was wider
than White Dawn, which now gave an alarmingly dim light. The chief then
sent White Hawk to investigate the trouble, under orders of haste. His
report, like that of each of the other messengers, was that nothing
unusual appeared in the east. More deer, antelope, and other game animals,
however, were seen running westward in apparent fright.
[Illustration: Through the Canon - Navaho]
Through the Canon - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
On the fourth morning White Dawn was entirely obscured; nothing but
darkness appeared in the east. Sparrow-hawk sped away, returning in a very
brief time with the report that water was fast rising in the two springs
at the head of the river and might soon spread westward in a great
devastating wave. Instantly the camp became a scene of commotion. Quickly
gathering together what corn and other seeds they could carry, the people
started in haste for the White Mountain in the east. On reaching the top
they saw the waters climbing rapidly up the eastern slope, so they
descended and ran to the Blue Mountain in the south, taking with them
handfuls of earth from its crest, and from its base a reed with twelve
sections, which a Wolf man carried.
From the top of the Blue Mountain it was seen that the wave of water, fast
approaching, would submerge them, so snatching handfuls of earth from it
they hurried on to the Yellow Mountain in the west. The oncoming wave
seemed higher than ever, so again they ran on, this time toward the north,
where the Black Mountain stood, taking as before handfuls of earth and
another reed, entrusted to Mountain Lion. Here the water surrounded them
and slowly crept up the sides of the mountain. The female reed from the
west was planted on the western side near the top, the male reed from the
east on the eastern slope, and both at once began to shoot upward rapidly.
Into the twelve internodes of the female reed climbed all the women, while
the men made haste to get into theirs. Turkey being the last to get in,
the foamy waters caught his tail, whitening the tips of the feathers,
which are so to this day.
The reeds grew very rapidly, but equally fast rose the waters around them.
Four days the reeds grew thus, at the end of the fourth day meeting at the
sky. This seemed an impenetrable barrier for a time, but Locust had taken
with him his bow of darkness and sacred arrows. With these he made a hole
in the sky and passed on into the world above—the present earth.
The earth was small, devoid of vegetation of any kind, and covered in
greater part by water in which lived four Monsters with great blue horns.
These had their homes at the cardinal points, and just as soon as Locust
made his appearance arrows came whizzing at him from all quarters. Failing
to harm him with their arrows, which he dodged with ease, the Monsters
bade him leave at once, threatening immediate death if he tarried; adding
that visitors were not desired and were always destroyed at sight.
Locust replied that he intended no harm, but would insist upon remaining
with them for a time, for he had many followers for whom he was seeking a
home. Seeing that Locust had no fear of them and had proved too agile to
be hit with arrows, the Monsters sought to kill him by trickery. Each took
two heavy arrows, swallowed them, and pulled them out through their
flanks, saying, "Do this and you may remain." Locust followed their
example, escaping unharmed.
"Now," said he, "I did your trick, let me ask you to do one of mine." Then
taking four sacred arrows he passed them transversely through his chest,
back and forth, one at a time. As he pulled each arrow out the second time
he passed it to one of the four Monsters, saying, "If you can do this, my
people will not come; if not, then I shall send for them and we shall all
make this our home." Each placed an arrow to his chest and pushed, but
cringed with pain as soon as it penetrated the skin. Fearing the Monsters
might not proceed, Locust quickly blew toward each of the arrows, which
shot through their bodies, instantly killing them. In the east now flows
Red river, made red by the blood of these Monsters; and holes yet remain
through the thorax of the locust.
Impatient at the delay in Locust’s return, Badger climbed through the hole
in the sky and followed the tracks to where Locust had been in controversy
with the slain Monsters. Seeing their bodies lying out in the shallow
water, he thought he would go over and inspect them, but he sank into the
soft black mud, which made him retreat. The mud blackened his legs, which
have remained the same to this day.
[Illustration: Evening in the Desert - Navaho]
Evening in the Desert - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
With a large stone knife Locust cut off the horns of the Monsters one by
one. With those from the one toward the east he made a long sweep with his
arm in that direction, and in the distance sprang up an ocean. In like
manner he formed oceans to the south, west, and north with the horns of
the remaining three. The creation of rivers followed: with a wave of the
hand the Rio Grande, the San Juan, the Colorado, the Little Colorado, and
others were made. Hair pulled from the bodies of the Monsters was tossed
to the winds and from it sprang frogs, snakes, lizards, and reptiles of
every kind.
While Locust was doing this the remainder of the people came up. They
stood about on the small bare spots of ground wondering what to do. Among
them were the four Winds (Ní̆lchi), Black, Blue, Yellow, and White. Each
blew toward his respective cardinal point and soon much of the water dried
up, leaving a quantity of bare land. But not a sign of vegetation was
there at any hand; all was as barren as the desert sands. Luckily each had
brought seeds of many kinds from the world below. These they began
planting, finishing the task in four days.
After the planting, First Man, First Woman, Wolf Chief, and Mountain Lion
Chief each made a speech advising the creation of a number of mountains
similar to the ones they had had in the lower world. This was agreeable to
all, and accordingly the work was begun. The handfuls of earth caught up
hurriedly from the tops of the mountains below as they were driven off by
the rising flood were taken to the cardinal points and deposited in the
same relative positions, an equal distance apart, as were the submerged
mountains from which the earth had been taken. First Sí̆snajĭnĭ, the White
Mountain, was made in the east; then Tsótzĭlh, the Blue Mountain, in the
south; next Dokóöslit, the Yellow Mountain, in the west, and lastly
Dĕpé̆nsa, the Black Mountain, in the north. Having yet portions of each
handful of earth remaining, two more mountains, called Chóĭli and
Tzĭlhnúhodĭhlĭ, were made near the point of emergence in the middle of the
rectangle formed by the creation of the other four. To give each mountain
color, white shell, turquoise, abalone, and jet were used for those at the
cardinal points, while the middle two were colored with a mixture of all
these substances.
When the mountains were finished and the people looked about, it was
proposed that a sky should be made to cover the earth. "But," said one,
"what of the earth itself; is it not too small to furnish food for the
people who shall later come to live upon it?" None had thought of this,
but reflection, followed by a discussion, brought them all to the one
opinion—they would enlarge the earth and at the same time spread the sky
above. Accordingly, the chief who had spoken asked if anyone had a piece
of turquoise weighing as much as a man, and the skin of a large male deer
which had been smothered to death in pollen. First Man answered that he
had. A large white shell and the skin of a doe which had been smothered in
pollen were next requested. First Woman responded with them. The two skins
were then placed on the ground, side by side, with their heads toward the
east. Upon the one was put the turquoise and a piece of abalone shell; on
the other the white shell and a pearl. First Man and First Woman then
called for Kósdĭlhkĭh, Black Cloud, and Ádĭlhkĭh, Black Fog. These came
and spread out over the skins four times each, lifting and settling each
time. When Fog lifted the last time it took up with it the skin with the
turquoise and abalone and began to expand, spreading wider and wider until
a blue film covered all, in the form of the sky. As the turquoise skin
expanded, so also did the white-shell skin, broadening the earth as it
grew. During this period of transition the people all travelled eastward,
and being Holy People, covered great distances each day. At the end of the
fourth day they stopped. Then also the sky and the earth ceased widening,
having reached their present dimensions. Since the two skins had been
placed with their heads toward the east, the heads of the sky and the
earth are now in that direction.
[Illustration: _Hasché̆ltĭ_ - Navaho]
_Hasché̆ltĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
This, the Talking God, is the chief character in Navaho mythology. In the
rites in which personated deities minister to a suffering patient this
character invariably leads, carrying a four-piece folding wand, _balíl_,
and uttering a peculiar cry.
As yet there was neither sun nor moon to shed light, only dawn, circling
the horizon in the four colors—white in the east, blue in the south,
yellow in the west, and black in the north. Deeming it necessary that they
should have light to brighten the world, and warmth for the corn and the
grass, on their return to the earth’s centre one of the chiefs made a
speech advocating the creation of a sun and a moon.
First Man and First Woman placed two sacred deerskins on the ground as
before. On the buckskin a shell of abalone was placed, on the doeskin a
bowl made of pearl. The shell contained a piece of clear quartz crystal,
and the bowl a moss agate. The objects were dressed respectively in
garments of white, blue, yellow, and black wind, and were carried to the
end of the land in the east by First Man and First Woman. With their
spirit power Ástsĕ Hástĭn and Ástsĕ Ĕstsán sent both the shell and the
bowl far out over the ocean, giving life to the crystal and the agate as
they did so, directing that the one who would be known as Chĕhonaái, the
Sun, should journey homeward through the sky by day, shedding light and
warmth as he passed; the other, Klĕhonaái, the Moon, must travel the same
course by night. To each were given homes of turquoise in the east and
west, and none but the Winds and the gods, Hasché̆ltĭ and Haschógan, were
to visit them.
Upon their return Ástsĕ Hástĭn and Ástsĕ Ĕstsán were asked if they would
leave the sky in so plain a condition, or if they intended to beautify it
with jewels. They replied that it was their intention to dot it with many
bright stars. All those who had bits of white shell, turquoise, crystal,
pearl, or abalone were directed to contribute them for the making of the
stars. These were placed upon the two deerskins by First Man and First
Woman. The seven stars of the Great Dipper, Nôhokos Bakú̆n, were the first
to be set in the sky. Next, those of Nóhokos Baád, his female complement,
were placed in the blue dome. Then followed Ĕté̆tso and Ĕtĕtsózĭ, Sóntso
and Sontsózĭ, and Dílgĕhĕt, the Small Dipper, Sonhótsĭ and Klĕkái Stáĭ,
the Milky Way.
In each instance the arrangement of the stars in the constellation was
made when the fragments of precious stones were placed upon the skins,
where Ástsĕ Hástĭn and Ástsĕ Ĕstsán imparted glowing light to them and
delivered them to the Winds to carry to the sky. Only a small portion of
the gems had been thus transformed and sent up, when a fine-looking,
well-dressed stranger came up to watch the proceedings. In reply to his
question as to what was being done, his attention was directed to the sun,
the moon, and the many stars already created, while more were soon to
follow. The man was Coyote, son of Darkness. He watched the work for a
time, when, seeing his chance, he caught the large deerskin containing the
pile of jewel fragments and flung it skyward, blowing into the bits four
times ere they could fall, scattering them all over the sky. Thus it is
that there are myriads of stars irregular in arrangement and without
names. As he strode off Coyote explained curtly that there were already
enough sacred things to worship.
Then the Winds were stationed at the horizon to guard the earth, and at
the four sacred mountains in the east, south, west, and north, to act as
messengers for the Hasché̆ltĭ and Haschógan—Talking Gods and House
Gods—who had their abodes on them. On the same plane, one behind the
other, the Winds were ranged in streaks, White, Blue, Yellow, and Black.
Outside of all Coyote placed a streak of Red Wind. This forced itself to
the inside many years later and gave rise to disease and premature death,
for as the good Winds are life-breathing, so the evil Winds are
life-taking. Even now the Red Wind takes the lives of many children every
year.
[Illustration: _Haschógan_ - Navaho]
_Haschógan_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
Second in general importance only to Hasché̆ltĭ among Navaho deities is
the House God, here shown. His position among the gods is quite parallel
with that of peace chief among Indians in life. Like the majority of the
myth characters he has numerous counterparts in the various world
quarters.
The Dĭgí̆n made their homes near Chóĭli, close to the place of emergence.
It was there that all ceremonies took place. From their homes the people
saw a dark Cloud settle and cover the top of Chóĭli. For four days it kept
lowering until the mountain was completely shrouded in dark blue fog. They
did not know whether it portended good or evil, but realized that
something of moment was at hand. Ástsĕ Hástĭn ascended the mountain
through the fog to learn what it meant, but found nothing unusual. As he
turned to descend, a faint, apparently distant cry reached his ears, but
he paid no heed. Ere long the same sound came to him again; then a third
and a fourth time, whereupon he turned and walked in the direction whence
it came. On the eastern slope he found a tiny baby, and wrapping it in
rays of sunbeams he carried it home to his wife.
The Cloud that descended was a portion of the sky which had come to meet
the Earth; from the union of the two Yólkai Ĕstsán, White-Shell Woman, was
born. In twelve days the baby had grown to maturity, subsisting on pollen
only. Ástsĕ Hástĭn and Ástsĕ Ĕstsán sent messengers to all the Dĭgín to
tell them of the marvel and to summon them to a ceremony which would be
held four days later. Word was sent also to the gods on the four sacred
mountains.
Ástsĕ Ĕstsán dressed Yólkai Ĕstsán in fine garments ornamented with
beautiful jewels. At the western side of her hogán she placed a sacred
deerskin and laid upon it several wool and cotton blankets, covering the
whole with a mountain-lion skin. These were arranged as the seat of honor
for White-Shell Woman, for whom was about to be held a ceremony
celebrating her maturity.
On the appointed day all assembled. The first matter to decide was the
number of songs to be sung. Some wished fourteen, others thought twelve
sufficient. Hasché̆ltĭ, Talking God, sang the songs and chose to sing
fourteen. When he had finished, each of the Holy People sang six songs,
making in all two hundred and eighty-two. An entire night was thus
consumed. At dawn Ástsĕ Ĕstsán came into the hogán with a white-shell bowl
containing yucca root, a black _tózŭs_, or water bottle, containing black
rain, and a blue one with blue rain. From each bottle she poured a little
water upon the yucca root and proceeded to wash Yólkai Ĕstsán and all her
finery. That done, Yólkai Ĕstsán was directed to run toward the rising sun
for a short distance and return. Many of the young people followed, a
chosen singer chanting eight songs during their absence. The ceremony
finished, the assemblage returned to their homes, each of the selected
singers taking one of the blankets from the seat in return for his
services.
Although all the people then on earth were of the Dĭgí̆n, only a few had
god-like powers, particularly First Man, First Woman, Yólkai Ĕstsán, and
the Winds. The lesser Holy Ones worked much in clay, making pottery and
adobe houses. The designs they used in their earthenware, however, were of
a sacred nature, to be used only in ceremonials, and when the Fox, Wolf,
Badger, Bird, and many other people repeatedly employed sacred symbols to
adorn their cooking pots, First Man and his wife became very angry and
called a council, which, in addition to themselves, was attended by
Chĕhonaái, Yólkai Ĕstsán, and Ní̆lchi, the Wind People.
The wicked people had homes throughout the land, many of which were built
of stone, upon the plains, and others in the cliffs. The councillors
decided that these people and their homes must be destroyed, but how to
effect this was a problem.
First Woman and Chĕhonaái thought it would be wise to give birth to
demoniac monsters and let them devour the evil ones, but First Man
objected, and finally the council agreed that the Winds should perform the
task by bringing forth a devastating storm. The faithful were warned and
given time to seek refuge under the water, inside the sacred mountains, in
the higher cliffs, and in the sky. Then the Winds came. For four days
terrific storms raged, hurling men and trees and houses through the air
like leaves. When they abated hundreds of houses lay in ruins which may
yet be traced by heaps of stones scattered throughout the Navaho country.
[Illustration: Antelope Ruin - Canon del Muerto]
Antelope Ruin - Canon del Muerto
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
Soon another council of the same dictators was called, this time to
discuss how more people might be created. First Man sent Wind messengers
to bring Black Fog Boy and Black Cloud Girl, Precious Stone Boy and
Precious Stone Girl, White Corn Boy and Yellow Corn Girl, Blue Corn Boy
and All-Color Corn Girl, Pollen Boy and Cricket Girl, and Rain Boy and
Rain Girl. These twelve were laid side by side on four sacred deerskins
and covered with four others. The Spirit Winds of the west came and blew
between the skins; the Spirit Winds of the east came and blew also; then
came Hasché̆ltĭ from the east, with rainbows in his hand, calling
"Wu-hu-hu-hu-u"; and Haschógan from the south, with sunbeams in his hand.
They walked up and gently tapped the skins with their bows and beams.
Hasché̆ltĭ of the west and Haschógan of the north came next and gently
tapped the skins. Then the skins lifted, revealing twelve beautiful young
people perfectly formed. Ástsĕ Hástĭn bade them arise and stand, and then
with Hasché̆ltĭ in the lead and Haschógan behind, they four times
encircled the sacred mountains Chóĭli and Tzĭlhnúhodĭhlĭ, halting close to
the hole whence the Holy People emerged. There Ástsĕ Hástĭn made them an
extended speech, telling them that they had been brought forth from the
elements to people the earth; that they must rear children and care for
them as kind fathers and mothers, teaching them to be good to one another;
and that it would be necessary for them to plant corn and other seeds at
once. The Dĭgí̆n, First Man continued, were about to leave, to go into the
rivers, the oceans, the cliffs, the mountains, off to the horizon, and to
the sky, but they would ever keep watch over their people and would help
those who showed them respect and reverence in prayer and song. To Yólkai
Ĕstsán was entrusted future guardianship of the people. It would be her
duty to furnish the he-rain and the she-rain, to fructify all crops, and
bring forth abundant grass and seeds.
Then the Dĭgí̆n took their departure, vanishing the people knew not
whither. Yólkai Ĕstsán turned westward to her whiteshell home on the
horizon, far out across the wide waters. Arriving there she determined to
make a few more people. Cuticle rubbed from her body, with bits of white
shell, turquoise, abalone, and jet, she placed between two sacred
deerskins, male and female, and called for the Spirit Winds of the east,
the Spirit Winds of the west, Hasché̆ltĭ and Haschógan, who came and
breathed upon and tapped the deerskins as once before, and lo! there arose
four pairs of people.
Each pair was given a walking-stick—one of white shell to one, staffs of
turquoise, abalone, and jet respectively to the others. Black Fog and
Black Cloud came and spread out over the water. Upon these the new people
took up their journey eastward to join others like themselves. For four
days they travelled on Fog and Cloud, reaching the earth at the end of the
fourth day, where, on the following day, they were welcomed by Chĕhonaái,
the Sun. There, too, the Bear, the Wolf, the Great Snake, the Mountain
Lion, the Weasel, and the Porcupine met them at the direction of Yólkai
Ĕstsán, to guard them on their long land journey. The Lightning also she
made, to protect them from above.
They journeyed eastward, stopping to camp and rest at the end of the first
day. For water they had but to prod the earth with their walking-sticks
and a spring gushed forth. The first of the four, the man of White Shell,
stuck his staff into the ground and water came up at once. "The water is
close," he remarked, from which speech he took his name, for the others
henceforth called him To Ahánĭ, Water Is Close. The following night the
Turquoise Woman brought water, but it was bitter, so she said, from which
fact she took her name of To Dĭchínĭ, Bitter Water. The man who tried for
water on the third night found only a muddy flow, so the others called him
Hashklí̆shnĭ, Mud. The fourth night they camped in sight of the Dĭné̆
(Navaho) whom they had come to join. The woman of the fourth pair called
attention to the houses in the caves, after which they called her Kí̆nya
Ánĭ, Houses in the Cliffs.(7)
The following day they were welcomed by the twelve who had been created
and given dominion over the land but a short time before, and from these
twenty have the pure-blood Navaho descended.
MIRACLE PERFORMERS
[Illustration: _Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho]
_Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
Two of the most important characters in Navaho mythology are twin
miracle-performing sons of White-Shell Woman, Yólkai Ĕstsán, chief
goddess. This plate pictures the leader of the two—the first conceived and
the first-born, whose father is the sun. His name means "Slayer of Alien
Gods," from _aná_, alien; _ye_, gods; _agánĭ_, to kill. By him, with the
assistance of Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ, his twin brother, were killed numerous bird,
animal, rock, and human monsters, typifying evils, who wantonly destroyed
human life.
When the Spirit People came upon this earth from below they made six
sacred mountains, four on the distant horizon at the cardinal points and
two in the centre, Chóĭli and Tzĭlhnúhodĭíhlĭ. On the eastern slope of
Chóĭli, brought forth as the daughter of Earth and Sky, was born Yólkai
Estsán, White-Shell Woman. First Man took her to his home near
Tzĭlhnúhodĭhlĭ, where she matured in twelve days into a beautiful woman
with supernatural powers. Later she lived in a home of her own at the foot
of this mountain. It was while there that she gave birth to twin boys who
became saviours of their people, slaying alien gods who were fast
depopulating the earth.
Yólkai Estsán would often lie on the eastern slope of the mountain as the
sun rose through the morning, and when the day grew warm would seek the
shade of jutting rocks from which trickled shining drops of water. Quite
unknown to herself she had conceived one day from the sunbeams and the
dripping water. When she became aware that she was to become a mother
Yólkai Ĕstsán was made very happy, for she did not enjoy living alone.
Soon she found herself the proud possessor of twin boys. The first-born
and the stronger came to be known in his youth as Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, Slayer of
Alien Gods; the other was always known as Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ, Born From Water.
Their prenatal life covered a period of only twelve days, and maturity was
attained in thirty-two days after passing through eight changes, one of
which came every four days.
At that time the earth was infested with great giants, foreign gods, who
were rapidly destroying the people. Of these, Yéĭtso, Big God, as large as
a mountain, was the only one in human form. The others were Man-eating
Bird, Rolling Stone, that crushed all in its path, Tracking Bear, and
Antelope, who killed without mercy. Fearing lest some of these monsters
learn of the presence of her boys, Yólkai Ĕstsán kept them hidden away on
the mountain side, but they chafed under confinement, so she made them
bows and arrows and let them play about, but admonished them not to stray
far from home. The boys promised to obey, but not long afterward, because
in reply to their questions their mother told them she did not know who
their father was, they became sulky and broke their promise, going off
toward the east. They would go and search for someone who knew. When on a
small knoll a long way from home they heard a whispered "Sh-h."
"Are you afraid, my younger brother?" asked Nayé̆nĕzganĭ.
"No!" was the quick response.
Four times they heard the whisper, and then two of the Wind People
appeared. "We saw you travelling eastward," said they, "and came to
caution you. The land is cursed with alien gods who kill for pleasure;
beware of them! Why do you journey thus alone without your father?"
"Our father! Alas, we know nothing of him and are now starting on a search
to learn. Do you know who he is?" asked the boys.
"Yes, the Sun is your father; but if you think to find him you will have
to travel far eastward and cross the wide, wide waters."
Nayé̆nĕzganĭ turned to his younger brother and said, "Sítsĭlĭ, let us go."
The Sun was then overhead. Being in fact of a holy nature, the boys
covered distance rapidly and by mid-afternoon had passed well beyond the
limits of their homeland. There they came upon an old woman sitting beside
a ladder projecting from a hole. She asked them who they were and whither
they were going. They told her to the Sun, whose sons they were, but whom
they had never seen.
[Illustration: _Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ_ - Navaho]
_Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
This is Born From Water, the second of the twin miracle-performing sons of
Yólkai Ĕstsán, the White-Shell Woman. His brother is Nayé̆nĕzganĭ.
"I pity you, my grandchildren," said the old woman; "come in here and rest
a moment before going on." She started down the ladder and the boys
followed. Twelve ladders were descended before her home was reached. The
old woman was Spider Woman, the little grandmother who belonged to the
Holy Ones. Her home was well kept, clean and comfortable, and the boys
were glad to rest. Said she, "My grandchildren, your journey is long and
many trials will beset you before you reach the end. Take these life
feathers; they will help you; if difficulties befall you, use them," and
she gave to each two feathers plucked from a living eagle.
The boys took the feathers, thanked her, and resumed their journey. After
travelling a long way they came to a ridge of loose, yellow sand. It
afforded poor footing for an ascent, but the boys struggled to the top,
only to have the whole side of the ridge slide and carry them back. Three
times the bank gave way as they were about to reach its crest; on the
fourth trial they bethought themselves of the sacred feathers, and putting
them on their feet marched readily over.
They travelled unimpeded then for quite a long distance, in time coming to
four rows of tall, thorny reeds with spiked branches. The reeds grew far
enough apart to permit travellers to pass into them, but closed whenever
the unwary allowed himself to be caught, and he never escaped. The boys
marched boldly up to the reeds and started in, then darted back quickly.
The reeds closed instantly, but did not catch them. Then they put the life
feathers on their feet again and jumped over all four rows.
The next obstacle was a deep cañon with precipitous walls. This, however,
was not a serious impediment, for the life feathers, as before, helped
them to cross it in one bound. By nightfall the boys had arrived at a
broad, beautiful meadow where lived the Wósakĭdĭ, or Grasshopper People,
who received them kindly, giving them food and beds for the night. On
being asked whither they were bound, the boys replied that they were
journeying to the home of the Sun, their father, whom they had never seen.
The Wósakĭdĭ cautioned the boys of dangers ahead, and as they were about
to depart in the morning gave them little balls of yellow sputum to put in
their mouths to prevent poisoning, should they find it necessary to eat or
smoke among hostile people, and two sacred wands of turquoise and white
shell. Two of the Wósakĭdĭ also accompanied them for a time as guides.
They had not been long on their way when they came to a place where the
trail ran between two high, smooth-faced bowlders. "These," said their
Wósakĭdĭ companions, "are the Bumping Rocks. If you step into that narrow
passageway between them they will crash together and kill you." The boys
started as if to enter, but fell back. The huge rocks came violently
together, but did no harm. The feint was made three times, and each time
the rocks crashed together and bounded back. The fourth time the boys
entered they placed their sacred wands of turquoise and white shell across
the gap above their heads and passed through, for these held the bowlders
apart. As they emerged on the opposite side they saw the Sun rising from
his eastern home and he was yet far away.
Soon a wide stretch of water was encountered; so far as they could see
there was nothing but water. Here again they used their life feathers and
were carried safely over. Four successive stretches of water and land were
crossed, and still a fifth sheet of water lay before them. Along its
shores paddled many varieties of animals. The boys looked out across the
deep and could discern away out in the centre a house of turquoise and
white shell, its roof glistening in the sunlight. Certain that it must be
the home of their father, they readjusted their life feathers to start
across, but found that they had lost control over them. They tried them
several times in different places, but to no avail. The thought of not
reaching their father’s house when so near filled their hearts with bitter
disappointment. Seemingly there was naught that they could do, but they
sat and pondered.
[Illustration: _Hasché̆zhĭnĭ_ - Navaho]
_Hasché̆zhĭnĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
Black God, the God of Fire. An important deity of the Navaho, but
appearing infrequently in their mythology and ceremonies.
As they sat there in silence, Snipe Man, a little old fellow, came to them
and asked, "Where do you go, my grandchildren?"
"To the home of the Sun," the boys replied.
"Do you know anyone there?"
"Yes," said they, "the Sun is our father." Thereupon Snipe Man placed a
rainbow bridge across the water and told them to pass on, first warning
them against two large Bears, the Lightning, Snakes, and Wind, who guarded
the home of the Sun. They crossed over the rainbow bridge, which took them
almost to the door of the house, and there they were met by the Bears with
bristling coats. Nayé̆nĕzganĭ spoke to them, saying, "I am the child of
Yólkai Ĕstsán." They let him pass. Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ uttered the same words
and passed on also. The same words took the boys past the Lightning, the
Snakes, and the Wind, and they entered the house, going through four
doorways before coming to the living-rooms in the interior.
There they found an elderly woman, radiantly beautiful, with two handsome
boys and girls, the like of whom they had never seen. They stood
transfixed as if in a dream until the voice of the beautiful woman, who
was the wife of the Sun, startled them, demanding to know how they dared
to enter a sacred place forbidden to all save the Dĭgí̆n.
Nayé̆nĕzganĭ replied, saying, "This is the end of our journey. We came to
see our father, the Sun and this we are told is his home."
The wife raged with anger, making dire threats against her husband if what
the boys asserted were true, which she did not doubt since they had found
it possible to gain entrance to her home. Could it be that he was the
father of many of whom she knew nothing? She would find out. Surely he
must have smiled upon most ugly creatures if these two boys were his sons!
It was about time for the Sun to return. As his wife thought of what he
might do to the boys, her anger turned to compassion, and she bade them
wrap themselves in the clouds that hung on the wall, and hide. Ere long a
great rattle was heard outside, and a moment later the Sun came striding
in and hung up his glistening shield. "What strangers are here?" he asked.
There was no answer. Again he asked the question, repeating it a third
time and a fourth, waxing angry. Then his wife began to scold. She told
him that two boys of his, the ugliest creatures she had ever looked upon,
had come to see their father, and demanded to know what it meant. "Where
are they?" asked the Sun; but his wife did not reply to the question;
instead she kept on scolding. The Sun looked about, and noting a change in
the clouds that hung upon the western wall, took them down and unfolded
them, until he discovered Nayé̆nĕzganĭ and Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ.
The Sun became angrier than ever and determined to have done with the
trouble at once by killing the boys. From the eastern wall of the room
projected numerous sharp spikes of white shell. There were turquoise
spikes in the southern, abalone in the western, and jet in the northern
walls. The boys were each hurled against the first of these, but dropped
to the floor unharmed; then against the second, the third, and the fourth,
with a like result. On the floor near the walls sat four large mortars
with heavy pestles in them. The boys were placed in each of these
successively and pounded, as their father thought, into fragments, but out
of this also they came unharmed.
The Sun then waved them to a seat and brought forth four large pipes, two
of abalone and two of lignite. He handed two of each to the boys, saying,
"I wish you to have a good smoke."
"Beware!" whispered the Wind. "His tobacco is poisoned!"
The boys deftly sought the little balls they had received from the
Wósakĭdĭ, slipped them into their mouths, and began puffing. When the
first pipefuls were finished they laid the pipes on the floor and picked
up the other two, showing no sign of distress.
Seeing that the poison tobacco was having no effect on the youthful
strangers, the Sun sent for Haschógan and Hasché̆zhĭnĭ, the House God and
the Fire God, to come and build a sweat-house and heat large stones as hot
as they could be made, so that they might burst into fragments and fill
the sweat-lodge with scalding steam when water was poured upon them. By
the time the boys had finished their second pipes, which proved as
harmless as the others, the little house and heated stones were ready.
Haschógan made the lodge of stone and covered it with earth, erecting
double walls on the northern side with a space between, into which he
provided an entrance from the inside, concealed with a flat stone slab.
[Illustration: _Ga__n__ askĭdĭ_ - Navaho]
_Ga__n__askĭdĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
This is the personation of the Navaho God of Harvest. The name signifies
"Hunchback." He is represented always in a stooping posture, carrying a
staff to aid him in supporting a burden of corn, bean, pumpkin, and other
seeds which he carries upon his back. The personation is conventional,
rather than literal, in intent.
The Sun looked into the lodge, saw that it was tight, and told the boys to
enter. As they passed in Haschógan whispered, "Get behind the stone slab
on the north!" Then Hasché̆zhĭnĭ rolled in several red-hot bowlders and
closed the entrance tightly with heavy cloud blankets. White, blue,
yellow, and black water was then thrown in, and there followed the sounds
of the sizzling steam and bursting stones; fragments could be heard
striking the walls on all sides. After a short while the boys heard the
voice of their father call out from the east, "Are you warm?" They gave no
response. He called again from the south, but received no answer; then
from the west; all was silence. "Surely I am rid of them at last," thought
he. He called once again from the north, and to his great surprise
received a reply. The sweat-house had cooled enough to permit the boys to
emerge from their hiding-place, so their cheerful voices came from near
the doorway.
"These must be my sons," thought the Sun, and throwing back the blankets
from the door he embraced them. "My children, whence came you and how did
you get here?"
The story of their home at Tzĭlhnúhodĭhlĭ, of their long journey across
land and water, and of the many obstacles encountered, was soon told. Then
the Sun directed his wife and daughters to remould the boys and make them
as handsome as themselves. When that was done all entered the house, where
on the walls hung many beautiful strings of turquoise, abalone,
white-shell, and jet beads, and plates of armor. These were offered to the
boys, but they refused them, saying they cared not for jewels, preferring
instead to have lightning arrows, strong bows, and heavy knives with which
to battle with the giant alien gods who were destroying people in all
parts of the earth. The Sun gave them the weapons desired, and when it
came time to resume his journey across the sky he took his newfound sons
with him.
Near Tsótzĭlh, the sacred mountain of the south, lived Yéĭtso, the Big
God. The boys wished to try their skill on him first, so their father let
them down from the sky upon that mountain. The giant was drinking from a
lake and saw the reflection of his new enemies as they dropped upon the
mountain. He straightened up quickly and sent an arrow aimed for the body
of Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, but the boy dodged quickly and responded with a bolt of
lightning which stripped the armor from Yéĭtso’s feet. Three more shafts
of lightning struck the armor from the hips, body, and head of this
fiercest of giants, exposing his vitals to the attack of the boys, who
filled him with arrows, killing him instantly. The Big God’s blood began
to flow down a cañon. Nayé̆nĕzganĭ drew a line across its path with his
stone knife, and the blood ceased flowing onward, rising in a wall across
the cañon’s head, over which now plunges a beautiful waterfall.
The brothers then set off for home, taking the heart of their slain enemy
with them. Arriving at Tzĭlhnúhodĭhlĭ they found their mother in tears,
for she was certain that her boys had been killed and devoured by
monsters. Though unchanged in size, so altered were they in appearance
that Yólkai Ĕstsán could not believe them to be her own boys whom she was
mourning as dead, but the story of their adventures from the time they had
left home was soon told, and all rejoiced.
In the days following, Nayé̆nĕzganĭ and Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ made incursions
into the lands of the alien gods, killing them all and freeing the earth
from the dread and curse of these man-killing monsters. The first to meet
destruction at their hands when they took up their deliberate search for
giants was Déĭlgĕt, Giant Antelope, who had great blue horns upon which he
tossed people to death. The next accosted was Tsĕ Nahálĭ, the preying
Mountain Eagle, and soon after they sought and killed Tsĕtahídzĭlhtúhlĭ,
Among The Rocks He Kicks Them Down The Mountain. Then Bĭnáyeaganĭ, Who
Kills With His Eyes, met death, followed shortly after by Tsé̆agai,
Rolling Bowlder, and Sŭsh Nalkái, Tracking Bear, the last to lose their
lives at the hands of the youthful warriors, Nayé̆nĕzganĭ and
Tobadzĭschínĭ, who have since remained the War Gods of the Navaho.
LEGEND OF THE HAPPINESS CHANT
[Illustration: _Tónenĭlĭ_ - Navaho]
_Tónenĭlĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
Tónenĭlĭ, Water Sprinkler, is the Rain God of the Navaho. He it is who
sends the rain, the hail, and the snow, and causes thunder and lightning.
The personator of this god in the ceremonies assumes the additional
character of a clown and as such creates much merriment in the dances in
which he appears. His apparel consists principally of spruce boughs and a
mask.
The Hozhónĭ Hatál, or Happiness Chant, is a nine-days’ chant held inside a
hogán, and like many of the Navaho ceremonies, it was derived from another
tribe. The myth relating to it tells of a renowned warrior who had two
beautiful sisters whom he wished to see married, but only to men who
should first prove their strength and valor in a feat of arms; so word was
sent to all the young men of the warrior’s tribe to gather at his home on
a certain day, prepared for war, if they wished to enter a contest he
would then propose. The girls being coveted prizes, a goodly number of
warriors, painted and dressed in full war regalia, assembled on the
appointed day, among them being two old, white-haired brothers, of an
alien tribe, who had recently come to live near the Navaho people. The
young chief protested at the presence of the old men, declaring that they
would only sacrifice their lives in the first combat, for they could have
no possible hope of success. The two persisted, however, and were allowed
to remain in the van.
Four-days journey from the Navaho country was a village of the Áya Kĭnné̆,
Have Holes For Houses, enemies from early times. They also prided
themselves on having two very beautiful girls, upon whom many admiring
young men of the tribe bestowed valuable presents of turquoise, shell
beads, and other jewels. One of these wondrous beauties wore her hair
plaited always with rich strings of turquoise; the other with strings of
white shell.
"To the two men," said the vaunting young Navaho, "who will fight their
way to the homes of these boasted beauties and bring to me their
jewel-plaited scalps, will I give my sisters."
The band started, each man eager and hopeful, and on the fourth night
bivouacked in sight of the cliffs under which the hated Áya Kĭnné̆ had
their homes. At daybreak on the following morning they made their attack
on the pueblo, but the villagers, ever alert and well prepared for an
onslaught, offered desperate resistance, every man fighting bravely for
his life and his family. All day long the contest raged; arrow, lance, and
stone hammer dealing death on every hand. As nightfall shrouded the
combatants in darkness, the invaders, depleted in rank, slunk back to
their camp on the hill, where they found the two gray-haired brothers,
each bearing a jewelled scalp as his trophy.
When the Navaho chief learned that the old men were the victors, he raged
with anger, condemning his tribesmen and vowing that his sisters should
never become the wives of unknown aliens, and accordingly declared a new
contest. The man who would win a beautiful wife must hit the blade of a
yucca plant with an arrow at forty paces. The long, narrow blade was hung
in the bark of a tree and the contest commenced. The younger men shot
first. One by one they twanged their bows, and one by one marched off in
sullen humor. At last it came the turn of the aged brothers. The first
shot his arrow, and the slender leaf was pierced; the second shot, and
again the leaf was pierced; but so soon as the second arrow had hit its
mark the Navaho declared a new feat, contending that this had not been
sufficient. A long race was then arranged, and once more the brothers came
off victorious.
The chief became desperate. Some feat must be devised in which his own men
could prove the superior. In the wall of a high cliff not far distant was
a small hole, barely larger than a half-closed hand, and just above the
reach of the average man. The ones who could run past that hole, jump, and
thrust their hands into it as they did so, might claim the sisters. One by
one the young Navaho warriors leaped wildly and struck out for the hole in
the cliff, but none could thrust his hand into it. Then the elderly
brothers ran past, sprang lightly, and darted a hand each into the pocket.
[Illustration: _Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho]
_Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
These deific characters in Navaho mythology, though beneficent always,
have no special functions to perform. The name means "Fringe Mouth" and
has no ascertainable significance other than that these spirits, whose
abode is in the water, are supposed to have peculiar markings about their
mouths. Rescue from drowning invariably redounds to the glory of these
gods.
But for the third time the Navaho chief declared the test insufficient.
The cliff was high. They who would marry his sisters must shoot an arrow
over its rim; so a second contest in archery took place, but only the
feathered reeds of the white-haired brothers passed out of sight.
Still the old men were refused the prizes they had fairly won so many
times. A dance was called. Finding no way to outdo the two brothers in
skill or strength, the young chief left the selection of husbands to his
sisters. They should join the men in the dance and go home with whom they
chose. The aliens did not join the dancers, preferring instead to remain
in their own little brush house half a mile distant, with its single-slant
roof, "For it is foolish," said one, "to think that two such handsome
young maidens as they are would ever look with favor upon our rags and
wrinkles. We would better lie here to-night and rest in sleep after our
busy day." Each then brought forth a sacred pipe and tobacco, which they
used only on rare occasions. One had a pipe of rich blue turquoise, and
the other one of fine, pure white shell. They filled them, smoking in
silence. From the distance the songs and laughter of the merry dancers
greeted their ears, but not as joyous sounds. Each smoked with apparent
resolution, blowing forth cloud after cloud of filmy whiteness, and lo! as
they smoked each noticed that the other had grown youthful in appearance!
Their tattered garments, too, as insensibly as the creeping shadows,
changed their forms, becoming fine shirts, leggings, and moccasins.
At the dance the younger sister asked, "What is it that smells so sweet?"
"I have noticed nothing," the other replied.
"Come over here and face the breeze," said the first; and there, sure
enough, came wafts of air sweet and savory. Neither had ever before
scented anything so pleasing, and they determined to follow the aroma
against the breeze. The moon shed ample light to guide their footsteps,
and once locating the true direction whence the wind came, the two had no
difficulty in threading their way straight to the home of the brothers who
had vanquished so many rivals in so many feats. Knowing nothing of the
men, other than that they were strangers from an alien tribe, the girls
were somewhat startled at coming so boldly face to face with them; but a
moment’s hesitation gave them assurance, for surely, they thought, such
finely dressed, handsome men could mean no harm.
Said one: "What it was we did not know, so came to determine if we could;
but the most delicious odor we ever smelled seemed to fill the air about
us at the dance, coming always from this direction, and now we see that it
was the smoke of your tobacco. It must be a wonderful land, where you come
from, if tobacco like that grows there."
"That you may see for yourselves," answered the elder brother, "for we
have come to take you there if you will but consent to go. Our land is
rich in jewels and possesses a soil that grows bountiful crops of many
kinds, some of which you have never seen. Marry us and you shall live
always in abundance."
The girls consented, and at bedtime retired with their husbands for the
night, only to waken in the morning, however, to a sense of horror; for
whom should they find beside them but the two grim-visaged old men so
cordially hated by all their tribe! They dared not to display their fear
and horror before the men, who were quite awake, though feigning sleep,
but each read the other’s feelings at a glance. Where were they? Where had
they been? Had they merely dreamed of meeting two handsome, well-clad
strangers in the night? Slowly their memories came back—the last shooting
contest, the preparation for the dance, the songs and feasting, the
enchanting perfumed breezes, and their quest—they remembered now. But how
this change in their companions? They were strangers, and unquestionably
magicians who could transform themselves or work spells on others! With
this thought the desire for vengeance increased with every pulse-beat.
[Illustration: _Haschĕbaád_ - Navaho]
_Haschĕbaád_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
In Navaho mythology there are numerous references to benevolent female
deities, who are personated in medicine rites by men wearing masks, as
shown in this plate. Haschĕbaád may be translated "female deity," or
"goddess."
The day wore on before the women had a chance to talk together apart from
their husbands, when they agreed that they would return to their home and
tell their brother of the evil worked upon them by the old men, whom they
would then soon see killed; but the Little Whirlwind whispered to them,
"Return not to your home; anger fills the hearts of all your people, and
it is you who would be killed with clubs and stones." Thwarted in this
plan, they determined to leave and search for a distant tribe of which
they had once heard, that lived in peace, and had never led the life of
marauders. There, surely, they might receive food and shelter and freedom
from the sorcery of their husbands. Each would take a separate course upon
starting, to meet at a wooded mountain in the east.
All went well throughout the day; the old men rested and made ready for
the journey to their home-land, on which they planned to start at
daybreak. That night the women did not sleep. When their husbands became
wrapt in slumber, they quietly crawled out from their furs, snatched a
little food, and glided into the moonlight. They had been gone but a short
time when one of the old men arose to stir the fire, and in deep surprise
noted the absence of the women. He called his brother, and the two held a
hurried consultation. They circled the lodge, but in the dimness of the
light could discern no guiding footprint to tell the direction in which
their young wives had gone. Returning to the camp, they filled their
sacred pipes, and in silence sat and smoked. Soon a thin curl of smoke was
seen drifting southward, winding in and out among the piñons; then another
on the north side. These they followed, bearing eastward, smoking as they
went, and as the sun began to tint the higher hills and mountain crests
with yellow, bathing all else in purple shadows, they came upon their
wives in a little rocky cañon screened by thickly growing cedar and piñon.
The smoke foretold the women of their doom, so they were not taken by
surprise.
Seeing no way to escape, the girls resigned themselves to fate, and meekly
followed the old men back to camp, whence they journeyed with them to the
west.
At their home the brothers had wives and children, so they did not herald
their new consorts as such, but wedded them at once to their eldest sons.
This prospect pleased the two young women, and they entered into the
spirit of the new life with zest. They learned the songs and chants of the
rites of the Snake and the Bear people—the clans to which these younger
husbands belonged—and taught them to a young brother who came to visit
them. When the brother returned to the Navaho people, he told them that
his sisters were quite happy, and with the songs he had learned from them
he originated the Hozhónĭ Hatál, Happiness Chant.
LEGEND OF THE NIGHT CHANT
Long years ago three brothers—the eldest rich, the second a wayward,
roving gambler, and the youngest a mere boy—lived together among their
kind, the Dĭné̆ people. Their only sister was married, living apart with
her husband. The gambler often took property belonging to his brothers,
going to distant corners of the land to stake it on games of chance. On
returning, he never failed to relate a story of wonders he had seen—the
Holy People whom he had met, and who revealed many things to him. His
brothers never believed him, calling him Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ, The Dreamer.
[Illustration: _Gá__n__ askĭdĭ. Zahadolzhá. Hasché̆ltĭ_ - Navaho]
_Gá__n__ askĭdĭ. Zahadolzhá. Hasché̆ltĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
The personated deities pictured in this plate appear together in acts of
succor in the Night Chant in the order seen, the Talking God in the lead.
From left to right they are, respectively, the God of Harvest, Fringe
Mouth, and Talking God.
One day they wished to go hunting, but did not want The Dreamer to
accompany them, so, going to the home of their brother-in-law, they told
him of their purpose, and all three stole away. As the sun began its
descent on the fourth day, it occurred to Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ that he had been
tricked, so he started in search of the hunters, hoping to meet them
returning, that he might help them carry their game and be rewarded with a
pelt or two. He travelled far, but had not come upon them when the sun
passed behind the distant hills. Near by was a deep, rock-walled cañon,
from the depths of which many mingled voices could be heard. Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ
walked to its edge and peered over. Back and forth from side to side flew
countless crows, passing in and out of dark holes in opposite walls. From
below, when darkness had shrouded all, Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ heard a human voice
call in loud echoing tones, "They say, they say, they say, they say!"
From the far side came the answer: "Yes, yes! What’s the matter now?
What’s the matter now?"
"Two people were killed to-day," continued the voice just below.
"Who were they? Who were they?"
To which the first voice answered, "Anahailí̆hĭ, killed at sunrise, and
Igákĭzhĭ, killed at dusk, by the People of the Earth. They went in search
of meat, and the hunters shot arrows into them. We are sorry, but they
were told to be careful and did not heed. It is too late to help them now;
let us go on with the chant."
It had grown very dark, and Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ became greatly frightened, but
he stayed to listen and watch. Muffled strains of songs came from the deep
recesses in each cañon wall,—the gods were singing—and just within the
openings, discernible in the glow of a fire, could be seen many dancers
performing in unison as they kept time with rattles. Throughout the night
firelight flickered from wall to wall and singing and dancing continued.
At daylight the participants departed in all directions, so Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ
resumed the quest of the hunters.
He had travelled but a short time when he came upon his brothers, resting
their heavy game packs on their journey homeward.
"Here comes The Dreamer," spoke his elder brother. "I will wager he has
something marvellous to relate."
Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ was greeted first by his brother-in-law. "You must have
slept near here last night, for you are too far out to have made this
distance since daylight."
"I did," he replied, "near a cañon that is surely holy. A lot of people
had gathered to dance, the gods sang, and—"
"There, I told you he would have some lie to tell," interrupted the eldest
brother, and started on.
"Go ahead," urged the brother-in-law; "tell us the rest."
"It’s no use; no one cares to listen to me," said Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ.
His younger brother, also incredulous, took up his burden and plodded off,
whereat Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ related all that he had seen and heard.
"You men must have killed those people they spoke about," he accused.
"No, it was none of us," his brother-in-law protested; "we have killed no
people. Yesterday morning one shot a crow, and last night we killed a
magpie, but there was no harm in that."
"I fear there was; they were hunters like yourselves, in search of meat
for the Holy People, for the time disguised as birds," Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ
ventured. Then, dividing the pack, the two hurried on to overtake the
others.
"Well," asked the youngest, "did you hear a fine story?"
"It is not a lie," his brother-in-law retorted; "we killed a crow and a
magpie yesterday, and the Holy People talked about it in the cañon last
night. Look! There come four mountain sheep! Hurry, Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ and head
them off!" They had come upon the cañon where the strange voices had been
heard. Four sheep, among large bowlders near the rim, were carefully
threading their way out of it. The three dropped back, while Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ
ran ahead and concealed himself near the ascending trail. As the sheep
approached he drew his bow and aimed for the leader’s heart, but his
fingers could not loose their grip upon the arrow, and the sheep passed by
unharmed. Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ scrambled up over the rim of the cañon and ran to
get ahead of them again, but the bowstring would not leave his fingers as
they passed. A third effort, and a fourth, to kill the game brought the
same result. Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ cursed himself and the sheep, but ceased
suddenly, for whom should he see but four gods, Yébĭchai, appear before
him, who had transformed themselves into sheep! Hasché̆ltĭ, in the lead,
ran up to him and dropped his _balíl_—a rectangular, four-piece, folding
wand—over him, as he sat, and uttered a peculiar cry. Behind him came
Zahadolzhá, Haschĕbaád, and Gánaskĭdĭ; all were masked.
[Illustration: _Tónenĭlĭ, Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ, Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho]
_Tónenĭlĭ, Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ, Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
These three gods appear in the order shown when seen in the rites of the
Navaho Night Chant.
"Whence came you?" Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ asked them.
"From Kĭnní̆nĭkai," Hasché̆ltĭ answered.
"Whither are you going?"
"To Tsé̆gyiĭ, to hold another _hatál_ four days from now. You had better
come along."
"No, I couldn’t travel so far in four days."
But after a little parleying Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ assented. He was told to
disrobe, and doing so Gánaskĭdĭ breathed upon him, and his raiment became
the same as that of the gods. Then all took four steps eastward, changing
into mountain sheep, and bounded away along the cañon’s rim.
The hunters in hiding became restless as The Dreamer did not return, so
ventured out where they could view the trail on which he was last seen. No
one was in sight. One went to the rock where Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ first hid near
the sheep and followed his tracks from hiding place to hiding place until
the fourth one was reached, and there he found his brother’s old clothes
with his bow and arrows upon them. There he traced four human footsteps to
the east that merged into the trail of five mountain sheep. The eldest
brother cried in his remorse, for he saw that his brother was holy, and he
had always treated him with scorn.
The gods and Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ, transformed to mountain sheep, travelled very
far during their four days’ journey, coming on the fourth day to a large
hogán. Inside were numerous Holy People, both gods and men. When Bĭlh
Ahatí̆nĭ entered with his four holy companions, a complaint at once arose
from those inside against an earthly odor, whereat Hasché̆ltĭ had their
charge taken out and washed with yucca-root suds.
Inside the hogán stood four large jewel posts upon which the gods hung
their masks. The eastern post was of white shell, the southern of
turquoise, the western of abalone, and the northern of jet. Two jewel
pipes lay beside a god sitting on the western side of the hogán. These he
filled with tobacco and lighted, passing one each to his right and his
left. All assembled smoked, the last to receive the pipes being two large
Owls sitting one on each side of the entrance way at the east. They drew
in deep draughts of smoke and puffed them out violently. While the smoking
continued, people came in from all directions. At midnight lightning
flashed, followed by heavy thunder and rain, which Tónenĭlĭ, Water
Sprinkler, sent in anger because he had not been apprised of the dance
before it was time to begin it; but a smoke with the assembled Holy People
appeased him. Soon after the chant began and continued until morning.
Some of the gods had beautiful paintings on deerskins, resembling those
now made with colored sands. These they unfolded upon the floor of the
hogán during the successive days of the _hatál_.
The last day of the dance was very largely attended, people coming from
all holy quarters. Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ through it all paid close attention to
the songs, prayers, paintings, and dance movements, and the forms of the
various sacred paraphernalia, and when the _hatál_ was over he had learned
the rite of Kléjĕ Hatál. The gods permitted him to return to his people
long enough to perform it over his younger brother and teach him how to
conduct it for people afflicted with sickness or evil. This he did,
consuming nine days in its performance, after which he again joined the
gods at Tsé̆gyiĭ, where he now lives. His younger brother taught the
ceremony to his earthly brothers, the Navaho, who yet conduct it under the
name of Kléjĕ Hatál, Night Chant, or Yébĭchai Hatál, The Chant of Paternal
Gods.
CEREMONIES—THE NIGHT CHANT
[Illustration: _Yébĭchai_ Sweat - Navaho]
_Yébĭchai_ Sweat - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
Each morning during the first four days of the Navaho Yébĭchai healing
ceremony, or Night Chant, the patient is sweated—sometimes inside a small
sweat-lodge, oftener by being placed upon a spot previously heated by a
fire and covered with heavy blankets. The three figures are medicine-men,
or singers, chanting. The patient lies under the blankets surrounded by a
line of sacred meal in which turkey-feather prayer-sticks, _kĕdán_, are
implanted.
A description of the ritual and form of the Yébĭchai ceremony,—Kléjĕ
Hatál, or Night Chant,—covering its nine days of performance, will give a
comprehensive idea of all Navaho nine-day ceremonies, which combine both
religious and medical observances. The myth characters personified in this
rite are termed Yébĭchai, Grandfather or Paternal Gods. Similar
personations appear in other ceremonies, but they figure less prominently.
_First Day_: The ceremonial, or medicine, hogán is built some days in
advance of the rite. The first day’s ceremony is brief, with few
participants. Well after dark the singer, assisted by two men, makes nine
little splint hoops—_tsĭpa__n__s yázhĕ kĕdán_—entwined with slip-cords,
and places them on the sacred meal in the meal basket. Following this,
three men remove their everyday clothing, take Yébĭchai masks, and leave
the hogán. These three masked figures are to represent the gods
Hasché̆ltĭ, Talking God, Haschĕbaád, Goddess, and Hasché̆lapai, Gray God.
When they have gone and passed to the rear of the hogán, the patient comes
in, disrobes at the left of the centre, passes around the small fire
burning near the entrance of the hogán, and takes his seat in the centre,
immediately after which the singing begins. During the third song
Hasché̆ltĭ enters with his cross-sticks—_Hasché̆ltĭ balíl_—and opens and
places them over the patient’s body, forcing them down as far toward the
ground as possible. The second time he places them not so far over the
body; the third, not lower than the shoulders; the fourth time, over the
head only, each time giving his peculiar call, _Wu-hu-hu-hu-u!_ Then
Hasché̆ltĭ takes up a shell with medicine and with it touches the
patient’s feet, hands, chest, back, right shoulder, left shoulder, and top
of head,—this being the prescribed ceremonial order,—uttering his cry at
each placing of the medicine. He next places the shell of medicine to the
patient’s lips four times and goes out, after which Haschĕbaád comes in,
takes one of the circle _kĕdán_, touches the patient’s body in the same
ceremonial order, and finally the lips, at the same time giving the
slip-cord a quick pull. Next comes Hasché̆lapai, who performs the same
incantations with the _kĕdán_. Again Hasché̆ltĭ enters with the
cross-sticks, repeating the former order, after which he gives the patient
four swallows of medicine,—a potion different from that first given,—the
medicine-man himself drinking what remains in the shell. This closes the
ceremony of the first day. There will, perhaps, be considerable dancing
outside the hogán, but that is merely practice for the public dance to be
given on the ninth night. The singer and the patient sleep in the hogán
each night until the nine days are passed, keeping the masks and medicine
paraphernalia between them when they sleep.
_Second Day_: Just at sunrise the patient is given the first ceremonial
sweat. This is probably given more as a spiritual purification than in
anticipation of any physical benefit. To the east of the hogán a shallow
hole is dug in the earth, in which are placed hot embers and
ashes,—covered with brush and weeds, and sprinkled with water,—upon which
the patient takes his place. He is then well covered with blankets. The
medicine-man, assisted by Hasché̆ltĭ and Haschĕbaád, places about the
patient a row of feathered _kĕdán_, and then commences to sing while the
patient squirms on the hot, steaming bed. After singing certain songs the
medicine-man lifts the blanket a little and gives the patient a drink of
medicine from a ceremonial basket. He is again covered, and the singing
goes on for a like time. Later the blankets are removed and Hasché̆ltĭ and
Haschĕbaád perform over the patient, after which he goes to the hogán. The
brush and weeds used for the bed are taken away and earth is scattered
over the coals. This sweating, begun on the second day, is repeated each
morning for four days: the first, as above noted, taking place east of the
hogán, and the others respectively to the south, west, and north. The
ceremonies of the second night are practically a repetition of those held
the first night. During the third song Hasché̆ltĭ enters with the
_Hasché̆ltĭ balíl_, placing it four times in the prescribed order and
giving his call; then he goes out, re-enters, and takes from the medicine
basket four sacred reed _kĕdán_. These he carries in ceremonial order to
the four cardinal points: first east, then south, next west, lastly north.
Next stick _kĕdán_ are taken out of the basket, which holds twelve each of
the four sacred colors. These also are carried to the four cardinal
points—white, east; blue, south; yellow, west; black, north. After all the
_kĕdán_ are taken out, Hasché̆ltĭ again enters with the _Hasché̆ltĭ
balíl_, using it in directional order and giving medicine as on the night
before.
[Illustration: _Pĭkéhodĭklad_ - Navaho]
_Pĭkéhodĭklad_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
The first of the four dry-paintings used in conducting the Kléjĕ Hatál, or
Night Chant, of the Navaho, being made on the fifth night. The purpose of
this night’s acts is to frighten the patient; hence the name of the
painting, which signifies "Frighten Him On It."
The encircling figure represents the rainbow, _aklólh_; the first on the
left Hasché̆ltĭ, Talking God; the central, Haschĕbaád,
goddess—symbolically the patient—and the right-hand figure a male deity,
Haschĕbakú̆n.
The patient sits on the central figure at its waist line during the
night’s performance. When the ceremony in connection with this painting is
concluded the colored sands are carefully collected, carried out toward
the north, and deposited under a tree.
_Third Day_: It is understood that the patient has been sweated in the
morning, as on the second day. On this night he is dressed in spruce
boughs by the assisting medicine-man, bound around the wrists, arms,
ankles, legs, and body, and fastened on the head in the form of a turban.
After several songs, Nayé̆nĕzganĭ and Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ cut the boughs from
the body, using a stone arrow-point as a knife. Then the boughs are cut
into fragments over the patient’s head, after which the singer takes a
feather wand, points it toward the four cardinal points above the fire,
and brushes the patient, chanting meanwhile. At the end of the brushing he
points the wand out of the smoke-hole, at the same time blowing the dust
from it out into the open air.
_Fourth Day_: The ceremonies this day do not begin until later than usual,
probably nine o’clock. Hasché̆ltĭ and Haschĕbaád dress and go out. The
patient disrobes and takes his place. The assisting medicine-man digs a
small hole just between the patient’s feet, and encircles it with a line
of _tádĭtĭn_, or pollen, leaving an opening to the east, after which the
patient dons a mask. Hasché̆ltĭ enters, followed by Haschĕbaád, who
carries a small spruce tree. The former puts sacred pollen in the hole
four times, each time giving his call; then Haschĕbaád plants the tree in
the hole and fastens its top to the patient’s mask; the mask is then
pulled off the patient’s head by his jerking quickly away from the tree.
This is the first night in which the ceremonies are continued until dawn.
After the unmasking, the singers take their place at one side of the back
of the hogán and begin singing to the accompaniment of a basket drum. A
youth and a maiden are required to sit in the hogán throughout the fourth
night, the ritual requiring that these be persons who have not had sexual
knowledge.
_Fifth Day_: This is the last day of the sweating, and the day on which
the first dry-painting is made. Just at dark this painting, a small one,
is begun inside. In size it would square about four feet, and is placed
close to the back of the hogán. There are three figures in the painting:
the central one being the patient, the one to the left Hasché̆ltĭ, the one
to the right Haschĕbakú̆n. Around this painting, at all sides except the
eastern, feather wands, _ndiá_, are stuck in the ground; in this case
twelve in number. Foot-tracks are made in the sand with white meal.
Hasché̆ltĭ and Haschĕbakú̆n dress ceremonially, mask, and go out, after
which the patient enters and takes his position on the central figure of
the dry-painting, facing the east. The effort this night is to frighten
the patient and thus banish the evil spirits from his body. The two
maskers come running in, uttering weird, unearthly howls, in which every
spectator in the hogán joins, feigning great fear. The masked figures make
four entries, each like the other. In many cases the patient either
actually faints from fright or feigns to do so. The patient then leaves
the dry-painting and it is destroyed. None of the sand or other pigments
used in this painting is applied to the patient’s body, as is done with
that of later paintings. The next part of the fifth night’s ceremony is
the initiation of new members into the Yébĭchai order. No one who is not a
member of the order is allowed to enter the ceremonial hogán. At the time
of the initiation Hasché̆ltĭ and Haschĕbakú̆n are outside in the darkness.
The initiates enter and sit on the ground in a row—the males naked, the
women dressed in their ordinary mode. They dare not look up, for should
they see Hasché̆ltĭ before being initiated, they would become blind. One
at a time these novices take their place in the centre of the hogán and
the initiatory rite is performed over them.
[Illustration: _Shĭlhné’ohlĭ_ - Navaho]
_Shĭlhné’ohlĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
In this plate is pictured the second dry-painting employed in the Night
Chant, made on the sixth day of the ceremony. It represents crossed logs
which whirl around in a mythic lake. Upon them are alternately seated male
and female deities, singing. The light figures are goddesses,
_haschĕbaád_; the dark ones gods, _haschĕbakú̆__n_. Their songs treat of
all life-giving plants, of which corn, beans, squashes, and tobacco, the
most important, are pictured as growing from the very centre of the lake,
the point of contact of the logs.
Of the four marginal figures the one in white toward the east is
Hasché̆ltĭ, Talking God, with his pine-squirrel pouch of sacred meal.
Opposite him stands Haschógan, House God. The other two are Gánaskí̆dĭl,
Hunchbacks, Gods of Harvest, with seeds of the field in packs on their
backs. Around the whole is the personified rainbow.
When the dry-painting is in actual use the patient enters upon it over the
feet of Hasché̆ltĭ and sits at the intersection of the logs. A man
personating a god then enters, places his hands upon the various parts of
the many deities represented in the picture, then upon the corresponding
parts of the patient’s body. The whole picture is then destroyed and the
colored sands are carried off to the north in a blanket and strewn under
trees.
_Sixth Day_: This is the first day of the large dry-paintings. The
painting is commenced early in the morning, and is not finished until
mid-afternoon. The one on this day is the whirling log representation.
After it is finished, feathers are stuck in the ground around it, and
sacred meal is scattered on parts by some of the assisting singers. Others
scatter the meal promiscuously; one of the maskers uses a spruce twig and
medicine shell, applying meal to every figure and object in the painting.
Then the medicine-men all gather up portions of the sacred meal, putting
it in their medicine pouches. The patient soon enters and takes his seat
in the centre of the painting. The usual incantations are gone through,
after which the colored sands of the painting are applied to the
corresponding parts of the patient’s body, then gathered up and carried
off to the north. During the day two sets of beggars go out to the
neighboring hogáns. These personate Hasché̆ltĭ, Tónenĭlĭ—Water Sprinkler,
the God of Water, who is really a clown—and as many Haschĕbaád as care to
go out. The beggars carry whips made of yucca leaves, and one who does not
respond to their appeals for gifts is whipped,—if he can be caught,—which
creates a great deal of amusement. The personators act like a company of
clowns, but at the same time they gather a large quantity of food. When
the day is thoroughly taken up with dry-painting and ceremonies, there is
less of the ceremonial at night. The medicine-men, to the accompaniment of
the basket drum, sing for a short time only on this sixth night, while
outside the late evening is spent in dancing by those who are later to
participate in the closing dance.
_Seventh Day_: This day is practically consumed with the making of another
large dry-painting. The masked men go out on another begging tour, also,
and the medicine ceremonies and the destroying of the dry-painting are
practically the same as those of the day before, while during the evening
the medicine-men sing to the accompaniment of the drum.
_Eighth Day_: The dry-painting is finished about three o’clock in the
afternoon. After its completion there is a large open-air initiation. To
become a full member of the Yébĭchai order one must first be initiated in
the hogán; the second initiation is a public one; the third, another
inside the hogán; the fourth, another in the open. These different
initiation ceremonies, the same in point of ritualism, may be carried over
several years.
_Ninth and Final Day_: To the average person and to the Indians as a whole
the last day is the Yébĭchai dance. From a distance the Indians have been
gathering during the two previous days, and the hospitality of the
patient’s family, as well as that of all the people living in the
neighboring hogáns, is taxed to the utmost. And from early morning until
dark the whole plain is dotted with horsemen coming singly and in groups.
Great crowds gather at the contests given half a mile from the hogán,
where horse-races, foot-races, groups of gamblers, and throngs of Indians
riding wildly from race-track to hogán fill the day with hilarity and
incidents memorable to all. Toward the end of the day preparation is made
for the closing part of the nine-day rite. Great quantities of fuel have
been brought from the distant plateau, and placed in many small piles at
each side of the smooth dance ground to the east of the hogán. As soon as
it is dark the fuel is ignited, making two long lines of camp-fires,
furnishing both light to see the dancers and warmth to the spectators, for
the Yébĭchai cannot be held until the autumn frosts begin, when the nights
have the sharp, keen air of the high altitudes.
[Illustration: _Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho]
_Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis_
This is the last of the dry-paintings used in the Night Chant, being
destroyed on the night of the eighth day’s ceremonies. It takes its name
from the fact that the principal characters represented in it, the dark
figures, are all Zahadolzhá, Fringe-mouth Gods. According to the myth
underlying the rite these gods made the first paintings of this sort used
among the spirit people, and were the ones who furnished succor to the
patients on the eighth day of the nine days’ healing ceremony. The light
figures are female deities—haschĕbaád. In the centre is the cornstalk, a
life-giving symbol, and partially encircling the whole is the personified
light-giving rainbow, a female personage.
During the ceremony a man masked as a Zahadolzhá places his hands first
upon a part of his likeness pictured in colored earths and then on the
corresponding part of the patient, as head, body, and limbs. Later the
colored earths or sands are carried away in a blanket and placed under
brush or trees toward the north.
With the gathering darkness the human tide flows toward the medicine
hogán, illuminated in the dusk by the long lines of camp-fires. All gather
about and close around the dance square, having to be kept back by those
in charge. Men, women, and children sit on the ground near the fires. Many
on horseback have ridden up, and form a veritable phalanx back of the
sitting spectators. The dance does not begin at once, and those assembled
spend the time telling stories, jesting, and gossiping. Belated arrivals
make coffee, or do hurried cooking around the fires.
Some distance to the east of the dance ground is a brush enclosure where
the dancers prepare for their part in the rite. There, too, is a fire for
light and warmth. The men in preparation remove all clothing, save short
kilts, and paint their bodies with a mixture of water and white clay.
Anyone who may have experienced the enjoyment of a sponge bath out in the
open on a cold, windy night can appreciate the pleasure of the dance
preparation. The dancers are impersonators of Navaho myth characters,
twelve usually taking part. No qualifications are necessary other than
that the participant be conversant with the intricate ritual of the dance.
The dance continues throughout the entire night, one group of men being
followed by another. The first twelve men dance through four songs,
retiring to the dressing enclosure for a very brief rest after each. Then
they withdraw, and twelve others dance for a like period, and so on. The
first group sometimes returns again later, and the different groups vie
with one another in their efforts to give the most beautiful dance in
harmony of movement and song, but there is no change in the step. The
several sets have doubtless trained for weeks, and the most graceful take
great pride in being pronounced the best dancers. The first group of
grotesquely masked men is ready by nine or ten o’clock; they file into the
dance enclosure led by Hasché̆ltĭ, their naked, clay-painted bodies
glinting in the firelight. While wearing masks the performers never speak
in words; they only sing or chant. To address one in conversation would
incur the displeasure of the gods and invite disaster. Time is kept by the
basket drum and the rhythm of the singing.
The white visitor will get his best impression of the dance from a short
distance, and, if possible, a slight elevation. There he is in touch with
the stillness of the night under the starry sky, and sees before him, in
this little spot lighted out of the limitless desert, this strange
ceremonial of supplication and thanksgiving, showing slight, if any,
change from the same performance, held on perhaps the same spot by the
ancestors of these people ages ago. As the night wears on the best group
of dancers come out. They are, perhaps, from the Redrock country, or from
some other far-away district, and have been practising for weeks, that
they might excel in this dance. The most revered song of the Yébĭchai is
the Bluebird song, which is sung at the approach of day, and is the
closing act of the drama. With the last words, "_Dóla anyí, dóla anyí_,"
the assembled multitude start for their homes, near and far, melting into
the gray of the desert morn, and by the time the sun breaks above the
horizon the spot which was alive with people a few hours before is wrapped
in death-like stillness, not a soul being within range of the eye.
[Illustration: _Yébĭchai Hogán_ - Navaho]
_Yébĭchai Hogán_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
MATURITY CEREMONY
The ceremony celebrating maturity of girls among the Navaho is held
generally on the fourth night after the first evidence of the maiden’s
entrance into womanhood. On the first morning following the moment of this
change in life the girl bathes and dresses in her finest clothes. Later
she stretches herself face downward on a blanket just outside the hogán,
with her head toward the door. A sister, aunt, or other female relation,
if any happen to be close at hand, or if not, a male relative other than
her father, then proceeds symbolically to remould her. Her arms and legs
are straightened, her joints smoothed, and muscles pressed to make her
truly shapely. After that the most industrious and energetic of the comely
women in the immediate neighborhood is called in to dress the girl’s hair
in a particular form of knot and wrap it with deerskin strings, called
_tsĭklólh_. Should there be any babies or little tots about the home, the
girl goes to them, and, placing a hand under each ear, successively lifts
them by the neck, to make them grow faster. Then she darts off toward the
east, running out for about a quarter of a mile and back. This she does
each morning until after the public ceremony. By so doing she is assured
of continuing strong, lithe, and active throughout womanhood.
The four days preceding the night of the ceremony are days of abstinence;
only such foods as mush and bread made from corn-meal may be eaten, nor
may they contain any salt. To indulge in viands of a richer nature would
be to invite laziness and an ugly form at a comparatively early age. The
girl must also refrain from scratching her head or body, for marks made by
her nails during this period would surely become ill-looking scars. All
the women folk in the hogán begin grinding corn on the first day and
continue at irregular intervals until the night of the third, when the
meal is mixed into batter for a large corn-cake, which the mother bakes in
a sort of bean-hole outside the hogán.
The ceremony proper consists of little more than songs. A medicine-man is
called upon to take charge, being compensated for his services with
blankets, robes, grain, or other articles of value. Friends and neighbors
having been notified, they assemble at the girl’s hogán fairly early in
the evening. When dusk has settled, the medicine-man begins his songs,
singing first the twelve "hogán songs" of the Bahózhonchi. After he has
finished, anyone present who so desires may sing songs taken from the
ritual of the same order. This motley singing and hilarity continue until
well toward sunrise, when the mother brings in a bowl of yucca suds and
washes the girl’s hair. Her head and hair are dried with corn-meal, after
which the girl takes her last run toward the east, this time followed by
many young children, symbolically attesting that she will be a kind
mother, whom her children will always follow. The _hatálĭ_, or medicine
singer, during her absence sings eight songs, generally termed the Racing
songs. On her return the great corn-cake is brought in, cut, and divided
among the assemblage, when all disperse, and the girl may once more loosen
her hair and partake of any food she pleases.
MARRIAGE
[Illustration: _Yébĭchai_ Dancers - Navaho]
_Yébĭchai_ Dancers - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
The Navaho marriage ceremony is always held at the home of the girl. When
a young man wishes to marry the maid of his choice, he makes his desire
known to his parents, when the father goes to the girl’s parents and
explains that his son would like to marry their daughter. The girl is then
consulted, and if she be willing to marry the young man, the parents of
the two open negotiations. A popular, pretty girl commands a considerably
higher price than a plain one, though few are married for a smaller bonus
than fourteen ponies and a silver belt. Horses, saddles, cattle, sheep and
goats, and turquoise-studded silver ornaments are the usual media of
exchange in matrimonial bargains. The arrangement of compensatory details,
particularly the date of delivery of the articles for payment, often
requires a considerable period of time and no little controversy. When
finally completed, the date is set for the wedding, which takes place
always at night.
The girl’s mother fills a wedding basket with corn-meal mush, which
figures prominently in the ceremony. About nine o’clock in the evening the
wedding party assembles. Anyone may attend, and usually a goodly number is
present. The young man and his bride take seats on the western side of the
hogán, facing the doorway. On their right the male spectators sit in rows;
on their left, the women. The girl’s mother, however, does not enter, for
a mother-in-law, even in the making, must not look upon her newly acquired
son, nor he upon her, then or thereafter. To do so would occasion
blindness, and general ill luck to either one or both parties.
The basket of mush and two wicker bottles of water are brought in and
placed before the couple, the bearer being careful to see that the side of
the basket on which the top coil terminates is toward the east. The girl’s
father then steps forward, and from his pouch of _tádĭtĭn_, or sacred
pollen, sifts several pinches on the basket of mush. Beginning at the end
of the coil on the eastern rim, he sifts straight across and back, then
follows the rim with the pollen around to the south side, sifts across and
back, and then drops a little in the centre. That done, the bride pours a
small quantity of water from the wicker bottle upon the young man’s hands.
He washes and pours a little upon hers. Then from the side of the basket
toward the east he dips out a little mush with two fingers and eats. The
girl follows, dipping from the same place. This act is repeated at the
three remaining sides—the south, west, and north,—and then the basket is
passed to the assemblage, who finish eating its contents. The empty basket
becomes the property of the young man’s mother, who retains it as a sort
of certificate of marriage. The washing of hands and the dipping of mush
from the same spot is a pledge that the girl will follow in her husband’s
footsteps—doing as he does.
When the ceremony is concluded, a supper is provided for all. General
conversation and levity while away the hours, the talk consisting
principally, however, of sage advice from relatives to both husband and
wife as to how they should conduct themselves in future. At dawn the party
disperses, the young man taking his bride with him.
[Illustration: Mescal Harvest - Apache]
Mescal Harvest - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
APPENDIX
[Illustration: White River Valley - Apache]
White River Valley - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis_
TRIBAL SUMMARY - THE APACHE
LANGUAGE—Athapascan.
POPULATION—Fort Apache Agency, Arizona (White Mountain Apache), 2,072.
San Carlos Agency: San Carlos Apache, 1,066; Tonto Apache, 554; Coyoteros,
525.
Tonto Apache on Beaver Creek, 103.
Total Apache of Arizona (not including the so-called Mohave Apache and
Yuma Apache), 4,320.
Mescaleros in New Mexico, 460. Jicarillas in New Mexico, 784.
Chiricahua Apache at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, 298. Kiowa Apache in Oklahoma,
155.
Grand total of Apache tribes, 6,017.
DRESS—The primitive dress of the men was deerskin shirt (_ĕpŭntltésĭs_),
leggings (_ĭsklé̆tlĭkai_), and moccasins (_ĕpú̆nkĕ_). They were never
without the loin-cloth, the one absolutely necessary feature of Indian
dress. A deerskin cap (_cha_), with attractive symbolic ornamentation, was
worn; but for the greater part the headgear consisted of a band braided
from the long leaves of the yucca, which they placed rather low on the
head to keep the hair from the eyes. The dress of the Apache women
consisted of a short deerskin skirt, high boot-legged moccasins, and a
loose waist which extended to the hips and was worn outside the skirt.
Both skirt and waist were ornamented with deerskin fringe and latterly
with metal pendants. The men’s hair always hangs loose; it is never
braided. At time of mourning the hair is cut horizontally just above the
shoulder line. Apache matrons, like the men, do not braid the hair, but
let it hang loosely over the shoulders. The maidens tie their hair in a
low long knot at the back of the head, to which is fastened a decorated
deerskin ornament, denoting maidenhood. So arranged it is called
_pĭtsĭvé̆sti_, and the wrapping, _tsĭgé̆_.
DWELLINGS—The Apache dwelling consists of a dome-shaped frame of
cottonwood or other poles, thatched with grass. Average diameter at the
base, twelve feet. The house itself they term _kówa_; the grass thatch,
_pi__n_. Bear-grass, or what the Spanish term _palmillo_, is used
exclusively in thatching. Since the institution of the Messiah religion
the houses are built rather elongate in form, with a doorway in each end,
and all the houses of the village are arranged in long rows. Doorways are
termed _dáitin_, or _chogúntĭ_, interchangeably. Summer houses are
generally built at a distance from the winter houses, in fact wherever the
Apache would have occasion to stop, and are little more than brush
shelters to afford temporary shade.
PRIMITIVE FOODS—No tribe is more capable of living on the natural products
of their pristine haunts than the Apache. Whether allowed to live
peacefully in the river valleys or driven in war to seek protection of
impenetrable mountains, nature provided amply for their support; for
practically all the flora and fauna indigenous to the Southwest are
considered food by the Apache. (See the list in the vocabulary.)
ARTS AND INDUSTRIES—The art expression of the Apache is manifested chiefly
in their basketry, which shows much taste in form and decoration. The
_tus_, an urn-shaped water bottle, is loosely woven of the stems of
aromatic sumac, then coated inside and out with piñon gum. The flat tray
basket, called _tsa-naskú̆dĭ_, is much used in their domestic life. The
most pretentious basket is the immense _tus-naskú̆di_, urn-shaped, like
the _tus_—whence its name—and used principally for the storage of grain.
No Apache home is without the burden basket, _tú̆tza_, round and deep,
often somewhat conical in form, and invariably decorated with deerskin
fringe.
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION—The Apache never had a very stable form of
government. Chiefs were elected, or chosen, and ruled so long as it
pleased their followers. If the son of a chief proved himself capable, he
would be accorded opportunity to rule, otherwise he received no special
recognition. Medicine-men were always more influential than the chiefs.
Social customs and habits and much of the government of the tribe are
guided by the medicine-men; but often they lose all influence by meeting
with failure in the treatment of disease. Like the chiefs, the
medicine-men depend on popular approval for their success.
CLANS—The Coyoteros are divided into five bands, each consisting of a
number of clans. In one band there are survivors of one clan only; in
other bands as many as seven or eight clans are yet to be found. Descent
is reckoned through the mother; that is, the children belong to the
mother’s clan, except among the Chiricahua, where, it is said, descent is
traced through the father.
[Illustration: _Nalin Lage_ - Apache]
_Nalin Lage_ - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
_Coyotero Clans_
BAND I
1. Tse Chin (Red Rocks).
2. Glĕsh Chin (Red Clay).
3. Dĕs Káĭn (Cottonwood People).
4. Nú̆gwŭ Dĭlhkízn (Between Two Mountains).
5. Dĕs Lántin (Where the Cottonwoods Meet).
6. Kai Hin Chin (Through the Willows).
7. Kestéchi Nádakĭn (Ford between Sycamores).
BAND II
1. Klúqa Dĭ Káĭn (Many-reeds People).
2. Ĭl Chĕn Tĭán (Long Row of Pines).
3. Chénche Chichíl Káĭn (Clump-of-oaks People).
4. Tzĭlh Ádĭn (By the Mountain).
5. Yakúĭ Káĭn (White-hill People).
BAND III
1. Ia On Yĕ (In Black Brush).
2. Ta Káĭn (Sand People).
3. Tĕntolzú̆ga (Juts into the Water).
4. Dosh To An (Many Flies).
5. Tse Dĕs Káĭn (White-rock People).
6. Tse Teú̆n (Rocks in the River).
7. Tu Dĭlhkí̆h Shan (By the Black Water).
8. Ke Shĭn Tĭán (Long Row of Sycamores).
BAND IV
1. Ndĕ Ndé̆zn (Tall People).
BAND V
1. Nádotz Ózn (By Sharp Mountains).
2. Pĭs A Hón (Bank Caved In).
_Arivaipa Clans_
1. Glĕsh Chin (Red Clay).
2. Dĕs Zepú̆n (Big Gray Cottonwoods).
3. Tsĕz Zhuné̆ (By the Little Black Rocks).
4. Tse Dĕs Káĭn (White-rock People).
_Chiricahua Clans_
1. Aiahán (People of the East).
2. Ndĕ Ndái (Apache Half Mexican).
3. Cho Kŭné̆ (Ridge on the Mountain-side).
4. Chan Han (Red People).
MARRIAGE—Strictly speaking, barter for women at an agreed price was never
the custom among the Apache,—so the older of the present generation
contend,—personal choice on the part of the girl having always to be
considered. Nevertheless, payment for the bride is always made to her
parents in the form of grain, money, horses, saddles, blankets, or cattle.
The bride’s consent is necessary, custom requiring the young man to prove
his moral strength, and ability to support a wife and himself, by erecting
a neat house and permitting the girl of his choice to occupy it with him
for four nights without being molested or having her presence observed. By
preparing his breakfast the morning following the fourth night the girl
acknowledges her willingness to marry, and the agreement as to the
definite payment her parents shall receive may be made any time later. She
then becomes the man’s wife, though a month may sometimes elapse before
the agreement is sealed and the consequent payment made.
GENESIS—In the unbroken darkness of the beginning of time appeared a small
spot, which grew as embryonic life and became a human figure, known in the
myth as Kútĕrastan, The One Who Lives Above. This creator then made light,
and next Stĕnátlĭhăn, Woman Without Parents. Next he created Chuganaái,
The Sun, and following him Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, Pollen Boy. The creator next
made the earth, and then the other gods of the Apache pantheon. Following
their creation he instructed the various gods in their respective duties,
and then disappeared into the sky through the smoke from a miraculous
fire.
PERSON OF MIRACULOUS BIRTH—Stĕnátlĭhăn, a goddess, is the mother of two
boys, who perform miracles and act as saviours of the people. The elder
brother, Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, conceived by the Sun, is the more active and is
revered as the God of War. To Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, conceived by Water, is
ascribed the making of the ocean as it now is, and he is supposed to have
much to do with water in the form of rain and snow.
CEREMONIES—The ceremonies are invariably called "dances." Among these are:
a rain dance, a puberty rite, a harvest or good-crop dance, and a spirit
dance. The medicine dance is the creation of a medicine-man and varies
with his individual views. The ceremonial paraphernalia of the other four
dances may vary in accordance with the dictates of the medicine-man, but
for the greater part follows prescribed formula. The Apache are devoutly
religious and pray on many occasions and in various ways: sometimes with
the aid of little images representing gods, sometimes with painted
deerskins and caps, and sometimes by merely facing the cardinal points and
scattering pollen to the four winds for the gods from whom they seek
favor. Usually the plants employed by them as medicine are dug in a
ceremonial way, one notable exception being the gathering of pollen, no
prayers being offered at that time. In secluded spots in the hills and
mountains are found round cairns, with cedar and other twigs deposited
upon them. These are shrines at which the Apache make offerings to their
favorite gods. The medicine ceremonies are very numerous and vary with the
dreams and personal views of the medicine-man who conducts them.
BURIAL—Everywhere throughout the hills and mountains of the reservation
one finds small heaps of stones. In most instances these mark Apache
graves. A favorite place of burial is a cleft in the rocks, in which the
body is placed by the deceased’s relatives and covered with stones. These
small stones are always deposited one at a time, the Apache believing that
to put them on the body all at once would shorten the life of the one so
doing. Infants are usually placed on the upper branches of large cedar or
piñon trees. The child is wrapped in its carrier, or cradle-board, which
is left face up and covered with any sort of cloth, the belief being that
the souls of infants are not strong enough to come out through the stones,
should they be placed in the ground and covered therewith.
AFTER-WORLD—Re-created in the human form, Apache spirits are supposed to
dwell in a land of peace and plenty, where there is neither disease nor
death. The Milky Way is the path of all souls to the after-world. Yólkai
Nalí̆n is the guardian goddess of this spirit land, and the spirits of the
dead are supposed to journey four days before reaching it. Formerly horses
were killed beside the grave of the dead, that they might use them in the
after-world. For the same reason wearing apparel was also placed at the
grave, together with available articles of adornment and accoutrement.
NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES—
Apache - Ndĕ (The People)
Arivaipa Apache - Chulĭnné̆
Chiricahua Apache - Aiahán (People of the East)
Coyotero Apache - Klĭnápaha (Many Travel Together)
Havasupai - Dĕzhí̆piklakŭlh (Women Dress in Bark)
Hopi - Tsekŭlkĭnné̆ (Houses on the Rocks)
Navaho - Yutahán (Live Far Up)
Northern Indians - Nda Yutahán (White-man Navaho)
Pima - Saikĭnné̆ (Sand Houses)
Rio Grande Pueblos - Tu Tlú̆nĭ (Much Water)
San Carlos Apache - Tseénlĭn (Between Rocks)
Tonto Apache - Dĭlzhá̆n (Spatter-talkers), or Koún (Rough)
Zuñi - Nashtĭzhé̆ (Blackened Eyebrows)
[Illustration: Infant Burial - Apache]
Infant Burial - Apache
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
THE JICARILLAS
LANGUAGE—Athapascan.
POPULATION—784.
DRESS—The Jicarillas in dress show the effect of their contact with the
Plains tribes, especially the Ute. The primitive dress of the men was a
deerskin shirt with sleeves, hip-leggings and moccasins, and the universal
loin-cloth. In winter a large loose deerskin coat was worn in addition.
The women wore a waist open at the sides under the arms, a deerskin skirt
falling below the knees, and legging-moccasins with very high tops. About
the waist the women now also wear a very broad leather belt, ten to
sixteen inches in width, extending well up under the arms. The men wear
their hair in braids hanging over the shoulders and wound with strips of
deerskin. Formerly they wore bangs in front on a line with the cheek-bones
and tied their hair in a knot at the back of the head, as the Navaho and
the Pueblo Indians do. The women part their hair down the middle, bring it
to the sides of the head, and tie it with strips of deerskin, cloth, or
yarn.
DWELLINGS—The Jicarilla dwelling is the same as the tipi of the Plains
Indians, once made of five buffalo skins on the usual framework of poles,
with smoke-hole at the apex. Since the disappearance of the buffalo,
canvas has replaced the skins, and many log houses are also to be found on
the reservation. The native house is called _kozhán_.
PRIMITIVE FOODS—The Jicarillas obtain corn from Rio Grande Pueblos in
exchange for baskets; but formerly they subsisted mainly by the chase,
killing buffalo, deer, antelope, and mountain sheep, besides many kinds of
small game and birds. Piñon nuts and acorns, with various wild fruits and
berries, were used. Bear and fish were never eaten.
ARTS AND INDUSTRIES—The Jicarillas make a great many baskets of fair
quality, from which industry the tribe gained its popular Spanish name.
The most typical of their baskets is tray-shaped; this not only enters
largely into their domestic life, but was formerly the principal article
of barter with their Pueblo neighbors and Navaho kindred. Some pottery is
made, practically all of which is in the form of small cooking utensils.
The large clay water jar was not used, their wandering life necessitating
a water carrier of greater stability.
ORGANIZATION—While the government of the Jicarillas is very loose, the
head-chief, selected from the family of his predecessor, exercises
considerable influence. The two bands into which the tribe is divided had
their origin when a part of the tribe remained for a period on the plains
after an annual buffalo hunt, and henceforth were called Kohlkahín, Plains
People; while those who returned to the mountains received the name Sait
Ndĕ, Sand People, from the pottery they made. Each of the two bands has a
sub-chief. There are no clans.
MARRIAGE—Marriage is consummated only by consent of the girl’s parents.
The young man proves his worth by bringing to her family a quantity of
game, and by building a _kozhán_, which is consecrated on the night of the
wedding, by a medicine-man, with prayers to Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ.
ORIGIN—People, existent with the beginning of time, are guided by
Chunnaái, the Sun God, and Klĕnaái, the Moon God, out of an under-world
into this, where the various tribes wander about and find their several
homes.
PERSONS OF MIRACULOUS BIRTH—Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ, son of the virgin Yólkai
Ĕstsán and the Sun, and Kobadjischínĭ, son of Ĕstsán Nátlĕshĭn and Water,
perform many wonders in ridding the earth of its monsters. The former was
the more powerful and much mythology centres about him.
CEREMONIES—The Girls’ Maturity observance, an annual feast whose main
features are borrowed from the Pueblos, and a four-days medicine rite are
the principal ceremonies of the Jicarillas. Numerous less important
medicine chants are held.
BURIAL—The dead, accompanied with their personal possessions, are taken to
elevated places and covered with brush and stones. Their situation is
known to only the few who bear the body away. Formerly the favorite horse
of the deceased was killed and the _kozhán_ burned, and relatives
frequently cut their hair and refrained for a time from personal
adornment.
AFTER-WORLD—When the good die their spirits are believed to go to a home
of plenty in the sky, where they hunt among great herds of buffalo. Those
who have practised "bad medicine," or sorcery, go to another part of the
sky and spend eternity in vain effort to dig through the rock into the
land of the good.
NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES—
Apache
Mohave
Yuma
Pima
Chishín (Red Paint)
Comanche
Arapaho
Kiowa and all Plains tribes
Nda (Enemies)
Jicarillas - Haísndayĭn (People Who Came from Below)
Mescaleros - Natahí̆n (Mescal)
Navaho - Inltané̆ (Corn Planters)
Pueblos - Chĭáin (Have Burros)
Ute - Yóta
THE NAVAHO
[Illustration: _Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ_ - Navaho]
_Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
LANGUAGE—Athapascan.
POPULATION—About 17,000 (officially estimated at 20,600).
DRESS—Primitively the men dressed in deerskin shirts, hip-leggings,
moccasins, and native blankets. These were superseded by what has been the
more universal costume during the present generation: close-fitting cotton
or velvet shirt, without collar, cut rather low about the neck and left
open under the arms; breeches fashioned from any pleasing, but usually
very thin, material, and extending below the knees, being left open at the
outer sides from the bottom to a little above the knees; deerskin
moccasins with rawhide soles, which come to a little above the ankles, and
brown deerskin leggings from moccasin-top to knee, held in place at the
knee by a woven garter wound several times around the leg and the end
tucked in. The hair is held back from the eyes by a head-band tied in a
knot at the back. In early times the women wore deerskin waist, skirt,
moccasins, and blanket, but these gradually gave place to the so-called
"squaw-dress," woven on the blanket loom, and consisting of two small
blankets laced together at the sides, leaving arm-holes, and without being
closed at top or bottom. The top then was laced together, leaving an
opening for the head, like a poncho. This blanket-dress was of plain dark
colors. To-day it has practically disappeared as an article of Navaho
costume, the typical "best" dress of the women now consisting of a velvet
or other cloth skirt reaching to the ankles, a velvet shirt-like waist cut
in practically the same manner as that of the men, and also left open
under the arms. Many silver and shell ornaments are worn by both sexes.
The women part their hair down the middle and tie it in a knot at the
back.
DWELLINGS—Whatever its form or stability, the Navaho house is called
_hogán_. In its most substantial form it is constructed by first planting
four heavy crotch posts in the ground; cross logs are placed in the
crotches, and smaller ones are leaned from the ground to these, the corner
logs being longer, forming a circular framework, which is covered with
brush and a heavy coating of earth. The entrance is invariably at the
east. The building of a hogán and its first occupancy are attended with
ceremony and prayer. For the great nine-day rites hogáns like those used
as dwellings, but larger, are built. Generally they are used for the one
occasion only, but in localities where there are very few trees the same
ceremonial hogán may be used for a generation or more. For summer use a
brush shelter, usually supported by four corner posts and sometimes
protected by a windbreak, is invariably used, supplanting a once common
single slant shelter.
PRIMITIVE FOODS—See the list in the vocabulary.
ARTS AND INDUSTRIES—The Navaho are known the world over for their skill in
weaving. Practically every Navaho woman is a weaver, and the blanketry
produced is one of the most important handicrafts of any tribe of North
American Indians. A few baskets, of a single form, are made, and for
ceremonial use only, most so-called Navaho ceremonial baskets being
manufactured by neighboring tribes. The Navaho are also skilful
silversmiths, having learned the art of metal-working from the Spaniards.
Their first work of this character, however, was in iron, but this was
superseded by the more easily worked silver. Some pottery is made, but it
is rather crude in form, black in color, and without decoration.
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION—The government of the Navaho is rather loose;
indeed, inasmuch as they have no head-chief strictly such, it may be said
that they have no _tribal_ government. Their code of ethics and morals is
governed almost entirely by their religious beliefs. There is always a man
who is denominated the head-chief, but his influence is seldom much
greater than that of any one of the many subordinate chiefs who are the
recognized heads of small groups only.
CLANS—Descent is reckoned through the mother, and a man and a woman
belonging to the same clan may not marry. There are also related clans,
forming phratries, within which marriage is also prohibited by tribal
custom. In the Navaho creation myth it is related that four pairs of men
and women were made by Yólkai Ĕstsán at her home beyond the western ocean,
whence they migrated eastward, far inland, joining others of their kind
created but a short time previously. Each parent pair was given a sacred
jewel wand with which to bring water from the earth if no springs were
found during the journey. The first man brought water with ease,
remarking, "The water is close," owing to which circumstance he came to be
termed To Ahánĭ, Water Is Close. In a similar way the other three pairs
received the names of To Dĭchínĭ, Bitter Water; Hashklí̆shnĭ, Mud; and
Kĭnya Ánĭ, Houses in the Cliffs. It required four days to make the journey
from the ocean to what was to be their homeland. On the first day children
were born to the several pairs; they matured by nightfall and camped apart
from the parents as though they were not of kin, and received in turn a
family name derived from their camp surroundings, from peculiarity of
dress or form, or from remarks they made. These in turn bore children on
the following day, who gave birth to others on the third. Thus were
produced three new generations from each parent pair. All these then
became clanship groups bearing names now applied to various Navaho clans.
The four generations, including the original pairs, formed phratries,
which have no names. The clans in each phratry in the order of generations
are as follows:
To Ahánĭ - Water Is Close
Tzĭlh Klaánĭ - Mountain Corner
Tánĕ Zánĭ - Scattered Mounds
Hónĕ Gánĭ - Goes Around
To Dĭchínĭ - Bitter Water
Tsĭns Akánĭ - Under the Trees
Bin Bĕtónĭ - Deer Spring
To Dákoshĕ - Salty Water
Hashklí̆shnĭ - Mud
To Tsú̆hnĭ - Big Water
Bĭtánĭ - Folds her Arms
Hlúha Dĭné̆ - Reed People
Kí̆nya Ánĭ - Houses in the Cliffs
Bĕ Aánĭ - Fallen Leaves
Tzĭlh Tad - In Front of the Mountains
Kí̆nya Ánĭ - (An inferior clan of the same name as the first of this
group)
Cliff people already occupying the country formed three clans:
Tsĕnĭjĭkĭnné̆, In the Rock Houses; To Hĕt Klí̆nĭ, Where the Waters Come
Together; and Tzĭlhnúhodĭnlĭ, Beside the Mountain. An old woman joined the
Navaho from the salt lakes to the south, heading the Ashĭhín clan. People
from Jemez formed the Mai Dĕshkís, or Coyote Pass, clan; Apache from the
Cibicu cañon, the Dĕschínĭ clan, or Red-light People, and families from
Zuñi the Nashtĕzhé̆, Blackened Eyebrows, clan, and Tŭh’chínĭ, Red Heads,
clan, so called from their painted faces and bodies. There are numerous
other clanship groups derived from adopted peoples now recognized as being
distinctly Navaho; the first sixteen clans here named are accepted in the
tribe as being strictly Navaho in origin.
MARRIAGE—The girl’s consent is necessary to marriage, but tribal custom
demands that the intended husband compensate her parents, the usual price
being fourteen horses and a silver belt. Indeed, the bringing of the
horses is a part of the ceremony. When a young man desires to marry, but
does not have the necessary number of horses, his friends aid him by
presenting horses until he has the required number. The marriage ceremony
takes place at night under the direction of a medicine-man.
[Illustration: _Ga__n__askĭdĭ_ - Navaho]
_Ga__n__askĭdĭ_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
ORIGIN—Mythical First People produced from corn, rain, pollen, and
precious stones in a miraculous manner by four gods and the Winds.
PERSONS OF MIRACULOUS BIRTH—Nayé̆nĕzganĭ and Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ are the sons
of the Sun and Water respectively, and the virgin Yólkai Ĕstsán,
White-Shell Woman. Man-destroying monsters, symbolic of earthly evils,
infested the earth until destroyed by these two miraculous personages.
CEREMONIES—The Navaho life is particularly rich in ceremony and ritual,
second only to some of the Pueblo groups. Note is made of nine of their
great nine-day ceremonies for the treatment of ills, mental and physical.
There are also many less important ceremonies occupying four days, two
days, and one day in their performance. In these ceremonies many
dry-paintings, or "sand altars," are made, depicting the characters and
incidents of myths. Almost every act of their life—the building of the
hogán, the planting of crops, etc.—is ceremonial in nature, each being
attended with songs and prayers.
BURIAL—The Navaho dead are buried by others than immediate relatives in
unmarked graves. No ceremonies are held, for the dead are considered evil
and are feared. The hogán in which death occurs is forever abandoned,
often burned. Sometimes a hogán is demolished over the dead and then left
to decay.
AFTER-WORLD—An under-world whence came the spirit people who created man
and to which spirits return.
NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES—
Acoma - Háqonĭ (An Acoma word)
Apache - Tzlĭh A Gón (On the Mountains)
Chiricahua - Klí̆shnĭ (Red War-paint)
Cochiti - To Gad (Cedar Water)
Comanche - Aná Tlú̆nĭ (Many Enemies)
Havasupaí - Gohní̆nĭ (A term borrowed from the Hopi)
Hopi - Ayá Kĭnné̆ (Hole Houses)
Isleta - Aná To Ho (Tribe by the Water)
Jemez - Mai Dĕshkís (Coyote Pass)
Laguna - To Tlú̆nĭ (Have much Water)
Mohave, Pima, Maricopa, Yuma, Papago - Bĕ Ĕsá Ntsái (With large Jars)
Navaho - Dĭné̆
Sandia - Kĭn Nodózĭ (Striped Houses)
San Felipe - To Háchĕle (Pull up Water)
San Ildefonso - Tsĕ Tŭ Kĭnné̆ (Houses between Rocks)
San Juan - Kĭn Klĕchínĭ (Red-house People)
Santa Clara - Ána Sú̆shĭ (Tribe like Bears—from skunkskin moccasins, first
thought to be of bearskin)
Santo Domingo - Kĭn Klĕkái Nĭ (White Houses)
Sia - Tlógĭ (Hairy)
Taos - To Wolh (Water Gurgles)
Zuñi - Nashtĕzhé̆ (Blackened Eyebrows)
SOUTHERN ATHAPASCAN COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY
ANATOMICAL TERMS
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
ankle-joint ko-ká̆ ké̆t-sin a-ké̆ts-in
ĭlh-rŭ-nŭ-ni-wú
arm ko-gún gŏn a-gán
blood dĭlh tí̆l-thĕ dĭlh
bone its-í̆n í̆ts-ĭn ts’ĭn
chest i-tí̆l ko-yé̆-tĕ a-jĕ-í̆ts-in
chin ko-yé̆-dâ ĭs-é̆-tâ á̆-yăts-in
ear id-já ĭd-já ă-já
elbow ko-gún ĭd-an-hlá osh-lé
ĭlh-rŭ-nŭ-ni-wú
eye in-dá̆ ĭt-á ăn-án
face ko-ní ĭn-ní ăn-ín
finger ko-lụ-zhúzh in-lấ shĭ-lă
finger-nail ko-lụ-gún in-lâ-gó̆n shĭ-lá̆sh-gân
foot ko-ké̆ i-ká kĕ
hair tsĭ-rấ ĭt-sé̆ tsi-ghá̆
hand ko-gún u-lá shí-lă
head kots-its-í̆n í̆ts-ĭts-ĭn sí̆ts-ĭts-in
heart kod-jí ko-chá a-je-id-í̆sh-jalh
did-jú-la
knee ko-qút ĭ-kó ă-whód
leg kod-jấk ĭ-jấd ă-jấd
lip su-sŭ-bâ-né̆ ĭ-tấ ă-dấ
lungs kod-jí ĭ-tâ-lé̆ a-jé
mouth ko-zá ĭ-zé̆ si-zé
neck ko-gús ĭ-kó̆s ăk-ás
nose ko-chí ĭ-chín ă-chí̆n
nostril kó-ní̆ ĭn-né̆ ă-ní̆n
shoulder ko-hwás ĭh-hwás ă-hwás
toe ko-kĕ-zhúzh ĭh-ké̆sh a-ké̆
toe-nail ko-kĕ-gún ĭh-ké̆sh-gŏn a-ké̆sh-gân
tongue kŏ-zá ĭh-zá-tĕ a-tsó
tooth ko-wú ĭh-gwó a-hwó
ANIMALS (See also FOODS)
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
antelope já-gĕ tá-ga-tĕ jú̆-dĭ
badger bụ-ntă-lé̆ ná-as-chĭd
na-gans-chi-tn
bat cha-bâ-né̆ cha-na-mi-ín jâ-a-bá-nĭ
bear sŭsh shash sŭsh
beaver cha cha cha
blue-bird rụsh-tá dó-lo dó-lĭ
du-tlí̆sh
buffalo bĭ-shĭsh-jík ă-yán-dĕ a-yá-nĭ
buzzard chi-shó-gĭ ta-chá-ze jé-sho
chipmunk gụ-sụs-sí ĭn-se-zú-so tsĭd-í̆t-í̆-nĭ
coyote ban tsil-i-té̆n mai
crow gấ-gĕ kấ-gĕ gấ-gĕ
deer bin bin bin
eagle tsá-cho i-tsá a-tsá
elk bin-nal-dé̆ tzĕs tzĕ
gopher na-ilh-tlí-gi ma-í-nĕ-lin na-a-zí-si
hawk ĭt-sấ ĭt-sé̆-so-yĕ
g’í̆-ni
mountain lion ndú-chú ĕn-tó-yĕ nash-tu-í-tso
mountain sheep dĕ-bé̆-chụ tsĕ-tú̆-dĕ-bĕ
zi-dĕ-bé̆
owl bụ yí-yĕ nás-cha
rat (wood) klósh-chụ klé̆-tso klĕ-é̆-tso
skunk gụ-lízh-ĭ kĕl-din-shé̆n
wo-lí̆-zhi
spider na-alht-lo-lé̆ mans-ché̆ nash-jé’i
squirrel tsĕ-skús-si na-jĭl-kái-ĭ t’lá-zi
turkey tá-zhĭ ká-zhĭ tá-zhĭ
wolf ban-chú bai-é̆-tso mai-í̆-tso
[Illustration: _Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho]
_Zahadolzhá_ - Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis_
CARDINAL POINTS
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
north nâ-ak-ku-sé̆ ná-ko-sŭ nó̑-ho-kos
bi-yâ-yó bi-ya-yé̆
south nụ-dĭt-ú̆ sha-tí ai-yé̆ shŭ-tŭ-ú̆
bi-yâ-yó
east hụ-nâ-ĭt-ú̆kh sha-há ai-yé̆ há-ĭ
bi-yâ-yó
west on-ụd-ú̆kh sha-í ai-yé̆ i-yŭ-ú̆
bi-yâ-yó
zenith nokh-gé̆h-yo ya-alh-ní-gĭ
nadir nokh-tlúh-yo a-yá-ĭ
dĕs-á-ĭ-gĭ
COLORS
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
black dí̆lh-kĭh dí̆lh-ĭ-li dí̆lh-kĭh
blue du-tlí̆sh-ĭ dá-tlĭsh do-tlí̆sh-ĭ
brown hĭsh-tlí̆zh klĭ-pá dí̆-nĭl-zhĭn
gray qụl-bấ tnĕ-ná-tlĭsh klĕ-pá
green tlŏh-du-tlí̆zh-a yĕ-dá-tlĭsh dó-tlĭsh
red tli-chú klĭ-chí klĕ-chí
white tli-kái klĭ-kái klĕ-kái
yellow tli-tsó klĭ-tsó klé̆-tso
FOODS (PRIMITIVE)
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
acorns chĭd-jí̆l na-tó-ka-tsĕ ché̆-chĭl bi-ná
antelope já-gĕ ta-gá-tĕ jú̆-dĭ
beans (native) bé̆s-tsoz ná-o-hlĕ-tsos-tĕt nú̆-o-hlĭ
cedar berries dĭl-tú-hla kal-tú-stĕ-ih dit-zé̆
du-tlí̆sh-ĭ
corn na-tán na-tán na-tán
deer bin bi^{n) bin
elk bin nal-dé̆ tzĕs tzĕ
grapes (wild) dŭh-tsá tŭt-zé̆ tŭt-zé̆
juniper berries dĭl-tú-hla chĭl-há-zhĕ
mescal (agave) ná-ta ná-ta ná-ta
mountain sheep dĕ-bé̆-chụ tsĕ-tú̆-dĕ-bĕ
zi-dĕ-bé̆
piñon nuts o-bé̆ nĕs-chí nĕs-chí
potatoes (wild) ĭlh-tsú pi-ji-né̆ ná-ma-si
si-tsí̆n-nĭ
prairie-dogs ăn klun klun
pumpkins bĕlh-kún na-yí-zĕ na-yĭ-zĭ-chí
rabbits (jack) gah-chú gah-tsó gah-tsó
rabbits gah-chi-lé̆ gah-chĭ-shé̆ gah
(cottontail)
rats (wood) klosh-chú klé̆-tso klĕ-é̆-tso
squash gó-chi bĕlh-kún na-yí-zĕ na-yí̆-zĭ
yucca fruit gu-skú̆n kash-kán kŭsh-kán
HANDICRAFT
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
arrow-point bĕsh-go-lí̆n bé̆sh-tĕ bes-ĕst-á-gi
arrow-shaft tsĭ-gấ kĭ-ĭsh-tlu-zé̆ ts’ak-á̆
basket (tray) tsâ-nas-kú̆-dĭ ts’â
ĭ-tsấ
basket (burden) tú̆t-za ĭ-tsâ-nas-ká tsi-zí̆s
bow ĭlh-tí̆ ĭt-kĭn-chái alht-hín
cap cha cha cha
deerskin ĕ-pú̆n ĕ-pú̆n ĕ-pú̆n
fire-sticks kóh-tĭl-di t’tĕ wolk-án
head-band tsĭ-nóz-dĕ tsi-náz-dĕ cha
house kó-wa ko-zhán ho-gán
leggings ĭs-klé̆ tlĭ-kái ĭs-klé̆ ĕ-pú̆n ĭs-klé̆
loin-cloth chósh-ta tsa-á-tĕ t’lĕsts-ós
moccasins ĕ-pú̆n kĕ ké̆’it-zĕ kĕ
pottery nụlh-kí-dĕ bi ĭ-tsá̆
i-dé̆ kush-tí̆sh
shirt ĕ-pŭn-tlé-sĭs é̆’it-zĕ ĕ-pŭn’é̆
sweat-lodge ka-ché̆ ké̆lh-cha ta-ché̆
water bottle kún-chĕ-ĕ tó-zŭs
tus
MONTHS (MOONS)(8)
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
January It-sá Bĭ-zhá̆zh Ku-wan-dé̆ Yăs Nlht’es
February Bụh Is-chí̆t Is-sai-zá A-tsá̆ Bĭ-yásh
March T’a Nụ-chí̆l It-á-na Chĭ-tái Wozhch’td
April T’a Nụ-chú It-á-na Tso At-ấn Chil
May Shosh-ké̆ Ku-skí It-chí At-ấn Tso
June Bin-nĭ-tsí̆ Tấ-gĕ It-chí Nesh-já Chíl-i
Dĭlh-tsí̆k
July Bin-nĭ-tsí̆ Bi It-chí Nesh-já Tso
Chi-é̆
August Bi-nĭ-tún
Tsos-sé̆
Kĕ-tlĕ-pé̆
Lak-tái-kĕ
Bĭnt-ấn
Ts’án-sĭ
September Bi-nĭ-t[ú.]n It-ha-stĭ-kí̆h Bĭnt-ấn Tso
Chụ
October Rấn-zhĭ Iz-té̆-o-ĕ Ghấn-jĭ
November
Ka-rúh-nụl-gụs
Bin-zá-kĭ-a
Nlhch-ĭ
Ts’ấn-sĭ
December Sŏs-nalh-tús Bin-nai-a-shé̆ Nlhch-ĭ Tsa
[Illustration: _Hasché̆ltĭ_, _Haschĕbaád_, _Zahadolzhá_—Navaho]
_Hasché̆ltĭ_, _Haschĕbaád_, _Zahadolzhá_—Navaho
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
NATURAL PHENOMENA
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
ashes ĭlh-chí kus-chí-ĭsh hlesh-ch’ái
charcoal tli-té̆sh kus-chí t’ĕsh
cloud ya-kó̆s kos kos
darkness chalh-ké̆lh klin cha-halh-kélh
day dji djin jĭn
earth ni-go-stú̆n ní-to-gus-an ní-ho-ĕs-tsan
fire koh ku kŭn
ice ti i-lá tqĭn
lake tu-sĭ-kấ ko-zĭlh-ká to
light go-tí go-tíh a-dí̆n-din
lightning há-dĭlh-kĭh í-dĭlh-chĭl a-tsín-ĭl-klĭsh
Milky-way I-kú̆tl bâ-há Tsós-pai Klĕ-kái stá-ĭ
mist ât ku-bĕ-zhá-zi i-dzí
moon klĕ-ga-na-ái klĕ-na-ái klĕ-ho-na-ái
mountain tzĭlh tzĭlh tzĭlh
night klĕ kli klé-jĕ
Pleiades Nụs-ka-o-ŭ-hú Sŏns-chi-sté̆ Dí̆l-gĕ-het
rain ná-ĭl-tĭ na-golh-kín nĭt-sú̆n
rainbow hi-tsâ-tlúl ĭt-sun-to-lé̆
nads-í-lĭd
river tu-ndlí ko-dlé̆ to
rock tse tsi tsĕ
shooting-star tĭtl-són-sé̆ sush-na-tsé̆ sŏn-á̆-dal-dsĭd
(meteor) nụl-tú̆
sky yá-dĭlh-kĭh ya yá-dĭlh-kĭh
smoke tlĭk kli hlĭd
snow sŏs zŏs yăs
star tĭtl-só̆n-sĕ sons son
sun chu-ga-na-ái chun-na-ái chĕ-ho-na-ái
thunder i-dá-ndi i-dĭlh-ní í-nĭ
water tu ko to
wind ní̆l-chi nl-chi ní̆l-chi
NUMERALS
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
one hlá-ĭ hlá-ĭ hlá-ĭ
two ná-kĭ ná-kĭ ná-kĭ
three tá-gĭ ká-i ta
four dín-ĭ dín-ĭ din
five ăsh-tlá-ĭ á̆sh-tlĕ á̆sh-dla
six gus-tán kus-kú̆n has-tán
seven gus-tsí̆-gĭ kus-tsí̆t-i tsósts-ĕd
eight tsá-bi tsá-bi tsé-bi
nine ngus-tá-i nkus-tá-i nâas-dái
ten gú-nĕz-na kú-nĕz-ni né̆z-na
eleven hla-zá-ta hla-ĭ-zá hla-zá̆-ta
twelve na-kĭ-zá-ta na-ki-zá na-ki-zá-ta
thirteen ta-zá-ta ka-zá ta-zá-ta
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
fourteen din-zá-ta din-zá din-zấ-ta
fifteen ăsh-tla-á-ta ăsh-tlĕ-zá ăsh-dla-ấ-ta
sixteen gus-ta-á-ta kus-kŭn-zá has-tan-ấ-ta
seventeen gus-tsĭ-zá-ta kus-tsĭt-zá tsosts-ĕd-zấ-ta
eighteen tsa-bi-zá-ta tsa-bi-zá tse-bi-dzấ-ta
nineteen ngus-ta-dzá-ta nkus-ta-zá nâas-dai-dzấ-ta
twenty na-dí̆n na-tín na-dín
twenty-one na-dí̆n-hla na-tín-hla na-dín-hla
thirty ta-dí̆n ka-tín tá-din
forty dĭs-dí̆n dĭs-tín dí̆s-din
fifty ăsh-tlá-dĭn ăsh-tlé̆-tin á̆sh-dla-din
one hundred né̆z-na-din
gú-nĕz-na-dĭn
kú-nĕz-ni-tin
PERSONAL TERMS
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
aunt ko-bá̆-zhĕ ku-bá-zhĕ shi-bí̆-zhi
baby mĕ ô-ja-zí̆ a-wé̆
boy skhĭn ĭsh-ki-ín skhi
brother ku-ĭ-zhá sí̆-tsĭ-lĭ
(younger)
ko-kí̆zn
ko-kă-gé̆
na-râ-hí̆
brother (elder) ku-na-á shí̆-nai
ko-kí̆zn ụn
na-râ-hí̆
child châ-rá-shĕ ilh-chí̆n shĭ-yá̆zh
clan ndĕ-áz-dĭ-i ĭ-chu-gĕ-dé̆
dĭ-né̆-ĕ
enemy ĕ-ná ko-ndá a-ná
father ko-tá̆ ku-kấ-ĭ shi-zhé̆-ĕ
girl na-lí̆n ish-té̆tn at-é̆d
man ndĕ tĭn-dé̆ dĭ-né̆
medicine-man dĭ-gí̆n tin-dá-ko-ka-tlé̆ ha-tá-lĭ
mother ko-mấ ku-sí sha-mú̆
people ko-kí shĕ-tĭn-dé̆ dĭ-né̆
(tribesmen)
people tlúh-go ndé̆-hi ta-á-tso a-ná
(strangers)
person tsĭlh-kí̆dn ti-ní dĭ-né̆
sister ko-dĭ-zhé̆ shĕ-lá shi-dé-zhĭ
(younger)
sister (elder) ko-lú shĕ-nda-té̆ shú̆d-dĭ
uncle ko-dâ-ú̆ shĕ-ka-na-tlé̆n shi-bí̆-zhi
woman ĭst-só̆n ĕs-tsán ĕs-tsán
TREES
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
cedar gá-ĭl-lĭ kálh-tĕ gad
cottonwood t’is tu-ás t’is
juniper dĭl-tút-hlĕ-chi gad náz-si
oak chi-chí̆l shun-chi-lé̆ ché̆-chĭl
pine ndĭl-chí nus-chí ndish-chí
piñon o-bĕ-tsí̆n ĭ-zĕn-chí chá̆-olh
spruce djụ-útlh kŏn-skĕ-lé̆ dishl-bái
willow gai kí̆-ĭ k’á-i
[Illustration: Navaho Women]
Navaho Women
_From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis_
MISCELLANEOUS
_English_ _Apache_ _Jicarilla_ _Navaho_
arm ko-gún gŏn a-gán
food chi-zú̆n ai-tá-i chi-án
forest gụd-nlh-chíl ku-dŏn-chíl tsĭn
god ya-á-diz-tan bi-tsa-shĕ-ndá-ĭ
ye
jewels tsĕ-rụ-dé̆n-lĭg-gĕ n’klĭz
large n’chai n’tsai n’tsa
pollen há-dĭn-tĭn tlâsh tá-dĭ-tĭn
small ăl-chí̆-se ŭns-tsé̆s-tĕ yá-zhĕ
spirits chĭdn kuts-áin tsĭ*n-di
spirit-land
chĭdn-túh-yo
bits-áin
bĕ-kĕ-yá
tobacco tzĭlh-ná-to ná-to-tĕ n’át’o
turquoise du-tlí̆sh-ĭ da-tlí̆sh-ĕ dó-tlĭsh
INDEX
_Abalone_, cross of, on medicine cap, 40
in Navaho myth, 91, 92, 97, 103, 104, 115
_Acoma_, Navaho name for, 138
_Acorns_ eaten by Apache, 19
_Acosta_, an Apache, conference with, 7
_Ádĭlhkĭh_ (Black Fog) of Navaho myth, 91, 96, 97
_After-world_ in Apache belief, 134
in Jicarilla belief, 135
in Navaho belief, 137
_Agave._ _See_ MESCAL
_Ágocho._ _See_ PIGEON
_Agriculture_ of the Navaho, 73
_Ahánĭ clan_ of the Navaho, 137
_Aiahá__n__ clan_ of the Apache, 22
_Aklólh._ _See_ RAINBOW
_Alabama_, Apache sent to, 10
_All-color Corn Girl_ of Navaho myth, 96
_Alphabet_ used for Indian terms, vi
_Anatomical terms_, Athapascan, 139
_Animal chiefs_ in Navaho under-world, 80
_Animals_, Athapascan terms for, 139
deified by Apache, 29
in Apache myth, 27, 35
represented in Jicarilla dry-painting, 57
spirits of, prayers to, 39
_Ánltsĭstn_, a Jicarilla god, 60, 61
_See_ WHIRLWIND
_Antelope monster_ in Navaho myth, 99, 106
_Antelope skin_ used in maternity belt, 39
_Apache_, account of the, 1-49
and Navaho compared, 81
application of term, 53
character of the, xix
Jicarilla name for, 135
Navaho name for, 138
people among Navaho, 137
tribal summary of, 131-134
vocabulary of, 139-144
_Apache-Mohave_ assigned to reservation, 8
character of, 5-6
subdued by Crook, 8
_See_ MOHAVE
_Apaches del Perrillo_ mentioned, 53
_Apaches de Nabajú_ mentioned, 53
_Apaches Faraones_ mentioned, 53
_Apaches Gileños_ mentioned, 53
_Apaches Lipanes_ mentioned, 53
_Apaches Llaneros_ mentioned, 53
_Apaches Tejua_ mentioned, 53
_Apaches Vaqueros_ mentioned, 53
_Apátĭĕh_, application of term, 5
_Arapaho_, Jicarilla name for, 135
_Arivaipa_, Apache name for, 134
clans of the, 133
_Armor_ in Navaho myth, 104, 105
_Arrow-point_ as knife in ceremony, 118
_Arrows_ in Jicarilla myth, 63, 65, 68
in Navaho myth, 89, 99, 105, 107-108, 114
_Art_, graphic, of the Apache, 20
_See_ PAINTING
_Arts_ of the Apache, 132
of the Jicarillas, 135
of the Navaho, 74, 136
_See_ BASKETRY; HANDICRAFTS; INDUSTRIES; POTTERY; SILVER-WORK
_Ástsĕ Ĕstsán_, First Woman of the Navaho, 84, 90-95
_Ástsĕ Hástĭn_, First Man of the Navaho, 84, 90-96
_Atsósĭ Hatál._ _See_ FEATHER CHANT
_Áya Kĭnné̆_, a traditional people, 106-107
_Badger_ in Jicarilla mythology, 61
in Navaho mythology, 90
_Badger People_ of the Navaho, 84, 95
_Bahózhonchi_, a Navaho priesthood, 83
songs of the, 125
_Balíl_, sacred wand of the Navaho, 93, 114, 116, 118
_Basket_ in Jicarilla mythology, 68
medicine, in Navaho Night Chant, 118
wedding, of the Navaho, 126, 127
_Basket drum_ of the Jicarillas, 57
in Navaho Night Chant, 119, 121
_Basketry_ of the Apache, 20-21, 42, 132
of the Jicarillas, 54, 135
of the Navaho, 77, 136
sacred symbol prescribed for, 20, 21, 42, 44
_See_ WATER BOTTLE
_Baskets_, burden, used by Apache, 17, 19, 132
Jicarilla, traded for corn, 134, 135
_Bat_ in Jicarilla mythology, 67-68
_Bathing_ by the Apache, 16
following puberty rite, 47
_See_ HAIR-WASHING; WASHING
_Bead Chant_ of the Navaho, 78
_Beads_, cross and crescent worked in, 42
of precious stones in Navaho myth, 104
shell, in Navaho mythology, 106-107
shell, mixed with pollen, 38
silver, of the Navaho, 76, 77
symbolic of prayer, 34
used in puberty rite, 46, 47
white, on medicine caps, 40
_Beans_ depicted in dry-painting, 121
_Bear People_ of Navaho mythology, 111
_Bears_ in Apache mythology, 35
in Jicarilla mythology, 56, 58, 64
in Navaho dry-painting, 79
in Navaho mythology, 97, 102, 106
tabooed as food by Apache, 20
tabooed as food by Jicarillas, 135
_Bear Springs_ valley, 11
_Bear, Tracking_, a Navaho monster, 99, 106
_Beasts of burden_ in Apache myth, 35
_Beaver_ in Jicarilla mythology, 61
_Beds_ of the Apache, 16
_Begging ceremony_ of the Navaho, 120, 121
_Belts_, maternity, used by Apache, 38-39
silver, of the Navaho, 76, 126, 137
_Big Dipper_ in Apache myth, 25, 27, 29
in Navaho myth, 92
_Big God_ in Navaho myth, 98, 105
_Bĭlh Ahatí̆nĭ_, a Navaho mythic character, 112-116
_Bĭnáyeaganĭ_, a Navaho monster, 106
_Bird People_ of Navaho mythology, 95
_Birds_, creation of, in Apache myth, 27
_Birth._ _See_ CHILDBIRTH
_Black Cloud_ of Navaho myth, 91, 96, 97
_See_ CLOUDS
_Black Fog._ _See_ ÁDĬLHKĬH
_Black God_, the Navaho Fire God, 103-104
_Black Man._ _See_ HASCHÍ̆N DÍ̆LHĬLI
_Black river_, Arizona, 17
_Blankets_ in Navaho mythology, 94, 95
medicine-men compensated with, 125
of the Navaho, 74-75, 136
used in marriage settlement, 133
_Blindness_, fear of, by initiates, 120
from looking upon mother-in-law, 126
_Blowing_ to expel spirits, 48
_Bluebird song_ of Yébĭchai ceremony, 124
_Blue Corn Boy_ of Navaho myth, 96
_Bosque Redondo_, Navaho removed to, 83
plan to remove Apache to, 7
_See_ MESCALERO RESERVATION
_Bounty_ offered for scalps, 6
_Bourke_, John G., cited, 48
_Bowl_ of pearl in Navaho mythology, 92
of shell used for medicine, 117, 120
of turquoise in Apache myth, 33
_Bows._ _See_ ARROWS
_Bracelets_, silver, of the Navaho, 76
_Breech-cloth._ _See_ CLOTHING; LOIN-CLOTH
_Buckskin._ _See_ DEERSKIN
_Buffalo_ hunted by Jicarillas, 54
in Jicarilla after-world, 135
horns, myth concerning, 61, 62
_Buffalo skin_, tipis of, of the Jicarillas, 134
used in Jicarilla ceremony, 57
_Bumping Rocks_ of Navaho myth, 101
_See_ ROLLING STONE
_Burial._ _See_ Mortuary Customs
_Butterfly_ in Jicarilla mythology, 56, 58
_Buttons_, silver, of the Navaho, 77
_Buzzard People_ of the Navaho, 84
_Cabezon mountain_, mythic creation of, 90
_Cactus_, fastened to Apache clothing, 38
_See_ FOOD
_Cairns_, Apache, 133
_Camp life_ of the Apache, 16
_Cañon de Chelly_, Navaho defeated in, 83
Navaho farms in, 73
_See_ TSÉ̆GYIĬ
_Caps_ of the Apache, 131, 133
sacred, prescribed in Messiah religion, 44
_See_ CLOTHING; HEADDRESS; MEDICINE CAP
_Cardinal points_ and Apache prayer, 133
color symbolism of, 60, 61, 64, 66, 84, 87, 90-92, 103, 115, 118
considered in dance circle, 48
in Apache ceremony, 41
in wedding ceremony, 126, 127
prescribed order of, in Night Chant, 118
represented by gods, 48
terms for, 140
_See_ ORIENTATION
_Carleton_, Gen. J. H., in Apache campaign, 7
Navaho subdued by, 83
_Carrizo_, stream in Apache-land, 11
_Carson_, Col. Kit, Navaho defeated by, 83
_Cassari_, conference with, 7
_Catamenia_, mythic significance of, 30
_Cedar_, use of, in dance, 48, 49
used in effacing footprints, 80-81
_Ceremonies_, Apache, summary of, 133
of the Jicarillas, 135
of the Navaho, 4, 77-79, 116-127, 136, 138
puberty, of Apache, 46, 133
_See_ DANCE; MARRIAGE; PUBERTY CEREMONY
_Chalhké̆lh Nalí̆n._ _See_ NIGHT GIRL
_Cha__n__zhní̆_, Jicarilla clowns, 59
_Chato_, raids by Apache under, 9
_Chĕhonaái_, the Sun of Navaho myth, 92, 95, 97
_See_ CHUGANAÁI; CHUNNAÁI; SUN
_Chiefs_ among the Jicarillas, 55
among the Navaho, 81, 136
of the Apache, 132
of the Jicarillas, 135
_Chihuahua_, Apache raids into, 14
scalp bounty offered by, 6
_Childbirth_, gods invoked at, 34
medicine-men participate at, 38
_Children_, Apache affection toward, 14
Apache, disposal of bodies of, 134
Apache, early training of, 17
participate in puberty rite, 46-47, 124-125
_Chiricahua Apache_ at Fort Sill, 131
clans of the, 133
descent among the, 22, 132
flee to New Mexico in 1876, 9
Navaho name for, 138
raids by, 9, 10
tribal name of, 134
_Chóĭli_, sacred mountain of the Navaho, 91, 94, 96, 98
_Chuganaái_, Apache Sun God, 24-27, 29-31, 38, 43, 133
_See_ CHĔHONAÁI; CHUNNAÁI; SUN
_Chunnaái_, Jicarilla Sun God, 60-68, 135
_Cibicu fight_ in 1882, 10-12
_Civilization_, effect of, on Indians, 22
_Clan system_ of Indians, 21
_Clans_ absent among Jicarillas, 54, 135
of the Apache, 22-23, 132
of the Navaho, 97-98, 136-137
_Cliff-dwellers_ in Navaho clans, 137
in Navaho mythology, 95, 97, 106-107, 137
mummies of, 74-75
_Clothing_ decorated with cross and crescent, 42
deposited with the dead, 134
of flint in Jicarilla myth, 63
of godly personators, 48
of the Apache, 131
of the Jicarillas, 54, 134
of the Navaho, 136
of turquoise in Jicarilla myth, 63
_See_ CAPS; COSTUME; HAIR-DRESSING
_Clouds_, Apache god of, 35
in Apache mythology, 24, 26-30, 33
in Navaho mythology, 94, 103, 104
symbolized on maternity belt, 40
symbolized on medicine cap, 40
_See_ BLACK CLOUD
_Clown_, Gaŭnĕskí̆dĕ functions as, 84
in Navaho ceremony, 120-121
of the Jicarillas, 59
_Cochiti_, Navaho name for, 138
_Colorado river_, mythic creation of, 90
_Colors_, Athapascan terms for, 140
directional, of the Apache, 25-27, 60, 84
directional, of the Jicarillas, 60, 61, 64, 66
directional, of the Navaho, 84, 87, 90-92, 103, 115, 118
_Comanche_, Jicarilla name for, 135
Navaho name for, 138
_Contests_ of skill in Navaho myth, 107-108
_Cooking_ of mescal by Apache, 17-18
_See_ FOOD
_Copper Mines_, conference with Apache at, 7
_Copper-working_ by the Navaho, 77
_Corn_ deities of Navaho myth, 96
depicted in dry-painting, 121, 123
man born of, in Navaho myth, 84
prayers for, 38
túlapai made from, 19
used in puberty rite, 46-47, 125
_See_ SEED
_Corn-meal_, mush of, in Navaho marriage ceremony, 126
sacred use of, 38
used in drying hair, 125
_See also_ MEAL
_Cosmology._ _See_ GENESIS
_Costume_ of girls during puberty rite, 47
of Yébĭchai dancers, 122
_See_ CLOTHING
_Cotton_, blankets of, in Navaho mythology, 94
_Coyote_ in Jicarilla mythology, 69
in Navaho mythology, 87, 93
_Coyote Chant_ of the Navaho, 78
_Coyoteros_, Apache name for, 134
assigned to reservation, 8
clans of the, 132
organization of the, 22
population of the, 131
subdued by Crook, 8
_Cradle-board_ deposited with infant’s remains, 134
_Creation._ _See_ GENESIS
_Crescent._ _See_ Cross and Crescent
_Cricket Girl_ of Navaho myth, 96
_Crook_, Gen. George, Apache campaign by, 8-10
_Crops_, fructification of, by Yólkai Ĕstsán, 96
Goddess of, of Apache, 34
_See_ HARVESTS
_Cross_ in Apache myth, 30, 32
made by Apache, 10
on Apache medicine cap, 40
_Cross and crescent_ in Apache religion, 42
on Apache basketry, 21
origin of, among Apache, 43, 44
_Crow_ in Apache mythology, 28
in Jicarilla mythology, 61
in Navaho mythology, 112
_Crow People_ of the Navaho, 84
_Crystal._ _See_ QUARTZ CRYSTAL
_Cuticle_, people created from, 97
_Dance_ by Apache to revive dead, 10-11
during puberty rites, 46
for rain among Apache, 33
Harvest, of the Apache, 133
in Navaho myth, 108
of the Jicarillas, 58, 59
_See_ CEREMONIES; YÉBĬCHAI
_Dance of the Gods_ of Apache, 47-49
_Das Lan_, Apache medicine-man, 21, 37, 38, 42-46
_Dátĭlyĕ._ _See_ HUMMING-BIRD
_Davis_, Inspector-General, confers with Apache, 7
_Dawn_ in Navaho mythology, 87
_Dead_, Apache attempt to revive, 10
how regarded by Navaho, 80
_See_ BURIAL; MORTUARY CUSTOMS
_Death_, Apache conception of, 32
controlled by Yólkai Nalí̆n, 34
origin of, in Navaho myth, 93
_Death Goddess_ of the Apache, 34
_Deer_ in Apache myth, 35
_Deerskin_, Apache paintings on, 20
in Navaho myth, 91, 92, 94, 96, 97
masks of god personators, 48
used in maternity belt, 39
_Déĭlgĕt_, an Antelope monster, 99, 106
_Dĕpé̆nsa_, a Navaho sacred mountain, 91
_Descent_ among the Apache, 22, 132
among the Navaho, 136
_See_ INHERITANCE
_Designs_, pottery, of Navaho gods, 95
_See_ ORNAMENT
_Dĭgí̆n._ _See_ HOLY PEOPLE
_Dĭné̆_, Navaho tribal name, 97, 138
_Directions._ _See_ CARDINAL POINTS
_Disease_, how expelled by Jicarillas, 60
how regarded by Apache, 29, 35
origin of, in Navaho mythology, 93
God of, of Apache, 33
_See_ Medicine; Medicine-men; Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ
_Divorce_ among the Jicarillas, 55
_See_ MARRIAGE
_Doh._ _See_ FLY
_Doklí̆nĭ._ _See_ NABAKÉLTĬ
_Dokóŏslit_, a Navaho sacred mountain, 91
_Dó__n__ĭ Tlí̆shĭ Nôĭltá__n__sh._ _See_ DAS LAN
_Dreamer._ _See_ BĬLH AHATÍ̆NĬ
_Dreams_, ceremonies affected by, 133
God of, in Apache cosmology, 31
_See_ VISIONS
_Dress._ _See_ CLOTHING
_Drowning_, rescue from, attributed to gods, 109
_Drum_, basket, of the Jicarillas, 57
basket, used in Navaho Night Chant, 119, 121
medicine, of Apache, 11
used in Apache dance, 48
_Dry-paintings_ of the Apache, 41, 47
of the Jicarillas, 56, 57
of the Navaho, 78, 79, 115, 119-123, 138
_Dutlí̆shĭ Nalí̆n_, Turquoise Girl, 31, 34
_See also_ TURQUOISE WOMAN
_Dutlí̆shĭ Skhĭn_, Turquoise Boy, 31, 33
_Dwellings_ of the Apache, 131
of the Jicarillas, 54, 134
of the Navaho, 74-76, 80-81, 136, 138
_See_ HOGÁN; HOUSES; TIPIS
_Eagle_, feathers of, in Jicarilla myth, 63-64, 68
feathers of, in Navaho myth, 100
feathers of, in puberty rite, 46
giant, in Jicarilla myth, 66-68
giant, in Navaho myth, 106
_Eagle People_, how supplicated, 40
_Earth_, creation of, in Apache myth, 26
_Earth Daughter_ of Apache mythology, 27, 28
_Earth God_ of Navaho mythology, 98
_Earth Messengers_ of Apache mythology, 31, 32
_Elk_ in Jicarilla mythology, 65
_Ĕnásho Dĭlhklí̆shĕn_, an Apache deity, 31, 34
_Ĕstsán Nátlĕshĭn_, a Jicarilla deity, 62, 135
_Evil-spirit Chant_ of the Navaho, 78
_Evil spirits_ banished in Night Chant, 119-120
_Face-painting_ of Jicarilla dancers, 59
_Fasting_ by Apache medicine-men, 32
_Fear_ of Apache by other tribes, 6
unknown to Apache, 14
_Feather Chant_ of the Navaho, 78
_Feathers_, eagle, in Jicarilla myth, 63-64, 68
eagle, in Navaho myth, 100
eagle, in puberty rite, 46
employed in dry-painting, 120
Jicarilla headdress of, 54
turkey, prayer-sticks of, 117
_Feather wands_ in Night Chant, 118, 119
_Fermentation_ by Apache, 19-20
_Fire_, how made by Apache, 14, 18
in Jicarilla mythology, 63, 64
mythic origin of, 69
used in God Dance, 49
used in Jicarilla ceremony, 58
used in Night-Chant ceremony, 116
used at Yébĭchai Dance, 122
_Fireflies_ in Jicarilla mythology, 69
_Fire God_ of the Navaho, 103-104
_Fire-sticks_ in Jicarilla mythology, 64, 65
_First Man._ _See_ ÁSTSĔ HÁSTĬN
_First Woman._ _See_ ÁSTSĔ ĔSTSÁN
_Fish_ tabooed by Apache, 20
tabooed by Jicarillas, 135
_Flint_ clothing in Jicarilla myth, 63
_Flood_ in Apache myth, 27-28
in Jicarilla mythology, 61
in Navaho mythology, 88, 90
_Florida_, Apache prisoners sent to, 10
_Flutes_ mentioned in Navaho myth, 84
_Fly_ (Doh) in Apache myth, 26, 27
_Fog._ _See_ CLOUDS; RAIN
_Food_ of the Apache, 14-16, 19, 20, 131, 140
of the Jicarillas, 134, 140
of the Navaho, 76, 140
terms for, 139-140
used during maturity rite, 125
_See_ TABOO
_Foot-racing_ at time of Night Chant, 122
in Navaho myth, 107
_Fort Apache_, Apache scouts at, 10
Coyoteros placed near, 8
_Fort Apache agency_, number of Apache at, 131
_Fort Sill_, Apache sent to, 10
Chiricahua at, 131
_Fort Sumner_, New Mexico, 83
_See_ BOSQUE REDONDO
_Fort Wingate_, Apache surrender at, 9
Navaho arrive at, 83
_Four_, an Apache sacred number, 36, 41-43
_Fox People_ of the Navaho, 84, 95
_Frightening_ the patient in Night Chant ceremony, 119
_Fringe Mouths_, Navaho deities, 109, 113, 114, 123
_Frogs_, creation of, in Navaho myth, 90
_Fungi_ eaten by Apache, 19
_Fun-maker._ _See_ CLOWN
_Furniture_ of the Navaho, 76
_Gấgé̆._ _See_ CROW
_Gambler_ in Navaho mythology, 111
_Gamblers_ present at Night Chant, 122
_Gá__n__askĭáĭ_, a Navaho god, 114
represented in dry-painting, 121
_Garcés_, Francisco, on the Apache, 4
_Gáŭn_, Apache gods, 31, 35
_Genesis_ of Navaho clans, 137
of the Apache, 23-35, 133
of the Jicarillas, 60-62, 135
of the Navaho, 83-98, 138
_Geronimo_, capture of, 10
raids by Apache under, 9, 10
_Ghost Dance_ identified with Dance of Gods, 48
_Giants_ in Navaho mythology, 98, 105-106
_See_ MONSTERS
_Girl Dance_ among Apache, 46
_Goddesses_, how personated in Navaho ceremony, 111
_Gods_, Indian belief in power of, 45
of the Apache, 31, 35
personated in Apache ceremony, 41
_See_ DANCE; HOLY PEOPLE; MYTHOLOGY; RELIGION
_Gopher_ in Jicarilla mythology, 65, 66
_Goshonné_, Apache medicine-man, 37, 38
_Gourd_ drinking cups of Apache, 21
_Government_ of the Apache, 132
of the Jicarillas, 135
of the Navaho, 136
_See_ CHIEFS; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
_Grasshopper People_ of Navaho myth, 100, 103
_Graves_ of the Apache, 133
_See_ MORTUARY CUSTOMS
_Gray God._ _See_ HASCHÉ̆LAPAI
_Great Dipper._ _See_ BIG DIPPER
_Green things_ created by Turquoise Girl, 34
_Guadalupe Hidalgo_, treaty of, 7
_Habitat_ of the Apache, 14
_Habitations._ _See_ DWELLINGS; HOGÁN; HOUSES; TIPIS
_Hádĭlhkĭh._ _See_ LIGHTNING
_Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n_, Pollen Girl, in Apache myth, 27-29, 31
functions of, 34-35
invoked by Apache, 43
_Hádĭntin Skhĭn_, Pollen Boy, in Apache myth, 3, 24-31, 96, 133
function of, 33
invoked by Apache, 43
_See also_ POLLEN; TÁDĬTĬN
_Hair-cutting_ as a sign of mourning, 55, 135
_Hair-dressing_ of girls during maturity rite, 124
of the Apache, 131
of the Jicarillas, 59, 134
of the Navaho, 136
_Hair-washing_ ceremony of the Navaho, 125
_Haísndayĭn_, Jicarilla tribal name, 62, 65, 135
_Handicrafts_, terms for, 141
_See_ ARTS; BASKETRY; INDUSTRIES; POTTERY; SILVER-WORK
_Happiness Chant_ of the Navaho, 78, 106-111
_Harvest Dance_ of the Apache, 133
_Harvest God_ of the Apache, 28
of the Navaho, 105, 113, 121
_See_ GÁNASKĬDĬ
_Harvests_ prayed for by Apache, 34
_See_ CROPS
_Haschĕbaád_, a Navaho goddess, 114
personated in Night Chant, 116-120
represented in dry-painting, 119, 121, 123
significance of, 111
_Haschĕbakú̆__n_ personated in Night Chant, 120
represented in dry-painting, 119, 121
_Hasché̆lapai_ personated in Night Chant, 116
_Hasché̆ltĭ_ in Navaho mythology, 92-94, 96, 97, 113, 115
personated in Night Chant, 116-120
represented in dry-painting, 119, 121
_Hasché̆zhĭnĭ_, Navaho Fire God, 103-104
_Haschí̆n Dí̆lhĭli_, a god of creation, 69
_Haschógan_, Navaho House Gods, 92-93, 95-97, 103-104, 121
_Háshkĕ Ní̆lntĕ_, Apache medicine-man, 29
_Hashklí̆shnĭ_ clan, origin of, 97, 137
_Havasupai_, Apache name for, 134
baskets of, among Navaho, 77
Navaho name for, 138
_Hawk People of the Navaho_, 84, 88
_Head-dress_ of the Apache, 131
_See_ CAPS; HAIR-DRESSING; MEDICINE CAP
_Healing rites._ _See_ MEDICINE
_Health_, God and Goddess of, of Apache, 27, 28, 33
_See_ HÁDĬNTĬN SKHĬN
_Hermaphrodites_ in Navaho myth, 85
_Hills_, creation of, in Apache myth, 27, 28
_See_ MOUNTAINS
_History_ of the Apache, 3-23
of the Navaho, 81-83
_Hochónchĭ Hatal._ See Evil-spirit Chant
_Hogán_, the Navaho house, 74, 136
_See_ DWELLINGS; HOUSES; TSÍ̆NDI HOGÁN
_Holy People_ of Navaho mythology, 83-84, 91, 94-96, 111-113, 115
_Home life_ of the Navaho, 76
_Honesty_, how regarded by the Navaho, 82
_Hopi_, Apache name for, 134
Apache raids in country of, 14
Navaho name for, 138
visited by Garcés, 4
_Horse-racing_ at time of Night Chant, 122
_Horses_, accoutrement of, ornamented by Navaho, 77
branded with sacred symbol, 42, 44
sacrificed at graves, 55, 81, 134, 135
used as doctors’ fees, 41
used in marriage settlement, 126, 133, 137-138
_Horse-thieving_ by the Navaho, 82
_Hostilities_ of the Apache, 6-23
of the Navaho, 81-83
_House Gods._ _See_ HASCHÓGAN
_Houses_, medicine, of the Jicarillas, 57
of the Apache, 13-14, 44, 45
of the dead burned by Jicarillas, 55
owned by Navaho women, 76
_See_ Dwellings; Hogán; Tipis
_Hozhónĭ Hatál._ _See_ HAPPINESS CHANT
_Humming-bird_ in Apache myth, 26, 30
_Hunchback gods_ of the Navaho, 105, 121
_Hunting_ by the Jicarillas, 54, 55, 134-135
_Images_ used by Apache, 40-41, 133
_Implements_, Jicarilla, origin of, 69
of the Apache, 17
_Incantation_ used in treating disease, 36
_Indian Office_, policy of, regarding Apache, 8
_Industries_ of the Apache, 132
of the Jicarillas, 135
of the Navaho, 136
_See_ ARTS; HANDICRAFTS
_Inheritance_ among Apache, 22
among Jicarillas, 55
_See_ DESCENT
_Initiation_ into Yébĭchai order, 120, 121
_Intellect_, Goddess of, of Apache, 34
_Intoxicants_ used by Apache, 19
_Iron-working_ by the Navaho, 77
_Irrigation_ practised by Navaho, 74
_Isleta_, Navaho name for, 138
_Itsá._ _See_ EAGLE
_Itsád Ndé̆yu._ _See_ EAGLE PEOPLE
_Jemez_, Navaho name for, 138
people among Navaho, 137
_Jet_ in Navaho mythology, 91, 97, 103, 104, 115
_See_ LIGNITE
_Jewelry_ of the Navaho, 76-77
_Jewels_ in Navaho mythology, 94, 115
_See_ ABALONE; JET; MOSS AGATE; PEARL; QUARTZ CRYSTAL; SHELL; TURQUOISE
_Jicarillas_, account of the, 51-69
population of the, 131
tribal summary of the, 134
vocabulary of the, 139-144
_Juan José_, an Apache chief, 6
_Juh_, raids by Apache under, 9
_Juniper berries_ used by Apache, 19
_Kâgĕ._ _See_ CROW
_Kearny_, Col. S. W., cited, 82
_Kĕdán_, Navaho ceremonial paraphernalia, 116-118
_Kĕldi__n__shé̆n._ _See_ SKUNK
_Kĭnní̆nĭkai_, a Navaho locality, 114
_Kí̆nya Ánĭ_ clan, origin of, 97, 137
_Kiowa_, Jicarilla name for, 135
_Kiowa Apache_, population of, 131
_Klĕganaái_, the Moon, in Apache myth, 31
_Klĕhonaái_, the Moon, in Navaho myth, 92
_See_ KLĔNAÁI; MOON
_Kléjĕ Hatál._ _See_ NIGHT CHANT
_Klĕnaái_, the Moon, in Jicarilla myth, 60, 62, 135
_See_ KLĔGANAÁI; KLĔHONAÁI; MOON
_Klí̆shcho Nalí̆n_, Snake Girl, symbolized on maternity belt, 39
_Knives_ in Navaho ceremony, 118
in Navaho myth, 105
_Kobadjischínĭ_, a Jicarilla god, 56, 62-68, 135
_See_ TOBADZĬSCHÍ̆NĬ; TUBADZĬSCHÍ̆NĬ
_Kolhkahí__n_, a Jicarilla division, 54, 135
_Kósdĭlhkĭh._ _See_ BLACK CLOUD
_Kówa_, the Apache house, 13-14, 44-45
_See_ DWELLINGS
_Kútĕrastan_, Apache creator, 20, 24-30, 32, 34, 38, 43, 45, 133
_Laguna_, Navaho name for, 138
_Language._ _See_ VOCABULARY
_La Plata mountain_, mythic creation of, 91
_Leggings_, deerskin, of the Navaho, 77
_See_ CLOTHING
_Lightning_ in Apache myth, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30-33
in Jicarilla myth, 67
in Navaho myth, 97, 102, 107, 115
represented in dry-paintings, 47
symbolized on maternity belt, 39, 40
_Lightning arrows_ in Navaho myth, 105
_Lightning-stroke_, how treated by Apache, 40
_Lignite_ in Navaho myth, 103
_See_ JET
_Little Colorado river_, creation of, in Navaho myth, 90
_Lizards_, creation of, in Navaho myth, 90
_Llaneros_, a band of Jicarillas, 54
_Locust_ in Navaho mythology, 89, 90
_Locust People_ of the Navaho, 84
_Loin-cloth_ of the Apache, 131
_Magpie_ in Navaho myth, 113
_Maguey._ _See_ MESCAL
_Mai Hatál._ _See_ COYOTE CHANT
_Maínĕli__n__._ _See_ GOPHER
_Man-eating Bird_, a Navaho monster, 99
_Mangas Coloradas_, an Apache warrior, 7
_Ma__n__sché̆._ _See_ SPIDER
_Manuelito_, chief of the Navaho, 81
_Manzanita_ used by Apache, 19
_Maricopa_ in Apache war, 7
Navaho name for, 138
_Marriage_ among the Apache, 133
among the Jicarillas, 54, 135
among the Navaho, 125-127, 136-137
and property among Apache, 22-23
restrictions among Apache, 22
_See_ WOMEN
_Masks_ of Apache dancers, 47, 48
of Navaho gods, 111, 114, 115
used in Night Chant, 116, 119-123
_Maternity belt_ of Apache, 38-39
_Maturity._ _See_ PUBERTY
_Meal, sacred_, carried by Hasché̆ltĭ, 121
used in dry-painting, 119, 120
used in Jicarilla ceremony, 59
used in Night Chant, 117
_See also_ CORN-MEAL
_Medicine_, dry-paintings used in, 47
_Medicine cap_ used by Apache, 40
_Medicine ceremonies_, God Dance a part of, 48
of the Jicarillas, 56, 57, 135
of the Navaho, 77-79
_See_ NIGHT CHANT
_Medicine craze._ _See_ MESSIAH CRAZE
_Medicine Dance_ of the Apache, 133
_Medicine hogán_ of the Navaho, 116
_Medicine-making_ in Jicarilla myth, 57
_Medicine-men_ and ceremonies, 133
communicate with gods, 32
employment of, in puberty rites, 46, 125
marriage ceremony conducted by, 138
Navaho, functions of, 79-80
of the Apache, 35-42, 132
participate in Night Chant, 116-124
_Medicine performance_ of the Jicarillas, 57
_Medicine plants_, how gathered, 133
_Medicine practices_ of the Apache, 35-42
_Medicine skin_ of the Apache, 29-36
_Meriwether_, Gov. David, treats with Navaho, 81
_Mescal_ harvest of the Apache, 15-19
intoxicant made from, 20
_Mescalero reservation_, Chiricahua sent to, 9
_See_ BOSQUE REDONDO
_Mescaleros_ confined at Bosque Redondo, 83
depredations by, 83
flee from reservation, 9
Jicarilla name for, 135
plan to place Arizona Apache with, 7
population of the, 131
_Mesquite pods_ eaten by Apache, 19
_Messiah craze_ among Apache, 10, 38, 42-46
Apache houses affected by, 131
basketry designs affected by, 20-21
_Metal-work_ of the Navaho, 76-77
_Mexican_ captives enslaved by Navaho, 82
coins used in Navaho silver-work, 77
_Migration_, traditional, of the Jicarillas, 62
_Miles_, Gen. N. A., subdues Apache, 10
_Milky Way_ in Apache myth, 34, 134
in Navaho myth, 93
_Miracle performers_ of Apache myth, 32
of Jicarilla myth, 62-68
of Navaho myth, 98
_Miraculous personages_ of Apache myth, 133
of Jicarilla myth, 135
of Navaho myth, 138
_See_ GODS
_Moccasins_, cross and crescent on, 42
_See_ CLOTHING
_Modesty_ of Apache women, 16
_Mohave_, Jicarilla name for, 135
Navaho name for, 138
_See_ APACHE-MOHAVE
_Monsters_ in Apache mythology, 32
in Jicarilla mythology, 63-68, 135
in Navaho mythology, 89, 90, 138
_See_ GIANTS; WATER MONSTERS
_Months_, names of, 141
_Moon_, creation of, in Apache myth, 30, 31
creation of, in Navaho myth, 92
_Moon God._ _See_ KLĔGANAÁI; KLĔHONAÁI; KLĔNAÁI
_Moons_, names of, 141
_Mortars_ in Navaho myth, 103
_Mortuary customs_ of the Apache, 133
of the Jicarillas, 55, 135
of the Navaho, 80, 138
_Moss agate_ in Navaho mythology, 92
_Mother-in-law_, taboo of, among Navaho, 126
_Mountain Chant_ of the Navaho, 78, 79
_Mountain lion_, in Jicarilla myth, 64
in Navaho myth, 97
skin of, used in maternity belt, 39
_Mountain Lion People_ of the Navaho, 84, 87, 90
_Mountain sheep_ in Navaho myth, 113-114
_Mountains_, mythic creation of, 28, 90-91
sacred, in Navaho myth, 84, 88, 90-91, 93, 94, 98
_Mourning_ by the Jicarillas, 55-56, 135
_See_ MORTUARY CUSTOMS
_Muhr_, A. F., acknowledgments to, xx
_Mummies_ in cliff-ruins, 74-75
_Murder_ among the Apache, 45
_Musical instruments_ of the Jicarillas, 56-57
_See_ DRUMS; FLUTES; RATTLES
_Myers_, W. E., acknowledgments to, xx
_Mythology_, Apache, basket designs and, 21
of the Apache, 23-35
of the Jicarillas, 56-57, 60-69
of the Navaho, 83-106
_See_ CEREMONIES; GENESIS; RELIGION
_Nabakéltĭ_, Apache medicine-man, 10-12
_Nacholécho._ _See_ TARANTULA
_Names_ adopted by Apache, 42
native, of Indian tribes, 134, 135, 138
of dead tabooed, 34
of the moons or months, 141
_Nané_, conference with, 7
raids by Apache under, 9
_Nasté̆lh_ in Apache myth, 31
_Natói Hatál._ _See_ SHOOTING CHANT
_Natural phenomena_, terms for, 142
_Navaho_, account of the, 71-127
and Apache paintings compared, 41
and Apache relationship, 3
and Jicarilla ceremony compared, 53, 54, 56
Apache name for, 134
character of ceremonies of, 4
character of the, xx
hair-dress of the, 134
Jicarilla name for, 135
origin of the, 3
trade of Jicarillas with, 135
tribal summary of the, 136
vocabulary of the, 139-144
_Nayé̆nayĕzganĭ_, a Jicarilla god, 55-57, 62-68, 135
_Nayé̆nĕzganĭ_, Apache and Navaho deity, 3, 31, 133, 138
birth and adventures of, 32, 98-106
personated in Night Chant, 118
represented in Apache painting, 20
symbolized on maternity belt, 39
_Ndĕ_, Apache tribal name, 134
_Ndídĭlhkĭzn_, Lightning Maker, in Apache myth, 25, 27, 28
symbolized on medicine cap, 40
_Ndísâgocha__n_, Lightning Rumbler, in Apache myth, 25, 28
_Nervousness_ treated by Apache, 40
_New Mexico_, Chiricahua flee to, 9
plan to remove Apache to, 7
_New Mexico_, raids by Victorio in, 9
_Night Chant_ of the Navaho, 78, 79, 111-124
_Night Girl_ of Apache myth, 30, 31
_Nigostú̆n_, the Earth, in Apache myth, 26
_Nigostú̆n Bĭká Bĭnálzĕ._ _See_ EARTH MESSENGERS
_Nigostú̆n Nalí̆n._ _See_ EARTH DAUGHTER
_Ní̆lchi._ _See_ WINDS
_Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn_, the Apache Wind God, 25, 27, 31, 35
_Níchitso_, a Jicarilla Whirlwind god, 61
_Nôkusé._ _See_ BIG DIPPER
_Number_, sacred, of Apache, 36, 41-43
_Numerals_, Southern Athapascan, 142
_Obscenity_ of Jicarilla clowns, 59
_Ocean_, creation of, in Apache myth, 33, 133
creation of, in Navaho myth, 90
_Ojo Caliente_, Apache of, 9
Victorio surrenders at, 9
_Oklahoma_, Apache sent to, 10
population of Apache in, 131
_Olleros_ band of Jicarillas, 54
_Onions_, wild, eaten by Apache, 19
_Opuntia._ _See_ PRICKLY PEAR
_Orientation_ in sweating ceremony, 118
of baskets in ceremony, 77
of buffalo skin in ceremony, 57
of Jicarilla ceremonial enclosure, 57
of Navaho hogáns, 80, 136
of sacred skins in Navaho myth, 92
of wedding basket, 126
_Origin._ _See_ GENESIS
_Ornamentation_ of Apache caps, 131, 133
_Ornaments_ of the Navaho, 136
_Ovens_, mescal, used by Apache, 17
_Owl_ in Jicarilla myth, 62
in Navaho myth, 115
_Owl People_ of the Navaho, 84
_Painting_, Apache, on deerskin, 20
of bodies by Yébĭchai dancers, 122
of skins in Navaho myth, 115
_See_ DRY-PAINTINGS; FACE-PAINTING
_Paiute_, baskets of, among Navaho, 77
_Papago_, Garcés among the, 4
in Apache war, 7
Navaho name for, 138
_Paralysis_ treated by Apache, 47
_Pasquin_, conference with, 7
_Peaches_, an Apache man, 22
_Pearl_ in Navaho creation myth, 92
_Personal terms_, Southern Athapascan, 143
_Pesqueira_, Don Ignacio, coöperates against Apache, 7
_Pestles_ in Navaho myth, 103
_Phillips_, W. W., acknowledgments to, xx
_Phratries_ among the Navaho, 136
_Picuris_ mentioned in Jicarilla myth, 68
_Pigeon_ in Apache myth, 27, 28
_Pima_, Apache name for, 134
Garcés among the, 4
in Apache war, 7
Jicarilla name for, 135
Navaho name for, 138
_Pinaleños_ established at San Carlos, 8
_Pine Squirrel People_ of the Navaho, 84
_Pine-squirrel_ pouch of Hasché̆ltĭ, 121
_Piñon_, creation of, in Apache myth, 27
nuts of, eaten by Apache, 19
pollen of, used by Apache, 38
tea made from bark of, 19
used in ceremonial enclosure, 57
used for mythic water bottle, 21, 27, 30
water bottles coated with gum of, 132
_Pipes_ in Navaho myth, 103, 108-110, 115
_Plains Indians_, Jicarilla name for, 135
_Plains People_, a Jicarilla band, 54
_Plants_ used in medicine, 36
_Poisoned tobacco_ in Navaho myth, 103
_Political organization_ of the Apache, 132
of the Jicarillas, 135
of the Navaho, 136
_See_ CHIEFS; GOVERNMENT
_Pollen_, deification of, 3
gathering of, by Apache, 133
god personators sprinkled with, 49
in Navaho mythology, 84, 91, 94
use of, by Apache, 34, 38-41, 43, 133
used in childbirth, 39, 40
used in marriage ceremony, 126
used in Night Chant, 119
used in puberty rite, 46
_See_ HÁDĬNTĬN NALÍ̆N; HÁDĬNTĬN SKHĬN; TÁDĬTĬN
_Polygamy_ among the Apache, 13-14
among the Jicarillas, 55
among the Navaho, 76
_Population_ of the Apache, 13, 131
of the Jicarillas, 134
of the Navaho, 136
_Porcupine_ in Navaho myth, 97
_Potatoes_, wild, eaten by Apache, 19
_Pottery_ made by Navaho gods, 95
of the Apache, 20
of the Jicarillas, 135
of the Navaho, 76, 77, 136
_Pouch_ for image used by Apache, 41
for meal used by Hasché̆ltĭ, 121
for medicine used by Navaho, 77, 120
for pollen among Apache, 38
_Prayers_, how symbolized by Apache, 3
in Navaho ceremonies, 138
Navaho, character of, 77-78
of the Apache, 34-37, 133
on erection of hogán, 136
to animal spirits, 39
_Prayer-sticks_ of turkey feathers, 117
_See_ KĔDÁN
_Precious Stone deities_ of the Navaho, 96
_See_ JEWELS
_Presidios_ established to check Apache, 5
_Prickly pears_ eaten by Apache, 19
_Property_ of women among Navaho, 76
_Property marks_ of Apache, 18
_Property right_ among Apache, 22
among Jicarillas, 55
_Prophecies_ of Apache medicine-man, 45
of death among Apache, 38, 45
_Puberty ceremony_, God Dance a part of, 48
in Navaho mythology, 94-95
of the Apache, 46, 133
of the Jicarillas, 56, 135
of the Navaho, 124-125
_Pueblos_, Apache name for, 134
Apache raids against, 14
baskets exchanged with, 54
ceremonies of the, 4
hair-dress of, 134
incorporated by Navaho, 75, 137
Jicarilla ceremony borrowed from, 54, 135
Jicarilla name for, 135
Jicarillas trade with, 134, 135
_Purity_ symbolized by Apache, 34
_Quartz crystal_ in Navaho creation myth, 92
_Races._ _See_ FOOT-RACING
_Racing songs_ of the Navaho, 125
_Rafts_ mentioned in Navaho myth, 85
_Rain_ furnished by Yólkai Ĕstsán, 96
in Jicarilla mythology, 67
man born of, in Navaho myth, 84
_Rainbow_ in Jicarilla mythology, 63
in Navaho mythology, 96, 102
represented in dry-painting, 119, 121, 123
_Rain Boy_ and Girl of Navaho myth, 96
_Rain Dance_ of the Apache, 33, 133
_Rain God_ of the Apache, 35
of the Navaho, 107, 115, 120
_See_ TÓNENĬLĬ
_Rattles_ mentioned in Navaho myth, 112
_Red river_ of Navaho mythology, 89
_Reeds_, use of, in Navaho myth, 88, 100
_Religion_ of the Apache, 29, 42, 133
_See_ AFTER-WORLD; CEREMONIES; MESSIAH CRAZE; MYTHOLOGY
_Religious character_ of the Navaho, 79
_Reptiles_, creation of, in Navaho myth, 90
_Rio Grande_, creation of, in Navaho myth, 90
_Ritual._ _See_ CEREMONIES; MYTHOLOGY; RELIGION
_Rivers_, creation of, in Apache myth, 28
creation of, in Navaho myth, 90
_Rolling Stone_, a mythical monster, 68, 99, 106
_See_ BUMPING ROCKS
_Ruins_, pueblo, in Navaho mythology, 96
_Running_, symbolic in puberty rite, 47
_Sacrifice_ of property at death, 55, 81, 134, 135
_Saddle bags_, sacred symbol prescribed for, 44
_Sait Ndĕ_, a Jicarilla division, 54, 135
_Salt_ tabooed during puberty rite, 47, 125
_Salvador_, an Apache, conference with, 7
_San Carlos_, Apache established at, 8, 9
Apache flee from, 9
_San Carlos agency_, number of Apache under, 131
_San Carlos Apache_, native name of, 134
_San Carlos reservation_, property disputes on, 23
_Sand altars._ _See_ DRY-PAINTINGS
_Sandia_, Navaho name for, 138
_Sand People_, a Jicarilla band, 54
_San Felipe_, Navaho name for, 138
_San Ildefonso_, Navaho name for, 138
_San Juan_, Navaho name for, 138
_San Juan river_, creation of, in Navaho myth, 90
_San Xavier del Bac_, mission of, 4
_Santa Clara_, Navaho name for, 138
_Santo Domingo_, Navaho name for, 138
_Scalp bounty_ offered, 6
_Scalping_ mentioned in Navaho myth, 107
_Scouts_, Apache, at Fort Apache, 10
_Scratching_ prohibited during maturity rite, 47, 125
_Seed planting_ in Navaho mythology, 85, 86, 90, 96
_Seeds_ borne by Gánaskĭdĭ, 121
how prepared by Apache, 15
_See_ CORN
_Sheep_ of the Navaho, 73, 74
purchased for Navaho, 83
used in marriage settlement, 126
_Shell_ beads mixed with pollen, 38
beads of the Navaho, 77
ornaments of the Navaho, 136
symbolic of prayer, 34
used as medicine bowl, 117, 120
used in puberty rite, 46, 47
white, in Navaho myth, 84, 91, 92, 97, 101, 103, 104, 108, 115
_See_ YÓLKAI ĔSTSÁN; YÓLKAI NALÍ̆N
_Shield_ of Navaho Sun God, 103
_Shirts._ _See_ CLOTHING
_Shooting Chant_ of the Navaho, 78
contest in Navaho myth, 107, 108
_Shrines_ of the Apache, 133
_Sia_, Navaho name for, 138
_Sierra Madre_, Apache captured in, 10
_Silver_ ornaments used in marriage settlement, 126
_Silver-work_ of the Navaho, 76-77, 136
_Sí̆snají̆nĭ_, a Navaho sacred mountain, 90
_Skin_, painted, of Apache, 29-35
_See_ ANTELOPE SKIN; BUFFALO SKIN; DEERSKIN
_Skirts_, sacred, used in childbirth, 39
_See_ CLOTHING
_Skunk_ in Jicarilla mythology, 61
_Sky_, creation of, in Apache myth, 27, 28
creation of, in Navaho myth, 91
_Sky God_ of the Apache, 27, 28, 31, 33
of the Navaho, 98
_Sky Messengers_ of Apache myth, 31, 32
_Slaves_ made of captives by Navaho, 82
_Small Dipper_, creation of, in Navaho myth, 93
_Smoking._ _See_ PIPES; TOBACCO
_Snake Girl._ _See_ KLÍ̆SHCHO NALÍ̆N
_Snake, Great_, in Navaho myth, 97
in Jicarilla myth, 56, 58, 64
in Navaho myth, 90, 102
represented in Jicarilla dry-painting, 57
_Snake People_ in Navaho myth, 111
_Snipe Man_ in Navaho myth, 102
_Social customs_ of the Jicarillas, 55
_See_ MARRIAGE; MORTUARY CUSTOMS; PUBERTY; WOMEN
_Songs_ addressed to God of Health, 33
employed in maturity rite, 46, 125
in Apache ceremony, 41-42
in Jicarilla myth, 57
in Navaho ceremonies, 138
in Navaho mythology, 84, 86, 94, 111, 112, 115
in Night Chant, 118, 119, 121, 123, 124
of Apache medicine-men, 32, 36
of gods in Apache myth, 26, 27, 32
of the Jicarillas, 58
_Sonora_, Apache raids into, 14
scalp bounty offered by, 6
_Sorcery_, penalty for, among Jicarillas, 135
_See_ WITCHCRAFT
_Souls_, belief in, by Jicarillas, 56
_Spanish_ missionaries and the Apache, 4, 6
origin of Navaho metal-work, 136
_Sparrow-hawk People_ in Navaho myth, 88
_Spider_ in Jicarilla myth, 62
_Spider Woman_ in Navaho myth, 100
_Spirit Dance_ of the Apache, 48, 133
_Spirits_, Navaho dread of, 80
of the dead of the Apache, 134
_Spruce_ used in Jicarilla ceremony, 57-60
used in Navaho Night Chant, 118-120
_Squashes_ represented in dry-painting, 121
_Squirrel._ _See_ PINE SQUIRREL
_Stars_, creation of, in Apache myth, 30
in Navaho myth, 92-93
_Stĕnátlĭhă__n_, an Apache goddess, 20, 21, 24-33, 133
represented in Apache painting, 20
symbolized on maternity belt, 39, 40
_Storage baskets_ of the Apache, 21, 132
_Suicide_ among Apache, 14
_Sumac_, berries used by Apache, 19
used in making water bottles, 132
_Sun_, creation of, in Apache myth, 30
creation of, in Navaho myth, 92
in Jicarilla mythology, 62
the father of Twin Gods, 99
_See also_ SUN GOD
_Sunbeams_ in Navaho mythology, 96, 98
_Sun-dogs_ in Navaho dry-painting, 79
_Sunflower_, stalks of, used for flutes, 84
_Sun God_ in Navaho mythology, 98-106
_See_ CHĔHONAÁI; CHUGANAÁI; CHUNNAÁI
_Sŭsh Nalkái_, a Navaho mythic bear, 106
_Sweat_, mythic creation from, 24, 25
_Sweat-bath_ in Apache myth, 33
in Night Chant ceremony, 117, 118
_Sweat-house_ in Apache myth, 26-27
in Navaho myth, 104
_Symbol_ of faith among Apache, 43
_Symbolism_, ancient, discarded by Apache, 44, 45
color, of the Apache, 84
color, of the Jicarillas, 60, 61, 64, 66
color, of the Navaho, 84, 87, 90-92, 103, 115, 118
on Apache caps, 131
on Apache maternity belt, 38-39
on Apache medicine skin, 20, 30-36
_Taboo_ of bear and fish, 20, 135
of conversation while masked, 123
of flesh in puberty ceremony, 47
of houses of the dead, 76
of mother-in-law among Navaho, 126
of names of the dead, 34
of salt in puberty ceremony, 47, 125
of scratching in puberty ceremony, 47, 125
of _tsí̆ndi hogán_ by Navaho, 81
_Tádtĭtĭn_, Navaho name for pollen, 119
_See_ HÁDĬNTĬN; POLLEN
_Talking God._ _See_ HASCHÉ̆LTĬ
_Taos_, Jicarilla contact with, 53
mentioned in Jicarilla myth, 64
Navaho name for, 138
_Tarantula_ in Apache myth, 25
_Tattooing_ among Apache, 42
_Tázhí̆._ _See_ TURKEY
_Temperature_ of White Mountain reservation, 13
_Texas_, Apache raids into, 9, 14
_Tipis_ of the Jicarillas, 134
_Tizwin._ _See_ TÚLAPAI
_To Ahánĭ clan_, origin of, 97, 137
_Tobacco_ depicted in dry-painting, 121
in Navaho myth, 103, 108-109, 115
_Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ_, a Navaho deity, 3, 138
birth and adventures of, 98-106
personated in Night Chant, 118
_See also_ KOBADJISCHÍNĬ; TUBADZĬSCHÍ̆NĬ
_To Dĭchínĭ clan_, origin of, 97, 137
_Toi Hatál_. _See_ WATER CHANT
_Tónenĭlĭ_, Navaho Rain God, 107, 115
personated in begging ceremony, 120
_Tontos_, Apache name for, 134
assigned to reservation, 8
population of, 131
subdued by Crook, 8
_Tracking Bear_, a Navaho monster, 99
_Trade_ of the Jicarillas, 54
_Travelling_, Apache method of, 16, 17
_Treaties_ with the Navaho, 82-83
_Tree, Little_, in Jicarilla myth, 69
_Trees_, creation of, in Apache myth, 27
terms for, 143
_Tsa__n__natí̆_, Jicarilla clowns, 59
_Tsé̆gyiĭ_, a Navaho locality, 114, 116
_See_ CAÑON DE CHELLY
_Tsé̆nagai._ _See_ ROLLING STONE
_Tsĕ Nahálĭ_, preying Mountain Eagle, 106
_Tsĕtahí̆dzĭlhtúhlĭ_, a Navaho monster, 106
_Tsilité̆n._ _See_ COYOTE
_Tsí̆ndi_, meaning of, 80
_Tsí̆ndi hogán_ defined, 76
taboo of, 81
_See_ HOGÁN
_Tsótzĭlh_, a Navaho sacred mountain, 91, 105
_Tubadzĭscí̆nĭ_, an Apache deity, 31, 133
function of, 33
represented in Apache painting, 20
symbolized on maternity belt, 39, 40
_See also_ KOBADJISCHÍNĬ; TOBADZĬSCHÍ̆NĬ
_Túlapai_ drunk by the Apache, 19-20
_Tule_, pollen of, used by Apache, 38
_Tu Ntĕlh_, an Apache god, 40
_Turkey_ in Apache myth, 28
in Navaho myth, 88
prayer-sticks with feathers of, 117
_Turquoise_, bowl of, in Apache myth, 33
clothing of, in Jicarilla myth, 63
in Apache myth, 26
in Jicarilla myth, 64
_Turquoise_ in Navaho myth, 91, 92, 97, 101, 103, 104, 106-107, 115
jewelry of the Navaho, 76
lance of Apache War God, 32
man born of, in Navaho myth, 84
pipe in Navaho myth, 108
_Turquoise Boy_ of Apache myth, 31, 33
_Turquoise Woman_ of Navaho myth, 97
_See_ DUTLÍ̆SHÍ NALÍ̆N
_Turtle monster_ in Jicarilla myth, 64-65
_Tus._ _See_ WATER BOTTLE
_Twin Gods_ of the Navaho, 98
_See_ NAYÉ̆NĔZOANĬ; TOBADZĬSCHÍ̆NĬ
_Tzĕs._ _See_ ELK
_Tzĭlhkí̆chĭ Hatál._ _See_ MOUNTAIN CHANT
_Tzĭlhnúhodĭhlĭ_, sacred mountain, created, 91, 96, 98, 104, 105
_Underworld_, Navaho origin in, 80, 83, 138
_See_ GENESIS
_Ute_, Jicarillas influenced by, 134
Jicarilla name for, 135
_Valleys_, creation of, in Apache myth, 28
_Vegetation_ of White Mountain reservation, 13, 17
_See_ TREES
_Victorio_, conference with, 7
surrender and death of, 9
_Visions_, God of, in Apache cosmology, 31
knowledge gained through, 32
medicine-men influenced by, 42, 43
_Vocabulary_, Southern Athapascan, 139-144
_Walapai_ join in Apache hostilities, 8
tribal name of, 5
_Walnuts_ eaten by Apache, 19
_War_ ceremonies, God Dance a part of, 48
of extermination against Apache, 6, 7
_War Gods_, Navaho. _See_ NAYÉ̆NÉ̆ZGANĬ; TOBADZĬSCHÍ̆NĬ
_Washing_ of hands in marriage ceremony, 126, 127
_See_ BATHING; HAIR-WASHING
_Water_, miraculous creation of, 97, 137
relation of Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ with, 133
Yólkai Ĕstsán conceives from, 98
_See_ YÓLKAI ĔSTSÁN
_Water bottle_ in Apache myth, 27-28, 30
in marriage ceremony, 126
in Navaho myth, 94
of the Apache, 16, 21, 132
of the Navaho, 77
sacred symbol prescribed for, 44
_Water Chant_ of the Navaho, 78
_Water God_ of the Apache, 33, 35
_See_ RAIN GOD
_Water Monsters_ in Navaho mythology, 87
_Water Sprinkler_, a Navaho Rain God, 107, 115, 120
_Weapons_, Jicarilla, origin of, 69
_Weasel_ in Navaho myth, 97
_Weaving._ _See_ BLANKETS
_Wheels_ in Jicarilla mythology, 62, 64
medicine, made by Apache, 10, 11
_Whips_, yucca, of the Navaho, 120-121
_Whirling log_ represented in dry-painting, 120-121
_Whirlwind_ in Navaho myth, 110
_Whirlwind God_ of the Jicarillas, 60, 61
_See_ WINDS
_White Corn Boy_ of Navaho myth, 96
_White Mountain Apache_, population of, 131
_White Mountain reservation_, Apache placed on, 9
character and area of, 13
"medicine" craze on, 10
property disputes on, 23
_White objects_ created by Yólkai Skhĭn, 33
symbolic of prayer, 34
_White river_, Arizona, 11, 15, 17
_White-Shell Boy_ of Apache myth, 31, 33
_White-Shell Girl._ _See_ YÓLKAI NALÍ̆N
_White-Shell Man_ of Navaho myth, 97
_White-Shell Woman._ _See_ YÓLKAI ĔSTSÁN
_Wildcats_ in Jicarilla mythology, 64
_Wind People_ of Navaho mythology, 95, 99
_Winds_, function of, in Navaho belief, 93, 95
how regarded by Apache, 35
in Apache myth, 25, 26
in Navaho mythology, 90, 93, 96, 97, 102, 110, 138
participation of, in Jicarilla creation, 61
pollen scattered to, 133
_Witchcraft_, penalty for, in future world, 56
_See_ SORCERY
_Wolf_ in Navaho myth, 97
_Wolf People_ of the Navaho, 84, 87, 90, 95
_Women_, Apache, descent traced through, 22
Apache, dress of, 131
Apache, houses built by, 13
Apache, modesty of, 16
_Women_, Apache, property right of, 22
Apache, status of, 13-14
chiefs in Navaho mythology, 84
how treated, in Jicarilla ceremony, 59
Jicarilla, dress of, 134
Jicarilla, hair-dressing of, 134
Jicarilla, modesty of, 58
Navaho, blanket weavers, 75
Navaho, clothing of, 136
Navaho, hair-dressing of, 136
Navaho, status of, 76
Navaho, work of, 85
separated from men in Navaho myth, 85
_See_ CHILDBIRTH; MARRIAGE; PUBERTY CEREMONY
_Wool_ blankets, in Navaho myth of, 94
_Wósakĭdĭ._ _See_ GRASSHOPPER PEOPLE
_Yádĭlhkĭh Bĭnálzé̆_, Sky Messengers, of Apache myth, 31
_Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn._ _See_ SKY GOD
_Yakósha Skhĭn_, an Apache deity, 31, 35
_See_ APACHE-MOHAVE
_Yavapai_, application of name, 6, 53
_Yébĭchai_ and Apache dance compared, 47
dance of the Navaho, 121
gods of the Navaho, 114
order, initiation into, 120, 121
signification of, 116
_Yéĭtso_, Big God of the Navaho, 98, 105
_Yellow-Corn Girl_ of Navaho myth, 96
_Yíyĕ._ _See_ OWL
_Yoi Hatál._ See Bead Chant
_Yólkai Ĕstsán_, a Jicarilla goddess, 62, 64, 68, 135
a Navaho goddess, 94-96, 98, 99, 105, 137, 138
_Yólkai Nalí̆n_, an Apache goddess, 31
function of, 34, 35
guardian of spirit-land, 134
how supplicated, 40
_Yólkai Skhĭn_, White-Shell Boy, of Apache, 31, 33
_Yŭádiĭstan_, an Apache god, 24
_Yucca_ fruit eaten by Apache, 19
root in Navaho mythology, 94
root, washing with, 115, 125
used for head-band, 131
whips made of, 120-121
_Yuma_, Jicarilla name for, 135
Navaho name for, 138
_Yuman_ and Apache relations, 5
and Jicarilla ceremony compared, 56
_Zahadolzhá_, Fringe-mouth gods of Navaho, 109, 113, 114, 123
_Zuñi_, Apache name for the, 134
Navaho name for, 138
people among Navaho, 137
THE END OF VOLUME I
The University Press, Cambridge, U.S.A.
FOOTNOTES
1 The agave or maguey plant, locally called mescal, for which reason
the latter term is here employed.
2 This medicine skin was owned by Háshkĕ Ní̆lntĕ and was considered
one of the most potent belonging to any of the medicine-men. During
the lifetime of Háshkĕ Ní̆lntĕ it was impossible for any white man
even to look upon this wonderful "medicine." After reaching extreme
age he was killed, presumably by his wife, from whom this valuable
and sacred object was procured.
3 Possibly a legendary reminiscence of a home in the far north and the
subsequent migration to the south.
4 The myth and ritual of this ceremony are given on pages 111-116.
5 Versions differ as to the number of worlds through which the
progenitors of the Navaho passed. Some give three before this one,
others but one. The version adopted by the Bahozhonchí, a religious
order or medicine society whose rites and ceremonies are the oldest
and most widely known of any in the tribe, treats of two worlds
only: the one below, from which the Dĭgí̆n, or Holy People, migrated
in the form of insects, birds, and beasts, and to which the dead
return; and the present, into which was born man in his present
image, created of pollen, corn, white shell, turquoise, and rain by
the Dĭgí̆n. These Dĭgí̆n were the animals which never assumed
absolute material form on this earth, and the gods who perfected the
creation. The creation of the world below, together with all food
products, plant life, and animals known to the Navaho, is credited
to First Man and First Woman, Ástsĕ Hástĭn and Ástsĕ Ĕstsán; but the
myth does not go back to that creation, nor, save for the plant and
animal life and a little earth used in making mountains, does it
assume the use of any part of the underworld in the making or
completion of this. So far as the inhabitants now found in the image
of man are concerned, they were made, and first existed, on this
earth, and did not develop from a lower order.
6 The Navaho sometimes vary the assignment of their directional colors
by relating, like the Apache of Arizona, black to the east and white
to the north.
7 These four names still survive among the Navaho, applied to as many
clans.
8 Our months, of course, only approximate the moons of the Indians.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The North American Indian" ***
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