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Title: Indian Games and Dances with Native Songs
Author: Fletcher, Alice C. (Alice Cunningham), 1838-1923
Language: English
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Indian Games and Dances
with Native Songs
Arranged from American Indian
Ceremonials and Sports
BY
ALICE C. FLETCHER
Holder of the Thaw Fellowship, Peabody Museum, Harvard University
_Author of The Hako, The Omaha Tribe, Indian Stories and Song, etc._
1915
Dedicated to
THE YOUTH OF AMERICA
PREFACE
This little book took its rise in the following experience that came to me
many years ago when living with the Indians in their homes and pursuing my
ethnological studies:
One day I suddenly realized with a rude shock that, unlike my Indian
friends, I was an alien, a stranger in my native land; its fauna and flora
had no fond, familiar place amid my mental imagery, nor did any thoughts of
human aspiration or love give to its hills and valleys the charm of
personal companionship. I was alone, even in my loneliness.
Time went on. The outward aspect of nature remained the same, but
imperceptibly a change had been wrought in me until I no longer felt alone
in a strange, silent country. I had learned to hear the echoes of a time
when every living thing upon this land and even the varied overshadowing
skies had its voice, a voice that was attentively heard and devoutly heeded
by the ancient people of America. Henceforth, to me the plants, the trees,
the clouds and all things had become vocal with human hopes, fears and
supplications.
When I realized how much closer because of this change I had been drawn to
our land, how much greater had become my enjoyment of nature, the desire
arose to find some way by which I could help to make audible to others the
voice I had heard, and thereby restore to our hills and valleys their lost
human element. Impelled by this purpose I have arranged these dances and
games with native songs in order that our young people may recognize, enjoy
and share in the spirit of the olden life upon this continent.
My obligations are due to Mr. Francis La Flesche of the U. S. Bureau of
American Ethnology and to Mr. Edwin S. Tracy, Musical Director of the
Morris High School of New York City, for assistance in the preparation of
this book.
ALICE C. FLETCHER
CONTENTS
Preface
Introduction
Song and Dance Among the Indians
PART I
DANCES AND SONGS
The Life of the Corn (a Drama in Five Dances)
Introduction
Dance I. The Corn Speaks
Dance II. Planting the Corn
Dance III. The Corn Springs Up
Dance IV. The Fields are Ready
Dance V. Honor to Mother Corn
Calling the Flowers
Appeal for Clear Sky
The Hé-de Wa-chi (An Omaha Festival of Joy)
PART II
GAMES
Introduction
HAZARD GAMES
Introductory Note
Pa-tol Stick
Plum Stone
GUESSING GAMES
Introductory Note
Pu-in
Atá-a-kut
Hand Game
Hiding the Disks
I-ou'-tin
BALL GAMES
Introduction
Ball and Racket
Ta-bé
Double-ball
Hoop and Javelin
Follow My Leader
PART III
INDIAN NAMES
Introduction
Presenting the Child to the Cosmos
Giving the Child a Name
Bestowing a New Name
Taking and Indian Name in Camp
Indian Names for Boys
Indian Names for Girls
Indian Names for Camps
PART I
DANCES
INDIAN GAMES AND DANCES WITH NATIVE SONGS
INTRODUCTION
The adaptations from Indian ceremonies and sports here offered will enable
those who take part in them to follow in happy mood some of the paths of
expression that were opened long ago by thoughtful men and women as they
lived, worked and played on this land in undisturbed intimacy with nature.
Some of the thoughts bred of this intimacy find their expression in these
dances and games, and it may help toward a better understanding of them and
their spirit to tell briefly how the Indian looked upon and regarded his
relation to nature.
The natives of America thought of the cosmos as a unit that was throbbing
with the same life-force of which they were conscious within themselves; a
force that gave to the rocks and hills their stable, unchanging character;
to every living thing on land or water the power of growth and of movement;
to man the ability to think, to will and to bring to pass. This universal
and permeating life-force was always thought of as sacred, powerful, like a
god. To it a name was given that varied in the different languages; in the
Omaha tongue it was called Wakon'da. Through Wakon'da all things in nature
were related and more or less interdependent, the sky, the earth, the
animals and men. Nature was, in a sense, the manifestation of Wakon'da,
consequently it was regarded as something more than the means by which
physical life was sustained and became the religious and ethical instructor
of man.
All food came from the earth; the wild fruits, the roots, the cultivated
maize, these and the animals all derived their living power from Wakon'da
and yielded their life to man that he might live and be strong. Therefore,
the hunt was conducted with ceremonies in which the bounty of Wakon'da was
formally recognized, and when food was eaten thanks were offered to this
unseen power. The Indian lived in the open and watched with reverent
attention the changing aspects of his environment. To him nothing was
without significance, for all things were imbued with powers from Wakon'da
and could convey lessons or admonitions to be heeded by the individual and
by the people in their social life.
For example: the Indian noted the unfailing recurrence of day and night and
that upon the regularity with which one followed the other all creatures
relied, while man depended upon this constancy to carry out any given
purpose. From thoughts upon this natural phenomenon and its effects on the
actions of men, ideas arose that led the Indian to the conception of truth,
that something, as between man and man, that can be depended on both in
word and in deed. "Thus," the old men said, "Wakon'da taught us the
necessity of truthfulness, if we would live peacefully together." Other
natural aspects, as the storm, with its terrifying thunder and destructive
lightning, and the passing of the clouds revealing the blue sky, when the
birds renewed their song, seemed to picture to the Indian the devastation
of war and the happiness of peace. Again, the tree, compacted of many
parts, suggested how the tribe could be made to stand and become strong.
So it came to pass that as the ancient people looked about and thought on
what they saw, they gradually formulated ceremonies and adopted symbols in
order to express what they came to believe. All their rites, their
vocations, their pleasures were born, practiced and enjoyed under the
arching skies, and were permeated, as by a vital spirit, with an
unquestioning consciousness of oneness with nature.
We shall not be false to any great truths that have been revealed to us
concerning the world in which we live, if we listen to the olden voice, an
unseen heritage of our bounteous land, as it sings of man's unity with
nature. May they who join in these dances and games catch their vital
spirit and learn to feel at home with the winds, the clouds, the fields and
the woods.
SONG AND DANCE AMONG THE INDIANS
THE SONG
While studying Indian life and thought through the sharing, as far as
possible, of native conditions, I discovered Indian music. In the
loneliness that naturally belonged to my circumstances this discovery was
like finding a flower hidden in a tangle hard to penetrate. I had heard
Indians "singing," but the noise of the drum, the singers' stress of voice,
so overlaid the little song that its very existence was not even suspected.
Circumstances at length arose, incident to my convalescence after a long
illness, when, to give me pleasure, my Indian friends came and sang softly
to me, without the drum. Great was my surprise to hear music; to be told
that I was listening to the same songs that the earnest men and women had
previously sung but which for me had been buried under a tumultuous din.
Thenceforth my ears were opened and never again, no matter how confusing
the conditions, did I fail to catch the hidden melody. As my appreciation
of the value of Indian music grew, I determined to gather and to preserve
these wild flowers of song. I wanted them not merely as a contribution to
the study of music but that they might help to vibrate the chords that
belong to a common humanity.
Of the songs I heard in solitude, some were published over thirty years
ago. Since then many of my gleaning have been used by different composers
and the musical message sent far and wide.
With the Indian, words hold a secondary or an unimportant place in a song.
The music and accompanying action, ceremonial or otherwise, convey the
meaning or purpose. When words are used they are few, fragmentary and
generally eked out with vocables. Frequently only vocables are attached to
a melody. To the Indian, song holds a place similar to that filled for us
by wordless instrumental music. In ceremonies, rituals occur that are
always rhythmically intoned; each line generally terminates in a refrain.
Songs have a place in these rituals, breaking in on the recital
particularly when an emotion is evoked, for music is the medium of
emotional expression. An old Indian priest explained this peculiarity by
saying: "Harmonious sounds unite the people."
Unaccustomed as we are to the use of songs that have no words, we would not
only find it difficult to understand their meaning but we would lose much
pleasure when singing them. To obviate the perplexities arising from the
Indian's peculiar treatment of words and to make clear the meaning of a
song, words have been supplied. These words are in no instance a literal
translation, for the few broken words that belong to some of the melodies
used in these Dances and Games, because of their fragmentary character,
would have no value as an interpretation either of the music or of the
action. In a number of instances the original vocables are retained, where
the music is merely a rhythmical accompaniment to a simple, easily
understood movement. Where words are given to a song, they follow closely
both the accents and the rhythm of the music. The written stanzas are not
meant to be read but to be sung. They express the thought or the feeling
that gave rise to the music, they aim to make its meaning understood so
that the song can be intelligently sung. In arranging these words, care has
been taken never to forget or to change the natural and the psychical
environment that belongs to the melody.
Indian songs are very short. They have no preliminary measures, but at once
voice the actuating emotion; that done, they come to a close. Although they
are so short, they have form and in their structure follow in simple lines
the rules of phrasing and motivization taught in our schools. These songs,
speaking in general terms, partake more of the character of motifs than of
musical compositions. They do not stand alone or apart from the ceremonials
or pleasures of which they form an essential feature.
THE DANCE
The different Indian tribes vary in their modes of dancing; moreover, the
same theme is not interpreted by all the tribes in the same manner. In some
sections of our country the dancers wear costumes and masks that are
symbolic, both in color and form; in other regions, feathers are the
principal and emblematic decoration; elsewhere, the men may dance very
nearly nude. However diverse the dancing regalia may be or how marked its
absence, the Indian dance always presents two characteristics, namely:
Dramatic Action and Rhythmic Precision.
Every Indian dance has a meaning. The dance is generally either the acting
out of some mythic story or a presentation of a personal experience. Every
movement of the body, arms, hands, feet and head is always in strict time
with the songs that invariably accompany the dance. Indian dances are
complex rather than simple. Their "spontaneous activity" is not the result
of "a dominating emotion" but of a desire to present dramatically certain
mental pictures. This is particularly true of dances which form a part of
religious ceremonials. As a consequence, none of these dances are
improvised. All follow forms that have been handed down through generations
and have become more or less conventionalized.
When the dance portrays a personal experience the dancer is allowed a
freedom of invention not elsewhere permitted. Even in this case the dancer
is obliged to follow certain conventional forms, as in the sign language;
otherwise his story would not be understood.
On the eastern continent the peoples from whom we are descended had songs
and dances peculiar to their different vocations, so on this western
continent the song and dance were the accompaniment of the Native
industries.
A study of the Indian dramatic dances shows that by means of them the
vocations of men and women were lifted out of drudgery, made types of
activity and allied to the forces recognized in the religious beliefs of
the people. The dances here given, those relative to the Corn and also the
Héde-wache, not only illustrate what has been said above but they reflect
back a light upon the religious dances that obtained among the eastern
nations of antiquity.
When the Indian dances, he dances with freedom; his whole body becomes
expressive of the actuating emotion of the scene he intends to portray.
Because of his freedom, his remarkable sense of rhythm and the strong
mental picture he aims to present, whether it be the flight of the eagle,
the sportive pleasure of birds, the movements of animals, the alertness of
the warrior in attack, or in eluding a blow, his motions are always sharply
vivid and natural.
It is a pleasure to be able to offer in the following pages a number of
Indian songs with their original accompaniment of action, as the two
complement each other for the expression of certain native thoughts and
aspirations.
Whoever takes part in the dances here presented should never attempt to
imitate what is supposed to be the Indian's manner of singing or his
dancing steps and postures; in either case the result would probably be an
unmeaning burlesque. Each dancer should have a clear mental picture of the
scene to be enacted and then give free play to bodily movements for its
expression, always keeping in rhythm with the song, so as to make sound and
motion a rhythmic unit.
THE LIFE OF THE CORN
A DRAMA IN FIVE DANCES
INTRODUCTION.--These Dances in their purport and music are taken from the
sacred rituals of the Omaha, the Osage and the Pawnee tribes. The richness
and beauty of symbolism in the original language suffer a loss of native
naïveté in their English interpretation.
The American food plant known by the general term "Corn" was developed ages
ago from certain native grasses. The _Euchlaena luxurians_ found in
Guatemala is probably an ancestor of the maize. The word "maize" belongs to
the language of a people living by the Caribbean Sea and never was a
universal term for corn among the Indians of our country. The tribes to
which maize was known gave it a name derived from their own languages. So
very many centuries have passed since corn was a grass that there is no way
now of finding out when in the remote past the natives of this continent
began the task of developing from a grass a staple article of food like the
corn. The process required years of careful observation, manipulation and
culture. Not only did the Indians accomplish this task but they took the
plant from its tropical surroundings and acclimated it throughout the
region east of the Rocky Mountains up to the country of short summers in
the North; Cartier, in 1534, found it growing where the city of Montreal
now stands.
From this hasty glance at the long history of the maize we can discern the
natural sequence of its close relation to the thought and to the life of
the Indian, and to a degree understand the love and the reverence with
which the corn was held and regarded as a gift from God. Every stage of its
growth was ceremonially observed and mentioned in rituals and songs.
Among the Omaha tribe when the time came for planting, four kernels from a
red ear of corn were given to each family by the keeper of this sacred
rite. These four red kernels were mixed with the ordinary seed corn, that
it might be vivified by them and made to yield an ample harvest. Red is the
symbolic color of life. In this ceremony is preserved a trace of the
far-away time when all the precious seed corn was in the care of priestly
keepers. The ceremony of giving out the four red kernels served to turn the
thoughts of the people from a dependence solely on their own labor in
cultivating corn to the life-giving power of Wakon'da dwelling within the
maize.
In the Omaha Ritual Song of twenty-six stanzas which preceded the
distribution of the four red kernels, the Corn speaks. It tells of its
roots reaching in the four directions (where dwell the messengers that
bring life), of the growth of its jointed stalk, of the unfolding of its
leaves, of the changing color of the silk and of the tassel, of the
ripening of the fruit, of the bidding of the people to come, to pluck and
to eat.
The music of this Ritual Song is simple. It is here given with a very brief
paraphrase of the words of the Ritual Song.
DANCE I
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This ceremonial dance touches upon the mystery of the
giving of life that life may be maintained; an exchange that links together
the different forms of life and enhances the joy of living.
_Properties_.--Thin green mantles; yellow plumes like the corn tassel; bone
clips; as many of these articles as there are dancers.
_Directions_.--This dance belongs to both sexes and a number of each should
take part, if that is possible. Should there be trees near the open space
where the dance takes place, one-half of the dancers, closely wrapped in
their green mantles, should be grouped at one side among the trees and the
other half similarly placed at the other side. In the center of the space a
single dancer stands facing the rear, wrapped about the head and body with
the green mantle, leaving only the face exposed.
All being in readiness, the central figure turns slowly, lifts a draped arm
and says slowly and impressively:
"Harken! The Corn speaks!"
The group of dancers on the right then sing softly the _first_ line only of
the Ritual Song in which the Corn speaks. The group of dancers on the left
repeat the _same_ line like an echo of the first group. Both groups of
dancers now begin to move slowly and in rhythm with the following song
toward the figure standing in the center of the space, singing, as they
move, the Ritual Song _from the beginning_:
Ritual Song No. 1
Fourfold deep lie my roots within the land;
Clad in green, bearing fruit, Lo! here I stand!
Pluck and eat, life for life, behold, I give!
Shout with joy, dance and sing with all that live.
[Music]
At the words "Lo! here I stand!" the company of dancers should all be
standing in a semi-circle. As the words in the third line, "Behold, I
give!" are sung, the draped arms should be slightly extended forward as in
a presentation. The fourth line requires some dramatic action, but it
should be restrained rather than free. The arms, still draped with the
green mantles, should be raised a little as the words "Shout with joy" are
sung, and during the singing of the remainder of the line swayed from side
to side in rhythm with the song, always with a reserve in the movements,
because of the mystery mentioned in the words of the song, that life is
maintained by the giving of life. A pause of about two beats should follow
this Ritual Song.
As "Ho-o! Ho-o!" the opening of the next song, is given, every dancer
should suddenly turn half-way round, give a movement of the head such as
would cause the mantle to fall back and leave the head with the corn tassel
exposed; the ends of the mantle should be gathered in the hands so that the
mantle can wave with the dance as the following song is sung:
Song No. 2
Ho-o! Ho-o!
Dance we singing,
Promise bringing
Of the wealth of summer fair;
Hearts beat lightly,
Skies shine brightly,
Youth and Hope are ev'rywhere.
_Refrain_: Ho-o! Ho-o! Ho! Ho! Ho!
[Music]
As each "Ho-o!" of the refrain is sung, the dancers should whirl like merry
sprites, twine and untwine their green mantles about their forms until the
song begins again. Then they should all skip off with springing, rhythmic
steps in open Indian file, letting their mantles float and wave about them
as they wind in and out over the camp ground carrying "Youth and Hope
ev'rywhere." Every time the refrain is reached, the dancers should stop and
whirl, then as the song begins again move off in line, dancing as before.
When they are ready to stop (that can only be done during the singing and
whirling of the refrain), each dancer should whirl from the line and keep
up that movement, singing "Ho!" until his or her tent is reached.
DANCE II
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--The rituals and ceremonies from which this dramatic
dance with its accompanying songs are taken have been handed down through
numberless generations. They deal with the perpetuation of the vocations of
the people and also with the duties of the warrior, who must so protect the
people that these vocations can be pursued in peace and safety. The portion
of the ritual that relates to the planting of the maize is here given. It
is practical in character. The ground is to be cleared of the débris of
winter's storms and the dead leaves and twigs gathered into heaps and
consumed by fire. When the brown earth is uncovered on the sunny slope it
is to be mellowed and made into little hills with flattened tops to receive
the kernels of the corn. The first seven of these hills must be
ceremonially planted. Into the first hill one kernel of corn is dropped,
two kernels are put into the second hill, three in the third, and so on to
the seventh, in which are placed seven kernels. The product of these seven
little hills must be kept separate, for it is to constitute the "first
fruit offering" made to Wakon'da, through the priest, in recognition of the
gift of corn as food. After the seven hills are completed, then the rest of
the field is similarly prepared and planted. When the kernels are put in
the loosened ground they are covered and stamped with the foot, so that
each little hill beards the mark, the footprint, of the planter. The Ritual
Song depicts the task of planting to its completion and compares the rows
of little brown hills to lines of buffalo following one another down the
slope. With this vision, suggesting the promise of abundant food, the
workers joyfully turn toward the home fireside.
The words given for the first song are a brief paraphrase of the many
stanzas of the original Ritual Song, which so touches the necessary acts of
the planter as to lift them above a merely prosaic level.
_Properties_.--As this dance represents work, no scarfs or mantles are
used. The garments should be plain and the arms free for the necessary
dramatic motions in portraying the various acts connected with clearing,
preparing and planting the ground. In ancient times the hoe used for this
work was made from the shoulder blade of the elk, or a stick three or four
feet long shaped at one end like a wedge. Similarly shaped sticks of wood
should be used in this dance, one for each dancer. Pouches are required
made of brown cloth, with broad bands or straps long enough to pass over
the shoulder and chest and to let the pouches hang at the back. Both
pouches and straps should be ornamented with geometric designs painted in
red, yellow, blue or green; two or three of these colors should be combined
in each design. The corn carried within the pouches can be represented by
rounded chips, little stones or, when possible, by the corn kernels
themselves.
The boys must wear head-bands, carry bows and have quivers hung at their
backs. They must scatter around the border of the "field," move watchfully
about, peer into the distance and act as if on the alert to detect or to
meet any prowling enemy.
_Directions_.--A space should be set apart to represent the "field" where
the dramatic action takes place. This dance requires considerable dramatic
pantomime. The words in the two lines of each stanza of the song serve as a
prelude to the action which follows. Sometimes the action may be confined
to the refrain, but generally there must be acting throughout the singing
both of the words and the refrain. Much in this dance must be left to the
imagination and skill of the group of dancers, who should rehearse together
and decide how best to make a clear, strong picture. The native music here
given belongs to the act of preparing the ground and planting the kernels
of corn. Attention is called to the second, fourth, sixth and eighth
measures of the song. The three-quarter notes and the eighth and rest
should be accented by movements of the hoe, the foot or both. The rhythm of
the first measure is a little different from that of the third, fifth and
seventh, caused by the third note being a quarter note, denoting a definite
act or pause; the remaining four notes of the first measure are flowing, as
well as all the notes of the third, fifth and seventh measures. By
observing these little points in the music the drama will be given variety
and made more picturesque and effective.
At the beginning of the song the dancers should be at a little distance
from the space set apart to represent the "field," so that they will be
able at the proper time to go toward it. As the first line of the first
stanza is sung the dancers should stand in a loose group, adjust their hoes
and pouches to be ready to go to the "field"; during the singing of the
second line they should break into a file and move off. All these movements
of body, hands and feet must be in strict time and rhythm with the music.
Song No. 1
1
Here we stand ready now to go on our way
To the field, buried under leaves dead and gray.
_Refrain_: Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
[Music]
By the end of the first line of the refrain the dancers will have reached
the "field" and have begun to dispose themselves over the space. Seven must
stand in the first row, where they are to make the seven ceremonial hills.
These seven dancers should lead the motions of all the others, so that the
movements may present even lines, as in the bowing of violins in an
orchestra. The refrain should be repeated as many times as is necessary
while the dancers are taking position, clearing the field, etc. The number
of repeats must be determined upon at the rehearsals of the dancers.
Sufficient time should be taken to bring out the picture and to give it in
perfect rhythm with the music. When the refrain closes, the dead leaves and
twigs are supposed to be gathered into heaps ready to be burned.
2
See the fire send its "word of flame" mounting high,
Now the smoke rolls about the earth, shuts out sky.
_Refrain_: Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
The action for this stanza should indicate the heat of the fire; shielding
the face, pushing back stray leaves or twigs to the burning heap; the
rolling smoke follows the dancers, who here and there try to escape it.
This scene will require study to bring out the picture rhythmically. It
should form a contrast to the preceding and the following scene, in both of
which the movements are more or less uniform. In this scene groups should
emphasize certain conditions: the fire, the smoke, the work of keeping the
heaps together, so that the picture will be one of action diverse to a
degree and yet every movement dominated by the rhythm of the song; the
picture will thus be made a unit.
3
Mellow earth, make the little, hills smooth on top,
On the earth softly the kernels we drop.
_Refrain_: Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
In the action of this stanza the seven dancers in the front row make seven
ceremonial hills, mellowing the earth with the wooden hoes and gathering it
into little hills made smooth on top. The pouches are swung to the front,
the corn taken out with one hand while the other holds the hoe at rest, and
the kernels are dropped on the softened earth. The dancers should be
careful to remember that in the ceremonial row of seven hills but one
kernel is to be dropped in the first hill, two in the second, and so on up
to seven in the seventh hill. All the dancers scattered over the "field"
must follow the movements of the seven in charge of the seven ceremonial
hills.
4
Cover all gently, leave the print of our feet
On the earth mellowed fine, so brown, so sweet.
_Refrain_: Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
In the action for this stanza the hoe and the feet of the dancers have a
special part. The movements of the dancers should represent the covering of
the dropped seed with the mellowed earth and the making of the footprint on
the top of the little hill within which the seed is now hidden. In the
native Ritual Song the term "footprint" is used symbolically; it represents
a person--in this instance the one who had done the work--also the work
itself that has been accomplished. The dancers should be careful to
remember the rhythm of the second, fourth, sixth and eighth measures, as
these can be used to emphasize "footprints" and also the completion of the
task. During a repeat of the refrain the dancers should drop their hoes and
gather in groups as if to look at the field; this action will bring them
into the position required for the fifth stanza.
5
How like lines of buffalo upon the slope,
Lie our little brown hills, so full now of hope.
_Refrain_: Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
Ah hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they ha!
The motions of the hands and the movements of the body should indicate that
in looking over the field one is struck by the striped appearance made by
the rows of little hills, recalling the resemblance to the buffalo
descending the slope. The final "ha!" of the refrain should indicate
pleasure. A brief silence should follow, during which the dancers pick up
their hoes, adjust their pouches, fall into line and sing the following
song:
Song No. 2
Light our hearts and gay
As we homeward take our way,
While the winds about us play,
Singing as we go.
Hy-ya hy-ya hy-ya ho!
Hy-ya hy-ya hy-ya ho!
Hy-ya ho!
Ho!
Hy-ya ho!
[Music]
This song should be repeated many times as all the dancers, with rhythmic,
springing steps, wind about the camp ground before they finally disperse.
DANCE III
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This dance is from the Corn Ritual Song and is a
dramatization of a visit to the planted field after the lapse of a few
weeks. Life has been stirring in the kernels of corn that had been hidden
within the little hills, and the kernels now call to those who had planted
them to come and see what was taking place.
_Properties_.--The same as those used in the preceding dance. Both the boys
and the girls should wear the same costume as in Dance II.
_Directions_.--The scene should be the same as in Dance II. The "field" to
be visited should be in the same place as the space set apart for the
"field" where the little hills were made and planted.
A part of the boys should act as guards of the "field" as before. A few
should scatter among the girls and join in looking at the sprouting corn as
it breaks through the soil, and these should join in singing the song.
At the opening of the dance the dancers should be discovered standing in
groups as though they had accidentally met as neighbors of the same
village. They should stand at the same place whence they had started to go
to the "field" in the preceding dance. The groups should be talking in dumb
show. Suddenly each group should act as if its attention had been arrested
by a sound, and while in this attitude of arrested attention all should
begin to sing the following song:
Song
1
A call I hear!
Hark! soft the tones and weak.
Again the call!
Come! our feet that call must seek.
_Refrain_: Hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Again the call!
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they.
[Music]
This dramatic dance will require to be rehearsed and the details planned by
the dancers, so that a clear picture may be brought out and also the native
poetic thought embodied in the Ritual Song from which it is taken. A few
hints can be given, but much of the action must depend upon the imagination
and dramatic feeling of the dancers.
As the first line, "A call I hear!" is sung some one should raise the hand
toward the ear, another raise it as a warning to keep quiet. The line
"Hark! soft the tones and weak" is an address to one another in the groups.
Then comes another sudden arrest, "Again the call!" These three lines
should be sung without any change of position either by the groups or by
the individuals. Action should be confined to the hands and the head. When
singing the fourth line all should begin to stir, to adjust their pouches,
tighten their hold on the wooden hoes and, as if moved by a common impulse,
should prepare to go and seek the source of the call. In their going the
groups should not fall into one line but each group move by itself. During
the refrain the dancers should act as if in doubt which way to go. At the
line "Again the call!" all should stop as if arrested, and then move off
again when the refrain is taken up. All the groups should keep the rhythm
of the music. There should be a good deal of by-play and the action should
indicate bewilderment, both as to the meaning of the call and the locality
whence it comes. It should appear as though some of the groups are baffled
in their attempt to locate the call.
2
A call I hear!
Hark! it is near at hand,
The call! The call!
Floats to us where we now stand.
_Refrain_: Hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Again the call!
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they.
The action of this stanza shows the dancers being led by the call to the
"field," where the call seems to become clearer and at last is there
located. The dancers should scatter in groups, while different individuals
should look about searchingly but without breaking the groups. These should
move here and there seeking for the "footprints" that had been left on the
smooth tops of the little hills, and so lead to the action required for the
next stanza. Whenever in the song the line "The call! The call!" occurs,
there should be an apparent arrest of movement among the dancers as if to
listen.
3
Again the call!
Forth to the light of day
They come! They come!
Come pushing upward their way.
_Refrain_: Hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
They call! They come!
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they.
"Day" is the symbol of life; the kernels are coming "into the light of day"
in the original Ritual Song, meaning they are entering into life. They call
as they come, struggling and pushing their way through the breaking earth.
This life movement should be indicated by the motions of the dancers as
they pass in groups with rhythmic steps from one little hill to another.
Directions as to how these motions should be made would hardly be helpful;
the dancers can best plan this pantomime.
4
Again the call!
Two feeble leaves are seen,
They call! They call!
Soon shall we stand clad with green!
_Refrain_: Hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
They call! They call!
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they.
The original Ritual Song tells that the feeble leaves, the first shoots,
cannot stand or support themselves; they are helpless as infants. But they
have come to the "light of day," "have entered into life," and they will
grow, become strong and stand, stretching ever higher into the light. The
native stanzas portray the progressive movements of the corn from feeble
helplessness into the power of life. The action of the dancers should
convey this meaning by appropriate pantomime.
5
They call! They call!
Up springs our jointed stem,
They call! They call!
Golden fruit shall grow on them.
_Refrain_: Hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
They call! They call!
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they.
In this stanza the promise of fruit is given. The dancers should show
excitement not only at the wonderful spectacle they observe but because of
the promise given.
They should still keep in groups as they move about and exult in the
results that have come from the little hills where they left their
"footprints."
In the original Ritual Song there are more than a score of stanzas in which
the various occurrences of the growth of the corn are mentioned, mingled
with symbolic imagery. "Footprints" represent both labor and ownership.
Those who planted the kernels look for these marks and rejoice over what
they find. They had begun their planting "like a game," a venture; whether
it would be successful or not no one could tell. But success had come. The
action for the last stanza should indicate an abandonment to delight; hoes
should be dropped as the groups mingle and act out pleasure not only at
what is seen but what is promised.
A pause should follow, then the hoes should be picked up and the dancers
gather by twos and threes in a line to return home; as they start they
break into the same song which they sang on the return from making and
planting the little hills:
[Music]
The dancers should keep up the song and rhythmic dance until their
individual tents are reached.
DANCE IV
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This dance, taken from the Corn Ritual, represents a
visit to the field later in the season when the harvest time is near at
hand. The keynote of this visit is in a line of one of the many stanzas of
the original Ritual Song, "I go in readiness of mind." The mind is assured,
prepared to find in the place where the "footprints" had been made, where
the little kernels had broken the covering of earth to reach "the light of
day," that these have now grown tall and strong under the summer sun and
are "standing in the fulness of day." This assurance is justified, for the
corn is found ready to pluck, and some of its ears are joyously carried to
the people at home.
_Properties_.--The same costumes as those worn by the boys and girls in
Dance II and III. The green scarfs used in Dance I will be needed in the
latter part of this dance; these can be folded and carried in the pouches
and pockets.
_Directions_.--The scene should be laid in the same place as the two
preceding dances and the dancers should gather at the same spot whence they
started to the "field" in Dance II and III.
The dancers, both boys and girls, should be discovered standing in an open
group talking together in dumb show, evidently discussing the probabilities
as to the ripening of the corn. They may have been saying: "Already the
boys are shouting, The cattail is in bloom!" This was a sign that the time
had come for the corn to be ripe. Some one whose mind was "in readiness"
makes the suggestion (in pantomime) to go to the "field"; to this all
agree, and the group breaks into lines as the boy and girl dancers sing the
following song:
Song
1
In readiness of mind to the field we go,
Where we footprints made, there stately jointed stalks grow.
Loud rustle the long leaves, bright the tassels wave o'er each row.
_Refrain_: Ah hey hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they.
[Music]
The steps of the dancers must be in rhythm with the song and all movements
should indicate a feeling of assurance. When the "field" is reached certain
motions of the feet should suggest a memory of the "footprints." The
"field" is now covered by rows of tall cornstalks; therefore, when the
"field" is reached the dancers should move in parallel lines, as if they
were passing between these rows. Some lines should cross at right angles,
giving the effect of walking between high barriers, along pathways that
intersect each other at right angles. When the dancers pass along these
alleys, so to speak, movements should be made to indicate brushing against
or pushing out of the way the "long rustling leaves" of the corn, and to
point to the "waving tassels" far above their heads. This pantomime, with
its rhythmic movements suggesting long lines of cornstalks, the brushing
aside with the hands of the long leaves of the stalks, should make an
effective picture.
2
Strongly the ears shoot out, fill'd with golden grain,
Up into the full light, life flowing in each vein,
Sacred the corn now stands ready to give its strength full fain.
_Refrain_: Ah hey hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they.
The length of the original Ritual Song, together with the picturesque
quality of the native language, permits the bringing out in full detail of
this scene of the cornfield: the ears standing at angles from the stalk,
and the husks full of kernels replete with life-giving power. Because of
this power the corn has now "become sacred," filled with life from
Wakon'da, thereby related to that great power and through it linked to the
life of mankind. The idea of this unity throughout all nature, including
man, is fundamental to Indian thought and belief. It is expressed in all
his religious ceremonies and also in his vocations, both serious and
playful. In the present instance it appeals to him through the planting,
the growth, the maturing and the use of the corn, giving its life to man.
To convey the picture of the cornfield, and to suggest the thoughts that
imbue the scene as expressed in the native rituals, will require some
study, but the effort will be well worth while. These thoughts were vital
upon this continent centuries before the land became our home. The maize in
all its richness and beauty has become ours to enjoy, and while we accept
this gift let us not fail to catch and to hold the lingering vibrations of
its native teaching that aimed to lift the thoughts of the worker in the
cornfield to the Great Giver of Life and Beauty.
In planning the pantomime for this stanza the dancers should not forget the
rhythm of the song and to keep the lines as though they were walking
between rows of tall cornstalks.
3
Where'er we look wide fields wait harvest to meet;
Ripe are the ears we pluck, juicy the corn we eat;
Filling our arms, we go homeward, happy hearts there we meet.
_Refrain_: Ah hey hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey hey hey they,
Ah hey hey they,
Ah hey they.
The action requisite for the interpretation of this stanza by pantomime is
comparatively easy, as looking over the field ready for harvest, and
plucking a few ears of the corn. Care should be taken not to appear to
touch the row where the seven hills were made, for the product of these are
to be used as the "first-fruit offering." During the singing of the first
line of the third stanza a few of the dancers should slip behind some of
the others and there take out their scarfs from the pouches or pockets,
make each scarf into a loose bundle and carry it upon the folded arms as
though it was filled with ears of corn. In this way, a few at a time, the
dancers can secure their scarfs, and arrange them to look like bundles of
corn to be taken homeward.
All the lines that have been moving as between rows of corn should now come
together and form a long line and with dancing, rhythmic steps, and arms
filled with corn, return to the starting place, and from there wind about
the camp ground singing the refrain, which can be repeated _ad lib_. until
they finally disperse and go to their tents.
DANCE V
Introductory Note.--This dance represents the bringing of the "first-fruit
offering" of the corn from the seven little hills that were ceremonially
planted after the dead leaves of winter had been cleared away. The dancers
who follow the seven leaders carrying the cornstalks represent the people
in triumphal procession in honor of Corn as "Mother breathing forth life."
Both words and music of the song for this procession are taken from a great
religious ceremony of the Pawnee wherein Corn is spoken of as A-ti-ra,
Mother, with the prefix H' signifying breath, the sign of life. "H'A-ti-ra"
("Mother breathing forth life") is repeated over and over and is the only
word used in this song. The repetition is not an idle procedure but an
awakening of echoes in the native mind, of all that Corn has meant to his
ancestors and race during the centuries. The repeated words imply
contemplation on the subject. This song when heard sung by a hundred or
more could not fail to impress one with its majestic fervor. The beautiful,
bountiful maize giving its life that others might enjoy life, on another
plane, is here reverently and joyously proclaimed "Mother."
_Properties_.--Green and other bright colored scarfs or mantles, as many as
there are dancers, boys and girls, also wreaths made of long leaves like
those of the cornstalk; these can be manufactured from green paper. Tall
yellow plumes, similar to the tassel of the corn, and fastened to the
wreath in such manner that when the wreath is worn the plume will stand
above the forehead. Seven cornstalks, or wands so wound with green as to
appear like the stalk of the corn with its tassel.
_Directions_.--All the dancers should be wrapped in their mantles and have
on their wreaths, the erect tassel plume standing directly over the middle
of the forehead. Boys and girls must mingle in this dance. All dress as
before, with the addition of the mantles. Implements, pouches and bows and
arrows are not used. Of the seven who are to lead, four should be boys and
three girls. When leading the procession and carrying the cornstalks, the
first line of four should be a boy, two girls, a boy; the second line of
three should be a boy, a girl, a boy. These seven must wear green robes or
mantles and hold the cornstalks, with their hands draped by the mantle. The
other dancers can wear green or other colored mantles or scarfs. The boys
must sing the songs, for the volume of sound must be full in order to
produce the true effect of this impressive ceremony. The seven dancers who
have been selected to act as leaders should stand in a group by themselves
in front of the other dancers, who are in loose groups at the rear. On the
space which heretofore in these dances has represented the "field," the
seven cornstalks or wands should be laid in a windrow on the ground. When
ready to begin the dance the dancers should be discovered in the two groups
as already described, talking quietly in dumb show.
The seven leaders, who are in the front group by themselves, appear to
consult together; then, led by one of their number, sing the following
song:
Song No. 1
1
Golden on ev'ry hand,
Waving, the cornfields stand,
Calling us thither;
Calling us thither,
First-fruits to cull and bring
Our sacred offering
To great Wakon'da,
Giver of Corn.
[Music]
During the singing the seven leaders stand together wrapped in their green
mantles. All the other dancers are grouped at a little distance back, still
talking as at first in dumb show. At the third line they stop talking, at
the fourth line they give attention to the seven leaders, at the fifth line
they join in the song. During the singing of this stanza there should be no
change in the relative positions of the two groups, but during the singing
all who sing should keep up a gentle rhythmic swaying of the body.
2
Now to the field we hie,
Where stands the corn so high,
Calling us thither;
Calling us thither,
First-fruits to cull and bring
Our sacred offering
To great Wakon'da,
Giver of Corn.
The seven leaders, at the beginning of the first line of the second stanza,
slowly fall into line and with deliberate rhythmic steps move toward the
"field," reaching it by the fifth line, and while singing that line they
should pick up the cornstalks and hold them, with their hands draped with
their green mantles, high to the front.
At the close of the first stanza the other group of dancers should resume a
dumb show of speaking to one another until the third line of the second
stanza, when they change their attitude and give attention; at the fourth
line they join in the song, and at the fifth move toward the "field" where
are the seven leaders. By the close of the second stanza all the dancers
should be in one group at the "field."
All the dancers stand there at the "field" a moment in silence. Then the
seven leaders sing the introduction to the following Processional Song:
Song No. 2
_Introduction_: Follow Mother Corn,
Who breathes forth life!
_Chorus_: H'A-ti-ra, H'A-ti-ra, H'A-ti-ra, A-ti-ra,
H'A-ti-ra, A-ti-ra, H'A-ti-ra, A-ti-ra,
A-ti-ra, H'A-ti-ra, A-ti-ra.
[Music]
This song is retained as sung in the original Pawnee ceremony; the meaning
has already been explained.
The introduction is sung by the seven leaders, who advance in two rows,
four in the first, three in the second, and in this manner they lead the
Processional Dance. At the chorus all the other dancers fall in behind the
leaders, either in couples or singly, every one singing. All steps must be
rhythmic and in time with the music. The seven leaders move steadily, also
in time with the music, as they hold the cornstalks high, while the
followers wave their scarfs or mantles and dance happily and lightly, but
with dignity. The picture should be one of contrast as the procession takes
its way among trees and through the sunny fields, the seven moving evenly,
with the corn held high, and the joyous, fluttering group of dancers
following.
The Life of the Corn culminates in a delight of color, movement and song.
CALLING THE FLOWERS
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This dance is derived from a ceremony, observed among
the Indians of the North Pacific Coast, in which the spirits dwelling
beneath the ground are called to come and join those who are dancing. The
dancer who calls the spirits moves with gliding steps, the arms
outstretched, the hands beckoning upward in a gentle, enticing manner. The
grace, dignity and earnestness of this dance linger with the writer as a
beautiful memory after the lapse of many years.
_Properties_.--A green scarf for the Caller. Blue, white and rosy scarfs
for as many dancers as will personate the three Flowers that respond to the
call: Violets, Wild-roses and Daisies. A twisted rope of green to link the
dancing Flowers together in the final dance.
_Directions_.--A clear space will be required large enough for all the
dancers to move about in the final dance. Those who personate the Flowers
should be hidden from view until the time when they are to respond to the
call. In the properties enumerated above, mention is made only of scarfs.
The picturesqueness of the dance would be enhanced if the dancers wore
headdresses shaped somewhat like the flowers and made of appropriate
colored paper; blue or lilac for the Violets, with a touch of yellow; deep
pink or pale red for the Wild-roses, with a little yellow for the stamens;
white with yellow for the Daisies. The twisted rope of green paper should
be made over heavy twine, so as to be strong enough for the dancers to
grasp in the final dance. All these decorative articles should be made in
the camp.
The dancer who acts as the Caller should wear the green scarf loosely
thrown about the head and body. If the voice of this dancer is not strong
enough to be clearly heard by those who look on at a little distance, then
two other persons should stand one at each side of the open space and sing
with the dancer who is the Caller. These two extra singers should be
wrapped in green scarfs and stand quietly as interested spectators while
the dancer calls. Care should be taken to give the words of the songs with
clearness and distinctness, so that every person within hearing distance
can catch them easily.
THE DANCE
The scene opens with the one who is to call the Flowers standing in the
center, looking about in different directions. Suddenly, as if the thought
occurred to call for companions, the following song is begun:
Song No. 1
CALL TO THE FLOWERS
Hither come, come to me, flowers!
Wake from your sleep.
Oh, hither come, hither come, flowers!
Hear me calling,
Wake from your sleep, O flowers!
Hark! some one comes.
[Music]
With the song, movement begins. The steps taken should be gentle and
gliding, the arms outstretched as in entreaty, the hands moved as in
beckoning, not with one finger but all the fingers slowly bending toward
the open palm. The dancer should think what the action means as she glides
about the open space, and strive to carry out the picture of awakening the
sleeping flowers, of bidding them to "come hither." It is possible that
more time may be required by some dancers to produce the picture than
merely singing the song once through would give; in that case, that portion
of the song having the words "Hear me calling, Wake from your sleep, O
flowers!" can be repeated once or twice, to meet the requirements of the
dancer. The last line, "Hark! some one comes!" should be given with
dramatic action.
These words are the cue for those who are to represent the Violets to
prepare to enter from different points on the right, and to make a soft,
stirring sound before they come into view, singing the following song:
Song No. 2
SONG OF THE VIOLETS
Violets have come in heav'nly hue;
With fragrance sweet they bring to you
Love from the dell where they grew
Close to the earth so true.
[Music]
The Violets dance with quiet steps in rhythm with the song. They slowly
advance and gather in a loose circle about the Caller, whom, as they come
near, each one lightly touches, to give "Love from the dell where they
grew." Then they retire to the edge of the open space at the right and sit
on the ground in little groups. When they are quiet and in their places,
the Caller moves toward them, then turns, stops, looks at the empty side at
the left and sings:
Song No. 1
CALL TO THE FLOWERS
[See page 42]
The last line gives the cue to those who represent the Wild-roses to make a
rustling sound where they are hidden on the left. They enter with light
springing steps, singing:
Song No. 3
SONG OF THE WILD-ROSES
Wild-roses come all bright and gay,
Blushing red like dawn of day;
Dancing come they, full of play,
Hiding all their thorns away.
Wild-roses come all bright and gay,
Blushing red like dawn of day,
Dancing come they, full of play.
[Music]
The Wild-roses dance about gaily; they circle the quiet little clumps of
Violets that remain seated. The Wild-roses frolic around the Caller,
capering about in wild freedom but keeping their steps in exact time with
their song. Finally they pause in groups at the left.
After a moment, the Caller moves toward the rear of the open space and
while there once again sings:
Song No. 1
CALL TO THE FLOWERS
[See page 42]
At the close of the song the dancers who are to represent the Daisies give
a trilling shout and appear from the rear of the open space, skipping;
their leader holds the end of a long green rope, which is caught hold of by
each dancer who follows, all singing:
Song No. 4
SONG OF THE DAISIES
Up from meadows free,
Coming full of glee,
Troop the Daisies white,
Dancing in the light,
All skipping blithe and gay.
Now we make a chain,
Singing as we twine
Then back into line--
Merry at play!
[Music]
As the Daisies skip in the open space, the dancers are widely separated as
they hold on to the rope; at the words "Now we make a chain" the Violets,
who had risen as the Daisies entered, move toward the string of dancers;
the Wild-roses also come toward the chain and grasp the green rope. The
colors of the flowers should alternate and all the Flowers should have hold
of the rope and cling to it as to a great green stem. Then all circle
around the Caller, who is the last to grasp the stem. As all the Flowers
dance they repeat Song No. 4, beginning at the words "Troop the Daisies
white," etc.
This chain of flowers should make, as they dance, interweaving figures.
These can be left to the fancy of the dancers, but just what they are to be
must be decided upon beforehand and rehearsed; otherwise the dance will not
be successful and pleasing.
The dances for each kind of flower will require practice, for the character
of each flower should be well brought out; the gentleness of the Violets
can make a charming contrast to the waywardness of the Wild-roses and the
pliant Daisies who are at home everywhere.
APPEAL FOR CLEAR SKY
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--Among those Indian tribes that lived outside the
semi-arid sections of our country, the storm with its destructive force was
the representative of war, and thunder was a war god.
Warfare was widespread among the tribes dwelling in the Mississippi valley;
yet among these people the desirability and value of peace were recognized.
Honors won in a defensive fight gave the warrior higher rank than those
gained in wars of aggression. Rituals belonging to religious ceremonies,
and also to war rites, taught that the first duty of the warrior was to
protect the women and children, the fields and the food supply, for his
strong arm and ready courage made the tribe's only wall of defence against
enemies.
These tribes had ceremonies relating to the maintenance of peace not only
within the tribe but for the purpose of forming peaceful relations with
other tribes. The clear sky was the symbol of peace, of happiness and of
prosperity, conditions the very opposite of those that attended war.
When a peace ceremony was in progress, if a storm arose it was looked upon
as an omen of disaster. At such a time, when clouds gathered, the people
joined in ceremonial songs and appeals for clear sky, the symbol of peace.
The following dramatic dance and the accompanying songs are employed on
such an occasion. The songs are taken from ceremonies used to promote
peace.
_Properties_.--Staffs, about three feet long, with small blue flags, as
many as there are dancers, the same number of blue head-bands and blue
sashes. The latter are to be worn from the right shoulder across the breast
and tied at the waist under the left arm. A drum.
_Directions_.--This dance belongs to both sexes and boys and girls should,
if possible, join in it.
THE DANCE
All the dancers stand facing the East, in one or more rows deep, according
to the number, their staffs held in the right hand so that the flags will
hang in front of each dancer, covering the chest, as they begin the
following song:
Song No. 1
Away, away, dark clouds, away!
Leave the sky!
Go far away, dark clouds, to-day!
Leave the sky!
Stormy clouds, go far away, far away,
Stormy clouds, no longer stay!
Leave the sky!
Go far away, dark clouds, to-day!
Leave the sky!
Stormy clouds, go far way, far away!
Stormy clouds, begone!
[Music]
FIRST APPEAL
In the first line at each "away" the dancers should look up toward the East
and move a step forward in that direction. At the line "Leave the sky!"
they should point their flags toward the East, keeping the staff out on a
level with the body, and accent it by thrusting it forward as if pointing
to the East, being careful not to change the level of the staff. At the
second "Leave the sky!" the level of the staffs must be raised to about the
chin of the dancer and the same pointing motion repeated at this level. At
the third "Leave the sky!" the staffs are raised to the level of the
dancers' eyes and the same pointing movement repeated. At the fourth "Leave
the sky!" the level of the staffs is raised to a line with the top of the
head and the pointing motions again given. At the last line, "Stormy
clouds, begone!" the staffs and flags should be raised aloft and waved with
precision to the rhythm of the song. The steps and movements of the body
should be that of backward and forward, to give a pulsating effect, all in
exact time with the music. The drum should be beaten in 4/8 time, the first
and third stroke heavier than the second and fourth. This series of
movements constitutes the Appeal to the East.
The dancers next turn to the North, repeat the song and all the movements
of staff and body in exactly the same manner.
The dancers now turn toward the West and go through the song and movements
without any variation.
They then turn toward the South and repeat song and movements as before.
This brings the First Appeal to a close.
SECOND APPEAL
All the dancers gather in a loose group in the center of the open space,
where they divide into two lines that must cross each other at right
angles. When this cross-figure is formed, all, as they stand, should face
the East. The staffs should be held at an angle similar to that of a baton
and then swayed to the rhythm of the following song of pleading and of hope:
Song No. 2
Come, soft skies of blue,
O'er the earth of verdant hue
Bend in peace!
Clouds by thy sunny breath all are gone,
Blue Sky!
Joy now fills our hearts anew,
Sorrows cease;
Songs of birds sing of thy peace,
Blue Sky!
[Music]
As the dancers sing they should take a step sidewise to the right, then
return to the first position; then a step to the left and return, so that
the whole cross-figure has a swaying motion accentuating the rhythm of the
song, which should be sung smoothly and flowingly. When the words "Blue
Sky!" are sung the flags should be raised aloft and waved in rhythm and
then returned to the previous level. The song should be repeated several
times and the figure maintained as the singers face the North, West, South
and back to the East. Then the dancers should break into groups and, still
singing the song and dancing rhythmically, disperse to their tents.
The Hé-de Wa-chi
AN OMAHA FESTIVAL OF JOY
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--For centuries the home of the Omaha tribe has been in
the region now known as the State of Nebraska, north of the city which
bears their name. There they dwelt in permanent villages, surrounded by
their garden plots of corn, beans, squashes, etc. From these villages every
year in June all the tribes except the sick and infirm went forth to follow
the buffalo herds in order to obtain their supply of meat and pelts. As
this tribal hunt was essential to the needs of the life of the people, it
was a very serious affair, initiated with religious ceremonies and
conducted under strict rules enforced by duly appointed officers. It was at
the close of this great tribal hunt, when food and clothing had been
secured, while Summer lingered and the leaves had not yet begun to fall, so
that brightness was still over the land, that this Festival of Joy took
place. Like all Indian ceremonies, the Hé-de Wa-chi embodied a teaching
that was for the welfare of the tribe, a teaching drawn from nature and
dramatically enacted by the people. The Omaha tribe was made up of ten
distinct groups, each one having its own name, a set of names for those
born within the group, and certain religious symbols and ceremonies
committed to its care. By tribal rites and regulations these ten distinct
groups were welded together to form the tribe, whose strength and
prosperity depended upon internal harmony and unity.
The Hé-de Wa-chi taught the people what this unity really stood for. The
central object of the ceremony was a tree, which was the symbol of the
tribe; its branches were as the different groups composing the tribe, the
twigs that made up the branches were as the individuals that formed the
groups.
The Omaha had special ceremonies for the preparation of the central object.
They cut a tree, left a tuft of branches at the top and painted the trunk
in alternate bands of red and black. The red bands represented day, the
black, night; the decoration as a whole stood for the continuity of life.
This pole was planted in a broad open space. As the melodious Call to the
Ceremony echoed over the land, the people gathered from their tents. Each
one of the ten groups took its respective place and all the groups formed a
wide circle about the tree. Every one, down to the little children, carried
a twig with leaves. These they held aloft as they made their rhythmic,
ceremonial approaches to the tree, and afterward danced about the sacred
symbol.
It was a wonderful and a beautiful scene that took place on the prairies
years ago, when hundreds of Omahas moved to the rhythm of the sacred songs,
waving the green sprays as they danced up to the symbolic tree and circled
about it with thanksgiving and joy. It was thus they exemplified tribal
unity, wherein every one was a part of the living whole.
This ancient American ceremony should live anew with us wherever we gather
to enjoy the delights of nature in goodly company.
_Directions_.--It may be difficult to prepare a young tree for the central
pole after the manner of the Omaha; if so, a space around a single tree can
be made to serve. Bands of red and black muslin or paper should be put
about the tree trunk; these are to symbolize the days and nights enjoyed
during the camp life. The members of the camp should be divided into groups
and each group have a name and a color. Small branches should be gathered,
equal in number to those who will take part in the dance. If actual
branches are not available, wands can be used; to these fluttering
decorations of green paper should be attached, also a streamer the color of
the group. Each group should be assigned a place in the wide circle that is
to be made about the tree.
When all are ready the following Call should be sung. The Indian words are
retained, as they are easy to pronounce and fit the meaning, and are
adapted to the long echoing cadences of the Call.
Song No. 1
THE CALL
Zha-wa i-ba i-ba e-he,
Zha-wa i-ba i-ba ha e-he.
[Music]
[Words: Zha-wa = to rejoice; i-ba = come; ha = vowel prolongation of the
syllable ba; e-he = I bid you. "I bid you come to rejoice."]
This English translation of the native words does not convey the stirring
appeal of the Omaha: "To rejoice! Come! I bid you." The stress of the music
of the Call is on "Zha-wa," to rejoice; the notes which carry the words
"e-he," "I bid you," seem to float afar as if to reach the most distant
member of the tribe with the summons. The cadence of the Call echoes
itself, as the second line is like the first, only lower in tones.
When all of the camp have gathered in response to the Call, each group must
stand in its appointed place and every member hold a decorated wand. Four
beats of the drum are now to be given; the beats must not be loud or rapid.
When the reverberations of the drum cease, absolute quiet must be
maintained, each one's wand must hang downward from his right hand, while
the following chant is given, sung by the leaders of the groups. The words
are by John B. Tabb, the music is arranged from the Omaha invocation.
Song No. 2
INVOCATION
All that springeth from the sod,
Tendeth upward unto God;
All that cometh from the skies,
Urging it anon to rise.
[Music]
This chant takes the place of the prayer sung at this point of the ceremony
by the Omaha Keepers of the Tribal Sacred Pipes. The prayer in the original
has no words, vocables only are used, for the music is what carries the
appeal to Wakon'da (God).
At the close of the chant two strokes of the drum should be given. Then the
leaders should sing the first line of the following song; all the camp
respond at the beginning of the second measure, and the song follows. This
music is the dance song of the ceremony when all the Omaha tribe made four
rhythmic advances toward the sacred tree, stopping at the close of each
advance. The song was sung four times, once for each forward movement.
Song No. 3
APPROACH TO THE TREE
_Leaders_: Ev'ry one lift up the branch!
_Response by all:_ Up it goes!
_Song by all:_ Dancing, singing, we like leaves sway to and fro.
Happy leaves! Dancing leaves!
Swinging as the breezes blow,
So will we ever be
Blithe and joyous as we go.
Hi-o!
[Music]
"Hi-o!" is the call given by the leaders for the dancers to pause. When
this call is heard, all the branches must be at once lowered and every
person stand still. After a brief pause the leaders will again sing the
command, "Ev'ry one lift up the branch!" then comes the response, "Up it
goes!" The song immediately follows, all the wands held high and waving in
rhythm to the melody while the second advance is made. Each one of these
advances should be but a few steps, on account of the limitations of space.
The dancing steps, the rhythmic movements of the body and the swaying wands
should give an undulating line suggestive of waving branches. The available
space on the grounds should be calculated so as to permit the four
approaches accompanied by the dance-song to reach a point near the tree,
yet far enough to permit the forming of two circles of dancers around its
base. At this point the company should divide into two parts, one part to
form an inner circle and the other to form an outer circle. These two
circles are now to dance around the tree, one to go from right to left, the
other from left to right. At this time the leaders tie their wands to the
trunk of the tree, but all the others retain their wands while they dance
in these concentric circles. All should sing the dance-song, keeping time
with the feet and waving the wands to the rhythm of the music. As the dance
goes on, the time can be accelerated and the circles become wider and
narrower, but in all these movements the rhythm of song and dance must
never be broken--for the rhythm stands for the binding force of a common,
social and loving life.
Song No. 4
DANCE AROUND THE TREE
1
Dance the leaves in sunlight,
Dance the leaves in dark night,
Leaves ever, ever dance on the tree,
The Tree!
[Music]
2
High we lift the green branch,
Dance and wave our green branch,
Each one is a green branch of the tree,
The Tree!
3
Now we all return them,
Bind them to the tree stem,
While we sing the glad word, Unity!
O Tree!
4
Strong our hearts in daylight,
Strong our hearts in still night,
Thus the Hé-de Wa-chi bids us be,
O Tree!
This dance-song can be repeated as often as desired. When at last the
leaders wish it to stop they must give the call, "Hi-o!" as they did for
the pause in the Dance of Approach to the Tree.
When this signal is given, the members should toss their wands at the foot
of the tree from the place where they had stopped dancing.
In the ancient Omaha ceremony the people had the vast expanse of the
prairie at their disposal, yet each tribal group kept its appointed place,
not only during the dance, wherein they made four approaches toward the
sacred tree, but when all the groups formed into two great circles the
tribal order of their relative positions was still preserved. The two
circles were made up according to sex. The women and girls danced in one
direction next to the pole; the men and boys formed the outer circle and
danced in the opposite direction. This dance was the occasion of much
hilarity and fun. Old and young danced with vigor, and great was the
delight of the tribe as it spun around the emblematic tree, carrying
branches. At the close of the dance all tossed the branches at the foot of
the pole, leaving a mound of green on the widespreading plain.
If boys and girls take part, as they should, in this ceremony, let the
girls form the inner circle and the boys the outer circle as they dance
about the tree in true Omaha fashion.
In real Indian life every vocation has its accompaniment of song, no matter
how homely may be the employment. So, keeping faith with that ancient
American custom, let the camp be put in order after the ceremony while all
sing the following song, which may be called the Clearing Up:
Song No. 5
THE CLEARING UP
[Music:
Now is our dancing ended,
Light are our hearts as our footsteps
Turn at our leaders' bidding.
Safely we gather together
Branches that served our playtime,
Setting our camp all in order
Ere to our tents we betake us.]
This scene, in which all should take part, can be made merry as well as
useful.
PART II
GAMES
INDIAN GAMES
INTRODUCTION.--All the games here presented have been played in our land
for untold generations, while traces of the articles used for them have
been found in the oldest remains on this continent. According to Dr.
Stewart Culin, the well-known authority on Indian and other games, "There
is no evidence that these games were imported into America at any time
either before or after the conquest. On the other hand they appear to be
the direct and natural outgrowth of aboriginal institutions in America."
Dr. Culin calls attention to the reference to games in the myths of the
various tribes. Among those of the Pueblo people mention is made of the
divine Twins who live in the east and the west, rule the day and the night,
the Summer and the Winter, "Always contending they are the original patrons
of play and their games are the games now played by men." (Bureau of
American Ethnology, Vol. 24, p. 32.) It would lead too far afield to follow
the interesting relation between ceremonials and games, a relation that is
not peculiar to the culture found on the American Continent but which
obtains the world around. The environment of man in general outline is much
the same everywhere; the sun ever rises in the east and sets in the west;
day and night always follow each other; the winds play gently or rend with
force; the rains descend in showers or fall in floods; flowers and trees
spring up, come to maturity and then die. Therefore, when man has
questioned Nature as to the why and the wherefore of life, similar answers
have come from all parts of the earth; so it happens that man's games,
which often sportively reflect his serious thoughts, show a strange
similarity.
Indian games that depend upon chance, according to Dr. Culin, may be
divided "into those in which the hazard depends upon the random fall of
certain implements employed, like dice, and those in which it depends upon
the guess or choice of the player; one is objective, the other subjective."
Games of the first or objective class are generally played in silence,
while those of the second or subjective class, called guessing games, are
accompanied by singing. (Ibid., p. 44.)
In a game where the two sides contest, as in a ball game, the sides were
frequently played by two different tribes or by two villages in the same
tribe. In such cases the players often went through a course of training in
order to prepare them for the contest. Bathing, exercise and diet had to be
followed according to prescribed custom. Among the Cherokee the partaking
of rabbit was forbidden, because the animal is "timid, easily alarmed and
liable to lose its wits"; so if the player ate of this dish, he might
become infected with like characteristics. Mystic rites were sometimes
performed to prepare the player so that he would be successful. (Ibid.,
p. 575.)
According to the Indian belief, the pleasure of games was not restricted to
mankind but was enjoyed by birds and animals. The following story from the
Cherokee is told by Mr. James Mooney and quoted by Dr. Culin (Ibid., pp.
578, 579):
"The animals once challenged the birds to a great ball play. The wager was
accepted, the preliminaries were arranged, and at last the contestants
assembled at the appointed spot--the animals on the ground, while the birds
took position in the tree-tops to await the throwing up of the ball. On the
side of the animals were the bear, whose ponderous weight bore down all
opposition; the deer, who excelled all others in running; and the terrapin,
who was invulnerable to the stoutest blows. On the side of the birds were
the eagle, the hawk and the great Tlániwa--all noted for their
swiftness and power of flight. While the latter were preening their
feathers and watching every motion of their adversaries below, they noticed
two small creatures, hardly larger than mice, climbing up the tree on which
was perched the leader of the birds. Finally they reached the top and
humbly asked the captain to be allowed to join in the game. The captain
looked at them a moment, and, seeing that they were four-footed, asked them
why they did not go to the animals where they properly belonged. The little
things explained that they had done so, but had been laughed at and
rejected on account of their diminutive size. On hearing their story the
bird captain was disposed to take pity on them, but there was one serious
difficulty in the way--how could they join the birds when they had no
wings? The eagle, the hawk and the rest now crowded around, and after some
discussion it was decided to try and make wings for the little fellows. But
how to do it! All at once, by a happy inspiration, one bethought himself of
the drum which was to be used in the dance. The head was made of ground-hog
leather, and perhaps a corner could be cut off and utilized for wings. No
sooner suggested than done. Two pieces of leather taken from the drumhead
were cut into shape and attached to the legs of one of the small animals,
and thus originated the bat. The ball was now tossed up and the bat was
told to catch it, and his expertness in dodging and circling about, keeping
the ball constantly in motion and never allowing it to fall to the ground,
soon convinced the birds that they had gained a most valuable ally. They
next turned their attention to the other little creature; and now behold a
worse difficulty! All their leather had been used in making wings for the
bat and there was no time to send for more. In this dilemma it was
suggested that perhaps wings might be made by stretching out the skin of
the animal itself. So two large birds seized him from opposite sides with
their strong bills, and by tugging and pulling at his fur for several
minutes succeeded in stretching the skin between the fore and hind feet
until at last the thing was done, and there was the flying squirrel. Then
the bird captain, to try him, threw up the ball, when the flying squirrel,
with a graceful bound, sprang off the limb and, catching it in his teeth,
carried it through the air to another tree-top a hundred feet away.
"When all was ready the game began, but at the very outset the flying
squirrel caught the ball and carried it up a tree, then threw it to the
birds, who kept it in the air for some time, when it dropped; but just
before it reached the ground the bat seized it, and by his dodging and
doubling kept it out of the way of even the swiftest of the animals until
he finally threw it in at the goal, and thus won the victory for the
birds."
Hazard Games
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--The objects which are thrown or tossed in games of
hazard Dr. Culin for convenience has designated as "dice" and he calls the
games "dice games." (Ibid., pp. 44, 45.) He found these games among one
hundred and thirty tribes belonging to thirty different linguistic stocks.
Throughout this wide distribution the "dice" are not only of different
forms but are made from a variety of materials: split-cane; wooden or bone
staves or blocks; pottery; beaver or muskrat teeth; walnut shells;
persimmon, peach or plum stones. All the "dice" of whatever kind have the
two sides different in color, in marking, or in both. Those of the smaller
type are tossed in a basket or bowl. Those that are like long sticks,
similar to arrow shafts, from which they are primarily derived, were thrown
by hand. Myths of the Pueblo tribes speak of the game, in which "dice"
shaped like a shaft were used, as being played by the War Gods. The
split-cane "dice" were "sacrificed" on the altar sacred to the Gods of War.
In this connection it is interesting to find evidence that the "dice game"
of hazard was associated with the thought of war among tribes very
different, both in language and customs, from the Pueblo Indians. Among the
tribes living on the prairies the word used to indicate a "point" made in a
"dice game" is derived from the same root as the word used to indicate an
honor won on the field of battle.
Two examples of the class of games called "dice games" are here given: the
first a Pueblo game played almost exclusively by men; the second a game
found among the Omaha and kindred tribes and almost exclusively played by
women.
1
PA-TOL STICK GAME
_Properties_.--Three wooden billets; a flat stone about six inches in
diameter or square; forty stones about as "big as a fist" or like pieces of
wood; as many sticks for markers as there are players; counters to score
the game.
_Directions_.--The three billets, called pa-tol sticks, are made four and a
half inches long, one inch wide and half an inch in thickness; it is
important that the wood from which they are made be firm and hard. Two of
the billets are plain on one side, on the other side a diagonal line is
incised from the left-hand upper corner to a point about two inches below
the right-hand upper corner; another diagonal line is incised from the
right-hand lower corner to about two inches above the left-hand lower
corner. The third pa-tol stick has the same design on one side, and on the
other side the design is repeated and an additional diagonal line incised
from the right-hand upper corner to the left-hand lower corner. It would be
well to blacken all these incised lines in order that the designs can be
readily seen during the playing of the game.
[Illustration]
A circle, called the Pa-tol House, about three or four feet in diameter, is
made by setting forty stones "about the size of a fist" so as to form the
circumference. Between every tenth and eleventh stone there must be an
opening of four or five inches. These openings must face the north, east,
south and west; they are spoken of as "rivers." The flat stone is placed in
the middle of the circle.
Each player has a marker, a small stick or twig, which is called his
"horse." As many can take part in the game as conveniently can seat
themselves around the pa-tol house.
The following description of the game is given by Dr. Charles F. Lummis and
quoted by Dr. Culin (Ibid., pp. 191, 192): "When the players have seated
themselves, the first takes the pa-tol sticks tightly in his right hand,
lifts them about as high as his chin and, bringing them down with a smart
vertical thrust as if to harpoon the center stone, lets go of them when
they are within some six inches of it. The three sticks strike the stone as
one, hitting on their ends squarely, and, rebounding several inches, fall
back into the circle. The manner in which they fall decides the
denomination of the throw, and the different values are shown in the
diagram. Although at first flush this might seem to make it a game of
chance, nothing could be farther from the truth.... An expert pa-tol player
will throw the number he desires with almost unfailing certainty by his
arrangement of the sticks in his hand and the manner and force with which
he strikes them down. It is a dexterity which any one may acquire by
sufficient practice, and only thus. The five throw is deemed very much the
hardest of all, and I have certainly found it so. [See diagram.]
"According to the number of his throw the player moves his marker an equal
number of stones ahead on the circle, using one of the rivers as a starting
point. If the throw is five, for instance, he lays his horse between the
fourth and fifth stones and hands the pa-tol sticks to the next man. If his
throw be ten, however, as the first man's throw is very certain to be, it
lands his horse in the second river, and he has another throw. The second
man may make his starting point the same or another river, and may elect to
run his horse around the circle in the same direction that the first is
going or in the opposite. If in the same direction, he will do his best to
make a throw which will bring his horse into the same notch as that of the
first man, in which case the first man is killed and has to take his horse
back to the starting point, to try over again when he gets another turn. In
case the second man starts in the opposite direction--which he will not do
unless an expert player--he has to calculate with a good deal of skill for
the meeting, to kill and to avoid being killed by the first player. When he
starts in the same direction he is behind and runs no chance of being
killed, while he has just as good a chance to kill. But if, even then, a
high throw carries him ahead of the first man--for jumping does not count
either way, the only killing being when two horses come in the same
notch--his rear is in danger, and he will try to run on out of the way of
his pursuer as fast as possible. The more players the more complicated the
game, for each horse is threatened alike by foes that chase from behind and
charge from before, and the most skilful player is liable to be sent back
to the starting point several times before the game is finished, which is
as soon as one horse has made the complete circuit. Sometimes the players,
when very young or unskilled, agree there shall be no killing; but unless
there is an explicit arrangement to that effect, killing is understood, and
it adds greatly to the interest of the game."
II
PLUM STONE GAME
This game belongs to the second and non-ceremonial class of the games of
hazard and is generally played by women. The Omaha type is here given, but
it is similar to the game as played by kindred tribes.
_Properties_.--Five plum stones; a basket or wooden bowl; one hundred
counters. The Omaha used stalks of the blue joint grass as counters, but
small twigs or sticks will serve.
The plum stones should be carefully cleaned and dried. Two of the stones
are burned black on both sides with a hot iron; on one side of each of
these stones a crescent is marked, and between the lines of the figure the
black is carefully scraped so as to leave a clear design of a new moon on a
background of black. On the other side of these two stones a star, four or
five pointed, is drawn and all the black within the lines is scraped off,
leaving a brown star on a background of black. The other three stones are
each burned black all over on one side; the other side is left the natural
color of the stones. These stones can be prepared in camp, but the basket
or wooden bowl will probably have to be furnished from outside.
_Directions_.--Two players to one basket or bowl. The game is generally one
hundred points.
The two players sit opposite and have the basket or bowl between them, with
the five plum stones lying in the bottom. The one hundred counters are
within reach at one side. As points are made, the winner takes a
corresponding number of counters from the general pile and lays them beside
her on the side opposite to the general pile; when this is exhausted, then
the winner takes her counters from the winnings of her opponent. Whoever
wins all of the one hundred points has the game.
Lots should be drawn to decide who shall have the first play. The one who
wins the first play takes the bowl or basket by the rim with both hands and
gives it a toss sufficient to throw up all the stones, but not violent
enough to make them fall outside the bowl or basket; such a throw would not
count. If the throw is not such as to move all the stones, make them turn
and all move about within the bowl, that throw will not count.
The following are the combinations that count, that is, make points:
Two moons and three whites (natural color) = 10 points.
Two stars and three blacks = 10 points.
One moon, one star and three whites (natural color) = 1 point.
One moon, one star and three blacks = 1 point.
No other combinations count anything in the game. As will be seen, there
are a number which cannot be counted. If one tosses the bowl and the stones
fall in such manner as to make a combination that does not count, there is
no forfeit; the player merely fails to score any points. The player who
wins a point, or points, keeps on tossing the bowl until she fails to make
a point. She must then let her opponent toss the bowl, who will keep
tossing the bowl as long as she can win a point. There are players among
the Indian women who are very skilful and are able to make the stones fall
frequently in the combinations that win ten points.
Guessing Games
Introductory Note.--Games of the "subjective" class, designated as guessing
games by Dr. Culin, were generally accompanied by singing. There is a great
variety in the games of this class, and five examples drawn from different
sections of the country are here presented.
Indian games of this character do not always depend so much on chance as on
the quickness of vision and skilful manipulation by the players. In games
of this class the Indians never make random motions, all their movements,
whether of the body, the feet, the hands or arms, being always in strict
accord with the accompanying song, while the drama implied in the game is
acted out, at the same time, more or less clearly. In these games the
Indian players seem to be impelled by a common rhythmic and dramatic
impulse, making a unity that enhances the interest and pleasure excited by
the game.
I
Pu-in
Introductory Note.--This was a favorite game among the natives of the
Northeastern States; its "strange whimsies" were first mentioned by William
Wood in his book, "New England Prospect," published in London, 1634. It is
probable that some form of this game still persists among the scattered
descendants of those nearly extinct tribes, but it is not likely that at
the present day the victor would proclaim his prowess, as was formerly
done, by wearing in the holes of his ears the counters that marked the
number of his successful guesses.
_Properties_.--A number of wheat or other straws cut about a foot long; a
mat or blanket; a pointed staff for the Leader.
_Directions_.--Ten straws must be laid aside as counters for each player.
The rest of the straws are separated into tens and each ten tied with a
wisp, making a bundle; one bundle must have eleven straws. There should be
as many bundles as players. The bundles must all be tied alike. The game
consists in guessing which bundle has the eleven straws. The number of
guesses allowed in a game must be fixed upon before starting to play.
All the bundles are thrown in a heap upon the center of the mat. The
Leader, who is generally chosen by lot, leads the players to the mat
containing the bundles. Each player holds in his left hand his ten counters
and follows the Leader with his staff as he moves around the mat from left
to right, while all sing the following song, taking steps to the rhythm of
the music:
GAME SONG
[Music]
When the Leader strikes his staff on the ground every player must stop just
where he happens to be, stoop and pick up a bundle with his right hand and
begin to wave it above his head and sway his body to the time of the song.
When the Leader points with his staff to a player, that person must make a
guess. As he scans the waving bundles he points with his left hand that
holds his counters to the bundle which he thinks contains the eleven
straws. If the guess proves to be correct, the guesser puts one of his
counters in his hair or behind his ear. At once all bundles must be thrown
in a heap on the mat. The Leader then moves forward by the left, followed
by the players, every one singing and keeping time with the song. When the
Leader strikes the ground with his staff, all halt. Each player immediately
seizes a bundle, holds it aloft and begins to wave it. The Leader
designates with his staff a person who must guess. If the guess is wrong,
the guesser drops one of his counters on the mat and the Leader points to
another player who must guess. If he loses, he drops one of his counters on
the mat; the guessing goes on as described, until some one is successful
and puts a counter in his hair, when the bundles are all thrown on the mat
and the play begins again as before. Should the person designated by the
Leader to guess think that he holds the bundle with eleven straws, he must
point it at the Leader. If this surmise is correct, the person guessing
puts a counter in his hair and all bundles are again thrown on the mat.
In this way the game proceeds until some player has won the requisite
number of counters and has them all standing in his hair. Throughout the
game the singing must be kept up, accompanied by rhythmic movements of the
feet and the body, the players acting as though searching among the tall
grass for a desired clump. When a point is won, the Leader should shout out
the counter won, without interrupting the song or the play. Among the
Indians the game, once started, is kept going without halt or break in the
song or the movements. The calling out of the winnings in no way disturbs
the singing or the playing.
The victor should wear his successful counters in his hair the rest of the
day, if possible.
II
Atá-a-kut
Introductory Note.--This game is played among one of the basket making
tribes of California. As not infrequently occurs in Indian games, there is
in this pastime a reflection both of the environment and of the vocations
of the people who used it. The drama or theme of the play is the search for
a particular reed, which for the purpose of the game is marked in a special
way.
_Properties_.--A mat or blanket and about fifty reeds; the reeds should be
similar in thickness and about a foot long.
_Directions_.--The number of points which shall constitute winning the game
should first be agreed upon; if ten be the number, then twenty reeds should
be set aside as counters and the rest used as game-reeds. All of these
latter must be alike save one, and that reed must have a black band about
an inch or so wide painted around the middle, that is, midway between the
two ends of the reed. It is this particular reed that must be detected or
its location guessed.
The mat or blanket should be laid east and west. The two players sit
opposite each other, one near the northern edge of the mat, the other near
the southern edge. The counters are divided in half, one-half put at the
eastern end of the mat, the other half at the western. The counters at the
east belong to the player sitting at the north, those at the west to the
player at the south. Two singers stand back of each player. The spectators
are grouped about the mat, but must not be too near the players. Lots are
drawn to decide which player shall "hold the reeds." The player who loses
the chance to "hold the reeds" becomes the one who is to be the guesser.
All the game-reeds, including the reed with the black band painted on it,
are thrown in a pile in the center of the mat or blanket. The player who is
to "hold the reeds" gathers all the game-reeds in his hands, brings them
behind his back, where he shuffles and divides the reeds into two bunches,
one for each hand. When he is ready to bring his hands forward, each one
with a bunch of reeds grasped by the middle, the two singers standing
behind him start the following song:
GAME SONG
[Music]
When the music begins, the player holding the reeds sways his body from
side to side, moves his arms and hands with the reeds and simulates being
blown by the winds. The opposite player, by the movements of body and arms,
indicates that he is pushing his way through tall reeds tossed by the wind,
searching for something he desires to find. Both players in all their
movements must keep in rhythm of the song, observe strict time and strive
to make their actions tell the story plainly. The guesser through all his
motions must keep his eyes on the bunches held by his opponent, seeking for
an indication to show which one contains the marked reed. When he is ready
to guess he extends both arms toward the bunch he has fixed upon, as if to
grasp it. At this action the holder of the reeds must open his hand and let
the reeds of that bundle fall on the mat. The guesser then searches among
the spilled reeds for the one that is marked; if he finds it, he holds it
up so that all can see that his guess has been correct and the reed
discovered. The two singers who stand behind him give the victory shout, go
to his pile of counters, take one and place it at his right hand, then the
reeds of the other bunch are thrown by the holder on the mat, so that all
the game-reeds are lying in the center, as at the beginning of the game.
The player who made the successful guess now picks up the game-reeds and
behind his back shuffles and divides them. When he is ready to bring
forward his two hands holding the reeds, the two singers standing behind
him begin the Game Song, while he waves the bunches, acting what is now his
rôle, that of the reeds being blown about by the winds. The other player
now becomes the guesser and must act as though he were searching among the
blown reeds for the one he desires.
The player who "holds the reeds" is thought to have the advantage; that is
why lots are drawn at the beginning to decide who shall have that part in
the game. The player holding the reeds aims to make the guessing as
difficult as possible by deftness in hiding the banded reed, so as to keep
his advantage.
Every time a guess is made the reeds of the bunch guessed must at once be
dropped on the mat, that all may see the reeds while the guesser searches
among them for the marked reed. If he cannot find it, the singers who stand
behind him call out that a point has been lost, take a counter from his
pile and place it at the right hand of the player holding the reeds, who at
once drops all the game-reeds on the middle of the mat, to be again taken
up by him, shuffled and divided behind his back, when he resumes the waving
of the bunches of reeds blown by the wind and the guesser who lost starts
to make another guess. Should he be successful, the counter he had lost
would be taken back and placed at his right hand. In this manner counters
lost can be reclaimed, until one or the other of the players has won and
been able to hold the number of counters required for the game.
The presentation of the little drama of this game rhythmically affords an
opportunity for considerable dramatic action and yields pleasure both to
the performers and to the spectators. This game was much played among the
tribes where it was known.
III
HAND GAME
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This game, Dr. Culin states, is played among eighty-one
Indian tribes of the United States. The game bears different names in the
various languages of these tribes. Hand Game is a descriptive term and not
a translation of any native name; it refers to the fact that the object is
held in the hand during the play. The following form of this game is the
way it was formerly played among the Nez Perce Indians of the State of
Idaho. Lewis and Clark, who were the first white men to record their
meeting with these Indians, mention this game, and Capt. Bonneville gives
an account of it when he visited the tribe during the third decade of the
last century.
_Properties_.--A bone or wooden bead about two inches in length and half an
inch in thickness; thirty counting sticks (these are sometimes spoken of as
arrows, and there are indications that they were once arrows--the arrows of
the twin gods); a mat oblong in shape; two logs or pieces of board about
the length of the mat, and as many sticks (to be used as drum-sticks) as
players can sit on one side of the mat.
_Directions_.--The mat should be laid east and west, the logs or boards put
on the north and south edges and the counting sticks placed in two piles of
fifteen each on the ends of the mat. The players sit on the ground, a row
on each side of the mat to the north and south. Lots are drawn to decide
which side shall have the bead "in hand." The Leader and the singers must
always stand behind the row of players who have the bead "in hand." The
opposite side must have the drum-sticks and beat on the log or board in
time with the singers.
When the players are seated in two rows, one on each side of the mat, the
Leader hands the bead to a player on the side that has drawn the right to
have the bead "in hand," and then takes his place beside the singers, who
stand behind that row, and starts the following song. All in that row join
in the singing.
HAND GAME SONG
[Music]
The players on the opposite side, who are to guess who is hiding the bead,
at once begin to beat the time of the song on the log or board that is in
front of them, on the edge of the mat, and at the same time they must watch
the other side where the players are trying to pass the bead from one hand
to the other and from one person to another without exposing the bead to
view. In all these actions the movements of hands, arms and body must be
rhythmical and in time with the song. All the players in the row that has
the bead "in hand" must act as if each one either had the bead or was
trying to pass it on, whether he actually has the bead or does not have it.
When one on the opposite side thinks he detects the whereabouts of the bead
and is willing to risk a guess, he points his drum-stick to the hand he
thinks has the bead and cries, "Hi-i!" and the hand indicated must be
immediately opened so that all may see whether the guess is correct or not.
If the bead is seen to be in the opened hand, the Leader calls out,
"Success!" and goes to the pile of counting sticks belonging to the side of
the guesser, takes one and stands it in the ground in front of the
successful guesser. The Leader then hands the bead to the player who has
won and proceeds to gather the drum-sticks and distribute them to the
players on the opposite side. The singers pass around and take their places
behind the row of players who now have the bead "in hand." When all are in
readiness, the Leader starts the song again and the players begin their
movements of secretly passing the bead, while the other side beat time with
their drum-sticks on the log or board in front of them. The side that has
the bead "in hand" always does the singing, led by the Leader and singers,
who must stand at the rear of the row having the bead.
If a guess is incorrect the Leader goes to the pile of counting sticks that
belongs to the side which has the drum-sticks, takes a counting stick and
thrusts it in the ground in front of the row opposite to the guesser; that
means one lost to his side. The bead in that instance remains on the same
side until it is won by the opposite side through a successful guess.
In this manner the game goes on until one side or the other has won all the
thirty counting sticks and become the victor in the game.
IV
HIDING THE DISKS
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This game, known under a variety of names, is a
favorite among the Indian tribes living on the North Pacific Coast. The
disks, always of an uneven number, are made of wood and ornamented with
designs composed of segments of circles with groupings of dots. Some of the
markings are regarded as cabalistic, and there are men who claim to have a
knowledge of spells that will bring luck to the disks they ornament and
treat; such disks are considered valuable and often command a high price.
All of the disks in a set that is used in this game are ornamented alike
except one; this must be different from the others. It may be decorated
with red, for the sun, or with a dark color almost black, for the night.
This disk is frequently called the "chief," and the aim of the game is to
guess in which pile of disks the "chief" is hidden.
_Properties_.--A mat on which the game is played; a small mat on which the
counting or tally-sticks are put; a board that is to serve as a drum; four
drum-sticks; nine wooden disks about two and a half inches in diameter. The
designs on the nine disks, the twenty tally-sticks and the four drum-sticks
should be in color or burned into the wood. Eight of the disks should be
decorated alike; the ninth must be different and have either red or brown
as the predominating color; this disk is the "chief." A bundle of excelsior
is to be the substitute for the fiber of cedar bark which is used by the
Indians of the Northwest Coast when playing this game; if excelsior is not
available, dry leaves or some other dry material might be substituted,
within which, or under which, the disks could be hidden. All the articles
used in this game except the mats should be made in camp.
_Directions_.--An uneven number of players is required for this game. The
mat is laid east and west; at a little distance back to the northwest the
small mat is placed and on it are put the twenty tally-sticks. In a line
with the small mats to the northeast is laid the board around which the
four singers and drummers sit. The bundle of excelsior, or whatever
material is used in its place, together with the nine disks, is put at the
western end of the mat; before these is the place for the player who is to
hide the disks. On the northern and southern side of the mat sit the
players who are to guess where the "chief" is hidden, three or four on a
side. The messenger stands at the eastern end of the mat facing the player
who is to hide the disks. Lots should be drawn to determine who of the six
or eight players are to sit on the northern side and who on the southern
side. The player who is to do the hiding of the disks can be either
selected or drawn by lot. Whoever takes this part in the game should be
capable of considerable dramatic action. Among the Indians the person who
does the hiding of the disks personifies one who practices magic; he makes
passes over the disks and the cedar fiber under which the disks are hidden,
makes signs and movements, and does what he can to throw a spell of
confusion over those who are to guess where the "chief" is hidden.
When the players about the mat, the singers about the board drum and the
messenger standing at the eastern end of the mat are all in readiness, the
singers begin the following song, keeping time by beating with their
drum-sticks on the board drum; the players about the mat join in the
singing.
HIDING THE DISKS
[Music]
The player at the western end of the mat opens the bundle of excelsior or
other material and spreads it on the mat and then puts all the nine disks
under the material, making many movements as he does so, all of which must
be in rhythm with the song, rolling the disks about under the material and
finally dividing them into two parts, well covered up by the material. He
continues to make passes with his hands as though invoking mysterious
forces and to shuffle around the two piles of material in which the disks
are hidden. Suddenly a player points to one of the piles; the player at the
end ceases to shuffle and sends the disks concealed in the pile rolling
down the mat to the messenger standing at the other end, who looks to see
if the "chief" is among the disks rolled toward him. If he finds it, all of
the players on the side of the guesser give the victory shout and the
messenger goes to the small mat, brings one of the tally-sticks and stands
it before the successful guesser. Then the messenger rolls the disks back
to the other end of the mat where the person sits who hides the disks. That
player begins again his passes and movements as he mixes together the nine
disks and hides them under the material; then he divides the disks and the
material under which they are hidden into two piles, shuffles them about
until a player points to a pile, when he at once stops shuffling and sends
the disks under the pile pointed at rolling down the mat to the messenger.
If the "chief" is not found among the disks, the side to which the
unsuccessful guesser belongs loses a point, and the messenger takes from
the small mat a tally-stick and stands it at the end of the row of players
on the opposite side. The disks are then sent spinning over the mat to the
player who hides them. He mixes up the disks, hides them, shuffles the
piles until another guess is made. If that guess should be by a player on
the side that had just lost a point, and the guess prove to be
successful--that is, the pile pointed at contain the "chief"--then the
messenger takes the tally-stick that had been put at the end of the row of
the opposite side and stands it in front of the successful guesser. He
could not take back a tally-stick that had been won by a guess unless all
the tally-sticks had been taken from the small mat. One side or the other
must win twenty points to be victor in the game. In the process of winning
the game the tally-sticks may therefore be taken back and forth before one
side wins the entire twenty.
The victory shout is given only when a successful guess is made. The
singing stops at a victory shout and is resumed as soon as the disks are
rolled back to the player who hides the disks. He must be careful to keep
all his dramatic actions and movements of hands, arms, body and head in
rhythmic accord with the song. The steps and movements of the messenger
must also be in time with the song.
V
I-OU'-TIN
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This game belongs to the class of guessing games. The
form here presented is adapted from the game as played by the Omaha, Otoe,
Ponca and Pawnee tribes, among whom it is a favorite.
_Properties_.--A standard, or the camp flagstaff can be used; a blanket or
rug; three official scarfs, one blue, one green, one white; two wands, one
decorated with blue and the other with green; eight tally-rods, ornamented
at one end with red tassels; two small balls of a light, soft material,
hair or wool; a drum; six decorated drum-sticks; rosettes of blue and of
green; strips of blue and green paper.
[Illustration]
_Directions_.--A fairly level open space large enough for a circle of from
twenty to thirty feet in diameter is marked upon the ground, in the center
of which the standard is planted. Directly west and on a line with the
standard the blanket or rug is spread. In front of the rug and on a line
with the standard the drum is set. At a little distance on each side of the
drum the two wands are thrust in the ground, the one decorated with blue to
the north, the one with green to the south. On the rug back of the drum the
eight tally-rods are laid in a bunch, with the butts of the rods toward the
east. At the butts of the rods are placed the two little balls.
The players draw lots as to which side they are to belong. This is done by
putting the green and blue strips of paper in a receptacle and each one
drawing a strip. Those who draw blue belong to the north side; those who
draw green, to the south side. Each player must then fasten a rosette, of
the color of the side to which he or she belongs, on the shoulder; those
who belong to the north side must put the blue rosette on the right
shoulder, and those who belong to the south side must put the green rosette
on the left shoulder.
_Officers_.--Two Judges; a Custodian; two Guessers; six Singers.
The players on the north side choose from among their number one who is to
be their Judge; the players on the south side choose one for their Judge.
It is the duty of the Judges to select the Custodian, the six Singers, the
two Guessers; to preserve order, decide when there are disputes, and to
lead in the opening ceremony.
The Custodian has charge of all the properties, must place them as
directed, move the drum from side to side, and at the close of the game
gather all the articles required for the game and put them in a place of
safe keeping for use at another time. The Custodian wears the official
white scarf tied about the waist. This officer does not wear any rosette,
as the Custodian does not belong to either side but to all who take part in
the game.
The Judge on the north side must wear the blue official scarf. This is
crossed over the breast from the right shoulder, on which is the blue
rosette, to the waist on the left side, where it is tied. The Judge on the
south side wears the green official scarf. This is crossed over the breast
from the left shoulder, where is the green rosette, to the waist at the
right side, where it is tied.
The six Singers, three for each side, sit in an open group on the ground
near the ends of the rug, those wearing blue rosettes on the north and
those wearing green rosettes on the south side. The players take their
seats on the ground on the line of the circle, those wearing blue rosettes
on the north half, those wearing green rosettes on the south half of the
circle.
When all are in their places the Custodian leads the two Judges to the rug,
on which they are to sit a little back of the wands--blue to the North,
green to the South. The Custodian then takes up the tally-rods, gives four
to each of the Judges and retires to stand back of the rug, behind the
Judges, ready for duty.
Up to this moment laughing and talking goes on among the players, but as
the Custodian divides the tally-rods and hands them to the Judges instant
silence falls on all present.
THE OPENING CEREMONY
The two Judges rise in their places. The north side Judge holds the four
tally-rods in his right hand, the south side Judge holds the four
tally-rods in his left hand; the two then walk abreast to the standard.
There they face the North, move forward a few steps, pause, and each Judge
holds up his tally-rods to the North, while all the players on both sides
of the circle sing the following song:
Song
1
Hail! O North! Thy wind send
To blow care away,
To bring joy to-day;
Makes Eyes keen,
Make Hands swift for play.
[Music]
At the close of the stanza the two Judges lower their tally-rods, turn,
walk toward the East, pause, then elevate their tally-rods, and all the
players sing the second stanza.
2
Hail! O East! Thy wind send
To blow care away,
To bring joy to-day;
Makes Eyes keen,
Make Hands swift for play.
At the close of the stanza the two Judges lower their tally-rods, turn,
walk toward the South, pause, again elevate their tally-rods, while all the
players sing the third stanza.
3
Hail! O South! Thy wind send
To blow care away,
To bring joy to-day;
Make Eyes keen,
Make Hands swift for play.
At the close of this stanza the two Judges lower their tally-rods, turn,
walk toward the West, pause, once more elevate their tally-rods, and all
the players join in singing the fourth stanza.
4
Hail! O West! Thy wind send
To blow care away,
To bring joy to-day;
Make Eyes keen,
Make Hands swift for play.
At the close of the song the Judges lower their tally-rods and walk to the
rug, where they take their appointed seats behind the respective wands.
They then lay all the tally-rods on the space between them.
THE CONTEST
A contest now takes place between the two persons chosen by the Judges to
be the two Guessers, one for each side, to decide which shall begin the
game. The Judge for the north side calls the name of the person chosen to
be the Guesser for that side and the Custodian escorts him to his place
within the circle. The Judge for the south side calls the name of the
person chosen to be Guesser for that side, and the Custodian escorts him to
his place within the circle. The Custodian then gives to each the wand
belonging to his side and also one of the small balls.
The Guesser from the north side hides his ball in one of his hands,
shifting it behind his back, then he holds out both hands in front of him
with all the fingers closed except the index finger, which is extended as
if pointing to the other Guesser. Both hands and forearms must be
rhythmically moved up and down. The south side Guesser watches for a moment
and then points with his wand to the hand he thinks has the ball. As soon
as he points to a hand, it must be immediately opened, palm upward. Should
the ball be in the other hand, it must be shown to be lying there. If the
guess was correct, the ball being in the hand pointed at, it counts one.
Three correct guesses must be made by one of the Guessers in order to
secure for his side the right to open the game. In this contest the
Guessers must alternate, first the north side Guesser, then the south side
Guesser, and so on until one of the Guessers has won three correct guesses.
That decides it. His side is to hide the ball and the other side's Guesser
is to do the guessing.
THE GAME
The Custodian takes the drum from its position in front of the rug, carries
it to the side of the successful Guesser and sets it before the three
Singers who are to lead in the singing of the song belonging to that side
of the circle of players. Every one on that side must sing the song as they
hide the balls. Only those on the side that is hiding the balls sing. They
can only sing the song that belongs to their side.
SONG FOR THE NORTH SIDE
[Music]
SONG FOR THE SOUTH SIDE
[Music]
There are no words for either of these songs. The vocables given are those
used with these songs when the Indians sing them as they hide the balls.
The Custodian takes the two balls from the Guessers and hands them to two
persons designated by the Guesser who has won the right for that side to
begin. The two persons designated must be two who are sitting together.
They each take a ball, and they must hide the balls in the same manner as
did the Guessers during the contest. The fingers of the hands are closed,
all but the index finger, which is extended as if pointing. The hands and
arms move up and down and also from one side to the other; all of these
movements must be in exact time to the song and the drum-beats. These
swaying, rhythmic movements are pleasing to the eye and add to the
enjoyment of the game. While the two persons having the balls are hiding
them, swaying their hands and arms, the Guesser, who is of the opposite
side, is watching intently the hands of the players. When he is ready to
make a guess he points his wand to where he thinks the balls are--directly
in front, if he suspects the balls to be in the two inside hands. If he
thinks the balls are in the two outside hands, he points his wand to one of
the hands and extends his empty hand toward the other; in that case the
Guesser stands with both of his arms extended. As soon as the Guesser
points with his wand, the hands indicated must be at once opened, palms
upward, so that all can see whether the guess is right or wrong.
Every correct guess counts one for the side of the Guesser. As soon as a
correct guess is made, the Judge for that side takes up one of the
tally-rods and lays it toward his side; this shows that a point has been
won for that side. If the guess is wrong, the Judge for the other side
takes up one of the tally-rods and lays it over on his side. The other side
has lost one, while his side has gained by the other's loss.
To win a sweep, all the eight tally-rods must be gained by one side. Three
sweeps by a side gives that side the game.
Whenever a sweep is made the balls are handed over to the Custodian. The
two Judges rise, go to the standard, stand there, one facing North (his
side), the other the South (his side). The two Guessers go to the standard,
stand there, one facing East, the other West. All the winning side rise, go
toward the standard and form a circle around it. There they sing the
Victory Song.
VICTORY SONG
[Music]
As they sing they sway their arms as though hiding the balls, and dance to
the rhythm of the song. Four times they dance around the standard and sing
the Victory Song. All movements must be in time with the song. At the close
of the fourth circuit of the standard, all return to their appointed places
and the game is resumed.
The Custodian takes up the drum, carries it to the side that has just
danced and sets it before the three Singers of that side. The Guesser, who
is of the opposite side, designates the two who are to hide the balls and
the game proceeds as described above.
Whenever a side that has been hiding the balls fails three times to elude
the Guesser, then the Custodian takes the drum from that side and carries
it to the other side of the circle, puts it before the Singers and gives
the balls as directed. Sometimes there are disputes as to these transfers
and as to the points lost; three must be lost to secure a transfer. It then
becomes the duty of the Judges to decide.
With every transfer of the drum the song changes. The balls and the right
to sing go together, but the song belonging to one side must not be sung by
the other side. The songs are not interchangeable.
This game is provocative of fun and merriment as well as dexterity of hand
and quickness of vision. It also presents a very pretty spectacle. It is
greatly enjoyed by Indian men, women and children. It has also found favor
with merrymakers of our own race.
Ball Games
INTRODUCTION
Indian ball games have one feature not found in the ball games as played by
us; that is, with the Indian the ball is never pitched and tossed by hand
during the play. At the opening of an Indian game the ball must be tossed
by hand, but after that the ball is struck by a racket, stick or club and
in that way sent from player to player and on to the goal. An exception to
this general rule is found in an Omaha ball game given in the following
pages.
The opening ceremony requires the ball to be handled and moved in a
peculiar and ceremonial manner by the hand of the Umpire before he tosses
it up for the beginning of the actual play.
The balls used by the Indians are of different materials--buckskin stuffed
with hair; formed from roots, such as the wild-grape vine; wood; bladder
netted with sinew; and in a few instances, of bone or stone.
Three ball games are here given.
I
BALL AND RACKET
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--The game in which the ball is struck with a racket is
almost exclusively played by men, but there are tribes where it is played
by women, and one tribe, cited by Dr. Culin, where it is played by men and
women together. The form of ball game where the racket is used was less
widely distributed over the country than some others. It was most
frequently found among tribes living near the Atlantic Coast and in the
region of the Great Lakes. It had a limited range on the Pacific. There are
two forms of the Racket Ball Game, one where a single racket is used and
the other where two rackets are employed to catch the ball. The latter form
is peculiar to the tribes formerly living in the Southern States. The game
here given is presented as it is played among the Chippewa tribes dwelling
in Minnesota.
_Properties_.--A ball, not too hard and the size usually employed for
cricket. As many rackets as there are players. Red and yellow head-bands
equally divided as to number and enough for all the players.
_Directions_.--The field should be as large as the camp ground will permit.
At the extreme East of the field a tall pole should be set as a goal and a
like pole at the West for the other goal. To the pole at the East a red
streamer should be tied and a yellow streamer to the pole at the West.
These poles should be practically in line and as distant from each other as
it is conveniently possible to set them. The rackets should be made in
camp. A racket can be made from a sapling cut at such length that when the
racket is completed it will be 26 inches long. One end of the sapling is
whittled fiat on one side for a sufficient length to be bent round to the
shaft or handle so as to form the rim of the circular receptacle which is
to receive the ball. Sometimes both sides of this bent portion of the
sapling are made flat. The end of this flat end where it curls round upon
the shaft or handle must be bound firmly to the shaft with thongs or heavy
twine. Holes are sometimes bored through the rim and the thongs or twine
are passed through them and woven into a loose netting to form a bottom to
the coiled end, making a shallow cup-shaped receptacle in which to catch or
hold the ball. The rackets are not difficult to make. Each lad should make
his own racket and mark the stem with some device by which he can identify
it should he drop it during the play. Care should be taken when making the
racket to have the cup-shaped receptacle at the end of the shaft of such
size as to hold the ball without its rolling about, in which case it would
be easily dropped when being carried on a run; yet it must be large enough
to catch and hold the ball as it is flying about. The players should be
divided into two parties by casting lots. Those who belong to the east goal
should wear red head-bands; those who have the west goal should wear yellow
head-bands. An Umpire must be selected. The ball must strike one of the
goal posts to make a point; the number of points that shall constitute the
game should be agreed upon. Two players, one from each side, stand near
each goal. One helps the ball for his side; the other hinders the ball when
near the goal by tossing it back into the field again so that his side may
catch it.
THE GAME
The four players stand at their posts beside the two goals; all the others
gather in the field. The Umpire takes the ball and goes to a place as near
the center of the field as possible. All being in readiness, he throws the
ball with force straight up in the air. Every player watches the ball and
makes ready to try and catch it in his racket when it descends. If one
succeeds in catching the ball, he runs at full speed toward his goal,
holding his racket so that the ball will not fall out. The other players
rush after him, trying to strike his racket and dislodge the ball. If he is
hard pressed he may try to toss the ball to a player on his side who has a
clearer space; if the ball is caught by the player to whom it was sent,
then all the players turn upon the new holder of the ball and try to block
his progress. In this game care must be taken never to strike the arm or
body of a player; only the racket should be struck. There is danger of
receiving injuries if this rule is not strictly observed.
Perhaps one of the most difficult feats in this game is when a player has
brought his ball near to the goal to so turn his racket while it holds the
ball as to send the ball with such force that it will strike the post
squarely and not miss the goal. The difficulty is owing to the horizontal
position of the racket when holding the ball. Of course, the keenest
playing is about the goal, where the guard of the side opposite to the
player does his best to catch the ball on its way to the post and send it
back into the field.
The ball should not be allowed to touch the ground from the time the Umpire
throws it into the air until it falls at the pole after a point has been
made by the ball striking the post. It is the duty of the Umpire to go to
the pole, mark the score, return with the ball to the center of the field,
where he again sends it up into the air, and the game starts afresh for a
second point to be made.
This game is good sport; it develops and requires skill, agility and
strength.
II
TA-BÉ
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This ball game was known to a number of tribes that
formerly lived on the prairies, and called by different names. The game as
here given is as it was played among the Omaha. The opening of the game was
ceremonial. The person who performed the opening ceremony had to belong to
the tribal group that had charge of the rites pertaining to the Wind, for
the figure outlined on the ground by the movements of the ball in the
opening ceremony was one of the symbols of the Wind. The Wind when spoken
of ceremonially was called the Four Winds, one for each of the four points
of the compass. These Four Winds were regarded as the messengers of the
Giver of Life, known as Wakon'da by the Omaha and kindred tribes. The
recognition of man's connection with the forces of Nature did not disturb
the pleasure of the Indian when entering upon a game; on the contrary, it
tended to enhance his happiness by bringing to his mind his dependence upon
Wakon'da, together with the feeling of being in accord with the power
represented by the Wind.
_Properties_.--A ball about three or four inches in diameter; the Omaha and
kindred tribes made the ball out of the root of the wild-grape vine. As
many sticks as there are players, the sticks to be about three feet long
and crooked over at one end. Each stick should be marked by some design
invented by its owner, so that each player can identify his stick.
[Illustration: DIAGRAM OF THE TA-BE
1 Circle showing lines made by the ball
2 Goals
3 Guardians
4 Players at the opening of the game]
_Directions_.--A wide open field is best for this game. Two goals, one at
the East, the other at the West. The goals are each made by two posts with
a cross piece on top. The path of the ball is East and West.
The officers of the game are: an Umpire, four Guardians of the Path. Two of
the Guardians of the Path stand at the eastern goal and two at the western
goal. The two Guardians at a goal represent the two sides; one wears a
yellow streamer or badge, the color of the West; the other wears a red
streamer or badge, the color of the East. A red streamer is tied to the
goal at the East and a yellow streamer to the goal at the West. It is the
duty of the one who wears the color of the goal by which he stands to try
and help the ball through the goal when it comes in that direction, and it
is the duty of the one who wears the color of the opposite goal to prevent
the ball from going through and to send it back into the field or toward
the other goal.
The players on the two sides are chosen in the following manner: The person
who is to act as Umpire and to perform the opening ceremony must sit in a
circle drawn on the ground, about six feet in diameter, and face either the
North or the South. All the sticks are placed before him in a bunch. He is
then blindfolded. After that he picks up a stick with each hand and lays
down the stick that he has in his right hand on his left side, the stick
that he has in his left hand he lays down on his right side. When he has
finished dividing the sticks in this manner they are in two bunches, one
toward the East and the other toward the West. The blindfold is then
removed. When that is done, all the players run to the two heaps and each
takes his own stick, recognizing it by the design marked or cut upon the
stick. All those whose sticks were in the pile to the East must tie on a
badge or streamer the color of the East, red. All those whose sticks were
in the bunch toward the West must tie on the color of the West, yellow.
All the players must now stand in two lines. One line starts from the
circle and extends directly toward the goal at the East; all in this line
must be only those whose sticks were in the east pile and who have on the
color of the East, red. The other line starts from the circle and stretches
out toward the west goal, and is composed of those whose sticks were in the
west pile and who have on the color of the West, yellow. The four Guardians
of the Path take their places. The Umpire wears no color. All being in
readiness, the Umpire advances to the middle of the circle.
THE OPENING CEREMONY
The Umpire places the ball in the exact center of the circle, then he
gently urges it with his stick in a line toward the North until it reaches
the edge of the circle. There he picks it up and puts it back in the center
of the circle. Again he gently pushes it with his stick along a line toward
the South until the edge of the circle is reached, when he returns the ball
to the center of the circle with his hand. In the same manner as before he
sends the ball slowly along a line to the West. When the edge of the circle
is reached he picks up the ball and returns it to the center. Once more the
ball is moved in a line, this time to the East; when it touches the line of
the circle it is picked up as before and placed in the center of the
circle. The symbolic figure that has thus been made is that of a circle
within which two straight lines cross each other at right angles; the
circle is divided into four quarters, one for each of the Four Winds.
THE GAME
Every player now stands at attention, with his stick ready for action. The
Umpire pauses a moment at the center of the circle, then he picks up the
ball lying there and throws it into the air as high as he can. All the
players, who have watched the throw, run in the direction where the ball
seems likely to descend, in order to have a chance to strike it toward one
of the goals.
To win the game the ball must be sent through a goal; to strike it so that
it goes over or around the goal does not count. The ball must be made to
take a straight line, to "make a straight path" through a goal, then the
game is won. When a good shot is made, all on the side of the one who made
the stroke should send up a shout. When the goal is won the winning side
should give the victory cry of the game, "Ta-bé!"
III
DOUBLE-BALL GAME
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--Some stories credit the Moon as the giver of this game
to the women, by whom it is exclusively played throughout the United States
except among the tribes in Northern California, where the men use the game.
There are indications that the Double-ball Game was known upon this
continent in the remote past.
The peculiar ball employed for this game is composed of two small stuffed
pouches connected by a band, or two billets of wood about five inches long,
made like thick pegs with heads and ornamented on all sides with carvings;
a leather thong five to eight inches long is attached at each end to the
neck of each of the two billets. Dr. Culin reports an ingenious specimen
made by the Maricopa Indians of Arizona; that double-ball is made from
narrow strips of leather braided to form a band, each end of which is
enlarged by braiding so as to make a ball, the finished article being about
eight inches in length. (Ibid., p.665, Fig. 882.)
_Properties_.--One double-ball; as many sticks as players; red and yellow
head-bands, equal in number, for the two sides of players.
_Directions_.--The double-ball should be made in camp in the following
manner: A strip of leather or of strong, closely woven brown cloth from
fifteen to twenty inches long. For six inches from both ends the strip
should be about seven inches wide; the portion of the strip between these
wide ends should be about three inches wide. The wide ends are to form the
pouches, and the narrower middle section the band to connect the two
pouches. The two edges of the strip should be lapped and strongly sewed the
entire length of the strip, except a small opening about an inch long left
on the side of each of the pouches. Through this opening the pouches are
filled with dry sand, then the edges are securely sewed together so that no
sand can escape. These pouches are the "balls." The sides of the pouches
should be decorated with designs painted in bright colors and a little tuft
or tassel of red yarn fastened at the middle of the bottom of the pouch.
The sticks should be about thirty-two inches long, not too heavy and
somewhat pointed at one end that is slightly curved. Each stick should be
marked by an individual device so that it can be claimed by its owner.
Two wickets, made by crotched poles about five and a half to six feet high,
having a bar fastened across the top, are placed in line with each other,
one at the East, the other at the West, and as far apart as the limits of
the camp grounds will permit. A red streamer to be tied to the eastern
wicket and a yellow streamer to the western wicket.
The players are divided into two parties of equal numbers and lots should
be drawn to decide which side shall have the eastern goal, and all of that
side must wear red head-bands; the other side must wear yellow head-bands
to show that theirs is the western goal.
An Umpire must be chosen, to whom belongs the duty of tossing the ball when
necessary; to keep the score, and to settle any disputes.
To make a point the ball must be tossed so as to hang on the crossbar of
the wicket. An agreement must be made as to how many points shall
constitute the game.
THE GAME
The players stand in two rows about fifteen to twenty feet apart, one color
on one side, the other color opposite. The Umpire takes a place between the
two lines and as near as possible to the middle of the rows. When all are
in readiness the double-ball is tossed by the Umpire straight up into the
air, and all those whose places are near the middle of the rows watch the
descent of the "ball" and try to catch on their sticks the connecting cord
of the double-ball. If one succeeds, she tries to send it down the line
toward the goal of her side; those of the opposite side try to prevent
success to this movement and to send the "ball" in the other direction. The
"ball" should not be allowed to touch the ground from the time it is tossed
until it is lodged on the wicket. The side that lets the "ball" fall to the
ground loses a count, and the side that keeps the "ball" up until it
reaches the goal scores two points, equal to four counts.
HOOP AND JAVELIN
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.--This game was widely known and played among the various
tribes dwelling within the territory now occupied by the United States. In
its passage from one tribe to another the game became modified into several
types, but the fundamental character was not changed, so that all these
types are, in a sense, a unit. The game is very old upon this land; the
articles used in playing it have been found in ancient graves, in the cliff
dwellings of the Southwest and in various ruins scattered over the country.
Among the Pueblo tribes the articles used in types of this game appear
among the paraphernalia on altars prepared for certain ceremonies. From a
study of these ceremonies in connection with the myths of the people it
seems probable that the hoop used in this game represents the shield of the
War God. When the hoop has a netting that fills the center and covers the
edges, the netting simulates the magic web of the Spider Woman, a person
that frequently figures in the myths and stories of different tribes. Her
web generally serves as a protection furnished by her in a conflict.
The netted hoop appears as a decoration upon the interior of pottery bowls
formerly made by the Indians of the Southwest. In some of these bowls the
netting is dotted with spots. Dr. Culin regards this particular design "as
representing the spider web with the dew upon it," and adds: "The 'water
shield' [of one of the Zuñi War Gods], from which he shook the torrents,
was suggested, no doubt, by dew on the web." (Ibid., p.425.) To one
unfamiliar with the Indian's habit of mind it may seem strained to connect
the beads of dew on a spider's web with the torrential rain, but to one
familiar with native thought as expressed in myths where the Indian has
dramatized his conceptions of nature and of natural forces and phenomena,
the connection ceases to be strange.
On the Pueblo altars the netted shield is always associated with arrows,
bows or darts. In the various types of this game the arrows, darts, bows,
javelins and lances that are associated with the hoop are interchangeable,
some tribes using one and other tribes another. Under all the varied types
with their different forms as found among scattered and unrelated tribes
the game holds to its original significance, primarily religious in
character, being an appeal for the protection and the perpetuity of life.
Only two articles are required for this game, the hoop and the javelin. In
one type the hoop is covered with a netting more or less closely and
elaborately woven. In all the netted designs it is usually possible to
trace a figure as of a path crossing at right angles in the center of the
space within the hoop and ending at four equidistant points on the edge of
the hoop. This path indicates the path of the Four Winds, which stand with
their life-giving power at the four directions, the North, East, South and
West. In some localities the netting of the hoop is made from the yucca, in
other places corn husks are used. With the closely netted hoop arrows are
apt to be found. Some of these have as the shaft a corn cob with a stick
about eighteen inches long thrust through the cob, sharpened at the lower
end and a tuft of feathers tied to the upper end; this feathered stick is a
prayer-stick such as is offered at a shrine.
In another type of the game the hoop is of stone; the lance is associated
with this kind of hoop.
There are a variety of nettings for the hoop and much diversity in the
style of arrows, darts and javelins used in the game.
The simplest is chosen to be here presented, for the reason that both the
articles used in the game should be made in the camp where it is to be
played. The hoop and javelins were always made by the youths who joined in
the sport, and the making of hoop and javelin was part of the fun.
[Illustration: HOOP AND JAVELIN]
_Properties_.--A hoop and two javelins.
The hoop is made in the following manner: A piece of rope, not of a heavy
kind, about sixteen inches long will give the foundation for a hoop about
four inches in diameter. The two ends should be spliced together so as to
leave the edge of the hoop even. The ring of rope is wound with a strip of
leather or cloth in order to give the hoop such a surface that it can roll
and yet be flexible and light.
The javelin is made of three parts, the shaft and the two barbs. The shaft
is of wood, four feet long, round and smooth. An inch from one end a
section three inches long is cut into both sides of the shaft a quarter of
an inch deep, and the bottom and sides made smooth. The barbs are formed
from two small branches cut from a tree or shrub so as to preserve three
inches of the stem from which the branch forks; the branch is cut so as to
be five inches long and is made flat on the inner side. The stem is made
flat on both sides; a flange is made on the outer side. Several pieces of
leather are cut, a quarter of an inch wide and an inch long; these are
bound for half their length to the inner and flat side of the branch so as
to leave the ends free, which are bent up and stand like teeth along the
barb. The stems of the barbs are now fitted into the sections cut on both
sides of the shaft so that the barbs point backward on each side of the
shaft, and are firmly bound in place on the shaft. About three inches from
the other end of the shaft a band is cut around the shaft but not very
deeply. The two javelins are made as nearly alike as possible in justice to
the players.
_Directions_.--A level course from North to South and from fifty to one
hundred feet long. Four players; two stand at the north end of the course
and two at the south end. The one whose place is toward the East on the
north and the one who stands toward the East on the south end are partners.
Both of these players should wear a red band about the head, as red is the
color of the East. The two players who stand toward the West at the two
ends are partners, and these should wear yellow bands about their heads,
yellow being the color of the West. The opponents in the game, therefore,
stand side by side. Partners cannot help each other in the playing, but
both players count for their side all the points they make.
The javelin is grasped by the middle, the barbed end toward the back, and
the plain rounded end is shot toward the hoop.
The number of points that will constitute the game should be decided upon
before beginning the game. Ten is the usual number among the Indians. Lots
should be drawn as to which of the four players should be the first to
throw the hoop. The one who draws the hoop then takes one of the javelins,
and the player whose place is beside him takes the other javelin.
THE GAME
At a signal, the players with the javelins and the hoop start on a run
along the course; the one with the hoop throws it a little upward with all
his force and both players watch the course of the hoop, having their
javelins ready to hurl at the hoop the instant they think they can reach
it. If the javelin passes through the hoop and stops it so that it falls on
the shaft below the band that was cut thereon, that throw counts two. If
the hoop is caught on one of the barbs, that counts one. If the shaft goes
entirely through the hoop so that it does not fall on the javelin, that
counts nothing. If both javelins catch on the hoop, that is a draw and
neither player can count the point made. If on this run and throwing of the
hoop and javelins neither of the players scores a count, the player at the
other end who is the partner of the one who threw the hoop now takes the
hoop to throw it. He and his opponent who stands beside him now start on a
run; the hoop is thrown and the javelins hurled as before. In this way the
players at the ends of the course alternate in throwing the hoop North or
South, but the right to throw the hoop belongs to the player who makes the
best point. The hoop thus passes from the east or west players according to
the points made.
The game is an athletic sport, and much skill can be developed in the
throwing of the javelins and also in the tossing of the hoop so as to
prevent scoring by the opponent.
If the grounds are large enough, there is nothing to prevent having two
courses and two games going on at the same time.
FOLLOW MY LEADER
This game is widely played among the Indian tribes, particularly by the
boys, and also by the girls. The Leader improvises the steps and the
movements, which all who follow must repeat and keep time to the song. The
song here given is traditional in the Omaha tribe. It has been handed down
from one generation of young folk to another--for how many, "nobody knows."
THE GAME
A Leader is chosen, and all who join in the game must go where he goes,
dance as he dances, move the arms, hands and feet as he does. The skipping
and dancing must be in exact time with the song that all must sing. The
game gives opportunity for fancy steps, winding, intricate figures,
"cutting capers" and merry pranks.
Song
Follow my Leader where'er he goes;
What he'll do next, nobody knows.
[Music]
PART III
INDIAN NAMES
INDIAN NAMES
INTRODUCTION.--Among the Indian tribes of the United States all personal
names have a definite significance. Although there are diversities in the
customs relating to names among the various tribes, yet, looking at these
as a whole, personal names are observed to fall generally into two classes:
First, those which refer to sacred rites; second, those which commemorate a
personal achievement.
An Indian tribe is composed of a number of kinship groups or clans. To each
one of these, speaking generally, belongs the hereditary duty of performing
a certain rite and also the care of the sacred objects connected with that
rite. Each kinship group or clan has a set of personal names, all of which
refer to the rite peculiar to the clan, or to the sacred objects or to the
symbols connected with the rite, and one of these names is given to each
person born within the clan. Names of this class are generally retained by
men and women throughout life and, to a degree, are regarded as sacred in
character. These names have also a social significance, as they always
indicate the birth status of the person, for the name at once shows to
which clan or kinship group the bearer belongs. No one can exchange his
clan or birth name, any more than he can change his sex.
The names that belong to the second class are those which are taken by an
adult to mark an achievement. This must be an act in which he has shown
special ability or courage in successfully defending his people from
danger. Such a name, therefore, marks an epoch in a man's life and is
strictly personal to the man, and, to a degree, indicative of his character
or attainments. It sometimes happens, although but rarely, that a man on
such an occasion may decide to take the name of a noted ancestor rather
than acquire an entirely new name, but the character of the act of taking a
new name is not thereby changed.
These facts concerning the significance of Indian personal names throw
light on the widespread custom observed among Indians of never addressing
men or women by their personal names or of using those names in their
presence. To do so is a breach of good manners. The personal name, as has
been shown, refers either to the religious rites sacred to the bearer's
clan or else to a notable act performed by the man; in both cases the name
stands for something that is too closely connected with the life of the
individual to make it fit for common use. The difficulty of designating a
person one wishes to address is met by the use of terms of relationship. Of
course, in some companies these terms would be literally true and proper,
but there are terms which are used in a wider sense and which do not imply
actual kinship. (The subject of Indian relationships and their terms is too
complex to be entered upon here.) There are terms which are employed merely
to indicate respect. For instance, "Grandfather" is used when addressing or
speaking of the President of the United States; "Little Father" and
"Father" when addressing or speaking of the Secretary of the Interior and
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, both of whom rank below the President,
as is well known to the Indian. The use of terms of relationship may appear
strange to us, but there is, as we have seen, a reason for it. This reason
also explains why a child or an adult generally stands mute when we address
him by his personal name or ask him what his name is; his silence is not to
be attributed to "Indian stolidity," which we ignorantly regard as a marked
characteristic of the race.
The bestowal of a name, whether the name is of the first or of the second
class already described, was always attended with ceremonies. These
differed among the many tribes of the United States, particularly in their
details, but fundamentally they had much in common.
PRESENTING THE CHILD TO THE COSMOS
Among the Omaha a ceremony was observed shortly after the birth of a child
that on broad lines reflects a general belief among the Indians.
In the introductory chapter of this book the Indian's feeling of
unquestioning unity with nature is mentioned. The following Omaha ceremony
and ritual furnish direct testimony to the profundity of this feeling. Its
expression greets him at his birth and is iterated at every important
experience throughout his life.
When an Omaha child is born the parents send to the clan that has charge of
the rite of introducing the child to the Cosmos. The priest thus summoned
comes to the tent wherein the infant lies and takes his stand just outside
the door, facing the East. He raises his right hand, palm outward, to the
sky, and in a clear ringing voice intones the following ritual:
Ho! Ye Sun, Moon, Stars, all ye that move in the heavens,
I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life;
Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the first hill!
Ho! Ye Winds, Clouds, Rain, Mist, all ye that move in the air,
I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life;
Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the second hill!
Ho! Ye Hills, Valleys, Rivers, Lakes, Trees, Grasses, all ye of the earth,
I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life;
Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the third hill!
Ho! Ye Birds, great and small, that fly in the air;
Ho! Ye Animals, great and small, that dwell in the forests;
Ho! Ye Insects that creep among the grasses and burrow in the ground,
I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life;
Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the fourth hill!
Ho! All ye of the heavens, all ye of the air, all ye of the earth,
I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life;
Consent ye, consent ye all, I implore!
Make its path smooth--then shall it travel beyond the four hills!
In this manner the child, the "new life," was introduced to the Cosmos of
which it was now a part. All the powers of the heavens and of the earth
were invoked to render aid to the "new life" in its onward struggle over
the rugged path that traverses the four hills of life, typifying Infancy,
Youth, Maturity and Old Age.
An infant was merely a "new life," it was wholly dependent upon others; no
name was given it (only endearing terms were used), for the reason that a
name implies either a sacred responsibility or a personal achievement,
neither of which was possible to an infant. When, however, the child could
go about alone, generally at three or four years of age, the time had
arrived when it must be given a tribal name, one belonging to the rites in
charge of its birth group. By means of this ceremonial act the child was
inducted by sacred rites into the tribe and became a recognized member.
GIVING THE CHILD A NAME
This ceremony, formerly practiced among the Omaha and cognate tribes, took
place in the spring, "when the grass was up and the birds were singing." A
tent was set apart and made sacred by the priest who had the hereditary
right to perform the ceremony. As the occasion was one of tribal interest,
many people flocked to the scene of the rite.
A large stone was brought and placed on the east side of the fire that was
burning in the center of the space inside the tent. When everything was
ready the old priest stood at the door awaiting the arrival of the child.
Then all the mothers who had children of the proper age wended their way to
this tent, each one leading her little child, who carried in its hands a
new pair of moccasins. As the two reached the tent the mother addressed the
priest, saying: "Venerable man, I desire my child to wear moccasins." (This
was a symbolic form of expression.) "I desire my child to walk long upon
the earth, to be content with the light of many days. We seek your
protection!" The priest made a formal reply and the little one, carrying
its moccasins, entered the tent alone. After a few ritualistic phrases the
priest accompanied the child to the fire place, where he and the child
stood facing the East while the priest sang an invocation to the Four
Winds. He bade them to come hither and stand in this place in four groups.
At the close of this Ritual Song the priest lifted the child by the arms so
that its little bare feet rested upon the stone, as it faced the South;
then he lifted the child again by the arms and its feet rested on the
stone, as it faced the West; again the child was lifted and its feet were
upon the stone, as it faced the North; once more the priest lifted the
child and its feet touched the stone, as it faced the East. Then the priest
sang the following Ritual Song:
Turned by the Winds goes the one I send yonder,
Yonder he goes who is whirled by the Winds,
Goes where the four hills of life and the Four Winds are standing,
There into the midst of the Winds do I send him,
Into the midst of the Winds standing there!
This song and the entire ceremony, which is spoken of as "Turning the
child," are highly symbolic and cannot be fully explained at this time. The
Winds are the messengers of the great invisible Wakon'da and bring the
breath of life and strength to man. At the close of this song the priest
put the new moccasins on the feet of the child and sang another Ritual Song
which says:
Here unto you has been spoken the truth;
Because of this truth you shall stand.
Here declared is the truth;
Here in this place has been shown you the truth.
Therefore, arise! Go forth in its strength!
As the priest sang the last line he set the child on its feet and made it
take four steps toward the East; these steps are typical of its now
entering into life. Then the priest led the child to the entrance of the
tent, where he called aloud the tribal name of the child, then for the
first time proclaimed, adding:
"Ho! Ye Hills, ye Grass, ye Trees, ye creeping things, both great and
small, I bid you hear! This child has thrown away its baby name! Ho!"
All the children of the tribe passed through this ceremony and in this way
received their sacred personal names, which were never dropped throughout
their after-life, not even when a man took a new name.
BESTOWING A NEW NAME
The bestowal of a new name upon an adult generally took place at some
tribal ceremony when all the people were gathered together. In this way as
much publicity as possible was given to the act. Among the Pawnee tribe
there were three requirements that had to be met in order to take a new
name:
First, a man could only take a new name after the performance of an act
indicative of ability or strength of character;
Second, the name had to be assumed openly in the presence of the people to
whom the act it commemorated was known;
Third, it was necessary that it should be announced in connection with such
a ritual as that here given.
These three requirements indicate (1) that a man's name stood for what he
had shown himself to be by the light of his actions; (2) that this was
recognized by his tribesmen, and (3) that it was proclaimed by one having
charge of mediatory rites through which man can be approached by the
supernatural.
The old priest who gave the following ritual and explained it said: "A
man's life is an onward movement. If one has within him a determined
purpose and seeks the help of the powers, his life will climb up." Here he
made a gesture indicating a line slanting upward; then he arrested the
movement and, still holding his hand where he had stopped, went on to say:
"As a man is climbing up, he does something that marks a place in his life
where the powers have given him an opportunity to express in acts his
peculiar endowments; so this place, this act, forms a stage in his career
and he takes a new name to indicate that he is on a level different from
that he occupied previously." He added: "Some men can rise only a little
way, others live on a dead level." He illustrated his words by moving his
hands horizontally. "Men having power to advance climb step by step." Again
he made his meaning clear by outlining a flight of steps.
The following ritual is recited on the occasion of taking a new name and is
a dramatic poem in three parts. The first gives briefly the institution of
the rite of changing one's name in consequence of a new achievement; the
second shows how the man was enabled to accomplish this act. It begins with
his lonely vigil and fast when he cried to the powers for help; the scene
then shifts to the circle of the lesser powers, who, in council, deliberate
on his petition which makes its way to them and finally wins their consent;
then the winds summon the messengers and these, gathering at the command of
the lesser powers, are sent to earth to the man crying in lonely places, to
grant him his desire. This part closes with a few vivid words which set
forth that only by the favor of the powers had the man been able to do the
deed. The third part deals with the man's names--the one to be discarded
and the one now to be assumed. The ritual is in rhythmic form, impossible
to reproduce in English. The following rendition contains nothing which is
not in the original text as explained and amplified by the priest.
The ritual was intoned in a loud voice; the man who was to receive a new
name stood before the priest where he could be seen by the entire assembly.
RITUAL
Harken! 'Twas thus it came to pass:
In ancient days, a Leader and his men
Walked this wide earth, man's vast abode
Roofed by the heavens, where dwell the gods.
They reached a place the spot no man can tell,
Faced dangers dread and vanquished them;
Then, standing as if born anew to life,
Each warrior threw away the name
That had been his ere yet these deeds were done.
Harken! The Leader and his men
Made there the Vict'ry song, and set the mark
Ye must o'ertake, if ye would be like them!
Harken! The Leader and his men
Turned then toward home. Their Vict'ry song
Proclaimed them near; the village rose,
Looked toward the hill, where on the top
Stood the brave men, singing their song,
Heralding thus the favor of the gods
By which they had surpassed all former deeds--
Made new their claim to be accounted men.
Harken! And whence, think ye, was borne
Unto these men courage to dare,
Strength to endure hardship and war?
Mark well my words, as I reveal
How the gods help man's feebleness.
The Leader of these warriors was a man
Given to prayer. Oft he went forth
Seeking a place no one could find.
There would he stand and lift his voice,
Fraught with desire that he might be
Invincible, a bulwark 'gainst all foes
Threat'ning his tribe, causing them fear.
Night-time and day this cry sped on,
Traveling far, seeking to reach--
Harken! Those places far above,
Harken! Within the circle vast
Where sit the gods watching o'er men.
Harken! This poor man's prayer went on,
Speeding afar into the blue
Heavens above, reached there the place--
Harken! Where dwell the lesser gods,
Harken! And great Ti-ra'-wa, mightier than all!
Harken! It was because a god
Received this prayer, considered it,
Favored its plea, and passed it on
To him whose place was next, in that grand ring,
Who in his turn received the prayer,
Considered it, and sent it on--
Harken! Around that circle vast,
Harken! Where sit the gods above.
Harken! And thus it was the prayer
Sent by this man won the consent
Of all the gods. For each god in his place
Speaks out his thought, grants or rejects
Man's suppliant cry, asking for help;
But none can act until the Council grand
Comes to accord, thinks as one mind,
Has but one will all must obey.
Harken! The Council gave consent;
Harken! And great Ti-ra'-wa, mightier than all!
Harken! To make their purpose known,
Succor and aid freely to give,
Heralds were called, called by the Winds.
Then in the West uprose the Clouds
Heavy and black, ladened with storm.
Slowly they climbed, dark'ning the skies,
While close on every side the Thunders marched
On their dread way, till all were come
To where the gods in stately council sat
Waiting for them. Then bade them go
Back to the earth, carrying aid
To him whose prayer had reached their circle vast.
This mandate given, the Thunders turned toward earth,
Taking their course slantwise the sky.
Harken! Another followed hard--
Lightning broke forth out of the cloud,
Zigzag and dart, cleaving their way
Slantwise to earth, their goal to reach.
Harken! For these two were not all
That hastened to proclaim the god's behest--
Swift on their wings Swallows in flocks
Swept in advance, ranging the path,
Black breasts and Red, Yellow and White,
Flying about, clearing the way
For those who bore the message of the gods
Granting the man courage to dare,
Strength to endure, power to stand
Invincible, a bulwark 'gainst all foes.
Harken! 'Twas thus it came to pass:
The Leader grasped the help sent by the gods;
Henceforth he walked steadfast and strong,
Leading his men through dangers drear,
Knowing that naught could strike at him
To whom the gods had promised victory.
Attend! Once more I change his name.
Harken! _Ri-ruts'-ka-tit_ it was
We used to call him by, a name he won
Long days ago, marking an act
Well done by him, but now passed by.
Harken! To-day all men shall say--
Harken! His act has lifted him
Where all his tribe behold a man
Clothed with new fame, strong in new strength
Gained by his deeds, blessed of the gods.
Harken! _Sha-ku'-ru Wa'-ruk-ste_ shall he be called.
TAKING AN INDIAN NAME IN CAMP
In view of the significance of Indian personal names, and the dignity and
reverence which in every instance surrounded the giving or the taking of a
name, it hardly seems appropriate that Indian names should be assumed even
for a short period without some regard being shown to the customs and
thought of the people from whom the names are borrowed. While there should
be no travesty of rites such as those that have been here described, rites
that have been held sacred upon this continent for untold generations,
still it would not be unseemly to hold to the spirit of those rites when we
borrow these names during the camp days in which we seek to live close to
the nature that the Indian loved so reverently and well.
When it is decided among the members of the camp to take an Indian name, on
the day of the ceremony all the camp should assemble early in the morning.
When all have gathered, they should move toward a place where the sun can
be seen when it rises over the lake, the hilltops or the woods. There all
should pause.
The candidate for the name should not wear any head-band. The boy or girl
should stand well to the front of the group, all of whom should face the
East. The entire company should then join in the following song:
Song No. 1
Skies proclaim a new day! We joyfully meet,
We thankfully greet,
His[A] new name this day shall repeat.
[Music]
The Leader of the camp must then intone the following:
Hear! O Trees that gird our camp!
Listen, ye Birds that fly through the branches!
Harken, ye rippling waves on Stream and Lake!
Hear me!
Into your midst has come a friend,
He[A] bears a new Name!
Ye shall know him as ---- (name)
[Footnote A: The pronoun should be changed according to the sex of the
candidate.]
The announcement of the name should be distinctly made so as to be clearly
heard by the entire company. The head-band or other camp insignia should
now be officially put on the candidate.
All present should then join in singing the following song, clapping their
hands as beats to the music as they skip back to breakfast and to the
pleasures of the day:
Song No. 2
Homeward we go, calling his[B] name;
New is the name now we proclaim;
No other change in our friend, he[B] is the same!
[Footnote B: Change the pronoun to the proper sex.]
[Music]
2
Singing we go, way ha way ho!
Dancing also, way ha way ho!
No one more merry than we, way ha way ho!
The second stanza should be repeated and the steps kept in rhythm until the
dancers finally disperse.
INDIAN NAMES FOR BOYS
All vowels have the Continental sound
The names here presented, for Boys, for Girls and for Camps, have been
chosen out of many because the words are easily pronounced; none of them
have any of the peculiar labial, nasal or guttural sounds common in the
various Indian languages, which are difficult to represent by the letters
of our alphabet and equally difficult for most Americans to pronounce.
1. A-di'-ta Priest Omaha.
2. An'-ge-da From every direction Omaha.
3. De'-mon-thin Talks as he walks Ponca.
4. E-di'-ton Standing as a sacred object Omaha.
5. Ga-he'-ge Chief Omaha.
6. Gu'-da-hi "There he goes!" A coyote Omaha.
7. Ha'-nu-ga-hi Nettle weed Ponca.
8. He'-ba-zhu Little horns Ponca.
9. He'-ga Buzzard Omaha.
10. He'-sha-be Dark antlers Omaha.
11. He'-thon-ton Towering antlers (elk) Omaha.
12. Ho-ho' Fish Omaha.
13. Hon'-ga Imperial eagle Osage.
14. Hu'-ton-ton Roar of thunder Omaha.
15. I'-ku-ha-be He who causes fear Ponca.
16. I-shta'-pe-de Fire eyes (lightning) Ponca.
17. Ka-ge'-zhin-ga Little brother Omaha.
18. Ka-wa'-ha Very old name, meaning lost Omaha.
19. Ka'-wa-sab-be Black horse Osage.
20. Ka'-wa-ska White horse Osage.
21. Ka'-wa-zi Yellow horse Osage.
22. Ke'-ton-ga Great turtle Ponca.
23. Ke'-zhin-ga Little turtle Ponca.
24. Ki'-ko-ton-ga Curlew Omaha.
25. Ki'-mon-hon Facing the wind Omaha.
26. Ki'-wa-go Male buffalo Pawnee.
27. Ku'-ge Sound of the drum Omaha.
28. Ku'-rux Bear Pawnee.
29. Ku'-sox Left hand Pawnee.
30. Le-sha'-ro Chief Pawnee.
31. Mi'-da-in-ga Playful sun Osage.
32. Mi'-ka Raccoon Ponca.
33. Mi'-ka-si Coyote Omaha.
34. Min'-dse Bow Osage.
35. Mon-chu' Bear Omaha.
36. Mon-chu'-pa Bear's head Omaha.
37. Mon-e'-ga-he Arrow chief Ponca.
38. Mon-ge'-zi Yellow breast Omaha.
39. Mon-ka'-ta He of the earth Ponca.
40. Mon'-sa Arrow shaft Osage.
41. Mon'-te-ga New arrows Osage.
42. Ni-ni'-ba Pipe Omaha.
43. Ni'-sho-sho Swallow Omaha.
44. Non-ke'-ne Graceful walker (deer) Omaha.
45. Non'-nun-ge Runner Osage.
46. Non'-pe-wa-the He who is feared Omaha.
47. Nu'-da-hun-ga Captain Omaha.
48. O'-pa Elk Omaha.
49. Pa-he'-ta-pe Seeking the hills Omaha.
50. Pa'-na-hoo Owl Omaha.
51. Pa'-sun American eagle Omaha.
52. Pa-thon' White-headed eagle Omaha.
53. Pe'-de-ga-he Fire chief Omaha.
54. Pe'-num-ba Seven Ponca.
55. Sha-ku'-ru Sun Pawnee.
56. Sha-thu' Sound of the water Ponca.
57. Shon'-ge Wolf Omaha.
58. Shon'-ge-sab-be Black wolf Omaha.
59. Shon'-ge-ska White wolf Ponca.
60. Shon'-ge-zi Yellow wolf Ponca.
61. Shon'-ton-ga Grey wolf Ponca.
62. Sho-sho'-ka Osprey Omaha.
63. Shu'-ka-bi Bunch of clouds Ponca.
64. Ski'-rik Grey wolf Pawnee.
65. Ta-de'-ta To the wind Omaha.
66. Ta-de'-u-mon-thin Walking in the wind Omaha.
67. Te-thon' White buffalo Omaha.
68. The'-ha Soles Omaha.
69. U'-ba-ni Digging in the earth (little creatures) Omaha.
70. U-ga'-e Spread out (herd of buffalo) Omaha.
71. Wa-he'-he Easy to break, fragile Omaha.
72. Wa-ke'-de One who shoots Omaha.
73. Wa-po'-ga Grey owl Omaha.
74. Wa-shis'-ka Shell Omaha.
75. Wash-kon'-hi Power of the thunder Omaha.
76. Wa-sho'-she Brave Omaha.
77. Wa-thu'-he Startles the game Omaha.
78. Wa-zhin'-ska Wisdom Omaha.
79. We'-kush-ton One who gives feast frequently Omaha.
80. Wi'-a-go Feather Dakota.
81. Zha'-be Beaver Omaha.
INDIAN NAMES FOR GIRLS
1. A'-bey Leaf Omaha.
2. A'-bey-tu Green leaf Omaha.
3. A'-bet-zi Yellow leaf Omaha.
4. A'-ka-wi South wind Omaha.
5. A-sin'-ka Youngest daughter Osage.
6. Chon'-ku-sha Robin Dakota.
7. Chon'-wa-pe Leaf Dakota.
8. Chon'-wa-pe-ska Red leaf Dakota.
9. Chon'-wa-pe-tu Green leaf Dakota.
10. Cho-xon'-zhe-da Willow Dakota.
11. Da'-a-bi The visible sun Omaha.
12. Don'-a-ma The sun visible to all Omaha.
13. Ha'-ba-zhu-dse Red corn Osage.
14. Ha'-ba-zi Yellow corn Osage.
15. Ha'-ba-tu Blue corn Osage.
16. Ha'-ba-ska White corn Osage.
17. Hon'-ba-he Dawn Dakota.
18. I-shta'-sa-pa Dark eyes Dakota.
19. I'-ni-a-bi Home builder Omaha.
20. Ka-shi'-a-ka Meadow lark Omaha.
21. Mi'-a-kon-da Sacred moon Omaha.
22. Mi'-gi-na Returning moon Omaha.
23. Mi'-mi-te Standing new moon Omaha.
24. Mi'-na Oldest daughter Osage.
25. Mi'-pe Good moon Omaha.
26. Mi'-ta-in Crescent moon Ponca.
27. Mi'-the-be Shadowy moon Ponca.
28. Mi'-ton-e New moon Omaha.
29. Mi'-wa-thon White moon Omaha.
30. Ni'-da-wi Fairy girl Omaha.
31. Pa'-zi Yellow head (bird) Ponca.
32. Pa'-ha-zi Yellow hair (young animal) Ponca.
33. Raw-ska' Anemone Omaha.
34. Raw-tu' Violet Omaha.
35. Raw-zi' Sunflower Omaha.
36. Ta'-de-win Wind maiden Omaha.
37. Ta'-in New moon Ponca.
38. Ta'-in-ge Coming moon Ponca.
39. Wa-ha'-ba Corn Omaha.
40. Wa-ha'-ba-ska White corn Omaha.
41. Wa-ha'-ba-tu Blue corn Omaha.
42. Wa-ha'-ba-zi Yellow corn Omaha.
43. Wak'-cha Flower Dakota.
44. Wak'-cha-zi Sunflower Dakota.
45. Wa-shu'-dse Wild-rose Omaha.
46. Wa-te'-win Victory woman Omaha.
47. Wa-zhin'-ga Bird Omaha.
48. Wa-zhin'-ga-tu Blue bird Omaha.
49. We'-thon-ki-tha To come together (as in a society) Omaha.
50. We'-ton-a Old name, meaning lost Omaha.
51. We'-ton-be-the One who gives hope Omaha.
52. Wi'-he Younger sister Omaha.
53. Wi'-te-ga New moon Dakota.
54. Zit-ka'-la Bird Dakota.
55. Zit-ka'-la-sha Red bird Dakota.
56. Zit-ka'-la-tu Blue bird Dakota.
57. Zit-ka'-la-zi Yellow bird Dakota.
INDIAN NAMES FOR CAMPS
E'-zhon U-ti A Camp among the Elms.
Hin'-de-hi U-ti A Camp among the Lindens.
Ney'-a-ti A Camp by the Lake.
Tosh'-ka-hi U-ti A Camp among the Oaks.
Wa-shis'-ka A-ti A Camp by the Brook.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Indian Games and Dances with Native Songs" ***
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